Copyright,

BY THE AUTHOR.

All rights reserved.

PRINTED BY
THE BOX OF CURIOS PRINTING AND PUBLISHING CO.,
YOKOHAMA. JAPAN.

So long as the human race shall last, so long as human appetites demand illegitimate gratification, so long as human blood shall course hot in the veins, so long as men have passions, so long as women are frail, so long as illicit pleasure has attraction for bewildered wallowing humanity, and so long as lust—“the headstrong beast”—stalks through the earth, venery and dissipation will undoubtedly continue to claim thousands of unhappy victims.

“Vice, like disease, floats in the atmosphere,” and not-withstanding the strenuous efforts which have been made in all countries and ages to eradicate prostitution, it still exists rampant and invincible.

History demonstrates the sad truth that all human efforts have been—and probably will ever be—unequal to the task of stamping out the social evil from our midst, and we are therefore forced to recognize that the most we can hope to achieve in the direction of ameliorating its consequences is to regulate and control its worst features.

Many and earnest have been the vain attempts of European reformers to grapple with the evil, but their efforts have invariably ended in disappointment. The Church has thundered and anathematised, the secular authorities have enacted severe and even cruel laws, but the courtesan still survives and will doubtless survive and flourish until the waters of Time have engulfed the World.

Japan has not stood still among the nations in her endeavour to solve the problem of prostitution, and the present system of legal control is to all intents and purposes a development of that inaugurated well-nigh three centuries ago.

[xii]

While admitting the existence of objectionable features in the Yoshiwara, it is evident that a system which has stood the test of three hundred years must possess some good points to account for its long lease of life, and it is also manifest that in the course of three centuries a great many curious customs—some good, some bad—must have crystallized around the institution.

Being no partizan or special pleader, I have simply confined myself to what I believe to be assured facts, and hope that the contents of the volume will be of interest and service to persons who are anxious to impartially investigate the customs of one of the most remarkable institutions in this country. I have compiled this book with the object of providing foreign students of sociology, medical men, and philanthropists, with some reliable data regarding the practical working of the system in the leading prostitute quarter of the Japanese Metropolis, and I leave my readers to form their own opinions as to the pros and cons of the success or otherwise achieved by the plan of strict segregation adopted in this country.

To Japanese who may think that the Yoshiwara is a disgrace to Japan I would remark that this Empire has by no means a monopoly of vice; and to foreigners who declaim against the “immorality of Japanese” I would say frankly—“Read the ‘History of Prostitution’ by Dr. W. W. Sanger of New York, also the ‘Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon’ which appeared in the Pall Mall Gazette fourteen years ago. You cannot afford to criticize this country too closely, for you certainly dare not lay the flattering unction to your souls that you, as a race, have any monopoly of virtue.”

The Author.

Tōkyō, 1899.

Subsequent to the anonymous publication of the first edition of “The Nightless City” in 1899, the author was severely remonstrated with by certain unctuous persons for writing a work which lays bare a phase of Japanese social phenomena before which all writers (with the notable exception of Mr. Henry Norman) have studiously drawn a veil. To this class of persons he neither owes, nor offers an apology; but, in order to obviate any misunderstanding of his motives, it may be well to explain the raison d’être of the book.

The voluminous data on which is based the science of Medical Jurisprudence, the records of all Courts, and the experience and common knowledge of mankind, prove the universal existence of the “social evil” to be, a present and undeniable fact.

History shows that from the earliest ages society was never free from the devastating influences of a vice which arises from an apparently inextinguishable natural impulse inherent alike in human beings and in the lower creation. Wrap ourselves up as we may in a mantle of prudery, refuse as we may to recognize the evil, it is still there, and like the poor, it will probably “be with us always.”

We can no more hope, to eradicate or suppress it than to control an earthquake or harness the winds and waves! Its existence being thus palpable, is it not far wiser to frankly recognize and investigate the phenomenon with a view to control, by judicious regulations, the current of the vice and direct it into channels where it may be, at least to a certain extent, grappled with and arrested, than to foolishly close our eyes and[xiv] refuse to discuss the subject on the cowardly plea that we may possibly disturb the “conventionalities” by publicly and fully investigating the evils of prostitution?

The author utterly denies the proposition that there can be any impropriety in enquiring into the facts of a matter which virtually affects, either directly or indirectly, the whole community; on the other hand he affirms that much good may be done by collecting facts and statistics which may prove of value to the legislator, the philanthropist, and the clergy. Without adequate data, how can we ever hope to devise measures of a preventative or ameliorative nature, and how can such data be obtained if we are all to be deterred from necessary investigations by the mawkish sensibility of Mrs. Grundy?

Legislators of all nations, at different times, have apparently endeavoured to crush out or control prostitution, and by various high-handed methods sought to single out and distinguish, for the alleged protection of the public, women known to be guilty of leading a professedly abandoned life. Moses, the great Jewish law-giver, hurled cruel and oppressive edicts against improper unions among the children of Israel. Greece made the Disteriads wear a distinguishing costume, and, branding these women with infamy, made regulations by which they were subjected to the control of the municipal police, and were forbidden to offend the public by open indecency. Rome required the registration of its prostitutes, who, under the directions of the Ædile were forced to wear special garments and to dye their hair a certain colour. Mediæval Europe tried (among other gentle (!) measures) sumptuary laws, banishment, scourging, branding, the stake, the gibbet, the block, outlawry; while the spiritual powers launched against prostitution all the terrors of religious anathema, threatening physical torment and strict excommunication in this world, and in the world to come everlasting damnation!

[xv]

Modern Europe, while outwardly wearing a spotless garment of professed self-righteousness, and turning up its goggling eyeballs in sanctimonious horror at the bare suggestion of anything being amiss with its morality, knows well enough that its various Governments are secretly struggling with the problem through their police, and that the latter have found no satisfactory solution of the matter notwithstanding many serious essays.

Thousands of miles away from Europe, and practically cut off from all intercourse with the rest of the world at large, the Japanese, found themselves confronted with the same problem and, after various attempts at control, they endeavoured to solve the question in a manner far more practical than that of the Europeans. They were astute enough to see that human passions could not be changed by human legislation, and instead of attempting impossibilities they started in to limit and control what they knew they had not the power to prevent; so, with the object of rendering the evil as inoffensive as possible, the authorities decided upon setting aside certain areas within which prostitutes were allowed to pursue their calling subject to various stringent laws. These quarters were fenced in and moated, their great gateways carefully guarded, and so successful did the system prove in many respects that it has been maintained (with certain modifications) up to the present day.

Human nature is fixed and immutable, is, always was, and ever will be the same; and while race environment and education may affect its outward form, the animal man is essentially the same throughout the entire globe. This being so, it is evident that the experience of one nation or country may often be of considerable value to other peoples if accepted and applied mutatis mutandis to the circumstances and needs of the latter; thus it is always well to investigate the results of institutions foreign to our own in a candid and[xvi] receptive frame of mind before concluding that we possess a monopoly of wisdom in our own home lands. Moreover, human nature is so constituted that when a separate community is established in such a manner as to be practically unaffected by pressure from the outside, its units are sure to co-operate, however unconsciously, in moulding new customs and habits and even superstitions, which gradually crystallize into time-honoured precedents by immemorial usage. The Yoshiwara, during its three centuries of existence, proved no exception to the rule, and in the course of years its inhabitants became slaves to numberless precedents, with the result that some extraordinary customs were developed and even yet linger on in a modified form. A serious consideration of these facts induced the author to believe that it would be of value to students of sociology throughout Europe and America to be provided with all available data, as to the ins and outs and the working of this unique and purely native Japanese system of control—a system of which the Westerners have had no experience whatsoever. The result of his labours was “The Nightless City” this new edition of which he now publishes together with an appendix which brings the work up to date so far as is possible.

The author’s best thanks are due to Prof. Dr. Tōichirō Nakahama, Director of the “Kai-Sei-Byō-in” and Member of the Central Board of Health, who kindly furnished certain medical statistics and data. He also desires to express a deep debt of gratitude to Mr. E. Beart for lightening his task by assisting in seeing the book through the press, and has pleasure in acknowledging the strenuous endeavours of the Box of Curios Printing & Publishing Company in producing in Japan, notwithstanding certain drawbacks and disadvantages, a handsome volume worthy of the great printing houses of London or New York.

The Author.

Kamakura, December, 1905.

It was not until after the City of Yedo had become the seat of the Tokugawa government that regular houses of ill-fame were established, and up to the period of Keichō (1596–1614) there were no fixed places set apart for brothels and assignation houses. Under these circumstances, the brothels of Yedo were to be found scattered all over the city in groups of twos or threes, but among the many localities in which such stews were situated were three spots where the houses were to be found in larger numbers plying their shameful trade side by side.

• (1.)—In Kōjimachi, hat-chō-me, there were fourteen or fifteen houses: these had been removed from Roku-jō in Kyōto.
• (2.)—In Kamakura-gashi (Kanda district) the numbers of houses was the same as in Kōjimachi: these had been removed from Miroku-machi of Fuchū (now Shidzuoka?) in Suruga province.
• (3.)—In Uchi-Yanagi-machi, near Ōhashi (Ōhashi is now the Tokiwa-bashi gate, and Yanagi-machi is now Dōsangashi-dōri) there were twenty houses. This group was inhabited by Yedo women exclusively. It is stated by some writers that the name of this street “Yanagi-machi” (Willow Street) was derived from the fact that at the entrance of the street stood two gigantic weeping-willows.[2] Prior to this date, in the period of Tenshō (1573–1591), a person named Hara Saburōzaemon had established a brothel quarter at Made-no-Koji, Yanagi-no-baba, in Kyōto, but although it is true that the name of Yanagi-machi was given to this place, the Yanagi-machi of Yedo did not derive its title from the one in the Western city.

In the 10th year of Keichō (1605) Yanagi-machi was selected by the Government in connection with the construction of the castle of Yedo, and consequently all the brothels were removed to a place in front of the Moto-Seigwanji (temple).

As Yedo prospered and her population increased, various enterprising individuals gradually arrived from Shumoku-machi in Fushimi, Kitsuji-machi in Nara, and other places near Kyōto, and established themselves in the brothel-keeping business.

But as Yedo still grew more and more prosperous and thriving, and her marts busier, various municipal improvements were projected, numerous new roads were opened, and bridges constructed, and, as gradually the work of organizing the urban districts progressed, many houses had to be pulled down; consequently large numbers of persons were forced to remove their residences. Under these circumstances, the brothel-keepers considered the moment to be an opportune one for the presentation to the powers that were of a petition requesting the Government to allow of the collection, into one special locality, of the Yedo demi-monde. They therefore petitioned the authorities to establish a regular Keisei-machi,2[3] but their petition was unsuccessful and matters remained in statu quo.

In the 17th year of Keichō (1612) a certain Shōji Jinyemon (a native of Odawara in Sagami province) conceived the idea of collecting all the brothels and assignation houses of Yedo into one special quarter of the city, and after many consultations with his confrères (for this gentle “reformer” was in the “profession” himself) he made a representation to the Government to the effect that:—

The petitioner further enumerated the advantages which would be gained by the system he advocated, and he submitted a memorandum of reasons and arguments divided into three headings, the substance of the same being:—

In the following spring (1613) Shōji Jinyemon was summoned to the Magistrate’s Court and examined on various points by Honda Lord of Sado, after which he was informed that the result of the petition would be made known at a later date. He was then dismissed.

In the spring of the 3rd year of Genna (1617) Jinyemon was again summoned to the Court and, in the presence of several other judicial officials, Honda Lord of Sado notified him that the petition was granted. He was also informed that two square chō of land would be devoted to the purpose of founding a prostitute quarter, and that the site had been selected at Fukiya-machi. In return for this privilege, Jinyemon promised that no prostitutes should be allowed in the city of Yedo and neighbourhood except in the licensed quarter, and further covenanted that in case of any of the women being found elsewhere the matter should be communicated to the authorities, as in duty bound, either by himself or by the other brothel-keepers. At the same time, Shōji Jinyemon was appointed Keisei-machi Nanushi (director of the prostitute quarter) and was instructed by the Bugyō (Governor possessed of administrative, military, and judicial functions) to observe the following regulations:—

On the low land of Fukiya-chō, which was thus granted by the authorities, now stand Idzumi-chō, Takasago-cho, Sumiyoshi-chō, and Naniwa-chō, and the ko-hori (or small ditch) at Hettsui-gashi which was once the outer moat of the prostitute quarters. The present Ō-mon-dōri (Great Gate Street) was formerly the street leading to the Ō-mon (Great Gate). At the time about which I am writing the place was one vast swamp overrun with weeds and rushes, so Shōji Jinyemon set about clearing the Fukiya-machi, reclaiming and filling in the ground, and building an enclosure thereon. Owing to the number of rushes which had grown thereabout the place was re-named Yoshiwara (葭原 = Rush-moor) but this was afterwards changed to Yoshi-wara (吉原 = Moor of Good luck) in order to give the locality an auspicious name.

The work of filling in and levelling the ground, and the construction of houses, was commenced in the 3rd year of Genna (1617) and by November of the following year “business” commenced. The work of laying out the streets and completing the quarters was not however finished until the 9th[7] day of the 10th month of the 3rd year of Kwan-ei (28th November 1626).

The following were the names of the wards of the Yoshiwara:—

Yedo-chō, It-chō-me: This was the pioneer prostitute quarter established in the city after the Tokugawa government had made Yedo the seat of their administration; and in the hope and expectation of sharing in the prosperity of the city itself the felicitous name of Yedo-chō (Yedo ward) was chosen as appropriate for the new ward. All the houses at Yanagi-chō removed to this Yedo-chō, and among them was the “Nishida-ya” (House of the Western Ricefield) which was kept by Shōji Jinyemon himself.

Yedo-chō, Ni-chō-me: To this ward (Second ward of Yedo-chō) were transferred all the houses formerly kept at Moto-Kamakura-gashi.

Kyōmachi, It-chō-me: To this ward were transferred the houses at Kōjimachi. The majority of these establishments having had their origin in Roku-jō, Kyōto, the ward was named Kyō-machi, thus using the first character 京 (Kyō) of Kyōto and preserving the old association with the capital.

Kyōmachi, Ni-chō-me: The brothelkeepers of Hisagomachi in Ōsaka, Kitsuji in Nara, and other localities, having heard of the opening of the Yoshiwara, many of them immigrated to this place. The buildings in this ward were completed two years later than those in the other streets, and accordingly this ward was commonly called Shim-machi (新町 New Street).

Sumi-chō: The brothels at Sumi-chō, Kyōbashi, having been removed to this ward, the name of the original place was copied when “christening” the new street.

[8]

After many vicissitudes, the brothel-keepers believed that they had now found an abiding place, and that no further changes would be made, but they were doomed to disappointment. On the 19th day of the 10th month of the 2nd year of Meireki (4th December 1656) Ishigaya Shōgen, the Bugyō, summoned the elders (toshi-yoridomo) of the Yoshiwara and informed them that the existing site of the prostitute quarter being required by the authorities for building purposes, the houses must be removed elsewhere. Ishigaya added that, in lieu of the Yoshiwara, the authorities were prepared to grant either a plot of land in the vicinity of the Nihon-dsutsumi (Dike of Japan) behind the Asakusa temple, or one in the neighbourhood of Honjō.

The representatives of the Yoshiwara people were filled with consternation at the action of the government, and they submitted a petition of grievances to the effect that the brothels had been in existence for 44 years and that the keepers would be put to great inconvenience and caused serious loss if they were suddenly forced to remove to a remote district. After reciting the above facts, and pointing out the injury which would be done to “vested interests,” the petition wound up with a prayer that the authorities would be pleased to permit the brothels to continue to ply their profession in the same place as hitherto. This petition, however, was rejected, and after mature deliberation the elders now applied for a grant of land at the Nihon-dsutsumi: they also petitioned that a sum of money might be given them from the public funds to assist their removal.

In response to the last petition, the authorities provided a suitable site near Nilion-dsutsumi, and in consideration of the[9] removal of the houses to such a distant and out-of-the-way locality, Ishigaya Shōgen, and Kamio, Lord of Bizen, agreed to the following conditions in connection with the new Yoshiwara:—

It is very curious to note that Japan was not the only country where shady “bath-houses” were to be found. In a German book by Wilhelm Rudeck, entitled “Geschichte der Oeffentlichen Sittlichkeit In Deutschland,” it is stated that “bath-honses” were plentiful. Early in the morning a horn announced that everything was ready, and men, women and[10] maids undressed at home and went nearly naked to the bath-houses, where the attendants were mostly girls who had a very liberal idea of their duties. The tubs in many cases were large enough for two, and a board was laid across, upon which food and drink was served to the bathers, who were not compelled to produce a marriage certificate. In the castles of the knights, the ladies often attended on the male guests in the bath and vice versa, and in bathing resorts, such at Wiesbaden, for instance, Frau Venus seems to have reigned supreme. A very free illustration, reproduced from an old volume, shows a row of tubs with a long board laid across them, upon which food and drink is served, and there are other illustrations, reproduced from old cuts, of some more than merely suggestive scenes, which we must presume were nothing out of the common in bath-houses.

On the 27th day of the 11th month of the same year (January 11th, 1657) the elders and monthly managers (月行司 = tsuki-gyō-ji) of the Yoshiwara repaired to the Treasury office at Asakusa and received the sum granted by the authorities to defray the expenses of removal: at the same time they applied to the officials to be allowed to remain in the Yoshiwara during the next three or four months, promising to complete the removal by the following April.

The request being a reasonable one, it was granted, and the removal was postponed until the fourth month, but on the 2nd March 1657 (Meireki 3 nen, Shōgwatsu, 18 nichi) Hi-no-to-tori (cycle of the Water Fowl) that disastrous fire known as the “Furisode kwaji” (fire of the long-sleeved garment) broke out in the Hom-myōji (temple) at Maru-yama in Hongō and raged through the city of Yedo during three days and three[11] nights burning everything before it.8 The fire swept away a large portion of the city and gutted the Yoshiwara completely, so there was no further excuse left for not moving forthwith. The head-man of the Yoshiwara was again summoned to the Bugyō’s office and ordered to take advantage of the fire to carry out the removal without further delay.

In May 1657 Ishigaya Shōgen, Kamio Lord of Bizen, and Sone Genzaemon proceeded to Nihon-dsutsumi to inspect the site of the new quarter, and while the houses were being built and prepared temporary shanties called “Koya-gake” (小屋掛 = a temporarily built shed or house) were erected in the neighbourhood of Sanya and Imado, and in these (and also in private houses which were hired for the purpose) the loathsome trade was carried on as usual.

In September 1657, the new brothels were completed and the “profession” crowded into the “Shin-Yoshiwara.”

The “Shin-Yoshiwara” (new Yoshiwara) was so named in contra-distinction to “Moto-Yoshiwara” (former Yoshiwara). It is situated at a place formerly known as Senzoku-mura and is only a few chō distant from the Asakusa-ji (temple).

There is a hill (or rather slope) leading down from the Nihon-dsutsumi on the way to the Shin-Yoshiwara which is called “Emon-zaka” or “Dress(ing) Hill,” because it is supposed that visitors to the gay quarter began to adjust their garments and smarten themselves up in passing along this road. Another account states that the name was taken from the Emon-zaka of Kyōto.

[12]

The road leading from Emon-zaka to the Yoshiwara is known as Gojikken-machi. Tradition says that there was a servant named Koheiji in the employ of Shōji Jinyemon (the founder of the quarter) and that he advised his master to construct the road in three curved lines as this was considered more tasteful than one constructed in a plain line. Another tradition says that the road was constructed in that way in accordance with the commands of Kamio Lord of Bizen, but, at any rate, it is certain that the plan of the road was conceived by some person gifted with a (from a Japanese point of view) poetical imagination. On either side of the curved section of roadway twenty-five tea-houses (cha-ya) were built, making a total of fifty houses (go-jik-ken), hence the popular name “Go-jik-ken-michi” (fifty house street) or “Go-jik-ken-machi” (fifty house town). At the end of the road stood a gateway which formed the entrance of the Yoshiwara, and the vicinity of this gateway was known as the Ōmon-guchi (entrance to the great gate). The gate itself was called the Ō-mon (great gateway). Having passed through the Ō-mon, the visitor would find himself within the precincts of the “Shin-Yoshiwara.”

The Shin-Yoshiwara was about half as large again as the old place (Moto-Yoshiwara), measuring about 3 chō (1074 feet) from North to South, and 2 chō (716 feet) from East to West, and therefore embracing nearly 18 acres of land. The enclosure was surrounded by a kind of moat, and the streets within were laid out something in the shape of the Chinese character 田 (ta = a ricefield). As will be seen from the plan of the Shin-Yoshiwara annexed, Nakano-chō goes through the centre while Yedo-chō (It-chō-me and Ni-chō-me), Sumi-chō, and Kyō-machi (It-chō-me and Ni-chō-me) branch out to right and[13] left on either side. As was the case with the Moto-Yoshiwara, another street was added for the convenience of “Age-ya,” and called “Ageya-machi.”9 This street was situated opposite Sumi-chō, to the right of the Naka-no-chō when facing Suidō-jiri.

In the 8th year of Kwambun (1668) a raid was made on the “jigoku” (unlicensed prostitutes) and the captives were transported to the Yoshiwara, but as they numbered 512 souls it was difficult to find accommodation for them and apparently there was not enough room in the quarter to erect new brothels. Under these circumstances, a little plot of ground was requisitioned at the back of each brothel in Yedo-chō Ni-chōme, and some seventy-five small houses were built there for the reception of the new immigrants to this earthly paradise. As the majority of the these fresh arrivals were natives of Fushimi and Sakai, the streets where their houses stood were called Fushimi-chō and Sakai-machi. Sakai-machi was destroyed by fire during the era of Meiwa (1764–1771) and has ceased to exist, but Fushimi-chō is to be seen to this day.

At first the five streets of the Shin-Yoshiwara consisted wholly of brothels, Ageya-machi of “age-ya” and Naka-no-chō of tradesmen’s stores, but as time rolled away the “age-ya” ceased to exist and in their place sprang up “cha-ya” (tea-houses). Gradually, also, the shopkeepers in Naka-no-chō removed elsewhere and their stores were turned into tea-houses. Subsequently tea-houses began to increase in number at Ageya-machi, and nowadays there are even many brothels to be seen in this street.

[14]

The following extract from the “Tsuikō Yoshiwara Taizen” (追考吉原大全 an old descriptive book on these matters) may be of interest to my readers:—

Nihon-dsutsumi.
(The Dyke of Japan.)

It is mentioned in the “Dōbō Goyen” 洞房語園 that there was an hereditary farmer at Minowa named Shibazaki Yohei, and according to his story he had heard from his grandfather that the Nihon-dsutsumi was constructed about a hundred years ago in the year of the “large monkey.” Now countrymen often call the year of Kōshin the “year of the large monkey,” so the year referred to by Yohei’s grandfather may be the 7th year of Genna (1621). It is also mentioned, in a[16] supplement to the book, that the characters formerly used in writing the name were 二本 (ni hon = 2 lines) and not 日本 (Nihon = Japan), because there were two roads one of which led from Shōden-chō to Sanya-bashi. As, however, Yedo increased in prosperity, hills were levelled and canals dug, after a while the road to Sanya-bashi disappeared as part of the changes made in the city; and accordingly the characters 二本 were altered to 日本 in describing the remaining road. At the time of the construction of the Nihon-dsutsumi, a large number of lacquer-trees (urushi-no-ki) were planted on both sides of the road, forming a veritable avenue,14 and it was a common joke to warn an habitué of the Yoshiwara by saying significantly—“When you pass along the Sanya road, mind you don’t get poisoned by lacquer!” The bank commenced at Shōden-chō in the West and Yoshino-machi (Asakusa) in the East, and extended to Harajuku (Shitaya), the total length being 834 Ken (5004 feet), the width of the road 10 Ken (60 feet) and the horse-path 5 Ken on the average (30 feet).

Mi-kaeri Yanagi.
(Gazing back Willow-tree.)

This well-known willow-tree stands at the entrance of Go-jik-ken-machi, on the left, below the Nihon-dsutsumi. It has been so called because many a visitor to the Yoshiwara has looked regretfully back as he passed the willow tree, feeling reluctant to leave the pleasures of the quarter and to be separated from his fair, even though frail, inamorata.

This is situated on the right hand side of the Go-jik-ken-michi. Formerly there was on this site a shrine called Yoshitoku Inari, but of late years the Enomoto Inari (at the corner of Yedo-chō Ni-chō-me) the Kai-un Inari (at the corner of Kyō-machi, It-chō-me) the Kurosuke Inari (at the corner of Kyō-machi Ni-chō-me) and the Akashi Inari (at the corner of Yedo-chō Ni-chō-me—Fushimi-chō) were all amalgamated into one. The name of “Yoshiwara Jinja” was given to the new shrine and it has been made the guardian shrine of the “enclosure.” Every twelve days, on the day of the horse, the festival of this shrine is celebrated, crowds of people visit the neighbourhood including sundry itinerant dealers known as “ennichi akindo” (festival dealers) and the fête has become one of the popular features of the Yoshiwara. According to the Shimpen Yedo-shi,” (新編江戶志) the Kurosuke Inari was in the old Yoshiwara, having been founded in the 4th year of Wadō? (711?). Later on, a person named Chiba Kurosuke removed it to a space on the border of a paddy-field, and since the establishment of the Yoshiwara, in the era of Keichō (1596–1614), this Inari became the guardian deity of the prostitute quarter. Again, according to the “Kwagai Manroku” (花街漫錄) the shrine of the Kurosuke Inari was situated beneath Kyō-machi Ni-chō-me since its removal from the old to the new Yoshiwara, and about the era of Tenna (1681–1683) it began to be called “Kurosuke” Inari because a man called Kurosuke lived in front of the building.

As to the origin of the “Byakko-seki” (white fox stone) of the Akashi-Inari—which was the presiding deity of Yedo-chō[18] Ni-chō-me—its shrine formerly stood on the estates of a certain Mr. Nishimura, but at the request of the local inhabitants to consecrate it shrine of the guardian deity it was removed to the present site. While the shrine was in course of construction a curiously shaped object was unearthed, and on closer examination it was found to be a beautiful blackish coloured stone resembling the figure of a byakko (white fox) gambolling in the fields. The people, thinking this a good omen, consecrated the image under the name of Akashi Inari (明石 = aka-ishi “the bright stone,” or even, by forced rendering, “the bright and revealed stone”) and prayed to it as a god which would bring prosperity and good-luck to the town and protect the quarter from disastrous fires.

The “Aisome-zakura.”
(Cherry-tree of first meeting.)
AND
The “Koma-tsunagi-matsu.”
(Colt teathering pine-tree.)

The above trees stand close to the Yoshiwara shrine.

The “Ryo-jin no Ido.”
(Traveller’s Well.)

This well is situated about the centre of the Go-jik-ken-michi, on the right hand side.

Government Edict-board and Regulations at the Ōmon.

Up to the time of the Restoration—some 30 odd years ago—the following official regulations were posted up before the Ō-mon (great gateway) of the Yoshiwara:—

[19]

The Present Ōmon.

On the present Ō-mon (great gateway) are inscribed the following characters from the pen of Mr. Fukuchi Genichirō (a well-known playwright) better known under his nom de plume of “Ōchi Koji”:—

春夢正濃滿街櫻雲。 秋信先通兩行燈影

“Shum-mu masa ni komayaka nari, mangai no ō-un. Shū-shin saki ni tsūzu ryōkō no tō-yei,” or freely translated into English:—

“A dream of Spring-tide when the streets are full of the cherry blossoms. Tidings of the autumn when the streets are lined on either side with lighted lanterns.”

In the “Yoshiwara Ō-kagami,” (吉原大鑑 “Great Mirror of the Yoshiwara”) it is mentioned that the origin of the common expression in former days of “Chō ye yuku” (going to Chō)—meaning “going to the Yoshiwara”—was as follows: Formerly the streets of the Yoshiwara were laid out in the shape of a cross, but afterwards one of the entrances was closed, changing the cross into a shape like that of the Chinese character “Chō” (丁), hence the saying. In later times this expression was changed, and nowadays people speak of going to the Yoshiwara as “naka ye yuku” (to go inside).

Classes of Brothels.

In ancient times the houses were classified according to the position and standing of their inmates. As we mention elsewhere, the courtesans were formerly classed as Tayū, Kōshi-joro, Tsubone, Sancha-joro, Umecha-joro (also read “Baicha-joro”) and Kirimise-joro, and in a similar manner brothels were also divided as Tayū-mise, Kōshi-mise, Tsubone-mise, Sancha-mise, Umecha-mise (or “Baicha-mise”) Kiri-mise, etc. Afterwards, the name of the Tayū-mise and Kōshi-mise was changed to “Yobidashi,” and the “Umecha-mise” having disappeared the so-called “Zashiki-mochi” and “Heya-mochi” came into existence. After the era of Kwansei (1789–1800) the following classes of brothels sprang into existence:—1st class:—Ōmagaki; 2nd class:—Ham-magaki; 3rd class:—Dai-chō ko-mise; 4th class:—Kogōshi; 5th class:—Kirimise, etc. Courtesans classed as Yobidashi, Hirusan, and Tsuke-mawashi belonged to the Ōmagaki, while[22] the Zashiki-mochi and Heya-mochi were attached to the Dai-chō ko-mise.

The style of architecture employed in the erection of the “Tsubone-mise” is elaborately described in the “Dōbō Goyen,” (洞房語園) and the fact that the general features of the “Sancha-mise” were similar to those of the Furo-ya in the city is also mentioned in the same book. After the era of Kwansei (1789–1800) the classes of brothels, it appears, were determined according to the height of the bars of the cages. The highest magaki (籬) are said to have reached to the ceiling while the lowest were about 2 feet high. The wood used in the lattice window of an Ō-magaki (a first-class house with bars running up to the ceiling) was about 8 inches in width and was painted red. The houses themselves were generally as large as 13 ken by 22 ken (78 x 132 ft). The lattice bars of the lower class houses, on the contrary, were 3 inches in width and therefore these houses were called Ko-gōshi (small lattices). The lowest class houses had bars which ran horizontally instead of vertically. These distinctions were maintained up to the time of the general liberation of prostitutes in the 5th year of Meiji (1872) but since that time the brothels have been classified as either Ō-mise, Chū-mise, or Ko-mise (Large, medium, and small “shops.”)

At present there is no uniform style of architecture, but as the better class of houses are naturally visited by a superior class of guests, the leading establishments are fine buildings, and are noted as much for the luxurious character of their furniture and appointments as for the beauty of the women who inhabit them. The best houses do not exhibit the women in cages.

[23]

The following are the names of the 126 existing brothels of the Yoshiwara (1899).

Hikite-jaya.17
(“Introducing Tea-houses.”)

The business of hikite-jaya is to act as a guide to the various brothels, and to negotiate introductions between guests and courtesans. There are seven of these introducing houses within the enclosure (kuruwa) fifty in Naka-naga-ya, Suidō-jiri, and outside of the Ō-mon (great gate).

Besides these there are many houses in Yedo-chō, Sumi-chō, Kyō-machi (It-chō-me and Ni-chō-me) Ageya-machi, etc. The first-mentioned seven houses are first-class, those in Naka-naga-ya second-class, while those at Suidō-jiri and Gō-jik-ken are very inferior indeed. The reception of guests, and arranging affairs for them, is attended to by servant maids, three or four of whom are generally employed in each hikite-jaya. As,[29] of course, the reputation of the house depends on these servant maids, their employers generally treat them very considerately, well knowing that if the girls attend to their duties satisfactorily the number of guests will continue to increase.

When a visitor arrives before the entrance of a hikite-jaya, the mistress of the house and her maid-servants run to welcome him with cries of “irrasshai” (you are very welcome!), and on entering the room to which he is conducted (in case of his being a stranger) the attendant will ask him the name of the brothel to which he desires to go, as well as that of the particular lady he wishes to meet. If he has no “friend” with whom he is acquainted, photographs are produced for inspection and the guest chooses his oiran from them. Then the attendant will guide him to the brothel selected, act as a go-between in negotiating for the courtesan’s favours, and after all preliminaries have been settled will wait assiduously upon the guest throughout the banquet which inevitably follows, taking care to keep the saké bottles moving and the cups replenished. By and by, when the time comes for retiring, the attendant conducts the guest to his sleeping apartment, waits until the arrival of the “lady friend” and then discreetly slips away and leaves the brothel. When one of these servant maids takes charge of a visitor she becomes, for the time being, the actual personal servant of such guest and attends to everything he requires. To perform the services rendered by her is professionally spoken of as “mawasu” (廻 to turn round, to move round) because she goes bustling round in order to arrange a hundred and one matters for the guest upon whom she is in attendance. If the guest calls geisha (dancing and singing girls) the maid carries (supposing[30] it to be night-time) the geisha’s samisen (guitar) and the guest’s night-dress in the left hand, and a “Kamban chōchin”18 and a white porcelain saké bottle (haku-chō)19 in the right—a performance which requires considerable experience to achieve successfully.

With the exception of the guests, no persons are allowed to wear zōri (sandals) inside the brothels.

Of late it has become a rule that the office which manages all affairs in the Yoshiwara shall distribute to the various tea-houses registration books, of a uniform style, in which are to be minutely recorded the personal appearance of visitors, status and place of registration, profession, general figure and build, aspect, style of clothes, personal effects (i.e. rings, chains, watches, etc., etc.) The books are carefully ruled off in columned blanks headed:—“Nose, Ears, Mouth, Status, Place of registration,” etc., etc.; and the descriptions have to be written in under the respective headings. In short, these books (for which, by the way, a charge of 20 to 30 sen is made) are something like the usual Japanese hotel registers but more complex and detailed, and when the blanks are faithfully filled up an exceedingly good description of guests is secured. In all brothels similar books are kept, and the duty of comparing the entries in these with the entries in those of the hikite-jaya devolves on the staff of the Yoshiwara office. In[31] addition to these duties there are a good many harassing and vexatious police regulations to be observed by the introducing houses. Should any hikite-jaka keeper or employé secretly introduce a guest who is in possession of explosives, a sword, or poison, he is severely punished and caused no end of trouble. The payment of the guest’s bill is made through the hikite-jaya on his return to the introducing house in the morning. The guest pays his total bill to the hikite-jaya and the latter squares up accounts with the brothel. The strict rule is for the hikite-jaya to settle up these accounts daily with the brothels, but it has become a custom with the majority to balance accounts only twice a month—viz:—on the 14th and 30th day of each month. In case of a frequent visitor being without money, and unable to pay his bill, the hikite-jaya will not, as a rule, refuse him credit in consideration of the patronage he has extended to the house and in anticipation of future visits. Sometimes, however, it happens that a regular customer becomes heavily indebted to a certain house, and turning his back on this establishment he seeks for new pastures and fresh credit; but here the extraordinary secret intelligence system upsets his calculations. Among these tea-houses exists a kind of “honor among thieves” esprit de corps, and besides, self-protection has forced the houses to give secret information to each other where their mutual interests are threatened; so when a party is in debt to one of the hikite-jaya he will be boycotted by the others. A smart hand may successfully pretend to be a new arrival in the Yoshiwara once or twice, but his trick is sure to be discovered ere long. Faithful service of employés is ensured in the Yoshiwara in a similar manner. In case of a servant-maid employed in one house being desirous to enter[32] the service of another establishment, she must first obtain the consent of her employer, and the master of the house to which she wishes to go will certainly confer with the master of the establishment she wishes to leave. In ordering food from a dai-ya (a cook-house where food is cooked and sent out to order), or in making purchases from storekeepers in the Yoshiwara, a maid-servant belonging to any of the hikite-jaya requires no money with her because the dealers all place confidence in the house from which she has come, and this they know at once by the inscription on the lantern she carries. Immediately an order is given by a maid-servant the goods are handed over without the slightest hesitation, so under these circumstances an evil-minded woman might resort to fraud without any difficulty; but should she once be detected she would never again be able to get employment in the Yoshiwara.

The fifty tea-houses outside the Ō-mon (great gate) were in former times called “Kitte-jaya” (ticket tea-houses) or “Kitte-mise” (ticket shops); they were also colloquially termed in Yedo slang—“Yoshiwara no go-jū-mai kitte” (the fifty “tickets” of the Yoshiwara) because they had the monopoly of issuing tickets or passes for the Yoshiwara. In a book called the “Hyōkwa Manroku” (萍華漫錄) it is recorded that in the 3rd year of Keian (1650) one of the tea-houses named “Kikuya” (sign of the Chrysanthemum Flowers) issued tickets—or rather passes—for the passage of women through the great gate. On one of these old passes was written:—

[33]

It appears from this that every lady who wished to enter the precincts for the purpose of sightseeing, or for any other reason, had to obtain a pass from the tea-houses above-mentioned. Afterwards, the “Midzu-chaya” (rest-houses) began to be built on the Nihon-dsutsumi (Dyke of Japan) and as they gradually increased and prospered they at length encroached upon the Naka-no-chō where the tradesmen of the quarter were living. This continued until the street came to be monopolized by Midzu-chaya, and from the latter the present hikite-jaya were finally evolved. It is recorded that since the era of Genroku (1688–1703) the keepers of funa-yado (a sort of tea-house where pleasure boats are kept and let out on hire for excursions and picnics) used to arrange for guests to go and come in their river-boats, “and among the sights of Yedo were the long lines of boats floating up and down the river with gaily-dressed courtesans and the jeunesse dorée of the city in them.” During the 8th year of Kwambun (1668) all the unlicensed prostitutes in Yedo city were pounced upon by the authorities and placed in the Yoshiwara, and about this time the inconvenient custom of being obliged to visit brothels through an ageya was abolished.[34] The tea-houses which had their origin on the banks of the Nihon-dsutsumi, now acted as guides (tebiki) to intending visitors to brothels, the old custom of the place was broken, and the name of hikite-jaya come into existence. [The tea-houses belonging to the Ageya which were removed from the old Yoshiwara, and the “Amigasa-jaya” (see this heading further on) which sprang into existence while the brothels were temporarily situated at Sanya, after the Furisode-kwaji (fire) of the era of Meireki, are separate establishments.] In this way the newly evolved tea-houses prospered greatly, and their influence grew apace until the older houses in Ageya-machi began to lose their trade. No doubt but the decadence of the older institutions is attributable to the superior facilities afforded to guests by the new houses. In the old days the tea-houses in Ageya-machi were allowed to construct balconies on the second stories of their establishments for the convenience of those guests who desired to witness the processions of courtesans (Yūjo no dō-chū) that formed one of the most interesting features in the life of the Yoshiwara. Prior to the fire of the Meiwa era (1764–1771) the second stories of all the tea-houses in Naka-no-chō were fitted with open lattice-work in front, but subsequent to that memorable conflagration this restriction was removed and the houses were built so as to render them convenient for sight-seeing from the upper floor. This freedom did not prove of much advantage to many of the houses, however, as it was decided that the processions should thenceforward be confined to the Naka-no-chō. In the 10th year of Hōreki (1760) the “Ageya” completely disappeared, and the receiving of and arranging matters for guests became the monopoly of the tea-houses. Taking advantage of the[35] position attained, the tea-houses abused their prosperity and influence and allowed their establishments to be used by courtesans, geisha, taiko-mochi, and various guests, for the purpose of carrying on illicit intrigues and advancing amours between men and women of loose morals. Not only this, but the houses allowed their accounts with the brothels to fall into arrears, or made payment in an unpunctual and perfunctory manner, and for these reasons many were suspended from exercising their business. In the era of Tempō (1830–1843) all food served to the guests in hikite-jaya was prepared on the premises by professional cooks in the service of the houses.

At present, a first customer to a tea-house is called “shōkwai” (first meeting): the second time he comes “ura” (behind the scenes) and the third time “najimi” (on intimate terms). According to prevalent custom, guests have to pay a certain sum of money as “footing” on their second and third visits, and persons who are anxious to pass as “in the swim” are often willing to pay both these fees (ura-najimi-kin and najimi-kin) down at once. Ordinarily the najimi-kin is fixed at from 2-1⁄2 yen or 3 yen, according to the brothels to which a visitor wishes to go, and the tea-houses do not guide visitors who do not patronize either a first (ōmise) or second (naka-mise) class establishment. In addition to other small fees the visitor is expected to give a tip of 20 or 30 sen to the maid who acts as his guide, but if he does not hand it over voluntarily it is carefully included in his bill under the heading of “o-tomo” (your attendant). Jinrikisha fares advanced will also appear in the bill (tsuké = contraction of “kakitsuke” = an account, writing, or memo) under the title of “o-tomo” (your attendant). Experience of hikite-jaya will convince[36] visitors that these establishments never fail to charge up every possible or impossible item in their accounts: when a man is returning home in the morning with a “swollen head” after a night’s debauch his ideas of checking a bill are generally somewhat mixed up.

The expenses of planting flowers in the streets in Spring, setting up street lanterns (tōrō) in Autumn, and maintaining street dancing (niwaka) are defrayed by the tea-houses.

The profits of hikite-jaya are chiefly derived from return commissions on the fees paid to courtesans and dancing girls, and percentages levied on the food and saké consumed by guests. (A large profit is made upon saké, as this is kept in stock by tea-houses themselves). Besides, they draw a handsome revenue from visitors in the shape of “chadai” (tea money) which rich prodigals bestow upon them in return for fulsome flattery and cringing servility. The guests will also often give a sōbana (present to all the inmates of the house) when they are well treated, and at special seasons of the year, festivals, and occasions of rejoicing, the liberality of visitors brings quite a shower of dollars, all nett profit, into the coffers of the chaya proprietor.

It is one of the many curious customs of the Yoshiwara that the expression “fukidasu” (to blow out) is disliked, as also is the blowing out of the ground cherry (hozuki).20

[37]

I must not omit to state that there is a low class of tea-houses which resort to extortion and barefaced robbery in dealing with strangers to the Yoshiwara. These houses are known by the general term of “bori-jaya” and their modus operandi is to detail their rascally employés to prowl about outside the quarter and inveigle uninitiated visitors to the kuruwa. Under various pretexts, inexperienced persons are guided to bori-jaya by these touters, welcomed effusively, and pestered with the most fulsome flattery and attention. Saké and food is served to them, including a number of dishes never even ordered by the guest, and by and by geisha are called in to sing and dance, although the visitors have not requisitioned their services. Later on, when the guests are primed with liquor, they are urged to visit a brothel on the condition that the expenditure shall be kept as low as possible, but, once within the low stews to which they are taken, they are persuaded to squander money on geisha and other things. If meanwhile the visitor, fearing heavy expenses, should desire to settle his bill, the keeper of the house will put off the matter and invent various plausible excuses for delaying the making up of the account. Time flies and morning succeeds the night, but no bill is rendered, and every artifice and trick is employed to detain the guest, until the latter, overcome with saké and fatigue, rolls over on the floor in a drunken sleep. Meanwhile the pockets of the unfortunate victim are surveyed in order to discover the extent of his means, and as soon as it is evident that there is no more money left to be sucked he is allowed to depart. Sometimes, however, the visitors prove too smart to be successfully swindled, but in these cases the houses afford them a very cold reception indeed. Sometimes it[38] happens that the bori-jaya proprietors overestimate the pecuniary resources of guests who have fallen a prey to their wiles, and find that their purses are not lined sufficiently well to meet the bills run up against them. In such a case the proprietors will allow the guest to depart under the escort of one of the employés of the house. This man exercises strict surveillance over the guest, and follows him like grim death wherever he goes until the bill is settled. He is known as a tsuki-uma (an attendant—or “following”—horse) and if payment is not made he will inflict the disgrace of his presence upon the luckless wight he follows, tracking the latter home to his very doorstep and there making a noisy demand for the money owing. It is only fair to add, however, that such low tea-houses are not to be found in the Naka-no-chō.

Name of the Present “Hikite-jaya” (1899)

Those marked “w” are kept by women.

The Jū-hachi-ken-jaya.
(Eighteen Tea-houses.)

The “Yoshiwara Zatsuwa” 吉原雜話 states that there were in Ageya-machi, besides the “Ageya” themselves, eighteen tea-houses to which persons repaired for the purpose of watching the tayū entering the various “ageya.” According to the regulations of the Yoshiwara in ancient times, the construction of tsuki-age-do (shutters which slide up into a groove above the window, like shop-shutters) in the windows of the second stories of these houses was permitted, whereas it was prohibited in any other part of the kuruwa. In the tea-houses in Naka-no-chō, lattice work doors were used in their upper floors. It is stated that originally only the central portion of the Yoshiwara leading from Ageya-machi was called Naka-no-chō, the other portions being named Yedo-chō division, Kyō-machi division, etc. According to an old resident of Ageya-machi, Naka-no-chō was formerly amalgamated with Ageya-machi owing to the number of officials being small in the former street, and about that time there was a fireman’s ensign (matoi) in existence in Ageya-machi bearing the character 中 (“Naka”), clearly showing the connection between the wards. [Nowadays the whole central street is called Naka-no-chō—middle street—because it passes right through the centre of the enclosure.]

It is mentioned in the “Yoshiwara Taizen” (吉原大全) that there were tea-houses, standing on each side of the Go-jikken-michi outside the great gate, which were known as “Amigasa-jaya” because they lent to samurai, nobles, and people who wished to conceal their identity, “amigasa” which covered the entire head, face and all.21 These hats were usually made of rush, and being very deep looked something like inverted baskets. The twenty tea-houses are still to be seen in Go-jikken-machi, but the rush hats formerly supplied are conspicuous by their absence. In passing, it may be noted that it was a custom for these houses to lie built without second-stories facing the street.

The “Kujaku Nagaya.”

In the “Yedo Sunago” (江戸砂子) we find this passage:—

The “Kembansho.”
(Office which manages the affairs of geisha and other professionals.)

These people had to obtain licenses from the headmen of their respective districts, but as no fixed taxes were imposed upon them, all their earnings, including tips (shūgi) and fees (gyokudai), went into their pockets intact. Under these circumstances, many persons began to consider the advisability of taxing the geinin (artists and artistes) and appropriating such taxes towards defraying the common public expenses of the Yoshiwara. At this time the morals of the geinin were at a very low ebb, and their conduct so lax that great trouble was experienced in the quarter. Female geisha began to compete with the regular courtesans and openly offered themselves as prostitutes, while the male professionals contracted intimacies[44] with the women in the brothels and carried on liaisons with the latter. All these abuses clearly showed the absolute necessity of putting the geinin under proper control and of framing regulations for putting a check to their unrestrained intrigues, amours, and general gross misconduct. In the 8th year of Anyei (1779) a certain person named Shōroku (who was the keeper of a brothel known as “Daikoku-ya”) agitated the question, and after consultation with his confrères established a Kemban-sho (registry office for geisha of both sexes). Abandoning his profession of brothel-keeping, Shōroku became the director (tori-shimari-yaku) of this institution, and under his supervision a system was inaugurated by which all geinin, including men, women, and children, jōruri-singers, samisen-players, etc., were brought under authoritative control. The business of the Kemban-sho was transacted by two bantō (head-clerks) and some ten assistant clerks (te-dai), the latter acting in the capacity of a modern hako-ya (attendant who carries a geisha’s musical instruments) and attending to female geisha when the latter went out to fill an engagement.

The male geisha, it appears, were all bound to do duty at the Kemban-sho in turn.

Classes of Prostitutes.

The custom of dividing courtesans into higher and lower classes had already sprung into existence while the Yoshiwara was situated at Yanagi-machi (close by the present Tokiwa-bashi). They were then classified as Tayū and Hashi-jōro.22 During the period of the Yoshiwara three classes were added,[45] viz:—Kōshi-jōro, Tsubone-jōro, and Kirimise-jōro. After the opening of the new (Shin) Yoshiwara, Hashi-jōro and Tsubone-jōro ceased to exist, while at the same period (Genroku = 1688–1703) Sancha-jōro and Umecha-jōro came into existence. After the era of Kwansei (1789–1800) the classes in existence were:—Yobi-dashi, Chūsan, Tsuke-mawashi, Zashiki-mochi, Heya-mochi, and Kirimise-jōro. Particulars of these changes are mentioned in various old books and can also be gathered from the lists of courtesans published in those times. As to the origin of the names Tayū, Kōshi, Tsubone, etc., these terms appear to have been derived from a similar classification in vogue in Kyōto, and if my readers are curious to trace these derivations they will do well to refer to a book called the Dōbō-Goyen (洞房語園) for further information.

The Tayū was a courtesan of the highest class, excelling her unfortunate sisters both in respect to her beauty and accomplishments, and, as previously mentioned, this appellation had come into existence while the kuruwa was yet in Yanagi-chō. In the 20th year of Kwan-ei (1642) there were 18 tayū, in the era of Manji (1658–1660) 19, and in the 2nd year of Kyōhō (1718) 14, but between the 21st year of Kyōhō (1736) and the 1st year of En-kyō (1744) the number of tayū decreased to 5. In the 4th year of Kwan-en (1751) we only find one tayū in the whole Yoshiwara, and by the end of the Hōreki era (1751–1763) the class had entirely disappeared. The age-dai-kin (fee) of a tayū was at first fixed at 37 momme (about Yen 6.14), but by the era of Teikyō (1684–1687) it had been doubled. In the era of Kwampō it appears to have been 97 momme of silver (about Yen 16.00). At that period the class of courtesans styled Hashi-jōro was a very low one, and[46] no reliable record is extant from which we can obtain particulars of their fees.

The Kōshi-jōro were similar to those known as Tenjin in Kyōto. These women had their rooms within the ō-gōshi (great lattice doors or bars) and the Dōbō-Goyen (洞房語園) states that these women had the prefix of Kōshi placed before the word jōro (courtesan) to distinguish them from Tsubone-jōro. Kōshi-jōro were next in position to the Tayū, and their fee was at first 25 momme (Yen 4.15), but in the era of Kwampō (1741–1743) it rose to 60 momme of silver (about Yen 10.00). It is mentioned in the Naniwa Seirōshi (浪花青樓誌) published in the 10th year of Hōreki (1760) that the term Tenjin was in use not only in Kyōto but in Shim-machi, Ōsaka city. Next to the Kōshi-jōro came the Tsubone-jōro,23 and their fee was originally 20 momme silver (about Yen 3.32), but, after the appearance of the Sancha-jōro, competition reduced it to 15 momme (about Yen 2.49).

In the front of the houses where Tsubone-jōro resided, wooden lattice work screens, cut in a “figure of eight” all over pattern, of six feet in height were erected, presenting a most curious spectacle. This class of courtesans were in their turn ousted from popularity by the Umecha-jōro about the era of Genroku (1688–1703). It is true that after the era of Temmei (1781–1788) a class of prostitutes bearing a similar[47] name came into existence, but these latter-day Tsubone-jōro were the lowest of low women and are not to be confounded with their predecessors.

Kirimise-jōro were the predecessors of the present Ko-mise-jōro (“small-shop-courtesans”) to be found by the creek. These women lived in naga-ya (barrack-like tenement houses) and offered their services for the modest sum of 100 mon (10 sen): in consequence of this latter fact they were described as hyaku-zō (or freely rendered—“100 mon women”).

At the beginning of Kwambun (1661–1672) a still lower class of harlot, called Kendon, arose, and later on another lower grade of strumpets came into existence under the euphonious name of Teppō (a gun). The Teppō charged 2 shu (about Yen 1.25) for a day and night, but after 10 o’clock at night even this sum was reduced, on strictly business principles, to 400 mon (40 sen).

Sancha-jōro was the name of a class of women which sprang up when a raid was made on the jigoku (“Hell women”) of Yedo and the furo-ya (bath-house) women were brought into the Yoshiwara in the 5th year of Kwambun (1665). The derivation of the word Sancha is very curious, and its explanation lies in a phonetically evolved pun. Sancha was the old time word for powdered tea, nowadays known as matcha or hikicha. In ancient times ordinary leaf tea was infused by placing it in a bag, and shaking this bag about in boiling water until the liquor was extracted. In the Japanese the verb “to shake” is furū, but this word is also used (especially by courtesans) to mean—“to repel” or “manifest dislike to” a guest. Ground tea (Sancha)—on the contrary—was not placed in a bag, but put right into the water, and[48] therefore it required no shaking. The negative form of the word furū is furazu, and furazu has the sense not only of “not to shake” but “not to repel.” In the Dōbō-Goyen it is stated that many of the better class courtesans were proud as peacocks, and in the zenith of their prosperity they would at times display marked antipathy to some of their guests, going so far as to repel (furū) the visitor altogether. The newly arrived courtesans who had been brought into the Yoshiwara from all parts of Yedo City were quite tractable and docile and did not attempt to rebuff (furazu) would-be guests and hence the name Sancha-jōro (“Ground-tea harlots”). The fee of the Sancha-jōro was at first 1 Bu (gold) (about Yen 2.50). This class of women became very popular in course of time, and by the era of An-yei (1772–1780) and Temmei (1781–1788) this popularity had become so marked that the number and value of Tayū and Kōshi began to decrease. By the end of Hōreki (1763) the last-named classes disappeared, and as soon as they ceased to exist the Sancha-jōro succeeded in monopolizing the whole field. About that time, however, there arose a superior class called the Yobi-dashi, and these again were divided into two grades, distinguished in the Yoshiwara Saiken (list of prostitutes) of the period by the marks and respectively. Those marked corresponded in all respects to the tayū. Their age-dai for 24 hours was 1 ryō 1 bu (about Yen 12.50) while those bearing the sign were similar to the Kōshi-jōro, their age-dai for a day and a night being 1 ryō (about 10.00 Yen).

The Sancha were divided into Chūsan (or Hirusan) and Tsuke-mawashi, their charges being 3 bu (about Yen 7.50) and 2 bu (silver) (about Yen 5.00) respectively. Both the Yobi-dashi[49] and Chūsan walked about the Naka-no-chō on hachimonji geta (clogs) whereas the other women, with the exception of the Tsuke-mawashi, appeared in the hari-mise (or cage-like enclosure where the courtesans sat on exhibition). About the era of Genroku (1688–1703) a class of women named Baicha-jōro came into existence and entered into competition with the San-cha, but failed to maintain their footing. The fee of these Bai-cha was originally 10 momme (silver) (about Yen 1.66) but it was raised to 15 momme (about Yen 2.50) afterwards. By the era of Kwampō (1741–1743) the Baicha had well-nigh disappeared. The Zashiki-mochi and Heya-mochi who existed up to the time of the Restoration are said to have been the remnants of the Baicha-jōro.

Since the Restoration (I-shin) the different classes of prostitutes have not been distinguished by any special names, but their age-dai varies according to the position of the brothels to which they belong. At present (1899) the fees charged run from 20 sen to 1 Yen 20 sen, and the women are divided into nine classes. The fees of the women in ō-mise (large brothels) and naka-mise (medium brothels) are Yen 1.20 and 90 sen respectively. These large and medium-sized establishments must be visited through the agency of hikite-jaya, and the latter receive a commission of 10 per cent, on the business introduced by them.

In passing, it may be of interest to readers to peruse the following extracts from the “Kōshoku-Shūgyō-Shokoku-Monogatari,” (好色修行諸國物語), written by the well-known novelist Kyōden (京傳) under the nom de plume of Shōzan (笑山). In this work elaborate descriptions of Yobi-dashi, Zashiki-mochi, and Heya-mochi are given, and they portray a[50] vivid picture of the lives and customs of those women between the era of Temmei (1781–1788) and Bunsei (1818–1829).

△ Yobidashi. (Fee from 1 Ryō 1 Bu to 1 Ryō 3 Bu: about Yen 12.50 to Yen 17.50). The gorgeousness of her wearing apparel almost defies description. Her dress consists of a long robe of richly embroidered silk brocade. Her head is ornamented by a dazzling glory of hair-pins (made of the finest tortoise-shell) which glitter around her head like the lambent aureole of a saint, while her ravishing beauty is such that the mere sight of her face will steal away one’s very soul. * * * * * From this description, the neatness of her apartments, the tasteful arrangement of her furniture, and the dainty elegance of her personal effects may well be imagined. Every oiran of the Yobidashi class goes out walking in the Naka-no-chō as soon as it is dusk. She is attended by two kamuro (young female pages), two grown up female attendants (shinzō), a man bearing a box-lantern (hakojōchin), a footman holding an open long-handled umbrella, and an old woman (yarite) who acts as her chaperone.

△ Zashiki-mochi. (Fee 1 Bu about Yen 2.50). These women belong to the ham-magaki brothels. Their “business hours” in the day-time are from 12 o’clock at noon to 4 o’clock in the afternoon; and in the evening from sunset until 12 o’clock (midnight). * * * * * Their garments are made chiefly of velvet, crêpe, satin, figured satin, or habutaye, and their girdles (obi) of gold brocade, velvet, damask, etc. A couple of rooms of eight mats each are generally placed at the disposal of each courtesan.

Their futon (a kind of soft mattress) are of velvet or damask (heavily wadded to a thickness of about nine inches) covered on the surface with a specially woven crêpe, and each woman possesses two such futon. The coverlets used at night are of black velvet lined with red crêpe.

△ Heyamochi. (Fee 2 shu: about Yen 1.25).

Although these belong to the smaller establishments, there are many fine looking women among them. * * * * * Velvets, crêpes, and other silken fabrics are employed in making their garments and bedding.

△ Tsubone-jōro. (Fee 100 mon—about 10 sen—or 200 mon—about 20 sen for a day and night).

These are an exceedingly low class of women and their houses are frequented by the riff-raff and scum of the neighbourhood exclusively.

[51]

In this neighbourhood there is some strange slang employed. A samurai—for example—is called “Yama San;” a priest “Gen San;” a merchant “Chōnin San;” a young man “Musuko San;” and other queer nicknames are given to the various classes of people who visit the locality. These women used to lie in wait for passers-by, and pulling in any likely patron they could find would slam to the door. A few minutes afterwards the door would reopen and the guest depart, and this process would be repeated ad infinitum.

In a humorous work by Ikku called the “Sato Kanoko Shina Sadame” (里鹿子品定) the tayū, kōshi, sancha, zashiki-mochi and heya-mochi are wittily compared to flowers, as follows:—Tayū being scarce nowadays may be compared to the cherry-blossom, for as no other flowers can equal the cherry in point of colour and fragrance, in like manner the beauty and loveliness of the tayū surpasses that of all courtesans. Kōshi-jōro, being mild and gentle, are like the single-petaled cherry-flower booming luxuriantly, for they impose no sense of restraint on anyone. The prosperity of the Sancha and Zashiki-mochi may be likened to the red plum blossom (kōbai) because its colour is so deep (by means of a double entendre this means that the amours of these women are very numerous).

The heya-mochi are like the white plum-blossom, pale in colour but very odoriferous. (!!!).

The following is a chronological table of the various changes of class and nomenclature of the joro:—

It is mentioned in the “Yoshiwara Daizen” (吉原大全) that Kaburo (or Kamuro) was the name of young females in the Imperial Court who had the greater part of their head shaven and only a long kind of scalp-lock left hanging. The little girls who attended to the courtesans in ancient times were dressed in imitation of the child attendants formerly attached to the Court, and were styled Kiri-Kamuro. Their portraits are often seen in pictures of the Tosa and Hishikawa ukiyō-e (realistic pictures) schools. The clothes of the Kamuro were cha-jōro named Miyakoji, belonging to the Naka-Ōmiya in chiefly made of white bleached linen, on which was dyed a pinetree pattern (waka-matsu no some-moyō), or of dyed calico.

The Tayū and Kōshi-jōro were entitled to two and three Kamuro attending upon them respectively while the Sancha-jōro had only one; this system of limiting the number of the Kamuro of a courtesan was instituted to distinguish the class to which she belonged. The wearing of a kind of clothes, made of material called ōgiya-zome, by the Kamuro was considered fashionable. In the era of Hōyei (1704–1710) a San-Sim-machi, was attended by two Kamuro when she walked through the quarter, and this excited a good deal of comment, the elders of the place claiming that it was contrary to established custom. The matter, however, was settled when Miyakoji explained that one of the little maids who had accompanied her was the servant of a sister courtesan. This precedent once established, it became a custom for Sancha-jōro to sometimes walk out attended by two Kamuro under the pretext that one of these girls was not her own servant. It is said[53] that this Miyakoji was a very popular woman, and that in the house of Naka Ōmiya, to which she belonged, her memory was preserved for several generations by means of calling her successors by a similar name. Since then Wakashu-Kamuro and Bōzu-Kamuro came into fashion, and of later years it became the custom for Kamuro to wear the same kind of beautiful clothes as the courtesan on whom she was in attendance. Even at the present day it is the custom for the Kamuro to wear cotton clothes, dyed with a pine-tree pattern, during the first week in January, a period which is known by the Japanese as matsu no uchi.

The “Yedo Kwagai-Enkwaku-Shi” (江戶花街沿革誌) says:—When a young girl was brought to a brothel as a Kamuro, it was usual for the keeper of the house to see and name her. In the selection of these names high-flown cognomens such as were bestowed on courtesans were carefully avoided, and pretty innocent names were chosen. These names rarely exceeded three syllables, and never four in any case. In the event of two Kamuro being attached to one courtesan, names were given them to match: e.g. one being called “Namiji” (waves) the other would be named “Chidori” (plover), or if one was called Kureha (吳織 was one of the weavers who came from Go—a kingdom of China—in ancient times) the other would receive the name of Ayaha (a weaver from another kingdom in China.) The courtesan to whom the Kamuro belonged was called her “ane-jōro” and this ane-jōro found the Kamuro in clothes and paid all other expenses in connection with the child. The keeper of the brothel watched the behaviour and disposition of all the Kamuro in his houses, and if any promised to become famous courtesans he had them instructed in every branch[54] of deportment, and taught the banjo (samisen), harp (koto), floral arrangement (ikebana), incense-burning (senkō 燃香), tea ceremonial (cha-no-yu), and other accomplishments which were considered necessary in aspirants for the “profession.” The behaviour of Kamuro towards their ane-jōro was generally gentle and submissive, and they waited on her most assiduously. They attended to all her wants, waited on her at meals, lit her pipe when she desired to smoke, accompanied her when she promenaded in the Naka-no-chō, and ran all her errands in the neighbourhood. The Kamuro would also perform trifling services for the guests of her ane-jōro such as bringing water for washing their hands, etc. It was the custom originally that no Kamuro should assist at a wine party, as she was expected to remain sitting by the side of her mistress in the same manner as the page of a feudal lord sat behind his master, but later on this custom was changed and now the Kamuro wait on guests and pour out the saké. When there was no available ane-jōro the Kamuro used to wait on the master of the house, and if the latter found her smart, beautiful, and likely to become a popular courtesan, he took her himself as a sort of adopted daughter, and had her educated at his own expense so as to fit her for the calling. On the other hand, girls who gave no promise of turning out well in the business were left without any education whatever, became household drudges pure and simple, and ended their days in dismal ignorance: under the most favourable circumstances, this latter class of Kamuro would not be able to attain to reading characters other than hiragana (an easy form of native script) and to a slight smattering of samisen playing. When a Kamuro attached to a courtesan was sick, her place was taken by one of the girls[55] attending on the master, and it was also a custom for one brothel to make a loan of Kamuro to a neighbouring house whose keeper was short of these children. There were no particular rooms assigned to the Kamuro but they generally slept in a room next to that of their ane-jōro. They took their meals in the kitchen together with Shinzō (see chapter headed thus) and Wakaimono (see that heading) and in the day-time were allowed to romp about the galleries of the brothels and play together.

The term Kamuro has only been employed in the Yoshiwara, and in the Okabasho (which includes the prostitute quarters at Shinagawa, Shinjuku, Senju, etc.) young servant maids were either called mame-don or ko-shoku. Even in the Yoshiwara there was a rule limiting the number of kamuro to attend to a courtesan of a particular grade.

Shinzō.

In the “Yoshimura Daizen” (吉原大全) it is mentioned that the name of Shinzō (newly constructed) has been borrowed owing to the fact that a newly launched ship is so called. When kamuro (these girls generally entered service between the ages of five to seven years) had grown up to thirteen or fourteen they were made Shinzō, according to the discretion of the ane-jōro. About ten days prior to this event the girls obtained some ohaguro24 (collected from seven different friends of their ane-jōro) and blackened their teeth for the first time. On the actual day of the ceremony soba (buckwheat macaroni)[56] was made and partaken of by all the inmates of the house, and presents of the same food were sent to every jōro-ya, tea-house, hikite-jaya, and funa-yado with which the brothel was acquainted and on friendly terms. Sometimes sekihan (rice boiled with red beans) was distributed instead of buckwheat macaroni. It was also the custom on these occasions to put out a large number of seirō (vessels for steaming food) ranged in a row in front of the brothel, and to place them on a long table of unpainted board measuring from 9 to 18 feet in length. On a table (also of unpainted wood) inside the brothel, in the room of the ane-jōro, were exhibited rolls of dress materials, tobacco-pouches, fans, towels, etc., which were to be given as congratulatory presents to friends of the house as souvenirs of the ceremony. In front of the tea-house or funa-yado, where the guest who was supposed to finance the ceremony was wont to come, a number of seirō were piled up, and to all the tea-houses and funa-yado presents of mushi-gwashi (steamed cakes) were distributed. On this day the interior decorations of the brothel were so magnificent and splendid that according to ancient writers the spectacle defies the power of language to adequately portray them. The shinzō, or imōto-jōro did not at once appear in the “mise”. For a week or more from the day of her initiation she promenaded the Naka-no-chō (clad each day in different garments) under the guidance of her ane-jōro, and in case of the latter having any imōto-jōro she would bring her along. When the week of introduction was past, the fellow-courtesans of the girl would “shimai-tsu-kawasu” her to their ranks by engaging her and paying her agedai every day in turn, and she would receive congratulatory presents from her friends. Sometimes two or more shinzō[57] were initiated in one house at the same time. When a girl who had not been brought up in the Yoshiwara was made a shinzō she was technically termed a “tsuki-dashi” (one who is pushed out to the front) and as, in this case, there would be no ane-jōro to look after her interests, the kutsuwa (explained further on) provided her with the necessary bedding, wearing apparel, and furniture suited to a heya-mochi, chūsan (hirusan?), or tsuke-mawashi as the circumstances required. The amount of money spent greatly depended on the personal attractions and beauty of the girl. As in the case of a regularly trained fille de joie, she promenaded the Naka-no-chō, accompanied by another shinzō, for the space of a week from the day when she made her début, and, as a necessary accessory to this ceremony, a present of sakazuki (small saké cups), each bearing the name and crest of the debutante, was made to all the various tea-houses and funa-yado.

There was another class of prostitutes in the Yoshiwara called yakko which originally, it seems, was generally recruited from the ranks of samurai women. Every now and again a female of gentle birth would be guilty of a lapse from virtue, and, in order that the stern code of samurai honour might be vindicated, she would be sent to the public stews for a term of three, or even five, years as an exemplary punishment for her immoral behaviour. In later times all public women who were sold into the Yoshiwara from other quarters were similarly termed yakko.

In the “Yedo-Kwagai Enkakushi” (江戶花街沿革誌) it is stated that the shinzō were divided into two classes, viz—the furi-sode-shinzō and tome-sode-shinzō. For the sake of brevity, the former was sometimes called “Furi-sode” or “Furi-shin,”[58] and the girls themselves were either recruited from among the kamuro who had attained the age of 13 or 14 years, or by outsiders specially engaged for the purpose. When the furi-shin had reached an age when furi-sode (long sleeves) were no longer suitable to them, they were attired in the same manner as their seniors. With the change of their garments came the change of the general name by which they were known, and they were now called “tome-shinzō” (short-sleeves shinzō) or more simply “tome-sode” (short-sleeves) or else “tome-shin.” When a kamuro was about to become a “furi-shin,” her master would first of all summon her parents and surety (shōnin) and hand over to them a baishū-shōmon (certificate of sale) in exchange for the ordinary hōkōnin shōsho (certificate of hire) which had been given them when the young kamuro was first engaged. The master would also hand over a certain sum of money to the parents, under the expressive name of mi-no-shiro-kin (money for the body), the amount of which depended on the beauty and accomplishments of the unfortunate girl. It would, however, sometimes happen that the astute parents of the girl had been in communication with a zegen (a professional procurer) prior to this event, and when they were summoned by the brothel-keeper they insisted on removing their daughter as the term of her engagement as a kamuro had expired: they then sold the girl, at a greatly advanced price, to another brothel through the agency of the zegen. This action of the girl’s parents meant some loss to the original master, as he had to go to the trouble and expense of training another courtesan in all the tricks of the profession, whereas, if he had secured the kamuro, he would have had a girl who knew every little point regarding the business routine,[59] and who was already trained and ready to commence her new duties. As the original contract was to employ the girl as a kamuro, the master was powerless to resist the wishes of the parents when the term of apprenticeship was up, so, as a precautionary measure against either future disappointment or dunning, the brothel-keeper, in many instances, purchased the child outright, and demanded a certificate of sale when he first engaged her as a kamuro.

Yarite.
(Female Managers.)

The duties of a yarite consist in watching everything which happens in a brothel, and includes the management of the courtesans and the due espionage of both the inmates of the house and their guests. Nowadays these women are called “obasan” (“auntie!”) The yarite’s room is generally situated in front of the stairs so as to be more convenient as a position from which the general affairs of the house can be observed. No person can fill this important post satisfactorily unless she be thoroughly well versed in the ins and outs of every matter pertaining to the Yoshiwara, and unless she possesses a fund of actual practical experience on which she can draw in an emergency. The yarite, therefore, are for the most part picked from the old veterans who have themselves served their time as courtesans. In the Ō-mise (first class house) the yarite are ensconced in their rooms, employing shinzō who play the role of aide-de-camps, while in the komise (small houses) they are accustomed to receive visitors themselves and recommend suitable courtesans. The komise yarite is indeed kept very busy, for she has not only to receive guests, arrange meetings, etc., but she has to watch the reception[60] given to visitors by her girls, form an opinion of the visitors themselves, and attend to a hundred and one other things also. The komise yarite may be described as “cute,” and there are mighty few things that escape the notice of these lynx-eyed old beauties! The yarite originated in the furo-ya (a sort of brothel) and their original title was “kwasha” (火車 = a fire wheel). In the “Kiyū Shōran” (嬉遊笑覽) is a note to the effect that the meaning of kwasha was “to grasp” (tsukamu) which in former times was used in the sense of “buying” prostitutes: it also had the meaning of “making oneself familiarly selfish; and as the yarite made rules which her women were bound to obey, she often showed herself heartlessly selfish towards the courtesans, and hence the name of kwasha. The regular wages received by yarite were insignificant, but their real sources of income were tips received from guests and (by previous arrangement with their employer) commissions on the sums spent by guests. They invariably wore maki-obi (a girdle simply wound round the waist without being crossed at right angles at the back). In ancient times they wore a hood or cap over the mae-gami (a coil of hair above the forehead) and wore maki-obi of black satin. They received wages twice a year, viz:—about the middle of August (chūgen = 15th day of the 7th month; the last day of the Feast of Lanterns) 2 Bu (Yen 5.00), and the end of December (seibo) 3 Bu (Yen 7.50).

Besides, they charged a commission on the food and other things brought to the guests.

(In those days the rate of commission allowed to the yarite was 200 mon (20 sen) on every Bu spent on food by guests, and she levied 200 mom (20 sen) per guest on the tea-house[61] concerned). Even to this day the “obasan” receives a certain percentage of commission, so she is fairly well off if she is employed in a popular and largely frequented house. In smaller house the visitors give the “auntie” a tip of 20 sen or 30 sen, and those who omit to propitiate the lady in this manner find that things are not made pleasant for them. In certain houses, however, a notice is posted to the effect that no gratuities are expected by the servants, that the proprietor is anxious not to burden guests with extra expenses such as tips, etc., and that patrons will be treated with all possible consideration irrespective of such presents. Sometimes a “complaint-box” is provided and hung up, and beside it is a notice, written in bold characters, setting forth the laudable intentions of the proprietor and requesting guests to make immediate complaint if they have been improperly treated, or if they detect any objectionable practices being carried on in the establishment. Practically, however, the prevailing customs of the Yoshiwara are so ingrained and hard to fight against that there is scarcely any visitor who has courage enough to lodge a complaint.

In ancient times it was the obnoxious custom for the yarite to administer corporal punishment to prostitutes who were accused of neglect of duty, and, taking advantage of their power, they often subjected the miserable object of their displeasure to very cruel and inhuman treatment. Happily, such practices have almost ceased since the principle has been recognized of according courtesans a reasonably full measure of liberty; but even in these enlightened days sinister stories are told regarding the harsh treatment of women in some of the lower class houses. No doubt the obasan, greatly abuse[62] their power at times, and this arises from giving them too much liberty and discretion in dealing with the inmates of brothels: they find themselves in a position to domineer over a number of other women (all of whom are practically dependent on the good-will of these female overseers) and, unless they happen to be exceptional persons, they are naturally apt to give way to their tempers and to show unfair partiality towards their subordinates, treating some kindly enough and others most cruelly. What with tips, squeezes, and lending money to the girls at usurious rates of interest, the obasan enjoy a fairly lucrative position.

The “Kutsuwa.”

In the “Yoshiwara-Daizen” (吉原大全) it is stated that the custom of calling the proprietor of a brothel “kutsuwa” came into vogue when the prostitute quarter was situated at Yanagi-chō. The place was laid out in the form of a Japanese bridle-bit (kutsuwa = a bit: shaped like a cross moline within a circle) and the houses were built in that shape, so it became the fashion for visitors to call the brothels kutsuwa.

It is stated in the “Ruishū-Sanyō” (類聚纂要) that brothels were named kutsuwa (which in Chinese characters reads 亡八 and means “forget eight”) because persons frequenting them were apt to forget the eight virtues, viz:—filial piety, brotherly kindness, loyalty, faithfulness, politeness, righteousness, integrity, and the sense of shame. In the Genna (1615–1623) and Meireki (1655–1657) eras the kutsuwa were called kimi-ga-tete (sovereign and parent: or “Prince of the Courtesans”) owing to the fact that at the time of the opening of time Yoshiwara the daimyō and other notables used to call[63] the founder of the quarter—Shōji Jinyemon—by that name. One never hears this term nowadays.

In the “Yoshiwara-Enkakushi” (芳原沿革誌) it is mentioned that kutsuwa (a “bridle bit” 馬銜) is another name for a brothel. Some say that a certain Hara Saburōyemon (who had formerly been a groom of the Taikō) having founded a brothel, the name of kutsuwa was given to it in commemoration of his old employment and the kutsuwa (bits) he had handled in bye gone days. Another account says that the prostitute quarter of Fushimi resembled the shape of a bridle-bit, and hence this name came into popular use. Still another version is given by the “Nobunaga-ki,” (信長記) according to which a retainer of Nobunaga’s, named Ōta Umanosuke, was once detected receiving bribes. This coming to his master’s ears, the latter, who was of a humorous turn of mind, composed the following poem and sent it to the guilty henchman:—“Zeni-gutsuwa hameraretaru ka Umanosuke? Hito-chikushō to kore wo iūran”—“Have you been bitted and bridled with a bit made of money Umanosuke? We must call you a man-beast.” (You have been gagged by a golden bit, you may therefore be described as a man-beast). In the Chinese characters, kutsuwa (亡八) meant “selfishness” or “covetousness.”

Wakaimono.
(Male Servants.)

The “Yoshiwara Shin-hanjō-ki” (吉原新繁昌記) says:—According to the custom of the Yoshiwara, all men-servants in brothels were called wakaimono (young fellows), and this term was applied, in a most inconsistent manner, even to middle-aged[64] or old men in the employ of these houses. The word is practically equivalent to “boy” as used by foreign residents in the East. There are different duties assigned to the wakaimono. In the best houses they are divided into mise-no-hito (“shopmen”), naka-don (inside men), toko-ban (bed men), chūrō (overseers), nezuban (night watchmen—this duty is undertaken by all the men in turn), furo-ban (bathroom men), shita-ban (downstair men), etc. In the medium houses the chūrō are omitted, but in some of them another class of men termed oi-mawashi (overseers) are employed. In the case of most lower-class houses these grades are not known, or at least the division of labour is not so well arranged. In medium houses all the business is transacted by “shop-men,” “inside-men,” “downstair-men,” while in the lowest establishments, such as are to be found at Waru-gashi, Rashō-mon, and Fushimi-chō, a couple of men meet all the requirements of the brothel. It is also needless to say that there is a considerable difference in the number of servants employed according to the number of prostitutes kept by the various houses. The wages of these people range from 75 sen to 1 Yen per month (in 1899) which of course, would not be enough to keep them in clothes and food were it not for their perquisites and pickings. A “shop-man” (mise-no-hito), for instance, receives a squeeze of one sen per dai (a dish containing food) and one sen per each bottle—holding 1 gō—of saké consumed by guests, and besides 5 rin (1⁄2 sen) for each pair of boots or clogs of which he takes charge. [This fee for taking charge of foot-gear is deducted from the agedai of the courtesans.] There is another source of income which is by no means despicable. It is derived from the extortion—for no milder term seems adequate to express the[65] meaning—of a small, or sometimes large, balance of change which is due to guests when the latter settle their bills. In the event of a bill amounting to Yen 1.90, for instance, if a guest hands over 2 Yen in payment, the courtesan, who is ready for the occasion, urges—nay almost compels—him to give the change (tsuri) to the servant. It may happen that this goes against the grain of the victim, but he generally yields to the pressure of the girl’s persuasion for fear of being considered mean. This squeeze is called a chōchō (butterfly) and in some houses a collection of “butterflies” amounting to more than two or three Yen per night is netted by the astute wakaimono. It will be observed that these “butterflies” are caught by the courtesan, therefore if the wakaimono are not on friendly terms with the women they will not be successful in catching such nice fat chōchō.

According to the rules of each house accounts are kept either by the mise-no-hito (“shop men”), nakadon (inside men), or yarite. In every houses the proceeds arising from the sale of waste paper (kami kuzu) form part of the income of meshi-taki (the kitchen servants). Tips are naturally desired by all the servants of brothels, but the yarite, shinzō, and nakadon are the most frequent recipients of them, as their duties bring them into direct contract with guests. The ōi-mawashi (overseers) and meshi-taki (kitchen maids) have no share in tips other than those given under the name of sō-bana by visitors.

The powers wielded by the bantō (head clerk) of first-class houses are similar to those exercised by the masters themselves, and the respect in which they are held by the other servants almost equals that which is accorded to the employer himself.[66] For instance, a bantō generally comes down to his “office,” so to speak, every evening about 6 o’clock and remains until midnight (nakabike). On his arrival at, and departure from, the brothel, he is attended by the naka-bataraki (parlor-maids?) and other servants, all of whom treat him with the most profound respect. Any commission (i.e.—kasuri or “squeezes”) gathered in prior to the departure of the bantō (this is before 12 o’clock p.m.) goes to him, but after that hour the “profits” are divided among his subordinates. The monthly revenue of a bantō of one of the best houses from this source is, generally speaking, not less than 50 or 60 Yen, and even in a medium or lower-class house it ranges from 12 or 13 Yen upwards to 20 or 30 Yen.

The wakai-mono are technically known as gyū and the origin of this term is explained in the “Dōbō Goyen-ho” (洞房語園補) as follows:—

In the era of Shō-ō (1652–1654) there was a brothel-keeper in Fukiya-chō named Idzumiburo no Yohei. In this house was a man called Kyūsuke who had been long employed in the establishment and was consequently experienced in the reception of guests. The man, who was an inveterate smoker, made a peculiar pipe out of a thick piece of purplish coloured bamboo tube to which was attached a mouth-piece and bowl, and he was so fond of this contrivance that he carried it round with him everywhere, sticking it in his girdle when not in use. He was hump-backed and short in stature, and when he went about smoking his long pipe the good folk of the place said he looked like the Chinese character kyū (及). The name was gradually transferred from Kyū-suke, an individual, to the whole class of attendants. First people spoke of going[67] to “Kyū’s” (及) place, and this nick-name afterwards became almost a general term for men-servants in brothels. The present word “gyū” is a corruption of “kyū.”

Hōkan and Geisha.

In the Yoshiwara, taiko-mochi (hōkan) are called otoko-geisha in contra-distinction to female geisha. More generally they are called tayū-shū. At first they were divided into several classes, among them being Uji (Uji’s school) Sugano (Sugano’s school) Ogiye (Ogiye’s school) and Sukura-gawa; their profession was to attend saké parties and sing or play to amuse the guests. Gradually, however, they were forced to look after various affairs of their customers in order to buy the good-will of the latter. At present they have completely degenerated. In spite of the fact that the Yoshiwara is the veritable birth-place of the hōkan, those belonging to the quarter are far inferior to their contemporaries of the City proper in many respects. When a hōkan of the present day is called to attend a party of guests in a brothel, he enters the room holding a folded fan in his hand, and after saluting the guest who has called him snaps the fan he carries with a sharp clicking sound and expresses his obligation to his patron’s companion in the stereotyped phrase—“oiran maido arigatō” (thank you madam for your constant favours). He then bows in turn to every person in the room, including other courtesans and geisha, his actual patron being disregarded for the time being. As soon as the party gets livened up from the effects of liquor, and the feasting has began to flag, the jesting and buffoonery of the hōkan waxes fast and furious and is accompanied by droll contortions and gesticulations, ashi-odori,[68] suteteko, and even hadaka-odori.25 These disgusting and highly suggestive antics of the hōkan, far from scandalizing guests, are received with great applause and appear to afford much amusement to all present. In the Yoshiwara, the most popular hōkan at present (1899) are Zenroku, Minchū, Hambei, Shōkō, and Heiki. The usual costume of a hōkan consists of a haori of black cloth having five crests upon it, and a kimono of a different coloured crêpe. According to the narrative of an old man, there were in the era of Tempō (1830–1843) two classes of hōkan named zamochi and taiko-mochi. The former were well versed in every branch of polite accomplishments including kō-cha (incense-burning and tea-ceremonial) ikebana (floral arrangement) shikyoku (playing various kinds of musical instruments) etc., and were generally called to parties given by nobles, gentlemen, and wealthy merchants. In private life they were admitted to the friendship of poets and literary men, and even in ordinary times wore crested ceremonial clothes. When attending their customers they wore a small wooden sword called a “kami-ire-dome” (pocket-book holder) and carried about them a sum of at least 25 ryō (about Yen 250) for the purpose of making payments on behalf of patrons, as it was not the custom to receive money from the latter on[69] the spot. The ordinary taiko-mochi, on the other hand, were those who had no special accomplishments, but even these were more accomplished than their modern representatives. They were also colloquially termed “no-daiko.”

When a hōkan intends to enter the profession on his own account, he goes round to the various brothels and the tea-houses under the guidance of his teacher and fellow hōkan for the purpose of introducing himself and soliciting patronage. This proceeding is described as hirome wo nasu (to “advertise” oneself) and the larger the number of fellow hōkan who follow the debutante the greater the honour to the latter. On this day he requests the tea-houses or brothels with whom he is particularly friendly to recommend him to guests, and the latter are under a species of moral obligation to assist the beginner in this matter. In the “Dōbō Go-yen” (洞房語園) it is stated that men who entertained parties of persons, under engagement by guests, were called taikomochi (大鼓持 = a drum-holder). In the days of Ōta Nobunaga there lived in the city of Kyōto a man named Jige Yazaemon who was an expert player on the drum, and whenever he was called into the presence of notables to give a performance he used to beat the instrument while it was being held by one of his pupils, he himself being seated on a drum-shaped tub. Among his pupils was one named Idayū who was skilled in the act of holding the drum, and who was a great favorite of his master Yazaemon. * * * For this reason, parties wishing to engage Yazaemon used to request his performance through Idayū. This state of things gave umbrage to other pupils of Yazaemon, so they spoke of him contemptuously as “that taiko-mochi” (drum-bearer). From that time, persons who endeavoured to curry favour by[70] flattery began to be spoken of as “taiko-mochi” until the word become almost equivalent to “sycophant.” Yazaemon was the founder of the “Kwanzé” school of drum-beating, and in consideration of his fame in this line he was allowed to sit even in the presence of high dignitaries. In the “I-hon Kō-i” (異本考異) portion of the “Dōbō Go-yen” (洞房語園) it is stated that the origin of the name taiko-mochi is as above related, and that to match this title prodigals (hōtō-mono = a dissolute person) were called dora-uchi (鉦打 = bell/gong strikers). Of late years, entertainers of guests without special accomplishments have been termed “no-daiko” (“field-drums” or “rustic drums”) and this name was apparently given them as a term of contempt. Nowadays, geisha of both sexes have come into existence and assist in the entertainment of guests and courtesans just like the taiko. In ancient times taiko-mochi were known as taiko-shu. The origin of the hōkan in the Yoshiwara may be traced to olden times. The “Kuruwa Roppō” (廓六法) says:—“Taiko Naoyuki ga kuro no haori ni tate yotsume no mon-tsuki taru wo kite dote-bushi utōte uwate-sase ageya no sashi-gami ikutsu mo mochi, un-un” (Taiko Naoyuki was walking along singing a song known as “dote-bushi.” He was wearing a black haori with a “yotsume” crest dyed upon it, and was carrying sashi-gami from ageya [to various courtesans]). This refers to the state of a taiko-mochi being sent round by ageya to call women from brothels. Again it says:—“Taiko-mochi Naoyuki wa Shōji no mon wo onore no mon to su * * * (Taiko-mochi Naoyuki appropriated to his own use the crest of Shōji (Jinyemon)) * * * mon dokoro made o-ashi ni nitari (even his crest resembled cash). These statements show that[71] this particular taikomochi was greatly liked by the founder of the Yoshiwara—Shōji Jinyemon—but from the tone of the language employed we may infer that even in those days the profession was looked down upon as a mean one. About the era of Kwambun (1661–1672) taikomochi came into existence in the Moto-Yoshiwara, and Naoyuki was the most popular of hōkan at that period. In the era of Manji (1658–1660) Kutsuno Jiroyemon was the best known man, while in the era of Genroku (1688–1703) Higeno Mukyū, Bōzu Kohei, and Nishuban Kichibei were favourites. The last two were really actors, but they occasionally entered the Yoshiwara in the capacity of taikomochi, and the fact that they were patronized by Kinokuni-ya Bunzaemon is mentioned in different books. About the Meiwa era (1764–1771) a taikomochi named Ippyō was very famous. (It was to the house of this Ippyō that Hiraga Kyūhei went for the purpose of meeting the courtesan Hinadzuru).

Sometimes the hōkan were called “kami” owing to the fact that among the regular attendants of Kinokuni-ya Bunzaemon was a man named Kamiyui Chōshichi, a hairdresser by profession, who excelled in dancing the gaki-mai (hungry devils’ dance) to the accompaniment of tunes which he whistled, and who was a great favourite with the Yoshiwara women. This individual, being a barber, was called “kami” (contraction of kami-yui = a hair-dresser) which of course was written 髮 (“hair”) but after a time the word was corrupted into kami (神 = a god) and perhaps this was why the name of massha (末社 a “small shrine”) was applied to the attendants of wealthy men and now is used colloquially to mean a “jester” or “buffoon.” The hōkan of the Yoshiwara is considered as[72] below the female geisha in rank. In former times they lived outside the kuruwa and seldom made buffoonery their sole profession, but in the era of Meiwa (1764–1771) and Anyei (1772–1780) they gradually moved into the enclosure, licenses being granted to them by Shōji Jinyemon in which they were described as “otoko-geisha” (male geisha). By the 7th year of An-yei (1778) their number had reached twenty and they were recognized as a regular class of professionals. Since the establishment of the kemban-sho in the 8th year of the same era (1779) the geisha of both sexes were brought under its management, but so far as the hōkan were concerned the Government only knew and registered them as dote-ninsoku (embankment coolies) or suibo-kata (coolies provided to guard against flood) so the social status of these men may well be imagined. [At Fukagawa they were officially known as amma (shampooers), at Shinagawa as tsuye-barai (tipstaffs), at Naitō Shinjuku as kera-bori (insect-diggers)].

Since the Bunkwa and Bunsei (1804–1839) eras the singers of Katō-bushi and Itchū-bushi songs came to attend guests as hōkan. When called by notables or samurai they wore hakama, and, while entertaining the guests with various amusements, acted with civility, but in the presence of traders they discarded the hakama. Generally speaking these men were well versed in deportment and various accomplishments, and, as they were fit to move in the best society, they were often engaged by poetasters, dilettantes, lovers of art and letters, and wealthy people, more as friends and companions than as the mere mercenaries they are at present. Indeed they were such highly educated and accomplished men in so many respects that persons of higher social standing were in[73] no wise ashamed to have them for intimate acquaintances. At present the hōkan are looked down upon as belonging to a mean profession because they practice it as their sole means of earning a livelihood, whereas, in former times, it was individual taste rather than necessity which attracted persons to engage in this vocation. In order to make both ends meet, the latter-day hōkan grovel before and toady to their guests, and thus they have forfeited all title to the respect of the public. The story of the visit made to the Yoshiwara by Hōichi may be read in the light of revelations by one who was thoroughly familiar with the quarter. In the Bunkwa (1804–1817) and Bunsei (1818–1829) eras the hair of the hōkan was dressed in a style known as “mame-honda” (豆本田) and in the era of Tempō (1830–1843) in the “ko-icho” (小銀杏) style.

Gradually the hōkan have deteriorated, but the men themselves are not solely to blame, for had their guests been respectable people, and punctilious sticklers for etiquette, these entertainers would have been compelled to maintain a high standard as regarded accomplishments and to have conducted themselves in a decorous manner. The trouble first arose through permitting laxity in the manner of dress and allowing the men to appear without hakama in the presence of guests: as soon as an inch was granted an ell was claimed, and so matters[74] drifted on until the hōkan had sunk down to the very low social status they occupy nowadays. In an Oriental country, at any rate, if you permit any impropriety or breach of etiquette in silence the result will always be far-reaching and disastrous! In the pre-Restoration days, the fee (gyokudai) of a hōkan was 1 ryō (about 10 Yen) for 4 hours (from 6 to 10 p.m.) and out of this 500 mon (50 sen) was deducted by the kemban (see that heading) as commission. In order to evade necessity of paying a commission to the kemban, hōkan were in the habit of promenading the quarter in the hope of catching sight of guests whom they might happen to know, and of thus being engaged without the intervention of the registry office. This was known as “oka-dzuri” (岡釣り = land-fishing), and although the practice was known to the kemban that office simply winked at it. The present price of the hōkan’s services is 10 sen per joss-stick, and generally he receives a gratuity of from 50 sen to 1 Yen (from these payments certain small squeezes are levied by the kemban and the tea-house). There are now two classes of hōkan, one called jimae and the other kakae: members of the former (jimae) carry on their profession independently, while those of the latter (kakae) live in the houses of their masters and in return for board, and the loan of professional clothes, divide their earnings with their padrones. In fact the system is identical with the women geisha system. Among themselves they use many slangy expressions such as “O Chaya San” (instead of “hikite-jaya”). “Nesan” (instead of geisha: this word is only used in reference to the older women, the rest being designated by their own proper names), doing to a party by engagement is called “o zashiki” (instead of kyaku no seki ye deru); a brothel[75] keeper’s private room “Go nai-sho” (instead of rō-shu no kyo-shitsu); courtesans “oiran” (instead of shōgi); etc.; etc. In the Yoshiwara the public women are supposed to occupy the first position as leaders of society, so they are never spoken of as jōro or shōgi by any professional men and women, but called by the more flowery and euphemistic name of oiran.26 Any song in which the words “Yoshiwara jōro-shū (or shōgi)” occurs is sung; altered to “Yoshiwara oiran,” thus softening the expression and making the sound more agreeable and less offensive to the courtesans themselves. They also call a courtesan’s room “oiran no o zashiki” (the august room of the oiran instead of “shōgi no zashiki (courtesan’s room)). Shinzō, tea—house maids, etc., are spoken of by their respective names, and generally speaking, the same is the case with female geisha.

[76]

As female geisha are also controlled by the kemban-sho, their samisen boxes are placed out in a row at the office, each box bearing a paper label on which its owner’s name is written in large letters. Only the Naka-no-chō geisha are registered in this establishment, and it takes no cognizance of moguri geisha (a geisha who carries on her profession clandestinely) or private geisha kept in smaller houses. In summoning a geisha, tea-houses send a maid-servant and brothels a wakaimono (man servant) to the registry office, and this messenger calls out—“⸺ san ⸺ oiran no o zashiki desu” (or translated freely “Miss ⸺ is wanted by guests in Miss ⸺’s apartments”). So thoroughly do the clerks in the kemban-sho know their business that no further conversation takes place, and the geisha is sent out forthwith: in most cases the clerks do not even enquire from whence the messenger has come as they generally are quick to recognize his or her identity, and at night a glance at the lantern of the applicant (which always bears a name or device) shows them the house to which the geisha is to proceed. If the geisha thus called has already been engaged, or is unable to attend to the call on account of sickness or other cause, an answer is[77] given to that effect. (In the latter case a toothpick is stuck in the samisen box to show that the geisha is not able to visit her guests). The servants of the kemban-sho (kemban no ko-mono) are employed in carrying the geisha’s samisen wherever she goes. When a geisha is about to make her début she goes the round of tea-houses and brothels, accompanied by her employer (kakae-nushi) and comrades, distributing to each house towels or saké-cups inscribed with her name. These calls are made by way of introduction and to solicit patronage (aiko wo tanomi) and (as is the case with a new hōkan) the larger the number of friends who are present on this occasion the greater the honour to the geisha. The “shin-gao” (new-face), as she is called, invariably wears on the day of her début garments made of silk crêpe (chirimen) dyed with three white crests on each of them. Her hair is dressed in the “shimada” style, her obi (girdle) tied in a bow called “taiko-musubi,” and when she walks she turns back the skirt of her dress a little so as to allow a glimpse of her exquisite crêpe petticoat (naga-jiban) beneath. In case of the debutante being an o shaku (a young girl training to become a regular geisha) the style of her dress is left to her own choice, and on the day of her introduction she is called by some guest in accordance with previous arrangements made through a tea-house or brothel. If the young geisha has no engagement on this first night of her professional life it is considered as a great disgrace to her employer. It is a custom for the Yoshiwara geisha not to wear clothes bearing crests, except during the time of the[78] New Year’s festivities and other time-honoured holidays and festivals, but to dress themselves in plain striped stuffs. On the “crest days” (紋日 = mom-bi. These are the Go-sekku or five national holidays, tori-no-machi, etc.) geisha are generally engaged, by previous appointment, by tea-houses, brothels, or by the request of some guests, and they therefore stop, during the proper hours, in the houses where they have been engaged, even though there be no guests to attend to. [On these particular days they don their crested garments for the nonce.] Should the geisha fail to keep her appointment, or not remain at her post during the regular time in accordance with established rules, she will be scolded by not only kemban but by the tea-houses and brothels, and it will be said about her:—“Zuibun tare San wa zubora da ne!” or shitsurei wo shiranai” (“Miss So and So is very neglectful isn’t she?” or “She has no sense of propriety or courtesy”).

The fees payable to a geisha are calculated at the kemban-sho by the number of hours her samisen box is away from the office. The fee is 12-1⁄2 sen per hour (it was 2 shu—Yen 1.25—in the olden days) and the tip given (tentō or shūgi) generally 1 Yen: for younger geisha (o shaku) the fee is 10 sen per hour and the tip about 20 sen. At present there is a class of cheap geisha who charge the rate of a younger geisha (o shaku nami no gyoku-dai = a fee the same as that of an o shaku). A small percentage of the geisha’s earnings is taken as commission by the tea-houses arranging the engagement. Some features of the old style of geisha are still retained among the singing-girls of the Yoshiwara. For instance, they wear a large maru-obi (a broad sash made out of a single piece of stuff folded lengthways once and sewn together at the edges, loosely[79] tied and hanging down quite low) and a dress so long that it touches, and almost trails upon, the ground. The ancient styles of the coiffure are fast disappearing, their place being usurped by the Ichōgaeshi (or inverted maidenhair-leaf which requires no false hair, but consists of two tresses parted at the crown, made into rings, and gathered in at the top) and even the sokuhatsu (European style) style. Formerly the shimada was en regle and any other style was considered as impolite vis-a-vis guests. [Nowadays the ordinary geisha in the cities violate ancient customs in a hundred and one ways]. They also considered it stylish and “the thing” to go about barefooted and never, even in the coldest weather, wore socks, whereas of late years the geisha all wear tabi.

It is stated that geisha first came into existence at Kyōto and Ōsaka in the 1st year of Hōreki (1751), but they were vastly different to those of the present day. Up to the eras of Shōtoku (1711–1715) and Kyōhō (1716–1735) nearly all the courtesans were skilled in the arts of singing, dancing, music, etc., and as they were equal to the task of enlivening parties with their performances there was no room nor necessity for geisha. Besides the fact that the courtesans were accomplished, it was the custom for the wives and daughters of brothel-keepers to play the samisen and dance for the amusement of guests: these were called tori-mochi (entertainers). Again, those shinzō who were versed in amusing arts such as dancing and music, were invited by guests to assist at parties, although no fixed arrangement was made with them. These things ceased at the end of the Hōreki era (1751–1763).

[81]

Formerly there was a class of female professionals called odori-ko (dancers), who not only gave exhibitions of dancing but even offered themselves as substitutes for the ordinary courtesans in order to eke out their means of subsistence.

In the 4th year of Hōreki (1754) regular geiko (kind of geisha) sprang into existence for the time, and the term geisha developed later on about the 11th year (1761). In the latter year, we read that in the “Daikoku-rō” (brothel), was a geiko named Toyotake Yasohachi, in the “Ōgiya” (brothel) a geisha named Kasen, in “Tama-ya” (brothel) two geisha called Ran and Toki respectively, while another geisha known as Mondo was engaged in the “Iseya” (brothel), etc. The geisha were experts in gidayū (musical drama), naga-uta (lyric poetry or song), and bungo-bushi (a style of song which originated in Bungo), etc., and, as their name implies, they were accomplished women. The proper sphere of the geisha, on the other hand, was to entertain parties by playing popular airs and singing popular “catchy” songs. When the geisha first came into existence—about the 10th or 11th year of Hōreki (1760–1761) they were employed by the brothels and lent to guests of the houses, but, as their popularity and number increased, they came to be engaged by tea-houses and individuals, or to start independently, and so gradually formed a separate and distinct profession. The liberty of action which they had acquired since they had set up independently soon degenerated into license, and it often happened that geisha not only sold their accomplishments but their charms as well: this led to the establishment of the kemban-sho by Daikoku-ya Shūmin in the 8th year of Anyei (1779) and the placing of geisha under proper control. Prior to the establishment of this kemban-sho[82] the geisha were at liberty to go out of the great gate with guests, but subsequently this was strictly forbidden except to two geisha each day. Only on New Year’s day and the 13th day of the 7th month (Bon no jū-san-nichi) were they free to pass out of the Yoshiwara irrespective of number, but even on those days their hours of liberty expired at 4 o’clock in the afternoon. We find it recorded that the rules were so stringently enforced that comparatively few geisha actually ventured outside the gateway even on the special days above mentioned. The kemban-sho further made strict sumptuary regulations prohibiting geisha from wearing unnecessarily fine clothes, believing that if these women were dressed too magnificently it might lead to their making easy conquests of the guests they met. The dress was limited to clothes of plain non-figured stuffs dyed with their crests, and collars of some white material (shiro-eri muji no mon-tsuki) while their coiffures had to be made in the “shimada” style ornamented with one kōgai (hair-pin), one comb, and one smaller hair-pin only. This style of dress is adopted even in these times on certain days called mom-bi (crest days). In order to make assurance doubly sure, geisha were generally recruited from among comparatively plain women so as not to set up a counter-attraction to the oiran or out-shine the latter, and in a party of guests they were not allowed to sit close beside the latter except in cases of sheer necessity. When a geisha was suspected of too much intimacy with a guest an enquiry was held by the kemban-sho people, and if they considered the suspicion to be well-grounded they would suspend the fair sinner from the exercise of her profession for the space of from one to three days and admonish her as to her future conduct.[83] Nowadays, geisha have perfect freedom of action in the matter of going out of the Yoshiwara, the only stipulation being that they are required to notify the kemban-sho of their purpose. Formerly, geisha licenses were issued by the nanushi but are now given by the kemban. In the kemban hung a number of wooden tickets bearing the names of geisha registered there, and as soon as a woman was engaged her ticket was taken down and hung up again with its face to the wall: this enabled the kemban people to tell instantly whether a certain geisha was “in” or “out.” Three geisha made one “set” (kumi) and not less than three could be engaged: this was a precaution against allowing one girl to make herself unduly familiar with a guest, but now the “set” has been reduced to two geisha only. The hours of engagement were limited from noon to 10 p.m., and during that time 7 joss-sticks (senkō shichi hon) were supposed to have been consumed: the fee was fixed at 1 ryō 3 bu (Yen 17.50) and was divided between the kemban and the geisha, the latter receiving 2 bu 2 shu (Yen 6.25). The geisha also received a gratuity of from 2 shu to 1 bu (Yen 1.25 to Yen 2.50). In the Yoshiwara there were no hakoya (samisen-box carriers) the clerks of the kemban acting in that capacity: at night time these clerks carried lighted lanterns on which were painted the sign of the kemban.

On the 2nd day of the first month the ceremony of hikizome (first playing of the samisen in the new year) was observed. After about 4 o’clock in the afternoon the geisha and hōkan, in groups of fives or sevens, went round to the various tea-houses and brothels in their holiday dress wishing the proprietors and inmates a happy new year, playing tunes of a felicitous nature, and soliciting future patronage. The[84] tea-houses and brothels entertained these callers with toso (spiced saké), ordinary saké, and food. This custom of celebrating the hikizome still prevails.

In closing this chapter it may be of some interest to readers to note that the Sakura-gawa school of hōkan is the most influential in the Yoshiwara, and consequently many persons have concluded that this style is indigenous to the quarter: such, however, is not the case, for it originated in Fukagawa. Of late, several classes of amusements and many new songs, said to be in the Sakura-gawa style, have been introduced, but they do not seem to be particularly noteworthy.

The Europeanization of the Yoshiwara and the Introduction of Loochooan Courtesans.

The origin of the addition of rō (樓 = a two-storied or “high” house) to the names of brothels is traced back to the Go-mei-rō (五明樓) which was another name for the “Ōgiya” of the Shin Yoshiwara about the era of Temmei (1781–1786). In the pre-Restoration days no houses were allowed which exceeded two stories in height, but since the beginning of the Meiji (the present) era changes have been introduced into the architecture of brothels and several magnificent and commodious houses have been built in a hybrid European style. The Tōkyō-kaikwa-hanjō-shi (東京開化繁昌誌) states:—

“At the time of the Restoration, high and commodious buildings, such as had never been seen even in the mansions of nobles, were constructed in the European fashion, etc., etc.” Illustrations of the Kimpei-rō and the Go-sei-rō in the European style are given.

[85]

In the “Shin-Yoshiwara-Zensei-kurabe-Shōgi-hyōban-ki”, (新吉原全盛競娼妓評判記) published in 1870, is a passage which reads:—“Houses were built in the Western fashion and many rare and delicate things were placed on the table” (sic.)

The adoption of foreign costume by prostitutes was first introduced by the Yamada-rō of Ageya-machi in 1886, and later on this example was followed by the Shin-Inaben-rō and several other houses, but before long the new fashion fell into disfavour and was abandoned. When the “foreign craze” was at its height, the Yamada-rō provided foreign bedsteads for the women, and served up food in foreign dishes; but they never got so far as knives and forks, and although the plates were of a Western pattern one was expected to eat the viands with the cedarwood chopsticks provided!!! The Yamada-rō seems to be great on new sensations, for in 1889 that house engaged two or three Loochooan women as courtesans. This novel departure filled the house for a time, but before long the novelty wore off and the lovely Loochooans ceased to be an attraction.

Zegen.
(Procurers.)

There may be various causes which compel many an unfortunate girl to plunge into the “sea of trouble and bitterness” (ku-gai), and out of each the enterprising novelist and feuilleton writer has over and over again constructed a peg on which to hang his story, but, when all is said and done, the cause of causes is poverty. Nowadays, the police regulations are so stringent that it is virtually impossible for persons to traffic in human flesh and blood and sell their fellow-creatures,[86] but in former times there were rascally scoundrels known as “zegen” who made a regular business of procuring, selling, and buying women. These infamous pimps not only extorted outrageous fees for their services but treated their victims in a most cruel brutal manner, and they even had the temerity to kidnap young innocent girls for the purpose of selling them to brothels. Even the officials of the Bakufu (Tokugawa Government) were startled out of their perfunctory method of doing things when they realized the danger these pestilent fellows were to the community, and in the 5th month of the 4th year of Kwansei (1792) the following notification was issued by the government prohibiting procurers from exercising their nefarious calling:—

In the official rules relative to deeds of engagement of courtesans issued in the 7th year of Kwansei (1797)—that is four years after the issue of the above notification—occurred the following clauses:—

From the above it would appear that the profession was not altogether abolished, and that it was merely concentrated in the Yoshiwara for the purpose of enforcing a strict control over zegen and naka-tsugi. Even these regulations were relaxed in course of time, and by the era of Tempō (1830–1843) there were over ten houses carrying on the business of zegen in Tamachi, Asakusa, and Sanya. Among these, the most famous was the establishment of Ōmiya Sampachi, as he employed ten or more kobun (partly employé and partly protégé) who, in conjunction with the provincial zegen, freely resorted to the practice of kidnapping girls. These zegen sent agents into the country to buy, beg, borrow, or steal, women and girls, whom they brought back and locked up securely till the moment of their absolute transfer into the[89] hands of brothel-keepers. How they maltreated the poor wretches whom they had kidnapped may be inferred from the fact that the owners of these “registry offices” were in the habit of stripping the girls absolutely naked every night, and hiding their clothes under their own futon (mattress) lest the unhappy victims should escape. When the women were about to be sold to the brothels with whom the men had made previous arrangements, they were nicely dressed in hired clothes (in order to make them appear to better advantage and thus enhance the selling price) and taken round as “goods on view.” Then followed protracted negotiations between the parties interested, each haggling over the bargain like a fish-monger and a house-wife, the zegen trying to squeeze out as much money as possible from the intending buyer, and the brothel-keeper endeavouring to beat him down. At length the price would be settled to the satisfaction of both the buyer and seller, but even then there would generally ensue a struggle relative to the payment of mizu-kin, or rebate allowed to the buyer as a fund with which to provide the woman with an outfit. (Some people say that this word should be mizu-kin 不見金 = money without seeing because the money was never seen by the parents but deducted immediately by the brothel-keeper). Another version says that is a corruption of mi-tsuki-kin (身付金 = money attached to the body) because with this money the clothes and personal effects of the woman were supposed to be purchased. When a girl was sold as a prostitute, a certificate—called a nenki shōmon (年季證文)—was given by the parents to the brothel-keeper. It ran (freely translated) as follows:—

[90]

It must be understood that many of these documents were “fakes” as regards the signatures of the parent and of the landlord of the parents’ house. So long as some persons were found to act as the necessary parties, the papers were signed and stamped, and in exchange for such an instrument the mi-no-shiro-kin (price of the body) was paid over in hard cash on strictly business principles. The “parcel of goods” having been taken delivery of by the brothel keeper, the zegen appropriated 10 per cent as his commission, but besides that they generally managed to obtain further sums of money on various pretexts, including hone-ori-kin (money for labour performed) ifuku no son-ryō (hire of clothes), makanai-ryō (expenses for[91] food and lodging), etc., etc. [In passing, it may be noted that in zegen circles a girl who had been kidnapped was known by the name of “Inari” (really the Goddess of Rice, but in popular superstition the fox-deity) which is perhaps the reason why people often call courtesans “kitsune” (foxes)].

As already mentioned, the Kwansei (1789–1800) notification prohibiting the improper selling of women by zegen had very little practical effect, but on the 2nd October, 1872 (2nd day of the 10th month of the 5th year of Meiji) the Japanese Government earned the everlasting gratitude of right-thinking persons by issuing Decree No. 295 which ordered the unconditional liberation of all prostitutes throughout the length and breadth of the Empire. This Decree reads, according to the official translation, as follows:—

[Since then, detailed regulations have been established relating to the profession of prostitutes and are still in operation]. The losses sustained by the brothel-keepers at the time of this wholesale liberation of women are said to have been simply enormous. The “Tōkyō-Kwaika Hanjō-shi” (東京開化繁昌誌) has the following under the caption of “Liberation of Courtesans”:—“In the winter of 1872, all the prostitutes and geisha who had been engaged in the brothels and inns throughout the country were unconditionally set free. * * * * * Thousands[93] of wretched women (whose lives might be compared to those of birds cooped up in cages) having been suddenly liberated, the confusion caused by the crowds of delighted parents and daughters who thronged the prostitute quarters beggars description. * * * * * Notwithstanding the general rejoicing, owing to being in debt, or to other circumstances, a large number of these unfortunates were compelled to apply for new licenses and to continue their calling in the brothels which were now re-named kashi-zashiki (貸座敷 = a house with rooms to let).” From the above remarks the actual condition of affairs at the time may well be imagined.

The old fashioned style of zegen (procurer) have now disappeared, and most of the women desirous of becoming courtesans are hired through yatoinin-kuchi-ire-jo (Registry offices for persons seeking situations). By law these registry offices are forbidden to negotiate such transactions, but it is well known that this prohibition cannot be enforced in practice. The brothel-keeper, or his substitute, attends to the engaging of women, and is always on the look out for “bargains.” In the same manner that vultures swoop down to feast on the dead bodies of soldiers after a sanguinary battle, so these rascally fellows turn the misfortunes of others to their own profit by visiting localities which have been overtaken by terrible natural calamity. Earthquakes, fires, floods, and bad crops are the natural allies, of the brothel-keepers, as is proved by actual statistics. For instance, out of the present 3,000 inmates of the Yoshiwara fully 40 per cent. are natives of Gifu and Aichi Prefectures, and we know quite well that these localities have suffered severely from earthquakes, floods, and bad seasons of late years. It is said that when a particular[94] district is visited by some serious misfortune the various brothel-keepers proceed to the spot in order to see what game they can bag at cheap rates.

The Dress of Courtesans.

Nowadays there is no fixed rule as to the dress of these women, and they dress themselves in accordance with the wishes of the brothel-keepers or according to the dictates their own taste. Thus we find some of the modern courtesans dressed in gold or silver embroidered brocades after the fashion of oiran of bygone days, others are clad in gaudy red crêpe (hi-jirimen) with embroidered collars, and wear gigantic satin sashes (obi) tied in front, while others again try and make themselves look younger and prettier by wearing yūzen stuff (generally silk crêpe decorated with various beautiful figures) purple satin collars and maki-obi (a narrow sash wound round and round the waist: this sash is not tied into a bow but the end is merely tucked in to hold it in place). Other women wear plain crested clothes, or imitate the style of geisha (singing girls) or of Court ladies, and others even go so far as to ape the (save the mark!) European style! In low-class houses a long loose robe (shikake) of striped stuff and an under garment (naga-juban) of mousseline (merensu) compose the whole stock of the wardrobe of a prostitute. At present a long loose robe (shikake) of black colour is only worn by the chief courtesans (o shoku kabu) of the best houses. Compared with the luxurious costumes of former years, the present holiday clothes of the women only correspond in quality to those of the ordinary every-day garments worn by their predecessors: from this statement the comparatively[95] inferior nature of the present costumes may be inferred. It is the custom of prostitutes nowadays to wear clothes of striped material (shima-mono) when they are in their own rooms with intimate guests. In the ō mise (best house) after her introduction (hikitsuke) to a strange guest (shokwai no kyaku) the servants cry “o meshi-kae” (honourable change of garments), and immediately the courtesan goes to her room, changes her clothes, returns clad in a dress made of some figured material (moyō mono), and waits on the visitor during the feasting and wine-bibbing which follows. At the time of “o hiké” (honourable retirement, i.e.—the time to go to bed) she again changes her clothes for a costume of striped stuff. In the medium and lower class houses the women only change their dress once, and the material employed in their wearing apparel is exclusively crêpe (chirimen).

With regard to the sumptuary regulations relative to restrictions on the dress of prostitutes, among the five items of the notification given to Shōji Jinyemon by Honda Lord of Sado in the 3rd year of Genna (1617) it was provided that “prostitutes are forbidden to wear clothes with gold and silver embroidery on them; they are to wear ordinary dyed stuffs.” This policy of enforcing simplicity of dress was adopted by the authorities at the time when the establishment of the old (Moto) Yoshiwara was permitted, and the courtesans therefore used to wear either plain kenchū (pongee?) or striped clothes: their obi (sashes) were broader than those of ordinary women, but never exceeded 4 sun (if this is cloth measure it will equal 6 inches English) whereas in those times the usual obi did not exceed 2 sun (say 3 inches English) in width. The sleeves also were much shorter at that time, but later on they[96] were gradually made longer as the sumptuary laws fell into desuetude. Since the founding of the Shin Yoshiwara luxurious habits of dress gradually spread in the quarter, and bye and bye extravagance was carried to its utmost point. In the Kwambun and Empō eras (1661–1680) the tayū usually wore rinzu (figured satin) or habutaye (a superior kind of pongee) dresses. In the “Dōbō Go-en” (洞房語園) we read about the narrative of an old gentleman named Muramatsu Shō-a who said that in the era of Kwambun (1661–1672) a certain person met the Tayū Takao of Mi-ura-ya Dō-an’s house in Kyōmachi and saw one of her new costumes: the lining was of pale blue silk, the face of the dress black habutae, and the whole garment so made as to be suitable for a man’s wear. In the “Saikaku Ichida i-Otoko” (西鶴一代男), published in the 2nd year of Tenna (1682) it is mentioned that the clothes of some women were made of shiro rinzu (white figured satin) for underwear, over which were worn two dresses, the under one of scarlet kanoko (material dyed with minute white spots) and the upper one of pale-blue Hachijo-silk. These clothes were used when the wearers attended to parties of guests, the taste of the period demanding stuffs costly as regarded price but plain and simple in appearance as compared with the brilliant gold and silver embroideries and the velvets used in later days. In the Teikyō (1684–1687) and Genroku (1688–1703) periods it had become a general custom to use plain purple materials (murasaki-mu-ji) for the shikake (cloak). In the Hōyei era (1704–1710)—fifty years after the opening of the Shin Yoshiwara—magnificent embroidered clothes came into fashion, and in the era of Gembun (1736–1740), some thirty-years later, a courtesan named Shigasaki introduced the custom of wearing[97] a broad obi (sash) she herself having worn one 33″ (kujira 2 shaku 2 sun) in width (sic). This sash was worn and tied in a style known as “Karuta-musubi,” and the woman who first set the fashion was known as “Obi Shigasaki” or “Obi-goku-mon.” (The first means simply “Sash” Shigasaki: the second “Sash-exposing-a-criminal’s head.” The latter has a joking reference to the ancient custom of exposing the severed head of an executed criminal to public gaze: the sash was supposed to be so broad that only the head was visible above it.) Since then, a luxurious and extravagant tendency in the dress of courtesans manifested itself so strongly that in the 7th year of Kwansei (1795) the authorities again considered it necessary to impose restrictions on this rage for idle show: it was therefore announced that dresses should be of plain stuffs (according to ancient custom) and that date-mon (伊達紋 ornamental crests) should not exceed 6 sun (if ordinary measure = 7.1586 inches: if “kujira”—cloth measure—about 9 inches) in diameter. The tide of luxury, however, could no more be stemmed by a mere notification than could the waters of the ocean be dammed by a man’s hand, and in the eras of An-ei and Bunsei (1772–1829) the zenith of barbaric splendour was attained. Costumes of crêpe, velvet, figured satin, plain satin, habutae, etc., were freely used, while obi (sashes) were made of velvet, gold-brocade, silk-brocade, damask, etc. As to colours and patterns, these were chosen according to the taste of the individual courtesan and were by no means uniform. In a book called “Nishiki-no-Ura” (錦ノ裏 “Behind the Brocades”) published in the 3rd year of Kwansei (1791) a very elaborate description of an elegant costume of the time is given. The upper garment consisted of white nanako dyed with purple[98] clouds among which peeped out some tasteful pattern: every here and there were flowers embroidered in silk and finished by handpainting representing in vivid colours the four seasons, while the crest consisted of a wistaria flower sewn upon the dress with purple silk-thread. The underwear consisted of a figured satin garment bordered with plain brown Hachijō silk and embroidered with the same pattern in coloured silk, and of a lower girdle of claret-coloured figured satin lined with bright scarlet silk crêpe. As an instance of the beauty and costliness of the night-gown of a certain young miss, the “Keisei-kai Shi-ju-hat-te” (“Forty-eight methods of buying courtesans”) mentions:—“The garment was of scarlet crêpe, trimmed with purple figured satin and edged with gold and silver threads so as to give the effect of waves breaking upon the sea-shore, while her night-sash was of kabe-chōro (wrinkled silk.”) In the eras of Bunkwa and Bunsei (1804–1829) the costumes were simply gorgeous. The pattern of the shikake or cloak generally represented a cloud with lightning and a golden dragon, or rocks with peonies, and a tiger chasing a butterfly; the embroidery being silver and gold. That the dresses of the “jōro” of these later periods were gorgeous, the paintings of Utamaro, Eizan, Kunisada, and others, clearly show. It appears that in those times there was a fixed rule in every brothel appointing the make, stuff, colour, and pattern of the dresses to be worn by the respective grades of women, and that this rule was strictly adhered to. No courtesan, therefore, was permitted to wear a dress unsuitable to her particular rank in the brothel, even though she could afford it, but nowadays the girls are at liberty to wear any clothes they choose and can pay for, especially if they are popular and[99] beautiful women. There are various arrangements made as to defraying the expenses of dress in different brothels, and the clothes of modern shōgi are divided into awase (worn in May, June and October), hitoemono (worn in July, August and September), wata-ire worn (November to April,) etc., according to the season, in the same way as with ordinary persons.

Coiffures of the Yūjo.

Although it is remarked in the “Yoshiwara Taizen” (吉原大全) “their hair even now is dressed in the ‘Hyōgo’ style after the fashion of the Hyōgo-ya brothel at Ōhashi, Yanagi-chō,” yet when we find no coiffure of this style in the pictures painted prior to the Tenna era (1681–1683) the correctness of the assertion may be doubted. Judging from ancient pictures of the “Uki-yo-e” school, it would appear that up to the era of Keichō (1594–1614) courtesans wore their hair hanging down the back, and that even in the era of Kwan-ei (1624–1643) they merely gathered it up on the top of the head in a very simple manner. It is mentioned in various books that in the era of Kwam-bun (1661–1672) a tayū named Katsuyama, living in the Yamamoto-ya in the Shin Yoshiwara, devised a method of coiffure, called after her, “Katsuyama-magé.” In the “Dōbō Go-en” (洞房語園) it says:—

[The Maru-magé of later years is believed to have been evolved from the Katsu-yama-magé.] In the era of Tenna (1681–1683) Hyōgo-magé and Kaisei-shimada came into vogue. The Shimada-magé is said to have originated in the era of Kwan-ei (1624–1643) with a dancing-girl of Kyōto named Shimada Jinsuke. The Keisei-shimada resembled the present Shimada in nearly every respect. In the era of An-ei (1772–1780) the Kinshōjo-bin, Utsusemi-mage, Nakabin, Hishidzuto, Yoko-hyōgo, Yamagata-tori-bin, Sogidzuto-musubi, Tate-hyōgo, and other styles, came into fashion, and later the Susuki-bin, Otoshi-barake, Tsutogiri, Sumi-Shimada, Adzuma-bin, Kainade-dzuto, Chasen-magé, Tsumi-hyōgo, etc., came into vogue. By the era of Bunsei (1818–1829), however, of these only the Tate-hyōgo, Shimada, and a few others had survived. [At present the hair of the red bear (sha-guma) is used to form a tuft of false hair over which to spread the natural hair in making up a Tate-hyōgo coiffure: sometimes, although very rarely, it is used in dressing the hair in Shimada style]. It appears that in the Tenna and Teikyō eras (1681–1687) only vegetable oil was used in dressing the hair, and that bin-tsuké (pomatum) had not yet come into use. In the “Go-nichi Mukashi-monogatari” (後日昔物語) the statement of an old man born in the 3rd year of Empō (1675) is quoted to the effect that:—

Moreover, in those days of comparative simplicity, the women used to dress their own hair. The “Hyōkwa Mampitsu” (萍花漫筆) remarks:—

According to the “Kumono-Itomaki” (蜘蛛糸卷) written by Kyōzan, a well-known writer, the professional female hair dresser came into existence at the end of An-ei (1772–1780) and therefore it was undoubtedly later than that period before the courtesans used to have their hair dressed by regular experts.

Referring to the style of hair dressing, the same authority says:—

For further information on the styles of hair-dressing, the reader is recommended to refer to the Reki-sei-oniia-sōkō[104] (歷世女裝考). The woodcuts inserted in this section illustrate the principal styles of coiffures which have been adopted in the Yoshiwara from time to time.

Rooms of the Yūjo.

There is but little difference between the modern apartments (kyo-shitsu) of the yūjo and those of ancient times. The room in which a yūjo receives her guests is called the “zashiki,” and generally contains about eight mats (hachi-jō-jiki), while the adjoining room (tsugi no ma) is a smaller private apartment containing perhaps three or four mats.[105] Some women have a third room placed at their disposal in addition, but this consideration is mostly granted to the “o shoku” exclusively.

Typical zashiki are cosy rooms fitted with the usual toko-no-ma (alcove) and chigai-dana (a recess with two shelves, one a little lower than the other, and each only reaching about half way across the width of the wall-space involved); in the former hang either picture or specimens of calligraphy (not always genuine!) by such noted artists as Chosanshū, Tesshū, Zeshin, Keishū, and others.27 The rooms are prettily decorated, and furnished with cut flowers arranged in vases of Kutani porcelain; these flowers are changed according to the season. There will also be found musical instruments such as the koto (harp), samisen (banjo), gekkin (guitar), ni-genkin (a two-stringed musical instrument), etc.; numbers of sundry knicknacks, such as a shelf-ornament in the shape of a rabbit, made of imitation crystal, which is perched on a tiny cushion of daintily dyed crêpe; a hanging clock, a handsome mirror, a framed oil-painting; a small library of novels, magazines, theatrical notices, playbills, and other light reading matter designed to beguile the tedium of guests. On the chigai-dana (recess fitted with shelves by the side of the toko-no-ma) rests a deep lacquered tray (known as a midare-bako, in which are put the guests’ garments) and other objects, while the room invariably contains a clothes-horse (emon-kaké) and[106] a six-fold screen (roku-mai-ori-no-byōbu). In the private apartment is a shelf on which the yūjo’s yagu (bed-clothes) are placed, and this is covered with a bright green furoshiki on which is dyed the ornamental figure of a vine (karakusa) and the name of the girl to whom it belongs. Below this yagu-dana (shelf) is a chest of drawers containing the wardrobe of the yūjo, while the other articles of furniture consist of a naga-hibachi (oblong brazier) on which is placed a kettle (tetsu-bin) a cupboard with a glass door (garasu-do-iri no nedzumi-irazu) within which yō-cha-ki (tea things) and inshoku-no-gu (eating and drinking utensils) are neatly arranged, a mirror-stand (kyō-dai), a cup used for gargling (ugai-jawan) a mimi-darai (a metallic or lacquer tub with a pair of handles or ears used for toilet purposes), cushions (zabuton), and various other paraphernalia of a courtesan’s room. The zashiki (rooms) are rented from the brothel-keeper by the yūjo, and are furnished at their own expense. The above is a description of a first-class house, and in the lower-grade establishments a girl (there called a heya-mochi) only possesses one room, or, at the most two rooms. In the better houses the rooms are known as zashiki (a “parlour”) and in the lower-class houses as merely heya (“room”). In ancient days the shinzō had no rooms of their own, and it was the custom for all of them to sleep in the ane-jōro’s room. There are also rooms called myōdai-beya (substitute rooms) which may be used by any of the women when they have more than one guest at the same time. In the lowest houses several guests and their girls are packed up together in one room, each couple being only sheltered from the gaze of the others by screens. This is known as wari-doko (割床 = “divided bed.”) When a yūjo has not sufficient means[107] to defray the expenses of furnishing and decorating her room, it is paid for in instalments, but in some cases an intimate guest will assist her by paying these expenses himself. The expenses of repairs to her zashiki and of the daily cleaning are also borne by the girl; the sōji no chingin (wage for cleaning) is paid direct to the wakai-mono (man-servant) who performs this office. The expenses which yūjo have to bear in this direction are very heavy, and according to the official rules issued by the authorities in the 7th year of Kwansei (1795) the girls were exempted from these burdens; but an ancient custom is not easily broken up, and the evil, being by no means thoroughly eradicated, has survived to these days. Unfortunately, in this profession, a pernicious custom exists of spending money lavishly, and should the yūjo show herself mean or stingy (or even moderately prudent) in her expenditure, this will cause her unpopularity, raise up a host of enemies, and make trouble for her in a hundred different ways; thus old customs cling to the Yoshiwara and defy the many earnest efforts made to root them out. It would appear that at the time when yūjo used to receive guests in age-ya there was no need to pay much attention to beautifying their own rooms, but as a matter of fact they were made very pretty because the ki-jin (貴人 = “nobles” and “honourable persons”) would not enter age-ya and came direct to the brothels. The regular style of futon (mattress) used was a kagami-buton (i.e.—a futon the border of which is made of stuff different to that of the centre, making it look like a mirror in it’s frame). In the best houses the borders were made of black velvet and the panels of red crêpe. Three of such futon (mattresses) were laid one[108] upon the other and the pile formed a nice soft bed, but in the lower houses only two were used and these were made of inferior material such as merensu (mousseline de laine) or kanakin (calico): in the very lowest establishments only one was provided. The night gowns also varied in richness according to the class of the house. By the official rules issued in the 7th year of Kwansei (1795) fabrics mixed with gold or silver threads, silk brocades, or velvets, were forbidden to be used in making futon, and the number used was limited to three: these sumptuary regulations soon became a dead letter and utterly failed to effectively check the luxurious habits of the time. During the Meiwa era (1746–1771) a woman named Hinadzuru, belonging to the Chōji-ya, used a pile of five futon made of silk brocade, but this was quite unprecedented. When yūjo used to be called to visit guests in an age-ya their night-clothes were carried with them on each and every occasion: these earlier futon, etc., are supposed to have been greatly inferior to the costly ones that came into fashion at a later period.

Tsumi-yagu no koto.
(The piling up and exhibition of bedding.)

In the “Ume-no-haru” (by Kiyomoto) are the words:—

This passage refers to a custom known as “tsumi-yagu” which forms one of the leading features of the gay quarter: there are several songs and stanzas of poetry extant in which the splendid spectacle of a pile of magnificent brocade night-clothes and bedding is rapturously dilated upon in amorous[109] language. Vanity is an inherent attribute of the fair sex, and among the class of women to whom the yūjo belong “the rage for competition, show and style” has no limits, consequently they all vie with each other in the attempt to outshine their sisters in the matter of obtaining, and placing on exhibition, piles of gorgeous bedding. It is a matter of professional pride for the girls to make as lavish a display as possible, and in former days, when the go-sekku were approaching the yūjo would persuade one of her most intimate guests to undertake the financing of this expensive function, and so well did they play their cards that they often succeeded in inducing their infatuated admirers to disburse several hundred dollars to gratify a passing whim. Nowadays, the holidays known as the go-sekku are not strictly observed, therefore exhibitions of tsumi-yagu are made either at the time of cherry-viewing in the spring, the lantern festival in the autumn, during the first week of the New Year (matsu-no-uchi) or at the time of the tori-no-machi (see description under that heading) when the Yoshiwara is most frequented by crowds of sight-seers. Generally speaking, this display of bedding is confined to the ō-mise (best houses) or chū-mise (medium houses), but occasionally the women in smaller houses endeavour to proclaim, by means of tsumi-yagu, that all the world does not belong to their prouder sisters in the better-class establishments. As I have previously mentioned, in ancient times gold and embroideries were used in making up this exhibition of bedding, but now damask and crêpe are mostly employed. The present cost (in 1899) of a set of tsumi-yagu is from 100 to 200 yen: by using yūzen crêpe the price may be kept as low as 100 yen, but damask will amount to 200 yen, and if a person is extravagantly inclined there are no[110] limits to the cost. As the tsumi-yagu set would be charged at an exorbitant figure if purchased from an ordinary gofuku-ten (drapery store) they are usually ordered from one of the regular contractors in the Yoshiwara. There is generally a tremendous amount of bargaining done before the price of the tsumi-yagu is finally settled, and it is said that when the negotiations are made by the brothel-keeper, that astute gentleman invariably dovetails into the figure charged a commission of about 20% (twenty per cent.) as an honorarium presented to himself for “valuable services” rendered. A set of tsumi-yagu consists of three futon and a large coverlet or quilt: if it be summer a mosquito net is added, and if it be winter a lighter coverlet. As a rule the colours chosen are very loud indeed: the older women prefer pale-blue for the lining, but the younger girls usually have the coverlets lined with red. The futon are made like a mirror in a frame, the centre panels being of the same colour as the linings of the coverlets: the collars of the latter are made of velvet. On the coverlet is worked in gold thread the crest of the guest who has presented the set as well that of the yūjo who has received it. A small (light) coverlet (ko-yagu) is generally wadded with the best wata (cotton wool), but in large coverlets (ō-yagu) and futon an inferior quality of wadding is used. When the set is quite completed, it is placed on a stand and exhibited just inside the entrance of the brothel, facing the door-way, so that everybody who passes is bound to see the show: and in order to further attract attention, the tsumi-yagu is labelled with a paper on which is written in bold letters the name of the lucky yūjo who owns it. On the day of this ceremony it is usual for the guest concerned to give a “sō-bana” (a present made to all the[111] inmates of a house) of 5 yen, and a further sum of 5 yen as “soba-dai” (cost of buckwheat macaroni) to be partaken of by all the yūjo in the establishment. As it is not considered to be conducive to the good reputation of a woman to continue this exhibition of tsumi-yagu for too great a length of time, there arises the necessity for another ceremony called “shiki-zome” (commencing the use of the yagu). On this occasion the lady in question plays the part of hostess, and she is bound by custom to entertain the guest who has presented her with the set by giving him a feast and engaging at least a couple of geisha to enliven the proceedings. When a guest undertakes to provide a set of tsumi-yagu for his innamorata he must be prepared to spend on tips, and for various sundries, at least 50 yen over and above the cost of the bedding, and if he makes a hikite-jaya a party to the arrangement this will cost him another 10% (per cent.) commission. An exhibition of tsumi-yagu being considered something to be proud of, women who have no guests rich enough to render them the necessary pecuniary assistance occasionally go so far as to even borrow funds from the brothel-keepers and order a set of bedding for themselves, thus securing a fine advertisement and enhancing their reputation. It however sometimes happens that the girls find themselves unable to refund money thus borrowed, and are therefore compelled to dispose of the bedding they once so earnestly coveted: these circumstances have tended to place a number of second-hand sets of tsumi-yagu on the market, and it is a said that certain women who are vain enough to love empty show, but too poor to afford it, borrow these relics of extravagance on hire and exhibit them to the public gaze! But here let us be merciful and draw a veil over the doings of[112] these unfortunate women, for it would be boorish and unmanly to further expose the weakness of frail humanity. [As to the origin of this custom, it appears that a kōshi-jōro of the Miura-ya (kept by Magosaburō) named Utanami, first introduced it in the era of Kwampō (1741–1743)].

“Sōbana.”
(All round “tips.”)

A “sōbana” is a tip by a guest to all the servants of a brothel, and is shared in by the yarite, shinzō, men-servants, and bath-room attendants. It is usually given on a mombi (crest day: New year’s day, the go-sekku tori-no-machi festival, etc.) and varies in amount according to the class of house: the sums given are regularly classified and divided into amounts of 2-1⁄2, 3, 4, and 5 Yen, etc., as the case may be. When sōbana is given, the names of the donor and his lady friend are posted in a prominent place in the house: the larger the number of such posters, the greater is the honour to the woman in question. This custom appears to have been in vogue since ancient times, for the amounts fixed during the Kwansei era (1789–1800) were 3 ryō for a first-class house, 2 ryō for a second-class house, 1 ryō 2 bu for a third-class house, 2 bu for a lower grade establishment. When a sōbana is given, all the servants of the house come up to the room and kneeling down outside thank the guest for his present and clap their hands in unison.

“Shokwai” AND “Mi-tate”
(First meeting) AND (Selection of women.)

The “Zensei Kuruwa Kagami” (全盛廓鑑) says that in the dusk of the evening, when all is chilly and lonesome, the[113] deep-toned curfew bell of Iriya sends forth a resonant and withal melancholy clang which depresses the spirits and fills the heart with a vague sense of gloomy sadness. Strange as the coincidence may be, just at the very time the solemn sound of the temple bell is reverberating over hill and dale, the women file into their cages (misé wo haru) in the brothel quarter, the “flowers of the Yoshiwara bud and blossom,” and the whole yūkwaku becomes a scene of vivacious animation. These courtesans (who have practically fallen to the level of being regarded as so much merchandise awaiting buyers) sit for hours exposed to the gaze of the passers-by, decked out in all the splendour of coral and rare tortoise-shell hair-pins stuck around their heads like a saint’s glory, and gorgeous in dresses of silk and gold and silver embroidery, the heavy cost of which weighs them down and forces them still deeper into the “stream of debt.” In days of yore it was customary for the women to enter their misé while the “sugagaki” was being played and bunches of clog-checks (gesoku-fuda = wooden tickets given to guests in exchange for foot-gear left in charge of attendants at the entrance) were being struck noisily against the floor. Among the yūjo the o shoku kabu (or proud leading beauty of the house) with painted face, rouged lips, and penciled eyebrows, sits lazily smoking her long red bamboo pipe, emitting faint blue rings of tobacco smoke from her mouth, pretending not to see the crowds of people swarming in front of the cage and yet—cat-like—furtively watching their every movement. While the other women are engaged in a whispered conversation about the personal appearance of on-lookers, the o shoku feigns to be absorbed in the perusal of a long espistle supposed to have[114] been received from one of her numerous admirers, and every now and again she artfully allows a smile to irradiate her countenance as a token that she is reading a specially interesting sentence. Such a skilful Jezebel is sure to have some rich guests who keep her liberally supplied with funds: as a rule she will have no lover (jōrō 情郎 = a male paramour: sometimes read as “ii hito”) to whom she must give pecuniary assistance, and generally speaking she will avoid koke-kyaku (young and impecunious guests) and san-jaku-obi (low class of loafers) as she would the pest. Rather slender in person, having a good contour of the nose, and possessed of bright eyes, if she cannot be called strictly beautiful she is at least very interesting and attractive. This “Dainty Iniquity” (as Kipling puts it) is always sure to be a perfect actress, and looks irresistibly charming as she talks with her sister yūjo in a whisper or as she gracefully bends her head and covers her face with her sleeves to stifle an apparently spontaneous burst of merry laughter and then quietly flirts with, and encourages, some likely guest who is gazing at her intently through the bars. The above is a rather lengthy description of a yūjo who is expert in the art of twisting men round her little finger and manipulating guests (kyaku wo nekokasu) according to the circumstances of the occasion. Those women who are worried by anxiety about private affairs will be seen to conceal their hands within the folds of their dress, to allow their heads to sink deeply into their eri (collar of a dress) in an irregular manner, to every now and then glance round the cage and up at the ceiling, or to otherwise reveal, by their fidgety and impatient demeanour, that they have something unpleasant on their minds. Those who act unreservedly and chat noisily[115] with the other women are assuredly new to the life, and when they become familiar with guests they are unfeignedly sincere in their regard for those they like. The woman who sits out of the row sideways and listens to the ribald songs of the passers-by shows her fickle and forward disposition by treating all as fish who come to her net: she has sympathy with no man but as a matter of business policy and will bestow equal attention on all comers, no matter whether they be good-looking, bad-looking, or jealous as fiends. Those who are blowing the berry of the winter-cherry (hōzuki), making paper-frogs as a charm to attract the men for whom they are waiting, practising “tatami-zan” (divination by mat-straws) and playing other innocent little games, are generally new arrivals in the house who are willing to please their guests in every possible manner.

When a guest wishes to be accommodated with a “temporary wife,” and enters the house to which she belongs, he is led by a wakai-mono to the hiki-tsuke-zashiki (introduction chamber). If he glances round the room he will perhaps find the alcove decorated with a large kakemono (hanging-picture) representing the rising sun and a stork, the ceiling painted with an enormous phœnix, and everything so spick and span that he will wonder whether he is in fairyland. Candles are now lighted, and a black-lacquered tobacco-box brought in. Next a set of three saké-cups are produced with which to perform (though nominally) the necessary nuptial ceremony called the “san-san-ku-do” in imitation of the custom observed at a real wedding. The girl then appears accompanied by her shinzō who plays the part of a go-between (nakōdo-yaku) for the couple by uttering the conventional phrases of “anata” and “konata” and the unholy “marriage” ceremony is[116] finished. After this the yūjo retires to change her clothes, (o meshi-kae) and at the same time the guest is conducted to her apartments where the table is laid ready and a charcoal fire is glowing in an enormous brazier. This bright red, and almost incandescent charcoal fire, always reminds one of the ardent passion of the poor devil of a guest in the next room, who alone and waiting for his partner glows with all the rage of jealousy and intense longing! Food is served in dishes of enormous size, but the net contents of these platters are microscopic, so the “feast” amounts to little more than a mere show and is just sufficiently imposing to warrant being handsomely charged for in the bill under the title of “On ryōri” (the august repast). The chopsticks used are new for the occasion and are regular wari-bashi (a stick made of sugi wood with a split at one end, used as chopsticks by splitting it in two) but, alas! they too are soon prostituted to base uses, being used as snuffers to cut candle wicks, and even as tongs for the hibachi of a tenantless room!29

It is curious to note that when tea-house people offer a saké-cup to the yūjo they invariably sit obliquely, partially turning their backs to the guest and never facing him directly. Perhaps this custom unintentionally betrays their secret intention of sitting on the visitor, squeezing him for all he is worth, and then kicking him out! The yūjo herself at the first meeting with a new guest is apt to look askant at the latter and “draw” him by occasionally gossiping about her “sisters-in-vice.” Every now and again one may faintly hear the sound of a pipe being sharply struck against a bamboo spittoon[117] in a neighbouring room: this is probably a signal that your neighbour is lonely and weary of waiting for his sleeping-companion, and you may make up your mind that he is craning his neck forward and straining his ears to catch the sound of her returning footsteps. It is said that a warrior awakens at the jingling of a horse’s bridle-bit, but, under the above circumstances, the sound of a woman’s sandaled feet shuffling down the passage appeals to the drowsy watcher with ten times as much force and braces him up like a powerful tonic. In Japan, however, men do not like to show themselves too “soft,” and when the woman finally slides back the shōji (paper shutter) of the room her guest is almost sure to sham being fast asleep: this is called “tanuki-neiri” (badger-sleep). As the hour advances, the crowds of loafers (known as “hiyakashi”) in the Yoshiwara gradually disperse and nothing, except the cries of peripatetic macaroni sellers (“nabeyaki udon”) and blind shampooers (“amma-hari”) and the dismal howling of impish mongrels disturb the stillness of the night; but even when comparative quietness has been restored, the guest’s sleep has been so thoroughly broken that he remains tossing uneasily on his pillow longing for daylight. After a few hours of fitful slumber, which leave the wretched fellow even more fatigued than before, the eastern sky begins to glow with a faint rosy light, and with the dawn of day the great black crows in the neighbourhood awake and fly circling around, cawing loudly as if in mockery and derision. Jaded and exhausted by excess, and played out by reason of his night’s debauch, the poor guest crawls wearily out of bed, feeling as limp as a dish-clout, and as a preparation for his return home proceeds to drag himself to the wash-stand and make his toilet. Oh,! what a[118] face he sees reflected in the water—a drawn, distorted, and haggard face, with pale bloodless lips and sunken bloodshot eyes! And oh! the nausea resulting from undigested food and adulterated saké, the agony of “hot coppers,” the racking headache, and the formidable bill—six feet long—which makes one’s hair rise on end! Then the woebegone victim of his own asinine stupidity settles his bill and sneaks away from the presence of the yūjo, who comes to bid him farewell with the words—“o chikai uchi ...” (please come again very soon), climbs heavily into a jinrikisha and is whirled away to his own residence, thoroughly agreeing in spirit with the words of the Vulgate:—“vanitas vanitatum, et omnia vanitas.”

“I-tsudzuke no koto.”
(Spending several consecutive days in a brothel.)

The “Zensei-Kuruwa-Kagami” (全盛廓鑑) says:—“The act of remaining in a brothel for several days, owing to stress of weather or other cause, is known as i-tsu-dzuke.”

“O cha wo hiku” to iū koto.
(“Tea powdering.”)

It is remarked in the “Dōbō Go-yen” (洞房語園) that the term o-cha wo hiku, as applied to women of ill-fame who have no guests, is of ancient origin and should be considered as one of the peculiar idiomatic expressions of the Yoshiwara dialect: everywhere in prostitute quarters some special dialect is exclusively used, and this is more especially true of the Yoshiwara of Tōkyō. In the era of Keichō (1596–1614) the servants of the various tea-houses at Uji (near Kyōto) were[119] practically unlicensed courtesans, and were in the habit of carrying on illicit intercourse with guests who patronized their establishments. These women employed their leisure time in pulverizing tea (o-cha wo hiku) for the tea-drinking ceremony, and in course of time this expression “o-cha wo hiku” came to be applied (as a slang phrase) to a courtesan who had no guests in consequence of her unpopularity. By and bye this phrase was brought up to Tōkyō by natives of Uji and Kyōto and became one of the idiomatic expressions of the Yoshiwara. It is now used throughout the entire Empire.

Shiki-zome no soba-burumai no koto.
(Presentation of buck-wheat macaroni to celebrate the first use of night-clothes.)

It appears to be a universal rule to present soba to all the inmates of the house whenever a yūjo uses her newly-made night-clothes for the first time. This custom is binding on all classes of women from the proud oiran down to the nagaya-jōro, but, practically, the lower class women are debarred from making an exhibition of night-clothes (either on their own account or by the assistance of guests) by reason of the expense involved: it may therefore be said that this ceremony is performed by women belonging to first (ō-misé) and second-class (chū-misé) houses exclusively. Originally this ceremony was only performed when the tsumi-yagu was used for the first time, but later it became a rule that when any new night-clothes began to be used—generally on New Year’s day—buckwheat macaroni was to be presented to the inmates of her house by the yūjo to whom they belonged. This custom, which still survives, is called “shiki-zome no soba-burumai.”[120] In the houses of ordinary people the spreading out of bedding and night-clothes in the day time is greatly disliked as unlucky, therefore, when a sick person recovers, the occasion is one of rejoicing and congratulation and is called toko-agé (removal of bed-clothes). In brothels, however, just the reverse idea obtains, the keepers rejoice to see the night-clothes used even in the day-time, their fervent wish being to have the bedding employed as much as possible because it bears an important relation to the prosperity of their “trade.”

In different brothels different devices are adopted for the purpose of determining who shall be considered the “leading lady” of the house (o shoku). Some take the number of guests as a standard, others the number of najimi-kyaku (that is “regular guests”) while others adopt the rather disgusting method of fixing the order of precedence according to the total amount of money spent by the guests of the respective women. In first-class establishments no such methods as the above are employed, and the rank of the women is determined by the number and value of their own night-clothes and those given by them to the servants of their own and other houses. The idea may be attributed to the great esteem in which night-clothes are held by both men and women in the Yoshiwara.

In lower-class houses the women are exhibited after nightfall, when the lamps are lighted, in the long narrow cages of the brothels, where they sit with powdered faces and rouged lips looking for all the world like so many motionless wax figures, and are, to all intents and purposes, set out for sale like ordinary articles of merchandise. Under these conditions, a would-be guest has the opportunity of making his selection very easily, for he has only to indicate the woman he fancies to obtain her company immediately. In the first and second-class houses, however, there is no such thing as a hari-misé (a “dressed shop-front”) and persons who intend to visit them must be introduced by a hikite jaya: the selection of the particular girl to be engaged is usually left to the discretion of the mistress of the tea-house, who of course does her best to please her patrons by choosing for them women likely to prove satisfactory.

Until about 1882 (15th or 16th year of Meiji) the photographs of all the inmates of houses were displayed in frames in front of the respective brothels, but now this plan has been abandoned, and albums containing portraits of the women belonging to first and second-class houses are provided in the hikite-jaya for the convenience of guests. These books are called “Shashin Mitate-chō” (albums of photographs to facilitate the selection of women), and it is believed that the following specimens of prefaces will be interesting:—

Photograph-album of the O-hiko-rō:—

[122]

“This preface winds up with a poetical appeal—quite untranslatable owing to puns on words—that the patronage of guests “may not be as short as the dream of a spring night,” but as steady and constant as the bedding used in this house is thick and beautiful. [In Japanese the word “thick”—atsui—has a double meaning: it means “thick” as an antonym of “thin,” and also “plentiful, liberal, and bountiful.” It also has the sense of “excessively friendly” or “intimate,” and is sometimes used to express the idea of “in love with.”]

Photograph-album of the Kado-ebi-rō:—

According to the “Kyokutei-Zakki” (曲享雜記) written by the well-known novelist Bakin, the tayū were all represented by the mark ⧗ in the saiken30 (guide-books) during the Kyōhō era (1716–1735). * * * * At that time the price was 60 momme (10 Yen). A class of courtesans called kyō no tayū came into existence at the time, but dropped out of fashion without receiving much attention from the public. The various classes of women were represented by the following marks from the era of Kyōhō (1716–1735) to the Hōreki era (1751–1763):—

⧗ Tayū: ⌗ Kōshi-jōro: Ni-nin Kaburo: Yobi-dashi: Tsuki-dashi: Zashiki-mochi: Kōkin: Bunkin: ◓ Chū-ya: ㊁ Ni-shu: ╳ Uchi-komi: Yama-sancha: Umecha: ㊄ Go-sun Tsubone: ⬤ Nami-Tsubone and Ha-age-ya: ⬛ Chaya. By the 6th year of Gembun (1741) the fees of courtesans were stated in Saiken for the first time as follows:—

⧗ Tayū, 80 momme (Yen 13.33) ⌗ Kōshi, 60 momme, (10 Yen); ヨ Yobidashi, 45 momme (Yen 7.50); ▲ Sancha (for day and night) 3 Bu (Yen 7.50); ⬤ Bun, 1 Bu (Yen 2.50); ╳ 12 momme (2 Yen); ㊃ Shi-sun: ㊀ Nami-Tsuboné; ∴ six tea-houses attached to the ageya. Since then matters have undergone various changes, but the following are the present (1890) cyphers used in the Saiken-ki:—

[124]

			Yen.	Sen.
(Iriyamagata hitotsu-boshi)		fee is	1	.20
(Iri-yamagata)		“		.90
(Mitsu-yamagata hitotsu-boshi)		“		.60
(Mitsu-yamagata)		“		.50
(Futatsu-yamagata hitotsu-boshi)		“		.40
(Shiro-yamagata)		“		.35
(Yamagata hitotsu-boshi)		“		.30
(Yamagata)		“		.25
(Tsuji)	╳	“		.20

San-gyō chōmen no tsuke-kata.
(The system of book-keeping employed by brothels, tea-houses, and courtesans.)

In former days there were no fixed rules as to the system of making entries in books kept by brothels and tea-houses, and, in consequence, considerable inconvenience was experienced by the authorities when they found it necessary to examine the accounts. In February, 1884, the “Controller of the Three Professions” fixed a uniform system of entries to be made in the account-books of brothels and tea-houses, instructing the proprietors of such establishment to adhere to the same in future. The system thus inaugurated in 1884 is still in force, and the following is a description of the ledgers, etc., used.

On the cover of a brothel ledger—right in the very centre—are written the words “Kashizashiki Motochō,” on the right “Meiji nan nen nan gatsu nan nichi yori, nan nen nan gatsu nan nichi made” (From the _______ day of _______, to the _______ day of _______, 189__); and on the left the name of the house and its proprietor. The book is to[125] consist of upwards of 200 sheets of Nishi-no-uchi or Ōban-shi (paper), and the following particulars are to be printed in it:—

(See over.)

[126]

(ACCOUNT FORM.)

Number of guests
Number of women engaged
Total gross receipts Yen.
ITEMIZED ACCOUNT.	Yen.	Sen.
Shōgi age-dai (Courtesan’s fees)
Sekiryō nan ko (Hire of rooms)
Shu-kō-han ko-mono-dai (Saké, food and sundries)
Geigi age-dai (Geisha-fees)
Shūgi sono hoka tate-kae (Gratuities and advances)
Total receipts of the brothel
Taxes due thereon
Total receipts of the courtesans
Taxes due thereon
Total taxes due
The foregoing rules are issued by the Metropolitan Police Board and are to be strictly complied with.
(Date) ______
Controller of the Shin-Yoshiwara.
(The number of pages in this book are ______)

The signs used in this book are as follows:—

◯ Fee of courtesan ____ sen

⬤ Ditto.

☐ Ditto.

▉ Ditto.

△ Geisha’s fee ____ sen.

Food.[127]

▯ Ditto.

Saké, 1 bottle ____ sen.

Saké, 2 bottles ____ sen.

EXAMPLE OF THE USE OF ABOVE CYPHER.

Date _________________

Name of hikite-jaya.

◯		Name of	guest.
		“ “	courtesan.
◯		“ “	guest.
		“ “	courtesan.
◯		“ “	guest.
		“ “	courtesan.
.	Total _________________

The above example shows that a party of three guests engaged three shōgi and one geisha, the latter having been employed during the burning of four joss-sticks (senkō). It also shows that they were supposed to have ordered three sets of ō-dai (large dishes) and one set of nami-dai (small-dishes) and consumed four bottles of saké. It is superfluous to give an example of the system of book-keeping employed in hikite-jaya because it is practically the same.

There is another small book (te-bikae) kept by each shōgi which is commonly known as the “gyoku-chō” and in which the number of her engagements is noted. As to the mode of entering up this gyoku-chō, there appears to be no[128] fixed rule, but according to the regulations each shōgi must make up an account of her earnings every ten days and get the entry certified by the stamp of the brothel-keeper. This book must be kept as long as she remains in the business.

Mr. Norman, in his “The Real Japan,” observes with regard to the book-keeping methods of the Yoshiwara:—“It goes without saying that no Solomon could devise theoretical safeguards which would practically protect a girl under such circumstances from unscrupulous greed. For instance, every person in Japan has a private seal corresponding to a signature with us, with which all documents, even down to private letters, are attested, and to counterfeit or reproduce such a seal is forgery. Now the keeper of every kashi-zashihi is compelled by law to keep a big ledger in which all money transactions between himself and the shōgi are entered, and the shōgi is compelled to keep a similar smaller book in which the keeper makes identical entries, each of which must be attested by her private seal. This book is regularly inspected by the police with a view to prevent extortion, and it is expressly forbidden by law for the keeper to take away the girl’s seal. On one occasion I visited the largest and best kashi-zashiki in the Yoshiwara in company with my official interpreter. The keeper was a sharp-looking woman of fifty, who had 45 shōgi in her house, which she had just built at a cost of 45,000 dollars. We were taking tea ceremoniously in her private apartments, and after a while I inquired if I might put a special question to her. “Certainly,” she replied. “Any question?” “Certainly.” “Then,” I said to the old lady through my official interpreter, “will you be so kind as to show me some of the seals belonging to your ladies, that you[129] have at this moment in your possession.” She winced visibly and turned several colours, but after a minute got up without a word, trotted off and returned immediately with the private seal of a certain Miss Man, and I took an impression of it in my note-book, to her evident great alarm. This meant, of course, that she was in the habit of entering the accounts in all the books, attesting them herself with the seals of all her yūjo, and thus the police would be shown an immaculate record, while the shōgi themselves would never even see the books, or know with how much they were debited and credited from week to week.”

By the way, a hypothetical specimen of the entries made in a book kept by courtesans is given in the “Share-bon” (洒落本) written by Jippensha Ikku—the ancient Mark Twain of Japan.

Up to the 20th year of Meiji, both brothels and hikite-jaya were in the habit of freely distributing hand-bills for the purpose of attracting guests, but since then all classes of advertisements, having for their object the enticing of visitors to prostitute quarters, have been strictly prohibited by the authorities. Under these circumstances, it may prove interesting to reproduce some specimens of the old hand-bills issued by enterprising brothel-keepers in past times, and accordingly they are printed below.

Specimen No. 1.

It affords me much pleasure to know that my patrons are all doing well. By reason of your kind patronage and favour, for which I am extremely grateful, I have been enabled to continue the business of brothel-keeping for many years, but regret to observe that there are signs that the prosperity of the Yoshiwara is on the wane. The cause of this state of affairs may be attributed to the fact that evil practices have arisen in the houses of some of my confrères, who are carrying on their profession according to the dictates of their own fancies and entirely disregarding the regulations promulgated in the era of Kwansei (1789–1800). For instance, a custom has arisen of paying to hikite-jaya as much as 300 to 350 mon (about 30 to 35 sen) commission for each 2 shu (yen 1.25) spent by a guest, or even of equally dividing between tea-house and brothel the amount of money spent by him, the consequence being that more than three hundred hikite-jaya have sprung into[131] existence within the past few years. Under these circumstances, it follows as an inevitable consequence that the food and drink served to guests is allowed to deteriorate in quality, thus causing a general depression in our “trade.” I have therefore hit upon a different plan of carrying on the profession, and decided not to receive any guests sent from tea-houses in future, but to conduct my business on cheap and expeditious lines at the “spot cash” prices mentioned below. Moreover I have engaged a large number of “filles de joie” who are guaranteed to afford satisfaction to guests in every respect, and I propose to pay scrupulous attention to the quality of saké, food, and bedding. I shall be greatly obliged if you will kindly inform your friends of these improvements introduced by me, and earnestly beg that you will favour me with a visit, either in the daytime or night-time, coming direct to my establishment without making your arrangement through a tea-house.

		(Hitherto.)	(Reduced price.)
1.	Women possessing zashiki	1 Bu (Yen 2.50)	12 Momme (silver)  (Yen 2.00)
2.	Women possessing heya	2 Shu (Yen 1.25)	6 Momme ( “ )  (Yen 1.00)
3.	Private geisha	2 Shu (Yen 1.25)	6 Momme ( “ )  (Yen 1.00)

N.B.—We supply the “Masamuné” brand of saké, and our cuisine is fully equal to that of the leading restaurants.

Tips and gratuities to “lady friends” and geisha may be given according to the discretion of guests.

[132]

Positively no guest sent through a tea-house will be received or entertained.

(Date)

(Signed) MANJI-YA MOKICHI,

Sumi-chō,

Shin Yoshiwara.

Should any woman be found unsatisfactory another may be substituted.

Specimen No. 2.

Verbal Message.

Specimen No. 3.

Notice.

Ageya no sashi-gami.
(Summons to the “Ageya.”)

In ancient times a guest was unable to visit a brothel direct, but had to negotiate for the services of courtesans through the “Age-ya.” The “Age-ya” then issued a written request or “summons” (sashi-gami) to the brothel, nominating the woman desired. The bearer of these sashi-gami accompanied the courtesans both going and coming between brothels and “Age-ya,” and as soon as guests had finished their “spree” and left, the yūjo were sent back to their respective houses. In the “Kwagai Manroku” (花街漫錄) a specimen copy of the summons is given: the size is about 11″ x 5″ (actually 9 sun 6 bu x 4 sun 3 bu) and wording as follows:—

Specimen of “Sashigami.”

To Shōzaburō Esq.

As we have a guest to-day, we desire to engage the services of a courtesan belonging to your house named Tsumasaki during the day-time. I guarantee that my guest is not one of those persons who are “wanted” by the authorities, but a respectable party, and should anyone be found to allege anything to the contrary I am prepared to offer an explanation of the matter at any time or place. The above is written for future reference.

5th day of the 5th month.

(Signed.)	Kyūyemon. (Proprietor.)
(Countersigned.)	Chōbei. (Monthly Manager.)

[135]

The above was issued in the “year of the dog”—the second year of Tenna (1682)—and at that time Shōzaemon was the keeper of the “Kadomanji-ya” in Sumi-chō. Again, in the same book, (Kwagai Manroku) are given the following rules, relating to age-ya, which were in force in the Tenna era:—

Thus, when one wished to engage a courtesan in those times, he had to make a special arrangement in advance, fixing the date so as to avoid inconvenience, this agreement was termed a ken-yaku (兼約 = a previous convenant). The act of inducing a woman to cancel a previous engagement in favour of a later guest was called “morai” (貰ひ = something received, (a gift)), and when this was insisted upon, the successful bidder had to pay, besides the regular fee, an extra sum as compensation to the age-ya which was party to such previous engagement. This extra fee was the “shurai-gin” referred to in the above rules. The origin of the “age-ya” dates back to the[136] Moto-Yoshiwara, and by the eras of Tenna (1681–1683) and Teikyō (1684–1687) these establishments had reached the zenith of their popularity. Since the sancha-jōro appeared, the age-ya gradually declined until the 10th year of Hōreki, when they completely disappeared, leaving hikita-jaya in their place.

“Kuruwa-kotoba” or Yoshiwara Dialect.

It appears that owing to the Yoshiwara being a rendezvous of people from various parts of the country, there were a great many provincialisms spoken. This caused considerable inconvenience to persons visiting the quarter, and therefore, for the purpose of making the language used as uniform as possible, a kind of dialect known as the “sato-kotoba” (里言葉 language of the prostitute quarter) was coined, and all the prostitute were taught to speak it. The “Hoku-jo-ryo Kigen” (北女閭起原) says:—

It is, however, suggested by some people that the dialect was transmitted from Shimabara, Kyōto (a noted prostitute quarter) for under the “Shimabara” section of the “Ukiyo Monogatari” (浮世物語) reference is made to the popular sato-kotoba words “kinanshita ka?” (have you come?), and “hayōinanshi” (go quickly.)

According to ancient records, up to the period of Meiwa (1764–1771) the honorific irregular verb masu (to be), which is always used as a terminal in conjunction with other verbs, was[137] corrupted to “nsu” therefore such words as omoimasu (to think) gozaimasu (to be: to have) and mōshimashō (to say, to be) were changed to “omoinsū,” “gozarinsu,” “mōshinshō,” etc. From the end of Anyei (1772–1780) this again changed to “isu” and words like “gozaimasu” and omoimasu were pronounced “gozarisu” and “omoisu.” At that period “gozarimasu” was often pronounced as “gozansu,” or even “ozansu,” and in the vulgar colloquial it was sometimes pronounced as “gozensu” or “gozēsu”: accordingly “nasarimasé” (please deign to do) changed to “nasansé,” but in the Yoshiwara dialect this was further abbreviated to “nanshi.” Thus instead of “o kun nasai” (an abbreviation of “o kure nasarimasé” = please do) and “o agari nasaimashi” (an abbreviation of “o agari nasaimasé” = please come in: (or) please eat) were developed the words “o kun nanshi,” and “o agan nanshi,” etc. From the end of Kyōwa (1801–1803) until the Bunkwa era (1804–1817) “masu” and “mashi” changed to “namashi,” and afterwards into zansu, zaisu, zaimasu, ossu, osu, ariisu, etc.

It also appears that in former times the various brothels had their own special dialects, but these, not being specially interesting, all the dialectical differences are omitted here.

A few examples of sundry sentences and expressions may be cited to give an idea of the language:—

A saying in vogue about the Bunkwa era (1804–1817) was:—You can distinguish the Ōgi-ya by “watakushi” the Tama-ya by “shitsukata” the Chōjiya by “zansu” and the Matsuba-ya by “osu.” This was said because of the peculiar[140] dialects, spoken in the respective houses, changed into zansu, zaisu, ossu, osu, ariisu, etc. The sato-kotoba has now entirely disappeared, but as many of the women come from the Western provinces, in the neighbourhood of Kyōto, it is common in the Yoshiwara to hear such words as “anata itsu kiyaharimasu” (when will you come?), “sō dakka” (is that so?), “ahōrashii” (nonsense!), etc.

Shōgi no okonau juho.
(Magic charms practised by the Yoshiwara courtesans.)

The Yoshiwara inhabitants are all peculiarly superstitious people and great believers in omens, consequently they carefully avoid anything which may be construed as fore-shadowing ill-luck. The word cha (tea) is supposed to be unlucky because it occurs in the phrase o cha wo hiku (literally “to pulverize tea,” but idiomatically it is applied to women of ill-fame who are unpopular and means “to be out of employment”) therefore it is carefully eschewed not only by courtesans but by geisha also.32 The courtesans call “tea” “agaribana” (“going-up-flower”: meaning a guest who is going up the stairs) or “yamabuki” (“yellow rose”) or Uji (the name of a place) because the liquor of the infused tea is the colour of the yamubuki flower, and because Uji (near Kyōto) is a noted tea-district. Geisha speak of tea as “o-de-bana” (“august-going-out-flower”) because this expression conveys the sense of their “going out” and gathering presents (hana) from guests. Sitting on the staircase is looked upon with aversion, as this is supposed to decrease the number of[141] guests. When a cat, or a domestic fowl, passes through a room it is immediately caught and brought back to the direction from whence it came, because the local folk believe that the toleration of such an event will tend to make guests go away without stopping at the house. There are a great many silly superstitions of a similar nature in the Yoshiwara, and charms of all kinds are extensively practised. Every evening the bantō of each brothel says a prayer before the “Engi-dana” (the shelf of good luck: this was formerly furnished with emblems of phallic worship), a bundle of wooden clog-checks (to which a long rope is attached) is held up and struck several times against the floor of the house, and then an imitation of a rat’s squeak is made while the bantō strikes a pillar of the house with his hand. This process is said to be a charm for attracting many guests. It would require a thick volume to contain a description of all these charms, therefore only a few of the principal ones as mentioned in the “Shōbai Ōrai” (倡賣往來), written by Jippensha Ikku, are given here.

At present nobody seems to be acquainted with the charms mentioned above, they have fallen into disuse nowadays.

Below will be found a description of charms now in vogue. These are most important occult secrets and should not be lightly revealed to the vulgar!

Yoshiwara “Pot-pourri.”

The following items are given in the “Yoshiwara Ō-kaga-mi” (吉原大鑑 = The Great Mirror of the Yoshiwara) under the heading of “Sho-yaku Hyaku-monogatari” (諸譯百もの語 One Hundred Miscellaneous Tales).

In former days the present “Dai-ya” (cook-houses) were called “Ki-no-ji-ya” owing to the fact that a man named Oda-wara-ya Ki-ue first established such houses. Originally only the smaller brothels were supplied with food from these dai-ya, but now-a-days all the brothels, irrespective of size or grade, draw their foodsupply from the cook-houses. These dai-ya supply every conceivable kind of food, be it sushi (a fish and rice roll), kwashi (cakes), soba (buck-wheat macaroni), midzu-gwashi (fruit), or what not; and according to the quantity of food, dishes are divided into three classes, viz:—Nami-dai (ordinary dish), Dai-shō (medium-sized dish), and Ō-dai (a large-sized dish). These sizes are charged out at 25 sen, 37-1⁄2 sen, and 50 sen respectively, but the dai-ya are said to supply brothels at one third of the above prices, and if that be so then the latter earn a profit of two-thirds of the selling price to guests! The rule is to make a prompt cash payment on delivery of food, but as a matter of fact a wooden ticket, bearing the sign of each brothel, is given in exchange for dai-no-mono (food brought in) every time it is brought in, and payment is made the following day. It is stated by “those who know” that there are some brothels which have a debt of several hundred Yen to the dai-ya. There are a great many dai-ya in the Yoshiwara, but those which usually supply first-class brothels are “Koi-matsu” of Ageya-chō Ni-chō-me; “Yao-kyū” of the same street; and “Matsu-no” of Sumi-chō. In counting the number of dai-no-mono, the auxiliary numeral “mai” is used: thus “nami-sammai” (ordinary three[159] flat things) means three ordinary dishes of food. This is generally abbreviated to simply—“nami san” (ordinary three) etc., and the auxiliary numeral eliminated. An ordinary dish, with a bottle of saké thrown in, is known as “ichi-mai ippon” [one (dish) and one bottle.] Sometimes a guest orders food merely for the good of the house, and under these circumstances will be asked:—“What will you take?” He will no doubt reply:—“Nan demo ii yo” (“Anything will do”) and so the cook-house is instructed to send in a demo-dai (a dish of “anything”: demo is a contraction of nan demo = “anything”) which means that there is no particular choice on the part of the customer.

By the way, there is, in the “Shōbai Ōrai” (倡賣往來) by Ikku, an item which shows a bill of fare in a dai-ya a hundred years ago. It is as follows:—“The bill of fare of the “Ki-no-ji-ya” consisted of:—

etc., all of which foods are suitable for those persons who stop in brothels for several consecutive days.

Famous Things of the Yoshiwara
ALSO
Peddlers, Hawkers, and Beggars.

These things were very popular (even outside the Yoshiwara) from the An-ei (1772–1780) to Bunsei (1818–1829) eras, and the “Dote no kin-tsuba” (a cake made in the shape of the guard on a sword-hilt), was well known even after the Restoration. There is still one store which deals in this time-honoured cake, and it is as popular as ever.

The meibutsu (famous things) at present are the following:—The cuisine of the Kaneko restaurant; the kama-meshi (iron-pot-rice) of Horikawa; the tempura (fried fish) of Hamada; the kabayaki (roasted eels) of Ōtsune; Matsumo-zushi; shiruko (rice-cakes with a sauce of red beans and sugar) of Takaoka; Ki-no-ine-meshi (rice boiled with soy); kwashi (cakes and confectionery) of Futaba-ya; the saké of Okuda; the photographs of Katō; the bath-houses of Ageya-chō and Kyōmachi; the patent medicines of Nakane and Konishi; the ezōshi (coloured pictures) of Sanuki-ya; the komamono (fancy goods) of Nori-ya; the zōri (sandals) of Hishi-ya; etc.

Above all, the cooking of Kaneko is well known, and greatly esteemed, not only in the Yoshiwara but even outside the quarter as well. The construction and decoration of every room has been carried out in exquisite taste, and the furniture of the house is at once rare and costly: moreover, there is a fine bath-room in the restaurant, and, as everything is thus arranged comfortably for guests, many visitors to the Yoshiwara patronize the “Kaneko,” and go there accompanied by the yūjo they have chosen as their companions.

In the streets are to be found vendors of rice-dumplings[162] (dango), boiled red-beans (ude-adzuki), fruit (midzu-gashi), oden (a kind of dumpling), saké (rice-wine); sushi (rice-cakes plastered over with fish or sea-weed on which vinegar has been sprinkled) etc., and crowds of miscellaneous hawkers and quacks, including tsuji-ura sellers (tsuji-ura are small pieces of paper on which are printed poems or mottoes: these are wrapped in cracknels made of rice (sembei) or put among parched-peas as a pastime), newspaper sellers, fortune-tellers (uranai-sha), nattō-sellers (nattō is a kind of food made from boiled beans), sellers of the tōfu (bean curd) of Komatsu-bashi, sellers of fūki-mame (cooked and sweetened beans), blind shampooers (amma) female hairdressers (onna kami-yui), washermen (sentaku-ya) messengers, etc. Then there are shinnai-bushi singers (shinnai-bushi is a style of popular song originated by a man named Tsuruga Shinnai), Kapporé-dancers, singers of hayari-uta (popular songs), ahodara-kyō (reciters of comic imitation of Buddhist sacred writings and prayers), and flute-players (shaku-hachi). Beggars swarm in front of the smaller brothels early in the morning and ransack the remnants of food left over by guests from the previous evening: the sight of these hordes of dirty unkempt beings, clawing at and hungrily devouring the broken victuals, is a sight at once sad and disgusting.

In September 1867, a hospital for the treatment of venereal diseases of prostitutes was established in Yokohama for the first time in the history of Japan, and subsequently similar institutions were established at Kōbe and Nagasaki. This measure was adopted by the Bakufu Government owing to the representations made by an Englishman—Dr. Newton, R. N.—who, in spite of much opposition from prejudice and ignorance, succeeded in converting the authorities to his views after a long struggle. At first the physical examination of prostitutes was limited to the three ports of Yokohama, Kōbe, and Nagasaki, but in September 1871 the measure was applied to the women at Senju. The vital importance and value of such inspection not being understood by the public at large, the courtesans regarded the system with strong aversion, and they accordingly began to remove away from Senju to other quarters which were as yet free from the objectionable measure. This anti-inspection movement so seriously interfered with their business that the brothel-keepers were eventually forced to apply to the authorities to suspend the system, with the result that it was abolished in April 1872. In June 1873, however, the Tōkyō Municipal authorities again established physical examination offices, one being opened in each of the following six places:—Yoshiwara, Nedzu, Senju, Shinjiku, Shinagawa, and Itabashi. Examinations were made several times a month, and women who were found suffering from venereal diseases were sent to the hospital at Atagoshita for treatment. This was the first instance of a Lock hospital in[164] Tōkyō, but since then similar institutions have sprung into existence in different parts of the country.

In October 1888, physical examination places were established in the Yoshiwara and five other yūkwaku by the authorities, but in July 1889 these were abolished, and the brothel-keepers were ordered to fit up a hospital at their own expense: since that time the Lock hospital in every prostitute quarter has been maintained by the parties locally interested.

In the “Regulations of the Lock hospital of the Shin-Yoshiwara,” which obtained official sanction in June 1889, we find the following:—

[The rules relative to various details such as govern admissions, wards, etc., are omitted.]

The above extract will furnish some idea of the working[165] of a Lock hospital, and as to the question of maintenance the following particulars may be interesting.

Generally speaking, the hospital is maintained in this manner, but when there is a deficit in its revenue this is made good by an appropriation from the reserve fund of the brothels (kashi-zashiki no tsumi-tatekin.)

As the number of prostitutes in the Yoshiwara is about three thousand women their physical examination cannot be effected in a single day; the quarter therefore is divided into districts to facilitate the process of inspection.

The regular examination days, and the inspection districts, are as follows:—

Of course special examinations are made when necessity arises.

According to the latest investigations, the result of examinations showed the average rate of infected persons to be over 6 per cent. The annexed figures for 1897 may prove interesting, but it must be borne in mind that they can only be considered as comparatively reliable. The results of examinations of course depend very much upon the strictness of[166] the doctors in attendance, consequently every prostitute quarter varies in its stated percentage of infected cases. In 1898 the percentage of disease rose to as high as 5.58 average as against 4.73 average in 1897. This difference has been caused by the more thorough inspection instituted by the present surgeon in charge—Mr. Doi.35

Results of Medical Inspection.

Results of Medical Inspection.
1897.

Mu-sen yū-kyō, or going on a gay frolic without being possessed of the necessary means, is locally known in the Yoshiwara as “Ebisu-kō” or Hōritsu (“Law”). The former term has been brought into use because the majority of those who intentionally go “on the spree” without money attire themselves in the garb of wealthy people and so resemble the God of Wealth (Ebisu), who is much en evidence at the festival of “Ebisukō” (in honor of the God of Wealth), although in reality they haven’t a “red cent” (bita-ichi-mon) with which to bless themselves when the time for squaring up accounts comes. The latter term has been coined owing to the fact that a large number of law (hōritsu) students have been guilty of swindling, but they generally contrive to evade their liabilities by means of ingenious arguments and managing to force their victims into committing technically illegal acts of which they take mean advantage and which they use as a weapon against creditors. As a matter of fact, the brothel-keepers sometimes find it impossible to appeal to the police, and are often forced to “grin and bear” their losses in silence owing to the “cuteness” and sophistry of the “hōritsu.” It is not uncommon for men belonging to the shokunin (artisan) class to enter a brothel under the influence of liquor without consulting the state of their purses, and consequently[168] to find themselves confronted next morning with a long bill which they cannot settle. These fellows are taken in hand by professional “fixers” (shimatsuya = one who “fixes up” and settles matters) called “uma-ya” (horse-houses) who undertake to collect the bill on commission. The “fixers,” or “uma-ya,” send a messenger, known as an “uma” (horse), home with such defaulting guest, and this “uma” will dog the footsteps of the debtor until the latter pays his bill. Cases have however been known where the guest conducted a “horse” (uma) to a certain house, which he pretended was his own, entered on the pretext of obtaining some money, and walking through quietly, slid out of the back-door and escaped. But even when a guest temporarily escapes in this way, he is generally detected, and then, if he can’t pay, the “uma” levy a squeeze of 50 sen per day on their victims.

The “Ebisu-kō” plan of having a “good time” gratuitously is made a kind of profession of by some rascals, and it is said that in Tōkyō there are several societies or bands (kumi or gumi) of expert swindlers in this line. Thus there are the Hongo-gumi, Kanda-gumi, Shitaya-gumi, Shiba-gumi, Fukagawa-gumi, etc., each kumi taking its name from the district to which it belongs. There is also a special kumi called “Daruma-gumi,” because its members have the figure of Daruma tatooed on their forearms, and carry on their fraudulent operations in a delightfully free and easy manner. The figure of Daruma is supposed to represent the celebrated prince[169] and priest of Southern India—Dahma. This holy patriarch sat for nine years in profound abstraction till his legs fell off, therefore he is described in Japanese as “o ashi no nai” (“being without any august legs”) but this, by a pun on the words, can be understood as “being without any august cash.” Considering that the members of this “Daruma-gumi” never pay for anything, the “trade-mark” they have adopted is certainly very appropriate! Among the members of these beautiful societies, the act of evading payment of bills is known as “Kipparai” (Kipparau = to cut right through an obstruction) or “Nakaseru” (“to cause to weep”).

The use of tsuji-kago (palanquin) by the general public was permitted from the Genroku era (1688–1703), but the number of these conveyances in Yedo was limited to one hundred only! People, therefore, were in the habit of visiting the Yoshiwara on horseback. [The name of a street in the Yoshiwara—Uma-michi (Horse-street)—testifies to the fact that horses used to pass to and from the quarter.] Later on the palanquin traffic increased, but with the appearance of the Meiji (present) period, kago dropped out of fashion.

The jinrikisha-men who ply between the Yoshiwara and Uma-michi are called among themselves “yonashi” (an abbreviation of yonabe-shi = night-workers), owing to the fact that they sleep during the day-time and go to work at night. The best known jinrikisha houses (“Ban” 番) in the neighbourhood of the Yoshiwara are called:—“Tatsu-shin,” “Hage-gumi,” “Honchō-ban,” “Dote-gumi,” “Misawa,” etc. The men belonging to these houses come out to pick up fares about dusk, and fortified with a “helmet of saké” chase after any likely pedestrian, accosting him with the words:—“Danna, naka madé ikaga desu?” (“Master, how would you like to go as far as the Yoshiwara?”). At first these knights of the jinrikisha demand an exorbitant fare, but reduce the same, after some haggling on the part of the would-be riders, to about 15 sen per ri. As soon as the man has settled terms, he will probably exclaim “oi kita! hora yo!” (almost untranslatable) and picking up the shafts of the vehicle start off[171] as fast as his legs can carry him, brandishing his lantern (they call it a “kamban” among the jinrikisha fraternity) as he speeds along. A coolie who aims to secure a tip will probably ask his customer “Danna, dochira ye tsukemasu?” (“Master, to which house shall I take you?”) and if the reply is “Nani, ō-mon de yoroshii” (“Oh, just put me down at the great gate”) the rider is probably only bent on a stroll through the Yoshiwara for the purpose of sight-seeing. If, on the contrary, a fare replies “Emon-zaka de orosé” (“Put me down at Emon-zaka”), he is generally a cowardly fellow who is desirous of protecting himself from the jinrikisha-puller’s demand for additional payment by means of the close vicinity of the police-box on the hill.

When two kuruma-ya are employed—one as an atōshi (pusher) or tsunappiki (extra puller in front)—three times the single fare is usually demanded because one of the men must return without a vehicle, and cannot therefore pick up a fare on his way back. The atōshi or tsunappiki has to waste his time in going home, whereas the man who has his jinrikisha[172] with him can generally earn something by picking up a fare on his return journey.

When a jinrikisha-man has brought a guest to a brothel or tea-house he is usually given a tip of from 20 to 30 sen, which is paid by the house and afterwards charged to the guest. There is also a body of jinrikisha-coolies known as “mōrō-shafu” (“shady” jinrikisha-men) who are invariably very bad characters. Sometimes these rascals have an arrangement with certain of the lower-class brothels (bori-ya=greedy and covetous houses) to inveigle country-folk into their dens and thus make improper gains. Among the mōrō-shafu there have been desperate scoundrels who even dared to go the length of taking fares to lonely places and there robbing them of valuables and money after the fashion of highwaymen, but, owing to the stringent police system, as well as the control exercised by the jinrikisha-men’s guild, these evils have been greatly diminished. As regards the slang used by the Yoshiwara jinrikisha coolies, there seems to be but little difference between it and that employed by outside jinrikisha-men.

[173]

Their method of counting is as follows:—

Other slang words abound, but we have not space enough to give more than a few examples:—

There is a funny story told relative to the introduction of jinrikishas, and the consequent falling into desuetude of palanquins. A certain guest asked his “lady friend” in a brothel if she could tell him what sign was most used on the lanterns of jinrikisha-men: she promptly replied “Yamagata ni ka no ji ga ō gozaimasu” (“Mostly the shape of a mountain Ʌ with the katakana syllable “ka”—カ—”). She was thinking of the signs used to denote the different classes of prostitutes (vide page 123) and mistook the characters 人力 (jinriki) for the sign and the syllable カ. It appears that in those early days the names of districts or guilds were not painted on the lanterns, but merely the two characters 人力 (jinriki), and hence the comical error!

Sanya-uma da-chin-dzuké.
(The cost of hiring horses to and from the Yoshiwara.)

The “Kinsei Kisekikō” (新世奇跡考) says that in the olden days young bloods who frequented the Yoshiwara used to travel to and fro on horse-back. It was also a fashion of the period to consider everything white to be tasteful. Thus the craze went so far that people fancied white horses, white sword-hilts, white leather hakama (loose pantaloons), white sleeves, and white everything else. In a book called the “Ko-uta Sō-makuri” (小唄總まくり)—published in the second year of the Kwambun (1661–1372) era—the following scale of charges for horse-hire is given:—

[176]

The above proves the taste of the period for white horses, and besides this there was a song in vogue in the Meireki era (1655–1657) which described the graceful appearance of a man of rank visiting the Yoshiwara on the back of a white steed.

Byō-chū oyobi In-shoku no koto.
(Of the sickness of prostitutes and of their meals.)

Generally speaking, every yūjo possesses a room in which she lives irrespective of the fact of whether she has visits from guests or otherwise; but, in some houses, when a prostitute falls sick, she is not allowed to remain in her room, and is sent down to the ō-beya (large apartment) for treatment: this room is known among the inmates of the brothel as “yosé-ba” (place of gathering).

In a courtesan’s apartment is to be found every cooking utensil necessary in the preparation of a meal, and therefore many of the girls take their meal in their own room, merely getting boiled rice up from the kitchen and preparing other articles themselves.

[177]

In some houses however, all the inmates have dinner together in the kitchen, and so there is an old saying—“Yūjo wo nabe-kama nashi no shotai-mochi” (“Yūjo are like house-holders who are possessed of neither pots nor pans.”) In the Kajita-rō the yūjo used to make their servants boil rice for them in their own rooms over charcoal fires.

Hiké no koto.
(Closing hours in the Yoshiwara.)

Mention is made in the “Yoshiwara Ōkagami” (吉原大鑑) that the hiké was fixed at 10 o’clock, but afterwards this was considered too early, and no clapping of hyōshigi (a pair of wooden blocks which are struck together as a signal) was made at that hour. The great gate (Ō-mon) was shut at 10 o’clock, but the kuguri-do (a small low door cut in a gate) was left open so as to permit ingress and egress. When the hour of midnight struck, (then called kokonotsu-doki), the hyōshigi were clapped together four times, and the place was finally closed up.

Kōchō no koto.
(The next morning.)

In the “Yoshiwara Ōkagami” (吉原大鑑)—referred to in the preceding chapter—it says that “the parting and return home in the morning is called “Kōchō” (後朝), but in ordinary Japanese the parting of two lovers in the morning is idiomatically termed “Kinu-ginu no wakare.”

Hiru-jimai Yo-jimai no koto.
(The day and night engagements of courtesans.)

The “Yoshiwara Ōkagami” (吉原大鑑) also says that there were formerly two kinds of shimai (仕舞 here the word[178] means “engagement”) viz:—Hiru-jimai (day engagement) and Yo-jimai (night engagement.)36

Raku-seki no koto.
(The removal of names from the register of the Yoshiwara.)

The “Yoshiwara Ōkagami” (吉原大鑑) says:—

The Yoshiwara Ō-kagami (吉原大鑑) says that the going abroad of prostitutes was prohibited at the founding of the Yoshiwara, and only tayū were occasionally allowed to attend the Hyō-jō-sho (Supreme Court) to wait on officials.

In the case of a “jōro” being summoned before the “machibugyō” she was accompanied by two wakaimono, the master of the brothel, five wardsmen (“go-nin-gumi”) a representative of the “nanushi” and her “yarite.” The latter made a small present to the attendants of the “bugyō” that they might spread a mat for the “jōro” to sit on, and the “jōro” remained silent while the “yarite” answered the questions of the judge.

Once in every Spring, all the inmates of the brothels used to go out to either Ueno, Asukayama, or Mukōjima, to see the cherry-blossoms, and on these occasions they spent the day in drinking saké under the cherry-trees, and amusing themselves by dancing and other pastimes. The custom of the tayū appearing at the Hyō-jō-sho ceased about the era of Kwan-ei (1624–1643), and that of cherry-blossom viewing also dropped out of fashion after the Bunsei era (1818–1829). Even after this latter date, sick prostitutes requiring the treatment of a physician outside the Yoshiwara, or those who wished to go to their master’s villa (rō-shu no bessō) for the benefit of their health, were allowed to pass through the gate. If the parents of prostitutes who lived at Asakusa, and in its neighbourhood, were dangerously ill, they were allowed to visit them by the special permission of the rō-shu (brothel-keeper), but even in[181] these cases the women were passed out under pretext of sickness, and a passport was given to them by the nanushi, as follows:—

A woman thus allowed out of the Yoshiwara would perhaps have looked out of her kago (palanquin) as she was borne along through the streets, and wondered at the novelty of her surroundings. Then she might have become impatient, owing to her anxiety after her parent’s health, and urged the kago-ya (bearers) to hurry forward. Arriving at her parents’ house she would perhaps have found her father, seriously ill, lying in squalid wretchedness, and have been met by her poor old mother who, taking her daughter’s hand in her own, might have been overcome with deep emotion and wept bitterly. Then came long consultations about the future, and the day of grace began to draw to a close, for it was a rule that courtesans out on leave had to return to the Yoshiwara before 5.30 p.m. By and by the sad and solemn tones of the temple bell at Asakusa would give her warning that her time had expired, and urged on by the yarite (an old brothel hag), whom she had perforce brought with her, she rose and bade farewell to her weeping parents, and re-entering her kago was carried back to her life of gilded misery well-nigh blinded by an agony of helpless tears.

[182]

Although the rules relating to the passage of the ō-mon (great gateway) were as above, there were some prostitutes who attempted to run away from the Yoshiwara, owing to an irresistible desire to see their lovers, or being heavily in debt. When such an event happened, the brothel-keeper concerned sent out men on all sides to trace the absconding woman, or applied to the police office (mem-ban-sho) for her capture, and as detectives were immediately set to work to ascertain her whereabouts, nearly all runaway women were caught and ignominiously brought back to their masters. When an absconder was brought back, she was censured for her ill-considered step by the master, yarite, and bantō, and all the expenses incurred in connection with her detection and capture were added to her debt: this had the effect of prolonging the term of her servitude in the brothel. Sometimes private punishment was meted out to her by the master if he thought she deserved it. When an elopement was attempted twice or thrice in succession, the woman in question was generally re-sold to one of the prostitute quarters outside the Yoshiwara through the agency of a zegen (procurer): this practice was called “Kuragae” (change of saddles). It is said to have been the custom that when the keeper of a brothel outside the Yoshiwara was in treaty for the purchase of a “kuragae” prostitute, he sent his bantō to the house to which she belonged as an ordinary guest. The bantō spent the night with her, and the mi-no-shiro-kin (price-of-the-body) was settled according to his report.

The Yoshiwara Ō-kagami, (吉原大鑑) says that as the life of a courtesan is generally spoken of as “the painful world” (Ku-gai 苦界) its really painful nature may be well imagined. Not only does a woman who has fallen into this unhappy position become a mere plaything to gratify the lusts of immoral men, but her freedom is so curtailed by circumstances that she cannot even sleep and eat independently, and therefore often has her constitution ruined owing to her irregular mode of eating and drinking. Others fall sick by reason of excessive anxiety over monetary affairs, and others fall a prey to loathsome and, perchance, virtually incurable diseases.

When a first-class prostitute (jōtō no yūjo) was sick, if the master of the brothel had been to much expense in procuring her, he would spare no pains to cure her illness, and if the matter was serious the woman would be removed to the master’s villa, (which was situated, perhaps, in the vicinity of Imado or Sanya), for treatment. Such an invalid would be closely attended by a kamuro (female page), and sometimes the master himself went to some temple to pray for her recovery. If, however, the yūjo happened to belong to a lower class, and was not particularly popular, the attitude of the brothel-keeper would be entirely different, and the treatment of the girl would be simply entrusted to some quack doctor, the poor creature being meanwhile thrust into an out-of-the-way gloomy room where she would pine away unseen by the other inmates of the house. When her condition was considered very precarious, the master, in order to avoid the trouble and expense[184] involved at death, used to summon her parents and hand the sick woman over to them together with her shōmon (document of engagement). When a yūjo died in a brothel the matter was reported by the monthly manager (tsuki-gyōji) of the Yoshiwara to the nanushi, and the latter summoned her parents or surety to take delivery of her corpse. In the event of the home of her parents being far away, the remains of the yūjo were interred by the brothel-keeper in the Dōtetsu (general burial place) on the bank in the presence of her surety. This place was also known as the “nage-komi” (the “throwing-in-place”). There is an old poem illustrating the sad future which is in store for some unfortunate shōgi: it runs:—

“She is hurried to the grave in a pauper’s coffin, with but one solitary little maid to mourn her.”

Alas! this description was only too true in many cases.

Besides natural death, there were many yūjo who committed suicide, together with their sweethearts, owing to various reasons, among which the most powerful were either their inability to live together in conjugal felicity with each other, or their pecuniary embarrassments. Such double suicides had been known as shinjū (心中 “the inside of the heart or mind”), but about the era of Kyōhō (1716–1735) Judge Ōoka Echizen-no-Kami, (who is regarded as the Japanese Solomon), gave it out as his opinion that the word shinjū (心中) if read reversed would make chūshin (中心 = loyalty) and that it was absurd to call the double suicide of a man and woman, owing to love affairs, “loyalty”. He therefore ordained that this kind of suicide should be called “aitai-jini” (相對死 = “death by mutual consent”) and that word was accordingly adopted.

[185]

The late Mr. Koidzumi Yakumo (Lafcadio Hearn) in his “Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan” (Vol. 1.) gives an extremely interesting example of shinjū, as follows:—

According to the Tōto Ko-fun-shi (東都古墳志 = Record of ancient tombs in the Eastern Capital), the Jōkan-ji (浄閑寺) temple of Minowa, Shitaya district, was the burial ground of the yūjo of the Yoshiwara. When the secret prostitutes of the City of Yedo were transported into the Yoshiwara, they were called baijo (賣女 = “sold women”). Originally the bodies of these women, and other secret prostitutes, were interred in the burial ground of this temple only, but later on it became the custom to bury their remains elsewhere, as also those of regular yūjo. The book goes on to say:—

The Jōkan-ji temple at Minowa, and the Dōtetsu on39 the bank (the Nihon-dzutsumi), were formerly the fixed burial places of the Yoshiwara yūjo who died during their terms of service and who had no person to take charge of their remains. Since the Restoration, however, the regulations of the prostitute quarters having been altered, the burial of a yūjo in these cemeteries is a rare occurrence.

The grave of the famous Taka-o of the Mi-ura-ya, and that of Usugumo, are both in the Dōtetsu cemetery. The grave of Usugumo is known as neko-dzuka (the-mound-of-the cat). October the 20th, 1893, having fallen on the 233rd anniversary of the death of Taka-o, a grand religious service was held in this temple and was attended by large crowds of people belonging to the Yoshiwara.

On the grave of Taka-o is written:—

Karitaku no Koto.
(The temporary prostitute quarter.)

The kari-taku means the establishment of a temporary place for carrying on business when the Yoshiwara is completely[187] destroyed by fire. When such a disaster occurs, the brothel-keepers apply to the authorities for a permit to establish a kari-taku, and their application is said to be granted forthwith, even in case of only partial destruction of the quarter by fire.

The Yoshiwara has been enjoying comparative immunity from fire for quite a long period, but as late as 1862 (May 29th) more than half of the brothels in the quarter were burnt to the ground, and a kari-taku was established in the neighbourhood of Fukagawa. During the time that the business is carried on in a temporary quarter, rules and usages are not adhered to very strictly by the brothels, and sometimes, under the pretext of aiming at simplicity, even tea-houses are allowed to carry on the profession of brothel-keeping. Under these circumstances, more money flows into the pockets of the brothel-keeper than in ordinary times, and the trade usually becomes brisker than previously, owing to a larger number of guests being attracted by the novelty of the altered conditions. When therefore the Yoshiwara is not prosperous, and trade is dull, the brothel-keepers not unnaturally wish for the establishment of a kari-taku. In the 2nd year of Kei-ō (1866), while the kari-taku was established at Monzen-chō, Fukagawa, an application was forwarded to the authorities by a certain brothel keeper, offering the payment of 10,000 ryō per annum if they would give permission to leave the “temporary quarter” there permanently: the application was rejected. The “kari-taku” practice originated in the third year of the Meireki era (1657) when the brothels of Fukiya-chō were swept out of existence by the memorable conflagration of that year, and pending removal to the Yoshiwara, temporary brothels were[188] established at Imado, Sanya, and Yama-no-shiku by means of renting ordinary houses.

After that time, whenever the Yoshiwara was destroyed by a fire, a temporary quarter was established for from two hundred to three hundred days, either at Ryōgoku, Nakadzu, Takanawa, Fukagawa, Asakusa, Namiki, Hanakawado, etc. The temporary brothels established in the second year of Kōkwa (1845) were scattered here and there in twenty different streets, viz:—Yamakawa-chō, Ta-machi, it-chō-me, Ta-machi, ni-chō-me, Sanya-machi, Asakusa-machi, Shin Torikoye-machi, it-chōme, Shin Torikoye-machi, ni-chō-me, Shin Torikoye-machi, san-chō-me, in front of the Hachiman On-yado: (in Honjō district); Rokushaku-yashiki, Kaneyashiki, Nagaoka-chō, jit-chō-me; Hachirobei-yashiki; Matsui-chō, it-chō-me, and Irie-chō; (in Fukagawa district); Eitai-ji-Monzen-chō, Naka-chō, Higashi Naka-chō, Yamamoto-chō, Matsumura-chō, Tsukuda-chō, Tokiwa-chō, ni-chō-me. In Hanakawado-machi and Shōden-chō (Asakusa), Tamaya Sanzaburō, and twenty-one other well-known brothels, were carrying on their business under special charter (tokkyo) received from the authorities.

The official instructions issued at the time of the establishment of temporary brothels were not uniform by any means, as they were drawn up to suit special circumstances, but an idea of such notifications may be gained by perusing the following transcript of one issued in the 6th year of Kwansei (1794):—

The following description of a Kari-taku is given in the “Yedo Honjō-ki” (江戸繁昌記 Records of the prosperity of Yedo):—

From this description it is evident that ordinary houses temporarily transformed into brothels must have been interesting places to visit, especially when crowded with guests, and that many comical and amusing scenes must have been[191] enacted within their walls. It is just because the kari-taku presented so many novel and funny features that persons were tempted to go crowding into them.

Dōchū no koto oyobi tsuki-dashi no koto.
(The procession of yūjo and the first appearance of “recruits” in the Yoshiwara.)

The procession, or promenade, of yūjo has been considered as, par excellence, the most splendid spectacle and important ceremony of the Yoshiwara. Once in the earlier years of Meiji, and once again in 1887, when the cherry-blossoms were in full bloom, this wonderful procession took place, but since then no attempt has been made to revive the time-honoured custom. Even on the two occasions referred to, the affair was not carried out in strict accordance with the ancient style, but in a far simpler fashion.

The best account of this procession of yūjo ever written is given in Mr. Henry Norman’s “The Real Japan,” and it is therefore quoted here.

In the “Yoshiwara Taizen” (吉原大全 The Complete Book of the Yoshiwara) reference is made to the effect that

In the days when there were age-ya in the Yoshiwara it was the custom for a tayū to go out to the age-ya to which she was called to meet her guest, and on these occasions she was escorted by her shinzō, yarite, kamuro, and wakaimono. With reference to this subject, the Dōbō Go-en (洞房語園) says that

Since the removal of the old brothel quarter to the present Yoshiwara, it is said that tayū sometimes went out to age-ya riding in palanquins, as this was considered to be a convenient mode of transit.

In the “Dōbō Go-en I-hon Kō-i” (洞房語園異本考異) it is stated that

[195]

The reason that the promenading of yūjo became one of the most splendid spectacles of the Yoshiwara in later days was because (though the women ceased to pass to and from the age-ya after the disappearance of the latter) they used to be in the habit of showing themselves gorgeously apparelled in the Naka-no-chō and holding an exhibition of themselves in the tea-houses there. The custom of the dōchū is therefore a relic of a prevailing fashion of those times.

As already stated, a yūjo who went out walking in rainy weather was covered by a long-handled umbrella held over her head from behind. This umbrella was usually employed by persons of gentle birth, but its use by yūjo was permitted on the supposition that the latter were Court ladies.41

To see the procession of a yūjo at night passing through the brilliantly lighted streets surrounded by her shinzō, kamuro, yarite and wakaimono, proceeded by a great lantern emblazoned with her crest, and followed by a crowd of tea-house and funa-yadō people each carrying a lighted chōchin, was a very imposing sight indeed, and one which probably was unique of its kind and without a parallel in any other country.

In ancient times all yūjo wore sandals, but later on a woman named Fuyō (in the employ of Hishiya Gonzaemon of Sumi-chō), who was an open-handed extravagant person and[196] fond of ostentatious display, began to wear koma-geta (a kind of matted clog) even on fine days. The charming manner in which this woman minced along on her koma-geta, artfully disclosing the scarlet lining of her clothes as she walked, and the general grace of her demeanour, evoked universal admiration. Imitation, it is said, is the sincerest form of flattery, and the people must have been very much fascinated with Fuyō’s koma-geta, for they all began to gradually imitate this style of foot-gear, until it became the popular fashion of the Yoshiwara. On New Year’s day, and on other holidays, no koma-geta were used by the women belonging to the house of Matsubaya Hanzaemon of Yedo-chō, and it therefore seems that even at this period something of the simplicity of old-time customs was retained, and that the community had not as yet fallen into the luxurious habits of later days. The extravagance manifested in wearing apparel used in promenading appears to have reached its climax about the 11th year of Kwansei (1799), for it is mentioned in the “Kyaku Monogatari” (客物語 = written by Samba—a noted humourous writer), that the outer garment was of deep blue coloured satin, the skirt being embroidered with a pattern composed of lobsters: the underclothes were of green coloured mōru (a kind of thick cloth woven with raised figure’s) secured by a shigoki (loose girdle) of grey-coloured satin lined with red crêpe. The hair was done in the Hyōyo-musubi style and was ornamented with two combs and eight hair-pins, this having been the regular custom of the time.

In the Bunkwa (1804–1817) and Bunsen (1818–1829) eras the shikake (loose robes) worn when promenading were either black or green in colour and were, as a rule, richly embroidered[197] in gold and silver thread and silk thread of various hues. The patterns most in vogue were unriū (dragons and clouds), hiriū (flying dragons), gan-ka no botan (peony flowers below a rocky cliff), mōshi kyō-hon (raging lion), etc.; and the general effect of these gorgeous embroideries, glittering with gold and blazing with all the colours of the rainbow worked in harmonious blendings, was indeed striking and unique. Under the shikake were worn three white rinzu (figured satin) kosode (one over the other) each bearing five large crests dyed upon them.

Their manner of walking was known as uchi-hachi-mon-ji, because each step was taken with the toes pointed inwards (uchi) like the Chinese character (monji) eight (hachi 八). There are but very few persons who now understand this Style of walking. Later on, the custom of wearing geta (clogs) was introduced by the yūjo Fuyō, (already mentioned) who was vainly fond of finery, as she initiated the practice of wearing three-legged geta, with straw sandals attached to them. There were certain fixed ceremonial dresses which were worn according to the season, and special costumes for the New Year’s holidays and the 1st day of the 8th month. It is stated in the Kita-zato Bun-ken-roku (北里聞見錄) that on the 3rd day of the 1st month of the 11th year of Bunkwa (February, 1814) among the yūjo who were out walking in their brand new geta and magnificent gala dresses, astonishing the spectators with the dazzling splendour of their gay apparel, was a woman named Ariwara (belonging to the house of Tsuru-ya Ichisaburō of Kyō-machi It-chōme) who became the centre of attraction owing to the novelty of her costume. She wore robes made in imitation of those worn by certain military officers of[198] the Imperial Court (Ō-uchi bu-kan). From the waist upwards the material was of a pale blue tint and on it were embroidered three corded lines in silver thread. On the left shoulder was embroidered a bundle of kiri-fu no ya (arrows winged with the spotted feathers of a falcon) worked in gold, silver, and coloured threads. This upper garment represented the naoshi (a kind of robe worn by nobles). The lower portion was dyed a deep purple and embroidered with yatsu-busa no fuji (eight-petalled wistaria flowers) in silver: this apparently was intended for sashi-nuki (a kind of silk trousers worn by warriors.)

Her obi (girdle) was of crimson worked with elaborate embroideries in gold, silver, and coloured threads. Her hair was done in the karawa (osa-fune) style. The whole “get up” was that of a Court warrior, and it is said that the idea of dressing herself in this manner occurred to Ariwara owing to her family name being similar to that of the noted warrior and poet of ancient day—Ariwara Narihira Ason. This instance of the extravagant nature of a yūjo’s dress in those days is merely given to illustrate the quaint costumes adopted, and the lavish manner in which the women spent their money in their endeavours to show themselves off in novel and costly habiliments. It is curious that notwithstanding the magnificence of their costume the yūjo ceased to wear tabi (socks) in the Kwansei (1789–1800) and Bunkwa (1804–1817) eras, although they had worn them prior to the Tenna era (1681–1683). In ancient times the tabi were of leather, stained purple.

When an ane-jōro (elder-sister-harlot) initiated her imōto-jōro (younger-sister-harlot), and allowed her to appear in the[199] misé for the first time, the act of thus furthering the interests of the younger woman was called tsuki-dashi (to push out and forward). It was the bounden duty of an ane-jōro to arrange everything connected with this tsuki-kashi ceremony at the request of the brothel-keeper, and this act of duty was known as “o yaku.”

The tsuki-dashi proper lasted for a week, and during that time the debutante, accompanied by her ane-jōro, used to promenade the streets of the Yoshiwara by way of introduction, in the same manner as if she were performing a regular dōchū. Every day, both the debutante and the ane-jōro appeared in different costumes. The hair of the ane-jōro was done either in the Hyōgo, osa-fune, sage-gami, or shimada styles, but the coiffure of the debutante was invariably made in the shimada style. [Since the advent of the Meiji era this custom has disappeared, but according to the narrative of a person who once saw such a ceremony, the debutante wore yellow clothes, and the clothes of her retinue of yarite, kamuro, and wakaimono, were all of a similar hue].

During the week of introduction, the new-comer was engaged by her fellow yūjo in turn, and to the latter presents were made by way of reciprocity.

The expenditure involved in connection with the appearance of a new yūjo was roughly estimated at from 300 to 500 ryō. Then there were expenses connected with the tsumi-yagu (bedding), usually ordered from “Dai-maru” and “Echigo-ya.” Of course in all these matters there were wheels “within wheels,” and, although the tsuki-dashi expenses were nominally defrayed by the ane-jōro, as a matter of fact the latter tapped the pockets of her guests to meet the bill. Generally an ane-jōro[200] would have a number of admirers who could well afford to be generous, such as officials of the Government treasure godowns, wealthy saké merchants of Shinkawa, etc., and on these occasions the astute lady would not fail to wheedle out of them all the cash she wanted. The classes of yūjo who anciently participated in promenading were the Chūsan and Yobi-dashi, and though the system of going to age-ya when called by guests no longer existed, the women continued to walk in the Naka-no-chō after dusk for the purpose of showing themselves to the spectators and as a means of attracting guests. The procession was proceeded by a couple of firemen (tobi-no-mono) carrying a kanabō (an iron staff fitted with rings), which they struck on the ground as they walked, producing a sharp metallic jingle and thus warning the crowds of the approach of the oiran.

With them walked a wakaimono (man-servant), lighting the way with a big lantern (dai-hari) on which was emblazoned the crest of the yūjo. The yūjo herself walked slowly along escorted by two furi-shin (furi-sode shinzō), two kamuro, one ban-shin (ban-tō-shinzō) and six wakaimono. They never returned the same way they went out: it was a rule that when a procession walked on the right side of the street on its way out, it should return on the left side. While the procession moved, the proprietors of tea-houses came out to the front of their establishments, saluted the passing beauty, and urged her to sit down and rest there; but she would merely smile graciously and walk on, placidly smoking her handsome pipe the while. Yūjo were formerly well-trained in their special manner of walking in procession, and though they wore very high clogs, accidents but rarely happened. To stumble was considered a sad disgrace,[201] and if a yūjo accidentally tripped up in front of a tea-house custom demanded that she should enter the establishment and entertain all the inmates at her expense. The sight of a lovely and bewitching yūjo clad in rich silk brocades glittering with gold and polychromatic tints; of her wonderful pyramidal coiffure ornamented with numerous tortoise-shell and coral hair-pins so closely thrust together as to suggest a halo of light encircling her head; and her stately graceful movements as she swept slowly and majestically through the Naka-no-chō, must indeed have appeared magnificent and awe-inspiring to the uninitiated. Indeed we are told by ancient writers that the spectacle fairly entranced the country-folk and “robbed them of their very souls”, and from such remarks we may gather that these processions of yūjo were by no means conducive to the elevation of the moral tone of the crowds of persons who flocked to see the Yoshiwara with gaping mouths and upturned eyes.

Yo-misé “Suga-gaki” no koto.
(The night exhibition and the suga-gaki.)

In view of the approaching “mixed residence” of foreigners in the interior, it is said that the authorities are contemplating the advisability of interdicting the present custom of exposing yūjo in “cages” to public view; and that Susaki will be the first prostitute quarter to discontinue this somewhat scandalous practice. Even as it is, the exhibition of yūjo in cages is not openly recognized except in the Yoshiwara and a few other yūkwaku, so the probability is that is will be discontinued ere long, even without the interference of the[202] local governments. While many have no sympathy with the “hai-shō-ron”42 movement which found a good many supporters in Japan a few years ago, it is their profound conviction that the prostitute quarters should not be made a show-place, that display for the purpose of the attracting attention should be discouraged, and that reverence for humanity and common chivalry should forbid even the semblance of anything approaching the public exhibition of unfortunate women, however low they may have fallen. At the present time, the majority of the Japanese public do not seem to see anything shocking or strange in the sight of hundreds of gaudily attired courtesans sitting in rows exposed to public view as living “samples,” and this tends to bridge over the sharp line of demarcation which should exist between the demi-monde and honest women. This again leads to a good deal of freedom and license of speech, and permits the doings of yūjo, and the libertines who support them, to be unblushingly chronicled in newspapers and indelicately alluded to in novels. Then again, at the time of the festival of the “Tori-no machi” the various yūkwaku are crowded by a vast multitude of sight-seers including thousands of young persons of both sexes: this means that very young and perfectly innocent boys and girls are so accustomed to the strange scene, that they see no indelicacy in it, and so they grow up knowing far more about these matters than is good for them. To Europeans and Americans it is a strange sight to see family parties, including modest young girls, wending their way through the crowded streets on the night of the Tori-no-machi, buying various knick-knacks and gazing at the painted beauties in their gorgeous dresses[203] of glossy brocade and glittering gold. It is certainly opposed to foreign ideas to take one’s young daughter sight-seeing in a prostitute quarter!

The chief objection to the public exhibition of handsomely dressed women is that it tempts youths who might otherwise remain chaste, and attracts them to the brothel-quarters. It is true that it is a boy’s nature to wish to see all unusual spectacles and pageants, and so long as they exist he will certainly make it a point of going and feasting his eyes upon them. If the authorities decide to prohibit the present system of “showmanism” it will mean that men will be obliged to enter the houses in cold blood for a definite purpose, and not be exposed to the temptation of being drawn in by the sight of a pretty face exposed as “on sale.” The authorities would also be well advised to absolutely forbid any kind of public fête or festival from being held within the precincts of yūkwaku, to have the gates strictly guarded as of yore, and to refuse admittance to either women or boys unconnected with the brothels. This would be a blow to the “business” for a time, but it would result in a healthier moral tone among the rising generation, and do good in the direction of diminishing, if not preventing, the serious and far-reaching troubles and entanglements which occasionally involve young men in great distress and lead them on to commit actual crimes to gratify either their own salacious desires or the whims of the “scarlet women” with whom they are infatuated.

While the quarter was still situated at the Moto Yoshiwara the “profession” was carried on in the day-time exclusively, but when, on the 9th day of the 10th month of the 2nd year of Meireki (24th November, 1656), Ishitani[204] Shōgen (the Machi-Bugyō) gave permission for the removal of the brothels to the present sites, the carrying on of business at night was also sanctioned.

This proving far more convenient for visitors who were not willing to be seen by others entering the quarter, the number of day-guests gradually dropped off, and at length nearly everybody came to visit the Yoshiwara after dark exclusively. In this manner, the brothels obtained the privilege of carrying on their “trade” both in the day and at night, and the fees of courtesans (age-dai) were divided into “night” and “day” fees. Each one of these fees was known as a kata-shimai (half engagement). When the “day” hours were over, a large lantern (andō) was hung out in front of every brothel, and thus a distinction was made between “day and night”. The Dōbō Gō-en I-hon-kōi (洞房語園異本考異) says that:—

The “Yoshiwara Taizen” (吉原大全) remarks:—

At night-fall (about twilight) a small bell (suzu) was rung before the shrine (kami-dana) at the entrance of the house,[205] and at the same time the yūjo appeared in the mise (cages) and the “shinzō” of the house struck up an air called “sugagaki” on the samisen. This performance seems to have been a relic of the times when harlots were skilled in singing and dancing.

It is stated in the Yoshiwara Taizen (吉原大全) that while the Moto-Yoshiwara was in existence some short songs were sung to the accompaniment of the playing of the sugagaki. The following are examples:—

The singing of these songs was continued even after the removal of the Yoshiwara, but was dropped after the era of Kwansei (1789–1800). It also appears that the songs varied according to the house, but that gradually matters became simplified until the songs ceased and the samisen was merely tinkled by the private geisha of each brothel, as a pure formality. Even the playing of samisen ceased prior to the advent of the Meiji era (1869–).

In the “Nishiki-no-Ura” (錦の裏) written by Kyōden, published in 1791, a “Furishin” is made to say:—

This was because it was the duty of the shinzō to play the sugagaki every evening, and each one of them took charge of the samisen alternately. Up to the An-ei period (1772–1780) shinzō sung some naga-uta or Bungo-bushi and played the koto[206] or samisen, and, when the shinzō happened to be a favorite, people came out in front of the neighbouring houses to hear her sing. This custom was of a comparatively later origin and was observed by some houses.

Now-a-days, just prior to the appearance of yūjo in their “cages”, the gyū strike a bundle of wooden clog-checks (gesoku-fuda) against the floor, and, while slapping the pillar of the entrance door with the palm of their open hand, imitate the squeaking of a rat. The hour this charm is performed corresponds to that at which sugagaki was played in former days. Sugagaki seems to have been evolved and developed from the tunes of koto music, because one authority states that “sugagaki” means the playing of certain koto airs without any accompanying song. In ancient times a blind musician made a departure in the direction of playing koto music on the samisen, and this was handed down in the Yoshiwara as “sugagaki”.

During the Genroku era (1688–1703) “Ni-agari suyagaki” “Yedo sugagaki” and “Sanya-sugagaki” came into vogue owing to their suiting the tastes of fashionable persons.

There is a kiyomoto song entitled “Hokushū” in which reference is made to the sugagaki, and the prosperity of the Yoshiwara at that time vividly described.

Daijin-mai no koto.
(Dancing of millionaires.)

This style of dancing was most popular in the Yoshiwara during the Shōtoku era (1711–1715). The songs which were sung as a kind of accompaniment to this dancing are said to have been composed by a comic actor named Nakamura[207] Kichibei (commonly known as Nishiban). Kichibei, being an expert singer of ko-uta (light songs), was present at many saké parties given by rich people, and entertained the guests so well with his singing and dancing that he became very popular. According to a certain book of songs, however, it is claimed that the songs were composed by a man named Seisai, but as the same book states the songs were composed during Gembun era (1736–1739) the identity of the composer is extremely doubtful. If these ballads were really written during the Genroku (1688–1703) and Shōtoku (1711–1715) eras, it is inconsistent that the names of Kibun (紀文) and Naramo (奈良茂)43 should appear in the verses!

Some people allege that the ballads were the result of literary efforts on the part of Kibun himself, but this seems rather apocryphal inasmuch that the name of Kibun is mentioned in them, and he would hardly compose songs about himself!

However, we may be well content to leave various antiquarians to quarrel over musty documents and ancient books, and content ourselves with knowing that the ballads did eventuate in some way or other, and that somebody did compose them. The following extracts are made from the “Dai-jin-mai Kō-shō” (大盡舞考證) and will give an idea of the songs, but it must be borne in mind that the translation is very free owing to the crudeness and vague character of the original text and the virtual impossibility of reducing the words into intelligible English.

As to the tunes played when the Dai-jin-mai was danced, these have been explained by Mr. Ōtsuki Jōden and by the widow of the late noted painter Naga-aki Anshun. (This lady was formerly a geisha in the Yoshiwara called O-Hata, and is well versed in music as well as the ancient customs of the[210] Yoshiwara: she lives at 42 Shōden-chō, Yokochō, Asakusa, Tōkyō). These songs are said to have usually been sung and danced by the hōkan before guests during the New Year holidays.

Daikoku-mai no koto.
(Daikoku-mai dancing.)

The custom of performing this Daikoku-mai dance has now completely disappeared in the Yoshiwara.

According to the reply given by Shichizaemon, manager of the dancing, and also a subordinate chief of beggars (hi-nin kogashira) to an enquiry made of him by the nanushi of the Yoshiwara in the 12th month of the 13th year of Tempō (January 1843,) there was, during the Genroku era (1688–1704), a subordinate chief of beggars, named Manjirō, living at the creek-side of Nihon-bashi, and this Manjirō was very proficient in the art of singing popular songs. One day he picked up a mask (representing the god Daikoku) floating in the creek, wore it, and danced comic dances in the Yoshiwara to the strains of the samisen played by his friend Shichizō. This was the origin of the Daikoku-mai. Shichizō (or Shichizaemon), who furnished this information, was a lineal descendant of the samisen-player Shichizō. The “Dōbō-Goen” says that in the first month of each year Daikoku-mai dancers came into the Yoshiwara, performed various antics, and entertained people with their buffoonery and comic imitations of things and persons.

They used to frequent the Yoshiwara from the 2nd day of the first month of the year until the first “horse day” (hatsu-uma) in the second month. After that the “Daikoku-kagura”[211] players frequented the Yoshiwara. The Daikoku-mai dancers, however, visited the Yoshiwara on all principal holidays, especially on the bean-throwing day (mame-maki no hi) in the twelfth month and the last day (ō-misoka) of the year. These players were great favourites with many of the yūjo, and considerable money was given to them by the latter. It is said that a good many secret love passages took place between the yūjo and these dancers. In the whole of the Yoshiwara only Kado Tsutaya at Yedo-chō, Ni-chō-me, made it a rule of the house not to grant admission to the Daikoku-mai dancers. Prior to this, puppet dancers (ningyō-tsukai) also frequented the Yoshiwara, but since the appearance of the Daikoku-mai dancers their visits ceased.

INTRODUCTORY SONGS OF THE “DAIKOKU-MAI.”

After having sung these introductory songs, the names of the most popular yūjo were read out in a kind of doggerel verse. When performing, the Daijin-mai dancers wore[212] some of the clothes given to them by their patrons or yūjo (some of these clothes were quite costly, being made of crêpe) and held a fan in their hand. They wore a hood known as Daikoku-dzukin, and the ceremonial kamishimo. The presenting of fine clothes to these people by yūjo was for the purpose of buying their goodwill. The “Kiyū Shōran” (嬉遊笑覽 = “Laughing-Pleasant view of Games and Pastimes”) remarks at such people as Hidenji, Shinokasho, Kōgai, and others who imitated the style of the god Daikokuten, put on a mask and hood, and at the beginning of the New Year went around in every part of the city singing new songs: they were also called “Daikoku-mai.” It appears that the Daikoku-mai originated in the Sagi-chō (ceremony observed on the 15th day of first month (o.s.) which consisted in burning, near the house, the pine, bamboo, shimé, etc. used as New Year’s decorations). Reference is made in the “Seken Muna-sanyō” (世間胸算用) to the effect that in the neighbourhood of a certain person lived a man whose profession appears (though it was not, judging from the property he possessed) to have been a kind of public entertainer. He pawned the eboshi (cap worn by nobles) shitatare (long silk robe) and a long sword at the close of the year in consequence of having his profession changed to that of a daikoku-mai dancer who required only a cheap mask and a hammer made of paper. In the preface of the Ebisu-Kyoku-Shū (夷曲集) it is remarked that the abilities of the Daikoku are—firstly, he sits on bags of rice, secondly he smiles benignly, and thirdly he puts all the[213] luck and wealth in the bag he carries. * * * The “Gaen Suikyō-shū” (雅筵醉狂集) also says that compared with the picture of the Daikoku with his fan, and sitting on five bags of rice, the fan is rather novel contrary to the conventional five bags of rice. Next, the “Kenjo Shinshō” (賢女心粧) referring to the description of the slums of Kwato (Kyōto) says that the living of a family is made by the husband getting money by the favour of Awashima Dai-Myōjin, and the wife by wearing the mask of O Fuku (O-Kame). * * * In Yedo, occasionally beggars come round imitating the style of Ebisu and Daikoku, but the times of their visits are not fixed except in the Yoshiwara.

From these fragmentary accounts it would seem that the Daikoku-mai was a kind of dance which degenerated until it was performed by beggars, wearing the Daikoku hood like the manzai, in front of every house. For a long time the Yoshiwara was free from their incursions, but the custom was resuscitated during the Kei-ō era (1865–1867) though in an altered form as far as their personal appearance was concerned. The latter day dancers of the Daikoku-mai were attired, like the Dai-kagura men in black clothes with crests upon them, and white hakata-obi: the skirts of their kimono were lifted up (shiri-hashi-ori nite) and fastened by tucking the ends into their obi. They even powdered their faces, imitated the voices of well-known actors, and did other similar things. Though all these men were of the eta class there were many handsome fellows among them and these were great favourites with the Yoshiwara women. A story is told of the daughter of a tea-house keeper at Tamachi called Minoya who eloped with one of these eta class dancers. At that time eta (leather dressers)[214] were greatly despised in Japan, and under serious legal disabilities which prevented them from having any intercourse with other people, so the matter was at length brought before a Court of Justice and eventually this led to their being expelled from the Yoshiwara altogether.

There are now very few people—even in the Yoshiwara—who know much about these latter day daikoku-mai dancers.

Dote-bushi no koto oyobi Hayari-uta.
[Dote-bushi (songs) and popular songs.]

Nowadays, a visitor to the Yoshiwara usually hurries there in a jinrikisha, drawn by a couple of agile and sprightly young fellows who rush along like the wind, brandishing their lanterns and giving vent to unearthly yells as they run. In former days, in contrast to the present time, a visitor rode slowly to the quarter on the back of a white horse caparisoned in white and red, the animal being led by two mago (grooms) who sang komuro-bushi in turn as they walked. The charges from Nihon-bashi to the Ōmon (gate-way) were 348 mon (34 sen 8 rin) including the fee for singing!

There were in the Genroku (1688–1704) and Teikyō (1684–1687) eras many popular songs such as the nage-bushi, tsuyi-bushi, magaki-bushi, kaga-bushi of Uji Kagajō, tanzen, numeri-utu, rōsai, etc. In the beginning of Kwambun (1661–1673) a song called the “Dote-bushi” (embankment song) came into vogue, its name being derived from the fact that it was generally sung while people walked on the embankment. The words were about as follows:—

[215]

The “Dōbō Goyen” (洞房語園) says that the above mentioned dote-bushi was composed by an old man named Odaka Josuisai who lived at the foot of Matsuchi-yama. This old gentleman was also accredited with having written many other popular dote-bushi songs which were sung by men belonging to the associations (kumi) of otoko-date, such as the Roppō-gumi, Sekirei-gumi, Yoshiya-gumi, Kanabō-gumi, Daishō-jingi-gumi, Tōken-gumi, etc. It is said that three of these songs remained popular up to the 2nd year of Bunkwa (1805), and that two of them ran as follows:—

There are only a few people who know whether the notes of these songs still remain in the miscellaneous songs of to-day. The air of the “Yoshiwara Suzume” seems to have been derived from the dote-bushi, owing to the composition of Hara Budayū who from his infancy used to recite these songs and attained great proficiency in singing them as he grew[216] up. The preservation of the dote-bushi note to this day—after the lapse of two centuries—must be attributed to him.

In a light song in vogue in the Yoshiwara about the era of Kwambun (1661–1673), which was also popular even outside the quarter, it is said:—

The fact that during the era of Kwambun (1661–1673) visitors to the Yoshiwara rode there on the backs of white horses, having the leaders of the animals sing the komuro-bushi, is well-known to the general public. The komuro-bushi songs were generally sung by the horse coolies on the Tōkaidō when they were carrying the baggage of daimyō passing to and from Yedo. Originally the songs appear to have begun in Mikawa province, and since the emigration of the people of[217] that province to the East, when the Tokugawa family moved to Yedo, they resided in Mikawa-shima, Toshima-gōri, Musashi Province, and the songs gradually spread among their descendants. The most popular one is: “How pretty are the beautifully dyed reins of the horses which go up and down carrying baggage! It is the habit of the mago (horse-leaders) to accompany the sound of the horse-bells by singing in aloud voice—‘When one passes through Yoshida, somebody dressed in a long-sleeved garment of kanoko beckons him from the second story.’”

The notes of these songs are still remembered by some persons. Singers of komuro-bushi in the old days may be compared to the people who go round the brothels nowadays singing ribald songs, hōkai-bushi, and hayari-uta.

Annals of a Year.

The “Yedo Kwagai Enkaku-shi” (江戶花街沿革誌 = Annals of the “Flower quarters” of Yedo) says that it will be interesting to mention the chief regular events which occur in the Yoshiwara—some of which still survive—all the year round.

Early on the morning of New Year’s day—about 4 o’clock—the bath-houses in Ageya-chō and Sumi-chō sent men round the five streets of the Yoshiwara calling out that the baths were ready, so the yūjo arose while it was still dark, took their baths, and spent much time over their general toilet and dressing. By and by an announcement would be made by the yarite summoning the yūjo to assemble in the hiroma (廣間 large room) where the master and mistress of the house were sitting, and here the employers and employed exchanged congratulations and wished each other a happy new[218] year. On this occasion the company partook of toso (spiced saké) and the keeper of the brothel made presents to the inmates of his house; to each yūjo two dresses of silk crêpe, to each of the shinzō and yarite two dresses of tsumugi (pongee), to each of the kamuro a dress of cotton on which was dyed the pattern of pine-trees. After this ceremony was over, the yūjo returned to their own apartments and exchanged the compliments of the season by going to each others’ rooms and paying formal calls. In the afternoon the first promenade of the year (hatsu-dōchū) took place, the yūjo going through the Naka-no-chō and making New Year’s presents of sets of saké cups to the tea-houses. Each saké cup was inscribed with the crest of the yūjo presenting it, and each set was packed in a tiny box of kiri (paulownia) wood on which was written the yūjo’s name and the name of the house to which she belonged. There was no special rule as to the style of the clothes which had to be worn by yūjo on the occasion, but it was an invariable custom that each kamuro attending her should carry a large battledore (ō-hago-ita) handsomely decorated with oshi-e (a picture made by pasting on a board pieces of thick paper wrapped with cloth of various colours). Generally speaking, the most splendid decorations were to be seen outside the tea-houses of the Naka-no-chō. In front of the entrances were hung ao-sūdare (green bamboo blinds), above the lintel of the door posts they hung lobsters (boiled red) and placed mochi (rice cake); and over the whole was fixed a kōmori-gasa (umbrella) bearing the signs of the respective houses, the latter being intended to ward off rain and protect the objects below. In front of every brothel larger New Year decorations were placed consisting of branches of pine and bamboo, among the[219] dark green leaves of which were hung bright fragrant oranges. In the case of the smaller houses in the side streets the decorations were usually confined to what is called senaka-awase no matsu-kazari (pine decorations set up back to back), thus making a double decoration with a space of about three feet between the two. (This custom is said to be observed even now). No yo-misé (night exhibition in cages) was held on New Year’s day.

On the 2nd day of the 1st month the bath-house keepers again made the same announcement as they had the previous day. With the first cawing of the crow (ake-garasu no koe to tomo ni) the dealers of shell-fish thronged the quarter and cried their wares for sale in loud voices. Everyone who bought the hamaguri (clams) purchased them only from the men who were entering the quarter, and not from those who were going out and back, as it was not considered lucky to buy from departing vendors. The fishmongers, however, were smart enough to head off their patrons, and entering the gate they walked up the street shouting away until they arrived at the end of the thoroughfare. Then they quietly sneaked back to the gate and started afresh. This practice was repeated several times until the artful fellows had contrived to secure all the business in sight, and the simple buyers were happy in the belief that they had bought hamaguri from fishermen who had only just arrived in the Yoshiwara.

After this day guests began to arrive in increasing numbers, and, according to the charming little custom in vogue, yūjo used to entertain their visitors with toso (spiced saké) and make them presents of fans, towels, hanshi (paper) and other trifling articles.

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The wife of a brothel-keeper always made a point of coming out, dressed in ceremonial clothes, to congratulate every guest on the New Year, and at this season the food served to patrons was better and more varied than usual. On this day, wives of the tea-house-keepers returned the congratulatory visits of the yūjo, going from room to room for that purpose.

From the 2nd day, until the end of the 1st month, as well as on the first horse-day (hatsu-uma) of February, and on the 8th day of the same month, the Daikoku-mai dancers came to every brothel and the yūjo vied with each other in giving them tips.

Only Tsuta-ya of Yedo-chō formed an exception to this rule, as it was the habit of that house not to grant admittance to the dancers.

On the 7th day the nanakusa-no-iwai (ceremony when a soup compounded of seven kinds of greens is eaten on the 7th day of the first month) was performed, and on the 11th day came the ceremony of opening store-houses for the first time in the year (kurabiraki). On the 14th followed the toshikoshi,44 while on the 15th, 18th, and 20th there were some further ceremonies observed. The date of celebrating the Ebisukō45 was not uniform, and each brothel had its own methods. In ancient times it was a universal custom to observe this ceremony twice a year, viz—in January and October. In the era of Bunsei (1818–1829) the ceremony in the 1st month became greatly[221] curtailed, and finally the Ebisukō was only observed in the 10th month.

The yūjo did not all appear in the cages until the 20th of the 1st month, so the night aspect of the Yoshiwara did not resume its normal appearance until this date. The saruhiki and dai-kagura46 began to pour into the Yoshiwara from the 1st day of the 2nd month: on the night of the first “horse day” the front of every brothel in the first and seconds wards of Yedo-chō and of Kyō-machi was illuminated by a large lantern on which was written the names of the yūjo in the house. Votive offerings of red rice, fried bean-curd, and fruit were made to the family shrines of the god Inari.

Many of the yūjo, accompanied by their guests, visited the four temples in or near the quarter dedicated to Inari Sama,47 viz.—Kurosuké Inari, Akashi Inari, Kai-un Inari and Enomoto Inari. Kagura dances48 were performed in the Jishimban (guard or watchman’s office) at Yedo-chō Ni-chō-me, and all was bustle and confusion in the Yoshiwara. The following day the brothel-keepers contributed to the shrine of Inari the large lanterns which had been hung before their establishments the previous evening. On and after the 3rd day of the 3rd month cherry-planting (hana-ue) commenced.49[222] Cherry-trees were planted on both sides of the streets of the Naka-no-chō, and these drew a multitude of sight-seers who gazed with delight on the delicate pink and white blossoms which smothered the branches in a rolling mist of fairy-like florescence. The origin of this custom is mentioned elsewhere.

In April the cherry-blossoms had already fallen, green leaves had appeared on the trees, and everything foretold the rapid approach of Summer. Towards the end of this month fire-fly dealers (hotaru-uri) began to perambulate the Naka-no-chō, exhibiting their luminous wares as if in mockery of those who scorched their bodies in the fire of lust and dissipation!

On the 5th day of the 5th month the yūjo changed their winter clothes for those of summer, and used to present new summer dresses to shinzō and kamuro, but it seems that the cost of these latter was defrayed by guests of the house out of compliment to the yūjo with whom they were acquainted. There is a comic song which runs:—“Those guests who ran away during the last days of the old year, and returned in the Spring, have again fed on account of the utsuri-gae (change of garments).” It is rather laughable that the yūjo themselves would tease guest by reciting these lines. On this day, as on New Year’s Day, the yūjo visited the tea-houses of Naka-no-chō to wish them the compliments of the season. Later on, it became a custom to plant iris blossoms in the quarter, after this day, as a means of attracting visitors. After the beginning of the doyō season in June, yūjo made[223] presents of fans to their familiar guests, and to tea-houses, as a token that they solicited continued patronage at the hands of their friends.

On the 7th day of the 7th month the festival of the weaver was celebrated in the quarter by yūjo tying branches of bamboo (with white fans, on which poems were written, fixed to them) before their doors. Even the inmates of smaller brothels observed this time-honoured custom. In some houses the keepers, acting on the advice of guests, took advantage of the opportunity to make a display of rare curios and furniture, and consequently the Yoshiwara was thronged with visitors.

On the 10th day the festival of the Asakusa Kwannon took place. This day was called the “shi-man-roku-sen-nichi (46,000 days) the idea being that he who visited the temple on that day performed as meritorious an action as if he made a pilgrimage there on 46,000 occasions, and consequently it follows that one visit to the Asakusa Kwannon on the 10th day of the 7th month ensured the pilgrim a life-long blessing from Buddha.

This festival attracted crowds of people to the Yoshiwara and “trade” boomed up on account of the large number of visitors seeking “blessings”! From the dawn of the 12th day until 9 o’clock on the following day the stalls of dealers in articles necessary for celebrating the festival of the dead were erected between the Ō-mon and Suidō-jiri. This festival was called the “Kusa-ichi” (Grass-market). Toilet articles and toys were also sold on this occasion. On the night of the 13th day no guests were received, and the yūjo roamed about the quarter, as they choose, in groups of threes[224] or fives. In their rooms the i-hai (a wooden tablet bearing the posthumous name of dead persons) of their parents were placed on their wardrobes and before these improvised altars yūjo offered tearful prayers from aching hearts. A Japanese stanza says:—

Ushi uma no tsunagare-nagara nagare-keri, chiisai toki wo hanasu keisei.

“Courtesans separated from their parents in early childhood and drifting over the sea of life tethered together like dumb driven cattle.”

On the 15th day the yūjo paid another complimentary visit to the tea-houses, in the same way as they were wont to do on New’ Year’s Day. From the last day of the 6th month, and during the 7th month, while the “Feast of Lanterns” continued, the hikite-ja-ya (tea-houses) of the Naka-no-chō hung lanterns, generally square in shape, inside and outside their houses, but on the 13th and 14th this practice was suspended and after the 15th new lanterns were substituted. The lighting of bon-dōrō (memorial lanterns) during the bon (feast in memory of the dead) is a universal custom in Japan, and originally lanterns of various shapes were used in the Yoshiwara. But since the lighting of a special kind of lantern in the 7th month of the 13th year of the Kyōhō era (1728) in memory of the third anniversary of the death of Tamagiku of the Manji-ya, the pattern has become more uniform and the custom more general in the quarter.

On the 1st day of the 8th month (hassaku) the yūjo went in procession through the Yoshiwara wearing shiro-muku no kosude (wadded clothes of white silk). In ancient times yūjo wore lined clothes (awase) of dyed stuffs on the tango no sekku[225] (the festival of the sweet flag celebrated on the 5th day of the 5th month) and similar clothes of white silk on the 1st day of the 8th month. One year, in the beginning of the Kwambun era (1661–1672), it happened to be extraordinarily cold and a yūjo named Yūgiri (evening mist) belonging to the Sōgyoku wore wadded clothes on the 1st of August, thus making a departure from the established usage. Her costume attracted universal attention, and she looked more beautiful and happier in it than the other women, who appeared chilly and uncomfortable in their lighter garments. Two years later, on the 1st day of the 8th month, all the yūjo turned out in wadded clothes in spite of the fact that the season was unusually warm, and henceforth this costume was generally adopted. Another version attributes its origin to the fact that during the Genroku period (1688–1703) a yūjo named Takahashi, of the Tomoeya, went to an ageya in response to the invitation of an intimate guest, despite her illness, attired in her night-garment of white wadded silk. This version of the origin of the custom is of doubtful authority. During the same period a yūjo belonging to the Myōgo-ya, named Ōshū, used to promenade wearing clothes of white silk on which were depicted human skulls and susuki (eularia japonica: “reed-grass”) painted in India ink, greatly surprising spectators with her extraordinary taste. On the 14th, 15th, and 16th, the ceremony of “viewing the moon” (tsuki-mi) was observed. On those nights sambo (wooden stands) were stood out and loaded with dumplings, chestnuts, beans in pods, sweet potatoes, persimmons, lespedeza blossoms (hagi), eularia grass (sususki), aster blossoms (shion) etc., as offerings to the moon. They also set out vessels filled with sacred wine, and burnt altar-lamps in her honour.

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In the rooms of the yūjo were set out artificial representations of the seven kinds of autumn flowers to represent an autumnal field, or a sudare of glass was hung in front of the shelf by way of ornament. At first liliputian (boy) actors, and puppet showmen, etc., were called into brothels to give entertainments on these nights, but later on this custom disappeared. During the greater part of the eighth month, commencing on the 1st day, the festival of Kurosuke Inari was celebrated, and the Yoshiwara then presented a very lively spectacle in consequence of the exhibition of cars, filled with dancers and musicians (neri mono), which were drawn about the streets. Up to the Bunkwa era (1804–1817) bamboo branches were set up on either side of the ō-mon (great gateway) and shime-nawa50 were hung upon them. Throughout this month yūjo who were proficient in singing and dancing took part in niwaka51 dancing for the amusement of the general public whenever the weather was fine.

The first day of the 9th month being considered a day of good omen (kashin) every brothel celebrated it in an appropriate manner. On the 9th day of the same month, another day of good omen, called the chōyō no sekku,52 chrysanthemum blossoms soaked in saké were eaten. This custom was borrowed from China.

On the 12th, 13th, and 14th, moon-viewing parties were held as in the previous month, and those guests who had been[227] present at a party on the eighth month were under obligation to again take part in this second observance, as the yūjo evinced much aversion to kata-mi-dzuki (a partial moon-viewing). The second “moon-viewing” was known as (nochi no tsuki-mi). In the 9th year of Bunkwa (1812) chrysanthemums were planted in the Naka-no-chō for the first time: this was repeated several times in succeeding years but, probably owing to the show not being sufficiently interesting to draw any large number of fresh guests, it was eventually abandoned as too expensive a practice.

On and after the first “wild boar” day of the 10th month the big braziers (ō-hibachi) were brought out in every brothel, and summer clothing was changed to that of winter. The festival of Ebisukō fell on the 20th day, and banquets were giving throughout the quarter: the yūjo had a holiday on this occasion, but some of the most popular of them were accustomed to invite certain familiar guests as they were proud enough to consider it rather a disgrace to allow such an interruption of the exercise of their profession.

The hi-busé, or “fire preventing festival” took place on the 8th day of the 11th month, when oranges were scattered about the gardens of the jōroya and scrambled for by children. On this night, lanterns were lighted throughout the Yoshiwara. On the 17th and 18th, what was called the Aki-ha-matsuri (festival) took place. In front of the large street lamp at Suidō-jiri, dealers in various articles erected temporary sheds for the sale of their wares, and the neighbourhood was crowded by yūjo and other people. On every “day of the bird” in this month all the gates of the Yoshiwara were thrown open, and the Tori-no-ichi festival was held in[228] the quarter. On this night large numbers of persons thronged the quarter and formed an immense and surging crowd. The origin of the Tori-no-ichi festival is stated in another chapter.

On the 8th day of the 12th month “kotohajime”, or New Year’s preparations, began, and on the 13th was the regular susu-harai or general house-cleaning, but, as a matter of fact, the susu-harai was generally finished earlier than that date. The 17th and 18th days of the 12th month being “market days” (ichi) of the Asakusa Kwannon, a larger number of persons than usual visited the Yoshiwara, and the brothel keepers sent men to the market to purchase paper images of Daruma which they placed on the main pillars of their houses for good-luck. After the 20th, the making of mochi (rice-cake) commenced at each house, and firemen from Minowa, Kanasugi, Sanya, Imado, and vicinity, came to render assistance in pounding the mochi of those brothels which usually patronized them. In return for this assistance, the yūjo were in the habit of giving these firemen new hanten, momohiki and tenugui as presents of the season. This custom is said to have been originated by Chōzan of Chōji-ya during the Hōreki era (1751–1763). The following verses of a song while pounding mochi may be of interest:—

From the 20th day of the 12th month the night exhibition of yūjo ceased for the year in the best houses, and even[229] the other brothels followed this example after the 20th day.

From about the 22nd day of the 12th month, until the 7th day of the 1st month, a hole was dug in the open space within the brothel entrance, and in this a fire was kindled by shinzō and kamuro. This hole was called niwa-gama (garden furnace), and the custom of lighting a fire in such a position was observed until the era of Bunkwa, when it gradually fell into desuetude.

The above were the principal events in the life of yūjo in former days, but besides these there were days called maru-bi and mom-bi: on these days guests were obliged to pay the agedai for both day and night, although their stay might be limited to only one of those two general divisions of time. The marubi included the first seven days of the first month, also the 14th, 15th, and 25th days—in all 10 days. The mom-bi (crest-days) consisted of the five sekku days (as mentioned in an earlier part of this book) and they were so named because there were five crests dyed on ceremonial clothes. Some people pronounced this word mono-bi.

By the era of Kyōhō (1716–1735) the number of the mom-bi had greatly increased and reached ten every month, but then they gradually decreased and there are only three or four observed at present.

Naka-no-chō no Hana-ue.
(Flower-planting in the Naka-no-chō.)

Every year, on and after the 3rd day of the 3rd month (old style), notice of the opening of the flower season (hana-biraki no fuda) is posted at the ō-mon (great gateway), and in the middle of Naka-no-chō fences of green bamboo are constructed[230] within which are planted blooming cherry-trees. The commingling cherry-blossoms, blending together into one dense mass of soft fleecy rolling cloud which braids the trees with visible poetry and transforms the avenue into a veritable fairy bower of pink and white florescence, the dazzling glory of the electric lights, and the flashing brilliance of thousands of crested lanterns, makes up a sight which baffles description and must be seen to be appreciated. The garish splendour and blazing radiance of the Yoshiwara at this time is such as to have earned for it the appropriate name of Fuyajō (不夜城 = “Nightless castle”).54 Besides the actual flowers, artificial is added to natural beauty, and curtains with a cherry pattern dyed upon them are hung up in the second story of the tea-houses. There they gently wave in the soft spring zephyr, beckoning the passer-by alluringly and enticing him to exploit the secrets of dreamland which they veil so cunningly and suggestively. Of late years plum-trees are planted in the second month, iris in the 5th month, and chrysanthemums in the 9th month (old calendar), and on one occasion the figures of well-known actors made of chrysanthemum flowers—the work of the noted Yasumoto Kamehachi—were also shown. But of all the flowers planted none can equal those of Naka-no-chō “Yo-zakura” (“night-cherries”) which have become famous throughout the length and breadth of Japan, and whose praises have been sung in song and told in story generation after generation by enthusiastic poets and writers during more than fifteen decades.55 The origin of flower-planting was that in the[231] second year of Kwampō (1742) cherry-flowers in pots were exhibited in front of the tea-houses, and this having been noised about the city of Yedo, multitudes of persons visited the Yoshiwara nightly in consequence. The Yoshiwara people were not slow at taking the hint, and the following year several hundred cherry-trees were planted at Naka-no-chō.

Later, in the 2nd year of En-kyō (1745), cherry-trees were planted between the ōmon and Suido-jiri, bamboo fences being built around and bright lanterns being lit under them to enhance the effect. This departure attracted a large number of persons to the quarter.

In those times the expense of the enterprise was fixed at 150 ryō every year, 40 per cent being paid by the Kembansho, 40 per cent by the miscellaneous traders in the Yoshiwara, and 20 per cent by the tea-houses. The subscriptions were made in the shape of daily or monthly deposits by those interested, and it appears that this practice is still in vogue.

In front of the tea-houses on either side of the street curtains dyed with fantastic designs were hung, and in the front rooms red carpets were placed, these practices being observed even at the present day.

In ancient times, kamuro and shinzō were allowed to visit Ueno, Asuka-yama, Mukōjima, and other places to view the cherry-blossoms during this month; and another holiday was taken by the inmates of brothels, including yūjo, wakaimono, etc., who spent a day in giving saké parties and viewing the blossoms in the Naka-no-chō. One year the following song was composed by Ki-no-kuni-ya Bunzaemon and Kikaku conjointly:—“Like silvery haze the cherry-blossoms reflect the setting sun; they are like a mountain strewn with golden flowers.”[232]

The prosperity of the Yoshiwara was at its zenith at this period, and the quarter was counted as one of the places in Yedo which was “worth a thousand ryō per day.”

Tōrō no koto.
(Lanterns.)

At present, in the month of August every year, a large lantern, on which is a painting from the brush of some well-known artist, is exhibited in the centre of the Yoshiwara at Naka-no-chō for the purpose of attracting people. Besides this show-piece, revolving and other lanterns of various shapes and designs are hung in front of the tea-houses and lit up nightly. Under these circumstances many persons—not excepting women—flock into the Yoshiwara to witness the brilliant spectacle, and many a prodigal is induced to squander money there by reason of the lanterns which apparently only serve to dazzle his eyes and obscure his reason instead of enlightening him and guiding his footsteps. The general style of lantern is vertically long but narrow in breadth, it being made of silk stretched on black-lacquered frames. It is supported by a pair of cedar poles covered with an ichimatsu shōji by way of a roof. Each house is provided with a pair of these lanterns, one facing the street and the other the interior of the building, so that one can be seen from either side: this arrangement has nullified the old saying “tōrō wa ura kara miro, niwaka wa mae kara miro” “(look at the lanterns from behind and the niwaka dance from the front”). One writer observes that as late as the 20th year of Meiji (1887) the lanterns placed in front of tea-houses faced the streets, and were therefore only seen to[233] advantage by pedestrians, while actual guests who went up into the second story of a tea-house had to content themselves with looking at the rear of these lanterns. The present day fashion would seem to be of very modern origin indeed. After the 10th year of Meiji (1877) the tea-houses in the Naka-no-chō hit upon the novel idea of putting up white cloths at the entrance and making displays by means of magic-lanterns, but as this made the Yoshiwara practically a dark world it occasioned great inconvenience to the guests. From time to time the tea-house-keepers have shown themselves very ingenious in getting up new schemes to attract visitors, and on one occasion they displayed an artificial moon on a screen so contrived as to show the movement of clouds flitting across its face: all these displays are reckoned as making up one of the notable events which take place in the Yoshiwara yearly.

According to the old custom, every year, from the last day of the sixth month to the last day of the seventh month, bon-dōrō (lanterns erected at the festival of the dead) were shown by all the tea-houses in the Naka-no-chō, but they were not exhibited in front of the small brothels in side streets as at present. The exhibition was suspended on the 13th and 14th days, and after the 15th day new lanterns called ni no kaeri-dōrō were substituted. The lighting of lanterns in the 7th month of the year, during the festival of the dead, was a universal custom in Japan from olden times, and therefore lanterns of various shapes and sizes were used in the Yoshiwara also. The “Yoshiwara Taizen” (吉原大全) says that one summer a popular yūjo named Tamagiku was taken suddenly ill, and that after lingering for a little while she passed away at the beginning of the 7th month.

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In order to console her spirit, and as a sacrifice to the manes of the dead, the tea-houses who had been friendly with her hung up before their doors lanterns which were called “kiriko-dōrō” (a lantern of a cubical form with its corners squared). This illumination attracted considerable attention and drew many guests, so “business” flourished exceedingly that season, and accordingly in the following year (1716) the practice was followed by all the tea-houses. About that time an expert in fancy hand-work, named Ha-ryū, made a prettily contrived fantastic lantern which he gave to a certain tea-house, and this drew a large number of interested and admiring spectators. In this connection a story is told to the effect that on the 4th day of the 7th month of the 1st year of Gembun (10th August, 1736) a teacher of the samisen, named Kayei, who lived in Ageya-chō, held a service in his house in memory of Tamagiku and at the same time a new tune named midzu-chōshi (水調子) was played. In the room were hung a number of lanterns bearing the kaimyō (posthumous name) of Tamagiku, and every guest was presented with one on his return home. As it was considered as unlucky to have lanterns inside the houses bearing the Buddhistic name of a dead person they were hung up outside the tea-houses. [It is said that on the lower part of these lanterns lines of a green colour were traced.] A request to be allowed to exhibit these lanterns was preferred by the tea-houses to the monthly managers of the Yoshiwara, but as the latter refused their consent the tea-house keepers carried out the idea without obtaining permission. Dōjo of Yedo-chō, and Tamaya Dōkaku, who were then monthly managers, were greatly enraged at the independent action of the tea-house-keepers, and struck down the lanterns[235] of Sumiyoshi-ya and three or four other establishments. The matter was however settled up quite amicably by the tea-house-keepers apologizing, and the authorities granting permission, so after the next year the lantern show commenced and has been continued down to this very day, though the religious aspect of the observance has been completely lost sight of. In former days it seems that besides the lantern show, acting by boys, circus-feats, juggling, etc., took place, but they ceased later. In some years the lanterns displayed have been very fine artistic creations, bearing pictures painted by well-known painters; and anyone who saw the Yoshiwara between the middle of July and the middle of August 1886 will never forget the historical drawings of Hōnen and Eitaku then exhibited on the lanterns.

“Niwaka” Dancing.

The performance of “Niwaka” dancing is considered to be one of the most interesting features in the life of the Yoshiwara. It consists of a kind of dramatic representation given by the professional buffoons (hōkan) and singing girls (geisha) of the quarter, and it takes place about August or September each year. When this comic dance takes place the performers visit all the tea-houses giving an exhibition of their buffoonery, and it is said that this entertainment is given in return for the patronage all the members of the troupe usually receive from chaya (tea-houses) and kashi-zashiki (brothels). During the continuance of the “Niwaka” dancing wooden railings are put up on both sides of the Naka-no-chō for the purpose of demarkation, and in front of the tea-houses lanterns shaped like asagao (“morning glory”), bearing the respective house names, are hung up and lit. On[236] either side of the Ō-mon are placed a pair of very large lanterns (takahari-chōchin) on which are written the letters 全盛遊 (Zensei-asobi = Magnificent Entertainment). To carry out this dance involves considerable trouble and much preparation, and the very first step which has to be taken is to obtain the permission of the police authorities. After official sanction has been granted preparations are commenced, and the hōkan and geisha all repair to the manager’s office where they draw lots as to whether they shall take part in the first fifteen days’ performances or the second fifteen days’ dances.

Those older geisha who undertake the “lion” dancing and “kiyari” songs draw special lots for that purpose, but unless a geisha is a masculine looking woman she will not be admitted into this company, and admittance is earnestly desired by many of the professional singers who compete strenuously for the honour. The performance of “lion” dancing and “kiyari” singing is limited to the first half month, and the geisha who are picked out for this coveted company are experts in their line: those who are new to the quarter give way to their predecessors in order of precedence. When their order has been fixed, by means of lots, a dozen women are formed into a troupe, and for ten days the “hiyari” is practiced from morning till evening. For many years a man named “Kichi” (who was also known in the Yoshiwara by the nick-name of Chigeinei no Kichi San) acted as a teacher of the “Kiyari” songs, but at present one of his pupils, named Chō is undertaking the task of tuition. The mode of training is for the first half dozen geisha to start a song and the remaining half dozen to follow them under the direction of the teacher.

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The dancers of dramatic representations also place themselves under a teacher and train continuously for ten days. It is agreed between the performers that during the training period they will not respond to the invitation of any guest, and no one has ever been found to infringe this rule. It is also a custom—if we may be allowed to mention a mere gastronomic detail—for the performers to eat unagi no domburi-meshi (boiled rice and pieces of roasted eels served up in a deep bowl) at tiffin every day during of the period of rehearsal.

The dramatic representations played by the company include several new pieces, and the training of the dancers is confided to Hanayanagi Jūsuke. This man was born and brought up in the Yoshiwara, and so the duty of directing the dances is entrusted to him. It appears that new pieces are specially written by playwrights at the request of Jūsuke, and that all such productions are of a comic nature, because the hōkan generally aim at exciting the hearty laughter of spectators by means of droll extravaganzas. When the training is finished a grand dress-rehearsal is given in one of the tea-houses, and on this occasion the proper costumes are worn. This dress-rehearsal is known as nari-mono-iri (鳴物入り). Then what is known as kwai-sho-iri (會所入り) takes place in the kensa-jō (檢查塲 = inspecting office), each person entering the room in the order determined by drawing lots. The singers and musicians who participate in the meeting are all professionals. The shishi-ren (獅子連 = “lion” party) goes into the office first, as it is considered the most important part of the company. At this stage the police make an examination of the persons in the building, as nobody is allowed to enter it unless possessed of a special ticket.

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On the first day of the “niwaka” dancing the kwaisho (office) sends out people with a drum (shitaku-daiko), which is beaten as they perambulate the Naka-no-chō, to announce the performance. If the weather be rainy, or the roads muddy and slushy, no performance takes place; when this is decided no drum is beaten and no lantern is hung before the Ō-mon (great gateway). The “lion” party (shishi-ren) and the niwaka no ya-tai (a kind of car, fixed up as a stage, on which the “niwaka” dance is performed) are started out from a certain fixed point at 7 o’clock in the evening, and go up and down the Naka-no-chō every night: if the car and the party go up the left side of the street this evening they will come down the opposite side to-morrow evening, and the show ends at 11 o’clock each night, when its members are recalled to the office. A “niwaka” stage-car consists of a wheeled stage about 18 feet square and proportionately high, and it is so made as to be separated into two sections, each of which is fitted with its own wheels. The stage is fitted up like a regular theatre, provided with scenery painted on silk and paper, and lighted by means of lanterns.

This stage-car is brought to a standstill just between two tea-houses in order that the performance may be equally well seen by both from their upper floors: the idea of placing the stage in such a position was originated by dancing-master Hanayanagi, whose great experience taught him that this scheme was the best for everybody concerned. Next come the geisha who play the samisen, riding in a car fitted with benches made to accommodate them.

To the left and right of the benches uprights are placed and covered with lattice-work shōji, curtains of white and red[239] colours are stretched across the top, and the whole car is lighted by means of three lanterns.

Then follows a soko-nuke ya-tai (a bottomless car), which is a kind of square paper-box, without cover or bottom, in front of which is hung a yoko-naga no andō (a horizontal lantern) on which is written the names of players, singers, dancers, and the name of the owner of the car. Inside this car are placed the hayashi-kata (orchestra). The coolies who drag these cars from place to place are usually hired (through a contractor) in the vicinity of Matsuba-chō, Asakusa district, and are paid daily by the owner of the cars. The costumes of the geisha who play the samisen are of grey crêpe (dyed with their crests) trimmed at the bottom of the skirt with scarlet crêpe, white collars, black satin obi, and white socks. Their coiffure is in the Shimada style, and it is kept in place by a hair-pin decorated with the design of susuki grass.

The older geisha attire themselves even more strikingly than the younger girls, and make use of loud colours—such as blue and scarlet—in their costumes, thus attracting considerable attention by the incongruity displayed. The male players and singers wear blue cotton clothes dyed with their respective crests. The geisha who take part in the “kiyari” dress their hair after the manner of the top-knot style of men, intentionally spreading out their forelocks, and the whole get-up is like that of a teko-mai dancer. They wear three or even five jiban (loose shirts) a hara-gake (a cloth shield for the abdomen) and an upper garment called a Yoshiwara-gaku. The right arm and shoulder is thrust out of the jiban, on which latter an elaborate design is usually dyed.

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The girls all compete among each other in the matter of dress, and the result is that some exquisite patterns are adopted. They wear fine leggings, blue cotton tabi (socks) and straw sandals, while across their breasts, depending from the right shoulder, dangle silver chains to which are attached little kake-mamori (hanging charms): in their hands they hold fans (with black lacquered frames) on which are painted peony flowers, and besides these they carry teppō-chōchin (cylindrical lanterns) on which some of the girls boldly and unblushingly inscribe the names of their paramours. This custom was started in 1894 and led to a good deal of amusement, as their friends solemnly imposed upon both the girls and their sweethearts a mock fine of ten sen as a punishment for publicly advertising such love affairs! Thus equipped, they sing the kiyari to the sound of the drum as they move on. A drummer, a wooden-block striker, a drum-carrier, and another person who carries the “lion’s head” mask, accompany the party. When one kiyari song is finished the leader lifts his fan as a signal for the hyōshigi to be struck, and the company moves on to the next house after shouting a farewell “o yaka-mashū” (“we’ve troubled you greatly”). The beginning and finish of the female, as well as the male niwaka, is announced by the striking of hyōshigi. In former times what was called the “amefuri niwaka” (niwaka after rain) was in vogue. After the rain had cleared, men went about the tea-houses performing impromptu farces which often elicited applause by the ready wit displayed, but this practice has now ceased. About 10 o’clock an announcement is made by the kwaisho people that a recess will be taken, and forthwith all the members of the company stop to drink tea which is provided[241] by the house in front of which they may happen to be: on this occasion they also eat such food as may have been sent as presents by intimate friends among the yūjo or their guests. During the period of these performances the company is open to engagement only in the day-time, and after 11 o’clock at night, as at the latter hour the public entertainment is finished. When the company receives a notice of engagement from a tea-house, the paper on which such notice is written is fastened on to the hair-pin of the leading geisha after being numbered, and after 11 o’clock the whole troupe go around to the tea-houses by whom they were invited in the order of the arrival of such notices. Needless to say, the company is elated in proportion to the number of these notice-papers. In ancient days the entertainments were often kept up through the night owing to the large number of engagements made.

On the first night of the niwaka the company’s engagements are generally arranged in advance, for the reason that it is considered a disgrace to have no such appointments on the opening day. When the company obtains tips and gratuities from guests in tea-houses, etc., all such monies are divided among the persons taking part in the entertainment, not forgetting even the coolies. The engagement fees of the niwaka company are charged at the rate of 12-1⁄2 sen per geisha per joss-stick (ip-pon) for each guest, and a tip of 20 sen each is also expected. Of course these rates are for first-class geisha only, and the fees of other inferior artistes are proportionately lower.

Strictly speaking, the company should go through its performances for the benefit of each contributing guest separately, but as a matter of fact the more convenient method of performing[242] before several guests collectively is adopted. The niwaka entails considerable expense on the geisha taking part, and the means of defraying it are too often raised by yielding to the immoral desires of guests who are positively repulsive to them in every respect.

During the performance of the niwaka, every tea-house engages firemen to attend to miscellaneous duties, and the kwaisho people wearing hakama (bifurcated petticoat), and carrying lanterns, constantly go round through the streets to see if everything is in order. The “wakai-mono” (“young-men”) of the Naka-no-chō are also out on duty with lanterns (called daihari), and iron staffs to prevent overcrowding by the spectators. The dai-hari carried by these men are placed in front of the tea-house by which the company has been engaged while the dancing is being performed: these great lanterns are intended as signals.

All the expenses connected with the niwaka are defrayed by the brothels, tea-houses, etc.

Originally niwaka meant an impromptu farce, but about the era of Tenna (1681–1683) the character was changed though the meaning remains practically the same. The “Kiyū Shōran (嬉遊笑覽) says that the niwaka seems to be an imitation of the Gion festival of Kyōto, and the festival cars (nerimono) of Shimabara and Sumiyoshi. It originated in the festival of the Kurosuke Inari which took place in the 8th month of the 19th year of Kyōhō (August 1734) on the occasion of that deity obtaining the title of shō-ichi-i (first rank.) Owing to this fact, until recently, whenever a niwaka dance took place, a bamboo tree, bearing leaves, was set up on either side of the Ō-mon (gateway) and a straw rope was hung across[243] in order to sanctify the place within: this practice has now ceased. From the 1st of this month the festival of the Kurosuke Inari at Suidō-jiri took place, festival cars were drawn about the streets, and the Yoshiwara was much crowded by sight-seers. The custom of erecting bamboos at the Ō-mon (above referred to) appears to have been in vogue until the Bunkwa era (1804–1817). Again, from the 1st day of the 8th month the yūjo who were proficient in singing and dancing performed niwaka dances for the entertainment of the public every fine day for thirty days. The origin of this dance is stated to have been the visit of young yūjo to the Mazaki Tenjin in the 4th year of Meiwa (1767) but anyway, judging from the style of the present niwaka, the dancing in the Meiwa era appears to have been the origin of this dance.

Mention is made in the “Kwagai Yenkaku-shi” (花街沿革誌) that in a picture of niwaka dancing drawn in the era of Meiwa (1764–1771) was written:—

In the programmes of niwaka dances given in the Kyōwa era, (1801–1803) as well as in the pictures of the Bunkwa era[244] (1854–1859) are to be seen men playing a farce before the railings of a brothel. At that period no stage car was used, but the pantomimic dance was performed in the open, the players being made visible by means of candles placed on stands in front of the persons taking part in the performance. The players appear to have been gifted with a considerable fund of ready wit and humour, as nearly every word and gesture excited roars of laughter from the lookers-on. The latter day niwaka seems to have been derived from the dancing of yūjo. The famous “lion-dancing” and kiyari songs which form the chief feature of the niwaka, were originated during the Ansei era (1854–1859) by a geisha named O Ichi, who was very popular in her day by reason of her being an expert in these matters. It is stated that in the year 1898 the niwaka scheme was abandoned owing perhaps to the fact that the result to the Yoshiwara was not commensurate with the large outlay involved in getting up the entertainments, but on making a careful investigation we find that the police authorities declined to sanction the dance even for half the usual time. The proprietor of one of the largest establishments states that he and his confrères are greatly concerned about this attempt to abolish such an old custom, and that a supreme effort will be made to obtain the sanction of the police to produce the niwaka as usual. His argument was that such an exhibition is not inimical to the morals of the public, and that persons who visit the Yoshiwara go there with the express purpose of amusing themselves with such spectacles!

On the days of the fowl, in the month of November every year, the festival of Ōtori-no-kami is celebrated at the various places in Tōkyō where the “Eagle” shrines are located. On these occasions great crowds of people visit the Yoshiwara, as the most popular “market” is held in Ryūsenji-machi, Asakusa Tambo, close to the quarter.

These are the red-letter days for brothels and their inmates, and, as a rule, nearly all the yūjo are engaged by previous arrangement with their guests. It is considered rather a disgrace to yūjo to remain long on exhibition in their cages on such holidays. Popular women give ocular demonstration of their popularity by the means of tsumi-yagu and geisha usually obtain promises of engagement from some guests beforehand.

The three gates besides the Ō-mon, which are kept shut except on the Tori-no-machi days and in case of fire or other emergency, are thrown open from early morning for the admission of the general public. The traders erect their stalls at the back of the Examination House (kensa-ba) as far as Suidō-jiri, and yūjo appear in the cages even in the day-time. At night the bustle and confusion of the Yoshiwara becomes intensified.

Tipsy rascals “three sheets in the wind” stagger along the streets or swarm in front of the brothels, thickly bawling out unseemly ditties, while some yūjo may be heard calling to would-be guests in their broad patois. The great crowd surges hither and thither like the eddies of the ocean, and the confusion[246] well-nigh defies description; but, paramount above all, here, there, and everywhere is the ubiquitous blue-coated little policeman with sword, spectacles, lantern, and note-book, uttering his warning cry of “koréya! koréya” (“that’ll do now:—move on”) and overawing the profanum vulgus with the majesty of the law visible and incarnate.

Yoshiwara Nana-fushigi.
(The Seven Mysteries of the Yoshiwara.)

Contrary to the “Seven mysteries” of Echigo, Suwa, Honjō, etc., all of which consist of weird ghost stories or really inexplicable mysteries, the “nana-fushigi” of the Yoshiwara are most innocent and amusing in their nature: they are as follows:—

Such are the “Seven mysteries” of the Yoshiwara, but the greatest mystery appears to be the fact that they should have been accepted as mysteries at all.

Yoshiwara no Kyo-ka.
(Comic Poetry.)

Among the many witty and epigrammatic stanzas which have been composed by well-known literary men, the following have been selected as interesting and characteristic:—

“The sight of snowy evening at the Ō-mon is so beautiful that no man is fool enough to leave the Yoshiwara satiated.” (Yomo Akara).

“On a calm Spring evening, when the women of the quarter enter their cages, it seems as if flowers were being scattered in the Yoshiwara by the bell announcing night fall. (Yomo Akara).

“Though visitors may change, the mikaeri yanagi (looking-back willow tree) is ever green, and flowers perennially scarlet.” (Kyokutei Bakin).

“Even without asking the question it is known that the miyako-dori (“oyster-catcher”) lives in the Sumida river: the person I long for lives in the Yoshiwara.” (Santō Kyōzan).

“If the wind could be kept out by shutting the Ō-mon (great gateway) the expenditure of a thousand ryō would not be begrudged for the sake of the flowers.” (Magao).

“When one is intoxicated the same thing is repeated—‘the flowers are blooming in the Yoshiwara: in the Yoshiwara the flowers are blooming’.” (Shoku Sanjin).

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“In the Yoshiwara a visitor’s life is prolonged by means of the bells of “hiké yotsu,” which is struck later by two hours than the bells of the outside world.” (Shoji Nariyuki).

“All the guests being tethered to the blossom-laden cherry-trees are led into the Yoshiwara as horses are put into harness together.” (Moto no Mokuami).

“It is the season of flowers and Yoshino will find itself outrivalled by the “oiran” blossoms of the Yoshiwara.” (Tegara Okamochi).

Yoshiwara Kwai-rok-ki.
(Chronology of fire disasters in the Yoshiwara.)

In the 12th month of the 7th year of Kwan-ei (January 1631) fire broke out at Hatchōbori and burnt out Negichō, Hasegawa-chō, and Tomizawa-chō.

On the 14th day of the 12th month of the second year of Shōhō (30th January, 1646), after a lapse of 16 years, fire broke out at Owari-chō, and the Yoshiwara was burnt. The progress of the flames was checked at Hasegawa-chō, at Ōmon-dori. This fire was known as the “Sakueymon kwaji.”

In the 9th month of the 3rd year of Sho-ō (October 1654), after the lapse of 19 years, fire broke out at Kirigashi and the Moto Yoshiwara was burnt.

On the 18th day of the 1st month of the 3rd year of Meireki (2nd March, 1857), after the lapse of 13 years (something seems to be wrong in this calculation?) fire broke out in the Hommyō-ji temple, Maruyama, Hongo, and the greater portion of Yedo, including the Moto Yoshiwara, was burnt.

The following are the disasters which have occurred since the removal of the Yoshiwara to the present site:—

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On the 7th day of the 12th month of the 4th year of Empō (10th January, 1677), after an interval of twenty years, fire broke out in a bath-house, kept by a man named Ichibei, at Kyō-machi-gashi, and the Yoshiwara was burnt.

On the 27th day of the 11th month of the 5th year of Empō (21st December, 1677) fire broke out in the house of Hanaya Ichibei, Yedo-chō ni-chō-me, and part of the street where the fire originated was burnt. Rain was falling heavily at the time.

In the 4th month of the 5th year of Meiwa (May 1768) fire broke out in the brothel at Yedo-chō kept by Yotsumeya Zentarō, and the Yoshiwara was burnt down after an interval of ninety-two years.

On the 23rd day of the 4th month of the 8th year of Meiwa, (5th June, 1771) fire broke out in the house of Umeya Ihei and the Yoshiwara was burnt after an interval of four years.

On the 29th day of the 2nd month of the 9th year of Meiwa (1st April, 1772) fire broke out in the Daitan-ji temple, Gyonin-zaka, Meguro, and the Yoshiwara was burnt after an interval of two years.

On the 30th day of the 9th month of the 1st year of Temmei (15th November, 1781) fire broke out in the houses of Aburaya Yasubei, Fushimi-chō, and Yedo-chō ni-chō-me of the Yoshiwara was burnt after an interval of ten years. One account says that this fire originated in the Kadaya, Fushimi-chō, and that eleven houses in Yedo-chō ni-chō-me, ten houses Naka-no-chō, and ten houses at Fushimi-chō were burnt.

On the 16th day of the 4th month of the 4th year of Temmei (3rd June, 1784) fire broke out in the house of Maruebi-ya, and the Yoshiwara was burnt after an interval of four years.

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On the 9th day of the 11th month of the 7th year of Temmei (18th December, 1787) fire broke out in the tea-house kept by Gorobei, Sumichō, and the Yoshiwara was burnt after an interval of four years.

On the 2nd day of the 4th month of the 6th year of Kwansei (1st May, 1794) fire broke out either in the brothel known as “Choji-ya” or in the house of Juzo (they stood close together) and the Yoshiwara was burnt after an interval of eight years. Tamachi (in Asakusa) was also burnt by this fire, sparks carried by the wind having ignited the residences there.

On the 23rd day of the 2nd month of the 12th year of Kwansei (18th March, 1800) fire broke out in the house of a farmer named Tsunasa Jinyemon, of Ryūsenji-mura, Shitaya district, and the Yoshiwara was burnt after an interval of seven years.

On the 21st day of the 11th month of the 9th year of Bunkwa (24th December, 1812) fire broke out in the compound of sheds belonging to Zenshichi (chief of beggars), and the Yoshiwara was burnt after an interval of thirteen years. This fire spread as far as Yama-no-shiku, and Tamachi (ni-chō-me), Asakusa.

On the 3rd day of the 5th month of the 13th year of Bunkwa (29th May, 1816) fire broke out in an unoccupied house owned by Shin-ebi-ya Kichisuké, (a brothel-keeper) at Kyō-machi it-chō-me, and the Yoshiwara was burnt after an interval of five years. The office of Sahei (a nanushi) at Yedo-chō ni-chō-me escaped the general holocaust. This conflagration spread as far as Ryūsenji-machi, Asakusa.

On the 26th day of the 1st month of the 6th year of Tempō (23rd February, 1835) fire broke out in the brothel kept by[251] Matsugoro, Sumichō, and the Yoshiwara was burnt after an interval of twelve years.

On the 19th day of the 10th month of the 8th year of Tempō (16th November 1837) fire broke out in the house of Gentaro (who was the father and guardian of the proprietress of a small brothel at Yedo-chō ni-chō-me) and the Yoshiwara was burnt after an interval of three years. The office of nanushi Nizayemon, at Yedo-chō it-chō-me, and the small houses in the back alleys, were not destroyed.

On the 5th day of the 12th month of the 2nd year of Kōkwa (2nd January, 1846) fire broke out in a brothel kept by Kawatsuya Tetsugoro, at Kyō-machi ni-chō-me, and the Yoshiwara was burnt after an interval of nine years. The office of Nanushi Sahei at Yedo-chō, ni-chō-me, that of nanushi Niyemon at Yedo-chō it-chō-me, and that of nanushi Rokuroyemon at Kyō-machi it-chō-me, however, were not destroyed.

On the 2nd day of the 10th month of the 2nd year of Ansei (11th November, 1855) a destructive earthquake occurred, and all the houses in the Yoshiwara were demolished by shaking or burning after an interval of eleven years. Numerous lives were lost.

On the 29th day of the 9th month of the 1st year of Manen (12th November, 1860) fire broke out in the house of Kinoji-ya Tetsujirō (at the kashi in Yedo-chō ni-chō-me) and the Yoshiwara was burnt after an interval of six years. The house of nanushi Jinshiro, at Kyō-machi, it-chō-me, was saved.

On the 14th day of the 11th month of the 2nd year of Bunkyū (3rd January, 1863) fire broke out in the house of Shimidzu-ya Seisuké (Kyō-machi, it-chō-me) and the Yoshiwara was burnt after an interval of three years. The fire[252] spread to Gojikken-machi. The houses of nanushi Jinshiro and of Kaneko Hambei (at Kyō-machi it-chō-me) were saved.