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Title: Campaign of the Fourteenth Regiment New Jersey Volunteers

Author: J. Newton Terrill

Release Date: September 27, 2011 [EBook #37550]

Language: English

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[1]

CAMPAIGN

OF THE

FOURTEENTH REGIMENT

New Jersey Volunteers,

BY

Sergeant J. NEWTON TERRILL,

Co. K, Fourteenth Regiment, New Jersey Volunteers.

SECOND EDITION.

NEW BRUNSWICK, N. J.:
DAILY HOME NEWS PRESS, COR. HIRAM AND DENNIS STREETS.

1884.

[2]

[3]

CONTENTS.

A complete History of the Campaign of the Fourteenth Regiment, New Jersey Volunteers; its various BATTLES and MARCHES, from the time of its departure from New Jersey until its return; giving full details of every event that transpired; the author having taken an active part in those memorable battles of the Potomac Army—the Maryland Campaign, the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, Cold Harbor and Petersburg; finally ending in the capture of Lee's Army, the occupation of Richmond and Petersburg by our forces, and the Rebellion crushed forever.

[4]

[5]

CAMPAIGN
OF THE
14th Regiment, New Jersey Volunteers.

War, with all its horrors, has dawned upon us. Thousands have answered the call and rushed to arms. The Farmer leaves his plough, the Merchant his store, and all join in one compact body to avenge the insult perpetrated upon our FLAG.

It is not a Foreign foe; but a war upon our soil—a civil war. Our forces have been defeated and driven back; the rebel capital, almost within our grasp, has been wrested from us, and the enemy, flushed with victory, are marching with countless hordes upon our almost defenceless Capitol. The disastrous defeat of McClellan from before Richmond has awakened a feeling among the Northern people that something more active must be done, that we are dealing with a wily foe prepared for war and bent upon the destruction of our once happy and prosperous Union. Congress having met, it was decided to call for more troops to assist in putting down this wicked rebellion, our army having been fearfully decreased by sickness and by battles; the swamps of Virginia and the broiling sun of a Southern clime have sent numbers to their graves. Our army must be re-organized, and that speedily; fresh troops must fill the ranks of those that are no more. A call for Six Hundred Thousand troops was made; it resounded throughout the North, and soon our decimated ranks were refilled by men who but shortly before were engaged in the peaceful pursuits of life, who are now stern warriors, armed and equipped for the fearful struggle awaiting them. Under that call the 14th New Jersey Regiment was raised, a band of noble men from various portions of the State. On the 8th of July, 1862, the Regiment was formed on the Old Battle Ground of Freehold, Monmouth Co., New Jersey, William S. Truex appointed Commander. For nearly two months the officers were busily engaged in preparing the men for the future; companies were organized, armed and equipped.[6] Men enlisting daily, not for bounties, but for patriotism; and soon the regiment was ready for its departure for the seat of war. Tents were placed on a line, each company by itself. The men seemed to know the work before them, and with stern resolution, resolved to do their duty to the last. A police system was organized, and the camp soon presented a healthy appearance. The men who but a few days before were in their quiet homes by the family fireside talking of war, were no longer there; their places were vacant and they in camps anxiously awaiting orders to move. Soldiering then was new, the men were no longer free.

On the 26th of August, the Regiment was mustered in the United States service for three years, unless sooner discharged, (or as the men remarked, three years unless sooner shot). Soldiering now commenced in earnest. At first the men unused to discipline were not disposed to obey the rules, but they were soon made to know that they were soldiers, and that Military rules must be obeyed or they be punished. A guard house was built for the purpose of confining those that were disobedient, but it was seldom used, only in case of drunkenness, when the offender was placed in confinement until he became sober. A guard was placed around the camp, each relief posted every two hours, and each man having a certain place to walk until he was relieved by the Corporal or Sergeant of the guard. At night the officer in charge of the guard visited each post to see that every sentinel was doing his duty; it was called the grand rounds. Midnight was the hour chosen. The men were furnished with Sibly tents and a tick filled with straw to sleep on, each tent holding sixteen men; six tents to a company and ten companies in the Regiment. A full company was composed of 87 Privates, 5 Sergeants, and 8 Corporals, with 3 Commissioned Officers, in all 103 men. The companies arranged in alphabetical order. Drills, reviews, inspections and dress parades were the order of the day. The camp was daily thronged with visitors, mostly friends of the soldiers. A cook and cook-house were furnished, each company marched down in single file to their meals. The rations furnished the men were beef, pork, bread, beans, sugar and coffee. The men were now fairly established in camp, and began to wonder when the regiment would move to the front. Furloughs were granted the men, five from each company, as all could not be furnished at once. Several broke guard and escaped, taking French leave, returning before the regiment left for the front. Various rumors were now in circulation,[7] but none of them were reliable. Some of them were that we were going to North Carolina and to Texas, and others that the regiment was to join the Potomac Army, but none knew the destination of the regiment, as there were yet no orders from Washington to move. On the 31st of August the regiment numbered over 950 men; they were ordered to form in line and march to Freehold, 2½ miles from camp. It was a splendid sight. The men were in the best of spirits, and with their new uniforms and burnished guns presented a fine appearance. After marching around the principal streets, the men returned to camp in Dirt Cars, a great many receiving passes to go home while in camp. The nine months' men were rapidly forming the 28th New Jersey, near the camp of the Fourteenth. After the men of the 14th were fast for three years, they envied them, and wished they had gone for nine months; but it was now too late, and they must remain three long weary years, unless the war should sooner end.

On Monday, September 1st, orders were given the men to be ready to leave at daylight the next morning, with three days rations for Washington. At night the guards were ordered to load their muskets and fire upon any one attempting to leave camp. The night was dark and rainy and the camp flooded with water. The next morning three days' rations were furnished the men, of hard tack and dry smoked beef. Tents were taken down and packed up; the men were placed in old baggage cars (a passenger car reserved for the officers,) and bade good bye to the old camp. As the train left, it was thought by the men how many of them would return. Friends were there to see them leave, the last good bye was said, and the cars moved slowly off. Soon the camping ground was left far behind. Arriving at Philadelphia the men were kindly received by the citizens, and a good supper given them by the ladies of the Volunteer Refreshment Saloon. This building is situated near the wharf, and thousands of soldiers have been furnished with meals, being tired after a weary ride, cooped up in tight cars. It was very refreshing. Three rousing cheers were given for the ladies of Philadelphia for their kindness. The regiment formed in line and marched to the Baltimore depot. The streets were thronged with citizens, welcoming us and bidding us God speed. Again the men were furnished with baggage cars and started for Baltimore, arriving there at noon; the next day marching through the city in the hot sun, with heavy knapsacks, to the Washington depot, and lying on the sidewalk in the afternoon.[8] While there the depot was set on fire and burned down, supposed to be the work of an incendiary. Several cars were consumed, and thousands of dollars lost. Several regiments were there awaiting transportation. This time the men were more fortunate and succeeded in getting passenger cars, and supposed they were going to Washington; leaving Baltimore at 11 P. M., riding all night, arriving at Frederick Junction, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 58 miles from Baltimore, for the purpose of guarding Monocacy Bridge, a splendid iron structure across Monocacy River. A field was picked out and tents were placed on a line as before; the men were furnished with ten rounds of ammunition.

At night companies H and K were detailed for Picket. At midnight the Colonel received a dispatch that the rebels under Stonewall Jackson were invading the North in force and were now in Maryland, having crossed at Edwards' Ferry. The regiment was drawn up in line of battle on the Turnpike, remaining until morning. All was excitement, as the men were new troops and unused to such scenes. Signal lights were displayed, and the distant report of a gun booming on the midnight air informed us that the enemy were near. The next morning orders were given to strike tents and fall back. As the Fourteenth was the only regiment stationed at that place, tents were soon down and placed on baggage cars; the Colonel seized a coal train that was lying near and the men were soon on board. The engineer being a rebel, and in favor of the South, was in no hurry to start. The Colonel, becoming impatient, drew his revolver and threatened to shoot him if he did not move. At five o'clock everything was in readiness; muskets were fired in the air to prevent accident, as the men were green troops and did not know how to use them. The train moved off towards Baltimore, riding in those old coal cars, 40 miles to Elysville. About one hour after leaving Monocacy the advance guard of the rebels made their appearance. Had we remained longer our capture would have been certain, as there were no other troops near, and the whole rebel army in our front. The citizens of Elysville were very kind, giving the men plenty to eat. At 10 o'clock the regiment marched up a hill about one mile, encamping in an orchard, remaining ten days; doing guard duty, picket and drilling, expecting daily orders to move. One of our men returned to us, having been taken prisoner and paroled by the rebels. They had burned the bridge at Monocacy, laid waste the country, and were advancing northward, closely followed[9] by the Potomac Army under McClellan, overtaking them at Antietam and South Mountain, a terrible battle was fought, resulting in the utter discomfiture of the rebels and sending them back across the Potomac completely routed. Maryland Heights was taken by them in their retreat, with 11,000 prisoners and 60 guns. Colonel Miles being in command, and a traitor at heart, surrendered without firing a gun; he was killed in the attempt, report says by his own son. Had he defended the place a few hours it would not have been taken, as the Potomac Army was marching on rapidly in pursuit. The men were paroled on the spot, the guns spiked, and the rebels retreated in haste back into Virginia, our army encamping near Harper's Ferry. While at Elysville one hundred men from the regiment went to Monocacy to guard a provision train, commanded by Lt. Kerner, remaining there two days. Scouting parties were sent out daily, houses were searched and concealed weapons found hidden in holes, garrets and cellars. The majority of the people were secesh and refused to give any information. The regiment was encamped on a farm belonging to an officer in the rebel army. Elysville is a small village on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 21 miles from Baltimore. It is quite a flourishing place.

On the 16th of September, orders came for the regiment to proceed to Monocacy and rebuild the bridge destroyed by the rebels. Again the men were placed in baggage cars, a dismal rainy day, riding all night, arriving at the Junction the next day. Everything looked desolate. The bridge destroyed, remnants of wagons, dead horses and mules lying around. A portion of the Potomac army was there awaiting supplies. It was raining hard and very muddy. Tents were pitched in a plowed field in regular order, guards were stationed around camp and no one allowed to leave. The rebels left a squad of men to destroy the bridge; in the attempt one man was blown up and buried near the ruins, leaving his arms and head above ground. This was the first rebel the men had ever seen, and for some time was an object of curiosity to us; he lay exposed several days; at last his remains were taken up and decently interred by our men. Parties were now set to work, the camp laid out in style, and a regular system of order prevailed. The bridge was soon rebuilt and guarded by our men. It was named Camp Hooker, in honor of Fighting Joe, as Hooker was called. The city of Frederick was three miles distant, the men receiving passes daily to visit the place. The drills and[10] inspections were very arduous; they were arranged systematically and in perfect order. The reveille was sounded at six A. M.; every man was then required to get up and answer to his name at roll call, proceed to the woods and carry a log for the cook house. The drum then beat for breakfast, each man taking his tin plate and cup to the cook; breakfast consisting of coffee, pork or beef, and dry bread. At 8 o'clock the guard was mounted for the day; the old guard relieved, would shoot at a mark to clean their guns and were excused from drill for the morning. The camp guard was as follows: One Captain as officer of the day, one Lieutenant as officer of the guard, three Sergeants, three Corporals, and ninety men, remaining on 24 hours. The duty of the officer of the day was to see that the camp was kept clean and neat; that all offing and dirt should be removed; also to visit the guard house each day and once at midnight, and then visit each post, or as was called the grand rounds. The duty of the officer of the guard was to see that each sentinel was doing his duty, and to see that each officer was saluted properly. The guard was divided into three reliefs, thirty men to a relief; one sergeant and one corporal. The non-commissioned officers were to post each relief every two hours. In case of extreme cold weather, no sentinel was allowed to stand but one hour. At 9 o'clock the drums beat for squad drill, lasting two hours; this was very tiresome to the men; the same each day. At 12 the drum beat for dinner; at 2 battalion drill until 4; at 5 dress parade, or inspection; supper at six; roll call at 9; taps at 9.15. Each man was then required to put the light out of his tent and retire. No loud talking or laughing was then allowed. Military rules were very strict and must be obeyed. Each day's duties were alike. Saturday afternoon was allowed the men to wash, and amuse themselves as they pleased.

At Monocacy the regiment lay nine months. Those months passed pleasantly, and will ever be remembered as the best part of our three years' soldiering. Many times, after a hard day's march or fight, the men were heard to say, "If I was only at Monocacy, I would be contented." The first few months nearly all the men were sick. The Doctor's call was in the morning. At one time more than two-thirds of the men were unfit for duty, a great many dying for the want of proper care. The hospital was full, men lay in their tents unable to move. The Surgeons did all that men could do, but nothing could stay the hand of death. Sometimes as many as three lay dead at once. They were buried[11] in the Cemetery near Frederick City, with the honors of war. As each day passed, some poor fellow was carried to his grave; the dead march played, and all that remained of our comrade was consigned to the grave. During that nine months seventy-five were buried, dying since their enlistment. The men were not paid for six months, the rations were poor, many became disheartened and desertions were frequent.

On the 19th of September, one thousand rebels captured at the battle of Antietam were brought in camp, for the regiment to guard. They were of Longstreet's and Hill's divisions, and were a sorry looking set, a specimen of the genuine rebel. Some were without hats and coats, while others were shoeless and covered with filth and vermin. Several were very intelligent, but the majority were ignorant, using expressions that were very amusing to us, such as "down yere," "right smart I reckon," "youns come to fight weens," etc. Officers could not be distinguished from privates, as all were dressed alike in grey. They were kept under guard two days, and then forwarded to Fort Delaware under a strong escort commanded by Lieut. Kerner of Co. A.

Days, weeks, and even months passed, and still the regiment lay inactive. Battles were fought and victories won, but war to us was yet a stranger. As we glanced at the past, the future arose before us with its dangers and hardships. How soon would we be called to follow those who had gone before us and were now at the front; sooner or later. The men were willing and anxious to obey that call, and with their comrades in arms lay down their lives if necessary, in defense of those glorious stars and stripes, that had been trampled in the dust by men that were once our brothers but now foes, worse than demons, men that looked upon the laboring man as a being to detest, and were unworthy of notice. Southern aristocracy in their eyes must rule, or the Union must be dissolved. The men soon became efficient in drilling, and on dress parade presented a fine appearance. Every musket was required to be clean and in perfect order. Sunday morning was knapsack inspection, a very tedious affair. Every man was required to be in line with knapsack, haversack, canteen, musket and equipments with white gloves, boots blacked and hair combed neatly. On Sunday morning, October 12th, the regiment being out on inspection, were suddenly ordered to load their pieces and form in line of battle. It was soon done, the men marching out of camp at a double quick, accompanied by[12] two pieces of artillery from Battery L, Fifth U.S. Artillery that were lying at Monocacy bridge. Stuart with his rebel cavalry had crossed the Potomac at night and then were but a short distance off. The regiment marched six miles to Urbanna, but did not succeed in overtaking them, being mounted they soon recrossed the river, having stolen some two hundred horses. Our men returned disappointed. We were then very brave, having never yet seen an armed rebel. This was our first expedition, and was the subject of comment for some time. A sufficient force was left to guard the camp. The men were all anxious to go and did not like being left behind, as they were anxious to participate in an engagement if necessary.

Winter with its cold storms was fast approaching; the tents were insufficient to protect the men from the cold. Trees were cut down and stockades made, the tents floored and raised from the ground, and on those stockades were very comfortable. The members of each tent clubbed together and purchased a stove; the stockades were mudded up and the tents were then as warm as any building. The long winter evenings were spent in reading, writing, singing, dancing and various other amusements. Log houses were built for cook houses, stables for the horses and a guard house for each day's relief, and for the confinement of those that failed to do their duty and obey the rules. Nothing important occurred to disturb the dull monotony of camp life. Days passed like a dream. The same routine of duty each day, such as drills, inspections, reviews, etc. Christmas and New Years were very dull, and passed off very quietly in camp. The most of the boys received boxes from home and enjoyed a good dinner. Other poor fellows having no homes or friends, were compelled to do without and eat hard tack and salt pork. The boxes of hard tack sent us were marked Harrison's Landing, having been with McClellan on the Peninsula campaign. Some of them were mouldy and filled with worms, and marked 312 B. C., which was interpreted by some of the boys 312 years before Christ; rather poor food for men that were but a few miles from the National Capitol, guarding a railroad carrying millions of supplies annually.

On the night of January 6th, 1863, Co's E and K were ordered to be ready to move in the morning, and be stationed along the railroad as guards. The morning came clear and cold; every thing was packed and the men placed with their baggage on open[13] cars. Co. E was stationed at Monrovia, seven miles distant from camp, and Co. K at Mount Airy, fourteen miles from camp, quartered in a church. The men soon became acquainted and made themselves at home. The church was situated on the main road half a mile from Mount Airy, and half a mile from Ridgeville on the Baltimore pike. Pickets and guards were stationed, although there was no enemy near. Co. E at Monrovia were placed in their tents and were compelled to lie on the ground. They were encamped near the railroad. One of their number while there was run over and killed by the cars. Eight companies remained at Monocacy. Col. Truex was appointed acting Brigadier General with headquarters at Frederick City; Major Vredenberg, Provost Marshal. The 3d Delaware regiment and Purnell Legion were at Frederick, and were temporarily brigaded with the 14th New Jersey, all under command of Col. Truex. The regiment had now been out over five months, and had yet received no pay. The men were anxious to receive their money, as several had large families at home depending upon them for support. At last the paymaster arrived. He was hailed with joy, as money was scarce. Five months' pay was due the men, but two months of it only were paid. The men were very much dissatisfied, but the promise of speedy payment soon quieted them. Two weeks later the men were paid again, the government keeping back one month's pay. As a general thing this was always done, very often the men receiving but two months' pay when three or four were due them.

The Winter passed with scarcely any snow, but rain fell in abundance. Spring opened in all its glory. The Potomac army lay inactive in their comfortable quarters near Falmouth. The roads were in such a condition that an army could not move. Early in the spring six companies were detached from the regiment and sent to Martinsburg, for the purpose of re-enforcing Milroy, the enemy threatening an attack. Arriving at Harper's Ferry, encamped on Maryland Heights three days. Arriving at Martinsburg, two companies were stationed in a church, the others encamping near the town. Co's B and G were left at Monocacy. The companies remained at Martinsburg six weeks and then returned to camp, as the threatened attack proved to be an alarm, the rebels reconnoitering and then retiring. The men now began to get tired of Monocacy, having lain there 9 months. A flag was presented to the regiment by Gov. Parker. The men[14] were drawn up in line with white gloves, a band was hired for the occasion, and the flag was presented by the Governor in person. Although the men were denied the luxuries of life, they were far better off than the boys of the Potomac army with good tents and pretty good food. The men were very well contented. Numbers were anxious to move. Take us to the front was the general cry. Soon the order came, pack up, boys, and prepare to move. The men obeyed with alacrity, as all were glad to go, lying in camp so long. A number of articles had accumulated that were of no use to us and were left behind. The ground was as smooth and as even as a board floor, the men drilling on it so often it became hard. When we entered it it was mud knee deep. The men working with a will soon had their tents in line and arranged in perfect order. To be ready to move without delay was the order. Tents were struck and the regiment proceeded to the Relay House on baggage cars. Co.'s E and K were ordered to be in readiness, and were taken on board. Monocacy to us was a home, and with a sigh of regret we left, although anxious to move. Arriving at the Relay House at five o'clock, encamped in a field near the depot, the men lying out in the dew. The next morning tents were pitched. Just as they were ready, orders came for the men to send all surplus baggage home, as the regiment was ordered to the front to join the Potomac Army. The rebel army under Lee had again attempted the invasion of the North, and re-enforcements were hurriedly sent on. Everything was left behind. The men were now in light marching order, and were again placed on baggage cars for Harper's Ferry, eighty-one miles from Baltimore. Co. E was left at Monocacy to guard the bridge, stationed in block houses built by our regiment. Arriving at Maryland Heights, the regiment marched up the ascent in dust and sun. It was exceedingly warm, and the march very tiresome. The Heights are ascended by a circuitous route that winds around the mountain. The sun being very hot, and the roads very dusty, it was very hard for the men, and they soon became tired with heavy knapsacks, muskets and equipments. Arriving at the top, the regiment encamped near the 6th New York Heavy Artillery regiment that had lain there some six months. Their camp was in a splendid condition, clean and neat, the men being more like regulars than volunteers, wearing new clothes and white gloves. While on duty the men were compelled to lie out, having been furnished with no tents or blankets, nor did the men get any until[15] the summer campaign was nearly over. The troops on the Heights numbered some 7,000 men, under command of Gen. Tyler.

The enemy were now across the Potomac in force, moving northward for Pennsylvania, under command of their best and ablest leader, General Lee, marching the same road they did the previous year, when under command of their wily and strategic leader, Stonewall Jackson, now no more. Lee, his superior in every respect, was now in full command of all the armies of the Confederate States, superintending the army of northern Virginia in person. Our army was commanded by Fighting Joe Hooker, Burnside's successor. Both armies were straining every nerve. Defeat to us was death. Washington, at the mercy of the rebels, would soon fall, the independence of the South achieved, and Slavery, the curse of our nation, would rule supreme. But God, in his wise providence, saw fit to rule otherwise, and victory crowned our arms.

The regiment was encamped on the Heights thirteen days. General Tyler was relieved and General French succeeded him. He immediately set about preparing the Heights for immediate defence. Trenches were dug, rifle pits and cannon were placed in position. It was supposed the enemy, if defeated, would fall back on Harper's Ferry, and everything was prepared to give them a warm reception. During our sojourn on the Heights the rain fell incessantly day and night, wetting us to the skin. Officers and men, with spades and picks, were busily engaged in digging and erecting fortifications in mud knee deep. A strong picket force was thrown out on all roads every night, each regiment sending more than half of their men. The works were at last finished, and Maryland Heights were considered as impregnable—a second Gibraltar—its frowning batteries and immense fortifications, manned by one division, were sufficient to hold the whole rebel army in check. While there an alarm spread that the enemy were coming. The men had never smelt powder and were as new recruits. It was night and very dark. Soon some of the men, mistaking others for rebels, fired their pieces, supposing the enemy were near. Report after report followed in quick succession, the darkness of the night preventing the men from seeing anything. At last the firing ceased. The men awakened from their sleep were at first confused, but soon became aware that no enemy was near, and closed their eyes once more in sleep. Expecting an attack, and to prepare the men for any emergency, every regiment was required[16] to be in line at three o'clock each morning, remaining until daylight. It was a very wise precaution, as it proved beneficial to the men afterward. Two pontoon bridges were laid across the Potomac to Virginia, one at Harper's Ferry, another some three miles further North. The 14th regiment was on picket at one, the 6th Md. at the other. Jno. Brown's cave being near, it was visited by the men. This cave is an opening on Bollivar Heights, some 300 feet deep, filled with holes, and very dark. Here John Brown, and some thirty desperadoes, were concealed for seven days, and were at last compelled to surrender to the armed forces of Virginia. His object to free the slaves of the South failed, and he, with his band of men, were finally executed. The cave now bears his name, and is often visited by persons anxious to see the cave of the renowned chieftain. The arsenal and all public buildings were in ruins, the walls still standing. They were destroyed at the commencement of the war by the Union forces, to prevent them from falling into the hands of the enemy. Day and night the men worked on the fortifications, strengthening them after they were done. Lee was still moving northward, followed closely by Hooker, with the Potomac Army. Arriving near Maryland Heights he visited Gen. French, and ordered the Heights evacuated and the troops to re-enforce the army, preparatory to a decisive battle. Gen. Halleck, then in command at Washington, ordered Gen. French to remain, and ordered Hooker to be relieved. Gen. Geo. B. Meade, commanding the Pennsylvania Reserves, was placed in command of the army. He immediately ordered the troops to evacuate the Heights and join the Potomac Army with all possible haste, as re-enforcements were greatly needed. The men had worked hard, and those immense fortifications were useless.

The division under command of Major-General French evacuated the Heights on Tuesday, June 30, destroying a vast amount of ammunition, grain, etc. Eighty men from the 14th regiment, under command of Lieut. Bailey, were detailed to guard the pontoon bridge near John Brown's cave, until the Heights were evacuated. At four o'clock everything was ready, and the column started. Heavy guns were placed on canal boats for Washington; the sick were sent to convalescent camps, and everything that could not be taken was destroyed. Orders were read to the troops to prepare for an active campaign, and in light marching order; all baggage not really needed was sent to Washington, and the men were ready for a march. Company E, stationed at Monocacy,[17] twenty-five miles away, was ordered to join the regiment, marching in a heavy rain, remaining but one night on the heights. At 5 P. M. the troops started, the rain pouring in torrents, marching that afternoon seven miles with knapsacks, muskets, equipments and three days' rations, passing Sandy Hook and Knoxville, small, dilapidated villages near the ferry. These places, since the war, were rapidly going to decay. Encamping in a field at night, lying on the wet ground till morning. We were on the Heights two weeks, the rain falling continually, the men constantly at work digging entrenchments and on picket, but one day being clear. As the men left they gave a sigh of relief, and hoped they would never see the place again. The rainy season had now commenced, and the roads were almost impassible, the mud in some places hub deep. It was with difficulty that the troops could march, some sinking up to their knees in the mud. But seven miles were made that day, and the troops, drenched with rain, cooked their scanty supper of hard tack and salt pork by camp fires. Rail fences were demolished and burned without regard to owners, and by the light of these camp fires, without tents or blankets, the men bivouacked for the night. This was the first march, and the men, exhausted, threw themselves upon the wet ground, and soon were buried in slumber. Pickets were stationed, and the dark, gloomy hours of the night passed slowly along.

The morning of July 1st dawned clear and bright; the reveille was sounded, and the men awakened from their slumber to prepare for a weary march. Breakfast of hard tack, coffee and pork was eaten, and the troops, in solid columns to the number of 7,000, under command of Gen. French, moved out on the road to Frederick City, passing through Jefferson, a small village on the main road. The sun came out very warm. The march was tiresome, as the men were not used to it. A great many threw away their knapsacks, the ground being covered with them. The farmers followed with their wagons, picking up everything that was thrown away. The men were glad to get rid of all unnecessary loads. The country along the route was splendid. The waving fields of grain, the crops of grass, reminded us of home. But war was desolating the land—cruel, unrelenting war! At four P. M. the column halted near Frederick City, having marched since morning eighteen miles. The roads were very bad, and the column was ordered to remain in camp one day. No passes were allowed the men to visit Frederick City, and they lay quietly in[18] camp on the wet ground, tired and weary, the weather intensely hot, the men bathing in Monocacy. A man from Co. H, named Anderson, ventured beyond his depth and was drowned, not being able to swim. Every effort was made to save him, but without avail. His body was recovered and buried in the cemetery near Frederick.

On Friday, July 3d, the troops were ordered to change camp near Monocacy bridge, marching three miles, awaiting orders, passing through Frederick City, marching company front, the roads very muddy, encamping near Monocacy bridge, on the western side of the river. Remaining over night the men felt the need of blankets, but still none were furnished. It was raining and very disagreeable. It cleared off during the night. The fourth of July was very warm. At noon orders came for the troops to move to the support of the Potomac army, now engaged in a terrific struggle with Lee and the flower of the rebel army at Gettysburgh. Defeat to our forces was ruin; victory, everything. For four days the tide of battle ebbed and flowed. The night of the fourth found the enemy in full retreat, closely followed by our victorious Meade; a name hitherto known only to the army, but now will ever be remembered as one of our proudest leaders—Geo. W. Meade, the hero of Gettysburgh, and the commander of the Potomac army. It again commenced to rain, and the men were wet through. The guns of Gettysburgh were plainly heard. The men were not allowed any rest, but passed on, hoping to arrive in time to take part in that ever memorable battle, and to relieve those men, who for four days had driven the enemy at all points with terrible slaughter. Marching in the mud was slow, the artillery sinking deep in the mire. The divisions now numbered some eight thousand men, having been re-enforced by troops lying in the vicinity of Frederick City, passing through Middletown, a small village eight miles from Frederick City. At sunset the rain ceased for a short time, the sun setting in all its glory. The surrounding country was splendid. Our march was through a valley, the scenery being delightful. The column marched nineteen miles, halting at midnight at Boonsboro Gap; headquarters at the Summit House, eighteen miles from Hagerstown. The enemy were now in full retreat. This was the second time the Confederates had attempted the invasion of the North, and for the second time were defeated. Longstreet had several times hurled his dense columns upon our centre, trying in vain to break our[19] lines, but each time was repulsed with terrible loss. A. P. Hill on the right and Ewell on the left, sought, if possible, a weak spot, to penetrate our lines, but firm as a rock the Union boys stood repulsing each charge, strewing the ground with rebel dead, and driving them back in confusion. Both armies were now in motion, each hoping by rapid marches to outwit the other; Lee trying to get across the Potomac, and Meade trying to intercept him. It was supposed that Lee would retreat by the way of Boonsboro Gap, and French's division was ordered to hold it, and keep the enemy in check, while the Potomac army moved, if possible, in their rear. A strong line of battle was formed, and heavy pickets thrown out. No fires were allowed. As each regiment came up they were formed in line, stacked arms and lay on the wet ground until morning. The night was very cold, and the men suffered very much with nothing but the ground to lie on, with a knapsack for a pillow and the canopy of heaven for a covering.

The division was composed of three Brigades; the first consisting of the 151st N. Y., 6th N. Y. Heavy Artillery, 10th Vermont and 14th N. J., commanded by Brig. Gen. Morris, formerly Colonel of the 6th N. Y. The regiments were very large, numbering from eight hundred to one thousand men. We remained at the Gap five days, the Potomac army passing through, Lee having halted at Williamsport, the river being so high he could not cross. As the veterans of many a hard fought battle passed, they were loudly cheered by the new troops. Their soiled and worn out garments, and their decimated ranks contrasted greatly with our well filled ranks and new clothes. They looked upon us as new recruits, and remarks were frequently made by them not altogether suiting us. Some of them were that our regiments were as large as their brigades, and that we were too green for the front. Such remarks did very well for the time, as we were not inured to hardships as they were, but the war was not yet over. After serving their three years they lay quietly at their homes, while the boys that were then called green, were veterans, destined to see more hardships and more fighting than those that enlisted at the commencement of the war. Nine hundred and sixty rebels that were wounded, with ambulances and baggage wagons, were sent back by Gen. Lee with an escort, to Richmond. They were captured, together with several important despatches, by Kilpatrick's cavalry, and brought in camp for us to guard at Boonsboro Gap. Several of them were in a dying condition. They were very destitute and[20] ragged, with scarcely anything to eat. The 10th Vermont guarded them to Washington. The Regiment was encamped on the spot where Gen. Reno fell at the battle of Antietam, a tree marking the spot. It was on the plantation of Dr. Wise, his well being filled with dead rebels thrown in for burial. Many a parent or loving wife will never know their fate, thinking perhaps they were prisoners, and at the close of the war would return to their homes; but they are now no more. With thousands of Union soldiers their bones rest on Southern soil, there to remain until the last trump shall sound to summon them to their final account before a just and holy God.

During the five days encampment at Boonsboro Gap, the weather was very stormy and disagreeable; everything was excitement, and we were confident that Lee and his army would be annihilated. The Potomac army with its re-enforcements was rapidly concentrating, having marched from Gettysburgh by various routes; flushed with victory they were anxious to be led forward. The rebel army being very much disheartened by defeat and scant of rations, some having five rounds of ammunition apiece, desertions from their lines were numerous, a great many Maryland soldiers returning to their homes sick and tired of rebeldom. Various rumors were in circulation, and all felt that a decisive battle would soon be fought, at what point none could tell, as none were certain of the whereabouts of Lee's main force, he having retreated from Gettysburgh in the darkness of the night; but it was supposed he was in the vicinity of Williamsport, preparing to re-cross the river into Virginia, and fall back as rapidly as possible, within the defences of Richmond. A courier bearing despatches from Jeff. Davis to Gen. Lee was captured by our scouts, and the despatches intercepted. They were orders from Richmond for Lee to fall back immediately, as the place was threatened by our forces under Butler from Fortress Monroe. Maryland now presented a scene of desolation and woe; houses pillaged, robbed and burned by the soldiers of both armies; trees were felled and rail fences demolished without regard to owners. Orders were read to the troops forbidding straggling, but by some those orders were not obeyed, and foraging soon became common. The poorer classes were on the verge of starvation, as everything they had was taken. The soldiers fared well, helping themselves to everything that came in their way, without regard to owners or to value, robbing hen roosts, killing sheep, hogs and cattle. Fields of[21] grain were trampled upon and laid waste; horses and mules were turned loose to feed in fields of oats, wheat and clover.

On the afternoon of July 9th, orders came for the division to move and join the Potomac army, having been assigned as 3rd Division, 3rd Army Corps, now commanded by Gen. French. Gen. Sickels, one of our ablest Generals, formerly commanded the corps; he was everywhere in the hottest of the fight. At Gettysburgh, while giving command to his men, he was struck by a shell and severely wounded in the leg. It was found necessary to amputate it, and the command of the corps was given to Maj. Gen. French. The odd divisions, 1st, 2nd and 3rd, were formed in two, our division as 3rd, commanded by Brig. Gen. Carr from New York State. Leaving the gap, the division marched that afternoon six miles, joining the Potomac army at night, encamping in a field. This was our first entry in that army, and we remained there until the close of the war. The 11th New Jersey was in the 2nd division. They were raised at Trenton under the same call, and proceeded to the front a few days sooner than the 14th. They were placed immediately in active service and had already participated in several battles. At Gettysburgh they were in the hottest of the fight, losing more than one-third of their men, and fighting bravely. They now numbered but two hundred men; sickness and death on the battle field had thinned their ranks, but still they were ready for the contest and as eager as ever to be led forward. Six days had now elapsed since the retreat of Lee from Gettysburgh; the army was again concentrated and moved forward to the attack. We were now but one day's march from the enemy, strongly entrenched at Williamsport. As yet we had not seen a battle, nor had we seen an armed rebel. As new troops we were all anxious to fight, but were disappointed, perhaps for the best. After joining the Potomac army, the division encamped in a field until morning, cooking coffee and hard-tack by camp fires built of rail fences. The next morning the troops were awakened at reveille which was sounded at sunrise. At 11 o'clock a forward movement was again made, marching six miles, passing through a small village called Katyville. The stores were closed, the majority of the men being secesh. Frederick City was the base of supplies, and rations were plenty; such as an army was allowed on a march, consisting of hard-tack, salt pork, sugar, coffee and beef. As long as the troops remained in Maryland, they fared well, but in Virginia, rations were[22] scarce, often two or three days passing without anything to eat; the troops marched very slow. As we were approaching the enemy during the afternoon, but six miles were marched. The Regiment encamping on a hill near a battery, arms were stacked, the men prepared their evening meal. The camp fires of our army were everywhere visible, and in the darkness of the night looked splendidly. At nine o'clock the bugle sounded, and orders came to move immediately. Various reports were soon circulated, but little time was given for conjecture. Soon the troops were in motion, marching back a forced march of eight miles, almost double quick, halting at twelve o'clock in the vicinity of Boonsboro Gap, near the headquarters of Gen. Meade. A line of battle was quickly formed, the troops sleeping on their arms. The Regiment halted in a field of wheat cut and shocked, the men helping themselves, making beds for the night. It being warm we slept well until aroused the next morning at reveille. The weather was close and very uncomfortable and marching very tedious. The troops had advanced farther than was intended, and were almost within the enemy's lines. The next morning orders came again to advance, marching three miles in line of battle, maneuvering in various positions. The Regiment was detailed to support a battery, remaining two days and three nights, every moment expecting to attack the enemy, and wondered why the order was not given. All were anxious to fight, and all were confident that the rebel army would be defeated. Gen. Meade held a council of war with his corps commanders, French, Howard, Sykes, Sedgwick, Warren and Hancock, and it was decided not to attack, as the army needed reorganizing and had suffered severely at Gettysburgh, the risk being too great to run. The rebel army, although defeated, would fight with desperation, and if victorious nothing could save Washington. Gen. Lee, without exception, was the leading general of the rebel army, together with A. P. Hill, Longstreet and Ewell, and they were formidable antagonists to encounter. Taking advantage of the delay, the enemy were rapidly re-crossing the river, having seized several boats, and with their pontoon train soon constructed bridges. The river was falling and everything was in their favor. While we were watching their front nothing but their advance guard was in sight. On the night of July 14th the retreat was discovered, but nothing could be done until morning. At daylight our army was in pursuit, but without avail. Their rear guard, numbering some five[23] thousand men, was captured, the rest were safe across the river, marching rapidly toward Richmond, a weakened, demoralized army, disheartened by defeat. It is estimated that Lee lost forty thousand men in his attempt to invade the North. Gen. Meade was greatly censured by the people of the North for allowing the enemy to escape, but Lee had yet a large army and victory to our forces not altogether certain. The Potomac army by rapid marching and hard fighting, had driven the enemy from our soil, and the heart-felt thanks of millions of souls went up to God in praise. But still more was to be done; the rebels were not conquered; large armies were yet to be encountered and subdued; miles of territory hostile to the government to be occupied, and treason crushed forever. The army moved five miles to Williamsport, occupying the same ground the rebels did the night before. We saw their breastworks and fortifications, but nothing of them, with the exception of their rear guard of 5,000 men that was captured. We remained at Williamsport until the morning of the 15th, when the pursuit commenced. Orders were read to the troops to prepare for hard marching. The weather was intensely hot, almost suffocating, and the roads very muddy. We marched that day 14 miles, passing through the villages of Fairplay and Donaldsville. The march was very severe, especially for the new troops. Twenty from the 3d Corps fell out, exhausted, and died by the road; several were sunstruck. At three o'clock the troops halted in the vicinity of Sharpsburg until morning, the men nearly played out. Muskets were stuck in the ground and shelters fastened upon them, to protect the men from the rays of the sun. Tired and weary they threw themselves upon the ground and most of them were soon asleep. Pickets were placed as usual, until the next morning, when the army was again in motion, marching that day 15 miles, encamping in Pleasant Valley, near Harper's Ferry, remaining until the afternoon of the next day, the rain pouring in torrents. The weather was very uncertain, one day very warm, the next rainy and cold.

On the afternoon of 17th, the column marched eight miles, very slowly, passing Sandy Hook and crossing the Potomac at Harper's Ferry on pontoons. For the first time our regiment trod the sacred soil of Virginia. Alas! how few returned of that noble band of Jersey boys, the bravest of the brave, that for the first time stood on that once sacred, but now polluted, ground. The ravages of war had laid the country waste, and destitution everywhere[24] met the eye. An old dilapidated bridge crossed the Shenandoah, and the troops marched over in single file, moving around Louden Heights. The night being very dark and the march very slow, they halted in a field at 12 o'clock until morning. The next day was Sunday, but there was no rest—no such thing as Sunday in the army. The regiment was detailed as rear guard of ammunition train, marching eight miles, the sun being very warm, and the heat almost insufferable, encamping with the main body of the corps in a field near Keys Pass. The heat was so intense that neither army could march fast. The rebels were now but one day's march from us, we having taken a nearer route by way of Harper's Ferry, marching down the Louden Valley, the enemy marching down the Shenandoah.

The Summer campaign had thus far been an active one, and by the new troops was considered wonderful. The rebel army was still moving southward by slow marches, from eight to fifteen miles per day, the weather too hot to permit marching faster, the Potomac Army in pursuit. Lee, as wily and strategic as ever, refused to give battle, and, by a series of maneuvers, succeeded in eluding our grasp. The different corps marched by different routes, the cavalry frequently skirmishing with their rear guard. But five miles were made on the 19th, as the troops were waiting for supplies, passing through Snickersville, near Snicker's Gap, and encamping in a field. At midnight we were routed out for rations and a good supper issued. At four o'clock we were ordered to move, marching fourteen miles before breakfast, halting at noon for dinner. After resting an hour orders were given to move again, marching three miles to Upperville, encamping on the ground where Buford had a cavalry fight with the rebel leader, Stuart, the year previous. For several hours skirmishing was kept up until dark, when Buford ordered a charge. Stuart was driven from the field, retiring in the darkness of the night, leaving his dead and wounded in our hands. The troops remained at Upperville two days, the regiment being detailed for picket the ensuing night. It was now rumored that Grant, the hero of Vicksburg, was to take command of the army, Gen. Meade being too slow for the people North. Had they been in the Potomac army, they would not have been so eager to move, and march in the hot sun. Upperville is a small village near Manassas Gap. The people, as a general thing, are very ignorant, and gazed with wonder at us Yanks, as they called us. One remark, especially,[25] was amusing to the men. As the regiment was passing an old house, being an advance guard, a little girl came running in, exclaiming, "Mother, mother, take in your clothes, here comes the Yanks!" This served as a bye-word for some time, the men often exclaiming, as they passed a house, "Take in your chimney, old man, its going to rain!" At four o'clock on the afternoon of the 22d, orders came to fall in, marching six miles to Piedmont station, on the Orange and Alexandria Railroad. At the commencement of the war this road was destroyed by the rebels; ties were burned, rails bent, bridges demolished, and wrecks of cars lay strewed around in various places. The troops encamped on a hill until morning. Gen. Meade received information that Ewell's corps was holding Manassas Gap, until the main body of the rebel army had passed. Orders were given Gen. French to take the 3d corps and, if possible, drive them from their position. At daylight the next morning the corps started, with nothing to eat, as the rations had not arrived. It was deemed necessary to drive the rebels from the gap, and the men were compelled to go. The sun was very warm, and the troops, hungry and weary, plodded on, marching fourteen miles, halting for a rest at noon. At three o'clock the column advanced in line of battle, the cavalry returning, having engaged the enemy during the morning, but could do but little without infantry. Manassas Gap is a wild, romantic spot, and very hilly. The brigade was formed and maneuvered in line of battle; Berdan's sharpshooters were deployed as skirmishers and soon engaged the enemy on Whopping Heights. Orders were given the men to load and fix bayonets, some time being occupied in getting into position, marching up hill and down. It was now supposed by the men that a battle was to be fought. Our brigade was placed in position and ordered to charge the enemy. The skirmishing now became heavier, and the sharp crack of the sharpshooter's rifle could be distinguished from the rest. The men from the 14th now thought they were to see their first battle, and grasping their muskets with a steady nerve, moved forward. Fortunately we escaped for the time. Fearing a flank movement, the order for the 1st brigade to charge was countermanded, and they were sent to the extreme right of the line to protect the flank, through a dense wood of briars and filled with ditches. The firing on the left and centre now became heavier. Sickels' old brigade, now commanded by Gen. Spinola, was ordered to charge in place of the 1st brigade, which proved a success;[26] two hundred prisoners and two guns were captured from the enemy. Gen. Spinola was wounded and retired from the field. Our loss in killed and wounded was but sixty men. Night was now approaching; the main body of the rebel army had passed; the firing ceased, and the enemy were retreating in haste. The weather suddenly changed, and the night was chilly and damp. The regiment encamped on the side of a hill, without blankets, and with nothing to eat; tired and weary, the men were soon asleep. At daylight the bugle aroused the men from their slumbers. No traces of the enemy could be seen; maneuvered up hill and down in line of battle during the morning, when the troops were ordered back to Piedmont; the remaining corps were encamped there awaiting supplies. During the march to Manassas Gap, the troops waded five streams, some of them waist deep, passing a village called Markham. The afternoon of the 26th the column moved back the same road, fourteen miles, to Piedmont, the weather intensely hot and the men falling out by the way. They were two days without anything to eat but green grapes and berries that grew by the roadside; this was the hardest march the men had had so far. Arriving at Piedmont, rations were issued of hard tack, coffee and pork, the men eating a good supply, and lying down until morning. Having received five days' rations, the troops moved again the next day twelve miles, passing near Salem; the weather, as usual, warm, and the roads dusty, the mud soon drying up. The column halted for the night, and the men, with weary limbs and blistered feet, lay on the ground to rest. The next day was Sunday, marched eleven miles to Warrenton; guarding ammunition train, remaining on the outskirts of the place in camp five days. Warrenton is a pretty village, three miles from Warrenton Junction, on the Alexandria, Richmond and Danville road. At the commencement of the war it was a thriving place, but since it has gone to decay.

One hundred young men, the sons of wealthy parents, enlisted in the rebel army; at the close of the war but eleven remained. Virginia is one vast graveyard; the bones of three hundred thousand heroes there repose; the merchant with the laborer, rich and poor, white and black. The leaden messenger of death heeded not, but speed on, wielded by the hands of men, once brothers, but now foes; engaged in cruel civil war, neither party disposed to yield.

At Warrenton, Colonel Truex, with three commissioned officers[27] and five enlisted men, started for Jersey to raise recruits. The regiment was commanded by Lieut. Col. Hall during his absence. Having, as yet, received no tents or blankets, we lay in the hot sun until August 1st, when the troops were again ordered to move; marching on the wrong road, thereby marching eight miles out of the way; returned again, marching fifteen miles more, halting at Shut-eye Town, near Stoneman's Creek; no signs of the enemy, the regiment still guarding the ammunition train. This march was very severe, the men carrying five days' rations, muskets, equipments, and sixty rounds of ammunition. More than one half of the men fell out, some cursing the officers for leading them out of the way. Remained near Stoneman's Creek four days, brigade drill under Gen. Morris each day. Officers from different regiments were sent home to recruit, to prepare for the Fall campaign; more men were needed and the army again re-organized. The troops now halted on the banks of the Rappahannock, the 3rd corps at Fox's Ford, our brigade encamping at Rout Hill, five miles from Stoneman's Creek, near Bealton Station, picketing the Rappahannock; the rebel army near Culpepper. Camps were laid out, shelter tents and rubber blankets issued, the men needing them very much. Tents were placed on a line and raised from the ground, with poles cut from trees, and were inspected each Sunday morning by a staff officer from headquarters. The troops were lying once more in camp, drawing clothes and shoes. Muskets were cleaned up and inspected each afternoon; company drill one hour each morning. The drills were very arduous; brigade drill four hours each day, guard mounting and dress parade at night. Rout Hill was a very unhealthy place, a great many of the men taking sick, several of them dying. The 6th N.Y. Heavy Artillery were detached from brigade and sent to Washington, organized as provisional brigade and commanded by Col. Ketchum, who subsequently lost his life at Cedar Creek.

The brigade was now the largest in the corps; the 14th N. J. numbered 800 men, commanded by Col. Truex; the 10th Vermont 900 men, commanded by Col. Henry, and the 151st N. Y. 900 men, commanded by Lieut. Col. Bowen, in all 2,600 men, commanded by Brig. Gen. Morris. Details were made each morning for picket from the various regiments, and stationed along the Rappahannock. The camp now presented a healthy appearance, and a city sprung up as if by magic. Old barns and out-houses were taken[28] down by the men, and comfortable Summer quarters were built, covered with shelters. Games of ball, pitching quoits, and other amusements were common. Sutlers arrived, the men were paid off, and marching for the time was forgotten.

The army was now rapidly filling up, recruits arriving each day. The mail and papers regularly arrived, and served to while away the dull hours of camp life. Nothing was as cheering to a soldier as a letter from his loving friends at home. As each mail arrived, the postmaster was surrounded by an eager crowd, anxious to hear from home. Those who were fortunate enough to get a letter were envied by their unlucky comrades. If the friends at home could have known the pleasure a letter would give us, they would not have delayed, but would have answered immediately upon reception.

The troops remained in camp on the banks of the Rappahannock five weeks, preparing for the Fall campaign. The 14th had now been in the army one year, and had not thus far engaged in conflict with the enemy; several times forming line of battle, every moment expecting to attack. For a time we were fortunate, but, before the term of our enlistment had expired, we were destined to see more marching and more fighting than any regiment from New Jersey. Since the battle of Gettysburgh, there had been no fighting of importance, and all were looking for a forward movement. The rebel army had again been recruited, and were lying quietly in camp near Culpepper, watching the movements of our forces, and awaiting our advance. When least expected, the advance was made, and the rebels surprised, as will be here-shown.

On the 7th of September, the corps was reviewed; an imposing spectacle. The divisions were drawn up in line of battle on an open plain, near army headquarters the troops in heavy marching order, with knapsacks packed and blankets rolled, marching and counter marching, and passing in review before Gen. Meade and staff, the officers seated on horseback. It was very tiresome to the men. After reviewing the troops, they marched back to their quarters, the officers to Gen. Meade's, where a collation was served, the wine passing freely around; the privates, that did the fighting, by their camp fires, eating hard-tack and salt pork, denied the comforts of life, far from home, on Southern soil, fighting for liberty and union.

During the afternoon of Sept 15, the Regiment being out on[29] drill, were ordered immediately to camp, and to prepare to move. Tents were struck, knapsacks packed, and three days' rations issued. At five o'clock the column moved forward, leaving our camp where we had lain five weeks, and started towards the Rappahannock, marching five miles, halting at dark near a mill on the Rappahannock, the men supposing they were to remain until morning; but the troops were on the wrong road, the water at this place being too deep to wade. The men were ordered to fall in, and marched back across the fields, passing the old camp, and marching some ten miles farther, encamping for the night on a low marshy swamp, near Freeman's Ford, twelve miles from Bealton Station. The water at this ford is very shallow, the main road to Richmond crossing at this point, not deep enough for a bridge. The men were now well supplied with tents, blankets and knapsacks for the Winter. The days were very warm, but the nights were very cold, the dew falling heavily. Our loads were a burden; knapsacks packed, five days rations and sixty rounds of ammunition, the men calling themselves Uncle Sam's pack mules. At daylight the next morning, the order to move forward was given, the men not knowing where the enemy was stationed, nor in what force. The Rappahannock was waded waist deep, the boys cheering as they felt the cold water gradually rising till it was up to their waists, holding their muskets and ammunition up in their hands, to prevent them from getting wet; marching very fast, crossing Hazel river at Weldon's Ford, wading it still deeper than the Rappahannock. After marching all day, with heavy loads, the column halted at dark, having marched twenty miles. Tired and wet, the men were glad to rest, and threw themselves on the ground for sleep. The papers north were now filled with news, and were eagerly read by those at home who knew nothing of war: the Potomac army has moved and will soon be engaged in deadly strife with the enemy, and the war will soon be over. Such reports were daily published, and by the people were believed. It was thought by them that Lee was so badly whipped at Gettysburgh that he would not fight; but they were mistaken, the rebel army was recruited, re-organized, and as full of fight as ever, their leaders determined on independence or extermination. The forward movement had now commenced.

The next day the troops marched five miles in line of battle, in a dense wood. The equinoctial storm now came on, and the troops were ordered into camp near Culpepper, remaining there twenty-three days, watching the movements of the enemy strongly entrenched[30] on the Rapidan. Pickets were thrown out and camp life again commenced. Why the halt, none of the men could tell, and for twenty-three days, drills, inspections and reviews were in regular succession. This suited the men better than marching, although tired of drilling. The 14th had not as yet lost any men by battle, but a great many by sickness and death. Of the 950 able-bodied men that had left New Jersey, 110 of them had died and were buried in Maryland and Pennsylvania, and a few in Virginia. Eight hundred and forty strong, the regiment occupied a large space of ground, encamping in five lines, two companies in one line, or, as was called, regimental divisions. The companies were in line as follows: A, F, D, I, C, H, E, K, G and B. A on the right was called the senior company, B on the left the second, and C centre or color company; the color guard was composed of one Sergeant and eight Corporals, whose duty it was to protect the flag.

On the morning of the 22d of September, eight days' rations were issued the men at two o'clock, and orders given to move at daylight. Tents were packed and everything in readiness, when the order was countermanded, the tents again placed on a line. The pickets were doubled, as it was supposed the enemy was advancing, and were about to attack; but this was soon forgotten, and vigilance again relaxed.

Winter quarters were now talked of by the men, as cold weather was approaching; they could scarcely keep warm in small shelter tents. Wood was very scarce and had to be carried some distance. The cold winds of October had come; extra blankets and overcoats were issued to protect the men from the cold. Forty-two dollars per year were allowed the men for clothing, and if they over-ran the amount, the difference was paid by them; if not drawn, the government paid the balance due the men.

On the 10th of October everything was quiet in camp. The various regiments were out on drill, when suddenly the long roll was beaten, and the troops, in double quick time, proceeded to camp. Orderlies were now running in every direction, everything in confusion, as the enemy were advancing in force. A line of battle was soon formed, extending some 15 miles. Our pickets were driven in, and the rebels were slowly advancing. Remained in line one hour, with arms stacked, the men lying on the grass awaiting orders. Returned to camp and packed up, ready to move, as the enemy had crossed the Rapidan and were advancing in force. At noon the troops moved, maneuvering in various directions.[31] As yet no decisive order had been given, as it was not known what Lee's intentions were. The regiment marched three miles, halting in the camp the 6th N. J. had occupied, their camp showing signs of having been left in haste. The majority of the men being on picket, wagons were sent for their knapsacks. At ten o'clock the men pitched their shelters to get, if possible, a little sleep. Tents were up but a short time when orders came to pack up and move. The men formed in line but did not move, and lay on the ground until morning by camp fires, when the men again fell in, the day being Sunday, and marched in retreat, a forced march, the enemy following firing on our rear guard. Several times during the retreat a line of battle was formed by our men to protect the rear. Lee had been heavily re-enforced by troops sent from Bragg's army in the southwest, and was following closely, as the men remarked, "tight to our heels," destroying the railroad, burning bridges, etc. At Brandy station, the cavalry under Buford made a gallant charge, driving their advance guard back to Culpepper. The 106th N. Y. of third division, being on picket, were nearly surrounded, fighting their way out with small loss. Both armies were now using every exertion, part of the time Lee's army on a line with ours, moving for Centreville Heights. Arriving at the Hazel river, the troops were obliged to wait until pontoons were built, halting in line of battle, the rear guard skirmishing with the enemy during the entire march. The troops soon filed over on two bridges, which were taken up as soon as the army passed, the rebels laying theirs shortly after. Darkness now came on, and still the march was continued; the men, tired and weary often halting, forming line of battle, moving back and then advancing. At ten o'clock the Rappahannock was reached, the night very dark and cold; the men were compelled to wade the river waist deep, the water running rapidly. The troops halted on the banks of the river, having marched twenty-one miles since morning. A line of battle was now formed and a heavy picket force thrown out. The 14th Regiment was detailed, and orders given the men to light no fires nor to sleep. Chilled through, the men stood all night in their wet clothes. Several refused to cross the river and were taken prisoners the next day. At first it was supposed the enemy would not follow any farther than the river, but we were mistaken. All day Monday the men remained on picket, watching the movements of the enemy. At Fox's Ford, the 1st New Jersey cavalry were engaged for several hours, keeping the enemy at[32] bay. The fords were all heavily guarded by the cavalry, and skirmishing was continually kept up. All was quiet in our immediate front, while the deep booming of the cannon was heard at intervals during the day on the extreme right or left. Our base of supplies was at Alexandria. The retreat had thus far been admirably conducted by Gen. Meade. Being afraid to hazard a battle against such odds, it was deemed expedient to retreat within the defenses of Washington, and with the troops there encamped to fight if necessary. It was now evident that it was Lee's intention to make a grand raid in the rear of the Army of the Potomac; cutting off railroad communication with Washington by destroying the bridges; securing supplies for his half famished troops and horses by seizing scattering wagon trains; and then by rapid marches throw his main force upon different points, and, if possible, destroy Gen. Meade's army by detail. When this flank movement was discovered Gen. Meade ordered a rear movement east of Culpepper, by Kilpatrick's and Buford's divisions of cavalry, with infantry supports. A. P. Hill's rebel corps had advanced on our north flank, towards Warrenton, threatening our right. Finding that Ewell's corps had not pursued us to the river, Gen. Meade sent three corps and Buford's cavalry towards Culpepper, but found no heavy force of the enemy there, Lee having by this time pushed his main column towards Warrenton, threatening our right and rear, while we were on the Rappahannock watching a portion of one of his corps. Lee hoped to execute his well-planned movement upon our rear, but our reconnoisance towards Culpepper led him to believe that it was Gen. Meade's intention to get in his rear. Instead of moving farther as he should have done, he halted his army, and took a position to give a decisive fight.

Up to this time Lee had the advantage, having surprised us while lying in camp. He was as near Washington as Gen. Meade, and unencumbered with trains, with every prospect of gaining Manassas or Centreville Heights, and cutting off our retreat and all our heavy trains. He evidently expected to be attacked on Tuesday, as we lay all day Monday on the Rappahannock, watching, as we supposed, his whole army, when it was only one of his corps, and he, as ignorant as we were, expecting us to attack him, maintaining his position in line of battle until noon Tuesday, awaiting our advance. Gregg's cavalry division had retarded the movements of the rebel leader Stuart's advance over the Rappahannock during Monday, although compelled to fall back[33] from the river at night. Quietly, during the reconnoisance on Monday, Gen. Meade had prepared his trains, and got them en route rearward, and during Monday had withdrawn his corps from the Rappahannock, destroyed the railroad bridges, abutments and all, and sent the pontoons eastward before daylight on Tuesday morning; sunrise saw the whole army well on the way towards Washington. Our regiment was yet on picket, having been on over twenty-four hours. At three o'clock in the morning we were ordered to fall in, marching one mile, halting in the woods, stacking arms and cooking breakfast. At four o'clock we formed in line of battle; Co.'s E and G were sent out as skirmishers. Colonel Truex rode to the front of the regiment telling them he wished every man in his place; he wanted no shirking, as the enemy had crossed the river, their skirmishers were slowly advancing, and would soon be in sight. Again we were destined not to engage in battle, remaining in line one hour and then marched back, passing the place we stood picket with our backs to the Rappahannock; the army had crossed so often, only to return beaten by the foe. The brigade was now several miles ahead, and the men were compelled to march fast to keep up, passing the 1st and 2nd divisions, taking the fields and by-roads; at three o'clock halting near the railroad, supposing we were to remain until morning, as we had marched twenty miles. The enemy were pressing and again we were ordered to move. From elevated points of view the advance of our army over the plains of Manassas by four different roads, with flanking columns of infantry stretching for miles and moving steadily forward, was grand beyond description. Cannonading and musketry were frequently heard on our left flank, as bodies of rebel cavalry came down at different points, under the fixed belief that they would reach the railroad and cut our line unopposed. They were very much surprised at finding a force at every point, miles from the line of travel, to meet and repel them there. Nor was Lee less surprised when he learned that he was successfully out-generaled by Meade. He pushed off Stuart's cavalry from Sulphur Springs upon our rear on Tuesday evening, and rushed forward Hill's corps at a double quick to support them. Ewell advanced more leisurely, capturing our stragglers, a great many falling out, some forty from the 14th regiment were taken and sent to Belle Isle, there to linger, starved and nearly frozen, during the long, dreary days of Winter.

The firing in the rear now became heavier, the men hastened their steps. The 2nd corps was passed, halting in a woods for[34] supper, and to protect the rear, relieving the 3d corps that had guarded the rear during the day. Our weary columns now pressed on without any rest until twelve o'clock at night, when the camp fires of the advanced guard were discerned in the distance. After marching through a dense woods, 3 miles in length, the regiment halted in an open field with the rest of the brigade near Greenwich, having been furnished with eight days' rations, muskets, equipments and sixty rounds of ammunition, marched thirty-three miles since morning. During the march Gen. French and staff were fired into by guerillas, but fortunately none of them were injured.

After resting about four hours, the troops were again routed out long before daylight, resuming our march; being the rear guard the day before, the 3d corps was now in advance in four columns. Our army pressed on, knowing that if Centreville Heights were not reached by us before Lee, all would be lost, and like Pope, Meade would have been left to get out of the scrape the best way he could. At daylight Hill's corps rushed upon Warren with the 2d corps; in vain he endeavored to cut them off; forming the 2d corps in two lines of battle at Bristoe Station, the brave Warren awaited their advance until within a few yards, and then opened with his artillery and musketry, driving them back with severe loss; in turn charging them, capturing 450 prisoners and 6 guns, leaving 500 of them killed and wounded on the field. When first attacked at Bristoe Station, Warren threw his infantry from a hill south of the road down through a swamp near the railroad, under a storm of shot and shell. The raw recruits that were sent to the army at Rout Hill, were nearly all of them placed in the 2d corps and in this, their first battle, gave themselves up for lost. Pale and trembling they involuntarily went forward, took position with their comrades and performed their portion of the fight. Every whistling rifle ball, every shrieking shell, they apprehended was to destroy them individually. It was beyond their comprehension when told they had met, charged and beaten a brave enemy in a fierce fight, and captured several hundred of Hill's veterans, six guns and three battle flags, besides wounding hundreds of rebels, and come out of the fight unhurt. Their immediate commanders say they fought equally as well as the old boys, showing no signs of fear when the first impulse had passed. At three o'clock the corps was ordered to halt, the guns of Warren could be plainly heard. The regiment halted on Manassas plains near a brick house used for a signal station, where Beauregard[35] had his headquarters at the battle of Bull Run. The day was rather sultry; occasionally a shower came up, which was very refreshing to the tired men. The troops had a splendid view of the old Bull Run battle ground. The brigade countermarched one mile, and forming line of battle proceeded to the help of Warren; but he needed no assistance, as he had driven Hill back. During the march the enemy pressed us so hard that we were compelled to leave the sick and wounded in their hands. Crossed Broad Run, wading it knee deep; also crossed Bull Run at night, the army forming a line front to the enemy, from Chantilly on the north to Wolf Run shoals on the south. Not a farthing's worth of property had been abandoned to, or destroyed by the enemy, out of millions of dollars transported from Culpepper. Nearly seventy-five miles were marched in three days, our advance on Centreville Heights being only a few hours ahead of Lee.

Thus Lee was again out-generaled by Maj. Gen. Meade; by ceaseless and untiring vigilance he kept himself possessed of all their movements and designs, and by marches of unparalleled rapidity, in which the troops suffered without murmuring the loss of rest for successive nights, marching on through daylight and darkness, in storm and cold, he overcame the first day's march the enemy had gained, our advance being already in possession of the Heights when the rear guard was engaged at Bristoe, full ten miles distant. In consequence of hard marching the men were very tired, and with blistered feet and weary limbs were glad to rest on the old Bull Run battle ground, amid the bones of men and horses that were now resting there. Forty from the regiment were captured on the march, being unable to keep up. At 11 o'clock the troops encamped, resting on their arms till morning. Maneuvering on the Heights, forming line of battle, moving forward, passing the 1st, 2d and 5th corps on the Heights; marching seven miles to Union Mills; raining hard. The next day the regiment was detailed for picket, remaining on one day; was then relieved by the 122d Ohio regiment of 3d division; remained at Union Mills five days; every morning routed out at three o'clock in line of battle until daylight.

Our line of defence was now taken up as follows: From the vicinity of Chantilly on the right to Union Mills on the left, with cavalry on either flank; Birney's division of the 3d corps was stationed at Fairfax Court House, the depot of supplies; the 3d division on the extreme left at Union Mills; the 6th corps under Sedgwick, on the extreme right at Chantilly, with Kilpatrick's[36] cavalry to protect the flank; the 2d corps in the rear, was held in readiness to be sent where most needed. The troops were now inspected, and articles most needed given out, and new clothing given to those who did not draw at Culpepper. Gen. Sickels, our old commander, visited the corps at Union Mills. He was received by the men with cheers, and welcomed back. His stay was brief, as he had not recovered from his wound, his leg having been amputated near the hip. Lee, foiled in his attempt to take Washington, retraced his steps, falling back rapidly towards his entrenched position on the Rapidan. It was feared that he would again cross the Potomac in the direction of Harper's Ferry, for another extensive raid into Maryland and Pennsylvania, as there were frequent reports coming from sources usually reliable, but all of them proved groundless; if he had again attempted it he would have found the Potomac army ready, and well prepared for any engagement. With re-enforcements from Washington, the army was again ready to move with a view to overtake Lee if he should be retreating, or to intercept his return if he should have gone towards the Potomac.

On the morning of Oct. 19, the order to advance was again given; marching during the morning seven miles, halting at noon on Manassas Plains, near Clarksville, marching over a railroad bridge at Pope's Run, the rain pouring in torrents. Construction trains had now run as far as Bristoe Station, the trussle bridge having been burnt by the rebels and the tracks between Manassas and Catlet's Station almost wholly destroyed by them. For the first time in two months we saw the cars, having marched on by roads from Maryland to Culpepper, or on main roads far from any railroad. The pursuit now commenced in earnest, and Lee, who but a short time before was confident of victory, was now in turn retreating. Again the tables were turned; by strategic skill Gen. Meade had baffled all the designs of the skillful rebel chieftain. After a weary march of three days in cold and storm, he succeeded in placing the Union army in such a position that it would be madness for any foe to attack it, and now the discomfited rebel army beats a hasty retreat, attempting by rapid movements and shrewd devises, to get back to their fortified position on the Rapidan before the Union Army could overtake them in their haste. As we retired from the Rappahannock to the fortified Heights of Centreville, the enemy followed, shouting victory; every step they advanced seemed to them an assurance that Washington was in their grasp. Proudly and defiantly they pressed on after our[37] retreating columns, thinking that the army of the Potomac had been weakened by drafts upon it for the army in the southwest, and that we would be wholly unable to protect the Union capitol; every mile we retired strengthened them in their feeble delusion. Succeeding in getting possession of the shortest line from the Rappahannock to Centreville, they thought to possess those heights in advance of our army, then wheeling destroy us, leaving Washington a sure fruit of their success. It was a scheme well planned, and if successful, would have given the Confederates their independence; but the commander of the Union army was not idle, he understood their plans. By ceaseless and untiring energy and by rapid marching, he came out victorious, and we were again to traverse the same road, not in retreat, but as a victorious army. Ten days from the time of our starting from Culpepper, found us again on the advance. On the 20th the troops crossed Broad Run and Kettle Run near Bristoe Station, wading them knee deep; found the railroad destroyed, bridges and ties burned, marched over the hill where Warren, with the 2d corps, engaged the enemy, the result being well known to our readers, the remains of dead horses and men lying around; marched 16 miles, taking the wrong road. The 1st and 2d divisions had waded a stream very deep when the mistake was discovered, and they were compelled to re-cross again, halting for the night near Greenwich; no signs of the enemy, the weather very cold.

The next day the column again started, marching seven miles, the 2d corps halting at Buckley's Mills, and the 3d corps encamping at Catlet's Station. The railroad was totally destroyed, the rebels having placed the ties on heaps, and then setting them on fire; with the rails on top becoming red hot, they were bent nearly double, rendering them entirely useless. At Catlet's Station the troops were ordered in camp until the railroad was rebuilt. The regiment was detailed for picket at Weaverville, near a mill on Cedar Run; remained one day until relieved by the 87th Pennsylvania; marched when relieved three miles, near corps headquarters. The corps remained at Catlet's Station ten days, during which time we were constantly on the move, changing camp five times. The men were detailed to rebuild the railroad; trees were cut and ties made, the men working with a will. Soon the road was re-built, rails having been sent on construction trains from Washington; about forty miles of road had been destroyed, part by our troops and part by the rebels. During our encampment at Catlet's Station, the first military execution that had ever[38] occurred in the 3d corps took place on Friday afternoon in the 1st division. The culprit was private Henry C. Beardsly, who originally enlisted in the 5th Michigan infantry. He was always a worthless, quarrelsome soldier and a shirk. He deserted before fighting a battle, and afterwards enlisted in a cavalry regiment, from which he also deserted; being caught with such a record there was no hope for him. He was shot in the presence of the entire division at two o'clock in the afternoon. The arrangements were most perfectly made by the Provost Marshal of the division, the ceremonies being exceedingly solemn. The poor fellow met his death more boldly than he lived. Twelve-muskets were fired at him, eleven balls entered his breast, one musket being blank; he died without a struggle.

On the 30th of October the troops again moved forward, marching seven miles to Warrenton Junction and encamping near Bealton Station. The road was now completed from Washington to Warrenton, and supplies run to the troops; encamped at the Junction seven days; company drill one hour each day; the men were supplied with eight days' rations. On the 31st the regiment was mustered in for four months' pay by Col. Truex; pontoon trains were now sent forward, and preparations made to again cross the Rappahannock. On Saturday, Nov. 7, the troops again moved forward. Lee had sent large re-enforcements to Bragg, and thought himself secure, thinking the Potomac army would not again advance until Spring, as winter was approaching, and by that time the army of the Cumberland would be whipped, and then with troops from Bragg would engage the Potomac army. The rebel army was busily engaged in erecting winter quarters, and building forts on the Rappahannock, little dreaming that the Union army was again advancing. After marching fourteen miles the 6th corps, under Sedgwick, charged across the river at Kelly's Ford, taking the enemy completely by surprise and capturing three thousand prisoners, the rebels retreating in disorder. Lee at Culpepper heard the firing in the distance and rushed to the front, but too late. He found his army in a terribly demoralized condition, flying from the Potomac army. At Freeman's Ford, the 1st division of the 3d corps also charged, capturing three hundred prisoners, and driving Hill's corps back some distance. Pontoons were soon laid, the rest of the army with the trains passing over. Only a few days since and we were leaving the river in haste, marching with unparallelled rapidity to the defenses of Washington, now we were again on the Rappahannock.[39] In the far distance the booming of cannon announces that our advance is engaged with the rear guard of the flying rebels, spreading consternation and terror throughout their already disorganized and demoralized ranks.

At dark the regiment was stationed in a pine woods on the river until ten o'clock, when we were ordered to cross, having supported a battery during the day, continually shelling the woods on the opposite shore; crossed at Kelly's Ford, encamping on the banks of the river. At four o'clock on Sunday morning the bugle sounded the reveille, and the men were soon up packing their knapsacks, some making fires, others filling canteens with water. Lieut. Tingly, of Co. E, in the darkness stumbled over a man, as he supposed, still sleeping; turning around to awaken him, he found a dead rebel sergeant who had been killed by one of our shells. The rebels in their haste had left their dead without burial; but little time was given to bury them, the pioneers covering them with dirt. At seven o'clock the troops moved in line of battle, marching eight miles, the artillery continually shelling their rear guard, advancing as far as Brandy Station, the rebels placing four pieces of artillery on a hill, shelling in return, killing two men and wounding several in the 138th Pennsylvania. The 1st brigade was ordered to charge the hill, and preparations were made, batteries were placed in position and the hill shelled, when the rebels left in haste, our men taking possession without opposition. The 14th was again fortunate, having as yet lost not one man by battle. The troops now marched on a double quick, the flying rebels discerned in the distance retreating in haste, leaving a vast amount of ammunition and baggage in our hands. During the afternoon the troops were massed in force at Brandy Station. The Potomac army now composed of five corps, 1st, 2d, 3d, 5th and 6th, the 11th and 12th having been sent to the army of the Cumberland after the battle of Gettysburg, and formed in one corps commanded by Major Gen. Hooker. The 1st corps was commanded by Gen. Franklin, the 2d by the brave Warren, the 3d by Gen. French, the 5th by Sykes, the 6th by Sedgwick. The cavalry divisions under Kilpatrick and Buford, were all under the command of Major Gen. Meade. The 3d corps now halted in line of battle in a dense woods, remaining until the ensuing night, when the troops were routed out at nine o'clock, and ordered to fall in. It was supposed that Lee was about to attack, having halted his retreating army on the banks of the Rapidan; remaining in line in the cold two hours; marched two miles, crossing[40] the railroad at Brandy Station, halting for the night near a small stream; lying in line of battle sleeping on our arms; we were encamped on an open plain; there was scarcely any wood, the men suffering very much from the cold. Lee, finding our men ready, fell back; he had hoped to surprise Meade, but as vigilant as ever, he was not to be caught napping. The men were ordered to lay down and be ready to fall in at a moment's notice. The next morning three days' rations were issued, and the troops ordered into camp, tents placed on a line, remaining in camp five days, the men receiving two months' pay. The camp had been occupied by the rebels, some of them having up winter quarters. The men now supposed the army had halted for the winter; to make themselves comfortable the men built chimneys of sod on one corner of the tent, and built fires in them. A soldier can always make himself comfortable; with his shelter pitched on sticks, a sod chimney built, and the cracks of his tent filled with mud, he is then as happy as a lord, and cares not for anything. Occasionally home was thought of as something that had once been a pleasure, but now at war there seemed as if there was no such thing as home; with no kind and loving friends near, he submits to his lot without murmuring, caring not for the future. The men were now very comfortable, and supposed they were to remain some time. On the afternoon of the 14th the 1st brigade was ordered to move to Culpepper, four miles distant. At four o'clock the brigade started, marching several miles out of the way, the rain falling heavily, wetting the men to the skin. The night was very dark, the officers being unable to find the road, wandering around in the woods, marching in swamps and ditches, sometimes up to their knees in mud; occasionally a man fell down and was pulled out by his comrades; marching on an old corduroy road, that for some time had been useless; the rain poured in torrents; each man marching for himself and on his own hook. At midnight Culpepper was reached, having marched twelve miles, the correct distance being but four miles; the men halted in the woods, building fires of brush to keep warm and to dry themselves. In the morning the sun shone in all its splendor, the men presenting a sorry plight covered with mud and water; the remainder of the army lying quietly at Brandy Station; changed position during the morning; tents placed on a line in regimental order. More than one-half the men had fallen out, and now came straggling in; the brigade was sent to guard Culpepper and the vicinity. The village of Culpepper is situated four miles from Brandy Station[41] and is quite a pretty place, of some two thousand inhabitants, containing four churches, court house and county jail; but few towns are on the railroad, Culpepper being the largest.

Two companies were detailed for picket each day, the remaining companies drilling brigade drill. Gen. Morris, having written a series of tactics, was desirous of practicing, and ordered brigade drill each day. Winter quarters were again the topic of conversation, as the cold was almost unendurable. Nothing was now seen of the enemy, as they lay in their old position on the Rapidan, and not very anxious to advance again, having learned a lesson from us, although surprised and compelled to fall back before it was more of an advantage to Meade than to Lee. The terrible lesson they learned at Bristoe was not to be forgotten very soon, nor our advance on the Rappahannock. But few men were lost on our side, the enemy losing heavily in men and munitions of war. During our stay at Culpepper two men were arrested as spies and sent to Washington; they were dressed in the United States uniform and belonged to the guerilla Mosby's command. Succeeding in eluding our pickets they entered our lines with the intention of returning as speedily as possible, and inform the rebels that there was but one brigade lying at Culpepper easily accessible to them; frustrated in their plans, they were arrested and subsequently met their fate as spies, being hung at Alexandria. Efforts were made to save them, but of no avail, the rules of civilized warfare demanded their execution, and the just deserts were meted out to them to the fullest extent of the law.

The brigade remained at Culpepper ten days, until the night of the 23d, when orders were given to be ready to move at daylight. Although late in the season, an advance was determined on and five days' rations issued the men. Commencing to rain the order was countermanded, the brigade leaving Culpepper and rejoining the division at Brandy Station, marching four miles; lying in the mud near the railroad until Thursday, Nov. 26, when the order to again advance was given, starting from Brandy Station at 7 a. m. The troops in three columns moved towards the Rapidan, crossing at different fords on pontoons; the enemy, not expecting an advance, were as yet unprepared, reaching the river at five o'clock, the 3d corps crossing at Jacobs' Mill Ford, the trains following in the rear; a force was left at Brandy Station to guard the railroad. After marching fifteen miles the river was reached and crossed before dark; nothing was seen of the enemy, their frowning breast works were empty. Had they been manned by a sufficient force our crossing would not have been so easy, as[42] they had a splendid position for their artillery and a raking fire from their batteries upon our advance. The troops were soon over and formed in line of battle, throwing out heavy pickets, halting in the woods near the river until routed out the next morning. The column had advanced the evening previous until near the enemy, countermarching and encamping for the night. Every preparation was made for the ensuing day, as the enemy were moving, being aware of our advance. The morning of the 27th was cold and dreary. It was Thanksgiving Day at home, but to the poor soldier it was war, and many that entered the fight that day lived not to see the morrow's sun; they had spent their last Thanksgiving Day on earth, and now fill a soldier's grave.

Gen. French was sent in advance with the 3d corps, the 3rd division on the lead, they overtaking the enemy at Locust Grove, a dense forest of pine trees; the enemy were strongly posted. Our division had always lain along the railroad, and thus far had never engaged in battle. We were called by the other divisions of the corps, Gen. French's pets, as they thought he favored us more than the rest, he being the former commander of the 3rd division. The 1st division, commanded by Gen. Birney, was in the rear of the 3d division. When they were told we were to charge the enemy, the men of the 1st division exclaimed, "What! send French's pets in there? they can't fight." The General hearing them, in his blunt manner remarked, "We'll see if they can't fight. Move forward, boys." Skirmishers from the 122nd Ohio regiment were immediately sent out. The 1st brigade being on the advance, was for the first time engaged with the enemy, and for four hours was under fire, the men fighting bravely until darkness ended the contest, standing their ground like veterans; making a brilliant charge and driving the rebels from their position, capturing several prisoners. The whole corps was by this time hotly engaged, maintaining their ground, neither side gaining any material advantage. Gen. Carr and staff were everywhere conspicuous, and supported by the 6th corps, there was no such word as fail. The old 3d corps had long established its reputation, which was never to be lost. Ever since the organization of the Potomac army had the 3d corps been foremost in the fight; commanded by a fighting man, Major Gen. Sickles, it never wavered, always the first to enter and the last to leave. Thousands had lost their lives in the seven days' fight before Richmond, at Antietam, Chancellorsville and Gettysburgh, and thousands more were to lose their lives in the brave old 3d. Each corps was[43] ordered to have a mark, designating it from the rest, the 3d corps choosing the diamond, an emblem of worth. This originated from Gen. Kearney, commanding the New Jersey brigade; in order to distinguish his men from the rest, he ordered them to wear a red cross; the other commanders taking it in hand until each corps had a mark and a corps flag; each division red, white and blue. Of the corps in the Potomac army, the 1st was full moon; 2nd club; 3d diamond; 5th Maltese cross, and 6th Roman cross. At Locust Grove the red and blue patches of the different divisions were plainly seen. The woods were so thick that artillery could not be used; the roar of musketry as it vibrated among the trees was awful and sublime, sounding as if the wind with all its force was rushing on moved by some irresistible power.

The officers and men of the 14th fought nobly, knowing that their reputation depended on this, their first battle. Co's B and K being on the extreme left of the line, became separated from the regiment, and did not hear the order to fall back when relieved, remaining in one hour after the regiment, not leaving until their ammunition was exhausted. The regiment lost sixteen killed and fifty-eight wounded, having been in the service sixteen months without engaging in battle, the other regiments losing in proportion. Gen. Morris rode to the front, congratulating the men for their bravery. In a few words he told them that as new troops, a brigade never fought better; that they had accomplished all that was desired of them. At dark the enemy retreated, leaving their dead and wounded in our hands. All night long the surgeons were busy dressing the wounds of our men, the cries of the poor wounded fellows as they lay writhing under the knife were heart-rending; the groans of the dying as they lay on the field were heard throughout the night. The battle was now over, the enemy had fallen back, and the troops remained on the field lying on their arms until morning. The enemy had now fallen back in their old position at Mine Run awaiting our approach; the weather very cold and mud knee deep; marched five miles, halting near Robinson's Tavern; in a pine wood in front of the enemy's breastworks, which were very strong. All Saturday and Sunday Gen. Meade and his corps commanders were engaged in devising means to force the enemy from their position on the western slope of Mine Run, being too strongly posted to warrant making a direct assault upon their works, although our forces outnumbered them two to one. Mine Run is a small stream about ten feet wide, but very deep; on each side is a low marsh, miry[44] and reed grown. About one mile back from either side there were cultivated patches of pine trees. On the south side the Potomac army lay in line of battle all day Sunday, the 29th; none but the 3d corps had thus far been engaged, the 3d division, the heaviest. The enemy had moved out of their position to meet us, and at Locust Grove had encountered our advance. After being defeated and driven back by the 3d corps, they awaited our approach, having fortified the western slope by a strong earthwork of felled trees, shrubbery and brush, forming an almost impenetrable abattis. They had also dug a succession of rifle pits within easy musket range of the creek, manned by sharpshooters, to pick off our advance skirmishers, their line of defense extending from what was called Clark's Mountain, on the plank road, to the mouth of the stream, and was fully supported by artillery, and by our generals was considered as strong as Fredericksburg. The artillery was brought forward and placed in position in front of their batteries. Not a shot had yet been exchanged since the battle of Locust Grove, each side waiting for the other, the infantry being hidden from view by a thick woods. In order to move them forward it was found necessary to bridge the streams and morasses in various places, a work both difficult and dangerous; this was done by the 1st division of the 3d corps. Sunday passed, and at dark nothing had yet been done; thus far we had not accomplished anything; with one corps we had met their advance, and after a hard battle had driven them back a few miles in a strong position not easily flanked, with severe loss on both sides. On Sunday night the troops were massed and formed as follows: the 2d corps on the extreme left at Clark's Mountain; the left centre was held by the 3d corps; the centre by two divisions of the 1st, and the right by the 5th and 6th corps. Gen. Warren with the 2nd corps was to attack Sunday afternoon at 3 o'clock, and, if possible, turn the enemy's right wing; the 5th and 6th corps, under Sykes and Sedgwick, were at the same time to attack their left, while the 1st and 3d moved on the centre. The reserve artillery had all been brought forward ready for action, but for some reason the infantry failed to connect, and night slipped upon us all drawn up in line of battle. That night a change was made in the programme. Gen. Warren did not deem his force adequate to the task of turning the enemy's right, so he was still re-enforced by the 1st and 3d divisions of the 3d corps, marching at two o'clock Monday morning five miles; the 3d division placed on the extreme left in the most dangerous position, while Birney with his division was to support[45] the artillery. The army was now placed in their respective positions, and 8 o'clock Monday morning was then set by Gen. Meade for the great battle to open. The men lay down wrapped in their blankets on the frozen ground, to rest and to dream of home. The night of Sunday was the coldest we had yet experienced; ice formed in streams an inch in thickness. Several of the men froze their limbs, and one or two lost their lives while on picket. The enemy's sharpshooters were found frozen in their rifle pits, as a great many of them had no overcoats or blankets. At 8 o'clock on Monday the artillery began to play upon the enemy, and for an hour was as heavy as ever was witnessed; the shells, as they flew shrieking through the air, were plainly seen. The enemy replied feebly, not wishing to disclose their position. The infantry did not make any demonstration whatever, and after making a great deal of noise and wasting a large amount of ammunition, the artillery was silenced by an order from headquarters. The men were already in line with knapsacks unslung, the 3d division to lead and charge their extreme right. Gen. Meade rode to the front, examined their works with his glass, and then countermanded the order, as a fearful loss of life would ensue; the weather being so cold the wounded would die if left uncared for. The 3d division remained on the left until 3 o'clock Monday afternoon, when they returned to their old position in the center with the balance of the corps. Nothing more was done during the day but to form some other plan; but the wisest plan our generals could agree on was to go back to our line on the Rappahannock and take a fresh start. Accordingly the trains were all ordered back across the Rapidan, the troops still in line watching the enemy until the trains were all safe across. General Francis Meagher was a guest at headquarters, and moved with the troops, engaging in battle with the Irish Brigade, and narrowly escaped capture at Locust Grove. Being dressed in citizen's dress, he was taken by the enemy to be a reporter and no exertion was made to capture him. Had they known that he was a distinguished general, and the leader of the old 69th New York that gave them such reception at Bull Run, they would have captured him certain; as it was, he escaped by spurring his horse out of their reach.

On Tuesday, Dec. 1, 1863, the troops were ordered to fall back, as nothing could be accomplished. The roads were in a terrible condition, almost impassable; it was with difficulty that supplies could be sent to the men by wagons over the route of thirty or forty miles. Our wounded were suffering considerably; the most[46] of them were compelled to walk, as transportation could not be furnished; only those that had lost a limb were allowed to ride. At dark pickets were placed as usual, the main body of the army falling back, marching all night on a double quick on the Fredericksburg plank road, the weather each hour growing colder. All night long the troops moved in solid columns, a brilliant moon lighting us on our way. The trains were all safe across, and were on their way to Brandy Station, to be filled with supplies for the men. On their return the boys set the woods on fire, and they were soon burning in all directions. The pickets were relieved at 3 o'clock, when Lee discovered the retreat; his army was soon in motion, but too late to do any good. By daylight the army was all safe across the Rapidan, having marched, or rather run twenty miles; several of the men were unable to keep up and were captured. The troops crossed at Germania Ford, on two pontoon bridges, which were taken up at 6 o'clock, and our batteries placed on a hill ready for action. The rebel cavalry made their appearance on the opposite side but were soon driven back by a few shells, retiring suddenly with the few prisoners they had captured. The pursuit was now abandoned, and the men, foot sore and weary, threw themselves upon the ground and were soon buried in slumber. Rations were scarce, the men having nothing to eat, and we were yet some distance from Brandy Station, our base of supplies. The troops were allowed to rest until noon. The men had become scattered during the march, and were now joining their commands. Meade halted on the banks of the river, hoping Lee would give battle. The men were in fine spirits and were now anxious to fight the rebel army away from their entrenchments in an open field; but Lee declined to give battle, and after exchanging a few shots with the rear guard of our army, both armies retired from the river, Lee moving back to Mine Run, the Potomac army to Brandy Station, to enter winter quarters. At noon the column again moved, marching but five miles, halting in a dense woods, with nothing to eat until two o'clock the next morning, when the column again moved, marching nine miles, and arriving at Brandy Station at 10 o'clock, the troops occupying their old quarters near the railroad; the camp was welcomed with joy; weary, hungry and nearly tired out, after an absence of eight days, returned, having crossed the Rapidan, accomplishing but little. Fighting two days on slim rations; recrossed again, having lost about two thousand men in killed, wounded and missing. Again the people north were[47] clamorous for the removal of Meade; why did he not attack Lee in his entrenchments? was the cry; Richmond must be taken, and all such remarks. It was rumored that Hooker was again to take command, and we were to return immediately to Mine Run; but the military men of the Potomac army knew that the fortifications at Mine Run never could be taken by the Potomac army, especially at this time of the year. If Lee was driven out of his works, the success could not be followed up, as the cold was too intense to permit a campaign of long duration.

On the 4th of December, 1863, the troops were ordered into Winter quarters, as nothing more could be done that Winter. The railroad was guarded from Alexandria to Brandy Station by the 1st corps, the main line extending from Culpepper to the Rapidan. Camps were now laid out in regular order, each brigade by itself, the 1st brigade encamping on the plantation of John Minor Botts, one of Virginia's noblest sons, who, at the commencement of the war, refused to aid in breaking up the Union formed by Washington and his compeers, one of the best governments the world ever saw. Because he would not aid in bringing civil war, and aid in slaughtering thousands of innocent men, he was for three months confined in Libby Prison by the rebel leader, his daughter sharing his confinement with him without a murmur. He was finally released on parole, and was now residing at his mansion near Brandy Station. Trees were felled by the men and comfortable Winter quarters built. As far as the eye could reach were seen the tents of the Potomac army, occupying several miles of ground; the 6th corps on the extreme right, near Hazel River; the 5th corps on the left. Tents were soon built, the crevices filled with mud, and a shanty built of stones, the whole covered with shelters, three or four tenting with each other. Give a soldier a knife, and with a few articles a tent will soon be built. Brandy Station, a place heretofore but little known, was now the base of supplies for the army, trains running as far as Culpepper, where the Cavalry were encamped. Corduroy roads were built, fatigue parties being sent out each day under competent officers. Large store houses were built, and thousands of bushels of grain stored for the horses and mules. During the Summer the troops had nothing to eat on the march but hard-tack, sugar and coffee. Extra rations were now issued, some of the men faring better than at home. Rations were issued every five days of hard-tack, soft bread, sugar, coffee, beef, pork, pepper, salt, beans, dried apples, potatoes and onions, the government always feeding the men well[48] while lying in camp. Furloughs were now granted the men for ten days, some two hundred going each day. The people home had seen so many soldiers that they were tired of them; a great many that were Copperheads, afraid to come themselves, entertained no respect for the boys in blue, but turned a cold shoulder to them. They cared not though, as long as they had done their duty at the front, and despised the sneaking Copperhead as not worthy of notice. Camp life was now entered upon by the men with activity, knowing that spring would open with a hard campaign. Drills were again in order, inspections and reviews. Brandy Station was thronged with visitors from the North, who looked with wonder upon the magnificent array of men, that for the past three years had been battling for union and for liberty. The armies must again be recruited for the spring campaign; great inducements were held out to the men, and furloughs suddenly stopped. Any soldier that would re-enlist for three years would receive three hundred dollars bounty and thirty-five days furlough; all other furloughs were stopped. The men anxious to see home, and thinking that the war would soon be over, re-enlisted in large numbers, receiving their bounty and furlough. Nearly the whole of the 87th Pennsylvania in the 3d division re-enlisted; this was the finest drilled regiment in the service, their term of enlistment expiring in the spring. The mails were now running regular once each day. The paymasters arriving, the troops were paid in full and the sutlers patronized largely. President Lincoln now issued a call for three hundred thousand more men. In view of the large bounties offered, a great many worthless men enlisted, soon after deserting; the most of them were caught and were sent back to the headquarters of the different divisions, and placed under arrest. A Provost Guard was formed at each division headquarters, composed of picked men of the regiments, consisting of one hundred men, five Sergeants and eight Corporals, whose duties were to guard all prisoners, and in time of action to keep up all stragglers, and while lying in camp to guard headquarters. Court Martials were now in session, and each man under arrest was tried, and if found guilty of any misdemeanor was immediately sentenced and placed in confinement until the sentence was carried into effect. Some were sentenced to hard labor, some to forfeit their pay, and various other sentences according to the decision of the court.

Lee was now encamped in the vicinity of Madison Court House, his main force in a dense wilderness, and comfortably quartered[49] in log houses, each army picketing the Rapidan, whose swollen waters would not permit crossing at this time of the year. Occasionally a small force of cavalry was sent out to reconnoitre, but failed to draw any portion of the enemy from their entrenchments. The headquarters of Gen. Meade were on a hill and tastefully arranged, near Brandy Station. A new signal corps was organized; several from the 14th were detached and placed on duty in this corps. This branch of service was of great use to the army, as orders could be signalized with rapidity from one part of the army to the other. Sutlers were in abundance at Brandy Station, erecting shanties for their goods. Shoemaker shops, watch making and ambrotype galleries were built, and Brandy Station soon became a thriving town. The 14th was encamped in an old rebel camp, the men using their old houses, refitting them as good as new. As none but re-enlisted men were allowed furloughs, the rest of the men contented themselves with passing their time in camp with various amusements, playing match games of base ball when not on duty. The Rapidan was strongly picketed, details from the regiments made every three days. The 14th now numbered but six hundred men for duty, three hundred and fifty less than when the regiment left New Jersey. Nearly one hundred had died; sixteen had been killed by battle; some were on detached service; some in hospitals, and, sad to say, numbers had deserted. Gen. Morris was on leave of absence, his place being filled by Colonel Truex, acting Brig. General. Several ladies now visited the army, the most of them officers' wives, remaining until the spring campaign commenced.

In the latter part of December, a man named Armprister from the 3d division was found guilty of desertion. He was sentenced to have his head shaved, a board placed on his back marked utterly worthless, and to be drummed out of camp. Such scenes were not common, this being the first occurrence of the kind in our division. Capt. Allstrum of Co. G, 14th N.J., was appointed Provost Marshal of the division. His duty was to see that all military rules were obeyed; that all sutlers and purveyors were licensed, and to confiscate all rebel property that was fortunate enough to fall into our hands. The discipline of the army was now perfect, everything arranged and in perfect order; one grand master mind at the head; the people North forming no idea how everything was conducted, and with what precision each order was executed by the men. A revival now spread throughout camp, and many became converted. Chaplain Rose, of the 14th[50] New Jersey, by his exertions organized prayer meetings each evening, and through his means a greater part of the men were led to seek God. Regimental churches were built of logs, covered with tents furnished by the Sanitary Commission, and tracts, books and papers distributed daily by men interested in the cause. A great many that were converted were killed in the ensuing battles of the coming campaign, which was destined to be the hardest ever witnessed. Tools were furnished the men in abundance, and tents and churches rapidly erected. A pioneer corps was also organized for each brigade. The tools were packed in boxes, and carried on mules, slung across their backs. During active service they were to march ahead of the troops, clearing the way; also to bridge streams and ditches; build officers' tents, and to make themselves useful in various ways. The troops were now taught to maneuver by brigades and divisions; each afternoon was brigade drill and dress parade, the officers and men presenting a fine appearance, having lain in camp long enough to get fixed up. Clothing was issued in abundance, and everything that was needed for an army was forwarded to the men. Boxes were sent from home, but each one was examined by the Provost Marshal to see if liquor was concealed therein; the men were not allowed any. If the friends at home saw fit to send it for sickness, it was taken from them and used by the headquarters officers. Various dodges were resorted to by the men to obtain whiskey; packages of flour were sent, with a small flask concealed in the inside, which was eagerly drank by them, as rum of any kind was a luxury.

The month of December had nearly passed, and the holidays were rapidly approaching; the cold storms of winter kept the men pretty close, the weather being too bad to permit drilling. Christmas and New Years were very dull, the men receiving two months pay and new clothing, and the officers drinking their good whiskey.

Gen. Carr's headquarters were in a large white house, opposite John Minor Botts', two miles from Brandy Station, and about a quarter of a mile from the division. As there were several ladies visiting the Potomac army, a grand ball was given and preparations made accordingly. An addition was built to the house by men detailed from the division and everything was arranged in perfect order; the room was handsomely decorated with flags and evergreens. The night of January 25, 1864, the ball was given, and everything passed off pleasantly; it was very largely attended,[51] but the privates were not allowed to enter; the ladies were elegantly dressed. The 1st New Jersey Brigade Band, and 87th Pennsylvania were engaged, and the music was excellent. The tickets were ten dollars; dancing was kept up until morning; the supper was magnificent, costing two thousand dollars; cooks were sent from Washington, and everything that could be had; trains of cars coming up during the afternoon loaded with officers bringing their ladies with them. The leading generals of the Potomac army were present, the most prominent among them being Meade, Warren, Hancock, French and others. They enjoyed themselves very well, but the most of them were better at fighting than at dancing.

Nothing occurred to disturb the dull monotony of camp life during those long Winter months, everything going on as usual; re-enlisted men returning, others going in their places. On the morning of February 6th, the troops received marching orders, to pack up with three days' rations and hold themselves in readiness to move, as a reconnoissance in force was ordered to find out the whereabouts of Lee's main force. At five o'clock in the afternoon the command was given to start; the 3d corps commanded by Gen. Birney, Gen. French being home on leave of absence. The Provost Guard and 122d Ohio were left to guard the camp and headquarters; the 3d division in advance; raining hard. The weather had been very pleasant for some time, until orders were given to move, when a storm suddenly came up and continued for three days. The first corps met and engaged the enemy at Culpepper Ford, and after a brisk engagement of several hours, our forces retired, being unable to cross the river. The reconnoissance discovered Lee in position, his line extending from the Rapidan to Orange Court House. The troops marched eight miles, remaining in line of battle two days south of Culpepper, when they returned to their old quarters, the 1st corps losing about two hundred men in killed and wounded, but bringing in several prisoners with them. All was again quiet in camp; everything dull. On the 25th the paymaster again arrived, paying the men two months' pay. Colonel Cook from New Jersey was present, taking home for the soldiers thousands of dollars. The division was now reviewed by Gen. French, near Brandy Station, several ladies being present; it was composed of three brigades, numbering six thousand men. On the 28th, the weather being extremely fine, a reconnoissance was again ordered by the 6th corps, moving out early in the morning with three days' rations; the other corps[52] were ordered to hold themselves in readiness if needed. Nothing, however, was discovered, the enemy refusing to leave their entrenchments; on the 3d of March the corps returned, having been gone three days.

On the 29th of March the regiment was again mustered in for pay by Col. Truex; every two months was muster, this being the eleventh time since our enlistment. The men were formed in line, and their arms and accoutrements examined, each man answering to his name; if not accounted for he could not be mustered, nor could he receive his pay.

In view of the coming campaign, it was found necessary by the authorities at Washington to place at the head of the army a general, giving him full command of all the forces then in our armies, to rank as Lieutenant General. Congress was for some time unable to decide which of our generals was the most competent. General Grant, then in command of the southwestern army was finally chosen, and ordered to report immediately at Washington. The hero of Vicksburg, of Port Hudson, and of Pittsburg Landing, was placed in chief command, with a commission as Lieutenant General, wearing three stars.

From an early period in the rebellion Grant had been impressed with the idea that active and continuous operations of all troops that could be brought into the field, regardless of season and weather, were necessary for a speedy termination of the war. The past two years had led us to believe that the resources of the enemy and his numerical strength were far inferior to ours, but as an offset to this, we had a vast territory hostile to the government to garrison, and long lines of river and railroad communications to protect to enable us to supply the operating armies. The army in the east and west had thus far acted independently and without concert, like a baulky team, no two ever pulling together, enabling the enemy to use to great advantage his inferior lines of communication for transporting troops from east to west, re-enforcing the army most vigorously pressed, and enabling them to furlough large numbers during seasons of inactivity on our part, to go to their homes and do the work of producing for the support of their armies. It was now the firm conviction of our leading men that no peace could be had that would be stable and conducive to the happiness of the people, both North and South, until the military power of the South was entirely broken.

On the 16th of March General Grant arrived at Brandy Station and proceeded immediately to the headquarters of Gen. Meade.[53] After reviewing the different corps, he rapidly re-organized the army. The 3d corps was broken up, and placed in different corps; our division was placed in the 6th corps as 3d division; the 14th had been in the 3d corps eight months; what had been an organization so long was now no more. Gen. French was relieved from the front and ordered to report at Washington, and placed in command of the troops near Baltimore. The Potomac army now consisted of but three corps, 2d, 5th and 6th, of thirty thousand each. The 2d corps was commanded by Hancock; the 5th by Warren, and the 6th by Sedgwick; General Meade still retained his position as commander of the Potomac army, receiving his orders from Grant. Sherman was placed in chief command in the southwest, and proved himself a successful commander.

The 3d division, which heretofore consisted of three brigades, was now formed in two brigades; the 1st was commanded by General Morris, consisting of the 14th New Jersey, 10th Vermont, 106th and 151st New York, and 87th Pennsylvania. The 2nd brigade was commanded by Col. Keifer, afterwards Brigadier General, and composed of the 110th, 122d and 126th Ohio regiments, the only western troops in the Potomac army; the 6th Maryland, 67th and 138th Pennsylvania troops, now commanded by General Prince, the former commander of the 2d division, General Carr reporting at Washington. The officers all met at headquarters preparatory to the breaking up of the corps, and indulged in a jolly time; groups were taken by artists, and after spending the day in mirth, they returned to their quarters at night. Birney's old division lay in camp near the 6th corps; they were ordered to join the 2d corps, and our division to take their camp and join the 6th corps. Gen. Prince was relieved, and General Ricketts placed in command of the division. Heavy rains now came on and the order to change camp was countermanded until April 1, when the division moved. The 14th regiment had built a new camp, every tent on a line, and each one of an exact size; pine trees were planted, and it was decided by General Meade to be the handsomest camp in the Potomac army. The men were very sorry to leave, and some of them threatened to burn their tents; the quarters we were to occupy were in a poor place, far from the main road and very lonesome, but as soldiers we were accustomed to such things, often putting up tents and then compelled to leave them in a hurry.

General Grant, having now assumed command, determined to[54] bring the war to a close as soon as possible. As it was too early for a forward movement, the troops were permitted to remain in camp another month. Grant, in consultation with his officers forming their plans for the coming campaign, having every confidence in Meade, they were constantly together. Grant first determined to use the greatest number of troops practicable against the armed forces of the enemy, preventing him from using the same force at different seasons against first one and then the other of our armies, by ordering all armies to move at the same time, he superintending each movement, his headquarters with the Potomac army.

During the month of April, 1864, several men from the division banded together and formed negro minstrels, building a house of logs covered with canvass. Twenty-five cents was charged for admittance; part of the proceeds were for the benefit of the Sanitary Commission; the house was crowded each evening, as it was sometime since the men had seen anything of the kind.

Behind the Union lines there were many bands of guerillas, and a large population that were hostile to the government, making it necessary to guard every foot of road or river used in supplying our armies. In the South a reign of military despotism prevailed which made every man and boy capable of bearing arms a soldier, and those who could not bear arms in the field acted as Provost Guards for collecting deserters and returning them; thus enabling the enemy to bring almost his entire strength in the field. Active preparations were now made on both sides for the campaign which was shortly to open; of the magnitude of the work before us none then knew. The enemy had concentrated the bulk of their forces into two armies, commanded by Generals R. E. Lee and J. E. Johnson, their ablest and best generals. The army of the Southwest, under Sherman, was to oppose Johnson, and the army of the Potomac, under Meade, to oppose Lee, all under the immediate command of Grant. The army commanded by Lee occupied the south bank of the Rapidan, covering and defending Richmond, the rebel capital, against the army of the Potomac. The army under Johnson occupied a strongly entrenched position at Dalton, Ga., covering and defending Atlanta, a place of great importance as a railroad centre, against the armies under Sherman. These two armies and the cities covered and defended by them, were the main objects of the campaign. General Meade was instructed by Grant that Lee's army would be his objective[55] point, and wherever Lee went he must follow. From the position of Lee's forces two different routes presented themselves, one to cross the Rapidan below Lee, moving by his right flank, the other above Lee, moving by his left. Each presented advantages over the other, with corresponding objections; by crossing above, Lee would be cut off from all correspondence with Richmond, or from going North on a raid; but if the army took this route, all we did would have to be done while the rations held out; and it separated us from Butler moving from Fortress Monroe; if we took the other route, Brandy Station could be used as a base of supplies until another was secured on the York or James River. After a long consultation with Meade, Grant decided to take the lower route.

The Potomac army had now lain in quarters five months, the men expecting every day orders to move. The papers North were urging a forward movement, but Grant knew his own plans best and wished no advisers. Three large armies were now to move on Richmond as soon as ordered by Grant; the Potomac army covering Washington and in Lee's immediate front; an army from Fortress Monroe commanded by Butler, and a large force under Seigel to move up the Shenandoah Valley.

The month of April was drawing rapidly to a close, and every preparation had been made for the campaign soon to open. Supplies were forwarded to Brandy Station in vast numbers; wagons packed with ammunition and forage; the troops furnished with clothing and shoes; all condemned horses and mules branded with the letter C and sent to Alexandria to be corralled until sold, and others sent in their places; and all batteries were furnished new guns and new horses, equipped for a hard campaign. It having now been decided by Grant to move across the Rapidan below Lee, preparations were made to start. Orders were sent to all generals commanding different posts, to move not later than May 4, and by one combined movement of all the armies to crush, if possible, the rebellion. The most formidable foe to encounter was the army under Lee; leaving the other armies to the discretion of their commanders but subject to orders, he turned his whole attention to that one point, but as usual issuing and receiving all orders. On the 1st of May the troops were all drawn up in line, and orders read to them as follows: That the campaign was soon to open; that every man must do his duty; that no straggling nor foraging would be allowed, and all private property to be protected.[56] As there were several regiments whose term of service expired soon, they were very reluctant to move, as they had served three years faithfully. Orders were read to them especially, that if any of them were found lurking in the rear or refusing to move forward, they would be immediately shot, and commanders of regiments instructed to see that on a march the troops moved in regular order.

The 14th regiment had now sixteen months to serve of the three years. Twenty months had passed since leaving New Jersey, and numbers were no more. The regiment had been recruited and was now ready to move with six hundred men and a full compliment of officers. Owing to the weather and bad condition of the roads, operations were delayed later than was intended. Every thing being now in readiness, and the weather favorable, orders were given for the forward movement to commence immediately. The first object aimed at was to break the military power of the rebellion and capture the enemy's important stronghold. General Butler was to move on Richmond with a force from Fortress Monroe, which, if successful, would tend more to ending the war than anything else, unless it was the capture of Lee's army. If Butler failed to take Richmond, it was Grant's intention by hard fighting, either to compel Lee to retreat or so to cripple him that he could not detach a large force to go North, and still retain enough for the defences of Richmond. It was well understood by both Butler and Meade, before starting on the campaign, that it was the intention of Grant to place both armies south of the James, and in case of failure to destroy Lee without it.

Before giving Butler his final instructions, Grant visited Fortress Monroe, giving him, in minute details, the objective points of his operations, as the army of the Potomac was to move simultaneously with him. Lee could not detach from his army with safety, and the enemy could not have troops elsewhere to bring to the defences of the city in time to meet a rapid movement from the north of the James river. Commanding all our forces as Grant did, he tried to leave, as far as possible, Gen. Meade in independent command of the Potomac army. The campaign that followed proved him to be the right man in the right place; but his commanding always in the presence of an officer superior to him in rank, has drawn from him much of that public attention that his zeal and ability entitled him to, and which he would otherwise have received.

[57]Having now given as far as possible the objects of the campaign, the results of which will hereafter be shown, I will now proceed to give a brief but true account of the campaign, in which the 14th regiment took an active part, during the ensuing sixteen months, commencing from the advance across the Rapidan, until the surrender of Lee's army and the overthrow of the rebellion.

All was quiet in camp, the men wondering when the forward movement would commence, when, on the morning of May 3d, 1864, orderlies were seen riding in all directions. That something unusual was going on was apparent to all. The long roll was beaten, the men falling in line without arms, and ordered to be ready to move in the morning, with five days' rations. The afternoon was spent in packing up and writing home, as none knew how soon the chance would be given them to write again. For five months we had spent pleasant times in Winter quarters; but those times were now over, and all the scenes of the previous years of war were to be enacted again. For a time the men had almost forgotten war. All had confidence in Grant and Meade, and hoped the war would speedily close. All surplus baggage was sent to the rear. The forward movement commenced early on the morning of the 4th of May, under the immediate direction and orders of Gen. Meade. Before night the whole army was safe across the Rapidan, the 5th and 6th corps crossing at Germania's Ford, and the 2d corps crossing at United States Ford; the cavalry under Major General Sheridan moving in advance with the greater part of the trains, numbering about 4,000 wagons, meeting with but slight opposition; passed the railroad we lay before, changing quarters with Birney's division. At last the army has moved; the Summer campaign has commenced, and the North will soon look for stirring news; with Grant as leader there is no such word as fail. The day was very fine, the air rather cool, and the troops in good spirits, anxious to change the dull monotony of camp life for more active service in the field. The distance marched that day by the troops was 15 miles. This was considered a great success, that of crossing the river in the face of an active, large, well appointed and ably commanded army. At the different fords Lee had erected very formidable breastworks to retard the advance of the Union army, but changing his plans his army remained in position in the Wilderness, and the works were found unoccupied. No signs of the enemy being seen that night, the troops encamped in a dense thicket of pines extending[58] for miles. Lee had chosen a strong position in the woods known as the Wilderness, having erected strong earthworks and manned them with three army corps, numbering, as near as can be ascertained, 120,000 men, under command of Ewell, Longstreet and Hill.

Early on the morning of the 5th, the advance corps, the 5th, under the command of Major General G. K. Warren, met and engaged the enemy outside of their entrenchments, near Mine Run. The battle raged furiously all day, the whole army being brought into the fight as fast as the corps could be brought into the field, which, considering the density of the forest and narrowness of the roads, was done with commendable promptness. Gen. Seymour, of Florida, arrived, and was placed in command of the 2d brigade of the 3d division. Gens. Grant, Meade and staff were at the front in the thickest of the fight, and were loudly cheered by the men; some 400 prisoners were taken that day, among them several officers. Five miles only were made that day, neither side gaining any advantage; darkness coming on the firing ceased for a short time, the troops building breastworks. Gen. Ricketts and staff being near the front, a shell exploded in their midst, killing the horses of two staff officers, but not injuring them. The 3d division was divided, the 1st brigade being sent to re-enforce the centre, the 2d brigade the right; the 14th was in the fight the entire day, and lost heavily; the 2d brigade was fortunate, losing but few men. Gen. Sedgwick formed the 6th corps in position, and the men lay behind their breastworks until morning, the stars shining brightly. This was the first day's fight in the Wilderness, resulting in no material advantage to either side; but the losses were heavy, as both armies fought with desperation, and both were confident of success. Gen. Burnside was ordered from North Carolina with the 9th corps, and was at the time the army of the Potomac moved left with the bulk of his corps at the crossing of Rappahannock River and Alexandria Railroad, holding the road back to Bull Run, with instructions not to move until he received notice that a crossing of the Rapidan was secured, but to move promptly as soon as such notice was received. This crossing he was apprised of on the afternoon of the 4th, and by 6 o'clock on the morning of the 6th, he was leading his corps into action near the Wilderness Tavern, or, as it was then called, Robinson's Tavern, his troops having marched a distance of over 30 miles, crossing both the Rappahannock and Rapidan Rivers. Considering[59] that a large proportion of his command, probably two-thirds, was composed of new troops, unaccustomed to marches and carrying the accoutrements of a soldier, this was a remarkable march.

The battle of the Wilderness was renewed by us on the morning of the 6th, and continued with unabated fury until darkness set in, each army holding their old positions. At night the enemy by a decisive movement succeeded in turning our right flank, and a general stampede ensued, horses, wagons and pack mules moving to the rear. The 2d brigade was in the hottest of the fight and suffered severely, the 6th Maryland losing more than one-half of their men and nearly all their officers. General Seymour, commanding the brigade, was captured together with several hundred prisoners, but the promptness of Gen. Sedgwick, who was personally present, and commanding that portion of our line, soon re-formed it and restored order; the 1st brigade still in a position near the centre and under fire, but losing few men, the troops holding their positions during the night. On the morning of the 7th, reconnoissances showed that the enemy had fallen back behind their entrenchments, with pickets to the front covering part of the battle field. From this it was evident that the past two days' fighting had satisfied Lee of his inability to further maintain the contest in the open field. Notwithstanding his advantage of position, and that he would wait an attack behind his works, as he could not be driven out by a direct assault, orders were issued to move immediately, and, if possible, get between him and Richmond. On the night of the 7th the march was commenced towards Spottsylvania Court House, the 5th corps moving on the most direct road; but the enemy became apprised of our movement and having the shorter line was enabled to reach there first. On the morning of the 8th General Warren met a force of the enemy which had been sent out to oppose and delay his advance, to gain time to fortify the line taken up at Spottsylvania. This force was steadily driven back on the main force, within their recently constructed works after considerable fighting, resulting in severe loss on both sides. It has been currently reported and afterwards believed, that the Union army was defeated in the first two days' fight in the Wilderness, but that the bull dog courage of Grant refused to stay whipped, and unlike our former generals, instead of retreating back across the Rapidan, he determined on a flank movement on the enemy's right, and although unsuccessful at first, it finally resulted in the capture of Richmond. Burnside's[60] corps was partly composed of negro troops; they were in a fine condition and looked extremely well. All day long on Sunday (7th) the 5th corps engaged the enemy at Spottsylvania; at dark they were relieved by the 6th corps, and the 14th New Jersey was again heavily engaged. Forming in line the troops erected works during the night after marching that day fifteen miles, passing Chancellorsville, where a number of bones and skulls lay around, the remnant of the old Chancellorsville battle ground, where the rebel General Stonewall Jackson was killed. The enemy had now strongly entrenched themselves, assuming the defensive. Our losses in the last four days were severe. Finding that Lee would not again leave his works, nothing was left but to attack him, although a heavy loss of life would ensue in charging their works; there was no other alternative. In those battles thousands of brave men lost their lives in vain attempts to take the enemy's works, and hundreds of wounded were hourly brought in from various portions of the line. Hospitals were established in the rear, and surgeons were busily engaged in amputating limbs and dressing wounds. The weather was very warm, and the men suffered from thirst, as water was scarce. During the night the troops remained in line, with but little sleep.

On the morning of the 9th, General Sheridan started on a raid with a large cavalry force, to cut the enemy's communications; all day long skirmishing was kept up, but not resulting in any battle. Major General Sedgwick, who had so long commanded the 6th corps, an able and distinguished soldier, was killed; he was at the front, on the left of the 14th regiment, superintending the planting of a battery, when a bullet from a sharpshooter struck him in the forehead, killing him instantly. He was carried to the rear and his remains sent North; his loss was greatly lamented, as he was beloved by all. Major Gen. H. B. Wright succeeded him in command, the former commander of the 1st division. General Morris being with him at the time, was also wounded in the leg; Col. Truex succeeded him, being placed temporarily in command of the brigade. The night of the 9th found the men in the same position. The morning of the 10th was spent in maneuvering and fighting without any decisive results; at noon a general engagement commenced; the rattle of musketry and artillery was awful; this was the sixth day's fighting; the enemy had been flanked from their strong position in the Wilderness, at Mine Run, and with their whole force at Spottsylvania were opposing[61] us with desperation. Orders were now read to the men that Sherman had whipped Johnson at Dalton, and that Butler was advancing on Richmond; the troops were encouraged at this news and fought desperately. At 6 o'clock a division of the 6th corps made a charge and captured a rebel brigade numbering nearly three thousand men. Nothing but skirmishing was kept up on the 11th until the morning of the 12th, when a general attack was made on the enemy in position. This day will ever be remembered as the hardest day's fighting the world ever saw; the entire line engaged in all was over 200,000 men; the woods being very dense. Early in the morning the 2d corps, Major General Hancock commanding, carried a portion of the enemy's line, capturing the most of Bushrod Johnson's division of Ewell's corps and twenty pieces of artillery; but the resistance was so obstinate that the advantage gained did not prove decisive. The rebels made three different charges to retake the line, but were foiled in every attempt, our men mowing them down like grass, as they lay piled on each other three and four deep; this was called the slaughter pen; the 1st New Jersey suffered severely in this charge. The 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th and 18th were consumed in maneuvering and skirmishing at various points, but nothing important was gained; re-inforcements were now arriving in large numbers from Washington; our losses thus far were over 20,000 men. Deeming it impracticable to make any further attack upon the enemy at Spottsylvania, orders were issued on the 18th with a view to a new movement to the North Anna river, to commence on the night of the 19th at 12 o'clock. Late on the afternoon of the 19th, Ewell's corps came out of their works on our extreme right flank, but the attack was promptly repulsed with heavy loss. This delayed the movement to the North Anna river until the night of the 21st, when it was commenced; but the enemy having again the shorter line and being in possession of the main roads, were enabled to reach the river in advance of us and took up a position behind it. At 11 o'clock the troops started, marching all night and passing Guinia Station, the enemy's former base of supplies, halting Sunday morning for breakfast, and marching altogether thirty miles; halting for the night on the main road; the 14th encamping at a place called Flipper Store; marching again on the 23d ten miles, the 5th corps reaching the river in the afternoon, followed closely by the 6th, and halting at night at Mount Carmel Church, three miles from the[62] river; the 2d and 9th corps got up about the same time, the 2d holding the railroad bridge, and the 9th laying between that and Jerico Ford. General Warren effected a crossing the same afternoon, and succeeded in getting into position without much opposition; soon after he was violently attacked, but repulsed the enemy with great slaughter. On the morning of the 24th, the 6th corps moved five miles, crossing the river on pontoons at Jerico's Ford, and passing the enemy's rifle pits hastily thrown up, but more hastily evacuated on the approach of the 5th corps; the 2d corps now joined the others, and lay in a pine woods until morning.

On Wednesday, the 25th, the 3d division was ordered to move, marching five miles to Noles' Station, for the purpose of destroying a portion of the Virginia Central Railroad, forty miles from Gordonsville and thirty from Richmond; the men stacking arms went to work with a will, and the road was soon destroyed for a distance of eight miles; at night the division moved back to their old position with the corps. During the afternoon Gen. Sheridan rejoined the army of the Potomac from the raid which he had started upon at Spottsylvania, having destroyed the depot at Beaver Dam and Ashland Station, four trains of cars, large supplies of rations, and many miles of track, besides re-capturing 400 of our prisoners who were on their way to Richmond under guard; met and defeated the enemy's cavalry at Yellow Tavern; captured the first line of works around Richmond, but finding the second line too strong to be carried by assault, he re-crossed to the north bank of the Chickahominy at Meadow's Bridge under heavy fire, and communicated with General Butler. This raid had the effect of drawing off the whole of the enemy's cavalry, making it comparatively easy to guard our trains.

According to orders, Gen. Butler moved his main force up the James River, and succeeded in taking Petersburg and destroying the railroad, but, failing to fortify his position, he was attacked in a fog by Beauregard and driven back; his army, therefore, though in a position of great security, was as completely shut off from further operations against Richmond as if it had been in a bottle strongly corked, and it required but a small force of the enemy to hold it there. The army having been sent to operate against Richmond was now lying at Bermuda Hundred, without power to do anything. Butler had thus far proved himself a military governor, but when it came to taking an army in the field he was[63] not competent; but had General Sheridan been placed in command, Richmond would have fallen and the war ended sooner, thereby saving thousands of lives; but those scenes are past, and errors that are now seen if known at the time could have been avoided. The enemy were now enabled to bring the most, if not all, of the re-enforcements brought from the South by Beauregard, against the army of the Potomac, and in addition to this a very considerable force was brought in, not less than 15,000 men, by calling in the scattered troops under Breckinridge from the western part of Virginia. The position at Bermuda Hundred was as easy to defend as it was difficult to operate against the enemy. Grant therefore determined to bring from it all available forces, leaving only enough to secure what had been gained, and accordingly on the 22d, the 18th army corps, under command of Major General W. F. Smith, joined the army of the Potomac. On the 24th of May the 9th corps, which had been a temporary command, was assigned to the army of the Potomac, and from that time forward constituted a portion of General Meade's command. Finding the enemy's position on the North Anna stronger than any of his previous ones, Grant ordered another flank movement on the night of the 26th to the north bank of the North Anna river, and moved via Hanovertown, to turn the enemy's position by his right, starting at dark and re-crossing at Jerico's Ford, marching seven miles and then halting in the morning at Chesterfield's Station to issue rations. Thus far our regiment had taken an active part in the campaign, losing a great many men. Leaving Chesterfield at seven o'clock, we marched during the day twenty miles, passing Concord Church and Bowersville. Generals Torbert and Merritts' divisions of the cavalry, and the 6th corps were in advance, crossing the Pamunkey river at Hanovertown after considerable fighting, and on the 28th the two divisions of cavalry had a severe but successful engagement with the enemy near the river. On the 29th and 30th the troops advanced with heavy skirmishing to the Hanover Court House and Cold Harbor Road, and developed the enemy's position north of the Chickahominy. Late on the evening of the 31st the enemy came out and attacked our left, but were repulsed with considerable loss. An attack was immediately ordered by General Meade along the entire line, which resulted in driving the enemy from a part of his entrenched skirmish line. The 14th was on the skirmish line during the afternoon, and lost several in killed and[64] wounded. Orderly Black of Co. I was shot in the heart and instantly killed; Col. Truex was slightly wounded in the hand, but remained on duty during the time; he was a brave officer and a fighting man, always at the head of his men when they were in action.

On the 31st General Wilson's division of cavalry destroyed the railroad bridges over the North Anna river, and defeated the enemy's cavalry. General Sheridan on the same day reached Cold Harbor Road, and held it until relieved by the 6th corps and General Smith's command, which had just arrived via White House, from General Butler's army.

Grant had thus far failed to exterminate Lee, but, confident of success, he determined, using his own expression, to fight it out on this line if it took all summer. The 6th corps had thus far suffered severely in those terrible battles of the Wilderness and Spottsylvania, losing over 10,000 men; but there was yet more to be done, as Lee was merely acting on the defensive, choosing his own position. On the morning of June 1st, 1864, the army was again ordered to move, the 6th corps in advance, starting at two o'clock a. m., and marching fifteen miles, relieving the cavalry at Cold Harbor; the roads were very dusty and the sun very warm; a heavy line of battle was formed during the afternoon; again the enemy were ahead of us and were strongly entrenched awaiting our approach; the cavalry had discovered their position and awaited our arrival. An attack was made at five o'clock, forming in four lines of battle, the 3d division being ahead, and the 14th New Jersey in the front line. A terrible battle was fought which lasted long after dark; the losses were very heavy on both sides; the 14th suffered severely, losing in the fight, in the short space of two hours, two hundred and forty in killed and wounded; Lieutenant Stults, of Co. H, and Lieutenant Tingley, of Co. E, were killed. Our men were compelled to fall back a short distance, entrenching during the night and building three lines of works. Firing continued during the night; a great many wounded had fallen between the lines unable to move, and lay all night under fire from both sides. Robert Perrine, of Co. K, being wounded in the hip fell in a ravine, being unable to move; he was struck eight times while lying there and mortally wounded; he was brought in next morning, and died at the White House. The Colonel of the 106th New York was also killed, his body lay but a short distance off from our lines, but the firing[65] being so heavy it was impossible to get to him. The other corps having been held in readiness now came up and formed under a heavy fire, the 9th corps on the extreme left, the 5th on the right, and the 2d, 6th and 18th in the centre. We were now but twelve miles from Richmond, and had, at an immense loss of life, succeeded in driving Lee steadily back from Mine Run. The dust and heat were almost intolerable and flies and lice were in abundance. The men were compelled to lie close, as skirmishing was continued day and night. During the attack the enemy made repeated assaults on each of the corps not engaged in the main attack, but were repulsed with heavy losses in every instance. The 2d of June was spent in getting troops into position for an attack on the 3d, when the enemy's works were again assaulted in hopes of driving them from their position; in the attempt our loss was heavy, the 14th again suffering severely. Both armies were very much weakened by repeated losses, the enemy acting only on the defensive. Over 350 men had been lost from the 14th since crossing the Rapidan, but one short month before, and more were yet to be lost ere the rebellion would be crushed. The troops remained in line at Cold Harbor twelve days, and forts were built, heavy lines of works erected, and a regular siege commenced. Firing was kept up by the pickets and sharpshooters day and night, the men lying close when not on duty; many were shot while going after water and cooking. There was no place to wash and the weather was intensely hot; officers and men were covered with lice, huddled together as they were behind the works. Those twelve days were days that never will be forgotten; the sufferings of the men can never be told; it was death to stand up, as the bullets were continually flying through the air.

On the night of the 9th the enemy made an attack along the line, hoping to surprise our men, but they were handsomely repulsed by the 2d corps, driving them back from their first line of works. On the afternoon of the 6th a flag of truce was sent in by Lee requesting a suspension of hostilities for two hours, for the purpose of burying the dead between the lines; it was granted by General Meade, the pioneers were sent out and the wounded brought in, the dead being buried where they lay. But a few moments before both armies were engaged in hostile combat, now all was as still as death, the men talking with each other and exchanging papers, the Yankees trading sugar and coffee for tobacco; the works were lined with unarmed men, all gazing upon the[66] solemn scene. The two hours soon passed, the signal was given, the men rushed back to their arms, and the rattle of musketry was again commenced along the line, Lieut. Tingly's body was recovered, but the body of Lieut Stults could not be found. The brigade was still commanded by Colonel Truex, the regiment by Lieut. Colonel Hall. The men were weary of the campaign, but there was no rest, it being Grant's determination to take Richmond. From the proximity of the enemy to their defences around Richmond it was impossible, by any flank movement, to interpose between them and the city. The army was still in a condition to either move by Lee's left flank and invest Richmond from the north side, or continue the move by his right flank to the south side of the James. Grant's plan from the start was to defeat Lee north of Richmond, if possible; then after destroying his lines of communication north of the James River, transport the army to the south side and besiege Lee in Richmond, or follow him south if he should retreat. After the battle of the Wilderness, it was evident that Lee deemed it of the first importance to run no risks with the army he then had, and acted fully on the defensive behind his works, or feebly on the offensive immediately in front of them, and in case of repulse could easily retire behind them. Without a greater sacrifice of life than Grant was willing to make, all could not be accomplished that he had desired north of Richmond; he therefore determined to hold the ground we then occupied, taking advantage of any favorable circumstances that might present themselves, until the cavalry could be sent to Charlottesville or Gordonsville to break the enemy's communications between Richmond and the southwest, and to cut off their supplies, compelling them in time to evacuate Richmond; when the cavalry got well off so that the enemy's cavalry would follow, to move the whole army south of the James by the enemy's right flank, and, if possible, cut off all supplies from all sources except by the canal.

On the 7th, two divisions of cavalry were sent under General Sheridan against the Virginia Central Railroad, to join with Hunter, who was then moving up the Shenandoah Valley. Seigel had met the enemy and was defeated by them with heavy loss, and was superseded by General Hunter. Thus far the work of the three armies had been but one-half accomplished. From the start, Butler was to take Richmond and Petersburg; Siegel to move on Lynchburg, and the Potomac army to whip Lee. But[67]ler and Siegel had both failed, and the Potomac Army, that had never yet failed, had thus far accomplished all that was desired of it, and was left to finish what the other armies could not do. When Sheridan started for Lynchburg he was instructed to again join the Potomac army, choosing his own route in returning, after fulfilling his instructions.

Attaching great importance to the possession of Petersburg, General Smith's command, the 18th army corps was sent back to Bermuda Hundred via White House, to reach there in advance of the army of the Potomac. This was for the express purpose of capturing Petersburg, if possible, before the enemy became aware of our intentions and re-enforce the place. The 1st New Jersey regiment, whose term of office had now expired, were relieved from the front and sent home; they bade their comrades good-bye with happy hearts, soon to meet their loved ones at home. For three long years they had battled for their country, and their thinned ranks showed that they had suffered severely. The 14th had still fifteen months to serve, the hardest yet to come.

Finding that nothing more could be accomplished at Cold Harbor, the movement to the south side of the James commenced. After dark, on the night of the 12th, one division of cavalry under General Wilson, and the 5th corps, crossed the Chickahominy at Long Bridge, and moved out to White Oak Swamp, to cover the crossing of the other corps. The advance Corps reached James River at Charles City Court House on the night of June 13th; the 6th corps was left to guard the rear and the trains; marching on the night of the 12th twenty miles, halting thirty-two miles from Richmond; on the morning of the 14th marched eight miles to Charles City Court House, halting at noon near the river and pitching tents; guarding the rear until the trains passed; a pontoon bridge was laid, the troops crossing at Wyandott's Landing. The 3d division, the rear of the entire army, remaining on the banks of the James three days, until the trains had all passed. The army had now joined with Butler and moved on Richmond. After the army had crossed, the pontoons were taken up, and the 3d division placed on transports, and after sailing 25 miles—a splendid moonlight night—we landed at Bermuda Hundred at three o'clock the next morning. The James is a splendid River. One year ago the 14th was on the cars riding to Harper's Ferry; now in the vicinity of Petersburg. After landing the division marched eight miles, halting at five o'clock near Butler's[68] headquarters for breakfast; cannonading and musketry at the front; the army was now in position, having failed to capture Petersburg, were investing the place.

During three years the armies of the Potomac and Northern Virginia had been confronting each other. In that time they had fought more desperate battles than it had ever fell to the lot of two armies to fight, without materially changing the vantage ground of either. The southern press and people, with more shrewdness than was displayed in the north, finding that they had failed to capture Washington and march on to New York, as they had boasted they would do, assured that they only defended their capital and southern territory; hence Antietam, Gettysburg, and all the other battles that had been fought, were by them set down as failures on our part and victories for them. Their armies believed this, and it produced a morale which could only be overcome by desperate and continuous hard fighting. The battles of the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, North Anna and Cold Harbor, bloody and terrible as they were on our side, were even more damaging to the enemy, and so crippled them as to make them wary ever after of taking the offensive. Their losses in men were probably not so great, owing to the fact that we were, save in the Wilderness, almost invariably the attacking party, and when they did attack it was in the open field. The details of those battles, which for endurance and bravery on the part of the soldiery, have rarely been surpassed, are too fresh in the minds of every one to be repeated again. During the campaign of forty-three days from the Rapidan to James River, the army had to be supplied from an ever-shifting base by wagons, over narrow roads and through a densely wooded country, with a lack of wharves at each new base at which to conveniently discharge vessels. Too much credit cannot therefore be given to our chief quartermaster, as the trains were made to occupy all the available roads between the army and our water course, and but little difficulty was experienced in protecting them.

Before proceeding farther, it will be necessary to explain as briefly as possible why Petersburg was not taken. As soon as the crossing of the army commenced, Grant proceeded by steamer immediately to Bermuda Hundred to give the necessary orders for the capture of the place. The instructions to Butler were to send to General Smith immediately that night all the troops he could give him, without sacrificing the position he held. After[69] remaining with Butler a few hours, he returned immediately to the Potomac Army to hasten the crossing, and throw it forward to Petersburg by divisions as rapidly as possible. We could thus re-enforce our army more rapidly there than the enemy could bring troops against us. General Smith got off as directed, and confronted the enemy's pickets near Petersburg before daylight the next morning, but for some reason did not get ready to assault their lines until near sundown; then, with a part of his command only, he made the assault, and carried the first line for a distance of two and a half miles, capturing fifteen pieces of artillery and three hundred prisoners. This was about seven P. M. Between the line thus captured and Petersburg there was another line, and there was yet no evidence that the enemy had re-enforced Petersburg with a single brigade from any source. The night was clear, the moon shining brightly, and favorable to further operations. General Hancock, with two divisions of the 2d corps, reached General Smith soon after dark, but instead of taking those troops, and pushing at once into Petersburg, he lay quiet until morning, when the enemy under Beauregard came down from Richmond in force, and by the next morning the inner line of the works was fully manned by rebel troops. An attack was ordered the next morning, but failed, as the enemy were too strongly posted. The troops commenced entrenching, and a strong line of works was built around Petersburg.

The 5th and 9th corps had now arrived, and the attack was again renewed and persisted in with great fury, but only resulted in forcing the enemy to an interior line of works, from which they could not be dislodged; but the advantage gained in position by us was very great. The army then proceeded to envelope Petersburg towards the south side road as far as possible, without attacking their fortifications. The enemy, to re-enforce Petersburg, withdrew from a part of their entrenchments in front of Bermuda Hundred. Butler, taking advantage of this, at once moved a force on the railroad between Petersburg and Richmond. The 3d division was ordered to support Butler, if necessary, and was then lying in front awaiting orders. About two o'clock Butler was forced back, the enemy re-occupying their old line. As our division was not needed, we were ordered to join the balance of the corps that had preceded us.

On Sunday afternoon, June 19th, orders were issued. Accordingly at two o'clock the division started, marching ten miles and[70] crossing the Appomattox River on pontoons. The evening was splendid; the boats sailing on the river all reminded us of home. The negro troops were guarding the bridge, their bands playing national airs as the columns passed. At 11 o'clock the division halted near Petersburg, in full view of the city. The next day a negro was hung in presence of the army, for abusing a white lady. We remained in line the next day, the enemy shelling the train.

On the afternoon of the 21st, the corps was ordered to move and take position on the left, the 3d division in advance; passed the 2d and 9th corps, marching six miles, and forming in line of battle to cut the enemy's communications, crossing the Norfolk railroad that had been taken possession of by General Smith, in the attempt to take Petersburg; lay in line of battle during the night, and advancing the next day, building works. The Weldon railroad was reached and torn up some distance. During the afternoon the enemy appeared in force, and succeeded in flanking us, capturing several from the division; about forty from the 14th were captured and several killed. At night the troops fell back, after destroying three miles of road. The headquarters of the 3d division was at the house of Brig.-General Williams, of the rebel army. A new line of works was soon erected, the men sleeping on their arms. The house of General Williams had been ransacked from top to bottom by the soldiers, carpets torn up and everything destroyed. A splendid piano was left in the house, and as several of the men could play, dancing and singing were kept up in a rude style for several hours.

On the 22d, General Wilson, with two divisions of cavalry from the army of the Potomac, and one division from the army of the James, moved against the enemy's railroads south of the James and southwest of Richmond, striking the Weldon railroad at Reams' Station, where he met and defeated a force of the enemy's cavalry, reaching Burksville Station on the afternoon of the 23d; and from there he destroyed the Danville railroad for a distance of twenty-five miles, where he found the enemy in position and was defeated with small loss. He then commenced his return march, and on the 28th met the enemy again in force on the Weldon Railroad, near Stony Creek; moving on the left, with a view of reaching Reams' Station, supposing it to be in our possession. Here he again engaged the enemy's cavalry supported by infantry, and was cut off with all communication, with the loss of his artillery and train. A Lieutenant and a few of his men cut their way[71] through, and succeeded in reaching headquarters. Informing General Meade of the situation of General Wilson, orders were immediately issued to General Wright to take the 6th corps and move out to the support of Wilson; starting at three o'clock on the afternoon of July 29th, marched eight miles and halted for the night near Reams' Station, the enemy retiring, as their force was insufficient to cope with the cavalry and 6th corps.

Wilson was now extricated from his perilous position, and with the 6th corps remained at Reams' Station three days. The 14th New Jersey and 106th New York were detailed to destroy the railroad. General Wilson, with the remainder of his force, crossed the Nattoway River, coming in safely on our left and rear. The damage to the enemy in this expedition more than compensated for the losses sustained; it severed all connection with Richmond for several weeks. On the 13th of July the regiment was mustered in for the thirteenth time, for four months' pay, March, April, May and June, by Lieutenant-Colonel Hall. Our lines now extended a distance of over thirty miles, from Reams' Station to the Appomattox; the Potomac army lay behind extensive works that had been erected under fire. In the recent campaign our losses had been heavy, but still the army was large, as recruits and convalescents were continually arriving. Butler's army extended from the Appomattox to Deep Bottom, with cavalry on the flank and rear. It has been estimated that Grant lost from the Rapidan to Petersburg, eighty thousand men in killed and wounded. The losses of the enemy were not so great, as they were acting on the defensive behind their works.

It was supposed the enemy would make a grand attack on the morning of the 4th of July, and preparations were made to meet them. The morning dawned and the troops were all in line behind their works; the enemy's communications were in danger, and the Potomac army must be driven back; the morning passed and not a shot was fired along the entire line. It was now evident that the enemy did not intend attacking, and the troops laid aside their arms. The weather was warm and the sand dry and hot. The men laid off in their shelter tents thinking of former days, when the 4th was spent in a different manner. At noon General Butler, for the purpose of firing a salute, trained and shotted one hundred guns upon Petersburg, and the shells were soon flying through the air; the enemy replied, and a lively cannonade was kept up until sunset.

[72]General Hunter having been placed in command of the armies of Western Virginia, immediately took up the offensive, and moved up the Shenandoah Valley, where he met the enemy, routed and defeated them, and moved direct on Lynchburg, which place he reached on June 15th. Up to this time he was very successful, and but for the difficulty of taking with him sufficient ordnance stores over so long a march through a hostile country, he would no doubt have captured that important place. To meet this movement under Gen. Hunter, General Lee sent a force equal to a corps, a part of which reached Lynchburg before Hunter. After considerable skirmishing, Hunter, owing to a want of ammunition to give battle, retired back from the place, and moved back by the way of the Kanawha Valley; this lost to us the use of his troops for several weeks. Immediately upon the enemy ascertaining that Hunter was retreating from Lynchburg by way of the Kanawha River, thus laying the Shenandoah Valley open for raids into Maryland and Pennsylvania, he moved down that Valley. It was at first supposed to be only a small force of the enemy, and General Wallace, with a brigade of one hundred days' men and detachments from the Invalid corps, was sent to Monocacy Bridge. Their advance, consisting of a few guerillas under the notorious Harry Gillmore, were met and driven back. The troops in the Potomac army were all lying in front of Petersburg, under fire day and night, preparing to besiege the place.

At two o'clock on the morning of July 6th the bugle sounded, and the troops were ordered to fall in and prepare to move, the 3d division being ordered to Harper's Ferry; the men were glad to go, as they were tired of lying in the sand. At four o'clock the division started, and marched fifteen miles to City Point, the dust and sand so thick that nothing could be seen, the men being completely covered and no water could be had; this march was very tiresome to the men, numbers falling out on the way. City Point was reached at noon, and the men were placed on transports, and new clothing was issued. The 14th Regiment and 151st New York were placed on a splendid steamboat called the Sylvan Shore, the men enjoying the sail very much, a distance of three hundred miles, passing Fortress Monroe, Point Lookout, and the Rip Raps. The scenery along the river was grand; they landed at Locust Point near Baltimore on the morning of the 8th, at five o'clock. Rumors were now in circulation, and the people[73] of the North were alarmed for the safety of our National Capitol, for instead of a few guerillas as was first supposed, it was a grand raid of the enemy in force on an extensive scale. So silently and secretly had this movement been conducted, that none were aware of the magnitude of the invasion. Major General Jubal Early, with a force of thirty thousand veteran troops, had taken possession of Martinsburg. General Seigel, who was in command of our forces there, retreated across the Potomac to Shepardstown, and General Weber, commanding at Harper's Ferry, crossed the river and occupied Maryland Heights. On the 6th the enemy occupied Hagerstown, moving a strong column toward Frederick City.

The 3d division, under General Ricketts, numbering but five thousand men, were placed immediately on baggage cars and forwarded to Monocacy, the first train carrying the 87th Pennsylvanian and 14th New Jersey. The enemy were now in force at Frederick City. The Baltimore American was issued that day with the following address to the public: "That Ricketts' division had arrived from the Potomac army; that the 14th New Jersey and 87th Pennsylvania had reached Monocacy, and with such veteran regiments as these nothing more need be feared" from the then supposed guerillas. The remainder of the division was forwarded as rapidly as possible, reporting to Gen. Wallace, then in chief command. Fourteen months had elapsed since the 14th regiment had left Monocacy Bridge, but the place looked natural; none dreamed that on the morrow a terrible battle would be fought on the old camping ground; grass and weeds had grown in abundance, and scarcely a vestige of the former camp could be seen. The regiment with the troops that lay there, marched up to Frederick City, and then around a circuit of ten miles, but nothing of the enemy could be seen, and halting at ten o'clock, near the bridge, in line of battle.

Saturday, July 19th, 1834, will long be remembered by the Jersey boys. The remainder of the division with General Ricketts and staff had arrived, and orders were issued to form the men in line and prepare to repel an attack, as it was now discovered that instead of a small force it was a corps of rebels thirty thousand strong. To retreat would only result in the capture of Washington and Baltimore, and it was determined by Generals Wallace and Ricketts to hold Monocacy Bridge at all hazards, and to retard the advance of the enemy as much as possible until[74] re-enforcements would arrive. Just one year had passed since the 14th joined the Potomac army, and during that time we lost a great number of men.

At 9 o'clock the enemy's advanced skirmishers made their appearance; our skirmishers had crossed the river, and advanced with promptness to meet them. After a short time it was found impossible to withstand the enemy, as they out-numbered us six to one. Our skirmishers were driven back across the river, and the battle began, the enemy opening with several pieces of artillery; the battle raged terribly for eight long hours. The enemy crossed the river, driving our men steadily back, and coming up in four lines of battle thirty thousand strong. Our little band of five thousand men fought as if everything depended upon the issue, several times driving the enemy back, strewing the ground with rebel dead, and not until flanked right and left did the men fall back. The boys from the 14th fought nobly, but with regret saw that they must retreat. The regiment being on the extreme left of the line suffered severely; Lieut.-Col. Hall, Adjutant Buckalew and several officers were wounded; Captains Stullts, Kanine and Conover were killed, and every officer, both field and line, was either killed or wounded except Captain J. J. Janeway of Co. K. The command of the regiment devolved upon him, and he fought bravely, leading the men on. The one hundred days' men would not fight, but ran in all directions panic-struck, some of them reaching Baltimore, fifty-eight miles distant, without halting.

Eight long hours had passed, the enemy were pressing on all sides, and it soon became evident that unless we retreated all would be lost. At four o'clock the order was given to fall back, which was done in order, the men disputing every inch of the ground; we had but four pieces of artillery, and that without ammunition. The enemy poured grape and cannister into our retreating columns, mowing down the men like grass. More than one-half of the division were killed and wounded; several hid in the woods and were captured next day. It was now every man for himself; knapsacks, haversacks, and even canteens were thrown away. The main force of the enemy moved on the Georgetown Pike to Washington, the cavalry and a portion of the infantry following the retreating column as far as New Market, six miles distance. It was a hard fought battle, but what could five thousand men do against thirty thousand? Capt. Harris,[75] from Co. C, was twice wounded, and was again struck while being helped to an ambulance; several staff officers were also wounded, among them Capt. King, adjutant general of the division. Capt. Janeway was wounded in the shoulder shortly after taking command, and was forced to leave; the regiment was now without a commander. Several recruits had arrived after the battle of Cold Harbor, and the regiment was partly filled, entering the fight with three hundred and fifty men; but ninety-five came out, two hundred and fifty-five being killed, wounded and captured in that terrible battle. Of the nine hundred and fifty men that left New Jersey, but ninety-five were left for duty, on the night of July 9th, without an officer to command them. The other regiments suffered greatly, but none of them losing as many men as the 14th. The news had reached Baltimore and Washington that the enemy were pressing on and preparations were made for an immediate defence, the citizens turning out in vast numbers entrenching. The cities were proclaimed under martial law and none allowed to leave. Time and again had the 14th regiment drilled battalion and skirmish drills over the same hills, little thinking that a terrible battle would be fought, and that the regiment would suffer as it did. Although it resulted in a defeat to our arms, it detained the enemy, and thereby served to enable Gen. Wright to reach Washington with the two remaining divisions of the 6th corps, which had been sent as soon as Gen. Grant was aware of the enemy's movement.

The 19th army corps from General Banks' command had been sent to reinforce the Potomac army, but were immediately sent north with the 6th army corps, together with the 8th army corps that had lain along the Baltimore and Ohio railroad as guards. In a few hours a large army had assembled at Washington, with the citizens of the place and every foot of ground guarded; every avenue bristling with cannon. It was three days march for the enemy from Moncacy and in that time Washington was in a state of defence; all the forts were manned and the heavy guns loaded and shotted. Citizens were armed and formed in companies, all work being suspended. The remnant of the division reached the Baltimore pike, retreating rapidly toward Baltimore, marching all night, passing through New Market, Mount Airy and several small villages along the route; reaching Ellicott's Mills on Sunday afternoon, having marched fifty-five miles without resting. Harry Gillmore, with two hundred rebel cavalry, had[76] advanced as far as the railroad, destroying it between Baltimore and Washington, capturing a train of cars and a mail and severing all communication for two days; there was no Union cavalry near and they did as they pleased. Frederick City was filled with rebel wounded, as our boys had made every shot tell; if the first line was missed they were sure to hit one of the rear lines. Two hundred thousand dollars was demanded from the citizens, or the place would be laid in ashes; the amount was paid by the banks; the city was pillaged and the houses robbed. From Monocacy, the enemy having moved on Washington, reached Rockville on the evening of the 10th.

The 1st and 2d divisions of the 6th corps had been sent from City Point and landed at Washington, and on a double quick proceeded to Fort Stephens; by this time the enemy had reached there. Skirmishers from both armies were immediately thrown out; the enemy, with dismay, saw that instead of one hundred days' men and men from the Invalid corps, they saw the red and white cross of the old 6th corps; they had laid in front of Washington during the afternoon, intending to attack at night; during that time the 6th and 19th corps had reached there, and Washington was out of danger. The 3d division deserves all the praise for saving the National Capital; holding them in check so long at Monocacy, enabled other troops to arrive, but not a moment too soon. A severe skirmish ensued, in which we lost about two hundred in killed and wounded; the enemy's loss supposed to be greater. All was anxiety in the city, as the fighting was but three miles distant, near Tennelly Town, but when the veterans from the Potomac army arrived they were loudly cheered, and were treated well. President Lincoln and members of the Cabinet were present in Fort Stephens, witnessing the fight; the skirmish lasted two hours, in which the enemy were defeated and driven back; Washington almost within their grasp, was no longer in their power. Vain delusion! Had the 3d division retreated from Monocacy without fighting, the enemy would have reached there twelve hours sooner, and the place would have been taken and hundreds of men lost their lives. Every drop of blood shed at Monocacy, every life lost, was sacrificed in a noble cause. Those fallen heroes, whose bones lie bleaching there, if they could only know that their lives saved our National Capital from destruction, would willingly exclaim, "I die content, I gave my life for my country."

[77]The division remained at Ellicott's Mills until Monday afternoon, stragglers coming in every few hours in squads; the men were placed on baggage cars for Baltimore, sixteen miles distant, arriving there at dark, lying near the track until morning; then marching two miles to Druid Hill Park, near the outskirts of the city. This park was fitted up at a great expense and was a beautiful place, the citizens were very unwilling that the troops should encamp there, but General Ricketts promising that nothing would be disturbed, consent was given, the men encamping in regimental order; tents on a line and orders given not to molest a thing, which was done. The rolls of the different regiments were called; but one thousand three hundred men reported for duty of the five thousand men embarked from Petersburg; three thousand seven hundred had been killed, wounded and captured at Monocacy Bridge; an equal number of the enemy were slain as they advanced in four lines, and a bullet was sure to hit one. General Ricketts reported the division unfit for duty; the men had lost their blankets and all their clothing, keeping nothing but their guns. General Early finding that re-enforcements had arrived retreated from Washington and was pursued by the two divisions of the 6th corps, and the 8th and 19th corps on the afternoon of the 14th. The division was ordered to join in the pursuit; being placed in baggage cars for Washington, forty miles distant, reaching the suburbs of the city at night, encamping until morning. The next day marching through the city and through Georgetown, halting in the afternoon near Tennelly Town; rations were issued and cattle furnished for a tramp; moving again, marching in all eighteen miles; halting at night near Cross Roads twelve miles from Washington.

Learning the exact condition of affairs at Washington, General Grant telegraphed the assignment of Major General Wright to the command of all the troops that could be available to operate in the field against the enemy, and directed that he should get outside of the trenches with all the force he could and push Early to the last moment. On the 16th the division started early, marching twenty-five miles; crossing the Potomac at Edwards Ferry, wading it, nearly one mile wide and waist deep. While the remnant of the Potomac army was lying in their camps at Petersburg, the 6th corps was marching in the hottest of weather from fifteen to twenty-five and even thirty miles per day, moving up and down the Shenandoah Valley until a decisive battle was[78] fought at Winchester, resulting in defeat to the enemy and victory to us. On Sunday, the 17th, but eight miles were made; the column halting near Leesburg; the 3d division joining the corps as they had halted for us to come up, and now began the hardest marching, unparalleled in history. The 6th corps having the name of marching farther than any corps in the army and were called Wright's walkers, for their rapidity in marching; horses and mules fell lifeless along the road and were speedily replaced by others, but the men that fell never to rise again could not be replaced. The ambulances were full, and every baggage wagon with those that could not walk. The army now numbered over forty thousand men, all under command of Major General Wright, and was called the middle military division, composed of the 6th, 8th and 19th army corps, with sixty pieces of artillery.

The 6th corps was temporarily commanded by Gen. Ricketts, the 8th by Gen. Kelly and the 19th by Gen. Emory. The rebel army confronting us were thirty-five thousand strong, commanded by Gen. Jubal Early, and formed in five divisions, commanded by Gens. Rhodes, Ramsen, Wharton, Pegram and Gordon, with the notorious guerillas, Imboden, Jones and Harry Gillmore, the latter from Baltimore, together with Mosby, ever hovering in our rear and on our flank, and knowing every foot of the ground. These for a time were more than a match for our gallant little army, as every house our army passed contained persons that would not hesitate to inform the enemy of our movements, and who were in league with those guerilla bands. The troops were all now together, and were encamped near Leesburg, until three o'clock on the morning of the 18th, when the troops were routed out, drawing three days' rations, with orders to move. Marching out on the Georgetown pike, passing a place called Hamilton, and then marching ten miles, through Snickersville, near Snicker's Gap, the Potomac army encamped on the same ground the previous year when in pursuit of Lee—reaching the banks of the Shenandoah river during the afternoon; the enemy had halted, and were in force on the opposite side, with a determination to resist our advance and to give battle if our troops attempted a crossing; everything was in their favor, as our men had the river to cross under fire. There was no other alternative but to wade it nearly waist deep, and with a raking fire from concealed batteries posted on a hill. The column halted, and a skirmish line was formed, the men cooking dinner. Nearly every man had something[79] that he had picked up on the way, as the country was filled with everything, such as hogs, chickens, honey and potatoes; all served for a meal, and was eaten with a relish. Hard-tack and salt pork remained in the haversack until needed.

The command of General Hunter had now reached and re-occupied Martinsburg, destroying over one million dollars worth of rations, and capturing one thousand prisoners that the rebels had left as guards, moving by detour, he flanked the enemy. As his force was insufficient to meet them if they should fall suddenly upon him, he with his command reached us while at Snicker's Gap, and reported to General Wright; they had suffered almost incredible hardships, having lived on the country for several weeks. Hunter was ordered to throw out a line of skirmishers, and force the river; supported by the 1st division of the 6th corps they succeeded in crossing the river, when the enemy's skirmishers advanced in three lines, driving Hunter's men pell mell back in confusion, several of them being drowned; the 1st division did not cross, as darkness came on. Both sides commenced shelling, and several in the 6th corps were killed and wounded, the Major of the 2d New Jersey infantry losing his leg; thus the day ended in disaster and defeat; but the men were not disheartened, and rested as quietly on their arms as though at home; a man can soon get used to anything. Many soldiers have slept as soundly in action as if nothing was occurring, the deep booming of the cannon and even shells striking near, failing to arouse them.

The troops remained at Snicker's Gap two days, and nothing important occurred, the enemy being still in force on the opposite side, and both armies with pickets on each side of the river. All sorts of rumors were circulated throughout camp, some of them very absurd. The men were glad to rest, as none felt like marching, the sun being hot and the sand very dry. On the morning of the 20th, it was discovered that the enemy had left our immediate front, but having no cavalry, Gen. Wright could not ascertain their movements. At eleven o'clock the troops were ordered to move, wading the Shenandoah at Snicker's Gap. A splendid shower came up and was very refreshing, as there had been no rain in sometime; the column halted in a woods on the banks of a river. It was now evident that the enemy were again making for Washington, and at dark the troops were ordered immediately back, recrossing the river; marching all night and part of the next day; moving back on the same road, the men nearly worn[80] out, and halting all night near Goose Run Creek, having marched since crossing the Shenandoah thirty miles.

The men now began to murmur at General Wright for marching them so hard, this march being equal to the retreat from Culpepper, then the weather being cold the men were enabled to stand it better. The next morning the troops moved out again, marching twenty miles; halting at dark near Lewinsville, the men were too tired to cook, and threw themselves on the ground regardless of anything, and were soon asleep; it was now sixteen days since the division had left Petersburg; having travelled during that time, by water three hundred miles, by rail one hundred and sixteen miles, and on foot one hundred and seventy-five miles, total five hundred and ninety-one miles in that short space of time; but this was comparatively nothing, considering the marching the men were compelled to undergo while in the Shenandoah Valley.

On the 23d of July the troops marched fifteen miles, crossing the Potomac at Chain Bridge; again were the men within the defences of Washington. The paymasters were present, paying the guards, and the various detachments. On the 25th the troops received their pay for four months, remaining at Washington four days, when the enemy again attempted to remove north into Maryland and Pennsylvania. Gen. Wright was ordered to move immediately to the vicinity of Harper's Ferry. The troops started on the afternoon of July 26th, marching ten miles, passing Tennelly Town, and halting at Rockville, the next day marching eighteen miles, passing Gatysburg and Clarksburg, halting in the afternoon near Hyattstown, with sore and blistered feet. Such marching now began to tell upon the men, and many wished to meet the enemy and engage in battle, rather than be marched to death. On the 28th marched ten miles, passing Hyattstown and Urbanna, halting during the afternoon at Monocacy Bridge, on the battle ground of July 9th. The ground was broken up and traces of the conflict could be seen; remnants of shells, cannon, and unburied corpses lay strewn around. Our boys, with feelings of kindness ever displayed toward the enemy, carefully buried both friend and foe. The members of the 14th regiment visiting their old camp; after leaving Monocacy to join the Potomac army the men had never expected to see the place again, but they were destined to fight as severe a battle on the same ground one year after as was fought during the war, and to see the place[81] several during the three years, as the army moved back and forth eight successive times while in Maryland. They had tried to destroy the railroad bridge, but failed, as the pillars were hollow and could not be blown up. The hotel and tank at the depot were burned, the bridge also, crossing at the main road. There was now a sufficient force to meet the enemy, without fear of flanking, and the men anxious to fight. The 3d Maryland regiment was there guarding the bridge. After resting a few hours orders were given to move, marching eight more miles, halting at Jefferson until morning in the same field the division halted when leaving Maryland Heights to join the Potomac army the previous year. Leaving Jefferson on the morning of the 29th, passing Petersville, Knoxville and Sandy Hook, crossing the Potomac at Harper's Ferry, on pontoons, marching twenty-five miles, and halting at Halltown on Bolivar Heights, near the headquarters of Gen. Crook.

In the meantime Early had sent a raiding party into Pennsylvania, which on the 30th burned the beautiful village of Chambersburg, and then retreated towards Cumberland, where they were met and defeated by General Kelley, and with diminished numbers escaped into the mountains of West Virginia. From the time of the first raid, the telegraph wires were frequently down between Washington and City Point, making it necessary to transmit messages by boat. It took from twenty-four to thirty-six hours to get dispatches through and return answers back, so that often orders would be given by General Grant, and then information would be received, showing a different state of things from those on which they were based, causing a confusion and apparent contradiction of orders, considerably embarrassing General Wright, and rendering operations against the enemy less effective than they otherwise would have been. To remedy this evil, it was necessary to have a commander with full power, to act as he thought proper. General Grant therefore ordered General Sheridan to have the supreme command of all the forces in the departments of West Virginia, Washington and the middle military division.

General Sheridan had not yet arrived, and General Wright acting under orders remained at Halltown, when it was discovered that the enemy were again bent on invading the north; on the 30th of July the troops were again ordered to move; marching back, passing Bolivar, re-crossing the Potomac on pontoons at[82] Harper's Ferry; marching all night, and all next day thirty miles; halting on Sunday evening near Frederick City. As the weather was hot and the roads dry, more than one half of the men fell out; remaining three days, until August 3d, when the column marched six miles; wading the Monocacy at Buckeystown, remaining in camp until the night of the 5th, when orders were given to move, marching five miles to Monocacy Bridge, it raining hard. At this time the enemy were in force near Winchester, while our forces were at Monocacy, at the crossing of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad; leaving open to the enemy Maryland and Pennsylvania. General Grant being so far off hesitated to give positive orders for the troops to move lest by so doing it should expose Washington. On the 4th of August, he left City Point, and visited General Wright, at Monocacy, to determine for himself what was best to be done; arriving there he consulted with Generals Wright and Hunter, and then issued to them the following instructions:

Monocacy Bridge, Md., Aug 5th, 1864—8 P. M.

Maj.-Gen. Wright.

General: Concentrate all your available force without delay, in the vicinity of Harper's Ferry, leaving only such railroad guards and garrisons, for public property, as may be necessary. Use in this concentrating the railroads, if so doing, time can be saved from Harper's Ferry. If it is found the enemy has moved north of the Potomac in large force, push north, follow them and attack them wherever found. Follow them if driven south of the Potomac as long as it is safe to do so. If it is ascertained that the enemy has but a small force north of the Potomac, then push south with the main force, detaching under a competent commander a sufficient force to look after the raiders and drive them to their homes. In detaching such a force, the brigade of cavalry, now en route from Washington via Rockville, may be taken into account.

There are now on the way to join you three other brigades of cavalry, numbering at least five thousand men and horse. These will be instructed, in absence of further orders, to join you by the south side of the Potomac, one brigade will start to-morrow. In pushing up the Shenandoah Valley, where it is expected you will have to go first or last, it is desirable that nothing should be left to invite the enemy to return. Take all provisions, forage and stock wanted for your command, and such as cannot be consumed destroy. It is not desirable that the buildings should be destroyed; they should rather be protected, but the people should be informed that as long as an army can subsist among them, recurrences of these raids must be expected, and we are determined to stop them at all hazards.

Bear in mind that the object is to drive the enemy south, and[83] to do this you want to keep the enemy always in sight. Be guarded in the course by the course they take. Make your own arrangements for supplies of all kinds, giving regular vouchers for such as may be taken from loyal citizens in the country through which you march.

U. S. GRANT,
Lieut.-Gen. U. S. Armies.

The troops were immediately put in motion, and were placed on the cars at Harper's Ferry. General Grant was recognized and cheered by the men; riding twenty-five miles, stopping at Bolivar Heights, near Halltown, remaining there three days; the weather very warm. On the 6th of August General Sheridan arrived, and after a conference with General Grant in relation to military affairs in that vicinity, General Grant left for City Point by way of Washington on the 7th. The middle military department and the departments of West Virginia, Washington and Susquehanna were constituted into the middle military division, and Major-General Sheridan was assigned to temporary command of the same. Two divisions of cavalry were sent from the army of the Potomac, commanded by Generals Tolbert and Wilson. The middle military division now numbered nearly fifty thousand men well armed and equipped, ready to move and attack the rebel army now in position near Winchester; they had also received re-enforcements, a division under General Anderson having arrived. Both armies were nearly equal in strength, with the advantage on the side of the enemy, as they had no capital to cover, and could move in whatever direction they pleased. The men were engaged in thrashing wheat and forwarding it to Richmond, having compelled every farmer to give all their proceeds to the help of the Confederacy, keeping but one-tenth for themselves.

On the 10th of August, the troops moved out from their position at Halltown, marching fifteen miles, passing through Charlestown, where John Brown was hung. The march was continued the next day, marching eighteen miles more, the enemy retreating up the valley, our forces following them. After marching fifty miles in three successive days, overtaking their rear guard on the afternoon of the 12th at Cedar Creek, having passed through Newtown and Middletown, secesh villages, filled with Mosby's guerillas, who were very peaceable until our army passed, when they were ready to fall upon our rear guard, plundering, robbing, and even murdering all they could. The main body of the rebels were strongly entrenched on Fisher Hill, a place almost impregnable,[84] that could not be carried by a direct assault. The Shenandoah Valley was filled with waving fields of grain, the crops ripe and ready for the scythe. For nearly one hundred miles, the valley was level, and the scenery splendid, this being the prettiest part of Virginia. At a distance of seven to twelve miles apart, were villages that could be discerned in the distance from Harper's Ferry to Stanton. No engagement took place at Cedar Creek, as was expected, as we were too far from our base of supplies to risk a battle. After lying near Cedar Creek three days, the troops were ordered to fall back for the purpose of drawing the enemy from Fisher Hill; starting at dark, moving back on the valley pike; marching all night, passing through Newtown, Middletown and Kurrentown, halting at Winchester for breakfast, passing through the place, once a fine village, but now nearly deserted; no business was transacted, as both rebel and union armies occupied the place at different times. The troops marched during the night eighteen miles, and during the morning ten miles, halting on a hill.

The enemy supposing us retreating, followed us closely, skirmishing with the cavalry at Winchester, in which a portion of the 1st New Jersey brigade was captured while supporting the cavalry. Our rear guard was driven from Winchester with considerable loss. The troops were compelled to move the next day eighteen miles, encamping near Charlestown, the enemy again halting at Winchester. In retaliation for Chambersburg, the men burned and destroyed everything, entering houses and helping themselves to all that came in their way. The men were out of rations, living on the country two days, but flour, green corn and chickens in abundance.

Both armies were again in camp, with tents up in regular order, the operations during the month of August being both of an offensive and defensive character, resulting in a few skirmishes, but as yet no general engagement had taken place. The two armies now lay in such a position, the enemy on the west bank of the Opequan Creek, covering Winchester, and our forces in position at Charlestown, so that either army could bring on a battle at any time. Defeat to us would lay open to the enemy Maryland and Pennsylvania for long distances, before our army could check them, and under such circumstances Gen. Sheridan hesitated to attack, and waited for more positive orders from Grant. The 14th regiment was again recruited, swelling the[85] number to about three hundred men. Colonel Truex being at home, the regiment was commanded by Major Vredenberg. Lieutenant Colonel Hall having been wounded at Monocacy, resigned his commission. Major Vredenberg having been for the past year inspector general on headquarter staff, he being the ranking officer was relieved, and ordered to the command of the regiment at Halltown on the 19th of August.

Sunday, August 21st, the enemy surprised our camp at daylight attacking in force. The troops soon formed in line of battle, fighting during the day and building works; but few were lost on either side, as nothing but skirmishing was kept up. At night our forces fell back to our old position at Halltown, eight miles distant, the enemy pursuing and firing upon our rear guard, compelling them to fall back in a hurry within the defences of Maryland Heights, when the pursuit was abandoned, the rain pouring in torrents. For several days bodies of troops, mostly cavalry, were sent out on a reconnoissance, which discovered the enemy still in position at Charlestown. The men were fast losing confidence in General Sheridan, as he did nothing but advance and retreat without fighting a decisive battle; but none of the men knew the energy and determination of their gallant leader, who was only waiting for orders from General Grant to bring on a general engagement.

The troops remained in camp at Halltown six days, until Sunday, the 28th, when orders were given to move, passing the enemy's works near Charlestown (the enemy having fallen back), and halted in a wood. During the afternoon Chaplain Rose delivered a brief discourse as the men lay in line, after which we moved again, halting in the old camp we were driven from the previous Sunday, eight miles from Halltown, remaining there until September 3d, when the troops moved again, marching eight miles, encamping at a place called Clifton Farm. The 8th corps being on the advance, met the enemy at Opequan Creek, and after a severe engagement drove them back across the creek, with heavy loss on both sides. Darkness and rain ended the contest, the troops sleeping on their arms. Both armies were now very vigilant, as they were but a few miles apart. The troops lay in camp at Clifton Farm fifteen days, drawing extra rations and clothing. On the 15th of September, the 2d division of the 6th corps with a brigade of cavalry, moved out on a reconnoissance to Opequan Creek. The enemy were found in force, with strong[86] works erected on the opposite side, they were completely surprised. The 2d division succeeded in capturing a South Carolina regiment, numbering four hundred men, together with its officers and colors.

After exchanging a few shots, the division returned with the prisoners captured, the rebels crestfallen at our daring, but afraid to follow us up. The men were very tired of maneuvering up and down the valley, and were anxious to meet the enemy and decide which of the two armies was the most competent to hold the valley. Grant finding the use of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and the Chesapeake and Ohio canal, which were both obstructed by the enemy, became so indispensably necessary to us, and the importance of relieving Maryland and Pennsylvania from continuously threatened invasion so great, that he determined to visit General Sheridan and order an immediate attack. Leaving City Point on the 15th of September, he visited him at Charlestown to decide after a conference with him, what should be done, and after a calm deliberation it was decided to attack as soon as the army and trains could be brought into position. For convenience of forage the teams for supplying the army were kept at Harper's Ferry. Grant remained at Sheridan's headquarters but one day, giving his final orders, and leaving Harper's Ferry for City Point, Sheridan returning to his headquarters and issuing orders for a forward movement.

On afternoon of Sunday, the 18th, orders were given the troops to move at a moment's notice. All now felt that the time had arrived when the rebel army under its audacious leaders, should be driven from the Shenandoah Valley, where for the last two months they had bid defiance to the loyal North, and with their frowning earthworks at Winchester were ever ready to resist our advance. For several mornings previous to the attack, the cavalry had darted up to their front and then retired, after exchanging a few shots. This was done so often that when the attack was made they were not as well prepared as if this had not been done, as the advance was led by the dashing Custer, with his brigade of cavalry.

At two o'clock on the morning of the 19th of September, the troops on two roads moved out, and marching twelve miles, crossed at Opequan Creek. As usual the cavalry in stronger force than heretofore, attacked them in their position. The rebels were completely surprised. Kershaw's division had left the day[87] before for the purpose of burning and destroying what they could in Maryland and Pennsylvania. They were at Bunker's Hill, ten miles off, when the attack was made, and Gen. Early sent immediately for them, when they returned in haste, nearly all the way on a double quick.

Both armies soon became hotly engaged, and for some time it was doubtful which side was gaining, but after a most sanguinary battle, which lasted until six o'clock in the evening, the enemy were defeated with heavy loss, their entire position carried from Opequan Creek to Winchester, together with several thousand prisoners and five pieces of artillery; the enemy rallied several times, only to be broken again by the terrible onslaught of the Union boys. Kershaw's division arrived during the afternoon, but too late, and with their comrades were compelled to fall back. During the morning, the 19th army corps, which was on the extreme left, was driven in, but supported by one division of the 6th corps they rallied, and in turn drove the enemy back some distance; it was a hard fought battle, and the enemy with their thinned ranks in a demoralized condition retreated in haste through Winchester. General Early was so intoxicated that it was with much difficulty that he could keep upon his horse; the rebel press attributed their defeat to this. The rebel soldiers were positive that Grant was in command, as Sheridan never before had exhibited such generalship. The 3d division lost heavily in killed and wounded; Colonel Ebright commanding the 126th Ohio was killed, also General Russell, commanding 1st division 6th corps.

The 14th lost in killed and wounded one hundred and sixty men, but the greatest loss of all was Major Vredenberg. A braver officer never lived. He was at the head of his regiment, ordering the men to charge a rebel battery, when a shell struck him in the breast, knocking him from his horse and killing him instantly. He was carried to the rear and his remains sent to New Jersey. His loss was deeply felt by the men, as he was always esteemed a brave and competent officer. The regiment charged the battery, captured it, and the last order ever given by him was executed with promptness, and the death of Major Vredenberg avenged. Lieut. Green, commanding Co. I, was killed, and Capt. Bodwell, of Co. E, wounded. Capt. Janeway was as conspicuous as ever, and fought well. He was again placed in command of the regiment, as every other officer was disabled, either killed or[88] wounded. The 87th Pennsylvania had but a few days to stay, but were as eager as ever to join in the fight. Several of them were killed whose term had already expired. The rebel loss was very severe in officers and men. Gens. Rhodes and Wharton that led the attack at Monocacy, in which the 3d division suffered so severely, were both killed.

The ground was covered with the munitions of war, as our victorious army pressed on after the flying rebels. The groans of the wounded and dying were forgotten. Ghastly sights everywhere presented themselves to the eye, but to the soldiers were as nothing, as such scenes were every day sights. The houses in Winchester were filled with rebel wounded, who were kindly cared for by the ladies of the place, both loyal and disloyal. The news of our success was telegraphed immediately to Washington, and the papers North were full of praises of our gallant little Sheridan and his noble army; there was now no fear of another invasion, and our National Capital was out of danger. The army now reposed every confidence in Sheridan, and gave him the name of "Little Phil," and those who but a few weeks before were ever ready to denounce him were now the loudest in his praise. One hundred guns were fired at Washington in honor of this great victory, which in itself was considered one of the decisive battles of the war. Had our forces been defeated and driven back, both Washington and Baltimore would have been taken, and before another army could have been raised, both places would have lain in ashes. This was the third and last attempted invasion of the North by the Confederate army, which had each time ended in disaster. The rebel papers were clamorous for the removal of Early, who had praised him so highly but a short time before.

The enemy retreated during the night, and made a stand in their strong position at Fisher Hill; here they were confident of success, as it was thought impossible to dislodge them from their position. Here Early intended to make a stand until he received re-enforcements from Richmond, and then retrieve his fast falling reputation. He supposed General Sheridan would not attack, and he would have time to recruit. Our column had halted at Winchester until daylight the next morning, when they rapidly pressed on; the enemy were at this time on Fisher Hill, twenty-two miles from Winchester; the troops halted at nine o'clock at Newton for breakfast. The men had marched up and down the valley so often, that every house and barn was familiar to them.[89] Kurrentown was the birthplace of the rebel General, Stonewall Jackson, whose remains now repose there; had he then been living, and in command of the rebel forces in the valley, it would have been different, for as a strategic leader he had no equal. One day he would be in our front, the next day in our rear, and it would have required all the skill of our leaders to oppose him; as it was, Early was completely out-generaled by General Sheridan.

The troops halted at Newton one hour, and then moved forward; squads of rebel prisoners were picked up, as they were too tired to proceed farther. The number of prisoners captured in all was about five thousand, while our loss at Winchester would not exceed one thousand five hundred. After marching twenty-two miles, we crossed Cedar Creek on a bridge built by the enemy, halting in the same woods the troops were in five weeks before. The rebel army had just been paid in Confederate money, which to them was as nothing; gold, which had been up to its highest notch, now fell some twenty per cent., and produce in proportion.

The 21st of September was spent in forming the troops in position, as General Sheridan had determined to attack; but nothing was accomplished till night, when the 126th Ohio and 6th Maryland regiments charged the enemy's skirmish line, driving them back two miles, and occupying a splendid position for artillery; batteries were placed and the enemy shelled, they not replying, as their ammunition was scarce. The morning of the 22d found the troops in position; batteries from all parts of the line opened, but as yet no response from the rebels. At three o'clock Sheridan ordered an advance, the troops moving forward in eight lines of battle. Early, expecting an attack in his immediate front, withdrew his forces from the left of his line; taking advantage of this, the 8th corps, with the 3d division, moved on their flank, and before they were aware of it our cavalry were completely in their rear. A desperate battle now ensued, which lasted until dark, when the enemy were driven pell mell from their fortified position and retreated in confusion, flanked both right and left, and their cavalry, under Imboden and Jones, were compelled to run in one demoralized mass, followed by our victorious columns pouring shot and shell into their retreating ranks. The 3d division captured six pieces of artillery, two of them were taken by the 14th regiment. Twenty-four pieces of artillery, fifteen stand of colors, and one thousand one hundred prisoners were the fruits of this victory. Sheridan was now almost worshiped by the men,[90] as Fisher's Hill had always been considered as impregnable, but "Cavalry Phil," or "Flanking Sheridan," as he was called, had accomplished what Fremont, Hunter, Banks and Shields had failed to do in the early days of the rebellion. He was appointed a Maj.-General in the regular army, to fill the place vacated by McClellan. In the battle of Fisher's Hill, the loss in the 14th regiment was small, as they were on the flank with the 8th corps; the 2d division lost heavily in killed. The casualties in the regiment were but ten killed and thirty wounded. Captain McKnight's battery of the 3d division created considerable panic in the enemy's ranks, as every shell they fired fell among them. Under cover of this battery, the division advanced and captured a line of works with four hundred prisoners and four pieces of artillery. No time was allowed the men to rest, although tired and weary and begrimed with dirt and powder. The flying rebels were pursued during the night of the 22d, marching twelve miles, through Strasburg and Woodstock, halting for a few hours' rest in the morning. The enemy had a mortal fear of Custer and his cavalry, as he was always on their flank and rear when least expected; with one brigade to charge and another to blow the bugle, they could not stand. Their cavalry leader, Imboden, was called "Runboden," as he was always first to run when our cavalry appeared in sight. Four days' rations were issued the men at Woodstock, the trains having followed. The 87th Pennsylvania had served their three years, and were ordered to return home, with the exception of the re-enlisted men, whose term of service had not yet expired.

Leaving Woodstock on the afternoon of the 23d, the troops marched six miles, passing the village of Edenburg, and encamping in woods near the railroad. The enemy had again halted on a hill and were skirmishing with the cavalry. In the battles of Winchester and Fisher's Hill, the enemy had lost in killed, wounded and prisoners, fifteen thousand men, fifteen stands of colors, and thirty pieces of artillery, while the Union army had lost but four thousand men. The troops were now pretty well rested, and moved again on Saturday, the 24th, marching twenty miles, passing the villages of Mount Jackson, Hawkenstown and New Market, still following the enemy and skirmishing with the entire march. The pike was level, and the retreating rebels could be plainly seen. McKnight's battery was placed on the skirmish line, continually shelling the rear. It was a splendid[91] sight; the troops, in four parallel lines, with cavalry on either flank, pursuing the flying rebels, they making a stand several times, but our skirmish line compelled them to leave. The weather was yet very warm. At dark the enemy opened upon us from a hill with four pieces of artillery, but were soon compelled to leave. It was a splendid picture for an artist—the sun setting behind the hills; the flash of the cannon and musketry was grand beyond description. The men foraging lived well, as the country was filled with vegetables of all kinds; the army was now forty-two miles from Winchester and thirty miles from Staunton. The troops entered camp for the night, marching the next day eighteen miles in line of battle up the valley; the enemy could not be seen, having moved during the night up the Luray Valley; halting at Harrisonberg, 3d division headquarters at the house formerly occupied by Fremont and Hunter as their headquarters. The troops remained in camp at Harrisonberg ten days, confiscating tobacco, sugar, matches, etc.; Harrisonberg is a very pretty place, twenty miles from Staunton, of about one thousand inhabitants. Squads of men were sent out each day to forage on the country, as the troops were out of rations, and it was necessary the men should be supplied. The army was now one hundred and four miles from Harper's Ferry, the base of supplies; it took the teams four days to go and four to come; the route was infested with guerillas, making it necessary to have a strong guard; but in spite of all vigilance numbers of men were killed and the wagons captured.

On the 29th the troops moved out at four o'clock, marching seven miles to relieve the cavalry at Mount Crawford. Finding the enemy in strong position they were driven back, as they were strongly posted in a gap in the mountains; they were not again attacked and the troops moved back to Harrisonberg.

On the first of October the supply train arrived from Harper's Ferry, with mail and papers, also the paymaster; the troops receiving two months' pay. It was rumored in camp that Grant had moved at Petersburg, capturing fifteen guns and four hundred prisoners. The cavalry again started off, reaching Staunton, destroying the bridges and a large amount of supplies, and advanced as far as Charlottesville.

On the 6th of October orders were given to move; marching back, the valley was now clear of the enemy. As it was feared they would again return, every barn, out-house and hay-stack was[92] burned on the route, to prevent the enemy from subsisting in the valley, as most of the farmers were secesh and helped the guerillas along. It was a splendid sight to see the fires as the troops moved up the valley, from mountain to mountain one continual blaze of fire. Twenty-four miles were made that day, as it was cool, and the men were out of rations; the supply train could not get up, and the valley was stripped by troops continually passing. The troops slept that night in sight of Mount Jackson with nothing to eat. The next day we marched seventeen miles, through Mount Jackson and Woodstock, halting at dark; on the 8th marching twelve miles to Strasburg, passing Fisher's Hill, where the enemy were whipped so badly on the 22d of September. After stripping the valley of the most of their supplies for the rebel army, the troops halted at Strasburg, and took position on the north bank of Cedar Creek.

Having received considerable re-enforcements, Early again returned to the valley, and on the 9th of October encountered our cavalry near Strasburg. Custer with his brigade advanced, and after a brief encounter the enemy captured thirty wagons from General Torbert; the weather was very cold and windy. Our whole force of cavalry now arrived, and the enemy was driven back some distance, with the loss of eleven pieces of artillery, a number of prisoners, and all their wagons, with those captured from Torbert, our forces following them vigorously.

As the valley was supposed to be clear of the enemy, the 6th corps was ordered to Petersburg. Grant had moved several times and had captured the Weldon Rail Road, extending his lines some distance. On the 10th, orders were given to move, marching seventeen miles, passing through Strasburg and Middletown, halting at Front Royal near Manassas Gap. During our stay there, a man was accidentally shot in the Regiment, dying the next day; his name was Ayers, of Co. B. A petition was circulated among the Jersey soldiers to return home and vote; it was signed by the officers, but was not carried through. The Legislature of New Jersey was opposed to it, and used their utmost endeavors to prevent it. While all other troops were allowed to vote in the field, New Jersey was in the hands of the Copperheads, and her soldiers were not allowed the privilege, and with bitter feelings of enmity towards them the soldiers were compelled to stand it.

The troops were now ordered to Petersburg, as there was no sign of the enemy in the valley. On the 13th the corps started[93] from Front Royal. The troops had been in the valley some time, and did not wish to leave. Sheridan was loved by all, and the men were still anxious to be under his command, but positive orders from Grant were that the corps should again join the Potomac army, having been only temporarily detached. The weather was very cold, and visions of earthworks and trenches in front of Petersburg rose vividly before the men, and none wished to go. After marching fifteen miles, passing a place called White Post, the column was ordered to halt, and soon it resounded throughout the line that the order was countermanded. Cheer after cheer was given, and it was noised around that Grant had taken Petersburg, with sixty pieces of artillery and thirty thousand prisoners. The men were very jubilant over the move, as it was believed. Moving back, the troops halted at a very pretty place called Millwood, and the men immediately commenced foraging, as there was provisions in abundance, no troops having ever encamped there. It turned out that Grant's taking Petersburg was a hoax, and instead, Early was moving down the valley, having received considerable re-enforcements. The 8th and 19th corps were compelled to fall back from Fisher's Hill, and encamped on the north bank of Cedar Creek. Soon the deep booming of the cannon was heard at Millwood; at first the men thought it a salute in honor of the great victory, but it proved to be the 8th and 19th corps engaged with Early at Cedar Creek. On the morning of the 14th at 2 o'clock, the corps was ordered to move immediately back the same road to Fisher's Hill, marching twenty miles, and halting in position near Middletown, as the enemy were again in force on Fisher's Hill. All idea of going to Petersburg was now abandoned, as there was enough to attend to in the valley. Early again had a large army and once more confronted Sheridan, this time with both flanks heavily guarded on Fisher's Hill. It was not then known how many troops the enemy had, as their coming was unexpected. Pickets were doubled, and a line of works erected on Fisher's Hill for the purpose of resisting our advance. The troops now moved forward to Cedar Creek and were formed in line as follows: The 8th corps on the extreme left, near Manchuhattan Mountain; the 19th corps next, and the 6th on the right. Every morning the men were routed out early expecting an attack, but none was made, and the vigilance of the men was relaxed; five days the troops remained in camp near Middletown. General Sheridan being on a visit to Grant at City Point, during[94] his absence the army was commanded by General Wright. All was thought secure, and the men began to think the enemy's force comparatively small; but they were in force, and the boys of the Union soon knew it. Early had determined to make one grand effort, and if possible save his reputation and recover all he had lost. Filled with this determination he moved his whole force on the night of October 18th, crossed the mountain in single file which separated the branches of the Shenandoah, forded the north fork, and early on the morning of the 19th, under cover of the darkness and the fog, surprised and turned our left flank, and captured the batteries that infiladed our whole line, some 24 in all; the men were aroused from slumber only to find the enemy in their rear. The 8th corps, panic stricken, fled, leaving all their arms and ammunition in the hands of the enemy; they knew not which way to turn, and hundreds were shot down and numbers captured. The 6th corps, used to such things, rallied, and formed in line near Middletown. By this time the wagons were on the road to Winchester. It was a complete surprise, the troops falling back in confusion five miles. General Wright ordered them to re-form, but with the 8th and 19th corps in full retreat, the 6th could not stand alone, and with the rest were compelled to fall back, but in order. A terrible battle was now fought, and Early, confident of victory, urged on his men, who fought with desperation; and visions of Washington again appeared before them. The spoils that fell in their hands were a great compensation for what they had lost; shelters, rubbers, knapsacks, blankets, and well filled haversacks fell in the hands of the Johnnies, and to their half starved and half clothed bodies were indeed prizes. After falling back five miles our lines were partly rallied and the retreat stopped, but at a fearful loss of life, and our boys were mad, fairly mad to think that after ridding the valley of the enemy as they supposed, and whipping them so badly, they were again in force and our army retreating from them. Where is Sheridan? was the cry, as all seemed to feel that if he was near the tide of battle would be turned in our favor. Soon a cloud of dust was seen on the road; far in the distance, and with thunder tread, came the well-known horse, carrying with it its rider, the brave Sheridan; reaching the disordered line he inquired for General Wright. The men soon knew that Sheridan was near, and all felt confident of success. When the battle commenced he was at Winchester, but he arrived in time to arrange the lines[95] and repulse a heavy attack of the enemy. The 8th and 19th corps were now partially rallied and formed in line, with the 6th corps in the centre, immediately assuming the offensive and attacking the enemy in turn. After considerable maneuvering Sheridan ordered a charge, and the enemy in turn were driven back with great slaughter, with the loss of their trains and artillery and the trophies captured during the morning. Had not Sheridan arrived as he did, all would have been lost. The cavalry under Custer were sent on their flank, driving them pell mell across Cedar Creek, slaughtering them like sheep. Sixty-one pieces of artillery were captured from them and eight thousand prisoners. Our success was complete, though our loss was heavy, and victory crowned our arms. Capt. McKnight's battery lost four pieces, and nearly all their horses were killed or wounded. The 14th regiment was commanded by Captain Janeway and lost heavily. Adjutant Burroughs Rose was killed; he was formerly a private, and for gallant conduct had been promoted from one position to another until he received his commission as Adjutant, in place of Buckalew, who had resigned on account of wounds received at Monocacy; he was a fine officer, and his loss could not easily be supplied.

The wreck of the rebel army escaped during the night, and fled in the direction of Staunton and Lynchburg, and pursuit being made by the cavalry to Mount Jackson, hundreds of them were captured. The battle of Cedar Creek will long be remembered by the 6th corps. At first driven back with severe loss, they in turn rallied, and to the brave 6th corps will be attributed the tide of battle turning in our favor; for, had they retreated in such confusion as the other corps, the enemy would have been victorious. But the Wilderness, and those hard-fought battles of the Potomac army, were lessons not easily forgotten, and the 6th corps, as usual, was ready for any emergency. The 2d division lost heavily in men, more so than the rest, as our lines fell back. The enemy had stripped our dead and wounded as they lay on the field, and when our men recovered their lost ground they were seen lying as they fell, stark naked, and cold in the embrace of death. Such scenes only made our men fight the harder, and Early paid dearly for his boldness in surprising us in the morning. The rebel General, Ramsuer, was mortally wounded and fell in our hands a prisoner. He died at the headquarters of General Sheridan, and his remains were sent South by way of City Point. Thus ended[96] the enemy's last attempt to invade the North via the Shenandoah valley; and Early, with his demoralized and disheartened troops, was seen no more in that vicinity. Ninety pieces of artillery had been taken from them at different times in the valley, and with ten pieces of artillery, and about ten thousand men, they reached Staunton, and all but one brigade were transported to Richmond, there to take part in the subsequent battles near Petersburg. Our forces encamped in their old position, and the next day engaged in burying the dead, the ground being covered with both Union and Rebel soldiers. The field was hotly contested by our men, and although surprised they were not whipped. General Sheridan rode along the lines and was cheered by the men. General Ricketts was temporarily placed in command of the 6th corps, and was severely wounded early in the day. He was the best division commander in the service, and when the men heard of his wound, all were anxious for his safety. The papers spoke of him in the highest praise as an excellent and able general. The following is an extract from Harper's Weekly, which is quoted for the benefit of those who knew him well:

General James B. Ricketts, wounded in the battle of Cedar Creek, is a native of New York, from which State he was appointed a Cadet to West Point in 1835. He graduated in 1839 with the grade of 2d Lieutenant of artillery; in 1846 he was promoted to 1st Lieutenant, and in August, 1852, was appointed Captain, having since 1849 occupied the position of Regimental Quarter Master.

General Ricketts was wounded in the first battle of Bull Run and taken prisoner. For distinguished service in that battle he was promoted to the rank of Brigadier General, and in nearly all the Virginia campaign he has commanded a division. His division of the 6th corps was in July last detached from the army of the Potomac and sent to Harper's Ferry, taking part in the battle of Monocacy and in all the subsequent battles in the Shenandoah Valley. In General Sheridan's absence, General Wright assumed command of the army of the Valley; his place at the head of the corps was occupied by General Ricketts, who was wounded in the early part of the battle on the 19th, and was for some time supposed to be in a dying condition. If his wound should indeed prove a mortal one, the country will have lost a very able officer.

General Sheridan had again immortalized his name. As he came down the pike, he exclaimed to the men: "Join your commands, boys, I'll wax h—l out of them before night." At the sight of him our men pressed forward with their usual impetuosity, and soon the Johnnies were in full retreat. Thus a decisive battle was gained, which, but for the timely arrival of General[97] Sheridan, would have resulted in disaster. The troops again entered camp, the tents on a line, with the cavalry in pursuit of the flying enemy far up the valley. General Custer succeeded in recapturing the colors lost by the 15th New Jersey; their color-bearer being killed, it fell into the hands of the enemy. He complimented the men for their bravery, telling them not from cowardice, but through accident, they were lost, and that he was very much gratified to return them.

The weather was now very cold, and there were yet no signs of Winter quarters. Nearly six months had passed since the troops crossed the Rapidan, and what had been accomplished? Lee was driven step by step from his stronghold in the Wilderness, flanked several times by Grant, until he was within the fortifications of Richmond, his supplies cut off, and closely besieged by Grant. Sherman had driven Johnson and his successor, Hood, whipping them in every battle, and finally capturing Atlanta, their stronghold, in the very heart of the Confederacy. Early had been whipped in four pitched battles by Sheridan, and driven far up the valley to Staunton, his artillery nearly all captured and his army completely routed, and everything that an army could subsist on in the valley destroyed. Price, in Missouri, had been driven in confusion, and was in full retreat, followed by Rosecrans. The Copperheads North, defeated in their every scheme, the soldiers now looked for the re-election of Lincoln, and for a speedy termination of the war.

It was now currently reported that Longstreet had succeeded Early, and with thirty-five thousand men was again advancing up the valley. The troops lay in camp at Middletown nineteen days, and it was discovered the enemy had left the valley. On Nov. 6th the troops were ordered back in the direction of Winchester, but the morning being very cold and frosty the order was countermanded. On the 8th the election for President was held in the various camps; the people of New Jersey had denied their soldiers that privilege, and with bitter curses toward them, the men lay quietly in camp. McClellan was scarcely thought of, and the votes for Lincoln were far ahead. New Jersey had long been considered as disloyal, and had she been one of the border States, would long ago have seceded. Staunch old Maryland stood firm, and was far more loyal than Jersey. But the rule of the Copperheads was of short duration, and when the war was ended, and the boys in blue returned to their homes, they were soon ruled out and their places filled by loyal men.

[98]On the 9th of November the orders to move were again given, marching ten miles, and passing for the last time Middletown and Newtown, halting at Kurrentown, a very nice place; wood plenty, but water scarce. The enemy's cavalry had again advanced, under their leader, Rosser, and attacked our out-posts, but after considerable skirmishing they were driven back in confusion and retired during the night. The papers now arrived, and the re-election of Lincoln was hailed by the soldiers with joy, as the majority of them were in favor of him. Many of the men now commenced to build Winter quarters, and log huts were rapidly erected, with chimneys built of sod. Officers and men were uncertain what to do, as no orders were given to build Winter quarters.

Nothing of importance occurred during the month of November; as usual rumors were plenty. The different regiments were detailed to guard the supply trains to and from Martinsburg, our base of supplies, as the guerillas still infested the route. A railroad was commenced, and was soon built from Halltown to Winchester, and was heavily guarded by the 8th corps. Winchester now became a lively place, as Sheridan's headquarters were there.

The 6th corps was reviewed by General Sheridan, and preparations were again made to leave, as orders from Grant were to send the 6th corps to Petersburg. The review was witnessed by the people of the surrounding country; the day was not pleasant, but rainy and disagreeable. General Sheridan took a farewell leave of the men, thanking them for their bravery, and was sorry to see them leave; to the 6th corps the praise of saving Washington was given. The men gave three rousing cheers for Sheridan and the Shenandoah Valley; he then rode to his headquarters, and the troops dispersed to their various camps. Their work in the valley was over, and they were to again join the Potomac army, to take part in the final drama—the capture of Richmond. Since leaving Petersburg, the troops had in five months fought five pitched battles, each time victorious, and had marched nearly 1,000 miles, a record that no other corps in the army could boast of. The men deserved the praise which was awarded them.

On the 1st of December the 1st division moved, and was placed on cars at Winchester for Washington. It was now certain the corps was to leave and Winter quarters were abandoned. On the 3d, the 3d division followed the 1st, General Wright having gone the previous day. The division marched ten miles, taking the cars at Stephenson Station and riding one hundred and forty-two[99] miles on the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, again passing Monocacy Bridge; it being night the men were mostly asleep; arrived at Washington on Sunday morning. But a few months before, when the city was in danger and the troops were hurried from City Point, the people flocked to see them and cheer them on their way, now scarcely a sound was heard, Washington was out of danger. The 6th corps was again to return to City Point, and by the people their hardships in the valley were forgotten; they passed scarcely noticing the men, and without a reception of any kind the troops were placed on transports for City Point. The weather had changed and was as warm and as mild as spring. The troops were furnished with three days' rations, and by three o'clock were all on board. The 14th was placed on transport Keyport, passing Fortress Monroe, and arriving at City Point at 11 o'clock on Monday morning, riding on Grant's railroad sixteen miles. This track is laid on the ground without grading and runs up hill and down in range of the enemy's shells. The corps was to take the quarters of the 5th corps, they moving on a reconnoissance to Weldon, North Carolina, for the purpose of cutting the Southside railroad, and as much of the enemy's communications as possible. The regiment had been in the middle department nine months, lying at Monocacy Bridge; in the Potomac army one year; and in the valley five months, and now back in the Potomac army again. The 5th corps' quarters were on the Weldon railroad that had been captured at an immense loss of life. There were now but two roads leading into Richmond, the Southside road and the Danville road, which were now aimed for, and as soon as the 6th corps arrived, the 5th with two divisions of cavalry, moved out to Hatcher's Run, on the Boydton plank road. They did not wish to leave their quarters, but were glad to see the 6th corps come back and willingly gave up their quarters to them. The troops halted until morning, and then occupied the tents vacated by the 5th corps. The headquarters of the 3d division was in a pretty place, having been fitted up with considerable care, but the quarters of the men were very poor, being put up in the Fall with no intention of remaining.

The troops remained in quarters but one day, when they were ordered to the support of the 5th corps, which had attacked the enemy at Weldon, destroying thirty miles of the Southside road, and burning a large amount of rations, besides capturing a number of prisoners and contrabands. The division returned the next[100] day, having marched but ten miles, the 5th corps needing no assistance. It was snowing hard, and the men suffering severely lying out in the storm. Both armies now confronted each other for a distance of forty miles, with works in some places but a few rods apart, but every precaution was taken to prevent a surprise. The men from both sides were on friendly terms, talking with each other and exchanging papers. In front of Petersburg was a fort named Fort H—l from its close proximity to the rebels. Firing from this fort was incessantly carried on day and night, and the men gave it that name as it was continually under fire, killing numbers daily.

Winter quarters were now fairly established, the men fixing up the old tents very comfortably. Cold weather had now commenced and rainy days were frequent; furloughs were granted the men from ten to twenty days, large numbers visiting their homes. General Sherman was moving through the heart of Georgia. His campaign is familiar to my readers, and as the 14th was in the Potomac army, it is not necessary to give an account of Sherman's march. It was supposed by the men that the armies of Grant and Sheridan would be consolidated in time, but all ideas of soon moving were abandoned, as the roads were almost impassable, while Sherman was farther south and able to move with his heavy trains, living on the country. It was the main object of Grant to hold Lee in check to prevent him from re-enforcing Johnson, and in time to sever all communication from Richmond, compelling Lee to retreat farther south or to surrender. By frequent moving he had extended his lines some distance, thereby weakening the enemy's lines considerably. They were getting short of rations, as Sherman was cutting their railroads in every direction. A vast amount of supplies was stored at City Point for the use of our armies; sutlers were in abundance and City Point in reality soon became a city. The headquarters of General Grant were on a hill near the river. Immense guns and fortifications were seen in all directions, fully manned by men, while it was with difficulty that the enemy could raise enough men to fill their works. Pickets and videttes from each side were but a few rods apart, and frequently conversed with each other. The battles of the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, Cold Harbor, and Petersburg were forgotten, and no one would ever think that those men who now were so friendly with each other, had ever engaged in terrible strife on the field of battle. The men from[101] Early's command were in front of the 3d division, and when on picket the scenes of the valley were often talked of, but always with bitterness on the side of the enemy. Our boys would cry out, "Halloo, Johnny Reb., did you get enough of the valley?" Johnny replies, with his fingers up to his nose, "Do you Yanks see anything of the South-side railroad?" Our men had been aiming for that, but had failed repeatedly.

The 14th was now re-organized, having received several recruits, to the amount of two hundred. Captain Janeway, for bravery and meritorious conduct, was promoted to the colonelcy of the regiment, he and Lieutenant Baily being the only old officers from Freehold. The officers were now mostly enlisted men, and by their conduct had won for themselves a lasting reputation. Among those that distinguished themselves, and in every action were at their posts, were Captains Wanser, Manning and Marsh; Lieutenants Foster, Barkalew, Fletcher, Hanning, White and Manderville. Each one had entered the ranks and had won for himself his position. Colonel Truex was still in command of the brigade, acting Brigadier General. The division commanded by General Seymour, formerly commander of the 2d brigade, being captured in the Wilderness, he was taken to Charleston and subsequently released, and placed in command of the division in the absence of General Ricketts.

All was now quiet in camp, with the exception of cannonading in front of Petersburg, and picket firing along some portion of the line. This was the third and last Winter in the army for the regiment; the first Winter was spent at Monocacy, the second at Brandy Station, and the third at Petersburg.

Reports from various sources led Grant to believe that the enemy had again detached three divisions from the army in front of Petersburg, to again attempt the capture of Washington, via the Shenandoah Valley. He therefore sent the 2d corps and Greggs' division of cavalry from the army of the Potomac, and a force of General Butler's army, to threaten Richmond from the north side of the James to prevent Lee from sending troops away, and if possible to draw back those that were sent. In this move six pieces of artillery and several hundred prisoners were captured. Detained troops that were under marching orders ascertained that but one division of the three reported detached had gone, which soon returned when the movements of our forces had been discovered. The enemy having drawn heavily from Peters[102]burg to resist this movement, the 5th corps moved out on a reconnoissance on the left, to take possession of the South-side road. During the day there was considerable fighting, but the enemy were found in force, and the 5th corps was ordered back, forming a line in rear of the army and building new quarters.

The 6th corps was under marching orders, but did not leave as they were not needed. Camp life again passed very pleasantly, as quiet was resumed. A branch railroad was completed from the City Point and Petersburg Railroad to the Weldon Railroad, and supplies were forwarded in all kinds of weather without difficulty to all parts of the line. Occasionally the enemy shelled our trains as they passed, but our batteries opening theirs were soon silenced, as our ammunition was plenty and theirs scarce. Recruits now arrived rapidly, and the army was increased to one hundred and fifty thousand men. The enemy, by merciless conscription, had pressed every man and boy in the field capable of bearing arms, leaving none but the negroes at home to do the work. Each Friday there was an execution of some kind in the army; men were hung for deserting to the enemy, and others were shot for jumping bounties and then deserting. It soon became a common thing, but it was necessary as a lesson to others that these men should be executed. The troops had lain in camp some time, when Grant again attempted to take the South-side Road. The 2d corps followed by two divisions of the 5th corps, with the cavalry in advance and covering the left flank of the army, forced a passage of Hatcher's Run and moved up the north side of it towards the South-side Road, until the 2d corps and part of the cavalry reached the Boydton Plank Road where it crosses Hatcher's Run; at this point our advance was but six miles distant from the South-side Road, and the whistle of the enemy's engine could be plainly heard. But finding that we had not reached the end of the enemy's communications, and no place presented itself for a successful assault, it was determined to withdraw within our fortified line, and orders were given accordingly. On the return the enemy moved out across Hatcher's Run, and made a desperate attack on General Hancock's right and rear. Hancock immediately faced his corps to meet it, and after a bloody combat drove the enemy within his works, and withdrew that night to his old position.

From this time forward the operations in front of Richmond and Petersburg until the spring campaign of 1865 were confined[103] to the defence and extension of our lines, and to offensive movements for crippling the enemy's lines of communications, and to prevent his detaching any considerable force to send south. Visitors from the north again came in large numbers, among them several distinguished foreigners. Our lines were to them a wonder, as they thought it impossible for two armies to lie in such close proximity to each other without fighting all the time; but the past had taught the men that picket firing was but murder, and resulted in no advantage to either side. The men drilled daily and were inspected each Sunday. The spring campaign was looked forward to as a hard one, as it was supposed that Lee and Johnson combined, if once together, would move south, and we would have to follow. The tents of the men were ordered to be cleaned neatly, as several cases of small-pox had made their appearance. General Seymour commanding the division, was a strict disciplinarian, and orders were issued by him that were thought by the men to be useless; every non-commissioned officer was ordered to wear his chevrons, and if not obeying was immediately reduced; each man in the division was also ordered to wear his badge, and if any private was found without the blue cross, he was placed under arrest. Division headquarters were but a short distance from the troops, and were near the camp of the 50th New York engineers, they having the prettiest camp in the army. They built a splendid church, and negro minstrels were held nightly, officers of distinction visiting it, and divine service was forgotten; each night found the church full of men, who, if service had been held, would not have been found there.

Christmas was spent as usual dull and lonesome. Boxes were sent from home to the men, and those that had none fared well, as the rations given the men by the Government were plenty. The last day of the year was very rainy. Early in the morning the rebel pickets in front of the division made an attack, and surprised our men. The morning was dark and our men were driven back, but the reserve pickets soon formed and drove the rebels back in turn. Three men from the 9th New York were killed and several were captured. The firing soon ceased, and the last day of the year passed gloomily enough. The regiment was mustered in for four months pay by Colonel Janeway, and the members of the 14th spent the last day of the year very dull and lonesome in camp.

January 1st, 1865, was a dull New Year's to the men, for instead[104] of a warm dinner at home, the fare of the men was hard-tack and salt pork. The bands of the regiments were playing national airs. It was the Sabbath and all was as still as death; not a shot disturbed the silence of the day. The soldier as he thought of his home, contrasted that with camp life, and wondered when the war would end. Most of the headquarter officers were under the influence of liquor, but the regimental officers were unable to obtain whiskey and remained sober, as the orders of Gen. Seymour were very strict, that no whiskey should be sold at the brigade commissaries. It was feared that the enemy would make an attack at night, and orders were given the pickets not to sleep, as it was rumored in the southern papers that Lee was about to astonish the world by some bold movement, and what it was no one could tell. His movement was anxiously looked forward to by the men, as it was reported that he was heavily re-enforced by troops from General Hardee's command and from Breckinridge's. The rebels seemed to be in good spirits, and our men supposed something unusual had occurred, but it turned out that the rebel officers had furnished the men gunpowder and whiskey, and then ordered them to cheer in honor of some great victory, but what victory it was they knew not, neither did our men.

General Sherman was making sad havoc on southern soil, and the rebel soldiers, disheartened by repeated defeats, were discouraged, and they deserted in large numbers to our ranks. Proclamations were issued by the authorities at Washington and freely distributed among the rebel pickets, that any one of their number deserting would be sent within any part of our lines to his home, and paid for his musket and equipments; though many deserted to our ranks, there were double the number that went to the rear. The rebel soldiers were ordered to fire on all their men attempting to desert, but the most of them were anxious to leave, and fired their muskets in the air. Despondency now prevailed to a great extent among the rebels, and all felt that their cause was lost, while on our side the men were furnished with clothing in abundance, with plenty of rations, and were well contented. Guerillas and raiders were very active, hovering on our flank and rear; often with concealed batteries posted on a hill on the banks of the James, would fire on our boats as they passed to and fro from Washington to City Point. The river was lined with gunboats, but a few shells from our iron-clads soon drove them off.[105] The most noted of those was Mosby; with picked men from Virginia, men that knew every road, his operations were very successful, but not so successful as the previous year, when our army was dependent upon a single track railroad from Washington to Brandy Station, as this passed the entire distance through a hostile country, and every mile had to be guarded by troops. Occasionally Mosby with his men would make a grand raid, and after destroying a portion of the track, would retire with but small loss and with considerable plunder, before our men could recover from their surprise; now our water communications needed but a few men on iron-clads, while the most of the troops were at the front. Heavy rains now set in, and nothing of importance occurred during the month of January. During this time Jefferson Davis visited Macon, Georgia, and made a speech, which was reported in the papers south, and soon became known to the whole country, as the men exchanged papers daily with the enemy in front of Petersburg. He disclosed his plans, thus enabling Grant to fully meet him. He also exhibited the weakness of supposing that an army that had been beaten and fearfully decimated in vain attempt at the defensive, could successfully undertake the offensive against the army that had so often defeated it, as he said in his speech that Lee would soon resume the offensive, and would drive the Potomac army from its almost impregnable hold on Richmond and Petersburg; but the future showed that this never was accomplished.

The rebel cause now Looked gloomy enough. Sherman had reached the sea coast, and the Confederacy was cut completely in two. Nothing more could be looked for in the southwest, and the whole attention of Grant and Lee was turned to this one point. In the latter part of January the enemy again attempted to surprise our pickets and break our lines if possible, but they were signally defeated in their plans and driven back with severe loss. In front of the 2d brigade of the 3d division was one of the largest forts on the line, mounting fifteen guns; it was named Fort Fisher, and was manned by the 9th New York Heavy Artillery. A large lookout some two hundred feet high was built near this fort for the purpose of witnessing the enemy's movements. It was reported that on a certain day the enemy were to shell this lookout; all preparations were made in Fort Fisher, the guns doubly shotted and turned upon the enemy's works, and upon the headquarters of General Longstreet, but a[106] short distance in the rear of their lines. The day passed and not a shot was fired, as they knew full well that our guns out-numbered theirs two to one, and if once opened would do terrible execution, as they had done heretofore. The breastworks at this point were nearer together than at any other part of the line, being but a few rods apart. Details were made from the various regiments daily to guard supplies from City Point, and to bring ordnance stores for the troops. The new recruits were also guarded to the front, and then furnished with arms and assigned to their different commands.

On the night of January 16th, the troops were formed in line of battle, as it was rumored that the enemy were about to attack; with extreme caution the men formed in line behind the works, but no attack was made. It was not known what move they would make, as their leaders were becoming desperate, and would not hesitate to sacrifice the lives of the men to accomplish their ends. The news of the capture of Fort Fisher was read to the troops, and cheer after cheer given for our army and navy. Gen. Butler was denounced as incompetent to command an army in the field; all honor was due Major General Terry for his bravery. One hundred guns were shotted and trained upon the enemy's works from Fort H—l as a salute. The enemy did not reply; they were crest-fallen enough, as Wilmington, their most important point, would soon fall, and like Fort Fisher would soon be occupied by United States troops.

On the 24th of January, the enemy made a desperate attempt to break through our water communications at City Point. Three gunboats moved down, and after a desperate fight with our shore batteries, they were compelled to fall back with the loss of one of their boats and another disabled. Our iron-clads had nearly all of them gone with the expedition to Fort Fisher. Lee hoped to take advantage of this, and lay City Point in ashes and destroy our base of supplies, thereby compelling Gen. Grant to fall back; but the shore batteries of one hundred pound guns did terrible execution, and with but small loss on our side, the enemy retired with heavy loss. For several months Gen. Butler had been digging Dutch Gap Canal, which had proved a failure, as the war ended before it was finished; he was relieved by order of General Grant, and ordered to report at Lowell, Massachusetts. The weather was now very cold, and the Potomac was frozen; often two and three days elapsed before the transports could arrive[107] from Washington. The month of January passed dull enough. Desertions from the enemy were more numerous than ever, often one and two hundred coming over each night.

On the morning of February 1st, all was excitement in camp, as the troops were ordered to move out on the left of the line to Hatcher's Run. The sick were all sent to City Point, and preparations made to move with all the troops, with the exception of enough to hold the lines in our immediate front, which were strengthened by the pioneers. All preparations were made when a terrible storm arose, and the movement was abandoned. Montgomery Blair had been on a mission of peace to Richmond but had failed. President Lincoln had agreed to meet representatives from the Southern Confederacy, and arrange, if possible, terms of peace. Accordingly Vice President Stephens, Hunter and Campbell passed through the lines on February 2d, and met President Lincoln and Secretary Seward at Hampton Roads; but no terms could be agreed upon, as the enemy wished the recognition of the Southern Confederacy, their cry being independence or extermination. After a brief conference they returned to Richmond, and all hope of a speedy peace was abandoned.

The 67th Pennsylvania from the 3d division was filled with new recruits that had received large bounties. A great many of them deserted, and several of them were caught and sent back to division headquarters and placed in irons. They were tried by a military court-martial, and one of their number sentenced to be shot as a warning to others. Six of them had hid in the woods near City Point, and were constructing a raft for the purpose of escaping, but were captured, and one of their number named James Hicks, was sentenced to death. He was placed in close confinement in a tent with two guards over him, and was informed of his fate but bore it very composedly. He was furnished with good victuals, and attended by a Catholic priest from the 2d corps. He was also allowed to telegraph to his friends who interceded for him, and was finally pardoned by President Lincoln, and ever after made a good soldier, doing his duty well.

On the 5th of February, the 5th corps with two divisions of cavalry, moved out again to Hatcher's Run, on the Boydton Plank Road, for the purpose of lengthening our lines. After remaining out two days, the enemy in force attacked the 5th corps driving them back. The 1st division, 6th corps, was ordered to their support, and arrived in time to assist the 5th corps, driving[108] the enemy back in return. The whole army was under marching orders but did not move, as nothing could be accomplished, and the 5th corps returned with the loss of one thousand men, several of the wounded dying from cold and exposure.

The rebels were now deserting at the rate of one hundred per day. The fall of Charleston was announced, causing gloom in the rebel army, but great rejoicing in ours, and the men now looked forward to the end of the war, it being currently reported that the enemy were to evacuate Petersburg and Richmond. Nearly four years had passed, and now our flag was floating over the battered walls of Fort Sumter and Charleston where the ordinance of secession was first passed. General Sherman was moving rapidly northward, and news of victories were constantly reaching us. The fall of Wilmington was their last important place, and they were now cornered, not knowing which way to move. The officers were now deserting as well as the men, bringing with them their side-arms and equipments.

General Grant deemed it of the utmost importance before a general movement of the armies operating against Richmond, that all communications North of the James River should be cut off, the enemy having withdrawn the bulk of their forces from the Shenandoah Valley, and sent it South up the valley, which, if successful, would accomplish a great deal towards the capture of Richmond. Ordering General Sheridan to move on Lynchburg, leaving a sufficient force to look after Mosby and his guerillas, he started from Winchester on the 27th of Feb. with two divisions of cavalry numbering five thousand each, and on the 1st of March he secured the bridge which the enemy attempted to destroy, across the middle fork of the Shenandoah at Mount Crawford, and entered Staunton on the 2d, the enemy having retreated to Waynesboro. Thence he pushed on to that place, where he found the enemy in force in an entrenched position under General Early, and without stopping to make a reconnoissance, an immediate attack was ordered, the position carried, and one thousand six hundred prisoners, eleven pieces of artillery and seventeen battle flags were captured; the prisoners under a strong escort were sent back to Winchester. After destroying a vast amount of property and railroads, he took up his line of march for the White House, following the canal towards Columbia, destroying every lock upon it and cutting the banks wherever practicable. He rested at Columbia one day, and sent information to General Grant of his[109] whereabouts; an infantry force was sent to get possession of the White House, with supplies to meet him. Moving from Columbia in a direction to threaten Richmond, he crossed both North and South Anna Rivers, and after destroying all the bridges and many miles of railroad, proceeded down the north bank of the Pamunkey to White House, which place he reached on the 19th with his command in safety. After the long march by the cavalry over Winter roads, it was necessary to rest and refit at the White House. At this time the greatest uneasiness to the men was, the fear that Lee would leave his stronghold about Petersburg for the purpose of uniting with Johnson before driven out, or before our men were ready for pursuit, as Lee had the interior route and could form with Johnson, and with their forces combined, whip Sherman before our forces could get up.

As usual before a campaign, the troops were furnished with new clothing and extra rations. On the 24th of February the paymasters arrived, and the troops received four months' pay, their last payment in the field; but none knew it then, nor had the least idea of the war ending so soon. General Sheridan's raid had created a panic in Richmond, and Pegram's division was sent through Richmond at a double quick on Sunday morning, passing Libby Prison, and was seen by our prisoners; but they returned the next day, as Gen. Sheridan was safely at the White House strongly fortified against any attack. The pickets were ordered to watch the enemy closely, and if they attempted to leave at night, to follow them up. The 28th of February was the last day of Winter, and was rainy and disagreeable; the log shanties, or as the men called them, shebangs, were full of water, as this was the hardest rain there had been in some time. At division headquarters there were nineteen bounty jumpers heavily ironed, and under sentence of court martial; it was determined by the military court that one of them should die as a warning to the rest. Hicks had been pardoned by the President, and was at his regiment doing duty. Rebel officers now came in our lines, three and four each night; when the officers began to desert, there was not much to look for from the men.

Of the number of bounty jumpers under sentence of court martial, John Kelly, from the 67th Pennsylvania, was sentenced to be shot to death with musketry on Friday, the 10th of March. The rest were punished in various ways; some of them were sent to the Rip Raps, and others were to work on the fortifications[110] around Fortress Monroe. As this was the first military execution in the division, it was hoped that he would be pardoned. His friends interposed in his behalf, but all to no purpose, and the order for his execution was given. The morning of Friday, March 10th, dawned clear and bright, and all were impressed with the solemn scene. The division was formed in line at nine o'clock about one mile from camp, to witness the sad event. He had been visited daily by the priest, and was prepared to die. At 10 o'clock he was led from the guard-house by the sergeant in charge of the prisoners from the 14th New Jersey, and the procession moved as follows: First, the band playing the dead march, followed by the prisoner sitting on his coffin with the priest and four pall-bearers, and an escort of twenty men marching with reverse arms to the scene of the execution. The division in line presented arms. After passing the troops, the band and firing party filed to the right, the prisoner and pall-bearers to the left. His sentence was then read to him, and the priest administered the sacrament; but he seemed totally indifferent, and as unmoved as if a spectator. He was then placed on his coffin with his arms and eyes bandaged, and exclaimed, "Fire low, boys, hit me in the heart and kill me at once." The command was given to fire, and eight balls entered his body; each one of them would have proved mortal. Four men were reserved in case he was not killed, but they were not needed, as he was instantly killed, a warning to all deserters. He was placed in his coffin and buried where he fell. The arrangements were conducted by the Provost Marshal, Major Brown; everything was in perfect order, and the division returned to their quarters.

It was now evident to all that the end of the rebellion was near at hand. Johnson was retreating from before Sherman, who, with the forces of Generals Terry and Schofield combined, was sweeping everything before them. Charleston and Wilmington in our hands, and all blockade running stopped, there was no hope for them. The last gun and the last article from England had reached them, and all hopes of foreign intervention long since abandoned. With their men deserting by hundreds, and all communication with Richmond and Petersburg severed, with the exception of two roads, and those insufficient to supply the armies within the defences of the rebel capital; the last raid of Sheridan had done them more injury than any previous one. Our army was large and well equipped, only waiting for the roads to permit[111] an advance. The men dreaded a forward movement, as there was no way of flanking Lee; their works must be assaulted and carried at an immense loss of life if attempted, but a decisive blow must be struck and that soon.

The 17th of March being St. Patrick's day, it was largely celebrated by the Irish brigade, by racing, tumbling and jumping for the amusement of the rest; there were several accidents, and one or two were killed. On the 20th, the 1st division 6th corps was reviewed by General Meade. This was the finest day there had been in some time and the men presented a fine appearance. The New Jersey brigade was admired by all for its precision in marching, and for the noble bearing of the men. Several major-generals were present; also Admiral Porter. General Wheaton, the division commander, was mounted on a superb horse, with a splendid bridle and saddle presented to him by the men. At three o'clock the review was over, and the men marched back to their quarters.

All surplus baggage was now sent to the rear, as instructions for a general movement of the armies operating against Richmond were issued, and all sutlers, purveyors and citizens were ordered to leave within twenty-four hours. General Sherman moved from the White House, crossed the James, and formed a junction with the army of the Potomac in front of Petersburg.

The 14th regiment now numbered three hundred men for duty, commanded by Lieut. Colonel Janeway. The men had but a few months to stay, and were not anxious to again enter an engagement. The orders from Grant were for the men to move on the left, for the purpose of turning the enemy from their position around Petersburg. All preparations were how made for an immediate advance as soon as the weather would permit. The month of March with its colds and rains had nearly passed. Gen. Sherman had reached Goldsboro, and was resting his weary army. Johnson was in command of Hood's army, but like the army of Lee, his men were deserting in large numbers, as they deemed their cause lost; but their leaders determined to hold on to the last, and then, if unsuccessful, to leave the country.

The 6th corps had been so far recruited that it numbered nearly twenty thousand men. After the battle of Monocacy the 14th numbered but ninety-five men for duty. The regiment had been repeatedly recruited, and now, with three hundred men and eighteen officers, was ready for the campaign. A great many of[112] the men had received furloughs, but there were some who had not seen their homes since enlisting. Of the number that had left New Jersey nearly three years before, there but few remained; numbers had been killed, and numbers were at their homes discharged on account of wounds. At the hospitals many poor fellows lay in pain that would willingly rejoin their comrades if able; there were scarcely any of the old boys left that had not been wounded.

On the 23d of March, Lee passed along the whole line of the rebel army, inspecting and reviewing the troops. There was very little display of the old enthusiasm with which his presence was wont to be greeted, as the men were discouraged and saw no farther use of fighting. Desertions were still numerous, and a new arrangement was made by the rebel officers; instead of details from the several regiments as heretofore, a whole regiment was placed at once on picket. They believed that this would prevent desertions. But this new device was wholly without effect, as whole companies would desert at once, bringing with them their arms and equipments.

The troops were all in their respective positions, with no positive orders to move, nor was it scarcely thought that the enemy would dare attack our position. Early on the morning of the 25th of March, when least expected, they assaulted our lines in front of the 9th corps, and so unexpected was the attack, that ere our men could recover from their surprise the enemy had captured Fort Steadman and part of the line to the right and left of it, established themselves and turned the guns of the fort upon us. But the troops on either flank held their ground until the reserves were brought up, and after a desperate battle the enemy was driven back with heavy loss in killed and wounded, and two thousand prisoners. They paid dearly for their advance, as it was their intention to break our lines, if possible. General Meade at once ordered the other corps to advance and feel the enemy in their respective fronts. The campaign had now commenced, which soon ended in the downfall of the rebellion. It was hastened by the enemy, as General Grant would not have moved so soon.

The whole army was now in motion and winter quarters abandoned; pushing forward, the 2nd and 6th corps captured and held the enemy's strongly intrenched picket line with heavy loss. The enemy made desperate attempts to retake this line but without success; our losses were heavy but the enemy's still greater. Ever[113] since General Grant halted in front of Petersburg, General Lee had been watching for some weak point in our lines where he might hope for success, and not waste his men against our strongly fortified line. He took his time because it was necessary to be very careful, he could not afford to lose a chance or a single man and yet this point where he made his attack was apparently on the supposition that Gen. Grant had weakened his lines to help Sherman, as his attack was in heavy force; but the whole affair was a splendid one for us as they were repulsed with great slaughter, their loss in killed, wounded and prisoners amounting to nearly six thousand men, and this at that time was a terrible loss to Lee. The nights were spent with anxiety by the men, lest each morning should bring the report that the enemy had retreated during the night before. It was firmly believed that Lee would retreat, and with Johnson and him combined, a long, tedious and expensive campaign consuming most of the Summer, would become necessary. By moving out of quarters, the army would be in a better condition for pursuit, and would at least by the destruction of the Danville Railroad, retard the concentration of the two armies of Generals Lee and Johnson, and cause the enemy to abandon much material that they might otherwise save.

It was not fully ascertained at first the amount of damage done by the enemy in their attack on the 25th. They had massed four divisions under General Gordon, and when our men were asleep, made a furious attack on our line in front of the 9th corps, capturing the fort and guns, and at the same time they attacked Fort Haskell, but were repulsed with heavy loss. President Lincoln and lady were present, and witnessed the fight at a distance. For several days, the division commanded by General Gordon had held a position in front of the 9th corps, and at midnight they were silently and promptly formed for a charge; everything was now ready, and the order forward was given without raising an alarm or a suspicion. The rebel troops were out safely to their line of works thrown up for the protection of their skirmishers. At a given signal they bounded over these works and rapidly cutting gaps in our Chevaux de Frise, pressed on with a yell towards our lines. The attack being sudden and totally unexpected, and made in almost overwhelming force, caused our skirmish line to give way before our reserves could get up. The rebels, confident of success, pressed on with vigor and succeeded in breaking our[114] line at a point near Fort Steadman; reaching our abattis they poured a terrific volley in our lines, breaking through on the left; they captured the fort by charging from the rear. So rapidly was this accomplished that the officer in command of the fort was captured with a portion of his men. Re-enforcements soon arrived from the other corps, and a terrible volley was poured into the enemy's ranks, who were now bent only on plunder; they could not long remain under such heavy fire and at last were compelled to fall back. Our infantry flanked the fort and cut off a large body of the rebel troops, that were commanded in person by Gen. Gordon, who led the attack. As they fell back they were literally slaughtered by our men, as grape and cannister were poured in their retreating ranks. This was their last hope, and crest-fallen, they fell back to their lines with a loss of over six thousand men.

Just four hours after the repulse of the rebel attack on the right of our line, the thunder of artillery and the crash of musketry again rolled loudly on the chilly March air. This time, however, everything was changed, the sound came from the left, not from the right; we were now the attacking party, not the rebels, and the ground we won was not recovered by them. General Grant, angry at their boldness, determined to let them know that the Potomac army was yet as ready as ever, and the 6th corps, which never knew the word fail, was ordered to the assault for the purpose of preventing the rebels from massing their troops, and at the same time to ascertain if possible their strength; advancing in three lines, the enemy's entire skirmish line was captured. They had erected a number of rifle pits in front of their main line; they were driven out of these works and compelled to fall back or else be captured; several surrendered at once as they were anxious to enter our lines. The position from which the attack was made by the 6th corps, was at the left of our line and near Fort Fisher; the thirty pound guns doing terrible execution. At two o'clock in the morning, Major-General Wright and staff reached Fort Fisher, where he was joined by Generals Wheaton, Seymour, Getty, Keifer and other 6th corps officers. The picket line was now held by the 10th Vermont and 14th New Jersey, supported by the 110th and 122d Ohio regiments. The order forward was given, and the first assault was made by the 10th and 14th, under command of Colonel George B. Davison, of the 10th Vermont. The rebel position was charged with great gallantry and success, entering and occupying the line assaulted. The rebels[115] were now aware of the weakness of the attacking party, as the two regiments advanced, and they soon massed a column of troops to drive them back; but the 3d division of the 6th corps was on hand and gave them such a volley that they fell back in confusion, and the entire line remained in our possession. The loss in the 14th regiment was comparatively small, as the fighting did not continue long. The artillery in the different forts by this time became warmly engaged with the rebel batteries, and a company of the 9th N. Y. Heavy Artillery, of the 3d division, sent a shell with such accuracy as to blow up a caisson in one of the rebel forts; shells were screaming through the air, and away to the left volleys of musketry told that the 2nd corps was now heavily engaged. Part of the 3d division was placed on the left of the line with the 2d corps. It was composed of the 10th Vermont, 14th New Jersey, 110th and 122d Ohio, 6th Maryland and part of the 9th N. York Heavy Artillery; this composed nearly all the 2d brigade, with two regiments from the 1st brigade.

The line was now formed for another assault, and when everything was in readiness the flag of the 1st brigade of Colonel Truex was waved as a signal to move forward. From the parapet of Fort Fisher the blue cross of the 3d division, 6th corps, waved, and from thousands of brave men about to risk life and limb came back a ringing cheer, and as onward they swept many a God-speed followed them. The batteries on both sides were hard at work, and not many minutes elapsed before the sharper ring of small arms was heard.

The line was fast closing on the rebel position, and their outer works were soon reached. Major Prentiss, from the 6th Maryland, was the first to enter their works. Scores of rebels preferred capture to running away, and as soon as they saw our troops inside of their lines, they threw down their arms and gave themselves up as prisoners of war. The loss on both sides was heavy; the 14th, as usual, fought well, losing their share of men in killed and wounded. The result of this fight proved that the enthusiasm and energy of Lee's troops had dwindled down to zero. They fought like hopeless, not desperate, men; the spirit which animated them two years ago had been broken by repeated defeats, and tamed by short rations. The new position gained was, on Sunday morning, March 26, held by the entire 6th corps, ready to repel any attack the enemy would make. The 14th was again on picket, and the long night passed slowly away, without a shot[116] along the entire line; the enemy was badly beaten and was quiet the rest of the night. Our men fought splendidly and successfully, and at night there was a wide-spread enthusiasm among the troops at the glorious success of the day. The enemy began the sanguinary work.

The Spring campaign was now opened with favorable auspices to our side, with a prospect of soon ending the war. The ground gained by the 6th corps was held during the next three days, the lines having been advanced one mile and a half from our former position. The 14th was now relieved from picket; tired and weary, the men lay down to sleep, having had none for nearly three days. The rebel dead, as they lay strewn around, were but skin and bone, a fact not to be wondered at, when it is remembered that for the last six months their chief article of diet had been a small quantity of corn meal daily.

From the night of the 29th to the morning of the 31st, the rain fell in such torrents as to make it impossible to move a wheeled vehicle, except when corduroy roads were laid in front of them. On the 30th, General Sheridan had advanced as far as Five Forks, where he found the enemy in force, and awaited re-enforcements. In the meantime, the 2d and 6th corps were holding the line they had captured without any farther fighting, awaiting orders to advance. The men were now confident that the enemy's main works could be carried, and were clamorous to be led on; but the rain and roads would not permit an advance.

On the morning of April 1st, General Sheridan, re-enforced by the 5th corps, drove the enemy back on Five Forks, capturing all their artillery and six thousand prisoners. In front of the 2d and 6th corps there was nothing but picket firing during the day; at night a heavy cannonade commenced, and was kept up until morning. Gen. Grant now ordered an attack along the entire line; accordingly, the 6th corps was massed and formed in three divisions. At three o'clock on Sunday morning, without a noise, the column was formed for a charge, with the 9th corps in reserve to follow the 6th, if successful. General Sheridan, with his cavalry and the 5th corps, were to attack at the same time, the result being well known to our readers. At four o'clock the order to move forward was given, and the 3d division in advance, with a yell charged the enemy's works, and their entire line was captured with many prisoners and guns. The 6th corps swept everything before them; the wildest enthusiasm prevailed, and the men[117] fought reckless of life and limb. Three thousand prisoners were captured by the 6th corps alone. There was a tremendous struggle during the day in woods, fields, hills and valleys, and on the roads and creeks a few miles south and west of Petersburg, and from twenty to thirty miles beyond the rebel Capital; never was such a scene presented to the eye. The whole rebel army was now in full retreat before our victorious troops. Petersburg was captured by the 6th corps and the Southside road reached and torn up for many miles. The result of this day's fight was the capture of Petersburg with twelve thousand prisoners, many thousand stand of arms, and the utter rout of the rebel army. The most wicked of all rebellions had now absolutely received its death-blow, and was so positively crushed that no power on earth could save it. Lee's retreat proved an utter rout. At midnight on Sunday, Richmond was evacuated, Jeff. Davis taking the rail for Danville; the lower portion of the city was burned and totally destroyed. For four long years had our brave men fought, and now the rebel Capital was in our possession, General Wetsell entering and occupying it on Monday morning at daylight. The rebel army seemed to hold together feebly before the battles, but the fierce struggle of Saturday and Sunday had completely used them up. We had taken twelve thousand prisoners in the two days, and there were twelve thousand more killed and wounded. Only one-half of Lee's army was now left; such a force could not long stand alone with a victorious army in pursuit. It was now Lee's intention to join Johnson if possible, and such a run would cost them ten thousand more men.

While the 6th corps was holding the captured picket line without much fighting, there was severe fighting on the left of the line. It was reserved for this corps to divide the formidable rebel army, which for so many months defied our power to drive them from the city of Petersburg. There were two objects in view; one to create a division in favor of Gen. Sheridan, and the other to cut the rebel army in two and destroy the far-famed Southside road. The first notice given the men was at nine o'clock, when a dispatch came from Gen. Meade, telling of the success of Gen. Sheridan on the left, and his heavy capture of prisoners, and ordered the troops to be massed at three o'clock on Sunday morning as was heretofore stated, and charge the rebel line. The pickets were also ordered to advance in front of the different divisions, but did not succeed in arousing a suspicion among them[118] that we were to attack. The rebels showed how far they were from suspecting a movement, by calling out to know if we were celebrating April fool's day at that time in the morning. The order given for the assault was carried out very punctually, owing to the fact that the greater the surprise the greater would be our chance of success; the troops therefore moved outside of the works at two o'clock. The moon had gone down, and the night was intensely dark; a thin chilly mist arose from the ground, which served still farther to conceal our movements from the enemy. On the extreme left of the line was the 1st brigade, with Colonel Truex in command, and the 14th New Jersey on the right of the brigade under Colonel Janeway. In forming the line, it was Gen. Wright's intention to attack in such overwhelming force that failure would be impossible; then when the column had made good its entrance into the rebel works, the divisions on the right and left might deploy, and drive the enemy from their works as effectually as if a fresh corps had attacked. To co-operate with the attacking column, Gen. Park, with the 9th corps, was held in reserve, while Sheridan, far away to the left, was thundering on their flank. Just before the attack, Gen. Wright and staff rode up to the picket line; a match was struck and the time ascertained; it wanted just fifteen minutes of four o'clock, and an officer was sent back to Fort Fisher with orders to fire a signal gun exactly at four o'clock. A few shots were fired by the enemy as the match was struck, and then all was still; no object was visible at a distance of a few yards, and of the thousands of men massed, not one could be seen by the enemy's line.

Suddenly a bright flash leaped out into the darkness, and a loud report from a twelve pounder rolled in the air; a minute elapsed and a similar sound came from the left some ten miles away, telling that the signal was understood. The veterans of the different divisions were now pushed forward, and the dull crash of musketry and the flash of artillery told that the battle had begun. The enemy was surprised, but soon rallied, and a terrific strife now took place. The entire line from right to left was heavily engaged. Daylight dawned slowly to the men, whose hearts were already relieved, as it was noticed that the enemy's firing became more feeble. Gen. Wright's assertion was fulfilled, that he would go through them like a knife, as their entire line was captured, together with thousands of prisoners, numerous pieces of artillery and many battle flags. It was the most complete[119] achievement of the war, and the first rays of the morning's sun beamed on the ramparts of the captured forts with the rebel army in full retreat. To retain what we had gained was necessary to gain more; for this purpose, the 3rd division was deployed to the left from forts on other parts of the line. The rebels were already firing on our men, and it was necessary to capture those forts and silence the guns. The two brigades under command of Colonels Truex and Keifer, pushed gallantly forward, and Gen. Wright after assuring himself of the safety of that part of the line, turned his attention to the left. The division took possession of a portion of the rebel lines, and soon struck the Southside road, destroying it for over ten miles. Later in the day when our men had completely cleared the rebels out of that part of the line, the work of destroying the road was resumed. General Seymour continued pushing toward the rebels left with the 3d division, and at one point had as severe a fight as any which occurred during the day. The rebels had a battery of six guns, two twenty pounders and four light field pieces, which they served in magnificent style. Our line was rapidly advanced and a charge made by the 1st brigade, and six more guns were added to the number already captured. From this point our progress to the left was comparatively easy, as the enemy were in full retreat. Soon a line of glittering bayonets were seen advancing towards us, and Major-General Gibbons informed Gen. Wright that the advancing column belonged to the 24th corps.

The 6th corps had by this time reached the vicinity of Hatcher's Run, and it was decided to right-about-face and march for Petersburg by the Boydton Plank Road. The troops had but commenced moving towards Petersburg, when a hearty cheer was given by the rear regiments. The cause was soon ascertained to be the arrival of Lieut. General Grant and staff, and as soon as the soldiers saw the Lieutenant-General, they shouted, "Boys, here's General Grant, three cheers for him," and all along the line as he rode on his black horse, Jeff. Davis, the men cheered him with the wildest enthusiasm; he rode with head uncovered, and bowed his thanks for the soldiers' hearty greeting. On seeing Generals Wright, Seymour, Wheaton and other 6th corps officers, he shook hands with great heartiness, and after spending a short time in conversation, he proceeded towards Petersburg, the corps following rapidly. On reaching the place, preparations were at once commenced to attack the works immediately surrounding[120] Petersburg. For this purpose Gen. Seymour of the 3d division was sent forward to the right of the line; Gen. Getty to the centre, and Gen. Wheaton to the left. Artillery was put into position, and soon the battle raged with even greater fury than in the morning. The rebels seemed determined to defend their forts to the last, but nothing could withstand the tried valor of General Wright's troops. The long lines were gradually closed on the forts and garrisons, and they were compelled to give way before the hard fighting of the 6th corps. Until after nightfall the contest continued, and the fate of Petersburg was decided. Major C. K. Prentiss, of the 6th Maryland, was the first to enter the rebel works, but was unfortunately shot through the chest a short time afterward. A rebel lieutenant was picked up wounded, who gave his name as Lieut. Prentiss, of the 2d Maryland regiment; he was a younger brother of the major, whom he had not seen since the rebellion broke out; they were both placed in the hospital together, and their wounds dressed. The meeting between the brothers was very affecting, causing many to shed tears. Our losses in killed and wounded, considering the hard fighting, were very light, as the rebels aimed too high for their fire to be destructive. Night found us in the possession of Petersburg, with an immense quantity of stores and ammunition that the enemy had left in their haste. Lee with the remnant of his army, had fled in the direction of Danville, a demoralized disheartened force. The loss in the 14th did not exceed one hundred in killed and wounded. The troops fought well, but none better than the 14th New Jersey. Led by a brave officer, Lieut.-Colonel Janeway, they with the rest caused many a rebel to bite the dust, and with about one hundred and fifty men left, participated in the attack.

The charge of Major-Gen. Wright's veterans under cover of the darkness and mist, preceding the break of day, will forever live in history as one of the grandest and most sublime actions of the war. With irresistible force they broke through the rebel line, in which months of labor had been expended, and then turning the rebel guns on other hostile forts, they swept along the rebel line for a distance of five miles, capturing men, guns and colors. When it is remembered how much depended on them, and what would have been the consequence if they failed, the country will treasure as household words the names of Wright, Getty, Seymour, Wheaton, and other generals who led the oft-tried but never defeated men of the 6th corps to victory, on the morning of Sunday, April 2d.

[121]Under cover of the darkness on Sunday night, Lee withdrew the remnant of his army and fell back across the Appomattox. The bridge across the river was partially burned by them, but the flames were soon extinguished by our troops, who commenced entering Petersburg shortly after sunrise on Monday morning, and were objects of great curiosity to the negroes of the city. They capered around our men in a most ludicrous manner, and at every fresh arrival yelled out, "Dar comes de clebber yankees." The stores were all closed, and the city seemed to have left off doing business. Our enterprising news boys entered the city along with the soldiers, and almost before the rear guard of the rebels had crossed the river, the New York Herald, of March 31st, was sold in the streets of Petersburg.

The final movement in pursuit of the balance of Lee's army commenced at daylight. It was General Grant's intention to use them up entirely in case the charge of the 6th corps should prove a success, and accordingly the 2d, 5th, 6th and 24th corps, together with the cavalry under General Sheridan, were put in motion to find the rebels. The camps around Petersburg were left, and the whole of the grand army of the Potomac was fairly en route by eight o'clock, with all their teams, ambulances, pack mules, droves of cattle, and all other necessities for campaigning. After long weary waiting around Petersburg for nearly nine months, the change was agreeable, and the recent victories added considerably to the good spirits of the men. The country passed through was in a fine state of cultivation, and the bright green of early vegetation looked very cheerful when contrasted with the brown sandy waste we had looked on for so long a time. The 6th corps moved in the following order: Getty's division ahead, Wheaton in the centre, and Seymour with the 3d division in the rear.

During the day the troops marched forty miles; night found the advance at Mount Pleasant Church. Hundreds of rebels had been picked up on the march. The roads were very muddy from the recent rains, and on no other occasion could the men have marched as far, but all knew the necessity of capturing Lee's army, and all were willing to do their best. During a temporary halt in the afternoon, Gen. Meade passed the 6th corps on his way to the front. He was recognized by the men and greeted with loud and enthusiastic cheers; for a short time the scene was one that could be better imagined than described, so great was the[122] enthusiasm inspired by the presence of the Commander of the army of the Potomac. Caps were waved and cheers given in a manner which is only heard and seen where thousands of soldiers are greeting a commander who has won their confidence and esteem. General Meade returned the greeting of the 6th corps by repeated bows, although compelled to bestow considerable attention on the management of the spirited horse he was riding. On reaching the spot where Gen. Wright was standing, he reined in his horse, and said to him, laughingly, "The 6th corps men are in such good spirits that they seem determined to break my neck;" to which the General replied, that "He imagined they were proud of their success," when Gen. Meade, with much feeling said, "Yes, we all know, and the country shall know, that the 6th corps did the business; to them we owe our success in breaking the rebel line, and we feel very grateful to them for it."

On the 6th at daylight, the 2d, 5th and 6th corps were at Burksville Station, and Lee was near Amelia Court House. The enemy again made a stand, when they were attacked by General Sheridan with his cavalry, and the 1st and 3d divisions of the 6th corps. A desperate battle was again fought, which resulted in the capture of six rebel generals, Ewell, Pegram, Barton, DeBoise, Corse and Fitz Hugh Lee, several thousand prisoners, fourteen pieces of artillery, and thousands of small arms. Lee's army was now closely pressed, and nothing could save him from capture. The troops moving down the road on a parallel with the enemy, they were again attacked at Sailor's Creek. The 3d division in advance was moved up the road held by the enemy, which was carried by the division. By this time Wheaton's division was put into position as rapidly as possible on the left of the line. While these operations were going on, similar ones were occurring at other points. By bold and strategic movements Grant had almost surrounded Lee, and his surrender was speedily looked for. The men were exhausted and needed rest, but there was none until Lee's army had been captured. The lines of the 1st and 3d divisions were again advanced, and swept down the road for a distance of two miles. Arriving at a deep and difficult creek, the enemy were found in line on the opposite side; they were immediately attacked and driven back from Sailor's Creek. In this engagement our loss was heavy, especially in the 1st division, as the men were compelled to cross under heavy fire. The 14th was now rapidly diminished in numbers, with only about 100 men[123] left; but those that were left were as full of fight as ever. The rebel General A. P. Hill was killed in front of Petersburg while urging on his men; his loss was felt by them, as he was one of their leading corps commanders. Ewell was in our hands, and of the four leading generals of the rebel army, Lee and Longstreet only were left.

The pursuit was kept up the entire week following the capture of Richmond and Petersburg, in which the troops marched over two hundred miles. It was soon found that the enemy had fled from Sailor's Creek to the north side of the Appomattox; but so close was the pursuit that our forces secured the bridge, and immediately crossed the 6th corps at Farmersville. Feeling that Gen. Lee's chance of escape was utterly hopeless, and his men dropping out at every mile, the following dispatch was sent to him by General Grant;

To Robert Lee, Com'g Army of C. S. of America:

General:

The result of the last week must convince you of the hopelessness of further resistance on the part of the army of Northern Virginia. In this struggle I feel that it is so, and regard it as my duty to shift from myself the responsibility of any further effusion of blood, by asking of you the surrender of that portion of the Confederate States army known as the army of Northern Virginia.

U. S. GRANT,
Lieut. General.

To this General Lee replied:

I received your note of this date. Though not entertaining the opinion you express on the hopelessness of further resistance on the part of the army of Northern Virginia, I reciprocate your desire to avoid useless effusion of blood, and therefore will treat with you on terms of surrender.

R. E. LEE,
General.

While this correspondence was carried on, the troops were not idle, and Sunday morning found both armies again in line at Appomattox Court House. Writing and fighting at the same time, General Grant showed that he was more than a match for Lee; just as he would have stopped any attempt on Lee's part to escape through his lines, so he stopped his attempt to escape from him. In the afternoon an arrangement was made for an interview with the rebel General. General Grant offered to parole all of Lee's army, and give the officers their side arms and private property. Lee at once accepted this proposition and the fighting ceased, and the war was practically ended; so in a few days, and[124] by means of a few short letters, the dreadful contest which had disturbed the country for four years, was brought to a close, and the whole rebel army was in our hands.

The troops were fighting at Appomattox Court House, and knew nothing of the correspondence of Grant and Lee, when orders came for a suspension of hostilities for two hours. At two o'clock in the afternoon General Meade rode along the lines, and with hat in hand, exclaimed, "Boys, Lee has surrendered." At first it was not credited, but coming from the mouth of General Meade, it could not be doubted, and one continuous shout was given. The men were in ecstasies, and could scarcely restrain themselves; tremendous cheers were given and caps were thrown in the air. Men hugged and squeezed each other, and all felt that the war was over.

The stipulations for the surrender were carried into effect, and the rebel army was no longer an organized body of men. Twenty-five thousand men were all that were left, and ten thousand of them were unarmed. They were permitted to return to their homes, which they gladly did, and the army of Northern Virginia ceased to exist. It could scarcely be believed that Lee had surrendered, and while the men were marching and fighting, Grant and Lee were in correspondence with each other. Sunday, the 9th of April, will ever be remembered, especially by the soldiers of the Potomac army. In the short space of fifteen days, Lee had been driven from his position in front of Petersburg and compelled to retreat; Richmond in our possession, and he finally compelled to surrender to General Grant.

The 5th corps and one division of cavalry were ordered to remain at Appomattox Court House, until the paroling of the surrendered army was completed and to take charge of the public property. The remainder of the army immediately returned to Petersburg, but were ordered to halt at Burksville and enter camp; the men were greatly in need of rest and rations. Once more tents were placed on a line as before. Nothing was talked of but the recent victories, and the people North were rejoicing; guns were fired throughout the country in honor of our success. Too much praise cannot be given to the privates and officers of the Potomac army, and to our noble leader, Grant.

With but one hundred men for duty, the 14th entered camp at Burksville, with bronzed features and soiled garments, covered with Virginia mud; they looked for a speedy return to their[125] homes. All that was possible for them to do they had done, and New Jersey cannot but be proud of such a noble band of heroic men. Commencing on the river from which the Potomac army derived its name, until the surrender of Lee at Appomattox Court House, Virginia, all have a proud record for having done their full share in restoring our Union as it was.

Johnson had not yet surrendered, and as each day passed reports were circulated among the men, that the Potomac army was to march in his rear. Scarcely had the men commenced to rejoice at their success, when there came a blow that was more terrible than any defeat. In camp at Burkesville the men little knew what calamity was to befall the nation. A dispatch was sent from Washington that our beloved President had been assassinated. Our noble leader who for the last four years had guided our nation in the midst of war was foully stricken down by the assassin's hand. Rejoicing was turned into mourning, and the men when fully aware that Lincoln was no more, were clamorous to move on Gen. Johnson, and with vows of vengeance, determined if possible to avenge his death. Gloom now prevailed among the men, as he was beloved by friend and foe. But a few days before he was at the front, and by his presence cheered the men on to victory; now he lay in the cold embrace of death. The Southern leaders, now fleeing from their homes, were the instigators of this horrible crime. All business was suspended in the army on the day of his burial. Jeff. Davis had fled, and at Danville stopped long enough to make a speech. He told his followers that their cause was not yet lost; that the rebel capital had been evacuated for the purpose of concentrating their armies; he did not then know that Lee had surrendered his army to Grant. Remaining a few hours at Danville he proceeded South, and was finally captured in the disguise of a female—a fitting end for such a leader.

The men were now anxious to move towards Washington and be mustered out, as the Potomac army had done its duty; but Johnson had still a large army, and was in consultation with Gen. Sherman in regard to a surrender, but no terms could be agreed upon, and it was determined to crush him. Accordingly, the 6th corps and Sheridan's cavalry were ordered to move on his rear. On Sunday night, April 23d, the corps was ordered to be ready to move at daylight, which way the men knew not, but it was supposed for Washington; but the men soon found out that they had[126] a hard march before them to Danville, one hundred and twenty miles distant. In four days the march was made; the sun was very warm, and the men suffered very much. General Wright, wishing to win more glory, was anxious to fall on Johnson's rear. He marched the men very fast, until he was bitterly cursed by them, and with blistered feet and weary limbs the men plodded on in dust and sun, and were loud in their complaints against Wright for marching so fast. When in pursuit of Lee, the men deemed it necessary and did not murmur, but marching thirty miles a day, for four successive days was more than human nature could bear, when it was unnecessary. Water was very scarce; often ten and twelve miles were passed without meeting a stream or well of any kind. Danville was reached by the 1st division at noon on the fourth day, and was quietly taken possession of by Gen. Hamlin's brigade. The Union army had never marched that way, and the Yanks were an object of curiosity to the negroes. There was considerable of rolling stock in the place which had not been moved, and was captured. The troops marched through the place and encamped on the outskirts of the town. One day was given the men to rest, and orders issued to move again. The corps was but forty miles from Johnson, and in two days would have been thundering on his rear. Gen. Wright was very anxious that the corps should win new laurels, but the men were not, as they had won enough, for if anything was done, the praise was given the officers and not the men, when they did the work.

The troops were in camp but a few hours, when a dispatch was received by General Wright with the news of Johnson's surrender; the men were formed in line and the dispatch read to them. All knew that their marching and fighting was done, and cheers were given for Sherman and his noble army; each battery was ordered to fire a salute of thirty-two guns, and the bands ordered to play national airs. The war was now over and right glad were the men of it. Home was now talked of, but the men were too weary to rejoice much. The campaign, from winter quarters to the surrender of Lee and the march to Danville, had been a hard one. Thirty miles a day when the war was over was more than the men of the 6th corps wished for, and Gen. Wright lost much of the respect due him, as he was in command, and such marching was needless.

Danville is a town of some importance, forty miles from Goldsboro,[127] the scene of Johnson's surrender. Had he not surrendered as soon as he did, he would have heard the thunder of the artillery and musketry of the 6th corps in his rear in less than forty-eight hours; but the men were not anxious to move further south, and remained quietly in camp. At this place the rebels had a large house where the Union prisoners were kept. The graveyard where they were buried was visited by the men; the most of them had died of starvation and cruel treatment. About seven thousand were crowded in a small lot; it will ever remain a curse to the South, showing the cruel treatment our men received at their hands.

The troops remained in camp at Danville until the 16th of May, when orders came to move; leaving camp at four in the morning, marching through Danville, and placed on baggage cars, riding one hundred and sixty miles all day and all night, to Richmond. The day was warm and dusty, and the ride very tedious, as the men were in open cars; crossed Staunton River on a bridge built by our forces since the occupation of Danville, passing the old camp at Burksville, reaching Richmond on the morning of the 17th, and entering camp near Manchester, remained there eight days. The other corps were at Washington with Sherman's army, and were paid off and mustered out as rapidly as possible. The 6th corps, always first in action, was the last to go home; their work was now done, and all were anxious to return to their homes. Camp life passed very pleasantly, and passes were given the men to visit Richmond. Rebel officers and soldiers were numerous, and were loitering around with feelings of hatred towards the Union soldiers; they were whipped but not subdued, and to-day the same feeling exists in the South as it did four years ago.

The remainder of the troops were now at Washington, and Gen. Wright did all he could to get transportation for his corps; but the authorities at Washington were not willing, and the men ware compelled to march. When Washington was threatened by Early, the 6th corps was transported there in a hurry; but now the war was over, and with hundreds of transports lying at City Point, the men were not allowed to ride. The distance was one hundred and twenty miles, the sun warm and the roads muddy from recent rains. The 24th army corps of the army of the James was still at Richmond doing guard duty, with headquarters at the former residence of Jeff. Davis.

On Monday, March 24, the corps was ordered to move for[128] Washington, marching out at three o'clock, passing in review at Manchester and at Richmond, crossing the James on pontoons. After marching through the principal streets, the troops took the road to Washington, marching that day twenty miles, the roads in some places almost impassable, several teams sticking in the mud; passed the works thrown up by McClellan in the Peninsula campaign, crossing the Chickahominy River and Stony Creek, and halting for the night at Hanover Court House. We moved out the next day on the same road the army was on one year ago; then after the enemy, trying to take Richmond, now with the war over, bound for home. The day was very warm, and the men fell out by hundreds; many were sunstruck, several dying. At night the column halted at Chesterfield Station, having marched twenty miles since morning.

On the 29th the rain fell in torrents, wetting the men to the skin; the roads were in a horrible condition, the mud knee-deep. The weather had suddenly changed and it was very cold; the men were as wet as they could be. At 9 o'clock the troops moved out; the marching was very slow as the men ware nearly worn out, having done nothing but march since last winter quarters. But ten miles were made that day, the men entering camp at dark. Shelter tents were hastily put up, but the damp ground was a hard place to lie for tired and weary man, but the men did not care, as the war was over and they were homeward bound. The corps was now stuck in the mud and could not move; this was the last march, and a hard one it was. The men lay in camp until the roads were nearly dried, which did not take long, as the sandy roads of Virginia did not long remain muddy with the hot sun to dry them; two days were spent in camp. Six days were given Gen. Wright to march from Richmond to Washington, but it could not be done. The rations were giving out, the men having nothing but hard-tack and coffee.

On Monday, the 29th, the roads were in better condition, and the troops moved out. The day was cool, marching in eight hours twenty miles to Fredericksburg, arriving there at noon, crossed the Mat Ta Po and Nye Rivers, these four streams forming the Mattapony River. Headquarters were near the city on the Heights where Generals Burnside and Hooker fought in '62 and '63. The next day the march was resumed, the 3d division in the rear, passed through Fredericksburg, a very pretty place, but now nearly every house bore the marks of shells; the place was in a[129] very dilapidated condition. The column crossed the Rappahannock on pontoons, marching sixteen miles, wading Aquia Creek, camping in a field at four o'clock. On the 31st, the 3d division was in the centre, marching eighteen miles very fast, arriving in camp at three o'clock. Hard-tack, coffee and sugar were issued the men at night. On June 1st the headquarter wagons were sent ahead, marching eighteen miles, and encamping near Fairfax Court House. The next day fourteen miles were made, passing the Potomac army lying quietly in their camp, anxiously awaiting orders to be mustered out. Tents were pitched on a line at Bailey's Cross Roads, eight miles from Washington, having been ten days coming from Richmond, two days stuck in the mud.

The marching and fighting were now over, and the men entered camp with the expectation of soon seeing their homes. The remaining corps were soon mustered out as rapidly as possible, and the officers of the different regiments were working day and night on the muster rolls. The weather was very warm and dry, and rations poor. The nearer the troops were to Washington the poorer were the rations they had to eat. The detached men from the regiment were now ordered back, and the new recruits transferred to the 2d New Jersey with two hundred and thirty men; all that remained of the old 14th New Jersey were ready to return home.

On Thursday, June 8th, the 6th corps was reviewed in Washington in presence of President Johnson and other leading officials. At four o'clock in the morning the men moved out of camp, marching to Washington. At nine o'clock the column was formed; the men were neatly brushed, with muskets in fine order and wearing white gloves, crossing Long Bridge and passing in review down Pennsylvania avenue. The sun was intensely hot, and in the crowded streets the men suffered very much; many were sunstruck and died. The men were not used to pavements, nor to marching in close order. After the review the troops returned to their respective camps, having marched twenty miles since leaving camp; it was more than a day's march, and very hard on the men. Soon the muster rolls were ready, and were sent into headquarters for inspection; they were pronounced correct, and preparations were made to muster out the men as soon as possible. The rolls of the 14th were ready first, and they were the first to leave for their homes.

Seventeen days had elapsed since the corps arrived at Washington.[130] On the afternoon of June 19th, the regiment was formed in line and marched to headquarters, and was mustered out of the United States service. Soldiering in the field was now done, and with happy hearts the men returned to their quarters. At midnight the long roll was beaten and the regiment ordered to move at daylight, marching to Washington, passing through Georgetown. The men were placed on baggage cars, but did not get off until night, arriving in Philadelphia on the morning of the 21st. A good breakfast was given the men by the Volunteer Refreshment Saloon. Three cheers for the ladies of Philadelphia were given, and the regiment marched to the ferry, crossing over to Camden and taking the cars for Trenton, forty miles distant, arriving at noon. The ladies of the place gave the war-worn veterans a hearty welcome and a warm reception. A splendid dinner was provided, and the men enjoyed it much; such a dinner was indeed a feast, such as the men had not seen for many a long day, after which they were marched to the barracks and ordered in. At first they refused to go, but the promise of a speedy payment was satisfactory, and the men entered, remaining all night; the next day forming in line and marching through the principal streets; everywhere the regiment was greeted with cheers. Another dinner was served, and speeches made by Governor Parker, Lieut.-Colonel Hall, and others. The men then returned to the barracks, and passes were given them for five days. All were in good spirits, and were glad they were again in their native State.

The regiment had bean gone nearly three years, leaving New Jersey with nine hundred and fifty active men; two hundred and thirty returned. During that time, having participated in numerous battles and skirmishes, fighting each time with that bravery for which the New Jersey troops were noted for. In that time the regiment had traveled by rail one thousand and fifty miles, by water six hundred and twenty-eight miles, and on foot two thousand and fifteen miles. At the expiration of five days the men returned, and on the 20th of June, 1865, received their final payment by Major Newell, after passing through almost incredible hardships, participating in all the battles of the Potomac Army from Gettysburg to the surrender of Lee, leaving more than one half of their men on Southern soil, their bones now bleaching in the sun. The men were soon to separate and return to their homes. The clash of arms and the groans of the wounded and dying would no more be heard, and those that were[131] left would soon engage in the active pursuits of life, and war forgotten. The 14th New Jersey, a noble regiment, will ever be remembered by the people of the State as the defenders of our Union and Constitution.

A Few Words to My Comrades in Arms and Then I Am Done:

Fellow soldiers: For three years we battled for our country's rights and for our homes. We are widely separated; but with grateful memory of the past we live for the future. Our country is now at peace. If the call to arms should ever again resound throughout the land, may we ever be ready. Let not the thoughts of former days and past hardships deter us from again rushing to arms, for without a country we are as nothing. With proud hearts we think of the past, knowing and feeling that we have done our duty. We were welcomed home, and by the fireside relate tales of by-gone days; of days of pleasure and of pain; of those dark hours when our country was in danger, and when we answered the call TO ARMS. Prosperity now reigns. Our flag, the proud emblem of liberty, floats throughout the land from North to South, and we as a nation are happy and prosperous beneath its folds. The proud Eagle of America soars aloft on every ocean, and the star-spangled banner floats on every sea. Our nation has passed through a great deal in four years, and New Jersey has done her duty nobly. Thousands of her brave sons have given their lives for their country, and those that remain will read this book with interest. As these pages are perused by the members of the 14th, scenes that were long since forgotten will be fresh in memory. Soldiers, our work is done! These terrible days of war are over. Throughout the land soldiers' societies exist. Let every man that was a soldier join these societies, and do all in their power to help those widows and orphans whose husbands and fathers fill a soldier's grave, and ever remember that our flag, the stars and stripes, must wave o'er this Glorious Union now and forever. As a country we have no equal. Slavery forever abolished and our nation saved, with thanks to the Almighty for our safe return to our homes and families, to go no more to war.

Those men who in the hour of peril remained at home and did all in their power to help along the glorious cause, and by their actions showed that they respected a soldier, will be looked upon by the returned veterans as men; but those mean sneaking Copperheads that were forever denouncing the North and were in[132] favor of the South, will be despised by us for their meanness. New Jersey is redeemed, and to-day a loyal Governor sits in his seat at Trenton, a soldier's friend. What we have passed through can be known only to us, and now happy at our homes are content. The South is subdued, and has learned a terrible lesson, that this Union can never be broken, and as a united nation will live forever. As a regiment, the 14th no longer exists, but the name of the 14th New Jersey from the old 6th corps, will never be forgotten, but ever be remembered with pride as a band of heroic men, that gave themselves for their country in its hour of peril. It is but natural that the people should turn with beaming eyes and grateful hearts to the heroic Union soldiers who have nobly periled their all in defence of their country. Forever shall the memory of our gallant dead be embalmed in the hearts of the living. On the banks of many southern rivers; under the spreading foliage of many a forest tree; on the hillsides and in the valleys of the South, are tens of thousands of those grassy mounds which mark the last resting places of the noble Union dead. In many a northern home the widow and the orphan, the brother and the sister, the bereaved father and disconsolate mother await the coming of that step that so often in the past had been the sweetest music to their ears. But they await in vain. Never more shall a mother's kiss be pressed upon his brow as he sleeps in his little cot in the humble chamber of the old homestead; but in the heart of a redeemed nation his memory shall live forever. Comrades, I am done! Our beloved country, healed of its wounds, to-day stands among other powers a free and independent nation forever. Liberty, that priceless gem, was purchased at a fearful cost. But those brave men who now live will ever, with proud step and beaming eye, exclaim with emotion, that with my help the country was saved. The star-spangled banner planted high upon the everlasting hills of truth and justice, shall wave to the breeze till time shall be no more; recognized by foreign powers as the head of all nations. In the annals of fame, our country lives forever!

Written by Sergeant J. Newton Terrill,
New Brunswick, New Jersey.

Commenced Sept. 1st, 1865; finished July 15th, 1866.

TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES:

Inconsistencies in capitalization and hyphenation have been retained from the original.

Inconsistencies in spelling have been retained from the original unless they are obvious typographical errors which have been corrected as follows:
Page     9: anp changed to and
Page   10: batallion changed to battalion
Page   14: extra word "the" removed
Monacacy changed to Monocacy
Page   18: west-tern changed to western
Page   20: obbing changed to robbing
Page   21: loosing changed to losing
cecesh changed to secesh
weer changed to were
Page   24: Patomac changed to Potomac
A changed to At
Page   25: bayanets changed to bayonets
Page   27: ffve changed to five
Page   28: onr changed to our
Page   34: eqally changed to equally
Page   35: ceaceless changed to ceaseless
Page   36: Manasses changed to Manassas
Page   47: af changed to of
Page   48: misdeameanor changed to misdemeanor
Page   50: maneuvre changed to maneuver
Page   54: sonth changed to south
Page   63: missing word "of" added
farward changed to forward
Torbett changed to Torbert
Page   66: superceded changed to superseded
Page   71: regi-iment changed to regiment
Page   73: date in original is unclear; it must be Saturday, July 19th, 1834.
Page   75: date in original shows July 9th; it possibly could be July 19th.
Page   76: advancrd changed to advanced
Tennery changed to Tennelly
sacrified changed to sacrificed
Page   79: Hark-tack changed to Hard-tack
Page   81: extra word "the" removed
neccessary changed to necessary
Page   82: Monacacy changed to Monocacy
Page   91: Charlottsville changed to Charlottesville
Page   94: infaladed changed to infiladed
Page   97: ther changed to their
Page   99: quartere changed to quarters
Page 100: Spotttylvania changed to Spottsylvania
Page 108: Waynsboro changed to Waynesboro
Page 122: sgirits changed to spirits
Page 124: remembred changed to remembered
Page 127: were changed to where
Page 132: river changed to rivers
foilage changed to foliage

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