[i]
THE JOURNAL OF
LEO TOLSTOI
(First
Volume—1895–1899)
[ii]
THE NEWEST BORZOI BOOKS
ASPHALT
By Orrick Johns
BACKWATER
By Dorothy Richardson
DANDELIONS
By Coulson T. Cade
CENTRAL EUROPE
By Friedrich Naumann
CRIMES OF CHARITY
By Konrad Bercovici
RUSSIA’S MESSAGE
By William English Walling
THE BOOK OF SELF
By James Oppenheim
THE BOOK OF CAMPING
By A. Hyatt Verrill
MODERN RUSSIAN HISTORY
By Alexander Kornilov
THE RUSSIAN SCHOOL OF PAINTING
By Alexandre Benois
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF A SUPER-TRAMP
By William H. Davies
With a Preface by Bernard Shaw
[iii]
THE JOURNAL OF
LEO TOLSTOI
(First
Volume—1895–1899)
TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN
By ROSE STRUNSKY
ALFRED A. KNOPF
NEW YORK · MCMXVII
[iv]
COPYRIGHT, 1917, BY
ALFRED A. KNOPF
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
[v]
The ultimate meaning of the Russian Revolution which took place
in March, 1917, can be best understood through the pages of the
Journal of Leo Tolstoi which is here printed. The spiritual qualities
which make up the mind and personality of Tolstoi are the spiritual
qualities which make up the new era among men which is being waged
so painfully and so uncompromisingly at the present moment on the
soil of Russia. One holds the key to the other, for no land but
Russia could have produced a Tolstoi, and in no land but Russia
could Tolstoi have been so embraced and so absorbed.
They are both flesh of each other’s flesh, and I place them equally
in greatness against each other. Great and wonderful as is the
Russian people, so Tolstoi was as great and wonderful as the Russian
people. I say this knowing well the pain and impatience both felt
for each other in the long eighty-two years of Tolstoi’s life here,
but it was the pain and the impatience of great love and infinite
understanding, of feeling and knowing each other’s pulse-beats,
and not the misunderstanding of strangers. It was the wise father
doubting[vi]
the impatient methods of his children; it was the ardent
children desiring and struggling to accomplish the wishes of the
father and being lost in the maelstrom of an insistent reality.
The youth went faster than the father, and yet so infinite and
universal were the words of the latter that when the last summings-up
are made both stand together in total harmony and agreement. Tolstoi
at thirty took no part in the great educational agrarian movement of
the latter Fifties, and even had a fine scorn for their exponents
which did not leave him in his later years—witness the phrase against
Herzen and Chernishevsky, “raised to great men,” he said, “and who
ought to be grateful to the government and the censorship, without
which they would have been the most unnoticed of sketch-writers.”
And yet it was Herzen and Chernishevsky and Dobrolubov, these
“sketch-writers,” who kept up the fire of agrarian reform and who
practically forced the issue upon Alexander II. Tolstoi ignored the
whole revolutionary movement of that time; even more than ignored it;
threw himself seemingly into the opposite camp, leading the life of
a gay fêted hero returned from the Crimean War. But his Morning of
a Landed Proprietor shows that he was thinking deeply even at that
time of the social problems around him, only he was thinking more
slowly than the rest. He was just
waking[vii]
up to the fact that the
peasant conditions needed improvement, at the time when all around
him the youth had passed to the idea that it was not an improvement
that they needed, but an absolute change in the fundamental ideas of
property. It took him forty years to say, that you might as well ask
him how to make use of the ownership, or the labour or the rent of
a bonded slave as to ask him for advice as to the problem of owning
of land. Here was no reformer speaking, but one who was united with
the revolutionary thought around him.
But when the men of the Sixties were making that answer for
themselves, and had won the first great step toward the change—the
abolition of serfdom—Tolstoi was away altogether from his native
land writing that great epoch of the War of 1812—War and Peace.
It was because this great soul was undogmatic, and reached out into
the world not by mass thinking, but marvellously enough entirely
by himself, laying his roots far and deep, that he seemed so slow
moving. Yet it was the direction and the end that counted, and the
end finds him, like the race between the tortoise and the hare—that
he is still ahead.
Even Russia will have far and long to travel to come to that kingdom
of God on earth, to that conception of the manifestation of the
will of God on earth, which is the spiritual ideal of
Tolstoi,[viii] and
toward which, express it in any materialistic or naturalistic terms
it may, the Russian nation has with one mind been working with such
marvellous self-consciousness.
Again, after the emancipation of the serfs, Tolstoi seemed to fail
the New Russia, interesting himself only at this moment with the
education of the youth and the need of reform—ever the need of
reform, when already for over a decade the cry of Russia was for new
forms entirely, new land arrangements, new relations between man
and man, and man and his property. The time had come, they said,
for the Will of the People to be made manifest.
But before Tolstoi could decide on that, he had to decide on a more
fundamental problem of what his relation was to God, as well as what
his relation was to man. In other words, what were the true spiritual
relations between man and man, not only the economic, political and
social ones. And it is this attempt to solve the real fundamental
meaning to all relationship, the very reason for the youth’s outbursts
against the economic, political and social injustices that existed,
that kept him moving forward so slowly. For he moved whole worlds
at a step.
The only reason for life, he said, is the universal desire for well
being, which in man, whose reason has awakened, is expanded into
a desire[ix]
for universal welfare; in other words, for love. For he
knows that he is not a separate being, but a part of a whole, and
therefore it is meaningless to think that he can obtain anything
for himself alone. It is only in struggling and attaining for the
Whole that he can find his true life.
The Russian youth agreed with him entirely. To their logic, the
struggle for universal welfare led to terrorism; to Tolstoi, to the
absolute non-resistance to evil by violence. The youth said the will
of God is being thwarted by a band of oppressors. If we do away with
the oppressors we can get together in mutual love. Tolstoi said that
he who thinks he can violate the will of God for an immediate good
is only short-sighted. Never at any moment can the will of God be
thwarted and the good attained.
For a while the Russian Government rather approved of the Tolstoyan
attitude of non-resistance to evil. The one who used the greatest
amount of violence and evil of all, was pleased to meet the philosophy
which advised non-resistance to it. But Tolstoi grew and travelled
in his long years and he had to change his conclusions, so that
his logic led him to that most self-conscious and difficult of
all revolutionary movements, passive-resistance. Take no part in
violence, he said; therefore, pay no taxes that support a government
which violates, and do not serve in the
army[x]
which is an act of
violence in itself. It was then that Tolstoi was looked upon with
askance by the Russian authorities and formerly anathematised from
the church. It was to his followers that the more drastic punishment
of imprisonment and exile was meted out.
Toward the latter years of his life, his great human heart could
not remain quite closed to the violence around him, and religious
thinker that he was, he had to stop his meditations to cry out
against the Kishineff massacres of the Jews and against the raising
of the scaffolds and the tying of the “Stolypine’s neck-ties,” that
most telling nick-name of the Russian people for the noose, which
was tied even for school children on the crossroads of Russia after
the bitter failure of the revolution of 1905.
It was only in What Is Art? that the Russian people and Tolstoi
were unanimously at one. Art is to serve the people, to be of the
people, to be something understandable by all people. There were to
be no dogmas for art, no German metaphysics for art. It was merely
the means of expressing to his neighbour the mysteries that went on
in the soul of the artist. There was no quarrel here between his
fellow countrymen and the great thinker. Everything was to be for
the people; the spiritual manifestations of life as well as the
material.
[xi]
How to make clear that for all this seeming lack of harmony, there
existed the greatest bond of all between this teacher and his
children. Thousands in Russia took his life as an example and left
the vainglories of the city with all its false standards and went
to live among the people. They went not only to serve them but to
be one of them, to live by the sweat of their brow as the masses
did, because it was the only moral thing to do, and because the
greatest happiness lay in the spiritual values of life, and because,
as Tolstoi himself says, “It is good with them, but with us it is
shameful.”
I remember so well the deep-set eyes and the long shaggy eyebrows
of that all-knowing seer, as he sat on the veranda of his home in
Yasnaya Polyana one May afternoon in 1906, and told us that he was a
religious thinker and not a political one but that to his mind the
revolution in Russia would take fifty years to develop. And with
that fine scorn for parliamentarism which would have rejoiced the
heart of any syndicalist, he added that that which we were witnessing
now, the assembling of the first Duma, was only the first scene of
the first act of a five act drama and it was high comedy!
The second scene followed soon and turned out to be bitter tragedy,
and before it was quite over Tolstoi wandered off on that last
pilgrimage which ended in the little railway station of
Ostopova.[xii]
He succumbed at last to that “temptation” he speaks of so freely in
his Journal, to leave his home conditions, negate himself entirely,
and find himself again, merged and at one with the Whole. And the
Great Deliverer came and offered him even a greater fusion with all,
giving him that “other post,” the “new appointment” he so ardently
prayed for in life. When that happened he became at once clear and
lucid even to those nearest him—who had criticised him the most.
The Russian youth was disconsolate. Our spiritual guide is gone,
they cried. Who will hold up the candle for us now? What black night
is there in the world, and how to grope our way in it alone!
How lonely it was without that spiritual guide!
The first act of the March Revolution was to redecorate the grave
of Tolstoi in the forest of Zakaz, to make the sacred pilgrimage to
his resting place and tell the father of the good news—the will of
God is being established, reason is awakened in man. Love toward
neighbour; nay, the greatest of all, love toward enemies, is being
accomplished.
It is with a feeling of reverence that I bring this gift of the inner
soul of Tolstoi to the English-speaking public. The very formlessness
of the phrases of this Journal helps toward a sincerity of thought
which shows itself pure by
its[xiii]
nakedness. Tolstoi himself knew the
value of these documents, for one man was to him as another, and
the sincere gropings of a man’s reason toward the understanding of
the meaning of life was of value even if they were his own, and
especially if they were of one who had lived much and thought much
as he did. “It is especially disagreeable to me,” he writes, “when
people who have lived little and thought little do not believe me,
and, not understanding me, argue with me about moral problems. It
would be the same for which a veterinary surgeon would be hurt if
people who were not familiar with his art would argue with him.”
And Tolstoi knew that he knew his art, he knew consciously, since
the spiritual awakening that came to him in the Eighties, the great
mission to which he dedicated his life—to find a moral justification
of living—and it is therefore that he laid special stress in the
disposal of these documents for the public after his death. The
volume here printed is only four years of over sixty years of Journal
which he kept since his early twenties. They are published first,
because it is only with the Journal beginning 1890 that his editor
and friend, V. G. Chertkov, has the copied manuscripts in their
entirety—from that date up to Tolstoi’s death in 1910.
Over and over again in his life, Tolstoi attempted to make special
and legal provision for[xiv]
his journals and notebooks, as he calls
them, that they be given and spread free to the public, and he
designated his friend and follower, who has edited and published
this volume in Russian, as the practical inheritor and executor of
these manuscripts. He was to publish them in their entirety, except
for certain revisions so that there should be preserved, as Tolstoi
expressed it, that which ought to be preserved and there should be
thrown out that which ought to be thrown out.
“I know,” he wrote to Chertkov, February 8, 1900, “that no one
bears such an esteem, respect and love for my spiritual life and
its expression as you do. I always said it and now I write it in my
notes which express my wishes after my death, asking you especially,
and only you, to undertake the revision of my papers.”
This Chertkov has done exceedingly well in the original Russian
edition, giving in double brackets the number of the words he left
out, which seemed to him necessary on account of their too intimate
character. These places I have merely indicated by three points.
Unfortunately the Russian volume was printed under the old régime and
deletions had to be made on account of the censor, which, because of
the difficulty of communication during the war, it was impossible
to fill in. These places are also designated in this volume by
three points, but in the Russian[xv]
edition they are given in double
parenthesis, also enclosing the number of the words left out. So
that a record of all omissions have been kept.
The problem of disposing of these documents after his death according
to his principles against copyrights, occupied Tolstoi for many
years. The Russian law nullified any such disposal of property,
for legally the inheritor had to be a fixed person “and works to
be disposed of free to all” meant nothing. He therefore wrote many
wills, defining and modifying his position in all possible ways so
that his ideas might be carried out, and in such a form that they
could not be frustrated by any one.
His plans were threefold:
1. That all his works written after 1881 as well as all his writings
written before that year (the year that marks his spiritual
regeneration) but not published until later or not published at all
up to his death, should be no one’s property, but be given free to
the public for printing and translation.
2. That all his manuscripts and documents (among that number the
journals, first drafts of books, letters, etc.,) which would remain
after his death should be given over to V. G. Chertkov, who was to
revise them and arrange them in suitable form for publication.
[xvi]
3. That the estate of Yasnaya Polyana should be given over to the
peasants.
Tolstoi’s first idea was that Chertkov should be one of the legal
inheritors, together with the Countess Tolstoi, his wife. But
Chertkov refused for various personal reasons, he says, but mainly
because he thought that the arrangement for the transfer of property
could be best facilitated and could be more delicately managed if
some one member of the Tolstoi family was designated instead of an
outsider. Tolstoi, therefore, designated as his legal inheritor his
youngest daughter Alexandra, who stood in close sympathy with him
in his spiritual ideas, and, in case of her death before his own,
his eldest daughter Tatiana. He hoped that his daughters, together
with the Countess Tolstoi, would fulfil his requests concerning the
disposal of his posthumous documents and the gift of the estate
according to his wishes.
After Tolstoi’s death the estate was given to the peasants by means
of the sale of most of the posthumous documents which enabled his
daughter Alexandra to buy back the estate from the family and give
it to the peasants as directed by Tolstoi, but in the matter of
the journals it was more difficult to arrange from the fact that
the Countess Tolstoi placed all these journals and notebooks in
the Moscow Historical Museum on the ground that they were a gift
of Tolstoi to[xvii]
her during his lifetime and that therefore she had
a right to dispose of them as she thought best. The matter would
have taken only a legal process in the court to disentangle, a thing
which the Countess Alexandra Tolstoi did not wish to undertake as
being against the spirit of her father to use legal force to come
to an agreement.
Chertkov, therefore, was forced to use only such copies of the
original journals and notebooks which he happened to have in his
possession. The present volume is made from a copy done by the hands
of the Prince and Princess Obolensky, the son-in-law and daughter
of Tolstoi, who also stood very near to Tolstoi spiritually, were
conscientious in their fulfilment of such tasks for him, and who
knew his handwriting very well. The original documents are still in
the Moscow Historical Museum, but Chertkov has promised to publish
the volumes and journals which he has from the years 1900 to 1910,
and has already brought out a second volume of this series, which
dates from Tolstoi’s early years in the twenties.
Whatever value this volume has as a historical and exact transcript
of Tolstoi’s original jottings-down as they came to him, it has much
more value as a transcript of the thoughts of a great Russian which
have so permeated his people that they are now being rewritten on the
pages of Russian[xviii]
history. It is because the blood of his brother
calls to him from under the ground, that the Russian has undertaken
to advance one step nearer to the fulfilment of the great law—to
live together in harmony, to serve his brother and to do the one
work—which is the one work for all, to love.
The hundred-years readiness for sacrifice for the common good, the
willingness to go to exile and death of four generations of men and
women, the red flag now flying over the Winter Palace in Petrograd
with the letters of gold, “Proletarians of all Nation Unite,” the
insistent call to the peoples of the world to overthrow all oppressors
and live together in mutual harmony, the trumpet calls of a democracy
whose tones are so strange and new, that we across the borders seem
not to hear or understand them, all have their spiritual counterpart
in the pages of this book. It is Russia that speaks here.
I must give my thanks to Mr. Alexander
Gourevich who so carefully
compared the original text and English translation, and to Mr. Joseph
Peroshnikoff who patiently
revised the notes and assisted in the
compilation of the index.
Rose Strunsky.
New York, May, 1917.
[xix]
- Introduction—Rose Strunsky,
v
- Journal, 3
- 1896, January,
19
- “
February,
21
- “
March,
29
- “
May,
31
- “
June,
56
- “
July,
61
- “
September,
70
- “
October,
74
- “
November,
87
- “
December,
99
- 1897, January,
113
- “
February,
117
- “
March,
134
- “
April,
137
- “
May,
139
- “
July,
140
- [xx]“
August,
144
- “
September,
148
- “
October,
150
- “
November,
163
- “
December,
177
- 1898, January,
193
- “
February,
199
- “
March,
210
- “
April,
219
- “
May,
226
- “
June,
232
- “
July,
243
- “
August,
246
- “
November,
256
- Explanatory Notes to Text,
by V. G. Chertkov, 299
- A short Sketch of the Life of Tolstoi
at the End of the Nineties, by C. Shokor-Trotsky, 387
- Index, 409
[1]
THE JOURNAL OF
LEO TOLSTOI
October–December 1895
[3]
THE JOURNAL OF
LEO TOLSTOI
I
continue[1][A] October 28. Yasnaya Polyana.
Have been thinking:
Have been thinking one thing: that this life which we see around us
is a movement of matter according to fixed, well-known laws; but
that in us we feel the presence of an altogether different law,
having nothing in common with the others and requiring from us the
fulfilment of its demands. It can be said that we see and recognise
all the other laws only because we have in us this law. If we did
not recognise this law, we would not recognise the others.
This law is different from all the rest, principally in this, that
those other laws are outside of us and forces us to obey them; but
this law is in us—and more than in us; it is our very selves and
therefore it does not force us when we obey it, but on the contrary
frees us, because in following it we become ourselves. And for this
reason we are[4]
drawn to fulfil this law and we sooner or later will
inevitably fulfil it. In this then consists the freedom of the will.
This freedom consists in this, that we should recognise that which
is—namely that this inner law is ourselves.
This inner law is what we call reason, conscience, love, the good,
God. These words have different meanings, but all from different
angles mean one and the same thing. In our understanding of this inner
law, the son of God, consists indeed the essence of the Christian
doctrine.
The world can be looked upon in this way: a world exists governed by
certain, well-known laws, and within this world are beings subject to
the same laws, but who at the same time bear in themselves another
law not in accord with the former laws of the world, a higher law,
and this law must inevitably triumph within these beings and defeat
the lower law. And in this struggle and in the gradual victory of
the higher law over the lower, in this only is life for man and the
whole world.
Oct. 29. Yasnaya Polyana.
If I live.[2]
Nov. 5.
Y. P.
I have skipped 6 days. It seems to me, I thought little during this
time: I wrote a little, chopped wood and was indisposed—but lived
through much. I lived through much, because
in[5] fulfilling a promise
to S.[3], I read through all my journals for the past seven years.
It seems to me, I am approaching a simple and clear expression of that
by which I live. How good that I didn’t finish the Catechism![4] I
think I shall write it differently and better, if the Father wishes
it. I understand why it is impossible to say it quickly. If it could
be said all at once, by what then would we live in the realm of
thought? It will never be given me to go farther than this task.
I just took a walk and understood clearly why I can’t make
Resurrection go better: it was begun falsely. I understood this in
thinking over again the story: Who is Right?[5]
(about children).
I understood that one must begin with the life of the peasants, that
they are the subject, they are positive, but that the other thing
is shadow, the other thing is negative. And I understood the same
thing about Resurrection. One must begin with her.[6] I want to
begin immediately.
During this time there were letters: from Kenworthy,[7]
a beautiful
one from Shkarvan,[8] and from a Dukhobor in Tiflis.[9]
Have written to no one for a long time. General indisposition and no
energy. The stage manager and the decorator[10]
were here, students
from Kharkov against whom I think I did not sin, Ivan Ivanovich
Bochkarev,[11] Kolasha.[12]...
[6]
Nov. 6. Y. P. If I live.
November 7. Y. P.
I wrote a little these two days on the new Resurrection. My
conscience hurts when I remember how trivially I began it. So far,
I rejoice when I think of the work as I am beginning it.
I chopped a little. I went to Ovsiannikovo, had a good talk with
Maria Alexandrovna[13] and Ivan
Ivanovich.[14] Waltz’s assistant
was here and a Frenchman with a poem....
November 8, 9. Y. P.
Have written little on Resurrection. I was not disappointed, but
I was weak.
Yesterday Dunaev[15]
came. Chopped much yesterday, overtired myself.
To-day I walked. I went to Constantine
Bieli’s.[16] He is very much
to be pitied. Then I walked in the village. It is good with them,
but with us it is shameful. Wrote letters. Wrote to Bazhenov[17]
and three others. Thought:
1) The confirmation of the fact, that reason liberates the latent love
in man for justice is the proverb, “Comprendre
c’est tout pardoner.”
If you forgive a man, you will love him. To forgive means to cease
to condemn and to hate.
2) If a man believes something at the word of another, he will lose
his belief in that which[7]
he would have inevitably believed in, had
he not trusted the other one. He who believes in ... etc., ceases
to believe in reason. They even say straight out, one ought not to
believe in reason.
3) ...
A very interesting letter from Holland, about what a youth is to do
who is called to military service, when he is the sole supporter of
his mother.[18]
November 10. Y. P.
Slept with difficulty. Weakness both physical and intellectual
and—for which I am at fault—also moral. Rode horseback. Posha[19]
arrived.... A wonderful French pamphlet about war.[20]
Yes, 20 years
are needed for that thought to become a general one. My head aches
and seems to crackle and rumble. Father, help me when I am most weak
that I may not fall morally. It is possible.
Nov. 11. Y. P. If I live.
I write and think: it is possible that I won’t be. Every day I make
attempts, and I get more accustomed to it.
To-day November 15.
I have been so weak all the time I could write nothing except a
few letters. A letter to Shkarvan.[8]
There have been here, Dunaiev,
Posha, Maria Vasilievna.[21] They left yesterday. Yesterday also I
went to see Maria Alexandrovna; she is ill. To-day Aunt Tanya[22]
and Sonya came.
I didn’t sleep at night and therefore didn’t work. But I wrote on
the girl Konefsky[23]
and a little in my journal. I am reading
Schopenhauer’s[24] “Aphorisms.” Very good. Only put “The service
of God” instead of “The recognition of the vanity of life,” and we
agree.
Now 2 o’clock, I shall write out later what I have noted
down.[25]
December 7. Moscow.
Almost a month since I have made any entries. During this time
we moved to Moscow. The weakness has passed a little, and I am
working earnestly, though with little success, on the Declaration
of Faith.[26] Yesterday I wrote a little article on
whipping.[27] I
lay down to sleep in the day and had just dozed off—I felt as if
some one jerked me; I got up, began to think about whipping, and
wrote it out.
During this time, I went to the theatre[28] for the rehearsals of
the Power of Darkness. Art, beginning as a game, has continued to
be the toy of adults. This is also proved by music, of which I have
heard much. It is ineffectual. On the contrary, it detracts when
there is ascribed to it[9]
the unsuitable meaning which is ascribed
to it. Realism, moreover, weakens its significance ...
N. refused to serve in the military. I called on him.[29]
Philosophov[30] died.... Wrote several worthless letters.
I have thought during this time much—in meaning. Much of it I could
not understand and have forgotten.
1) I have often wanted to suffer, wanted persecution. That means
that I was lazy and didn’t want to work, so that others should work
for me, torturing me, and I should only suffer.
2) It is terrible, the perversions ... of the mind to which men
expose children for their own purposes during the time of their
education. The rule of conscious materialism is only explained by
this. The child is instilled with such nonsense that afterwards the
materialistic, limited, false conception, which is not developed
to the conclusions which would show its falsity, appears like an
enormous conquest of the intellect.
3) I made a note, “Violence frees,” and it was something very clear
and important, and now I don’t remember what it was at all.
I have remembered. December 23. Violence
is a temptation because it
frees us from the strain of attention, from the work of reasoning:
one must labour to undo a knot; to cut it, is shorter.
[10]
4) A usual perversion of reason, which is made through a violently
enforced faith, is to make men satisfied either with idolatry or with
materialism, which at bottom is one and the same thing. Faith in the
reality of our conceptions is faith in an idol, and the consequences
are the same; one must bring sacrifices to it.
5) I can imagine consciousness transferred to the life of the spirit
to such a degree that the sufferings of the body would be met gladly.
6) A beautiful woman smiles, and we think that because she smiles
she says something good and true when she smiles. But often the
smile seasons something entirely foul.
7) Education. It is worth while occupying oneself with education, in
order to find out all one’s shortcomings. Seeing them, you will begin
to correct them. But to correct oneself is indeed the best method
of education for one’s children and for others’ and for grown-up
people.
Just now I read a letter from Shkarvan[31] that medical help does
not appear to him like a boon, that the lengthening of many empty
lives for many hundred years is much less important to him than the
weakest blowing, as he writes, (a puff) on the spark of divine
love in the heart of another. Here then in this blowing, lies the
whole art of education. But to kindle it in others, one must kindle
it in oneself.
[11]
8) To love means to desire that which the beloved object desires.
The objects of love desire opposing things, and therefore, we can
only love that which desires one and the same thing. But that which
desires one and the same thing is God.
9) Man beginning to live, loves only himself, and separates himself
from other beings in that he constantly loves that which alone
constitutes his being. But as soon as he recognises himself as a
separate being, he recognises also his own love, and he is no longer
content with this love for himself and he begins to love other
beings. And the more he lives a conscious life, the greater and
greater number of beings he will begin to love, though not with such
a stable and unceasing love as that with which he loves himself, but
nevertheless, in such a way that he wishes good to everything he
loves, and he rejoices at this good, and suffers at the evil which
tries the beloved beings, and he unites into one all that he loves.
As life is love, why not suppose that my “self,” that which I consider
to be myself and love with a special love, is perhaps the union I
made in a former life of things which I loved, just as I am making
a union of things now. The other has already taken place and this
one is taking place.
Life is the enlargement of love, the widening of its borders, and
this widening is going on in[12]
various lives. In the present life,
this widening appears to me in the form of love. This widening is
necessary for my inner life and it is also necessary for the life of
this world. But my life can manifest itself not only in this form.
It manifests itself in an innumerable quantity of forms. Only this
one is apparent to me.
But in the meantime, the movement of life understood by me in this
world, through the enlargement of love in myself and through the union
of beings through love, produces at the same time other effects, one
or many, unseen by me. As for instance, I put together 8 toy cubes
to make a picture on one side of them, not seeing the other sides
of the constructed cubes, but on the other sides are being formed
pictures just as regular, though unseen by me.
(All this was very clear when it came into my head, and now I have
forgotten everything and the result is nonsense.)
10) I have thought much about God, about the essence of my life, and
it seemed I only doubted one and the other and believed in my own
conclusions; and then, one time, not long ago, I simply had the desire
to lean upon my faith in God and in the indestructibility of my soul,
and to my astonishment I felt so firm and calm a confidence, as I
have never felt before. So that all my doubts and scrutinisings have
evidently, not only[13]
not weakened my faith, but have strengthened
it to an enormous degree.
11) Reason is not given that we should recognise what we ought to
love; this it won’t disclose; but only for this: to show what we
ought not to love.
12) As in each piece of handiwork, the principal art lies not in the
regular making of certain things anew, but in the ever bettering of
the inevitable faults of a wrong and ruined work, so even in the
business of life, the principal wisdom is not how to begin to act
and how to lead life correctly, but how to better faults, how to
liberate oneself from errors and seductions.
13) Happiness is the satisfaction of the requirements of a man’s
being living from birth to death in this world only; but the good is
the satisfaction of the requirements of the eternal essence living
in man.
14) The essence of the teachings of Christ consists in this, that
man ought to know who he is; that he should understand, like a bird
which does not use its wings and runs on the land, that he is not a
mortal animal, dependent on the conditions of the world, but like a
bird which has understood that it has wings and has faith in them, he
should understand that he himself was never born and never died and
always is, and passes through this world in one of the innumerable
forms of[14]
life to fulfil the will of Him who sent him into this life.
Dec. 8.
Moscow. If I live.
Mascha[32] is with Ilia,[33] a loving letter from her to-day.
To-day December 23. Moscow.
It is long since I have made an entry. On the 30th, the Chertkovs[34]
came. It is two days since Kenworthy arrived. He is very pleasant....
Have continued to write the Declaration—am progressing. Off and
on, I think out the drama,[35] and yesterday I raved about it all
night. I am not well; a bad cold in the head, influenza. Because of
the letter to the Englishman, I began also a letter on the collision
between England and America.[36]
Have been thinking during this time:
1) I have been thinking especially clearly of that which I have
already said many times; that all the evil in the world comes
only from this, that people look upon themselves, upon their own
personality, as a worthy object of their conscious life—upon
themselves or upon a group of personalities, it is all the same.
As long as a man lives for himself unconsciously, he does no harm. If
there is a struggle, then the struggle is an unconscious one which
is ended at[15]
once when the struggle with surroundings is ended; man
adjusts himself to it or he goes under, and this struggle is neither
cruel nor is it an evil one. The struggle begins to be cruel only
when man directs his consciousness upon it, prepares it, strengthens
and multiplies its energy tenfold and hundredfold.
As Pascal says: there are three kinds of people; one kind know
nothing and sit quietly, and just as quiet are those who know; but
there are a middle kind who don’t know but believe they do; from
them comes all the evil in the world. They are the people in whom
consciousness has awakened, but they don’t know how to use it.
2) The whole thing lies in this—that you should always remember
who you are. There is no situation so difficult, from which the way
out would not immediately offer itself, if you only would remember
that you are not a temporary, material manifestation, but an eternal
omnipresent being. “I am the resurrection and the life: he that
believeth in me shall never die, and though he were dead yet shall
he live. Believest thou this?”
I walked on the street. A wretched beggar approached me. I forgot
who I was and passed by. And then suddenly I remembered, and just
as naturally as the hungry begin to eat and the
tired[16] sit down,
I turned back and handed him something. It is the same with the
temptation to quarrel, to insult, to be vain.
3) One can not voluntarily cease to remain awake, i. e. to fall
asleep. Just as little can one voluntarily cease to live. Life is
more important than the will, than desire. (Unclear.)
4) Receive with thankfulness the enjoyments of the flesh—all that
you meet on the way, if they are not sinful—in short, if they do
not go against your consciousness, if they do not make it suffer.
But use the efforts of your will, your liberty, only to serve God.
I just wrote a letter to Crosby.[37] He is working in America.
Dec. 24. Moscow. If I live.
Yesterday I received the “Open Letter” of Spielhagen, the Socialist,
which appeared in the newspapers with regard to Drozhin.[38]
[17]
1896
[19]
January 23. Moscow.
Just a month that I made no entries. During this time I wrote a letter
about patriotism[39] and a letter to Crosby[40]
and here now for two
weeks I have been writing the drama. I wrote three acts abominably.
I thought to make an outline so as to form a charpente. I have
little hope of success.
Chertkov and Kenworthy went away the 7th. Sonya went to
Tver to
Andrusha.[41] To-day Nagornov[42] died.
I am again a little indisposed.
I jotted down during this time:
1) A true work of art—a contagious one—is produced only when the
artist seeks, strives. In poetry this passion for representing that
which is, comes from the fact that the artist hopes that having
seen clearly and having fixed that which is, he will understand the
meaning of that which is.
2) In every art there are two departures from the way, vulgarity and
artificiality. Between them both there is only a narrow path. And
this narrow path is outlined by impulse. If you have impulse and
direction, you pass by both dangers. Of the two, the more terrible
is artificiality.
[20]
3) It is impossible to compel reason to examine and clarify that
which the heart does not wish.
4) It is bad when reason wishes to give the meaning of virtue to
selfish efforts.
Kudinenko[43] was here. A remarkable man. N. took the oath and is
serving.[44] A letter from Makovitsky[45]
with an article on the
Nazarenes.[46]
Jan. 24. Moscow. If I live.
Jan. 25. Moscow.
During these two days the chief event was the death of Nagornov.
Always new and full of meaning is death. It occurred to me: they
represent death in the theatre. Does it produce 1/1,000,000 of that
impression which the nearness of a real death produces?
I continue writing the drama. I have written four acts. All bad.
But it is beginning to resemble a real thing.
Jan. 26. Mosc.
If I live.
January 26. Moscow.
I am alive, but I don’t live. Strakhov—to-day I heard of his
death.[47] To-day they buried Nagornov—and that is news. I lay
down to sleep, but could not sleep, and there appeared before me
so clearly and brightly, an understanding of life whereby we would
feel[21]
ourselves to be travellers. Before us lies a stage of the road
with the same well-known conditions. How can one walk along that
road otherwise than eagerly, gaily, friendly, and actively together,
not grieving over the fact that you yourself are going away or that
others are going ahead of you thither, where we shall again be still
more together.
To-day I wrote a postscript to the letter to Crosby. A good letter
from Kenworthy. Unpleasantness with N. He is a journalist.
Jan. 26 [27?].
Moscow. If I live.
Almost a month
that I have made no entries. To-day,
Feb. 13, Moscow.
I wanted to go to the Olsuphievs.[48].... There is much bustle here
and it takes up much time. I sit down late to my work and therefore
write little. I finished somehow the fifth act of the drama and took
up Resurrection. I read over eleven chapters and am gradually
advancing. I corrected the letter to Crosby.
An event—an important one—Strakhov’s death, and something
else—Davydov’s conversation with the Emperor.[49]......
The article by Ertel[50] that the efforts of the liberals are useful,
and also the letter by Spielhagen on the same theme,[51] provoke
me. But I can not, I must not write. I have no time. The
letters[22]
from Sopotsko[52] and Zdziekhovsky[53] on the Orthodox Church and on
the Catholic, provoke me on the other hand. However, I shall hardly
write. But here yesterday I received
a letter from Grinevich’s[54]
mother on the religious bringing up of children. That I must do. At
least I must use all my strength to do this.
Very much music—it is useless.... As regards religion, I am very
cool at present.
Thought during this time (much I have forgotten and have not written
down):
1) Oh, not to forget death for a moment, into which at any moment you
can fall! If we would only remember that we are not standing upon
an even plain (if you think we are standing so, then you are only
imagining that those who have gone away have fallen overboard and
you yourself are afraid that you will fall overboard), but that we
are rolling on, without stopping, running into each other, getting
ahead and being got ahead of, yonder behind the curtain which hides
from us those who are going away, and will hide us from those who
remain. If we remember that always, then, how easy and joyous it
is to live and roll together, yonder down the same incline, in the
power of God, with Whom we have been and in Whose power we are now
and will be afterwards and forever. I have been feeling this very
keenly.
[23]
2) There is no more convincing proof of the existence of God, than
the faculty of the soul by which we can transport ourselves into
other beings. Out of this faculty flows both love and reason, but
neither one nor the other is in us, but they are outside of us and
we only coincide with them. (Unclear.)
3) The power to kill oneself is free play given to people. God did
not want slaves in this life, but free workers. If you remain in
this life, then it means that its conditions are advantageous to
you. If advantageous—then work. If you go away from the conditions
here, if you kill yourself, then the same thing will be put before
you again there. So there is nowhere to go.
It would be good to write
the history of what a man lives through
in this life who committed suicide in a past life; how, coming up
against the same requirements which were placed before him in the
other life, he comes to the realisation that he must fulfil them. And
in this life he is more intelligent than in the others, remembering
the lesson given him.
4) How does it happen that a clever, educated man believes in the
nonsensical? Man thinks that which his heart desires. Only if his
heart desires the truth, and only if it does, will he think the
truth. But if his heart desires earthly pleasures and peace, he will
think of that which will bring[24]
him earthly pleasures and peace or
still something else. But as it is not an attribute of man to have
earthly pleasures and peace, he will think falsely; and to be able
to think falsely he will hypnotise himself.
(Unclear, not good.)
Feb. 14. M.
If I live.
To-day February 22. Nicholskoe,
at the Olsuphievs.[55]
It is already more than a week that I feel depressed in spirit.
No life; I can not work on anything. Father of my life and of all
life! If my work is already finished here, as I am beginning to
think, and the ending of my spiritual life, which I am beginning
to feel, means a transfer into that other life—that I am already
beginning to live there and that here these remnants are being taken
away little by little—then show it to me more clearly that I may
not seek and weary myself. Otherwise it seems to me that I have
many well-thought plans, yet I have no means, not only for carrying
them through—this I know, I ought not to think of—but even to do
something good, something pleasing to Thee as long as I live here.
Or give me strength to work with the consciousness of serving Thee.
Still, Thy will be done. If only I always felt that life consisted
only in the fulfilment[25]
of Thy will, I would not doubt. But doubt
comes because I bite the bit and don’t feel the reins.
It is now 2 o’clock. I am going to dinner. I took a walk, slept in
the morning, read Trilby. And I want to sleep all the time.
During this time, what has happened? Almost nothing. I thought on
the Declaration of Faith.
If I live. February 23. Nicholskoe.
To-day February 27. Nicholskoe.
Am writing the drama, it moves very stiffly. Indeed I don’t even
know if I am progressing or not.... I am very comfortable here; the
important thing—it is quiet.
Read Trilby—poor. Wrote letters to Chertkov,
Schmidt,[56]
Kenworthy. Read Corneille—instructive.
Have been thinking:
1) I made a note that there are two arts. Now thinking it over, I
don’t find a clear expression of my thought. Then I thought that
there was an art, as they rightly characterise it, which grew from
play, from the need of every creature to play. The play of the calf
is jumping, the play of man is a symphony, a picture, a poem, a
novel.
This is one kind of art, the art of play, of[26] thinking out new plays,
producing old ones and inventing new. That is a good thing, useful
and valuable because it increases man’s joys. But it is clear that
it is possible to occupy oneself with play only when sated. Thus
society can only occupy itself with art, when all its members are
sated. But as long as all its members are not sated, there can not be
real art, there will be an art of the overfed, a deformed one, and
an art of the hungry ones—rough and poor, just as it is now. And
therefore, in the first kind of art—of play—only that part is of
value which is attainable to all, which increases the joys of all.
If it is like this, then it is not a bad thing, especially if it
does not demand an increase of toil on the part of the oppressed,
as happens now.
(This could and should be expressed better.)
But there is yet another art which calls forth in man better and
higher feelings. I wrote this just now—something I have said many
times—and I think it isn’t true. Art is only one and consists in
this: to increase the sinless general joys accessible to all—the
good of man. A nice building, a gay picture, a song, a story give
a little good; the awakening of religious feelings, of the love of
good brought forth by a drama, a picture, a song—give great good.
The 2nd thing that I have been thinking about art, is that nowhere is
conservatism so harmful[27] as in art. Art is one of the manifestations
of the spiritual life of man, and therefore, as when an animal is
alive, it breathes and discharges the products of its breathing, so
when humanity is alive, it manifests activity in art. And therefore,
at every given moment it must be contemporaneous—the art of our
time. One ought only to know where it is (not in the decadence of
music, poetry, or the novel); and one must seek it not in the past,
but in the present. People who wish to show themselves connoisseurs
of art and who therefore praise the past classic art and insult the
present, only show by this, that they have no feeling for art.
3) Rachinsky[57] says: “Notice that contemporaneous with the spread
of the use of narcotics, since the 17th century, the astounding
progress of science began, and especially of the natural ones.” Is
it not because of this, I say to him, that the false direction of
science has come, the studying of that which is not necessary to man,
but is only an object for idle curiosity, or when useful, is not the
only thing really necessary? Is it not because of this that from
that time on there was neglected the one thing that was necessary,
i.e. the settling of moral questions and their application to life?
4) What is the good? I only know a word in Russian which defines this
idea. The good is the real good, the good for all,
le veritable
bien, le bien de tous, what is good for everybody.[58]
[28]
5) Men, in struggling with untruth and superstition, often console
themselves with the quantity of superstition they have destroyed.
This is not right. It is not right to calm oneself until all that
is contradictory to reason and demands credulence is destroyed.
Superstition is like a cancer. Everything must be cleaned out if one
undertakes an operation. But if a little bit is left, everything
will grow from it again.
6) The historic knowledge of how different myths and beliefs arose
among peoples in different places and in different times ought to,
it seems, destroy the faith that these myths and beliefs which have
been inoculated in us from our infancy, constitute the absolute
truth; but nevertheless, so-called educated people believe in them.
How superficial then, is the education of so-called educated people!
7) To-day at dinner there was talk about a boy with vicious
inclinations who was expelled from school, and about how good it
would be to give him over to a reformatory.
It is exactly what a man does who lives a bad life, harmful to his
health, and who, when he becomes ill, turns to the doctor so that
the latter may cure him, but has no idea that the illness was given
to him as a beneficial indicator that his whole life is bad and that
he ought to change it. The[29] same thing is true with the illnesses
in our society; every ill member of society does not remind us that
the whole life of our society is irregular and that we ought to
change it. But we think that for every such ill member, there is
or ought to be, an institution freeing us from this member or even
bettering him.
Nothing hampers the progress of humanity so much as this false
conviction. The more ill the society, the more institutions there
are for the healing of symptoms and the less anxiety for changing
the entire life.
It is now 10 o’clock in the evening. I am going to supper. I want to
work very much, but am without intellectual energy; a great weakness,
yet I want to work terribly. If God would only give it to-morrow.
Feb. 28. Nicholskoe. If I live.
To-day March 6.
Nicholskoe.
All this time I have felt weakness and intellectual apathy. I am
working on the drama very slowly. Much has become clear. But there
isn’t one scene with which I am fully satisfied.
To-day I was about to plan something silly: to write out an outline
of the Declaration of Faith. Of course it didn’t go. In the same
way I began and dropped a letter to the Italians.[59]
[30]
During this time I jotted down:
1) Corneille writes in his
Préface to Menteur
on art, that its
aim is a diversion, “divertir,”
but that it must not be harmful,
and if possible, it ought to be educationally enlightening.
2) At supper there was a discussion on heredity: they say vicious
people are born from an alcoholic ... (I can’t clearly express my
thought and will put it by.)
3) Something very important. I lay and was almost asleep, suddenly
something seemed to tear in my heart. It occurred to me: that is
the way death comes from heart failure; and I remained calm—I felt
neither grief nor joy, but blessedly calm—whether here or there, I
know that it is well with me, that things are as they ought to be,
just like a child, tossed in the arms of its mother, does not stop
smiling from joy for it knows that it is in her loving arms.
And the thought came to me: why is it so now and was not so before?
Because before, I did not live the whole of life, but lived only an
earthly life. In order to believe in immortality, one must live an
immortal life here. One can walk with one’s feet and not see the
precipice before one, over which it is impossible to cross, and one
can rise on one’s wings....[60]
(It isn’t going and I don’t feel like thinking.)
March 7, 1896. Nicholskoe. If I live.
[31]
To-day May 2.
Yasnaya Polyana.
It is almost two months since I have made an entry. All this time I
lived in Moscow. Of important events there were: a getting closer to
the scribe Novikov[61] who changed his life on account of my books
which his brother, a lackey, received from his mistress abroad. A
hot-blooded youth. Also his brother, a working man, asked for “What
is my Faith?” and Tania[62] sent him to
Mme. Kholevinsky.[63] They
took Mme. Kholevinsky to prison. The prosecuting attorney said that
they ought to go after me. All this together made me write a letter
to the ministers of Justice and the Interior in which I begged them
to transfer their prosecution to me.[64]
All this time I wrote on the Declaration of Faith. I made little
progress. Chertkov, Posha Biriukov were here and went away. My
relations with people are good. I have stopped riding the bicycle.
I wonder how I could have been so infatuated.
I heard Wagner’s Siegfried.[65] I have many thoughts in connection
with this and other things. In all I have jotted down 20 thoughts
in my notebook.
Still another important event—the work of
African Spier.[66] I just
read through what I wrote in the beginning of this notebook. At
bottom, it is nothing else than a short summary of all of[32] Spier’s
philosophy which I not only had not read at that time, but about
which I had not the slightest idea. This work clarified my ideas on
the meaning of life remarkably, and in some ways strengthened them.
The essence of his doctrine is that things do not exist, but only
our impressions which appear to us in our conception as objects.
Conception (Vorstellung) has the quality of believing in the existence
of objects. This comes from the fact that the quality of thinking
consists in attributing an objectivity to impressions, a substance,
and a projecting of them into space.
May 3.
Y. P.
Let me write down anything. Am indisposed. Weakness and physical
apathy. But think and feel keenly. Yesterday at least, I wrote a few
letters: to Spier,[67] Shkarvan, Myasoyedov,[68] Perer,
Sverbeev.[69]
I am reading Spier
all the time, and the reading provokes a mass of
thoughts.
Let me write out something at least from my 21 notes.
To-day I worked on the Declaration of Faith.
1) “Come and dwell in us and cleanse us of all evil” ... On the
contrary: Cleanse thy soul of evil thyself and He will come and dwell
in thee. He only waits for this. Like water he flows into[33] thee in
the measure as room is freed. “Dwell in us.” How agonisingly lonely
it is without Thee—this I experienced these days and how peaceful,
firm and joyous, needing nothing and no one when with Thee. Do not
leave me!
I can not pray. His tongue is different from that which I speak, but
He will understand and translate it into His own when I say: “Help
me, come to me, do not leave me!”
And here I have fallen into a contradiction. I say you have to
cleanse yourself, then He will come. But I, not yet having cleansed
myself, call upon Him.
May 4. If I still live here, Y. P.
May 5. Y. P.
The same general despair. And I am sad. There is one cause; the higher
moral requirement that I put forward. In its name I have rejected
everything that is beneath it. But it was not followed. Fifteen years
ago I proposed giving away the greater part of the property and to
live in four rooms. Then they would have an ideal....
To-day I rode past Gill.[70] I thought: no undertaking is profitable
with a small amount of capital. The more capital, the more profits;
the less expenses. But from this it in no way follows that, as Marx
says, capitalism will lead to socialism.[34] Perhaps it will lead to
it, but to one with force. The workingmen will be compelled to work
together, and they will work less and the pay will be more, but there
will be the same slavery. It is necessary that people work freely
in common, that they learn to work for each other, but capitalism
doesn’t teach them that; on the contrary, it teaches them envy, greed,
selfishness. Therefore, through a forced uniting brought about by
capitalism, the material condition of the workers can be bettered, but
their contentment can in no way be established. Contentment can only
be established through the free union of the workers. And for this
it is necessary to learn how to unite, to perfect oneself morally,
to willingly serve others without being hurt when not receiving a
return. And this can’t in any way be learned under the capitalistic,
competitive system, but under an entirely different one.
I sleep alone downstairs.
To-morrow, May 6th, Y. P.
To-day, May 9, Y. P.
Up to now, I haven’t yet written out all that I had to. Have been
continually indisposed. Notwithstanding this, I work in the mornings.
To-day, it seemed to me I advanced very much. Our people have gone
away, some to the coronation,[35]
others to Sweden.[71] I am alone with
Masha; she has a sore throat. I am well.
May 10, If I live. Y. P.
To-day, May 11, Y. P.
Sonya arrived from Moscow. I continue to write the Declaration of
Faith. It seems as if I were weakening. To-day I received a letter
from N, a tangled up revolutionist. In the evening I rode horseback
to Yasenki[72] and thought:
I have not yet written out everything from my notebooks. I will jot
down at least this, the more so since, when it came into my head it
seemed to me very important. Namely:
1) Spier says
we know only sensations. It is true, the material of
our knowledge is sensations. But one must ask; why variation of
sensations (even of one and the same sense of sight or touch). He
(Spier) insists
too much that corporeality is an illusion, and does
not answer the question: why variation of sensations? It is not
bodies that make variation of sensations, I agree to this, but it is
just such beings as we, who must be the cause of these sensations.
I know that what he recognises as our being he recognises as a unit.
Good. Admitting it is a unit, then it is a divided off, broken off
unit, and I am a unit being only within certain limits. And[36] these
limits of my being are the limits of other beings. Or, one being is
outlined by limits and these limits create sensations, i. e., the
material of knowledge. There are no bodies, bodies are illusions,
but other beings are not illusions and I recognise them through
sensations. Their activity produces sensations in me and I conclude
that the same effect is produced in them by my activity. When I
receive sensations from a man with whom I come in contact, it can
be understood; but when I receive sensations from the earth upon
which I fall, from the sun which warms me, what is it that produces
these sensations in me? Probably the activities of beings whose life
I do not understand; but I recognise only a part of them like the
flea on my body. Touching the earth, feeling the warmth of the sun,
my limits come in contact with the limits of the sun. I am in the
world (I project this into space. I can not do it otherwise though
it is not so in reality) like a cell, not an immovable one, but one
wandering and touching by his limits, not only the limits of other
cells of the same kind, but other enormous bodies.
Better still, not to project this into space; I act and am acted
upon by the greatest variety of beings; or, my division of a unit
being associates with other divisions of the most various kinds.
(What a lot of nonsense!)
[37]
May 12, Y. P. If I live.
Pentecost. It is cold, damp, and not a leaf on the trees.
To-day already, May 16,
Y. P. Morning.
I can not write my Declaration of Faith. It is unclear, metaphysical,
and whatever good there is in it, I spoil. I am thinking of beginning
it all from the beginning again or to call a stop and get to work
on a novel or a drama.
N.[73] was here; it was a difficult love test. I passed it only
outwardly and even then badly. If the examiner had gone along
thoroughly, skipping about, I would have failed shamefully.
A beautiful article by Menshikov, “The Blunders of Fear.”[74] How
joyous! I can almost die, even absolutely, and yet it always seems
as if there is something still to be done. Do it and the end will
take care of itself. If you are no longer fit for the work, you
will be changed and a new one will be sent and you will be sent to
another work. If only one rises in work!
Strakhov Th. A.[75] was here. The other one, N.,[76] came to me in
my sleep. I had a talk with him[77] about the Declaration of Faith.
In speaking to him I felt how hazy was the desire for the good in
itself. And I corrected it this way:
1) A man at a certain period of his development awakens to a
consciousness of his life. He[38] sees that everything about him lives
(and he himself lived like that before the awakening of his reason)
without knowing its life. Now that he has learned that he lives, he
understands that force which gives life to the whole world and in
his consciousness he coincides with it, but being limited by his
separate being (his organism), it seems to him that the purpose of
this force which gives life to the world, is the life of his separate
being.
(I thought that I would write it clearly and again I am
confused;—evidently I am not ready.)
Life is the desire for the good. (Everything that lives, lives only
because it desires the good; that which does not desire the good,
does not live.)
Man, when awakened to a reasoning consciousness, is conscious of
life in himself, i. e. of the desire for the good. But since this
consciousness is engendered in the separate bodily being of man,
since man learns that life is the desire for the good when he is
already separated from others by his bodily being, therefore, in
the first awakening of man to a reasoning consciousness, it seems
to him that life, i. e. the desire for the good which he recognises
in himself, has for its object his separate bodily being. And man
begins to live consciously for the good of his separate being,
begins[39]
to use that reason of his which revealed to him the essence of all
life; the desire for the good, in order to secure the good for his
own separate being.
But the longer a man lives, the more obvious it becomes to him that
his purpose is unattainable. And therefore, while he has not yet made
clear to himself his error, even before he recognises by reason the
impossibility of the good for a separate personality, man knows by
experience and feeling the error of activity which is directed to
the good of his own separate personality and he naturally strives
that his life, his desire for the good, be drawn away from his own
personality and brought over to other things; to comrades, friends,
family, society.
This same reason which he desires to use for the attainment of
the good for his own separate being, shows man that this good is
unattainable, that it becomes destroyed by the struggle between the
separate beings for the desired good, destroyed by the unpreventable,
innumerable disasters and sufferings which threaten man, and above
all, by the unavoidable illnesses, sufferings, old age and death
which occur in the individual life of man. No matter how man might
expand his desire for the good to other beings, he can not but see
that all these separate beings are like him, subject to unavoidable
sufferings and death and therefore,[40] they, just as he, can not have
real life by themselves.
And it is just this error of men who have awakened to the
consciousness of life that the Christian teaching dissipates, in
showing to man that as soon as a consciousness of life has awakened
in him, i. e. the desire for the good, then his being, his “self”
is no longer his separate bodily being, but that same consciousness
of life, the desire for the good not for himself, which was born in
his separate being. The consciousness, therefore, of the desire for
the good, is the desire for the good for everything existent. And
the desire for the good for everything existent, is God.
The Christian teaching teaches just this, that His son, who resembles
God, and who was sent by the Father into the world that the will
of the Father be fulfilled in him, lives in man with an awakened
consciousness (the conversation with Nicodemus.)
The Christian teaching reveals to man with an awakened consciousness,
that the meaning and the aim of his life does not consist, as it
seemed to him before, in the acquiring of the greater good for his
own separate personality or for other such personalities like him,
no matter how many they are, but only in the fulfilment in this
world of the will of the Father who has sent man into the[41] world—it
reveals also to man the will of the Father in regard to the son.
The will of the Father in regard to the son is that there should be
manifested in this world that desire for the good which forms the
essence of his life, so that man living in this world should wish
the good to a greater and greater number of beings and consequently
he should serve them as he serves his own good.
(Confused.)
May 17, Y. P.
Again I am dissatisfied with what I wrote yesterday and which seemed
to me true and full. Last night and this morning I thought about the
same thing. Here are the new things which have become clear to me:
1) That the desire for the good is not God, but only one of His
manifestations, one of the sides from which we see God. God in me
is manifested by the desire for the good;
2) That this God which is enclosed in man, begins to strive to free
Himself in broadening and enlarging the being in whom He dwells;
then, seeing the impassable limits of this being, He tries to free
Himself by going outside of this being and embracing other beings;
3) That a reasoning being cannot find room for[42] himself in the life
of an individual, and that as soon as he becomes reasoning he tries
to go out of it;
4) That the Christian teaching reveals to man that the essence of
his life is not his separate being, but God, which is enclosed in
his being. This God, therefore, becomes known to man through reason
and love ...
I can not write any farther; weak, sleepy.
5) And above all, that the desire for the good for oneself, love for
oneself, could exist in man only up to the time when reason had not
yet awakened in him. But as soon as reason had wakened in him, then
it became clear to man that the desire for the good for himself—a
separate being—was futile, because the good is not realisable
for a separate and mortal being. Just as soon as reason appeared,
then there became possible only one kind of desire for the good;
the desire for the good for all, because with the desire for the
good for all, there is no struggle but union, and no death but the
transmission of life. God is not love, but in living, unreasoning
beings He is manifested through a love for oneself, and in living,
reasoning beings, through love for everything that exists.
I am now going to write out the 21 points from my notebooks.
1) In order to believe in immortality one has[43] to live an immortal
life here, i. e. to live not towards oneself but towards God, not
for oneself, but for God. Man, in this life, seems to be standing
with one foot on a board and the other on the earth; and as soon
as his reason has awakened, he sees that that board upon which he
was just about to step lies over an abyss and it not only bends and
creaks, but is already falling and man transfers his weight to that
foot which stands on the earth. How not be afraid if one stands on
that which bends and creaks and falls; and how be afraid, and of
what to be afraid, if you stand on that upon which everything falls
and below which it is impossible to fall?
2) Read about Granovsky.[78] In our literature it is customary to
say, that during the reign of Nicholas conditions were such that it
was impossible to express great thoughts. (Granovsky complains of
this and others too.) But the thoughts there were not real. It is all
self-deception. If all those Granovskys, Bielinskys,[79] and others
had anything to say, they would have said it, no matter what the
obstacles. The proof is Herzen.[80] He went away abroad and despite
his enormous talent, what did he say that was new, necessary? All
those Granovskys, Bielinskys, Chernishevskys,[81] Dobroliubovs, who
were raised to great men, ought to be grateful to the government
and the censorship without which they would[44] have been the most
unnoticed of sketch-writers.
Perhaps the Bielinskys, Granovskys, and the other unimportant ones
might have had something real within them, but they stifled it,
imagining they had to serve society with the forms of social life and
not to serve God by professing the truth and by preaching it without
any care about the forms of social life. Let there be contents and
the forms will shape themselves.
People acting thus, i. e. adapting their striving for truth to the
existing forms of society, are like a being to whom wings have been
given to fly, without knowing obstacles, and who used these wings
in order to help itself in walking. Such a being would not attain
its ends—every obstacle would stop it and it would spoil its wings.
And then this being would complain that it had been held back and
would tell with sorrow (like Granovsky) that it would have gone far
if obstacles had not held it back.
The quality of real spiritual activity is such, that it is impossible
to hold it back. If it is held back, then it means only one thing:
it is not real.
3) Man dying little by little (growing old) experiences that which a
sprouting seed ought to experience which has not yet transferred its
consciousness from the seed to the plant. He feels[45] that he grows
less, but he is not conscious of himself there where he increases;
in another life.
I am beginning to experience this.
4) I wrote down: “Reason is a tool for the recognition of truth,
verification, criticism.” I can’t remember very well. It seems to
me, and I am even certain of it, that it is this:
Under reason is understood many different intellectual activities and
very complex ones, and therefore the correctness of the solutions
of reason is often doubted. As an answer to this doubt, I say, that
there is an activity of the reason which is not to be doubted, namely,
the critical activity, the activity of verifying what is told me.
They tell me that God ... etc. I submit this to the verification of
reason and decide without doubt that that which is not reasonable
does not exist for me. It is wrong to say that everything which
exists is reasonable, or that everything which is reasonable exists,
but it is wrong not to say that that which is unreasonable does not
exist for me.
5) It seems to man that his animal life is his real essence and that
the spiritual life is the product of his animal one, just as it
seems to a man rowing in a boat that he is standing still and that
the banks, and the whole earth, are running past him.
6) There is a goodness which wants to make[46] use of the advantages
of goodness and does not want to bear the disadvantages of it. That
is animal goodness.
7) Christian truth, they say, can not be proved; it must be believed.
As if it were easier to become convinced of the truth of the
nonsensical than of the reasonable. Why deprive Christianity of the
power of convincing? Why?
8) Nature, they say, is economical of its own forces; by the least
effort, it attains the greatest results. So is God. To establish the
Kingdom of God on earth, of union, of serving one another—and to
destroy hostility, God does not have to do it himself. He has placed
His reason in man, which frees love in man and everything which He
desires will be done by man. God does His work through us. And there
is no time for God—or there is infinite time. When he has placed
reasoning love in man, he has already done everything.
Why has He done this in this way through man, and not by Himself?
The question is stupid and one which never would have entered one’s
head if we were all not spoilt by absurd superstition....
9) One of the most torturing
spiritual sufferings is the not being
understood by people when you feel yourself hopelessly alone in your
thoughts. There is consolation in this, that you[47] know that that
very thing which people do not understand in you, God understands.
10) To carry over one’s “self” from the bodily to the spiritual,
that means to consciously wish only the spiritual. My body can
unconsciously strive for the fleshly, but I consciously desire
nothing of the fleshly, as when I do not desire to fall, but can
not but submit to the law of gravitation.
11) If you have transferred your “self” to your spiritual being, you
will feel the same pain in violating love as you will feel physical
pain when you violate the good of the body. The indicator is just
as direct and true. And I already feel it.
12) Sin is the strengthening of the consciousness of life in one’s
separate being, or the weakening of one’s reasoning consciousness,
which shows the inconsistency of animal life. For the first end, the
activity of reason is directed to the strengthening of the delusion
of a separate life: 1, food; 2, lust; 3, vanity, strengthened by
reason. For the second end, are used the means of weakening reason:
tobacco, opium, wine.
13) Temptation is the assertion that it is permitted to violate love
for the greater good: 1, to oneself; it is necessary to feed, cure,
educate, calm oneself, in order to be in condition to serve men,
and for this it is permitted to violate love; 2, one must secure,
preserve, and educate the family, and[48] for this it is permitted to
violate love; 3, one has to organise, secure, protect the community,
the state, and for this it is permitted to violate love; 4, one has
to contribute to the salvation of the souls of people by violent
suggestion, through education, and for this it is permitted to
violate love.
14) The essay on art has to be begun with a discussion of the
fact, that for the picture here, which it has cost the master 1000
working days, he is given 40 thousand working days: for an opera,
a novel, still more. And then, some say of these works, that they
are beautiful; others, that they are absolutely bad. And there is
no incontestable criterion. There is no such argument about water,
food, and good works. Why is that so?
15) What is the result of a man recognising as his “self” not his
own separate being, but God living in him? In the first place, not
consciously desiring the good for his own separate being, that man
will not, or will less eagerly, take the good away from others; in
the second place, having recognised as his “self” God, who desires
the good for all that exists, man also will desire it.
16) Why do people hold on so passionately to the principle of family,
the producing and bringing up of children? Because to a man who has
not yet transferred his consciousness from his separate being to
that of God, it is the only seemingly[49] satisfactory explanation of
the meaning of life.
17) The meaning of life becomes clear to man when he recognises
as himself, his divine essence which is enclosed in his bodily
envelope. The meaning of this lies in the fact that this being,
striving for its emancipation, for the broadening of the realm of
love, accomplishes through this broadening the work of God, which
consists in the establishment of the Kingdom of God on earth.
18) Violence can neither weaken nor strengthen a spiritual movement.
To act on spiritual activity by force is just like catching the
rays of the sun—no matter how you cover them, they will always be
on top.
19) I have noted down: “Do you imagine your life in the wood which
is being burned down or in the fire which burns?”
It is this way: you get the wood ready, and then you are sorry to
use it; in the same way you get yourself ready and then you are
sorry. But the comparison is not good, because fire comes to an end.
A better comparison would be with food; do you imagine your life in
food or in that which is being fed? Is not that the meaning of the
words of St. John about “my body”,
which ought to be food? Man is
food for God if he gives himself to God.
(Unclear; nonsense.)
[50]
20) The principal aim of art, if there is art, and if it has an aim,
is to manifest and to express the truth about man’s soul, to express
those mysteries which it is impossible to express simply by speech.
From this springs art. Art is a microscope which the artist fixes
on the mysteries of his soul and shows to people those mysteries
which are common to all.
21) Love, enclosed in man and freed by reason, manifests itself in
two ways: 1, by its expansion, and 2, by the establishment of the
Kingdom of God. It is steam which, in spreading, works.
22) Lately, I have begun to feel such firmness and strength, not my
own, but that of that God’s work which I wish to serve, that the
irritation, the reproaches, the mocking people hostile to the work
of God, is strange to me; they are pitiable, touching.
23) The world, living unconsciously, and man, in the period of his
childhood, performed unconsciously the work of God. Having awakened
to consciousness, he does it consciously. In the collision between
the two methods of serving, man ought to know that the unconscious
passes and will pass into the conscious and not the opposite and
that therefore it is necessary to give oneself over to the future
and not to the past. (Stupid.)
[51]
24) The delusion of man who has awakened to consciousness and who
continues to consider his own separate being as himself, is that he
considers a tool as himself. If you feel pain at the disturbing of
the good of your separate being, it is as if you felt on your hand
the blows on the tool with which you work. The tool has to be taken
care of, ground, but not to be considered as oneself.
25) God Himself is economical. He has to penetrate all with love. He
has fired man alone with love and has placed him in the necessity
of firing all the rest.
26) Nothing affects the religious outlook so much as the way we
look upon the world; whether with a beginning and an end, as it was
looked upon in antiquity, or infinite as it is looked upon now. In
a finite world, one can construct a reasonable rôle for separate
mortal man, but in an infinite world the life of such a being has
no meaning.
27) (For Konevsky) It happens to Katiusha after her resurrection,
that she has certain periods in which she smiles slyly and lazily
as if she had forgotten all which she considered true before; she
is merely joyous and wants to live.
28) To him who lives a spiritual life entirely, life here becomes
so uninteresting and burdensome that he can part with it easily.
[52]
29) Natasha Strakhov[82] asks her father, when he speaks of something
which happened when she was not yet born: “Where was I then?” I would
have answered: “You were asleep and had not yet waked up here.”
Conception, birth, childhood are only a preparation to an awakening,
which we see, but not the sleeping ones.
30) The error in which we find ourselves when we consider our separate
beings as ourselves is the same as when a traveller counts only one
stage as the whole road, or a man, one day as his whole life.
31) Read about ... and was horrified at the conscious deception of
men ...
32) “An eraser.” I have forgotten. I shall recall it.
Have written up to dinner. It is now 2 o’clock and I am going to
dine.
May 28, Ysn.
Pol. 12 o’c. noon.
It is already several days that I am struggling with my work[83]
and am making no progress. I sleep. I wanted to scribble it somehow
to the very end, but I can’t possibly do it. Am
in a wretched mood,
aggravated by the emptiness, by the poor, self-satisfied, cold
emptiness of my surrounding life.
In the meantime I have been to Pirogovo.[84] I have a most joyous
impression; my brother Sergei[85][53] has undoubtedly had a spiritual
transformation. He himself has formulated the essence of my faith (and
he evidently recognises it as true for himself); to raise in oneself
the spiritual essence and to subject to it the animal element. He has
a miraculous ikon and he was tortured by his undefined attitude to
it. The little girls[86] are very good and live seriously. Masha has
been infected by them. Later there were at our house: Salamon,[87]
Tanyee.[88]...
A terrible event in Moscow—the death of three thousand[89]—I
somehow can not express myself as I ought to. I am indisposed all the
time, getting weaker. In Pirogovo, there was the harnessmaker, an
intelligent man. Yesterday a working-man came from
Tula, intelligent.
I think a revolutionist. To-day a seminary student, a touching case.
I am advancing very, very badly in my work. Rather boring letters
because they demand polite answers. I have written to Bondarev,[90]
Posha, and to some one else. O yes; Officer N. was here too. I think
I was useful to him. Splendid notes by Shkarvan.[91]
Yesterday there was a letter from poor N.[92], whom they have driven
off to the Persian frontier, hoping to kill him. God help him. And
don’t forget me. Give me life, life, i. e. a conscious, joyful
serving of Thee.
[54]
In the meantime, I thought,
1)
It is remarkable how many people see some insoluble problem in
evil. I have never seen any problem in it. For me it is now altogether
clear that that which we call evil is that good, the action of which
we don’t yet see.
2) The poetry of Mallarmé,[93] and others. We who don’t understand
it, say boldly that it is humbug, that it is poetry striking an
impasse. Why is it that when we hear
music which we don’t understand
and which is just as nonsensical, we don’t say that boldly, but say
timidly: yes, perhaps one ought to understand it or prepare oneself
for it, etc. That is silly. Every work of art is only a work of art
when it is understandable, I do not say for all, but for people
standing on a certain level of education, on the same level as the
man who reads poetry and who judges it.
This reasoning leads me to an absolutely certain conclusion that music
before any other art (decadence in poetry and symbolism and other
things in painting) has lost its way and struck an
impasse. And he
who has turned it from the road was that musical genius Beethoven.
The principal factors are the authorities and people deprived of
æsthetic feeling who judge art.
Goethe? Shakespeare?[94] Everything that goes under their names
is supposed to be good and on se bât les flancs in order to
find something[55]
beautiful in the stupid and the unsuccessful, and
taste is entirely perverted. And all these great
talents—Goethe,
Shakespeare, Beethoven, Michael-Angelo—side by side with exquisite
things, produced not only mediocre ones, but disgusting ones. The
mediocre artists produce a mediocrity as regards value and never
anything very bad. But recognised geniuses create either really
great works or absolute stuff and nonsense; Shakespeare,
Goethe,
Beethoven, Bach, and others.
3) To place before myself the most complex and confused thing which
demands my participation. On all sides it seems there exist insoluble
dilemmas; it is bad one way and worse the other. And it is only
necessary to carry over the problem from the outer realm into the
inner, into one’s own life, to understand that this is only an arena
for my inner perfection, that it is a test, a measure of my moral
development, an experiment as to how much I can and want to do the
work of God, the enlargement of love, and everything resolves itself
so easily, simply, joyously.
4) A mistake (sin) is the use of reason, given me to recognise my
essence in the love for everything which exists, in acquiring the
good for my separate being. As long as man lived without a reasoning
consciousness, he fulfilled the will of God in acquiring the good
for himself and in[56]
struggling for it and there was no sin; but as
soon as reason had awakened, then there was sin.
5) The harness-maker, Mikhailo, says to me that he does not believe
in a future life, that he thinks that when a man dies, his spirit
will leave him and will go away. But I say to him: “Well, go off
then with this spirit; then you won’t die.”
May 29, Ysn. Pol. If I live.
It seems to me,
June 6, Ysn. Pol.
The principal thing is that during this time I have advanced in my
work,[95] and am advancing. I write on sins and the whole work is
clear to the end.
Finished Spier—splendid.
The economic movement of humanity by three means: the destruction
of ownership of land according to Henry George[96]; the inheritance
which would give over accumulated wealth to society, if not in the
first generation, then in the second; and a similar tax on wealth
on an excess of over 1000 rubles income for a family or 200 for
each man.
To-day the Chertkovs arrived. Galia[97] is very good.
The day before yesterday a gendarme came, a[57] spy, who confessed that
he was sent after me. It was both pleasant and nasty.[98]
During this time have thought principally the following:
1) When a man lives an animal life, he does not know that God lives
through him. When reason awakens in him, then he knows it. And
knowing it, he becomes united with God.
2) Man in his animal life has to be guided by instinct; reason
directed to that which is not subject to it, will spoil everything.
3) Is not luxury a preparing for something better, when there is
already a sufficiency?
Yesterday was not the 6th, but the 8th. To-day,
June 9, Y. P.
I have written little and not very well. It seems to me that it
is getting clearer. In the morning I had a conversation with the
workingmen who came for books. I remembered the woman who asked to
write to John of Kronstad.[99]
The religion of the people is this: there is a God and there are
gods and saints. (Christ came on earth, as a peasant told me to-day,
to teach people how and to whom to pray.) The gods and the saints
perform miracles, have power over the flesh and perform heroic deeds
and good works, and the people have only to pray, to know how[58] and
to whom to pray. But people can not perform good works, they can
only pray. Here is their whole faith.
I bathed and don’t feel well.
June 19, Y. P.
Have been feeling weak all this time and sleep badly. Posha came
yesterday. He spoke about the Khodinka accident well, but wrote
it badly. Our very idle,
luxurious life oppresses me. N. came. A
stranger. He is young and he does not understand in the same way as
I do, that which he understands, although he agrees with everything.
Finished the first draft[100] on the 13th of June. Now I am revising
it, but am working very little.
... Struggled with myself twice and successfully. Oh, if it were
always so!
Once I passed beyond Zakaz[101]
at night and wept for joy, being
grateful for life. The pictures of life in Samara stand out very
clearly before me; the steppes, the fight of the nomadic, patriarchic
principle with the agricultural civilised one.[102] It draws me
very much. Konefsky was not
born in me; that is why it moves so
awkwardly.
Have been thinking:
1) Something very important about art: what is beauty? Beauty is
that which we love. “He[59]
is not dear because he is good, but good
because he is dear.” Here is the problem; why dear? Why do we love?
And to say that we love, because a thing is beautiful, is just the
same as saying that we breathe because the air is pleasant. We find
the air pleasant, because we have to breathe; and in the same way we
discover beauty, because we have to love. And he who hasn’t the power
to see spiritual beauty, sees at least a bodily one and loves it.
June 26, Y. P. Morning.
All night I did not sleep. My heart aches without stopping. I continue
to suffer and can not subject myself to God.... I have not mastered
pride and rebellion and the pain in my heart does not stop. One thing
consoles me; I am not alone but with God, and therefore no matter
how painful it is, yet I feel that something is taking place within
me. Help me, Father.
Yesterday I walked to Baburino[103] and unwillingly (I rather would
have avoided than sought it), I met the 80-year-old
Akime ploughing,
the woman Yaremichov who hasn’t a coat to her household and only
one jacket, then Maria whose husband was frozen and who has no
one to gather her rye and who is starving her child, and
Trophime
and Khaliavka, and the husband and wife were dying as well as the
children. And we study[60]
Beethoven. And I pray that He release me
from this life. And again I pray and cry from pain.
I am entrapped,
sinking, I cannot alone, only I hate myself and my life.
June 30, Ysn. Pol.
Continued to suffer and struggle much, and have conquered neither
one nor the other. But it is better. Mme. Annenkov[104] was here and
put it very well ...[105] They have spoiled for me even my diary
which I write with the point of view of the possibility of its being
read by the living[106] ...
Just now upstairs they began to speak about the New Testament and
N. en ricanant proved that Christ
advised castration. I became
angry,—shameful.
Two days ago I went to those who had been burned out; had not dined,
was tired and felt well.... Yesterday I visited the lawyer who wanted
to snatch a hundred rubles from a beggar-woman to decorate his own
house with. It is the same everywhere.
During this time I have been in Pirogovo. My brother
Serezha has
entirely come over to us. The journey with Tania and Chertkov was
joyous. To-day in Demenka[107] I gave the last words for his journey
to a dying peasant.
I am advancing much on the work.[108] I will[61] try to write out now
what I have jotted down in the book.
To-day,
July 19.[109]
I am in Pirogovo. I arrived the day before yesterday with Tania and
Chertkov. In Serezha[110]
there has certainly taken place a spiritual
change; he admits it himself saying that he was born several months
ago. I am very happy with him.
At home, during this time, I lived through much difficulty. Lord,
Father, release me from my base body. Cleanse me and do not let your
spirit perish in me and become overgrown. I prayed twice beseechingly;
once that He let me be His tool; and second that He save me from my
animal “self.”
During this time I progressed on the Declaration of Faith. It is far
from what has to be said and from what I want to say. It is entirely
inaccessible to the plain man and the child, but, nevertheless I
have said all that I know coherently and logically.
In this time also I wrote the preface to the reading of the
Gospels[111] and annotated the Gospels. Had visitors. Englishmen,
Americans—no one of importance.
I will write out all that I jotted down:
1) Yesterday I walked through a
twice[62]
ploughed, black-earth fallow
field. As far as the eye could see, there was nothing but black
earth—not one green blade of grass, and there on the edge of the
dusty grey road there grew a bush of burdock. There were three
off-shoots. One was broken and its white soiled flower hung; the
other also broken, was bespattered with black dirt, its stem bent
and soiled; the third shoot stuck out to the side, also black from
dust, but still alive and red in the centre. It reminded me of
Hadji-Murad.[112]
It makes me want to write. It asserts life to the
end, and alone in the midst of the whole field, somehow or other
has asserted it.
2) He has a capacity for languages, for mathematics, is quick to
comprehend and to answer, can sing, draw correctly, beautifully, and
can write in the same way; but he has no moral or artistic feeling
and therefore nothing of his own.
3) Love towards enemies. It is difficult, seldom does it succeed—as
with everything absolutely beautiful. But then what happiness when
you attain it! There is an exquisite sweetness in this love, even
in the foretaste of it. And this sweetness is just in the inverse
ratio to the attractiveness of the object of love. Yes, the spiritual
voluptuousness of love towards enemies.
4) Some one makes me suffer. As soon as I think about myself, about my
own suffering, the suffering continues to grow and grow and
terror[63]
overcomes me at the thought to where it might lead. It suffices to
think of the man on account of whom you are suffering, to think about
his suffering—and instantly you are healed. Sometimes it is easy
when you already love your torturer; but even when it is difficult,
it is always possible.
5) Yesterday in walking I thought what are those boundaries which
separate us, one being from another? And it occurred to me. Are not
space and time the conditions of these divisions, or rather, the
consequences of these divisions? If I were not a separated part,
there would be neither space nor time for me, as there is not for
God. But since I am not the whole, I can understand myself and other
beings through space and time only.
(I feel that there is something in this, but I can not yet express
it clearly.)
6) There was an argument about whether being in love was good. For me
the conclusion was clear; if a man already lives a human, spiritual
life, then being in love—love, marriage—would be a downfall for
him, he would have to give a part of his strength to his wife, to
his family, or even at least to the object of his love. But if he
is on the animal plane, if he eats, drinks, labours, holds a post,
writes, plays—then to be in love would be an uplift for him as for
animals, for insects, in the time of
...[113][64]
7) To pray? They say that prayer is necessary, that it is necessary
to have the sweet feeling of prayer which is called forth by
service, singing, reading, exclamations, ikons. But what is prayer?
A communion with God, a recognition of one’s relation to God, the
highest state of the soul. Is it possible that this state of the
soul can be attained by an action upon the outer senses.... Is it
not more probable that the prayerful state might be reached only
in rare exceptional moments and necessarily in isolation, as even
Christ said and as Elijah saw God, not in a storm but in a tender
breeze?
8) Yesterday I looked through the romances, novels, and poems of
Fet.[114] I recalled our incessant music on 4 grand-pianos in Yasnaya
Polyana and it became clear to me that all this—the romances, the
poems, the music—was not art, something important and necessary to
people in general, but a self-indulgence of robbers, parasites, who
have nothing in common with life; romances, novels about how one falls
in love disgustingly, poetry about this or about how one languishes
from boredom. And music about the same theme. But life, all life,
seethes with its own problems of food, distribution, labour, about
faith, about the relations of men ... It is shameful, nasty. Help
me, Father, to serve Thee by showing up this lie.
[65]
9) I was going from the Chertkovs on the 5th of July. It was
evening, and beauty, happiness, blessedness, lay on everything. But
in the world of men? There was greed, malice, envy, cruelty, lust,
debauchery. When will it be among men as it is in Nature? Here there
is a struggle, but it is honest, simple, beautiful. But there it is
base. I know it and I hate it, because I myself am a man.
(I have not succeeded.)
10) When I suffered in my soul, I tried to calm myself with the
consciousness of serving. And that used to calm me, but only then
when there happened to be an obvious instance of serving, i. e. when
it was unquestionably required and I was drawn to it. But what is to
be done when it happens neither one way nor the other? Give myself
to God, negate myself. Do as Thou wilt, I consent.
(Again, not what I want to say.)
I am going to dinner.
11) Kant,[115] they tell us, made a revolution in the thought of
men. He was the first to show that a thing in itself is inaccessible
to knowledge, that the source of knowledge and life is spiritual.
But is not that the same which Christ said two thousand years ago,
only in a way understandable to men? Bow in spirit and in truth;
the[66]
spirit is life creating, the letter, the flesh, is beneficial
in no way.
12) Balls, feasts, spectacles, parades, pleasure-gardens, etc., are
a dreadful tool in the hands of the organisers. They can have a
terrible influence. And if anything has to be subjected to control,
it is this.
13) I walked along the road and thought, looking at the forests,
the earth, the grass, what a funny mistake it is to think that the
world is such as it appears to me. To think that the world is such
as it appears to me, means to think that there can be no other being
capable of knowledge except myself with my six senses.[116] I stopped
and was writing that down. Sergei
Ivanovich[117] approached me. I
told him what I was thinking. He said:
“Yes, one thing is true, that the world is not such as we see it
and we don’t know anything as it is.”
I said:
“Yes, we know something exactly as it is.”
“What is it?”
“That which knows. It is exactly such as we know it.”
14) One is often surprised that people are ungrateful. One ought
to be surprised at how they could be grateful for good done them.
However[67]
little good people do, they know with certainty that the
doing of good is the greatest happiness. How then can people be
grateful to others that these others have drunk themselves full,
when that is the greatest enjoyment?
15) Only he is free whom nothing and nobody can hinder from doing
what he wants. There is only one such work to do—to love.
16) Prayer is directed to a personal God, not because God is personal
(I even know as a matter of fact that He is not personal, because the
personal is finite and God is infinite), but because I am a personal
being. I have a little green glass in my eye and I see everything
green. I can not help but see the world green, although I know that
it is not like that.
17) The æsthetic pleasure is a pleasure of a lower order. And
therefore the highest æsthetic pleasure leaves one unsatisfied. In
fact, the higher the æsthetic pleasure, the more unsatisfied it
leaves one. It always makes one want something more and more. And
so without end. Only moral good gives full satisfaction. Here there
is full satisfaction. Nothing further is wished for or needed.
18) A lie to others is by far neither as important nor as harmful
as a lie to oneself. A lie to others is often an innocent play, a
satisfying of[68]
vanity. A lie to oneself is always a perversion of
the truth, a turning aside from the demands of life.
19) Although seldom, yet it has happened to me that I have done good
from pity, a real good. In that case you never remember what you
really have done and under what circumstances. You remember only that
you were with God (this occurred to me in regard to my favourite
boots which I remember I gave away out of pity and for a long time
I could not remember where they had gone). It is the same way with
all those moments when I was with God, whether in prayer or in the
business of life. Memory is a fleshly affair, but here, the thing
is spiritual.
20) Man can not live a fleshly life, if he does not consider himself
in the right and he can not live a spiritual life if he does not
consider himself sinful.
21) ...
I am going to sleep. It is 12:30 in the morning, July 30th.
July 31, Y. P. If I live.
July 31, Y. P.
I am alive. It is evening now. It is past four. I am lying down and
can not fall asleep. My heart aches. I am tired out. I hear through
the window—they play tennis and are laughing. S.[69] went away to the
Shenshins.[118] Every
one is well, but I am sad and can not master
myself. It is like the feeling I had when St. Thomas[119] locked
me in and I heard through my prison how every one was gay and was
laughing. But I don’t want to. One must suffer humiliation and be
good. I can do it.
I continue to copy:
1) The disbelief in reason is the source of all evil. This disbelief
is reached by the teaching of a distorted faith from childhood.
Believe in one miracle and the trust in reason is destroyed.
2) ...
3) Christianity does not give happiness but safety; it lets you down
to the bottom from which there is no place to fall.
4) I rode horseback from Tula
and thought about this; that I am a
part of Him, separated in a certain way from other such parts, and
He is everything, the Father, and I felt love, just love, for Him.
Now, especially now, I not only can not reproduce this feeling,
but not even recall it. But I was so joyful that I said to myself:
Here I was thinking that I can not learn anything new and suddenly
I acquired a wonderful blessed new feeling, a real feeling.
5) What humbug[120]—beauty, truth, goodness! Beauty is one of those
attributes of outer objects, like health, an attribute of the living
body.[70]
Truth is not the ideal of science. The ideal of science is
knowledge, not truth. The good can not be placed on the plane with
either of these, because it is the goal of life.
(It is unclear, but it was clear and will be.)
6) I do not remember good works, because they are outside of the
material man—of memory.
August 1, Ysn. Pol. If I
live.—which is doubtful. My heart aches very much....
It is dreadful
to think how much time has elapsed; a month and a
half. To-day, Sept. 14,
Y. P.
During this time I took a trip to the monastery with
Sonya.[121]...
I wrote on Hadji-Murad[122] very poorly, a first draft. I have
continued my work on the Declaration of Faith. The Chertkovs have
gone away.... All three sons are here now with their wives.[123]
There was a letter from the Hollander who has refused to serve.[124]
I wrote a preface to the letter.[125] I wrote a letter also to
Mme. Kalmikov[126]
with very sharp statements about the Government.
The whole month and a half has been condensed in this. Oh, yes; I
have also been ill from my usual sickness and my stomach is still
not strong.
One thing more. During this time there was a[71] letter from the Hindu
Tod and an exquisite book of Hindu wisdom, Ioga’s Philosophy.[127]
In the meantime I thought:
1) There are many people, especially Europeans and especially women,
who not only talk but who write things that appear intelligent, in
the same way as dumb people speak; as a matter of fact, it isn’t
any more natural for them to think than for a dumb person to speak,
but both one and the other, both the stupid and the dumb, have been
taught.
2) To love an individual man, one has to be blinded. Without being
blinded one can love only God, but people can be pitied, which means
to love in a Godly way.
3) To get rid of an enemy, one must love him, as it is also said in
the “Teaching of the twelve apostles.”[128] But to love one has to
put to oneself the task for all one’s life of love towards an enemy,
to do him good through love and to perfect oneself in love for him.
4) At first, one is surprised that stupid people should have within
them such an assertive convincing intonation. But it is as it should
be. Otherwise no one would listen to them.
5) I find this note: “A decoration for peasants, our happiness”—I
can not remember what that means, but it is something that pleased
me.[72]
I think it means that to a poor man looking on the life of
the rich, it appears as happiness. But this happiness is as much
happiness, as cardboard made into a tree or a castle—is a tree or
a castle.
6) We are all attracted to the Whole and one to another, like
particles of one body. Only our roughness, the lack of smoothness,
our angles, interfere with our uniting. There is already an
attraction, there is no need of making it, but one must plane oneself,
wipe out one’s angles.
7) One of the strongest means of hypnotism, of exterior action on the
spiritual state of man, is his dress. People know that very well;
that is why there is a monastic garb in monasteries and a uniform
in the army.
8) I was trying to recall
two excellent subjects for novels, the
suicide of old Persianninov and the substitution of a child in an
orphan asylum.
9) When my weakness tortured me, I sought means of salvation, and
I found one in the thought that there is nothing stationary, that
everything flows, changes, that all this is for a while, and that
it is only necessary to suffer the while while we live—I and the
others. And some one of us will go away first. (The while does
not mean to live in any way, but means, not to despair, to suffer
it through to the end.)[73]
10) I wanted to say that I was grateful, so as to make the other
one well disposed, and later to tell the truth. No, I thought, that
is not permitted. He will ascribe it to his virtues and the truth
will be accepted even less. Man, not acknowledging his sins, is a
vessel hermetically closed with a cover which lets nothing enter.
To humble oneself, to repent, that means to take off the cover and
to make oneself capable of perfection, of the good.
11) Barbarism interferes with the union of people, but the same
thing is done by a too great refinement without a religious basis.
In the other, the physical disunites, and in this, the spiritual.
12) Man is a tool of God. At first I thought that it was a tool with
which man himself was called to work; now I have understood that
it is not man who works, but God. The business of man is only to
keep himself in order. Like an axe, which would have to keep itself
always clean and sharp.
13) Why is it that scoundrels stand for despotism? Because under
an ideal order which pays according to merit, they are badly off.
Under despotism everything can happen.
14) I often meet people who recognise no God except one which we
ourselves recognise in ourselves. And I am astonished; God in me.
But[74]
God is an infinite principle; how then, why then, should He
happen to be in me? It is impossible not to question oneself about
this. And as soon as you question yourself, you have to acknowledge
an exterior cause. Why do people not feel themselves in need of
answering this question? Because for them, the answer to this
question is in the reality of the existing world, whether according
to Moses or to Darwin—it is all the same. And therefore, to have
a conception of an exterior God, one has to understand that that
which is actually real, is only the impression of our senses, i. e.
it is we ourselves, our spiritual “self.”
15) In moments of passion, infatuation, in order to conquer, one
thing is necessary, to destroy the illusion that it is the “self”
who suffers, who desires, and to separate one’s true “self” from
the troubled waters of passion.
Sept. 15. Y. P. If I live.
To-day October 10. Y. P.
It is almost a month that I have made no entries and it seemed to me
it was only yesterday. During this time, though in very poor form,
I finished the Declaration of Faith. During this time there were
some Japanese with a letter from Konissi.[129] They, the Japanese,
are undoubtedly nearer Christianity than our church
Christians.[75] I
have learned to love them very much....
I want to write out the whole Declaration of Faith from the beginning
again. Yesterday there was a good letter from Verigin, Peter.[130]
All last night
I thought about the meaning of life and though there
are other things to note down, I want to note down this:
The whole world is nothing else than an infinite space filled with
infinitely small, colourless, silently moving particles of matter.
At bottom, even this is not so; I know that they are particles of
matter only through their impenetrability, but the impenetrability
I know only through my sense of touch and my muscle sense. If I did
not have this sense, I would not know about impenetrability or about
matter. As to motion, also, I, strictly speaking, have no right to
speak, because if I did not have the sense of sight or again muscle
sense, I would not know anything about motion either.
So that all that I have the right to assert about the outer world
is that something exists, something entirely unknown to me, as it
was said long ago both by the Brahmins and by Kant and by Berkeley.
There is some kind of occasion, some kind of grain of sand which
causes irritation in the shell of the snail and produces a pearl
(sécrétion, secretion in the snail).
This is our whole outside
world.
[76]
What is there then? There is myself with my representations of
myself, of the sun, trees, animals, stones. But what then is it that
I call myself? Is it something arbitrary depending on myself? No,
it is something independent of myself, predetermined. I can not not
be myself, and not have that representation which I have, namely,
that I include in myself a small part of these moving atoms and call
them myself. And all the other remaining atoms I see in the form of
beings more or less like myself. The world appears to me to consist
entirely of beings which are like me or resemble me.[131]
(I have become confused, yet have something to say. I am going to
try when I have the strength.)
I am continuing to write out what I had to say and what I dreamt of
all night, namely:
People think that their life is in the body, that from that which
takes place in the body; from breathing, nutrition, circulation of
the blood, etc., life flows. And this seems unquestionable; let
nutrition, breathing, circulation of the blood cease and life will
end. But what ends is the life of the body, life in this body....
And in fact if you consider that life comes from the process of
the body and only in the body then as soon as the processes of the
body are ended, then life ought to be ended. But certainly this
is an arbitrary assertion. No one has proven and[77] can prove that
life is only in the body and can not be without the body. To assert
this, is all the same as asserting that when the sun has set then
the sun has come to an end. One must first decide what is life. Is
it that which I see in the others as it begins and stops, or is it
what I know in myself? If it is what I know in myself, then it is
the only thing that is and therefore it can not be destroyed. And
the fact that in bodies before me processes end which are connected
with life in me and in other beings, shows me only this, that life
goes away somewhere from my sensual eyes. To go away entirely, to
be destroyed, it absolutely can not be, because outside of it there
is nothing in the world. The problem, then, might be this: Will my
life be destroyed, can it be destroyed? And the destruction of the
body of a man, is that a sign of the destruction of his life? In
order to answer this question one must first decide what is life?
Life is the consciousness of my separateness from other beings, of
the existence of other beings and of those limits which separate
me from them. My life is not bound up with my body. There may be a
body, but no consciousness of separateness like for a sleeping one,
an idiot, an embryo or for those who have fits.
It is true that there can be no life without the consciousness of
the body; but that is because life[78] is the consciousness of one’s
own separateness and of one’s own boundaries. But the consciousness
of one’s own separateness and of one’s own boundaries happens in
our life in time and space, but it can happen in any other way
and therefore the destruction of the body is not the sign of the
destruction of life.
(Not clear and not what I want to say.)
Oct. 11. Y. P. If I live.
To-day October 20. Y. P. Morning.
I feel like writing down three things.
1) In a work of art the principal thing is the soul of the author.
Therefore among medium productions the feminine ones are the better,
the more interesting. A woman will push herself through now and
then, speak out the most inner mysteries of her soul; and that is
what is needed. You see what she really loves, although she pretends
that she loves something else. When an author writes, we the readers
place our ears to his breast and we listen and say, “Breathe. If you
have rumblings, they will appear.” And women haven’t the capacity
of hiding. Men have learned literary methods and you can no longer
see him behind his manner, except that you know he is stupid. But
what is in his soul, you don’t see.
(Not good; malicious.)
[79]
The 2nd thing I wanted to write was that yesterday, in blowing out
my candle, I began to feel for matches and did not find them, and an
uneasiness came over me. “And you are getting ready to die! What,
then, are you also going to die with matches?” I said to myself.
And I at once saw in the dark my real life and became calm.
What is this fear of the dark? Besides the fear at the incapability
of meeting whatever accident might happen, it is the fear at the
absence of the delusion of our most important sense, that of sight.
It is fear before the contemplation of our true life. I now no
longer have that fear—on the contrary, that which had been fear is
now peace; there only has remained the habit of fear; but to the
majority of people the fear is exactly of that which alone can give
them peace.
The 3rd thing I wanted to write was that when a man is put in the
necessity of choosing between an act which is clearly beneficial to
others, but with the thwarting of the demands of conscience (the
will of God), then the problem is only one of short-sightedness,
because the man sees in the immediate future the good which will
arise from his act, if he thwarts the will of God, but he does not
see in the more remote future the other good, which is an infinite
number of times greater, which[80] will come from the abstention of
this act and the fulfilment of the will of God. It is the same kind
of thing that children do, destroying the general order of a house
which is necessary for their own happiness, for the sake of the
immediate pleasure of play.
The fact is that for the work of God and for man accomplishing the
work of God, time does not exist. Man can not but represent to himself
everything in time, and therefore in order to correctly judge of the
importance of the work of God, he has to represent it to himself in
the very remote future, even in infinite time. The fact, that I will
not kill the murderer and will forgive him, that I shall die unseen
by any one, fulfilling the will of God, will bear its own fruit ...
if I insist upon thinking in terms of time—in infinite time. But
it will bear its fruit surely.
I have to finish the former:
4) Refinement and power in art are almost always diametrically
opposed.
5) Is it true that works of art are obtained by assiduous work? That
which we call a work of art—yes. But is it real art?
6) The Japanese sang and we could not restrain ourselves from
laughter. If we had sung before the Japanese they would have laughed.
The more so had Beethoven been played for them. Indian and Greek
temples are understood by all.[81] And Greek statues are understood
by all. And our best painting is also understandable. So that
architecture, sculpture, painting, having reached their perfection,
have reached also cosmopolitanism, accessibility to all. To the same
point in some of its manifestations has the art of speech reached;
in the teaching of Buddha, of Christ, in the poetry of
Sakia-Muni,
Jacob, Joseph. In dramatic art; Sophocles, Aristophanes did not
reach it. It is being reached in the new ones. But in music they
have been lagging behind entirely. The ideal of all art to which
it should strive is accessibility to all—but it, especially music
to-day, noses its way into refinement.
7) The principal thing which I wanted to say about art, is that it
does not exist in the sense of some great manifestation of the human
spirit as it is understood now. There is play, consisting in the
beauty of construction, in sculpting figures, or in representing
objects, in dancing, in singing, in playing on various instruments,
in poetry, in fables, in stories, but all this is only play and
not an important matter to which one could consciously devote his
strength.
And so it was always understood and is understood by the working,
unspoiled people and every man who has not gone away from labour,
from life, can not look upon it in any other way. It is necessary,
one must, say it out loud—how much[82] evil has come from this
importance attributed by the parasites of society to their plays!
8) The whole outer world is formed by us, by our senses. We know
nothing and can know nothing about it. All that we can know, in
studying the outer world is the relation of our senses
(sens) among
themselves and the laws of these relations. There is no question
but that this is very interesting, and from the study of these
relations are opened many new situations which we can make use of
and which increase the comforts of our life, but this is not only
not everything, not all of science as people busying themselves with
this study are now asserting, but it is only one minute particle of
science.
Science is the study of the relation of our spiritual “self”—that
which masters the outer senses and uses them—to our outer senses or
to the outer world, which is the same thing. This relation has to be
studied, because in this relation is accomplished the movement of
humanity as a whole to perfection and the good, and the movement of
each individual man to the same goal. This relation is the object
of every science; but to-day the study of this relation is called
Ethics by our present-day scholars, and is considered as a science by
itself, and a very unimportant one from out the great mass of other
sciences. It is all topsy-turvy; the whole of science is
considered[83]
as a small part and a small part is considered as the whole. From
this comes the brutalisation of men.
This arises out of the astonishing ignorance of most of the so-called
learned. They are naïvely convinced that the outer world is an actual
reality, just in the same way as the peasants are convinced that
the sun and the stars move around the earth. Just as the peasants
know nothing of the work of Galileo, Copernicus and Newton, or if
they have heard of it—do not believe—so the materialist scholars
have never heard, do not know or do not believe what has been done
as to criticism of knowledge by Descartes, Kant, Berkeley and even
before, by the Hindus and by all religious doctrines.
9)
When you suffer, you must enter into yourself—not seek matches,
but put out that light which is there, and which interferes with the
seeing of your true “self.” You must turn upside down the toy which
stood on the cork and place it on the lead and then everything will
become clear and the greatest part of your suffering will cease—all
that part which is not physical.
10)
When you suffer from passion, here are some palliative
prescriptions:
(a) Remember how many times you have suffered before because in your
consciousness you have connected yourself to your passion;
lust,[84]
greed, desire, vanity, and remember how everything passed away and
you have still not found that “self” which suffered then. And so it
is now. It is not you who are suffering, but that passion which you
wrongly joined to yourself.
(b) Again, when you suffer, remember that the suffering is not
something disagreeable which you can wish to get rid of, but it is
the very work of life, that very task which you have been designated
to do. In wanting to get rid of it, you are doing that which a man
would do who lifts the plough there where the earth is hard, just
where, in fact, it has to be ploughed up.
(c) Then remember, at the moment when you suffer, that if there is
anger in the feelings you have, the suffering is in you. Replace
the anger with love, and the suffering will end.
(d) Also this is possible; love towards enemies, which is indeed the
one real love. You must struggle for it, struggle with toil, with
the consciousness that in it is life. But when you have attained
it, what relief!
(e) The principal thing is to turn the toy upside down, find your
true “self” which is only visible without matches, and then anger
will vanish by itself. That “self” is incapable of, cannot, and has
no one to be angry with—loving, it can only pity.
[85]
During these latter days I didn’t feel like writing. I merely wrote
letters to every one and sent to Schmidt
an addition to the letter
about the incompatibility ... with Christianity.[132] I have begun
the Declaration of Faith anew. I am going to continue.
Went to Pirogovo with Masha. Serezha[133]
is very good....
October 21. Y. P. If I live.
To-day probably October 23. Y. P.
All these days I have been out of tune with my work. Wrote a letter
yesterday to the commander of the disciplinary battalion in
Irkutsk
about Olkhovik.[134]
It is evening now, I am sitting down to write because I feel the
special importance and seriousness of the hours of life which are
left to me. And I do not know what I have to do, but I feel that
there has ripened in me an expression of God’s will which asks to
be let out.
Have re-read Hadji Murad—it
isn’t what I want to say. As to
Resurrection I can’t even get hold of it. The drama
interests me.
A splendid article by Carpenter on science.[135] All of us walk near
the truth and uncover it from various sides.[86]
October 26. Y. P.
I am still just as indisposed and don’t feel like writing. My head
aches. Serezha came
yesterday.[136] Wrote a letter to Sonya and to
Andrusha.
But it seems to me that during this time of doubt, I arrived at two
very important conclusions:
1) That, which I also thought before and wrote down; that art
is an invention, is a temptation for amusement with dolls, with
pictures, with songs, with play, with stories—and nothing more.
But to place art as they do (and they do the same with science), on
the same level with the good is a horrible
sacrilège. The proof
that it is not so, is that about truth also (the right) I can say
that truth is a good (as God said, great good,
teib, i.e., good),
and about beauty one can say that it is good; but it is impossible
to say about good that it is beautiful (at times it is homely), or
that it is true (it is always true).
There is only one good; good and bad; but truth and beauty are good
qualities of certain objects.
The other very important thing, is that reason is the only means
of manifesting, and freeing love. It seems to me that this is an
important thought, omitted in my Declaration of Faith.[87]
To-day November 1. Y. P.
All this time I have felt neither well nor like working. I have
written letters only, among the number was one to the Caucasian
disciplinary battalion.[137] Yesterday, walking at night on the
snow, in the blizzard, I tired my heart and it aches. I think I am
going to die very soon. That is why I am writing out the notes. I
think I am going to die without fear and without resistance.
Just now I sat alone and thought how strange it was that people live
alone. People; I thought of Stasov;[138] how is he living now, what
is he thinking, feeling. Of Kolichka,[139] too. And so strange and
new became the knowledge that they, all of them, people—are living,
and I do not live in them; that they are closed to me.
November 2. Y. P. If I live.
November 2nd. Y. P.
Am alive. Am a little better. Have written on the Declaration of
Faith. I think it is true that it is cold because it endeavours to
be infallible.[140] A blizzard. Sent off the letters to
Schmidt and
Chertkov. Did not send the letter to Mme. Kalmikov.
To-day I thought about art. It is play. And when it is the play
of working, normal people it is good, but when it is the play of
corrupted parasites,[88]
then it is bad—and here now it has reached
to decadence.
November 3. Y. P. If I live.
To-day November 5. Y. P. Morning.
Yesterday was a terrible day.
... At night I hardly slept
and was depressed. I just now found the
prescriptions[141] in my diary, looked them over and began to feel
better; to separate one’s true “self” from that which is offended
and vexed, to remember that this is no hindrance, no accidental
unpleasantness, but the very work predestined me, and above all to
know that if I have a dislike for any one, then as long as there is
that dislike in me—then I am the guilty one. And as soon as you
know you are guilty, you feel better.
To-day, lying on the bed, I thought about love towards God ... I wish
I could say, the love of God, i.e., divine love—that the first and
principal commandment is divine love, but that the other resembling
it and flowing from it, especially flowing from it, is the love for
neighbour.
Yesterday I wrote 18 pages of introduction to Art.[142]
It is wrong to say of a work of art, “You don’t yet understand it.”
If I don’t understand it, that means that the work of art is poor,
because its[89]
task is in making understandable that which is not
understandable.
November 6. Y. P. If I live.
November 6. Y. P.
Am alive. It is the third day that I continue to write on art. It
seems to me it is good. At least I am writing willingly and easily.
... Have received a good letter from Vanderveer. Wrote another letter
to the commander of the battalion in the Caucasus. Chertkov sent me
his copy of a similar letter.
To-day I rode horseback to Tula.
A marvellous day and night. I am
just now going to take a walk to meet the girls.
Have been thinking.
1) Natural sciences, when they wish to determine the very essence
of things, fall into a crude materialism, i.e., ignorance. Such,
besides Descartes’ whirlwinds, are atoms and ether and the origin
of species. All that I can say, is that it appears to me so, just
as the heavenly vault appears round to me, while I know that it is
not round and that it appears to me so, only because my sight for
all directions extends on only one radius.
2) The highest perfection of art is its cosmopolitanism. But on
the contrary, with us at present[90] it is becoming more and more
specialised, if not according to nations, then according to classes.
3) The refinement of art and its strength are always in inverse
proportion.
4) “Conservatism lies in this” ... That is the way I have it noted,
but further I can’t remember now.
5) Why is it pleasant to ride? Because it is the very emblem of
life. Life—you ride.
I wanted to take a walk....
November 7. Y. P. If I live.
To-day November 12. Y. P.
I haven’t noted down anything during this time. I was writing
the essay on Art. To-day a little on the Declaration of Faith. A
weakness of thought and I am sad. One must learn to be satisfied
with stupidity. If I do not love, at least not not to love. That,
thank the Lord, I have attained.
November 16. Y. P. Morning.
I still work just as badly and am therefore depressed. The day after
to-morrow I am going to Moscow, if God commands.[143]
... In the meantime I received a strange letter from the Spaniard
Zanini, with an offer of
22,000 francs for good works. I answered
that[91]
I would like to use them for the Dukhobors. What is going to
happen?[144] I wrote to Kuzminsky on
Witte and Dragomirov[145] and
the day before yesterday I wrote diligently all morning on War.[146]
Something will come of it.
I am thinking continually about art and about the temptations or
seductions which becloud the mind, and I see that art belongs to
this class, but I do not know how to make it clear. This occupies
me very, very much. I fall asleep and wake up with this thought,
but up to now I have come to no conclusion.
The notes during this time about God and the future life are:
1) They say that God must be understood as a personality. In this
lies great misunderstanding; personality is limitation. Man feels
himself a personality, only because he comes in contact with other
personalities. If man were only one, he would not be a personality.
These two conceptions are mutually determined; the outer world, other
beings, and the personality. If there were not a world of other
beings, man would not feel himself, would not recognise himself as
a personality; if man were not a personality he would not recognise
the existence of other beings. And therefore man within this Universe
is inconceivable otherwise than as a personality. But how[92] can it
be said of God, that He is a personality, that God is personal? In
this lies the root of anthropomorphism.
Of God it only can be said what Moses and Mohammed said, that he is
one, and one, not in that sense that there is no other or other gods
(in relation to God there can be no notion of number and therefore
it is even impossible to say of God that he is one (1 in the sense
of a number), but in that sense that he is monocentric, that he is
not a conception, but a being, that which the Greek Orthodox call
a living God in opposition to a pantheistic God, i.e., a superior
spiritual being living in everything. He is one in that sense that He
is, like a being to whom one can address oneself, i.e., not exactly
to pray, but that there is a relationship between me, something
which is limited, a personality, and God—something inconceivable
but existing.
The most inconceivable thing about God for us consists exactly in
this, that we know Him as a one being, can know him in no other way,
and at the same time it is impossible for us to understand a one being
who fills up everything with himself. If God is not one, then He is
scattered and He does not exist. If He is one, then we involuntarily
represent him to ourselves in the shape of a personality and then He
is no longer a higher being,[93]
no longer everything. But, however,
in order to know God and to lean on Him one must understand Him as
filling everything and at the same time as one.
2) I have been thinking how obviously mistaken is our conception of
the future life in bodies either more or less similar to ours. Our
bodies as we know them are nothing but the products of our outer
six senses. How then can there be life for that spiritual being who
is separated from his body—how can it be in that form which is
determined and produced by that body through its senses?
November 17. Y. P. If I live.
November 17. Y. P.
Yesterday I hardly wrote anything.
... There is a fight in the papers over Repine’s[147]
definition of
art as amusement. How it fits into my work. The full significance
of Art has still not been made clear. It is clear to me, and I can
write and prove it, but not briefly and simply. I cannot bring it
up to that point.
Yesterday there was a letter from Ivan
Michailovich[148] and from
the Dukhobors.
Amusement is all right, if the amusement is not corrupted, is honest,
and if people do not suffer from that amusement. I have been thinking
just[94]
now; the æsthetic is the expression of the ethical, i.e., in
plain language; art expresses those feelings which the artist feels.
If the feelings are good, lofty, then art will be good, lofty, and
the reverse. If the artist is a moral man, then his art will be
moral, and the reverse. (Nothing has come of this.)
I thought last night:
We rejoice over our technical achievements—steam, ... phonographs. We
are so pleased with these achievements that if any one were to tell
us that these achievements are being attained by the loss of human
lives we would shrug our shoulders and say, “We must try not to have
this so; an 8-hour day, labour insurance, and so forth; but because
several people perish, is no reason to renounce those achievements
which we have attained.” I. e., Fiat mirrors, phonographs, etc.,
pereat several people.
It is but sufficient to admit this principle—and there will be no
limit to cruelty, and it will be very easy to attain every kind of
technical improvement. I had an acquaintance in Kazan who used to
ride to his estate in Viatka, 130 versts away, in this fashion: he
would buy a pair of horses at the market for 20 roubles (horses
were very cheap) and would hitch them up and drive 130 versts to
the place. Sometimes they would reach the place, and he would have
the horses[95]
plus the cost of the journey. Sometimes they would not
cover a part of the road and he would hire. But nevertheless it used
to cost him cheaper than hiring stage horses. Even Swift proposed
eating children. And that would have been very convenient. In New
York, the railroad companies in the city crush several passers-by
every year and do not change the crossings to make the disasters
impossible, because the change would cost dearer than paying to the
families of those crushed yearly. The same thing happens also in the
technical improvements of our age. They are accomplished by human
lives. But one has to value every human life—not to value it, but
to place it above any value and to make improvements in a way that
lives should not be lost and spoilt, and to stop every improvement
if it harms human life.
November 18. If I live, then Moscow.
November 22. Moscow.
The fourth day in Moscow. Dissatisfied with myself. No work. Got
tangled up in the article on art and have not moved forward.
... There were here; the Gorbunovs,[149] Boulanger,[150]
Dunaev. I
called on Rusanov myself.[151] Received a very good impression.
Read Plato; embryos of idealism.
I recalled two subjects which were very good:
[96]
1) A wife’s deception of her passionate, jealous husband; his
suffering, his struggle and the enjoyment of forgiveness, and
2) A description of the oppression
of the serfs and later the very
same kind of oppression by land property, or rather by being deprived
of it.
Just now Goldenweiser[152] played. One thing—a fantasy
fugue:[153]
an artificiality; studied, cold, pretentious; another—“Bigarrure” by
Arensky;[154] sensual, artificial; and a third—a ballad by Chopin;
sickly, nervous, not one or the other or the third can be of any
use to the people.
The devil who has been sent to me is still with me, and
tortures me.
November 23. Moscow. If I live.
To-day November 25. Moscow.
Am very weak. My stomach isn’t working. I am trying to write on
art—but it doesn’t go. One thing is good; have found myself, my
heart.... A letter from Zanini
with an offer of 31,500 francs.[155]
Tischenko, a good novel on poverty.[156] It is now past two, am
going for a walk.
To-day November 27. Moscow.
Very weak, poor in all respects. And feel as if I had only just now
awakened. Have been thinking:
1) We are all in this life—workers placed at[97] the work of saving our
souls. It can be compared to keeping up the fire given from heaven
and lighted on the hearth of my body. My work lies in this, to keep
up and feed this fire in myself (not to spend the material of this
fire as I have done lately, except in burning it) and not to think
how and what gets lighted from this fire. It is not a difficult
matter to thresh with several flails, but to keep in order, not to
get confused (and not only to thresh, but not to interfere with the
others), one has only to remember oneself, one’s own tempo while
beating. But as soon as you have begun to think of others, to look
at them, you get confused.
The same thing happens in life. Remember only yourself, your own
work—and this work is one: to love, to enlarge love in yourself—not
to think of others, of the consequences of your labour and the work
of life will go on fruitfully, joyously. Just as soon as you begin
to think of that which you are producing, about the results of your
labour, just as soon as you begin to modify it in accordance with
its results—your work becomes confused and ceases, and there comes
the consciousness of the vanity of life. The master of life gave to
each one of us separately such a labour, that the fulfilment of that
labour is the most fruitful work. And He himself will use and guide
this work, give it a place and a meaning.[98] But as soon as I try to
find and fix a place for it, and in accordance with this, to modify
it then I become confused, see the vanity of labour and I despair.
My task is to work and He already knows for what it is needed and
will make use of it. “Man walks, God leads.” And the work is one;
to enlarge love in oneself.
I am a self-moving saw or a living spade and its life consists in
this, to keep its edge clean and sharp. And it will work well enough,
and its work will be useful. To keep it sharp, and to sharpen and
sharpen it all the time, that is to make oneself always kinder and
kinder.
2) Once more I wrote to N that she is wrong in thinking that it is
possible for one to renounce oneself from the exploit of living.
Life is an exploit. And the principal thing is, that that very thing
that pains us and seems to us to hinder us from fulfilling our work
in life—is our very work in life. There is some circumstance, a
condition in life which tortures you; poverty, illness, faithlessness
of a husband, calumny, humiliation,—it suffices only to pity
yourself and you become the unhappiest among the unhappy. And it
suffices only to understand that this is the very work of life which
you are called to do; to live in poverty, in illness, to forgive
faithlessness, calumny, humiliation—and instead of depression and
pain there is energy and joy.[99]
3) Art becoming all the time more and more exclusive, satisfying
continually a smaller and smaller circle of people, becoming more
and more selfish, has gone crazy, since insanity is only selfishness
reaching to its last degree. Art has reached the last degree of
selfishness—and has gone out of its mind.
I have felt very badly and depressed these days. Father, help me to
live with Thee, not to wander from Thy will.
November 28. Moscow. If I live.
To-day December 2. Moscow.
Five days have passed and very torturing ones. Everything is still
the same.
...
My feeling; I have discovered on myself a terrible putrefying
sore. They had promised me to heal it and have bound it. The sore
was so disgusting to me, it was so depressing for me to think that
it was there, that I tried to forget it, to convince myself that
it was not there. But some time has passed—they unbound the sore
and though it was healing, nevertheless it was there. And it was
torturingly painful to me and I began to reproach the doctor—and
unjustly. That is my condition. The principal thing is the devil that
has been sent me. Oh, this luxury, this richness, this absence of
care about the material life! Like an over-fertilised soil. If they
do not cultivate[100]
good plants on it, weeding it, cleaning everything
around them,—it will become overgrown with horrible ugliness and
will become terrible. But it is difficult—I am old and am almost
unable to do it. Yesterday I walked, thought, suffered and prayed
and it seems to me not in vain.
Yesterday I went to Princess Helen Sergeievna.[157] It was very
pleasant. I still cannot work. I shall try to in a minute. I have
written nothing in the note book. Letters from
Koni,[158] from
Mme. Kudriavtsev.[159] Yesterday
the factory hands came and a new
one, Medusov, I think.
Dec. 12. Moscow.
I have suffered much during these days and it seems I have advanced
towards peace, towards the good—towards God. Am reading much on
art. It is becoming clear. I am not even sitting down to write.
Masha went away. The Chertkovs came.
To-day I wrote the appendix to The Appeal.[160]
Dec. 15. Moscow.
Now 2 o’clock in the morning. Have done nothing. My stomach ached.
Am calm; have no desire to write.
... I have made some notes. I don’t write[101] out everything. Something
struck me forcibly—it is my clear consciousness of the weight of the
oppressiveness from my personality, from the fact that I am I. This
gives me joy because it means that I understood, that I recognised
as myself, at least partly, a “self” that was not personal.
December 16, Moscow. If I live.
To-day December 19 or 20.
Five days have passed and I feel the oppressiveness, the weight of
my body and therefore the consciousness of the existence of that
which is not the body has strengthened terribly. I want to throw off
this weight, free myself from these chains and nevertheless I feel
them. I am sick of my body.
All this time I have not worked at all and I feel heavy melancholy. I
am fighting against it by seeking in my life a task which is beyond
this life. There is only one such: an approach to the perfection of
God, to love. Yesterday it became so clear to me that life here is
nothing else than a manifestation in these forms of the greatest
perfection of God. “To live an age and unto the night”—that is in
terms of time. To live for a universal life and for this one—that
is in terms of space.
[102]
I have done nothing during this time and am unable to. I am living
badly.
I have noted a few trifles on Art:
1) They bring as a proof that art is good, the fact that it produces
a great impression on you. Yes, but who are you? On the decadents,
their works produce a great impression on them. You say that they
are spoilt. But Beethoven, who does not produce an impression on
the working man, produces such an impression on you, only because
you are spoilt. Who then is right? What music is beyond question as
to its value? That kind which produces as impression on a decadent
and on you and on the working man; simple, understandable, popular
music.
2) What relief all would feel who are locked up in a concert-room
listening to Beethoven’s last works, if a jig or a cherdash or
something similar would be played for them.
3) N. was here and said that he recognised only sensation, that
man himself, the “self” was only a sensation. Sensation receives
sensation. He reached this nonsense because of the scientific
method; the limiting of the field of research, the non-recognition
of anything else than sensation, is very good and profitable for the
practical ends of the science of experimental psychology, but it
is good-for-nothing as far as a living universal point of view is
concerned. And this error is often[103] made by people; they transfer
to life the method which is suitable to science.
4) Nothing so confuses the conception of art as the acceptance of
authorities. Instead of determining by a clear concise conception
of art whether the works of Sophocles, Homer, Dante, Shakespeare,
Goethe, Beethoven, Bach, Raphael, Michael-Angelo, come up to the
conception of good art and exactly how they do so, they determine
by the existing works of the recognised great artists, art itself
and its laws. But, however, there are many works of noted artists
which are below every criticism and there are many false reputations,
accidentally won fame; Dante, Shakespeare.
5) I am reading the history of music:[161] out of sixteen chapters
on artificial music there is one short chapter on popular music. And
they know almost nothing about it. So that the history of music is
not the history of how real music was born and spread and developed;
the music of melodies—but the history of artificial music, i.e.,
how real melodious music was distorted.
6) Artificial, master-class music, the music of parasites, feeling
its own impotence, its own hollowness, takes recourse, in order to
replace real interest by artificiality, now to counterpoint, to the
fugue, now to opera, to illustration.
7) Church music is good, therefore, because it is[104] understood by
the masses. The undeniably good is only that which is understood by
all. And therefore it is true, that the more understandable it is,
the better.
8) The various characters expressed by art touch us only because
in each one of us is the possibility of every possible character.
(Forgot)
9) The history of music, like all history, is written on the plan to
show how it has gradually reached that condition in which the thing
is found about which the history is now being written. The present
condition of music, or that about which the history is written, is
supposed to be the highest. But what if it is not only a lower thing,
but something entirely distorted, an accidental deviation towards
distortion.
10) Belief in authorities causes the errors of authorities to be
accepted as models.
11) They say that music strengthens the impression of words—in
arias, songs. It isn’t true. Music gets ahead of impressions made
by words, by heaven knows how far. An aria of Bach; what words can
rival it at the time when it is being rendered? It is a different
thing—the words by themselves. To whatever music you would place
the Sermon on the Mount, the music would remain far behind, once
you penetrated the words. “Crucifix” by Faure,[162] the music is
pitiable compared to the words. They are two entirely different[105] and
incompatible feelings. In song they go along together only because
the words give tone.
(Not exact. About this in another place.)
12) So vividly have I recalled Vasili Perfileev[163] and others,
whom I saw in Moscow, and so clear did it become that, although they
are dead, they still are.
13) The Scylla and Charybdis of artists; either understandable, but
shallow, vulgar; or pseudo-lofty, original and incomprehensible.
14) The poetry of the people always reflected and not only
reflected, predicted, prepared, popular movements; the Crusades,
the Reformation. What could the poetry of our parasitical circle
predict and prepare?—Love, debauchery; debauchery, love.
15) Popular poetry, music, art in general is exhausted, because all
the talented have been won over by bribes to be buffoons to the rich
and the titled; chamber music, opera, odes and[164] ...
16) In all art, there exists the struggle between the Christian and
the pagan. The Christian begins to conquer and the new wave of the
15th Century overflows, the Renaissance, and only now at the end of
the 19th, the Christian rises again, and paganism in the shape of
decadence having reached the highest degree of nonsense, is being
destroyed.
17) Besides the fact that the most gifted of the[106] people were won
over by bribes into the camp of the parasites, the cause of the
destruction of popular poetry and music were: at first the serfdom
of the people and later the most important one—printing.
18) Chertkov said that around us there are four walls of the unknown;
in front, the wall of the future, in back the wall of the past, to
the right the wall of ignorance, of that which is taking place there
where we are not, and the fourth wall, he says, is the ignorance of
that which is going on in the soul of another. In my mind this is
not so. The first three walls are as he says. One should not look
through them. The less we look beyond them the better. But as to
the fourth wall of the ignorance of that which is going on in the
souls of other people, this wall we ought to break down with all our
strength, striving for a fusion with the souls of other people. And
the less we will look beyond those three other walls, the closer we
will get to others in this respect.
19) After death in importance, and before death in time, there is
nothing more important, more irrevocable, than marriage. And just
as death is only good then when it is unavoidable, but every death
on purpose is bad, so it is with marriage. Only then is marriage
not evil, when it is not to be conquered.
20) Apostasy comes from a man professing[107] what he professes not for
himself, not for God, but for people. He betrays his professions,
either because he has become convinced that more people, or better
people according to his mind, do not profess the same thing as he,
or because that which he did before, he did for human fame and now
he wants to live for himself, before God.
21) If I believed in a personal God to whom one could turn to with
questions, I would say, Why, for what has God made it so, that some,
knowing the undoubted truth, burn wholly with its fire, while others
do not want it, cannot understand or accept it, and even hate it.
It is now past one. The same weakness, but keen in spirit, when I
remember the significance of the whole of life, and not only this
one which I have lived through as Leo Nicholaievich (Tolstoi). Help
me, Lord, to do always, everywhere Thy will, to be with Thee. But
not my will, but Thine, be done.
December 21, Moscow, if I live.
I am still writing December the 20th, Moscow.
Still the same depression. Father, help me. Relieve me. Strengthen
Thyself in me, vanquish, drive forth, destroy, the foul flesh and
all that I feel through it.
... Father, help me. Moreover,
I feel better already. What is
especially calming is the task, the test of humility, of humiliation,
an entirely[108]
unexpected, exceptional humiliation. In chains, in a
prison, one can pride oneself on one’s humiliation, but here it is
only painful, unless one accepts it as a trial sent by God. Yes,
learn to bear calmly, joyfully and to love.
December 21. Moscow.
I am learning badly. I continually suffer, helplessly, weakly. Only
in rare moments do I rise to the consciousness of the whole of my
life (not only this one) and my duties in it.
I thought (and felt): There are people lacking both in æsthetic
feeling and in the ethical (especially the ethical), to whom it is
impossible to instil that which is good—the less so when they do
and love that which is bad, and think that the bad is good ...
December 22,
Moscow, if I live, which is getting to be very
doubtful; my heart does not stop aching. Almost nothing gives me
rest. To-day Posha alone refreshed me. It is so disgusting I want to
cry over myself, over the remnant of my life which is being futilely
ruined. But perhaps it must be so, yes, in fact, it must be so ...
December 25, Moscow.
9 o’c. at night. Spiritually I feel better. But I have no
intellectual, artistic work, and I am melancholy. Just now I felt
that particular Christmas[109]
softening and gentleness, and poetical
impulse. My hands are cold, I want to cry and to love ...
December 26, Moscow.
I am still not writing anything, but I feel my thoughts revive. The
devil still does not leave me.
I thought to-day about
The Diary of a Mad Man.[165] The principal
thing is that I have understood my filial relation to God,
brotherhood,—and my attitude to the whole world has changed.
[111]
1897
[113]
Jan. 5,
Moscow.
There is still nothing good to write about myself. I feel no need
of working and the devil does not leave me. Have been ill for about
6 days.
Began to reread Resurrection and reached up to his decision to
marry and threw it away with disgust. It is all untrue, invented,
weak. It is hard to repair a spoiled thing. In order to repair it,
there is necessary: 1) alternately to describe his feeling and
life, and hers,[166] and 2) sympathetically and seriously hers, and
critically and with a smile, his. I shall hardly finish it. It is
all very spoilt.
Yesterday I read Arkhangelsky’s[167] article “Whom to Serve” and
was very delighted.
Have finished the notebook. And here I am writing from it:
1) My article on ... must be written for the people ...
2) (For The Notes of a Madman or for The Drama). Despair because
of madness and wretchedness of life. Salvation from this despair in
the recognition of God and one’s filiality to Him. The recognition of
filiality is the[114]
recognition of brotherhood. The recognition of the
brotherhood of man and the cruel, brutal, unbrotherly arrangement of
life which is justified by people—leads inevitably to a recognition
of one’s own insanity or that of the whole world.
3) I read Nakashidze’s[168] letter about the Congress of the
Dukhobors, where they discussed social questions. Here is an instance
of the possibility of administration without violence. One condition
is necessary—no, two conditions: the respect of the youth and of
the spiritually weak in general, to the resolutions of the elected
elders, the spiritually stronger—the “little old men” as the
Dukhobors call them; and the second condition that these “little
old men” be rational and loving. At this Congress the question of
uniting property (in common), was discussed and the “little old men”
were in favour of it, but constantly repeated: “Only let there be
no violence, let things be done voluntarily.”
Among the people and the Dukhobors this respect and recognition of
the necessity of fulfilling the resolutions of the old men exist. And
all this without forms; the election of the elders and the methods
of agreement.
4) No matter how you grind a crystal, how you dissolve it, compress
it, it will mould itself again at the first opportunity into the
same form. And so the structure of society will be always the[115] same,
no matter to what changes you submit it. The form of a crystal will
only then be changed when chemical changes occur in it, inner ones;
the same with society.
5) It would be good to write a preface to Spier[169] containing the
following:
The world is such as we see it, only if there do not exist any other
beings differently built from us and endowed with other senses than
ours. If we see not only the possibility, but the necessity, of the
existence of other beings endowed with other senses than ours, then
the world is in no case, merely such as we see it. Our imagination of
the world shows only our attitude to the world, just as the visual
picture which we form for ourselves from what we see as far as the
horizon and the sky represents in no way the actual outlines of the
objects seen. The other senses, hearing, smell, principally—touch, in
verifying our visual impressions give us a more definite conception
of the seen objects; but that which we know as broad, thick, hard
or soft or how the things seen by us sound or smell, do not prove
that we know these things fully and that if a new sense (above the
five) were given us, it would not disclose to us that our conception
of things formed by our five senses was not just as deceptive as
that conception of the flatness of objects and their diminishing in
perspective which sight only gives us.
[116]
I see a man in the mirror, hear his voice and am fully convinced
that he is a real man; but I approach, I want to grasp his hand
and I touch the glass of the mirror and see my delusion. The same
thing must come to pass in a dying man; a new feeling is born which
discloses to him (through his new feeling and the new knowledge it
gives him) the delusion of recognising his body as himself, and of
all that he recognised as existing through the means of the senses
of this body.
So that the world is certainly not such as we know it to be: let
there be other instruments of knowledge—and there will be another
world.
But no matter how that which we consider as the world, our attitude
to the world, should change—one thing is unalterably such as we
know it and is always unchanging, it is that which knows. And it
knows not only in me, but in everything which knows. This thing
which knows is the same everywhere and in everything and in itself.
It is God, and it is that for some reason limited particle of God
which composes our actual “self.”
But what then, is this God, i. e., something eternal, infinite,
omnipotent, which has become mortal, finite, weak? Why did God
divide himself within himself? I do not know, but I know that this
is so, and that in this is life. All that we know is nothing else
than just such divisions of[117]
God. All that we know as the world is
the knowledge of these divisions. Our knowledge of the world (that
which we call matter in space and time) is the contact of the limits
of our divinity with its other divisions. Birth and death are the
transitions from one division into another.
6) The difference between Christian happiness and pagan is this,
that the pagan seeks happiness, prepares it for himself, awaits it,
demands it—the Christian seeks, prepares, awaits and demands the
kingdom of God and accepts happiness when it comes as something
unexpected, undeserved, unprepared. And it is no less.
Jan. 18. Moscow.
Dismal, horrid. Everything
repels me in the life they lead around
me. Now I free myself from sadness and suffering, then again I fall
into it. In nothing is it so apparent, as in this, how far I am from
what I want to be. If my life were really entirely in the service
of God, there would be nothing which could disturb it.
I am still writing on art. It is bad. A Dukhobor was here.
Feb. 4. Nicholskoe with the Olsuphievs.
I am already here the 4th day and am inexpressibly sad. I am writing
badly on art. I just now prayed and became horrified at how low
I have[118]
fallen. I think, I ask myself, what am I to do; I doubt,
I hesitate, as if I did not know or had forgotten who I was and
therefore what I was to do. To remember that I am not master, but
servant and to do that to which I have been put. With what labour
have I struggled and attained this knowledge, how undoubted is this
knowledge and how I can forget it nevertheless—not exactly forget
it, but live without applying it.
... Well, enough about this.
I am going to write out what I thought during this time:
1) When all is said and done, it is those people over whom
violence is used who always rule, i.e., those who fulfil the law
of non-resistance. So women seek rights, but it is they who rule,
just because they are the ones subjected to force—they were and
they still are. Institutions are in the power of men, but public
opinion is in the power of women. And public opinion is a million
times stronger than any laws and armies. The proof that public
opinion is in the hands of women is that not only the construction
of homes, food, are determined by women, and not only do the women
spend the wealth, consequently control the labour of men, but the
success of works of art, of books, even the appointment of rulers,
are determined by public opinion; and public opinion is determined
by women. Some one well said that[119] men must seek emancipation from
women, and not the contrary.
2) (For The Appeal).[170] Unmask the deceivers, spread the truth
and do not fear. If it were a matter of spreading deception and
murder, then of course, it would be terrible, but here you would be
spreading the freedom from deception and murder. Besides, there is
no ground for fear. Of whom? They ... are themselves afraid.
I remember there worked for us in our village a weak and phlegmatic
12 year-old boy who once caught on the road and brought back, an
enormous healthy peasant, a thief, who had taken a coat from the
hall.
3) The poets, the verse-makers torture their tongues in order to
be able to say every possible kind of thought in every possible
variety of word and to be able to form from all these words something
which resembles a thought. Such exercise can only be indulged in by
unserious people. And so it is.
4) If we never moved, then everything which we saw would appear to us
flat and not in perspective. Motion gives us a conception of things
in three dimensions of space. The same thing is true concerning the
material side of things: if we weren’t living, were not moving in
life, we would see only the material side of things; but moving in
life, moving our spiritual side across[120] the material side of the
world, we recognise the falseness of the idea that the material is
actually such as it appears to us.
5) Twenty times I have repeated it, and 20 times the thought comes
to me as new, that release from all excitement, fear, suffering,
from physical and especially from spiritual, lies in destroying in
one’s self the illusion of the union of one’s spiritual “self” with
one’s physical. And this is always possible. When the illusion is
destroyed then the spiritual “self” can suffer only from the fact
that it is joined to the physical, but not from hunger, pain, sorrow,
jealousy, shame, etc. In the first case, as long as it is joined it
does that which the physical “self” wants: it gets angry, condemns,
scolds, strikes; in the second case, when it is separated from the
physical, it does only that which can free it from the torturing
union. And only the manifestations of love frees it.
6) For the article on Art. When it is beauty that is recognised as
the aim of art, then everything will be art which for certain people
will appear as beauty, i.e., everything which will please certain
people.
7) I have noted, “the harm of art, especially music” and I wanted to
write that I had forgotten, but while I was writing, I remembered.
The[121]
harm of art is principally this, that it takes up time,
hiding from people their idleness. I know that it is harmful when
it encourages idleness both for the producers and those who enjoy
it, but I cannot see a clear definition of when it is permissible,
useful, good. I should like to say only then when it is a rest from
labour, like sleep, but I do not yet know if that is so.
8) (For The Appeal). You are mistaken, you poor, if you think that
you can shame or touch or convince the rich man to divide with you.
He cannot do that because he sees that you want the same thing that
he wants and that you are fighting him with the same means with which
he fights you. You will not only convince him, but you will compel
him to yield to you only by ceasing to seek that which he seeks,
ceasing to struggle with him, but if you cease to struggle you will
cease also ... (very important).
9) If the end of art is not the good, but pleasure, then the
distribution of art will be different. If its end is the good, then
it will inevitably be spread among the greatest number of people;
if its end is pleasure, then it will be confined to a small number
(not exact and still unclear).
10) Art is—I was going to write food, but it is better to say—sleep,
necessary for the sustenance of the spiritual life. Sleep is useful,
necessary[122]
after labour. But artificial sleep is harmful, does not
refresh, does not stimulate, but weakens.
11) I heard counterpoint singing and ...[171] This is the destruction
of music, a means of perverting it. There is no sense to it, no
melody, and any first senseless sequence of sounds are taken and
from the combination of these insignificant sequences is formed some
kind of a tedious resemblance to music. The best is when the last
chord is finished.
12) The most severe and consequential agnostic, whether he wants it
or does not want it, recognises God. He cannot but recognise that in
the first place, in the existence both of himself and of the whole
world, there is some meaning inaccessible to him; and in the second,
there is a law of his life, a law to which he can submit or from which
he can escape. And it is this recognition of the highest meaning of
life, inaccessible to man but inevitably existing, and of the law of
one’s life, which is God and His will. And this recognition of God
is immensely stronger than the recognition of ... etc. To believe
like this means to dig to bedrock, to the mainland, and to build
the house on that.
13) Stepa[172] related the physiologic process which takes place in
the infant when it separates from its mother. Truly it is a miracle.
[123]
This thought occupied me in relation to the doctrine that everything
material is illusion. How can illusion take place there where I do
not see it? As you see it, so it takes place. You see everything
through your glasses. That is well enough as regards all other
phenomena, but here the most fundamental thing is taking place,
that from which the whole of my life and of everything living is
composed: the detachment from the world. And here right in front of
my eyes this detachment is taking place; there was one and there
became two, like among the first cells, (unclear.)
14) Every living being carries within himself all the possibilities
of its ancestors. Having been detached, he manifests several of them,
but carries in himself the remaining ones and acquires new ones.
In this lies the process of life; to unite and to separate. (Still
more unclear.)
I have decided no matter what happens, to write every day. Nothing
strengthens one so much for the good. It is the best prayer.
Evening, February 4. Nicholskoe.
In the morning I wrote this diary and later tried to write, but
could do nothing; had no desire. Undoubtedly if there be strength
and capacity to write, then one ought to serve God.
It is just as gloomy. I do not pray enough, hourly.
[124]
February 5, Nicholskoe. If I live.
February 5, Nicholskoe.
Still the same intellectual, creative, weakness. But I think it is
almost hopeless. There was a search at Chertkov’s. S. arrived.
I thought: I, a worker, am I doing the work commanded? In this is
everything. Lord, help me.
Feb. 6. Nicholskoe.
In the morning Gorbunov arrived; in the evening a telegram that
the Chertkovs are leaving on Thursday.[173] I prepared to go with
Sonya.[174] Am just going. Health better.
Feb. 7. Petersburg.
Went to Chertkov. It is joyous there. Then to Yaroshenko.[175]
... I pray that I do not abandon here or anywhere the consciousness
of my mission, to be fulfilled by kindness.
Feb. 8. Petersburg. If I live.
I was alive, but made no entries the two days.
To-day, Feb. 10.
It doesn’t matter, it doesn’t matter, silence. I was at Stasov’s and
Tolstoi’s.[176] Did nothing[125] bad, but nothing good either. Rather
some good. Lord keep me from a spell, but I am better. Have thought
nothing.
Again at the Olsuphievs in Nicholskoe,
Feb. 16.
I returned on the morning of the day before yesterday, and fell ill.
Yesterday I was better, wrote on art. Good.
... Women do not consider the demands of reason binding upon
themselves and cannot progress according to them. They haven’t got
this sail spread. They row without a rudder.[177]
I am again feeling unwell and very sweetly sad. Wrote a letter to
the Chertkovs and to Posha. Am not working.
Feb. 17. Nicholskoe.
I do not feel well. I tried to write on art....
... Received letters; an adaptation of On Life from the
American.[178] Wrote two letters to Sonya yesterday and sent them
to-day.[179]
Having been thinking even before Petersburg:
1) (For The Appeal): To describe the condition of the factory
workers, the servants, soldiers, agricultural labourers in comparison
with the rich, and show that it all comes from....
2) In the Middle Ages, in the XIth Century, poetry was general—the
people and the masters, les courtois et les vilains; then they
separated and[126]
les vilains began to mimic the masters’ and the
masters the people’s. A union ought to take place again.
3) A hundred times I have said it to myself and have written it
down: the real and only salvation from all sorrow is the knowledge
of one’s mission, the anxiety whether you have done that for which
you were sent.
4) Nearly every husband and wife reproach each other for things for
which they do not consider themselves guilty. But on the one side
there is no ceasing to accuse, nor on the other to vindicate.
5) They do not run after a poet or a painter so much, as after an
actor, and especially after a musician. Music calls forth a direct
physical effect, sometimes acute, sometimes chronic.
6) We absolutely falsely ascribe intelligence and goodness to talent,
and the same to beauty. In this lies great self-delusion.
7) It came into my head with remarkable clearness that in order
to always feel good, it is necessary always to think of others,
especially when you speak with some one.
8) The movement of life, the broadening of a separate being gives
time. If there would be no movement, no enlarging of love, then there
would be no time; as to space, it is the representation of other
beings. If there were no other beings,[127] there would be no space.
(All nonsense, unthought).
9) Women are deprived of a moral sense for a motor. They haven’t
got this sail spread and therefore it does not carry.
Feb. 18, Nicholskoe. If I live.
Feb. 18. Nicholskoe.
Forty-five years ago I was in battle.[180]
I feel a great sinking in energy. I am very weak, cannot work. But
is it not possible to live unceasingly before God, doing His work
in proportion to His strength. I shall try. Help me, Lord. I shall
take up the letters. Here demands are made, and it is possible to
fulfil His work.
Evening. Indisposed. Apathy, weakness. Am not taking up the
essay,[181] wrote letters. Just now a letter from Biriukov. I
answered it.
February 19. Nicholskoe.
I am just as apathetic, but am not worried. Wrote letters. Wrote to
every one. I am going to bed, it is past twelve.
To-day, Feb. 20, Nicholskoe.
Seven o’clock in the evening.
I still feel just as badly; constipation and heart-burn. I fell asleep
in the morning. Then, not[128]
trying to work, I took a walk. Extreme
weakness. My soul is calm, only it is a bore that I am unable to
work. The house is full of people.
... Yesterday I wrote many letters.
I walked and thought:
There is no greater cause for error and confusion of ideas, the
most unexpected ones, and inexplicable in any other way, than the
recognition of authorities, i.e., the infallible truthfulness or
beauty of certain persons, of books or of works of art. M. Arnold[182]
was a thousand times right when he said that the business of criticism
lies in detaching the good from the bad, from all that has been
written and done, and mainly the bad from that which is recognised
as splendid, and the good from that which is recognised as bad, or
is not recognised at all. The most striking instance of this error
and its terrible consequences, holding back for ages the forward
movement of Christian mankind, is the authority of the Holy Scriptures
and the Gospels. How many of the most unexpected and remarkable
absurdities, sometimes necessary for its own justification, sometimes
not necessary for anything, are said and written in the text of the
Holy Scriptures.... The same thing happens in the Greek Tragedies,
in Vergil, Shakespeare, Goethe,
Bach, Beethoven, Raphael and in the
new authorities.
[129]
Perhaps I omitted the 21st. To-day,
perhaps the 22nd. February,
Saturday. Nicholskoe.
Yesterday I did not work. I read through the first draft on
art—pretty good. I went for Yushkova’s[183] dress. It was a nice
trip. In the evening they spoke about Art and then I heard the
brothers Konius[184] who arrived....
To-day I am a little better in my health, I went on skiis and felt
weak at heart and uneasy when I went far. It is evening now. I feel
like writing letters.
I thought for The Appeal when I looked at the numberless sons of
N. in their overcoats: He is bringing them up, “making” men of the
world of them. What for?
You will say: you live as you do for the sake of the children. What
for? Why bring up another generation of the same cheated slaves,
not knowing why they live, and living such a joyless life?
Feb. 23. Nicholskoe. If I live.
February 23, Nicholskoe.
To-day I wrote willingly and eagerly all morning and it seems to me
I advanced on the essay on art. Then I took a walk before dinner.
There is still a pile of people. No serious talk. Yesterday there was
music.... To-day an amateur theatrical. Tania and Michail
Adamovich[130]
played very well.[185] It is now evening. The day has passed almost
without heart-burn.
February 24. Nicholskoe.
To-day I arose apathetic and fell asleep again right after luncheon.
After one, I went to meet the riders. Came home, dined. Am struggling
successfully with heart-burn. Went for a walk in the evening.
Read and am reading Aristotle (Bénard)
on æsthetics. Very important.
Thought during these days:
1) Thought; why is it impossible to even speak to some people ...
about truth and good—so far are they away from it. This is so,
because they are surrounded by such a thick layer of temptations
that they have become impenetrable. They are unable to struggle with
sin, because they do not see the sin for the temptations. In this
lies the principal danger and all the horror of temptations.
2) They say to me when I condemn religious propaganda: You also are
preaching. No, I do not preach—mainly because I have nothing to
preach. Even to atheists I am not going to preach God (if I preached,
I erred). I only draw conclusions from what people accept, pointing
out the contradictions which are enclosed in what they accept, and
which they do not notice.
[131]
3) ... a general, respectable, clean, correct, with thick eye-brows
and important mien (and uncommonly good-natured, but deprived of
every moral motive sense) gave me the striking thought, as to how
and by what means those most indifferent to social life, to the good
of society—as to how just those people rise involuntarily to the
position of rulers of people. I see how he will manage institutions
upon which a million lives depend, and just because he likes
cleanliness, elegance, refined food, dancing, hunting, billiards
and every possible kind of amusement, and not having the means to
keep himself in those regiments, or institutions, or societies where
all this exist, is advanced little by little as a good and harmless
man and made a ruler of people. All are like N. and their name is
legion.
4) I am reading Aristotle. He says in Politics (Book VII,
Chapter VIII): “Dans cette république
parfaite, où la vertu des
citoyens sera réele, ils s’abstiendront de toute profession
méchanique, de toute spéculation mercantile, travaux dégradés
(dégradants?)[186] et contraires à la vertu. Ils ne se livreront
pas davantage á l’agriculture. Il faut du loisir pour acquérir la
vertu” ...[187]
All his æsthetics has for its end ( )[188] virtue. And we with
the Christian understanding of the brotherhood of man want to be
guided by[132]
the ethical and æsthetical conception of the ancients!!
Feb. 25. Nicholskoe. If I live.
February 25. Nicholskoe.
I am alive. I have written a little—not as easily as yesterday. The
guests have departed. Went for a walk twice. Am reading Aristotle.
To-day I received letters ...
Yesterday, while walking, I prayed and experienced a remarkable
sensation which is perhaps similar to that which the mystics excite
in themselves by spiritual works; I felt myself to be a spiritual,
free being bound by the illusion of the body.
Feb. 26. Nicholskoe. If I live.
Feb. 26, Nicholskoe.
I am alive. I am writing, so as to keep my resolution. To-day I
wrote letters all morning, but I had no energy for work.
Went to Mme. Shorin.[189] I had a good talk with her. Perhaps even
to some purpose. Just as Anna Michailovna[190] said to-day, that I
helped her. And thanks be.
I copied the letter to Posha.
[133]
Feb. 27. Nicholskoe.
Wrote this morning poorly, but cleared up something or other. Am
well. Took a walk. Spoke with Tania. And that is all.
Yesterday was Feb. 28. Nicholskoe.
I have written nothing. In the morning I worked badly. Received a
letter from Chertkov and Ivan
Michailovich and wrote to both. Walked
and went to Safonovo.[191]
This morning I thought of something which seemed to me important,
namely:
1) I wiped away the dust in my room and walking around, came to the
divan and could not remember whether I had dusted it or not. Just
because these movements are customary and unconscious I could not
remember them and I felt that it was impossible to. So that if I
dusted and forgot it, i.e., if I did an act unconsciously; then it is
just the same as if it never existed. If some one conscious saw it,
then perhaps it could be restored. But if no one saw it, or saw it
unconsciously; if the whole complex life of many people pass along
unconsciously, then that life is as if it had never existed. So that
life—life only exists then, when it is lit by consciousness.
What, then, is this consciousness? What are the acts which are lit
by consciousness? The acts which are lit by consciousness are those
acts which[134]
we fulfil freely, i.e., fulfilling them we know that we
might have acted otherwise. Therefore, consciousness is freedom.
Without consciousness there is no freedom and without freedom there
can be no consciousness (if we are subjected to violence and we have
no choice as to how we should bear that violence, we do not feel
the violence).
Memory is nothing else than the consciousness of the past, of the
past freedom. If I were unable to dust or not to dust, I would not
be conscious of dusting, if I were not conscious of dusting, I would
not have the choice of dusting or not dusting. If I did not have
consciousness and freedom, I would not remember the past, I would
not unite it into one. Therefore the very basis of life is freedom
and consciousness—a freedom-consciousness.
(It seemed to me clearer when I was thinking.)
March 1,
Nicholskoe.
... To-day I could not write anything in the morning at all—fell
asleep. I took a walk both in the morning and in the evening. It
was very pleasant.
I thought two things:
1) That death seems to me now just as a change: a discharge from a
former post and an[135]
appointment to a new one. It seems that I am
all worn out for the former post and I am no longer fit.
2) I thought about N as a good character for a drama; good-natured,
clean, spoilt, loving pleasure but good, and incapable of conceiving
a radical moral requirement.
I also thought:
3) There is only one means for steadfastness and peace: love, love
towards enemies.
Yes, here this problem was presented to me from a special, unexpected
angle and how badly I was able to solve it. I must try harder. Help
me, Father.
March 2, Nicholskoe. If I live.
March 2,
Nicholskoe.
I am alive. Entirely well. To-day I wrote pretty well. In the evening
after dinner I went to Shelkovo. It was a very pleasant walk in the
moonlight.
Wrote a letter to Posha. Received a letter from Tregubov. He is
irritated because they intercept the letters. But I am not vexed.
I have understood that one has to pity them, and I pity truly.
To-morrow we go. We have been here a whole month.
[136]
Yesterday was March 3rd. Moscow.
In the morning I did almost nothing. I stumbled up against the
historic course of art. I took a walk. After dinner I left. I arrived
at 10.
March 4, Moscow.
Got up late. Handled my papers, wrote letters to Posha,
Nakashidze.
Went to the public library, took books. In the evening
Dunaev and
Boulanger were here.
It is now late. I am going to bed. S. is at a
concert.
March 5. Moscow. If I live.
Heavens, how many days I have skipped: To-day,
March 9. Moscow.
Out of the four days, I wrote two days on art and to-day pretty much.
I wanted to write Hadji Murad
very much and thought out something
pretty well—touching. A letter from Posha. Wrote to Chertkov and
Koni about the terrible
thing that happened to Miss Vietrov.[192]
I am not going to write out what I have noted.
I am still in the same peaceful,
because loving, mood. As soon as I
feel like being hurt or wearied I remember God and that my work is
only one, to love, not to think of that which will be—and I feel
better right away.
Tania is going to Yasnaya.
[137]
To-day, March 15, Moscow.
Lived not badly. I see the end of the essay on art. Still the same
peace. I thank God. I have just now written letters. It is evening.
I am going into the tedious drawing-room.
To-day, April 4,
Moscow.
Almost a month I have not written (20 days), and I have lived the time
badly, because I worked little. Wrote all the time on art, became
confused these last days. And now for two days I haven’t written.
I have not lost my peace,
but my soul is troubled, still I am master
of it. Oh, Lord! If only I could remember my mission, that through
oneself must be manifested (shine) divinity. But the difficulty is,
that if you remember that alone you will not live; and you must
live, live energetically, and yet remember. Help me, Father.
I have prayed much lately that
my life be better. But as it is,
the consciousness of the lawlessness of my life is shameful and
depressing.
Yesterday I thought very well about Hadji
Murad—that in it the
principal thing was to express a deception of trust. How good it
would have been, were it not for this deception. Also I am thinking
more and more often of The Appeal.
I am afraid that the theme of art has occupied[138] me lately for
personal, selfish and bad reasons. Je m’entends.
During this time I made few notes and if I had been thinking about
anything I have forgotten it.
1) The world which we know and represent for ourselves, is nothing
else than laws of co-relation between our senses (sens), and
therefore, a miracle is a violation of these laws of co-relation, it
therefore destroys our conception of the world. In the crudest form,
it is thus: I know that water (not frozen) is always liquid. And its
specific gravity is less than that of my body. My eyes, hearing,
touch, demonstrate to me liquid water; and suddenly a man walks on
this water. If he walked on the water, then it proves nothing, but
only destroys my conception of water.
2) A very common mistake: To place the aim of life in the service
of people and not in the service of God. Only in serving God, i.e.,
in doing that which He wants, can you be certain that you are not
doing something vain and it is not impossible to choose whom you
are to serve.
3) Church Christians do not want to serve God, but want God to serve
them.
4) Shakespeare began to be valued when the moral criterion was lost.
5) (For The Appeal.) We are so entangled that every one of our steps
in life is a participation[139]
in evil: in violence, in oppression. We
must not despair, but we must slowly disentangle ourselves from those
nets in which we are caught; not to tear ourselves through,—that
would entangle us worse—but to disentangle ourselves carefully.
6)[193]
I am in a very bad physical condition, almost fever, and the black
gloom that comes before, but up to now the spiritual is the stronger.
Escorted Maude’s colony.[194] Ivan
Michailovich is still free.[195]
Everything is all right.
Apr. 9. Moscow.
Have been ill. With calmness I thought that I would die. To-day I
wrote well on Art. They have taken Ivan
Michailovich. There was a
search at Dunaev’s.[196]
It is all right with the exiles.[197]
Outwardly I am entirely calm,
inwardly not entirely. It is enough to
bear in mind that everything is for the good, and when I bear that
in mind as I do now—it is good.
To-day May 3.
Yasnaya Polyana.
Almost a month I have made no entries. A bad and sterile month.
I cut out and burned that which I wrote in heat.[198]
[140]
To-day July 16.
Y. P.
It is not one month that I have made no entries, but two and a half.
I have lived through much, both the difficult and the good.[199] Have
been ill. Very severe pains—I think in the beginning of July.[200]
I worked all this time on the essay on art, and the farther I get
the better. I finished it and am correcting it from the beginning.
Masha married.[201]...
We do not quiet, moderate passion, the source of the greatest
calamities, but kindle it with all our strength and then we complain
that we suffer....
Good letters from Chertkov. A Kiev peasant was here, Shidlovsky.[202]
I feel that I am alone—that
my life not only does not interest any
one, but that they are bored and ashamed that I continue to occupy
myself with such trifles.
I thought during this time:
1) A type of woman—there are men such also, but mostly it is women
who are incapable of seeing themselves, as if their necks were
stationary and they could not look back at themselves. It isn’t
exactly that they don’t want to repent: but they can’t see themselves.
They live as they do and not in another way, because this way seems
good to them. And therefore if they do anything[141] it is because it
seems good to them. Such people are terrifying. And such people
may be intelligent, stupid, good, wicked. When they are stupid and
wicked it is terrible.
2) With a low moral standard, a firmness of judgment. The acts of all
the best people are explained by what I would have done. Christ
preached out of vanity, condemned the Pharisees from envy, etc.
3) The second condition of art is novelty. To a child everything is
new and therefore it has many artistic impressions. The new for us,
is a certain depth of feeling, that depth in which a man finds his
separate individuality from all. That is for indifferent art. For
the highest, novelty lies only in religion, as religion is the most
advanced world point of view.
4) (For the drama.) They bring to the table a man in tatters and they
laugh at the inconsistency of it and at his awkwardness. Revolt.
5) When it happens that you thought of something and then forgot
what you thought, but you remember and know the character of your
thoughts: sad, dismal, oppressive, joyous, keen—and even remember
their order: first it was sad, and then it became calm, etc.,—when
you remember things that way, then it is exactly what music expresses.
[142]
6) A theme: A passionate young man
in love with a mentally diseased
woman.
7) God gave us His spirit—love, reason—in order to serve Him; but
we use His spirit to serve ourselves—we use the axe to plane the
handle.
I feel fully well and strong physically, but morally, weak. I feel
like working and am able. I am going to make notes.[203]
July 17. Yasn. Pol.
If I live.
July 17. Y. P.
Got up late, worked badly. There is neither concentration nor capacity
to embrace everything. Nevertheless I have advanced. Masha came with
Kolia ...
Yesterday I talked about love with N: that we madly kindle this
passion and then we suffer from its exaggerations and excesses.
Went on my bicycle to Yasenki. I love this motion very much. But I
am ashamed.
A letter from Chertkov; he is very ill. I value him very much. And
how not value him.
It is now 10 o’clock.
The Shenshins have left just now. I feel solemn
and gloomy.
July 18, 1897. Y. P. If I live.
[143]
I skipped three days. To-day
July 21. Y. P.
I am working well enough. I am even satisfied with my work. Though
I change much. Everything has come to a head and has gained much.
I have been reviewing everything again from the beginning.
The life around me is very wretched....
I do not know why: whether from the stomach or the heat or from
excessive physical exercise—but in the evenings I feel very weak.
A good speech by Crookes as to how a microscopic man would look upon
the world.[204]
Yesterday Novikov was here and he brought splendid notes by Michael
Novikov.[205] Wrote letters: to Carus,[206]
Ivan Michailovich. A
letter from Evgenie Ivanovich.[207]
July 22. Y. P. If I live.
July 28. Y. P.
Six days that I haven’t written. Three or four days ago at night, I
had an attack of cholera morbus and the day after I was absolutely
ill and for two days I have been very weak and have written very
poorly. To-day I am a little better.
The children were here: Iliushin’s family.[208] They are sweet
grandchildren, especially Andrusha. Whatever notes I made, I will not
write[144]
out to-day. Longinov[209] was here, a friend of Mme. Annenkov’s
and to-day Maude and Boulanger.
July 29. Y. P. If I live.
To-day
Aug. 7.
Y. P.
During this time a pile of guests[210] ... two Germans, decadents;
a naïve and a somewhat stupid one.... There were here: Novikov, the
scribe, a very powerful man, and Bulakhov,[211] also a powerful one
morally and intellectually. I live very badly, weakly. Very little
goodness. To-day the Stakhoviches[212] and the Maklakovs[213] arrived
also.
I continue to work on my essay on art and, strange to say, it pleases
me. Yesterday and to-day I read it to Ginsburg, Sobolev, Kasatkin[214]
and Goldenweiser. The impression it produces on them is exactly the
same as it produces on me.
A letter from Crosby with a joyful letter from a Japanese.[215] From
Chertkov good letters. The correspondence has been very neglected.
I am entirely alone and I weaken. I often say to myself that one
must live serving, but when I enter life, though I do not exactly
forget, yet I scatter myself.
I have written down much, but to-day I have no time to write it out.
[145]
Father, help me. I weaken.
I am going to write absolutely every day.
Aug. 8. Y. P. If I live.
A peasant was here who had his arm torn by a tree and amputated. He
ploughs with a loop attached.
Aug. 9.
Stakhovich arrived. Read the essay. The tenth chapter is bad. I
worked pretty much. Have written poor letters. I must write to Posha
and to Ivan Michailovich.
There is noted in the book:
1) A servant makes life false and corrupt. As soon as you have
servants, then you increase your wants, complicate life and make
it a burden. Instead of joy when you do things yourself, you have
vexation and the principal thing, you renounce the main duty of
life; the fulfilment of the brotherhood of man.
2) The æsthetic and the ethical are two arms of one lever: to the
extent that you lengthen and lighten one side, to that extent you
shorten and make heavier the other side. As soon as a man loses his
moral sense, he becomes particularly responsive to the æsthetic.
3) People know two Gods: one whom they want to force to serve them,
demanding from[146]
him by prayers the fulfilment of their desires, and
another God, one whom we ought to serve, to the fulfilment of whose
will, all our desires ought to be directed.
4) It is a common phenomenon that old people love to travel, to go
far and to change places. Is it not a foreseeing and a readiness
for the last journey?
Aug. 15. Y. P.
I am continuing to work. Am advancing.
Lombroso was here—a limited, naïve little old man. The Maklakovs.
Leo arrived with his wife.[216] Boulanger—a nice man. Wrote letters
to everybody: Posha and Ivan
Michailovich and Van-der-Veer. The
oppressive Leontev[217] was here.
There was something I wanted to write very much, but have forgotten....
A revolting report concerning the missionary congress in
Kazan.[218]
There is noted: “Woman’s character”—and I remember that it was
something very good. Now I have forgotten. It seems to me that it
was that the peculiarity of woman’s character is that her feeling
alone guides her life, and that reason only serves her feeling.
She cannot even understand that feeling can be made subservient to
reason.
[147]
2) But there are not so many women—as there are such men—who do
not hear, do not see, the unpleasant, do not see it just as if it
didn’t exist.
3) When people haven’t the power to get rid of superstition and
they continue to pay tribute to it, and at the same time when they
see that others have freed themselves, they grow angry at those who
have freed themselves. “But I suffer when I commit stupidities and
he is free.”
4) Art, i.e., artists, instead of serving people, exploit them.
5) From the time I became old, I began to confuse people, ...
belonging or being marked in my mind as one type. So that I do not
know N, N N, but I know a collective personality to which N, N N,
belong.
6) We are so accustomed to the thought that everything is for us,
that the earth is mine, that when we have to die, we are surprised
that my earth, something belonging to me, will remain and I won’t.
Here the principal mistake is in thinking the earth as something
acquired and complementary to me, when it is I who am acquired by
the earth, an appendage to it.
7) How good it would be if we could live with the same concentration,
do the work of life—principally; communion among people—with[148] that
concentration with which we play chess, read music, etc.
Aug. 16. Y. P. If I live.
To-day Sept. 19. Y. P.
More than a month I have made no entries. Things are the same and
the work has been advancing all the time. And it could advance still
more as to form, but there is absolutely no time. Such an amount
of work! A typist is making the final copy on a Remington. I have
reached the 19th chapter, inclusive.
During this time the important thing was the expulsion of
Boulanger.[219]
My work has been interrupted occasionally only by a letter to the
Swedish papers about the Dukhobors[220] on the occasion of the Nobel
prize.
Also ill health interrupted: a terrible boil on the cheek. I thought
it was a cancer, and I am happy that it was not very unpleasant to
think that: I am receiving a new appointment; one which in any case,
isn’t slipping past me.
St. John was here.[221]
My work was interrupted also by the arrival of the Molokans from
Samara—in reference to their children which were taken away.[222]
I wanted to write abroad and even wrote a very violent, and what
seemed to me, strong letter, but[149] changed my mind. It was not to be
done before God. I have to try again.
To-day I wrote letters: to the Emperor,[223] to Olsuphiev,[224] to
Heath,[225] and to E. I. Chertkov,[226]
and saw the Molokans off.
I wanted to write from my notebooks, but it is late. I am going
to bed.
Sept. 20. Yasn. P.
If I live.
Sept. 20. Y. P.
Let me write even a few words. The boil still bothers me very much. I
have no full liberté d’esprit. I wrote the Swedish letter to-day,
and in the evening translated it into Swedish[227] with the Swede.
I am not writing from the notebook, but I will note that which
entered my head with special vividness.
Our life is so arranged that all our care for ourselves, the use of
our reason (our spiritual forces) for the care of ourselves, brings
only unhappiness. And yet this egotism is necessary in order to live
a separate life. That is His mysterious will. As soon as you live
for yourself, you perish; when you live beyond yourself, there is
peace and joy both for yourself and for others.
Sept. 20. Y. P. If I live.
[150]
To-day Sept. 22. Y. P.
... Yesterday I finished the translation with Langlet.
To-day I was busy with Art, but it didn’t go at all, and therefore
the preceding did not please me.
S. arrived to-day.
At night I thought of the separation of lust from love, and that
ether is a conception outside of the senses.
It is now past twelve in the morning. I am waiting for Ilya and
Andrusha. I have just now written a letter to the editor of the
Tagblatt Stockholm, and to Chertkov.
September 23. Y. P. If I live.
Oct. 2. Y. P.
I am working all the time on Art. The abscess is going away. I should
have liked more peace. Yes ...
To-day Oct. 14. Y. P.
... I am still writing on art. To-day I corrected the 10th chapter.
I cleared up the vague parts.
I must write out the notebooks; I am afraid I have forgotten much.
1) There is no greater prop for a selfish, peaceful life, than the
occupation of art for art’s sake.[151] The despot, the villain, must
inevitably love art. (I have jotted down something on this order,
but I can’t recall it now.)
2) I imagined clearly to myself how joyous, peaceful, and fully
free a life could be, if one gave oneself entirely to God, i.e.,
in every instance in life to seek only one thing: to do that which
He wants—to do that in sickness, in offence, in humiliation, in
suffering, in all temptations and in death—which would then be
only a change in appointment. Weakness, the non-fulfilment of that
which God wants—what happens then? Nothing: There is a return to
the consciousness that only in its fulfilment is life. The moments
of weakness—they are the intervals between the letters of life,
not life. Father, help me.
3) I saw in my sleep how I think, I say, that the whole matter lies
in making an effort, that very effort which is spoken of in the
Gospels: “The Kingdom of God is attained by effort.” Everything
that is good, everything that is real, every true act of life is
accomplished through efforts; make no effort, swim with the current
and you do not live. But, however, the ... doctrine preaches that
effort is sin, it is pride, it is relying on one’s own strength:
the lay doctrine says the same thing: effort by oneself is useless;
organisation, surroundings do everything. What error! Effort is more
important than anything.[152]
Every least little bit of effort: the
conquering of laziness, greed, lust, wrath, depression—is the most
important of important things; it is the manifestation of God in
life; it is Karma; it is the broadening of one’s “self.” Whatever
had been marked off is guess work.[228]
4) Details for Hadji Murad:
1) The shadow of an eagle over the
slope of a mountain; 2) at the river, on the sands, are tracks of
horses, animals, people; 3) riding into the forest, the horses snort
keenly; 4) from behind a clump of trees a goat jumped out.
5) When people are enthusiastic about Shakespeare, Beethoven, they
are enthusiastic about their own thoughts, dreams, which are called
forth by Shakespeare, Beethoven, just as people in love do not
love the object of their love, but what it calls forth in them.
In this enthusiasm, there is no true reality of art, but absolute
boundlessness.
6) Only then can one understand and feel God when one has understood
clearly the unreality of everything material.
7) Not long ago, in the summer, I felt God clearly for the first
time; that He existed and that I existed in Him; and that the only
thing that existed was I in Him: in Him, like a limited thing in
an unlimited thing, in Him also like a limited being in which He
existed.
[153]
(Horribly bad, unclear. But I felt it clearly and especially keenly
for the first time in my life.)
In general, I don’t know why, but I haven’t the same religious feeling
which I had when I formerly wrote my Journal for no one. The fact
that it was read and that it can be read, kills this feeling. But the
feeling was precious and helped me in life. I am going to begin anew
from the present date, the 14th, to write again as before—so that
no one will read it during my life time. If there will be thoughts
worth it, I can write them out and send them to Chertkov.[229]
8) A man incapable of repentance has no salvation from his sins.
Even if his sins are pointed out to him, he only gets angry at those
who point them out, and a new sin is added.
9) All attempts to live on the land and feed oneself by one’s own
labour have been unsuccessful, and could not help being unsuccessful
in Russia, because it is necessary for a man of our education feeding
himself by his own labour, to compete with the peasant—who fixes the
prices, beating them down by his offer. But he was brought up for
generations in stern life and stubborn work, while we were brought
up for generations in luxurious life and idle laziness. From this
it does not follow that one ought not to try to feed one’s self by
one’s own labour, but only that it is impossible[154] to expect its
realisation in the first generation.
10) All calamities which are born from sex relations, from being in
love, come from this, that we confuse fleshly lust with spiritual
life, with—terrible to say—love; we use our reason not to condemn
and limit this passion, but to adorn it with the peacock feathers
of spirituality. Here is where les extremes se touchent. To
attribute every attraction between the sexes to sex desire seems very
materialistic, but, on the contrary, it is the most spiritual point
of view: to distinguish from the realm of the spiritual everything
which does not belong to it, in order to be able to value it highly.
11) Everything that I know is the product of my senses. My senses
demonstrate to me my limits, coming in contact with the limits of
other beings. This sensation, or the knowledge of limits, we recognise
and cannot recognise otherwise, than as matter. And in this matter
we see either only matter or beings who like us are bound by limits.
The beings near to us in size, from the elephant to the insect,
we know—we know their limits. The beings that are far from us in
size, like atoms or like the stars, we recognise as matter only.
But besides these two kinds of beings which we know by our senses,
we must inevitably acknowledge still other beings (not[155] spiritual
beings like us,—that is obvious) not recognisable by our senses,
but which are material, i.e., they also form limits. Such beings are
atoms, ether. The presence of these beings, the admission of which
is demanded by our reason, undoubtedly proves that our senses give
us only a one-sided and a very limited knowledge of other beings
and of the outer world. So that we can imagine for ourselves such
beings endowed with such senses (sens)
for whom ether would give
the very same reality, as matter for us.
(It is still unclear, but understandable.)
12) If we would always remember that our tongue was given us for
the transmission of our thoughts, and the capacity of thinking for
the understanding of God and His law of love, and that therefore
you must talk only then when you have something good to say! But
when you cannot say anything good, cannot keep back the bad—then
be silent, even all your life.
13) As soon as you have a disagreeable feeling towards a man, it
means there is something you don’t know. And you ought to find out:
you ought to find out the motives of that act which was disagreeable
to you. And as soon as you have understood the motives clearly then
it can anger you as little as a falling stone.
14) You get angry at a woman because she does not understand—or she
understands, but[156]
does not do that which her reason tells her. She
is unable to do it. Just as a magnet acts on iron and does not act
on wood, so are the conclusions of reason not binding on her—have
no motor power. For her feeling is binding, and the conclusions
of reasons are so only when they are transmitted by authorities,
i.e., by the feeling of the desire not to remain behind others. So
that she will not believe and will not follow an obvious demand of
reason, if it be not confirmed by an authority; but she will believe
and follow the greatest absurdity if only every one does it. She
cannot do otherwise. But we get angry. There are also many men like
that—womanish.
15) One has to serve others, not oneself, if only for the reason
that in the serving of others there is a limit and therefore it
is possible here to act rationally, build a house for him who is
without, buy cattle, clothes; but in the serving of oneself there
is no limit: the more you serve, the worse it is.
16) Time is only for the body: it is the relationship of beings with
the various limits seen by us, to beings whose limits we do not see;
to the movement of the sun, the moon, the earth, to the movement of
the sands in the hour-glass. And therefore time is for that which we
call the body, for that which has limits; but for that which has no
limits: for the spiritual—there is no time.[157] Therefore you remember
only those times in which you lived spiritually. (Unclear, but was
clear.)
17) We suffer from ourselves, from the demands of our “self,” and
we all know that the only means for not suffering from that “self,”
is to forget it. And we seek forgetfulness in distractions, in
occupations with art, science, in wine, in smoking—and there is no
real forgetfulness. But God made it so that there should be only
one real forgetfulness, one that is real and always at hand—in the
care for others, in the serving of others.
But I forgot this and I live a terribly selfish life, and therefore
I am unhappy.
18) I went past the out-houses. I remembered the nights that I spent
there, and the youth and the beauty of Duniasha (I never had any
relation with her), her strong, womanly body. Where is it? It has
been long nothing but bones. What are those bones? What is their
relation to Duniasha? There was a time when those bones formed a
part of that separate being which had been Duniasha. Then this being
changed its centre and that which had been Duniasha became a part
of another being, enormous, inconceivable to me in magnitude, which
I call earth. We do not know the life of the earth, and therefore
we think it dead, just like an insect who lives one hour[158] thinks my
body dead, because he does not see its movement.
19) Space is the relation of various limited beings among themselves.
It exists. But time is only the relation of the movement of living
beings among themselves, and the movement of matter which we consider
dead.
20) The most horrible of all is intoxication: of wine, of games, of
money greed, of politics, of art, of being in love. It is impossible
to speak with such people as long as they haven’t slept it off. It
is terrible.[230]
The letter to Stockholm has been printed.
Oct. 15. Y. P. If I live.
To-day Oct. 16. Y. P.
Did not write yesterday. My health is entirely improved.... From
Olga Dieterichs,
a letter from Chertkov. It is evident that as a
result, he and she also have lived through difficult times.[231]
Last night and to-day, I wanted to write Hadji Murad. Began it.
It has a semblance of something, but I did not continue it, because
I was not in full mastery. I ought not to spoil it by forcing. Up
to now the Peterburgskia Viedomosti
has not printed it.[232]
I have noted:
[159]
1) I have noted many resolutions, rules, which if I could remember,
I would live well. But the rules are too many, and it is impossible
to remember them always. The same thing as to imitations of art: the
rules are too many, and to remember them always is impossible; it
ought to come from within, be guided by feeling. The same thing in
life. If only you are touched by feeling, if you live in God, then
you would not recede from a single rule and you would do more than
is in the rules. If one could only always be in this state.
But to-day, just now, I was in the worst mood. I was angry with
everything. What does it mean? How explain this state to oneself?
2) This explanation came to me: the soul, the spiritual essence,
can live in its own centre or within its own limits. Living in
itself, it is not conscious of its limits; living in the periphery
it incessantly and painfully feels its limits. A release from this
state is the recognition of the illusion of the material world, to
go away from the limits, to concentrate in oneself. (Unclear.)
Oct. 17. Y. P. If I live.
Oct. 17. Y. P. 12 midnight.
... Help me, Lord, to act not according to my will, but according
to Thine. Received a letter[160]
from N about Beller and other
ministers who preach the inconsistency of military service and
Christianity,[233] and about Chertkov, that he was fussy, had sinned
and had fallen ill.[234]
Am correcting the 10th chapter, it is about to be sent
off.[235]...
My letter was printed in the Peterburgskia Viedomosti.
I thought: The road of all evil and of all suffering is not so much
ignorance as false knowledge—deception. The Appeal ought to be
finished with an appeal for all to help towards the abolition of
deception.
Oct. 18. Yasn. Pol. If I live.
Yesterday I made no notes; to-day
Oct. 19. Y. P.
... Both yesterday and to-day I felt great apathy, although I was
well. I don’t feel like working. Corrected Chapters 13, 14, 15. I
received the re-copied chapters from Moscow and the conclusion.
Yesterday I went to Yasenki. To-day I chopped wood and carried it.
Novikov was here. Viacheslav[236] spent the night. To-day a letter
from Boulanger. I want to write to him right away and to my wife.
I ought to write to Salomon.
Solitude nevertheless is very pleasant.
Oct. 20. Y. P. If I live.
[161]
To-day Oct. 21. Y. P.
Received proof of the Carpenter article from
Sieverni Viestnik and
began to write a preface. Corrected Art, received letters from
Chertkov and Boulanger.
Yesterday my work didn’t go. Went to Yasenki.
Just now, remaining alone after my work, I asked myself what I should
do, and having no personal desire (except the bodily demands arising
only when I want to eat or sleep) I felt so keenly the joy of the
knowledge of the Will of God, that I need and want nothing but to do
what He wants. This feeling arose as a result of the question which
I myself put to myself when I remained alone in the silence: Who am
I? Why am I? And the answer came so clearly by itself: No matter
who and what I am, I have been sent by some one to do something.
Well, let me do that work. And so joyously and so well did I feel
my fusion with the Will of God.
This is my second live feeling for God. Then I simply felt love for
God. At this moment, I cannot remember how it was; I only remember
that it was a joyful feeling.
Oh, what happiness is solitude! To-day it is so good: you feel God.
Oct. 22. Y. P. If I live.
[162]
Oct. 22. Y. P.
I am writing in the evening. All day I did not feel like working.
I slept badly.... I corrected the 11th chapter in the morning, in
the evening I began the 12th. I was unable to do anything—there
is a boil on my head and my feet perspire. Is it from the honey?
Aphanasi[237] and Maria Alexandrovna were here.
It is evening now.
I am alone and horribly sad. I have neither doubts
nor hurts, but am sad and want to cry. Oh, I must prepare myself
more, more, for the new appointment.
A letter from Grot;[238] I ought to give him “Concerning Art.”
Thought only this:
In childhood, youth, the senses (sens)
are very definite, the
limits are firm. The longer you live, the more and more do these
limits become wiped out, the senses get dulled—there is established
a different attitude towards the world.
Oct. 23. If I live.
Oct. 26. Y. P.
A very strange thing: It is the third day that I cannot write. Am
displeased with everything that I have written. There is something
new and very important for Art, but I cannot express it clearly
in any way.
[163]
A letter from Vanderveer. It is now morning, will go to the post.
To-day Nov. 10. Y. P.
I have lived through much these two weeks. The work is still the
same; I think I have finished it. To-day I have written letters and
among them one to Grot to be set up in type. S was here, she left
for Moscow from Pirogovo, where we went together. It was good there.
Since I have come home, my back has ached and in the evening I have
fever. Alexander Petrovich[239] is writing in the house....
To-day I wrote 9 letters. One letter to Khilkov,[240] remained. How
terrible, his affair and condition. Mikhail Novikov was here and
also a peasant-poet from Kazan.
Have been thinking:
1) The condition of people who are befogged by a false religion is
just the same as in blindman’s-buff: they tie their eyes, then they
take them by their arms, and then they turn them around and finally
let them go. The same with everybody. Without this they do not let
them go. (For The Appeal.)
2) The most usual judgment about Christianity, especially among the
new Nietzschean reasoners, is that Christianity is a renunciation of
dignity,[164]
a weakness, a submissiveness. It is just the contrary. True
Christianity demands above everything else the highest consciousness
of dignity, a terrible strength and steadfastness. It is just the
contrary: The admirers of strength ought to debase themselves before
strength.
3) I walked in the village, and looked into the windows. Everywhere
there was poverty and ignorance. And I thought of the former slavery.
Formerly, the cause was to be seen, the chain which held them was
to be seen; but now it is not a chain—in Europe they are hairs,
but they are just as many as those which held Gulliver. With us the
ropes are still to be seen, well—let us say the twine; and there
there are hairs, but they hold so tightly that the giant-people
cannot move.
There is one salvation: not to lie down, not to fall asleep. The
deception is so strong and so adroit that you often see that those
very people which it sucks and ruins, defend the vampires with
passion and attack those who are against them....
November 11, Y. P. If I live.
November 11, Y. P.
Since morning I have been writing Hadji
Murad—and nothing has
come of it. But it is becoming clear in my head and I feel like
writing[165]
very much. I wrote a letter to Khilkov and to others, but I
shall hardly send the one to Khilkov. Maria Alexandrovna was here.
My health is entirely good.
November 12, Y. P. If I live.
November 12, Y. P.
To-day Peter Ossipov came:[241] “In our place they have begun to sell
indulgences.” The Vladimir-ikon was there and it was ordered through
the village elder, that the people be driven to the Church.[242]
N. found ore and considers it very natural that people shall live
under the ground, in danger of their lives, and he will receive the
income.
... The most important thing is that I have decided to write The
Appeal; there is no time to postpone it. To-day I corrected On
Science. It is evening now, have taken up two versions of The
Appeal, and am going to work on it.
Nov. 14, Y. P.
... One thing I want: To do what is better before God. I don’t know
how yet. I slept badly at night; bad thoughts, wicked ones. And I am
apathetic, no desire to work. Corrected the preface On Science.
I made the following notes:
[166]
1) I read of the behavior of the English in Africa. It is all
terrible. But the thought came to my head: Perhaps it was unavoidably
necessary in order that enlightenment should penetrate these peoples.
At first I was absorbed in the thought and it occurred to me that
thus it had to be done. What nonsense! Why should not people, living
a Christian life, go in simply like Miklukha-Maklai,[243] live with
them, but is it necessary to trade, make drunkards of them, kill?
They say: “If people were to live as Christians, they would have
no work.” Here is the work and it is an enormous work: while the
Gospels are being preached to all creation.
2) Science, losing its religious basis, has begun to study trifles—in
the main, it has ceased to study important things. From that time
on was formed the theory of experimental science, Bacon.
3) I was thinking,
pendant to
Hadji Murad, of writing about
another Russian brigand, Gregori Nicholaev. He should see the whole
lawlessness of the life of the rich, he should live as a watchman
of an apple-orchard on a rich estate with a lawn-tennis.[244]
4) To-day I am in a very bad mood, and it is very difficult for me to
remember, to imagine to myself what I am when I am in a good mood.
But it is absolutely necessary, so as not to despair and not do
something bad when in a bad mood,[167] to abstain from every activity.
Is it not the same in life? One ought not to believe that I am this
good-for-nothing which I feel myself to be, but to make an effort,
remember what I am there, what I am in spirit, and live according
to that remembered “self,” or do not live at all—abstain.
5) “Toute réunion d’hommes est toujours inférieure aux éléments qui
la composent.”[245] This is so because they are united by rules. In
their own natural union, as God has united them, they are not only
not lower, but many times higher.
I read Menshikov’s article. There is much that is good in it: about
one-God and many Gods, and much that is very weak; the examples.[246]
Nov. 15, Y. P. If I live.
Nov. 15, Y. P.
I worked badly on the preface to Carpenter. After dinner, in the
blizzard, I went to Yasenki. Took Tania’s letter. Returned—and here
for the first time I knew prostration. Then drank tea—recovered.
Read but did nothing. Wrote a letter only to Maude in answer to his
remarks.[247]
I thought this trifle: that love is only good then when you are
not conscious of it. It suffices to be conscious of the love, and
moreover to rejoice in it—and there is an end to it.
[168]
Nov. 16, Y. P. If I live.
To-day, Nov. 17.
Y. P.
For the second day, I have been thinking with special clearness
about this:
1) My life, my consciousness of my personality, gets weaker and
weaker all the time, will become still weaker and will end in coma,
and in an absolute end of the consciousness of my personality. At
the same time, absolutely simultaneously and in the same tempo with
the destruction of my personality, that thing will begin to live,
and will live ever stronger and stronger, that which my life made,
the results of my thought, feelings; it is living in other people,
even in animals, in dead matter. And so I feel like saying that this
is what will live after me.
But all this lacks consciousness, and therefore I cannot say that
it lives. But who said that it lacked consciousness? Why can I not
suppose that all this will be united in a new consciousness which
I can justly call my consciousness, because it is all made from
my consciousness? Why cannot this other new being live among these
things which live now? Why not suppose that all of us are particles
of consciousness of other higher beings, such as we are going to be?
“My Father has many dwellings.”[248] Not in the sense that there
are various places, but that[169]
the various consciousnesses,
personality, are inter-enclosed and interwoven one into the other.
In fact, the whole world as I know it, with its space and time, is
a product of my personality, my consciousness. As soon as there
is another personality, another consciousness, then there is an
entirely different world, the elements of which are formed by our
personalities. Just as when I was a child, my consciousness awoke
little by little (which made it so that even when a child, an embryo,
I saw myself as a separate being), so it will awake and is awakening
now—in the consequences of my life, in my future “self” after my
death.
“The Church is the body of Christ.”[249] Yes, Christ, in his new
consciousness, lives now through the life of all the living and
dead and all the future members of the Church. And in the same way
each one of us will live through his own church. And even the most
valueless man will have his own valueless and perhaps bad church,
but a church which will create his new body. But how? This is what
we cannot imagine, because we cannot imagine anything which is
beyond our consciousness. And there are not many dwellings, but many
consciousnesses.
But here is the last, most terrible, insoluble problem: What is it
for? For what is this movement, this passing over from some
lower,[170]
more separate consciousnesses, into a more common, higher one? For
what—that is a mystery which we cannot know. It is for this that
God is necessary and faith in Him. Only He knows it and one must
have faith that so it ought to be.
2) And again I thought to-day, entirely unexpectedly, about the
charm—exactly the charm—of awakening love, when against the
background of joyous, pleasant, sweet relationships, that little
star suddenly begins to shine. It is like the perfume of the linden
or the falling shadow from the moon. There is no full-blown blossom
yet, no clear light and shadow, but there is a joy and fear of the
new, of the charming. This is good, but only when it is for the
first time and the last.
3) And again I thought about that illusion which all are subjected
to, especially people whose activity is reflected on others—the
illusion that, having been accustomed to see the effects of your
acts on others, you verify the correctness of your acts by their
effect on others.
4) I thought still further: For hypnotism it is necessary to have
faith in the importance of that which is being suggested (the
hypnotism of all artistic delusions). And for this faith, it is
necessary to have ignorance and cultivation of credulence.
[171]
To-day I corrected the preface to Carpenter. Received a telegram
from Grot. I want to send off the 10th chapter. A sad letter from
Boulanger.
Well, Nov. 18,
Y. P. If I live.
To-day, Nov. 20. Evening.
Wrote the preface to Carpenter. Thought much about
Hadji Murad
and got my materials ready. I still haven’t found the tone.
... I think with horror of the trip to Moscow.[250]
Last night I thought about
my old triple remedy for sorrow and
offence:
1) To think how unimportant it will be in 10, 20 years, just as is
unimportant now that which tortured you 10, 20 years ago.
2) To remember what you did yourself, to remember those deeds which
were no better than those which are hurting you.
3) To think of that which is a hundred times worse, and
might be.
This could be added; to think out the condition, the soul of the
man who makes you suffer, to understand that he cannot act in any
other way. Tout comprendre c’est tout pardonner.
The most important and the strongest and the surest of all is to say
to oneself: Let there not be my will, but Thine, and not as I wish
but as[172]
Thou wilt; and not that which I wish but that which Thou
wilt. My work, then, is under those conditions in which Thou hast
placed me, to fulfil Thy Will. To remember that when it is difficult,
it is just this very thing which has been assigned to you, it is
the very instance which will not be repeated, in which you may have
the happiness of doing that which He wishes.
Father, help me to do only Thy Will.
...
To-day I corrected the Carpenter translation. My stomach is not
good; bad mood and weakness.
Nov. 21, Y. P. If I live.
Nov. 21, Y. P.
I am still thinking and gathering material for
Hadji Murad. To-day
I thought much, read, began to write but stopped at once. Went to
Yasenki, took S’s letter.[251] Received nothing.
Maria Alexandrovna was here. She is evidently tired, a poor girl
and nice.[252]
I thought and noted down:
1) I thought about death—how strange it is that one does not want
to die, although nothing holds one—and I thought of prisoners who
have become so at home in their prisons that they do not want to
leave them for freedom and are even[173] afraid to. And so we have become
at home in the prison of our life and are afraid of freedom.
2) We have been sent here to do the work of God. In this sense, how
good is the parable about the servants who in the absence of their
master, squander his fortune away instead of doing his work.
3) When you are angry, when you do not love some one, know that it
is not you, but a dream, a nightmare, a most horrible nightmare.
As when they stop mowing in order not to spoil the grass, so it is
here. One ought to pray.
Rozanov discusses Menshikov and makes fun of him.[253]
How ... (I
have forgotten) made fun of Nicholai, but he remained silent and
smiled at me gaily. How touching this always is.
Nov. 22, Y. P. If I live.
Nov. 22, Y. P.
I saw very clearly in a dream, how Tania fell from a horse, has
broken her head, is dying, and I cry over her.
Nov. 24, Y. P.
... Yesterday and to-day I prepared some chapters to send them off
to Maude[254] and to Grot. There have been no letters for a long
time either from Maude, or from Chertkov. To-day[174] there was a nice
letter from Galia. Exquisite weather; I took a walk far on the
Tula
road.
In the morning I worked seriously revising Art. Yesterday I worked
on Hadji Murad. It seems clear.
During this time I thought:
1) What a strange fate: at adolescence—anxieties, passions begin,
and you think: I will marry and it will pass. And indeed it did pass
with me, and for a long period, 18 years, there was peace. Then
there comes the striving to change life and again the set-back.
There is struggle, suffering, and at the end, something like a haven
and a rest. But yet it wasn’t so. The most difficult has begun and
continues and probably will accompany me unto death....
2) It would be easy to treat erring people mildly, simply, patiently,
with compassion, if these people would not argue and would not argue
in such a truth-like fashion. One has to answer these arguments
somehow or other, and this you cannot stand.
3) Each of us is in such a condition that whether he wants to or
does not want to, he has to do something, to work. Every one of us
is on the treadmill. The question lies only in this, on which step
will you stand?
Nov. 25. Y. P. If I live.
[175]
Nov. 25, Y. P.
... Corrected Art, it is pretty good; wrote a letter to Maude. A
good letter from Galia.
Have been thinking:
1) It always seems to us that we are loved because we are good, but
it does not occur to us that we are loved because they who love us
are good. This can be seen if you listen to what that miserable,
disgusting and vain man says whom with a great effort you have pitied:
he says that he is so good you could not have acted otherwise. The
same thing, when you are loved.
2) “Lobsters like to be boiled alive.” That is no joke. How often do
you hear it, or have said it yourself or are saying it: Man has the
capacity of not seeing the suffering which he does not want to see.
And he does not want to see the suffering which he himself causes.
How often I have heard it said about coachmen who are waiting, about
cooks, lackeys, peasants at their work, that they are having a good
time—“Lobsters like to be boiled alive.”
Nov. 26. Y. P. If I live.
To-day, Nov. 28,
Y. P.
Two days I haven’t written. I am still busy with Art and the
preface to Carpenter....
This morning Makovitsky arrived, a nice, mild, clean man. He told me
many joyful things about[176]
our friends. I went to Yasenki: a letter
from Maude, a good one, and from Grot—not a good one.[255]
All these days, have not been
in a good mood. How to be in Moscow
in such a state?
Have been thinking:
1) Often it happens that you are speaking to a man and suddenly he
has a tender, happy expression, and he begins to speak to you in
such a way that you think he is going to tell you something most
joyful, but it turns out—he is speaking about himself. Zakharnin[256]
about his operation, Mashenka[257] about her audience with Father
Ambrose[258] and his words.
When a man speaks about something which is very near to him, he
forgets that the other one is not he. If people do not speak about
abstract or spiritual things, they all speak necessarily about
themselves, and that is terribly tedious.
2) You dash about, struggle—all because you want to swim in your
own current. But alongside of you, unceasing and near to every one,
there flows the divine and infinite current of love, in one and
the same eternal course. When you are thoroughly exhausted in your
attempts to do something for yourself, to save yourself, to secure
yourself—then drop all your own courses, throw yourself into that
current—and it will carry you[177] and you will feel that there are no
barriers, that you are at peace forever and free and blessed.
3) Only not to love oneself, one’s very self, one’s own Leo
Nicholaievich (Tolstoi)—and you will love both God and people.
You are on fire and you can’t help but burn; and burning you will
set fire to others and you will fuse with that other fire. To love
oneself means to be niggardly with one’s light and to put out the
fire.
4) When a man says an obvious untruth or an offence to you, then
certainly he doesn’t do it from joy: and both are very difficult.
If he does it then evidently he can’t do otherwise, and doing it,
he suffers. And you, instead of pitying him, get angry at him. On
the contrary, you ought to try to help him.
5) The tragedy of a man
kindly disposed, wishing only the good, when
in this state and for this state, which he cannot help but count as
good, he meets hissing malice and the hatred of people.
Nov. 28. If I live. Y. P.
To-day, Dec. 2. Y. P.
Agonising, sad, depressed state of body and spiritual force, but I
know that I am alive and independent of this condition, yet I feel
this “self” but little....
I was busied all this time with corrections and[178] additions to Art.
The principal thing during this time, was that Dushan was here whom
I love very much and learned to love still more. Together with the
Slavonian Posrednik,
he is forming a center of a small, but I think
divine work.[259] From Chertkov there is still no news.
An anguish, a soft, mild, sweet anguish, but yet an anguish. If I
were without the consciousness of life, then probably I would have
had an embittered anguish.
Have been thinking:
1) I was very depressed at the fear of vexation and severe
conflicts, and I prayed God—prayed almost without expecting aid,
but nevertheless I prayed: “Lord, help me to go away from this.
Release me.” I prayed like this, then rose, walked to the end of
the room and suddenly I asked myself: Have I not to yield? Yes, to
yield. And God helped—God who is in me, and I felt light-hearted
and firm. I entered that divine current which flows there alongside
of us always and to which we can always give ourselves when things
are bad.[260]
2) I had a talk with Dushan. He said that since he has become
involuntarily my representative in Hungary, then how was he to act.
I was glad for the opportunity to tell him and to clarify it to
myself that to speak about Tolstoyanism, to seek my guidance, to ask
my decision on problems,[179]
is a great and gross mistake. There is no
Tolstoyanism and has never been, nor any teaching of mine; there is
only one eternal, general, universal teaching of the truth, which
for me, for us, is especially clearly expressed in the Gospels. This
teaching calls man to the recognition of his filiality to God and
therefore of his freedom or his slavery (call it what you want): of
his freedom from the influence of the world, of his slavery to God,
His will. And as soon as man understands this teaching, he enters
freely into direct communication with God and he has nothing and no
one to ask.
It is like a man swimming in a river with an enormous overflow. As
long as the man isn’t in the middle current, but in the overflow, he
has to swim himself, to row, and here he can be guided by the course
taken in swimming by other people. Here also I could direct people
while I myself approach the current. But as soon as we enter the
current, then there is no guide and cannot be. We are all carried
along by the strength of the current, all in one direction, and
those who were behind can be in front. When a man asks where shall
he swim, that only shows that he has not yet entered the current
and that he from whom he asks, is a poor guide if he were unable
to bring him into the current, i.e., to that state in which it is
impossible—because it is senseless—[180]to ask. How ask where to swim,
when the current with irresistible force is drawing me in a direction
that is joyous to me?
People who submit themselves to a guide, who have faith in him and
listen to him, undoubtedly wander in the dark together with their
guide.
I think I have finished Art.
Dec. 3. Y. P. If I live.
My work on Art has cleared up much for me. If God commands me to
write artistic things, they will be altogether different ones. And to
write them it will be both easier and more difficult. We shall see.
To-day, Dec. 6, Moscow.
On the 4th I went to Dolgoe.[261]
I had a very tender impression
from the ruined house; a swarm of memories.
Almost two days that I haven’t written. I only prepared the chapters
on Art and packed my things ... I have jotted down nothing. I woke
feeling badly.
Dec. 7, Moscow.
... I was at Storozhenko’s.[262] Kasatkin was here[263] in the
evening. I asked for examples. In the morning I corrected Art.
I jotted down nothing: there is much bustle. Health good.
Dec. 8, Moscow. If I live.
[181]
To-day, 11th.
I have already spent so many days in Moscow. I have done almost
nothing, only corrected Art. A pile of people and letters. Thank
God the most important is good, i.e., I have done nothing that I
ought not to have done. To-day I wrote a letter to Gali.
It seems to me that the divisions of Art have turned out just as
they were before.
A sad impression was produced by what N told about Chertkov[264]
and by the letter of Ivan
Michailovich. Moreover, A, B, C, D,—they
are all suffering. Well, it is forgivable in them, but how can a
Christian suffer?
During this time N N’s condition became clear. He is mentally
diseased, like all people who are non-Christians.
I have consented to give to Troubetskoi by instalments.[265]
A sad letter from Chertkov. I want to write to him.
Dec. 12, Moscow. If I live.
To-day, the 13th. Morning.
I wrote a letter to the Chertkovs. It seems to me I have corrected
the 16th chapter very well.
Yesterday I read the correspondence of Z on the sex-problem and I
was very indignant and I spoke disagreeably to him at Rusanov’s.
[182]
Rusanov has the head of Hadji Murad.
This morning I wanted to write
Hadji Murad—I lost the outline.
I wrote down something. I now want
to write out the themes which
are worth while and which can be treated as they ought
to be:
1) Sergius, 2) Alexander I,
3) Persianninov,
4) the tale of
Petrovich—the husband, who died a pilgrim.
The following are
worse: 5) the legend of the descent of Christ into hell and the
reconstruction of hell, 6) a forged
coupon, 7) Hadji Murad,
8) the
substituted child, 9) the drama of
the Christian resurrection and
perhaps 10) Resurrection—the
trial of a prostitute, 11) (excellent)
a brigand killing the defenceless, 12) a
mother, 13) an execution
in Odessa.[266]
It is depressing in the house,
but I want to be and will be joyous.
I am going to write out only two things:
1) That the physical union with an accidental husband is one of the
means established by God for the spread of His truth: for the testing
and the strengthening of the stronger and for the enlightenment of
the weaker.
2) For people professing filiality to God, not to rejoice in life, to
yearn, is a dreadful sin, an error. If you understood that the end
of life is the activity for God for no personal ends, then nothing
could hinder this activity, could hold it[183] back. The main thing is
that life willy-nilly goes forward to the better: one’s own life
and the life of the world. How not rejoice at this movement? One
has only to remember that life is movement.
I write and I sleep and therefore express myself badly. Until evening,
if I live.
To-day, December 14, Moscow. Morning.
Yesterday I received an unpleasant letter from Chertkov and sent
him an answer (about the publications).[267]
The day before yesterday, I read the correspondence of Z about sex
relations and became vexed and went to the Rusanovs’ and met Z there
and showed my condemnation of him sharply. That tortured me and I
wrote him a note yesterday apologising and I received a nice answer
which touched me.
I feel very ill. I am in the worst mood and therefore am dissatisfied
with everything and cannot love. And just now am thinking:
We find sickness a burden; but sickness is a necessary good condition
of life. Only it alone (perhaps not alone, but one of the most
important and generally common conditions) prepares us for death,
i.e., for our crossing over into another life. Therefore indeed it
was sent to every one: to children, to adults, to old people, because
all, at all[184]
ages, die. And we find it burdensome. The fact that we
find sickness burdensome shows only that we do not live as we ought
to: both a temporary and at the same time an eternal life—but we
live only a temporary life.
Sickness is the preparation for the crossing-over and therefore to
grumble against sickness is just the same as grumbling against cold
and rain. One ought to make use of them and not grumble. In fact,
only those who live playing, get angry at the rain, but those who
live seriously rejoice at it. The same with sickness. More than
this: not only sickness but a bad mood, disappointment, sorrows,
all these help to detach oneself from the worldly and facilitate
the crossing-over into the new life.
I am now in such a state of crossing-over.
Evening, the 14th.
The whole day I have been ill and I am in the worst mood. I cannot
master myself and everything is disagreeable and burdensome. I did
nothing. I read and talked.
Dec. 15, Moscow. If I live.
To-day, December 17.
To-day, I am still in the very worst spirits. I am struggling with
ill-will. I gave the essay away.[268] Telegraphed to England. No
answer as yet.[269]
[185]
A pile of people here, all evening. To-day I wrote twelve letters,
but did not work at all.
To-day I thought the very oldest thing: That one ought to perfect
oneself in love, in which no one can interfere and which is very
interesting. But love is not in exclusive attachments, but in a
good, not in an evil attitude to every living being.
Wrote letters: 1) Posha, 2) Masha,
3) Ivan Michailovich, 4) Prince
Viazemsky, 5) Bondarev, 6) Strakhov, 7) the school teacher Robinson,
8) Priest, 9) Crosby, 10) Chizhov,[270] 11) Nicholaev in Kazan, and
12) ——[271]
I am finishing the note-book in a bad mood. To-morrow I begin a new
one. To-day I am also displeased with the essay on art.
The diary of the year 1897,
Dec. 21, ’97. Moscow.
I am beginning a new notebook, almost in a new spiritual mood. Here
are already 5 days that I have done nothing. I am thinking out
Hadji
Murad, but I have no desire or confidence. On Art is printed.
Chertkov is displeased and those here also.[272]
Yesterday I received an anonymous letter with a threat to kill, if
I do not reform by the year 1898; time is given only up to 1898. I
was both uneasy and pleased.[273]
[186]
I am skating. A sign of an inactive mood is that I have noted down
nothing.
Just now I read through Chekhov’s, On a Cart. Excellent in
expressiveness, but rhetorical as soon as he wants to give meaning
to his story. There is a remarkable clearness in my mind, thanks to
my book on art.
Dec. 26, ’97. Moscow.
The day before yesterday I fell ill and I am still not well.[274]
I am reading much. My heart is heavy. Evening.
Dec. 27, ’97. Moscow. If I live.
To-day, Dec. 29, ’97. Moscow. Morning.
I thought of Hadji Murad.
All day yesterday a comedy-drama, “The
Corpse,”[275] took shape. I am still unwell. Yesterday I was at
Behrs’.[276]
I have received letters with threats of killing. I regret that there
are people who hate me, but it interests me little and it doesn’t
disturb me at all.
Have jotted down something.
A conversation with N: what a pitiable youth: understanding everything
and at the same time not having the capacity to put anything in the
right place and therefore he is living in unimaginable confusion.
Have been thinking:
1) They say usually that Christ’s teaching, the[187] real Christ’s
teaching ... destroys all union, that it is a disuniting
“individualism.” How false this is! Christianity only therefore
preaches personal salvation, “individualism,” as they say, because
this personal salvation is indispensable, accessible, joyous to
all, and therefore inevitably unites people—not mechanically by
the pressure of force from without or by stirring with “culture,”
but chemically by an inner, indissoluble union.
2) Sometimes you complain that they do not love your soul, but love
or do not love your body, and you are angry at them, condemning them,
but you do not see that they cannot do otherwise: for them your
soul, the holy of holies of your soul, that which—as you know—is
the only real thing, the only thing that acts—is nothing, because
it is invisible, like the chemical rays of the spectrum.
3) There are people, mainly women, for whom the word is only the
means for an attainment of an end, and it is entirely devoid of its
fundamental significance which is to be an expression of reality.
These people are sometimes terribly strong. Their advantage is like
that which a man would have who in fencing took off the cork from
the rapier. His adversaries are bound by conditions that ... No, the
comparison is not good. The best of all: they are like a gambler in
cards, a sharper. I will find one.
[188]
The examples of this are such: a man wants, for instance, to steal;
he takes other people’s money; he says that he was charged to do
it, they asked him to, and he believes that he was asked to. And
the proof of the untruth of his evidence he refutes with a new lie.
He kills: the murdered one suffered so, that he begged him to kill
him. He wants to do something nasty or something foolish. Well, to
turn all the furniture upside down or to debauch—and he explains in
detail, how it was recognised by doctors, that it was necessary to
do this periodically, etc. And he convinces himself that it is so.
But when this proves to be not so, he does not hear, he brings forth
his own arguments and then at once forgets both his own arguments
and other people’s. These people are terrible, horrible.
4) The spiritualists say that after death the soul of people lives
on and communicates with them. Soloviev, the father,[277] said
truly, I remember, that this is the Church dogma of saints, of
their intercession and of prayers to them. Evgenie Ivanovich also
said truly that as the Pashkov Sect is a taking out of the dogma
of the Redemption alone and the adaptation of everything to it,
so spiritualism is the taking out of the dogma of saints, and the
adaptation of everything to it.
5) But I say the following in regard to this dogma of the soul:
What we call the soul, is the[189]
divine, spiritual, limited in us in
our bodies. Only the body limits this divine, this spiritual.
And it is this limiting which gives it a form like a vessel gives
form to a liquid or a gas which is enclosed in it. But we only know
this form. Break the vessel and that which is enclosed in it will
cease to have that form which it has and will spread out, be carried
off. Whether it combines with other matter, whether it receives a
new form—we know nothing about this, but we know for a fact that
it loses that form which it had when it was limited, because that
which limited it was destroyed. The same with the soul. The soul
after death ceases to be the soul and remaining a spirit, a divine
essence, becomes something other, such that we cannot judge.
I wrote the preface to Chertkov.[278]
Dec. 30. Moscow. If I live.
[191]
1898
[193]
Two days have passed.
Jan. 1st.
I meet the new year very sad, depressed, unwell. I cannot work and
my stomach aches all the time.
Received a letter from Verkholensk from Phedoseev about the Dukhobors,
a very touching one.[279]
Still another letter from the editor The Adult about free love.[280]
If I had time, I would like to write about this subject. Probably I
shall write. The most important is to show that the whole matter lies
in appropriating to oneself possibilities of the greatest enjoyment
without thinking of consequences. Besides, they preach something
which already exists and is very bad. Why would the absence of outer
restraint[281] improve the whole thing? I am, of course, against
any regulation and for full freedom, but the ideal is chastity and
not pleasure.
I have been thinking during this time only one thing and it seems
an important thing, namely:
1) We all think that our duty, our vocation, is to do various things:
bring up children, make a[194]
fortune, write a book, discover a law in
science, etc. But for all the work is only one thing: to carry out
one’s own life—to act so that life would be a harmonious, good, and
rational matter. And the work ought to be not before people, to leave
behind one a memory of a good life, but the work is before God: to
present to Him oneself, one’s soul, better than it was, nearer to
Him, more submissive to Him, more in harmony with Him.
To think so—and principally to feel so—is very difficult: One
always wanders off for human praise. But it is possible and ought
to be done.
Help me, Lord. I sometimes feel this and do at this moment.
Jan. 2. Moscow. If I live.
To-day, already the 4th.
I am a little better. I want to work. Yesterday Stasov and
Repine,[282]
coffee.... When will I remember that much talk is much
bother?
I received a pamphlet uncensored.
Only one thing has to be noted down: that all life is senseless,
except that which has for its end the service of God, the service
of the fulfilment of the work of God, which is unattainable to us.
I shall write that out later. Now I am in a hurry.
Dear Masha arrived, later Tania with Sasha.[283]
Jan. 5. Moscow. If I live.
[195]
To-day, Jan. 13.
It is more than a week
that I haven’t written and I have done almost
nothing. I have been ill all the time, and depressed. At times, I
am good and calm, and at times uneasy and not good. The day before
yesterday was difficult. Then the peasants arrived: Bulakhov, with
St., Pet., and two from Tula.
I felt so light-hearted and energetic.
One need not yield to one’s own circle, one can always enter the
circle of God and His people.
It is long since I have been so depressed. A letter from Posha.
Wrote to Posha, Ivan
Michailovich, Chertkov, Maude and
Boulanger.
I am still endeavouring to find a satisfactory form for
Hadji Murad
and I still haven’t it, although it seems I am nearing it.
... To-day a telegram about the work, “What is Art?”
Have made some notes and I think important ones.
1) Something of enormous importance and ought to be expounded well.
Organisation, every kind of organisation, which frees from any kind
of human, personal, moral duties. All the evil in the world comes
from this. They flog people to death, they debauch, they becloud
their minds and no one is to blame. In the tale of the resurrection
of hell, this is the most important and new means.[284]
[196]
2) Each one of us is that light, that divine essence, love, the Son
of God, enclosed in a body, in limits, in the coloured lantern which
we have painted with our passions and habits—so that everything we
see, we see only through this lantern. To raise oneself so as to
see above it, is impossible; on top there is the same kind of glass
through which we see even God, through the glass which we ourselves
have painted. The only thing which we can do is not to look through
the glasses, but to concentrate in ourselves, recognise our light
and kindle it. And this is the one salvation from the delusions of
life, from its suffering, from its temptations. And this is joyful
and always possible.
I do this, and it is good.
3) Dreams—they are nothing else than the looking on the world not
through the glasses, but only on the glasses, and on the interweaving
of various designs interwoven on the glasses. In sleep you only see
the glasses; when awake, the world, through the glasses.
4) A woman can, when she loves a man, see merits in him which he
has not, but when she is indifferent, she is unable to see a man’s
merits other than through the opinion of others. (However, I think
it is untrue.)
5) The following when I wrote it, seemed to me very important:
[197]
Christians strive to a union, and unite among themselves and with
other people by the Christian tool—by unity, humility, love. But
there are people who do not know this means of union, do not believe
in it and who endeavour to unite (all people endeavour to unite)
with other means, outer ones, with force, threats. It is impossible
to demand of these people who do not know, who cannot understand the
Christian means of union, that they do not make use of their means;
but it is absolutely unjust and unreasonable when these un-Christian
people impose their own lower means of union upon people knowing
and using a higher means. They say, “You Christians, you profit by
our means; if you have not been robbed and killed, it is thanks to
us.” To this the Christians answer, that they don’t need anything
which force gives them (as is really the fact for a Christian).
And that is why, though it is legitimate for people not knowing a
higher means of union, to use a lower, it is illegitimate, that they
look upon their own lower means as a general and unique one, and
want to compel those for whom it cannot be necessary to use it. The
principal step before humanity now consists in this, that people
should not only recognise and admit the means of Christian union, but
that they should recognise that it is the highest, the one to which
all humanity is striving and to which it will inevitably reach.
[198]
6) When you are full of energy, then you live, and you ought to live
for this world; when you are sick, then you are dying, i.e., you
begin to live for that other after-death world. So that in either
phase, there is work. When you are sick, dying, then concentrate in
yourself and think about death and about life after death, and stop
longing for this one. Both processes are normal and in both there
exists work proper to each state.
I feel somewhat fresher spiritually.
Jan. 14, Moscow. If I live.
To-day, 18.
My health is a little better. It is now evening. Wrote letters,
1) Chertkov; 2) Dubrovin; 3) Dubrovsky;
Tver;
4) Tula: N. l. Kh.;
5) Nakashidze;
6) Ivan Michailovich.
To-day the plot of Hadji Murad
became clearer than ever before.
Jan. 19. Moscow.
Depressing and unproductive. I cannot work. Several times a week I
remember that everything disagreeable is only an
Ermahnung for an
advance onward towards perfection.
Help, Father. Come and dwell within me. You already dwell within me.
You are already “me.” My work is only to recognise Thee.
I[199] write
this just now and am full of desire. But nevertheless I know who
I am.
To-day, Feb. 2. Moscow.
Very weak and apathetic. All the time I either read or corrected
proofs of Art. There is much to be noted. But I have neither
strength nor desire. There have been no events, no letters.
Feb. 3, Moscow. If I live.
February 3, Moscow.
I am still as unproductive intellectually. In the morning it flashed
across my mind that I left out the places in Art about the trinity,
and doing no work, I went to Grot and from there to the publishing
house. I returned past two, read, lay down, dined. Tarovat[285]
arrived, then Menshikov, Popov, Gorbunov, and then—Gulenko,[286]
Suller.[287]
Read Liapunov’s The Ploughman. I was very touched.[288]
Have noted down the following:
1) In moments of depression I want to ask help from God. And I may
ask it. But only such help which might help me and not interfere
with any one else. And such help is only one thing: love. Every
other kind of help, material help, not only might, but must come in
conflict[200]
with the material good of others. Only love alone—the
enlargement of love in oneself—satisfies everything which one can
want and does not come in conflict with the good of others. “Come
and dwell within us.”
2) Women do not use words to express their thoughts, but to attain
their ends, and it is this purpose they hunt in the words of others.
That is why they so often understand people wrong side out. And this
is very disagreeable.
3) The meaning of life is only one: self-perfection—the bettering
of one’s soul. “Be perfect like our Father in Heaven.”
When things are difficult, when something tortures you, remember
that in life, only you are the life—and immediately it will become
easier. And joyful. As a rich man rejoices when he gathers his
wealth, so will you rejoice if you place your life only in this.
And for the attainment of this, there are no barriers. Everything
which appears like sorrow, like a barrier in life—is a wide step
which offers itself to your feet that you may ascend.
4) If you have the strength of activity then let it be a loving one;
if you have no strength, if you are weak, then let your weakness
be a loving one.
5) Inorganic matter is simply the life of that which we do not
understand. For fleas the inorganic[201] is my finger-nail. In the same
way, evil is the non-understood good.[289]
6) To serve God and man, but how, with what? Perhaps the possibility
doesn’t exist? It is not true: the possibility has always been given
you—to become better.
7) Man is an ambassador, as Christ said, an ambassador indeed for
whom the important thing is only to fulfil the errand given to him,
and it doesn’t matter what is thought about him. Let them think
badly—sometimes it is necessary. Only let the errand be fulfilled.
8) One of the most common errors consists in this, that people
are considered good, malicious, stupid, intelligent. Man flows on
and every possibility is in him: he was stupid, and has become
intelligent; he was wicked and has become good, and the reverse.
In this is the greatness of man. And therefore it is impossible to
judge man as he is. You have judged and he is already another. It
is impossible to say—I do not love him: you have said it and he is
already another.
9) ...
10) The fact that the end of life is self-perfection, that the
perfection of the immortal soul is the only end of the life of man,
is already true because every other end in the view of death, is
senseless.
11) If man deliberates upon the consequences[202] of his act, then the
motives of his act are not religious.
12) The paper-knife on my knees fell over on account of its weight,
and it seemed to me that it was something alive, and I shuddered. Why?
Because there is a duty to everything living and I grew frightened
lest I hadn’t fulfilled it, and lest I had crushed, squeezed a living
being.
13) ... In this lies the whole matter—to destroy this hypnosis.
14) It is impossible not to wish that our acts be known and approved.
For him who has no God, it is necessary that his acts be known and
approved. But for him who has God, it is sufficient that they be
known. By this can it be verified if a man has God.
4th Feb. Moscow. If I live.
To-day, the 5th. Morning.
I do not feel like writing at all. All these last days, especially
yesterday, I have been feeling and applying to life, the consciousness
that the end of life is one: to be perfect like the Father, to do
that which He does, that which He wants from us, i.e., to love; that
love should guide us in the moments of our most energetic activity,
and that we breathe with it alone in the moments of our greatest
weakness. Whenever there is something[203] difficult, painful, then it
suffices to remember this, and all this difficulty, this pain, will
vanish and only the joyous will remain.
To a man who seriously, truly uses his reason, it is obvious that
all ends are closed to him. One alone is reasonable: to live for the
satisfaction of the demands of God, of his conscience, of his higher
nature. (It is all the same thing.) If this is to be expressed in
time, then to live so as to prepare one’s soul to the passing-over
into a better world: if this is to be expressed accurately in terms
outside of time, then it is to fuse one’s life with its timeless
principle, with the Good, with Love, with God. I am afraid only of
one thing, that this strong consciousness acting beneficially on
me, that the only thing reasonable and free and joyous is the life
in God, be not calloused, that it do not lose its effect of lifting
me out of the petty annoyances of life, and of freeing me. Oh, if
that could be so to every one and if it could be so forever! In this
light last night I considered the various manifestations of life and
I felt so well and joyous. I will await the examination. I shall
prepare for it.
When I wrote out the notes, I forgot:
1) How absurd is the argument of the enemies of moral perfection,
that a man, sacrificing himself really, will sacrifice his perfection
for the good of others, i.e., that a man is ready to become
evil,[204]
in order to act well. If one understands by this that a man is
ready to act badly before people, if only he could thereby fulfil
the demands of his conscience and not serve a certain cause or
even certain people, then this is true. The serving of a cause and
of people can sometimes coincide, and can sometimes not coincide
with the demands of conscience; and not serving a certain cause or
people, can sometimes coincide and can sometimes not coincide with
the demands of conscience. These are individual cases.
2) To doubt that the source of all evil is false religious teaching,
can only be done by a man who hasn’t thought of the causes of
the daily manifestations of social life. The causes of all these
manifestations are thoughts—thoughts of people. How then could false
thoughts not have an enormous influence on the social system? People,
some of them, are well off in a false system based on false thoughts;
it is natural that they support false thoughts, false-religious
teaching.
3) I cannot write and I suffer, I force myself. How stupid! As if
life lay in writing. It does not even lie in any outer activity.
It is not as I will, but as Thou wilt. It is even fuller and more
significant without writing. And here now I am learning to live
without writing. And I am able to.
4) I see that I have made a note and have already[205] said it here,
namely, that to perfect oneself does not mean to prepare oneself for
a future life[290] (that is said for convenience, for simplicity of
speech); but to perfect oneself means to get nearer to that basis
of life for which time does not exist and therefore no death, i.e.,
to carry one’s “self” more and more away from the bodily life into
the spiritual.
5) Evgenie Ivanovich
says about N: she is at peace only when one
occupies oneself with her. Any occupation with anything not concerning
her, does not interest her. Every such occupation with other people
offends her. It seems to her that she bears the life of every one
near her, that without her everybody would be lost. For the least
reproach, she insults every one. And in 10 minutes she forgets it,
and she hasn’t the least remorse.
This is the highest degree of egotism and madness, but there are many
grades approaching this. At bottom, to think that I live for myself,
for my own enjoyment, for fame, is absolute potential madness. In
living—it is impossible not to live for oneself, impossible not
to defend oneself when attacked,[291] not to fall on the food when
hungry; but to think that in this is life, and to use that very
thought given you to see the impossibility of such a life, to use
it for the strengthening of such a separate individual life, is
absolute madness.
[206]
6) A wife approaches her husband and caressingly speaks to him as
she did not speak before. The husband is moved, but this is only
because she has done something nasty.
7) Jean Grave,[292] “L’individu
et la Société,” says that revolution
will only then be fertile when l’individu
will be strong-willed,
disinterested, good, ready to help his neighbour, will not be vain,
will not condemn others, will have the consciousness of his own
dignity, i.e., will have all the merits of a Christian. But how will
he acquire these virtues if he knows that he is only an accidental
chain of atoms? All these virtues are possible, are natural,
in fact, their absence is impossible when there is a Christian
world-point-of-view—that is, that we are sons of God sent to do
His Will; but in a materialistic world-point-of-view these virtues
are inconsistent.
It is now past one. I am going downstairs. I am going to write
to-morrow.
Feb. 6. Moscow. If I live.
To-day, Feb. 19. Moscow.
It is long since I have made any entries.[293] At first I was
ill. For about 5 days I have been better. During this time I was
correcting, putting in things and spoiling the last chapters of Art.
I decided to send away Carpenter with the introduction to
Sieverni
Viestnik. Was correcting the[207] preface also. The general impression
of this article “On Science” as well as that of the 20th chapter—is
remorse.[294] I feel that it is right, that it is necessary, but it
is painful that I hurt and grieve many good people who err. It is
obvious that .0999 will not understand why and in the name of what
I condemn science, and will be indignant. I should have done that
with greater kindness. And in this I am guilty, but it is now too
late.
The last time I wrote, I expressed fear lest the carrying over of
myself from this worldly life, the offending, the irritating one,
into the life before God, the eternal life (now, here) which I
experienced would become lost, would become calloused. But here 13
days have passed and I still feel this and felt it all the time and
rejoiced and am rejoicing.
Sometimes I begin to lay out patience, or hear an irritating
conversation, contradiction, or am dissatisfied with my writing,
with the condemnation of people, or I regret something—and suddenly
I remember that it only seems so to me, because I am bent over
searching on the floor, and it suffices to straighten up to my full
height and everything that was disagreeable, irritating, not only
vanishes, but helps the joys of triumph over my human weakness.
I haven’t yet experienced this in strong physical[208] suffering. Will
it endure? It ought to endure. Help, Lord.
Otherwise I am very joyous.
I am joyous, that in old age there has been disclosed absolutely
a new condition of the great indestructible good. And this is not
imagination, but a change of soul as clearly perceived as warmth and
cold, it is a going over from confusion, suffering, to a clearness and
peace and a going over which depends upon myself. Here, in truth, is
where wings have sprouted. As soon as it becomes difficult, painful,
to walk on foot, you spread the wings. Why not always then on wings?
Evidently, I am still too weak; still untrained; and perhaps a rest
is necessary.
It is interesting to find out if this state is an attribute of old
age, if young people can experience it also? I think that they can.
One must accustom oneself to this. This indeed is prayer.
“You must hide something, be afraid of something, something tortures
you, something is lacking,”—and suddenly: there is nothing to hide,
nothing to be afraid of, nothing to be tortured over, nothing to
want. The main thing is to go away from the human court into God’s
court.
Oh, if this would only hold out unto death! But even for that which
I have experienced, I am grateful to Thee, Father.
[209]
I jotted down the following:
1) People can in no way agree to the unreality of all that is
material. “But a table exists and always, even when I go out of the
room it is there, and for all it is the same as it is for me,”—they
generally say. Well, and when you twist two fingers and roll a little
ball under them do you not unquestionably feel two? It is certainly
so, every time I take up a little ball in that way there are two
and for every one who takes up a ball in that way there are two,
and nevertheless there are no two little balls. In the same way,
the table is a table only for the twisted fingers of my senses, but
it is perhaps half a table, a thousandth of a table—in fact, no
part of a table at all, but something altogether different. So that
what is real is only my ever recurring impression, confirmed by the
impressions of other people.
2) ... I acted badly when I gave my estate to the children. It would
have been better for them. Only it was necessary to have been able
to do this without violating love, and I was unable.
3) You are often surprised how intelligent, good people can defend
cruelty, violence, savage superstitions...? But it is sufficient
to remember the exilings, the oppressions, the offences, which are
beginning to penetrate the working-classes and you see that this is
only a feeling of[210]
self-preservation. Only by this is explained the
tenacity of life....
4) Pharesov told me about Malikov’s[295] teaching. All this was
beautiful, all this was Christian: be perfect like your Father; but
it was not good that all this teaching had for its end influence
over people and not inner satisfaction, not an answer to the problem
of life. Influence on others is the main Achilles’ heel.
So that my condition, which is false for people, is perhaps the very
thing necessary.
5) ... In order to wipe out one’s sin, one ought to ... repent before
all the people for the deception, to say: forgive me that I have
deceived you ... What a strong scene! And a true one.
6) Our art with its supplying of amusement for the rich classes,
is not only similar to prostitution, but it is nothing else than
prostitution.
Feb. 20. Moscow.
To-day, Feb. 25. Moscow.
Have made no entries; corrected something. Wrote letters to-day,
more than 7 letters. But I can’t write anything, although I haven’t
stopped thinking about Hadji Murad
and The Appeal.
Feb. 26. Moscow. If I live.
Have made no entries
for more than three weeks. To-day March 19.
Moscow.
[211]
Finished all my letters. During this time wrote serious letters:
1) To the American colony,[296]
2) Peterburgskia Viedomosti about
the Dukhobors;[297] 3) to the English papers also about the Dukhobors,
and 4) a preface to the English edition What is Art—about the
censor distortions.[298]
My inner life is the same. As I foresaw, the new consciousness of life
for God, for the perfection of love, has become dulled, weakened,
and when I needed it, these days, it proved itself to be, if not
exactly ineffectual, yet less effectual than I expected.
The principal event during this time was the permission to the
Dukhobors to emigrate.
What is Art? seems to me to be entirely finished now.
...
I have worked very little during all this time. I made rather many
notes; I shall try to write them out:
1) One of the greatest errors in summing up a man, is that we call,
we define a man as intelligent, stupid, good, evil, strong, weak. But
man is everything, all possibilities, is a flowing matter.[299] This
is a good theme for an artistic work and a very important one and a
good one, because it destroys malicious judging—“the cancer”—and
assumes the possibility of everything[212] good. The workers of the devil,
convinced of the presence of bad in man, achieve great results:
superstition, capital punishment, war. The workers of God would
attain greater results, if they believed more in the possibility of
good in people.
2) They want to become the masters of China—the Russians, Japan,
England, the Germans: there are quarrels, diplomatic struggles, there
will even be military ones. And all this is only for the mixing of
the yellow race into one Christian batter, the propagating and the
assimilating of ideas like the Crusades and the Napoleonic wars.
3) Lebon writes:
“Not only are they going to make food in
laboratories, but there will be no need for labour.” People have so
badly distributed their two functions, food and labour, that instead
of joy, these functions are a torture to them and therefore they
want to be freed from them. It is just the same as if people would
so pervert their functions of perspiration and breathing, that they
would seek a way of changing them by an artificial method.
4) The longer you live, the less time there remains for life. For an
endless duration of life, there would then be absolutely no life.
5)
Only when you live without consideration of time, past or future,
do you live a real, free life for which there are no obstacles.
You are only then dissatisfied, in straits, when you remember[213] the
past (the offences, the contradictions, even your own weaknesses)
and when you think of the future: will something be or will it not
be? Only at one point, do you fuse with God and live your divine
essence: in the present (even when you live your animal life).
Whenever you use your reason to consider what will be, then you are
weak, insignificant; but whenever you use it to do the will of Him
who sent you, then you are omnipotent, free. You can even see this
in the way you immediately weaken, become deprived of strength, when
you consider the consequences of your act.
To-day, March 21. Moscow.
I continue copying. I am very indisposed, weak, but thank God, in
peace, I live in the present. Just now I put in order the papers
on Art.
6) Socialists will never destroy poverty and the injustice of the
inequality of capacities. The stronger, the more intelligent, will
always make use of the weaker, the more stupid. Justice and equality
of goods will never be attained by anything less than Christianity,
i.e., by negating oneself and by recognising the meaning of one’s
life in the service to others.
7) I have written down the same as in the
5th, but differently. In
order to live with God, by God and in God, it is necessary not to
be guided[214]
by anything from without. Neither by that which was nor
by that which can be; to live only in the present, only in this, to
fuse with God.
8) Intelligent Socialists understand that for the attainment of their
ends the principal thing is to lift the working men intellectually and
physically. This is possible to be done only by religious education,
but they do not understand this and therefore all their work is in
vain.
9) “Seek the Kingdom of God and His Right, the rest will follow
you”—this is the only means of attaining the ends of Socialism.
10) For The Appeal:
All are agreed that we live not as we ought to or as we could. The
remedy of some is this: a religious fatalism and, still worse, a
scientific, evolutionary one. Others comfort themselves by the
gradual bettering and bettering of things by themselves: the step
by step people. The third assert that everything will establish
itself when things will reach their very worst (Socialism), when the
Government and the rich classes will control everybody fully, i.e.,
the working-men, and then the power will somehow or other make a
somersault not only to working-men, but to unerring disinterested
self-sacrificing working-men, who will then direct all affairs
without error and without sin. The fourth say that to improve the
whole matter, it is possible only by the destruction of evil
people,[215]
the bad ones. But there is no indication where the bad people end
and where the harmless ones, if not the good ones, begin. Either
they will destroy every one as bad or as in the big revolution
they will catch the good ones with the bad. As soon as you begin
to judge strictly, no one will remain in the right. What is to be
done? But there is only one instrument: a religious change in the
soul of people. And it is this change which is interfered with, by
all imaginary remedies.
11) My body is nothing else than that piece of everything existing
which I am able to govern.
12) The whole world is that which I sense. But what am I? It is that
which acts.
13) How good it would be
to write a work of art, in which there
would be clearly expressed the flowing nature of man: that he, one
and the same man, is now a villain, now an angel, now a wise man,
now an idiot, now a strong man, now the most impotent being.
14) Every man, as all people, being imperfect in everything, is
nevertheless more perfect in some one thing than in another. And
these perfections, he puts over another human being as a demand,
and condemns him.
15) It is impossible to serve, not “God and mammon,” but “mammon and
God.” The service of mammon—every kind of vanity—is a hindrance to
the service of God. Peace, solitude,[216] even boredom, is a necessary
condition to the service of God. In Moscow religiously they are the
most savage of people. In Paris—they are still more savage.
16) There is a kind of English toy called peepshow: behind a
little glass, now one thing is shown, now another. This is the way
one ought to show man—Hadji Murad:
a husband, a fanatic, etc.
17) Not long ago I experienced a feeling, not exactly a reasoning,
but a feeling—that everything that is material, and I myself with my
own body, is only my own imagination, is the creation of my spirit
and that only my soul exists. It was a very joyous feeling.
18) ... does on the other hand the same thing that a false religious
education does; it accustoms people to deny their reason.
19) There are two points of view of the world: 1) the world is
something definitely existing, that is, existing in definite forms,
and 2) the world is something continually flowing, being formed,
going towards something. In the first point of view, the life of
humanity also appears as something definite, consisting in the
peaceful use of the goods of the world. In this point of view—there
is a continuous dissatisfaction, and discontent with the construction
of the world. It does not fulfil the demands which are
presented.[217]
In the second point of view, the life of humanity is conceived as
something which in itself changes and helps to the change and the
attainment of the ends of the world. And in this point of view there
is no dissatisfaction or discontentment with the construction of
the world. And if there is discontent, it is only with one’s self,
for one’s insufficient harmony to the movement of the world and in
not helping this movement. (Unclear.)
20) Administrative ambition and greed of misers are therefore
alluring, because they are very simple. For every other end of
life one has to reflect much, to think, and often you do not see
the results clearly. And here it is so simple: where there was one
decoration there will be two: where there was one million there will
be two, etc.
21) I spoke to Evgenie Ivanovich
and said to him that I envy his
freedom; but he said to me that things are very difficult for him
just on account of this freedom and even on account of the authority
and the responsibility which is connected with it. So that it only
seems to me, that some one is better off and that another is worse,
as the strong man to the weak, the healthy to the sick, the rich to
the poor. And it became suddenly clear to me that all the differences
in our conditions in the world are as nothing compared with our
inner conditions. It is just the same, as[218] it would be a matter of
indifference if a man fell from a boat into the Azov Sea, the Black,
the Mediterranean or into the ocean, in comparison with whether he
was able to swim or not.
22) I spoke with P about the woman question. There is no woman
question. There is the question of freedom of equality for all human
beings. The woman question is only quarrel hunting.
23) The more one is guilty before his own conscience, though hidden,
the more willingly and involuntarily he seeks the guilt of others
and especially those before whom he had been guilty.
24) As soon as you go away into the past or the future, you go away
from God and then you immediately become lonely, deserted, unfree.
25) I began to think about myself, about my own hurts and my own
future life—and I came to my senses. And it was so natural to say
to myself: and you, what business is Leo Nicholaievich (Tolstoi) of
yours? And I felt better. Thus there is the one who is hindered by
the base, stupid, vain, sensual, Leo Nicholaievich.
26) As soon as you begin to think of the future, you begin to
guess. If the patience comes out, then this will happen. But this
is madness! And it is bound to come, because to think of the future
is the beginning of madness.
I have finished everything. It is now past one, the 21st.
[219]
March 22. Moscow. If I live.
April 12. Moscow.
Among the events during this time was the arrival of the
Dukhobors,[300] the cares for their emigration, the death of
Brashnin.[301] Occupations: Carthago
delenda est[302] and Hadji
Murad. Worked rather little. The spiritual state rather good.
Visitors—most of them peasants, young, good ones.
Since yesterday have been in a very depressed mood. I am not
surrendering, I do not disclose myself to any one, but to God. I
think that is very important. It is important to keep silent and
to suffer a thing through. Otherwise the suffering will go over to
others and will make them suffer, but here it will burn itself down
in yourself. That is the most precious of all.
This thought helps very much, that in this lies my task, in this is
my opportunity to elevate myself, to approach perfection somewhat.
Come and dwell within me so that my baseness will be stifled. Awake
in me.
I want to cry all the time.
Thought and noted:
1) I found jotted down: “Every victory over the enemy is an
enlargement of one’s own strength.” I ought to remember that now
especially. There is a struggle going on between my[220] spiritual and
animal self, and all that I gain for the former, by all this will
I weaken the latter. I carry over from one scale of the weights to
another. If I fall into temptation, it means a rolling down the road
to evil; if I resist, it is the beginning of a rolling on a new road
towards the good.
2) It is astonishing how we get accustomed to the illusion of one’s
own individuality, separateness from the world. We see, we feel—that
life compels us every minute to feel our union and dependence on
the world, makes us feel our incompleteness; and we nevertheless
believe that we ourselves, our very selves, is something in the name
of which we can live. However, when you understand this illusion
clearly, then you are surprised, how you could not have seen that
you are not a piece of a whole, but a manifestation in time and
space, of something timeless and infinite.
Women have always recognised the power of men over them. And it
could not have been otherwise in an unchristian world. Men are the
stronger and men have ruled. It was the same in all the worlds (with
the exception of the doubtful Amazons and the law of maternity),
and it is the same now among .0999 of mankind. But Christianity has
appeared and has recognised perfection not in strength but in love,
and by this all the subjected, the captive, the slaves and
the[221] women
have been freed. But that the freedom of slaves and women be not a
calamity, it is necessary that the freed be Christians, i.e., that
they affirm their life in the service of God and people, and not in
the service of themselves. Slaves and women are not Christians, and
nevertheless they are freed. And they are terrible. They act as the
main-spring of all the calamities of the world.
What must be done? Bring slaves and women back again into slavery?
That is impossible to do, because there is no one who will do
it: Christians cannot subject. And non-Christians will no longer
surrender themselves into slavery, but will fight. They will fight
among themselves and one or the other will subject and hold the
Christians in slavery. What must be done? One thing must be done:
attract people to Christianity, turn them into Christians. It is
possible to do this only by fulfilling in life the law of Christ.
Help me, Lord. Help me. Come into me, awake in me.
Apr. 13. Moscow. If I live.
To-day April 27. Grinevka.[303]
The 3rd day here. I am all right. A little indisposed....
The latter days in Moscow I spent finishing
Carthago delenda est.
I am afraid I have not[222]
finished it, and that it is still before
me. Still I did quite a lot. Here I have not worked at all.
The misery of the famine is by far not as great as it was in 1891.
There are so many lies in all the affairs among the upper classes,
everything is so tangled up with lies that it is never possible to
answer any question, simply—for instance, is there a famine? I am
going to try to distribute as well as I can the money which has been
contributed.
Yesterday there was a conversation about the same thing: Is exclusive
love good? The résumé is this: a moral man will look on exclusive
love,—it is all the same whether he be married or single—as on
evil and will fight it; the man, who is little moral, will consider
it good and will encourage it. An entirely unmoral man does not even
understand it and makes fun of it.
The Russkia Viedomosti
was suspended because of the Dukhobors and
of me; that is too bad and I am grieved.[304]
1) The proverb: for a good son you do not have to make a fortune,
for a bad one, do not leave one.
2) I have made the following note: “God doesn’t know when the
awakening of people will take place.” This is what it means: I
think that the life of humanity consists in a greater
and[223] greater
awakening, in an enlightening. And this awakening, this enlightening,
will be done by people themselves (by God in people). And in this
is life, in this is the good, and therefore this life and this good
cannot be taken away from people.
3) My awakening consisted in this, that I doubted the reality of
the material world. It lost all meaning to me.
To-morrow Apr. 28. Grinevka.
If I live, I’ll finish.
To-day Apr. 29. Morning. Grinevka.
Felt great weakness. Am better since yesterday. But unable to write
anything. Went to Lopashino,[305] took notes.[306]
Read Boccaccio—it is
the beginning of the master-class, immoral art.
No letters. Serezha was here.[307]
I continue. Thought:
1) You look deeply into the life of man, especially of women,—and
you see from what world point of view their acts flow, and you see,
principally, how inevitably all argument against this world point
of view recoils and you cannot imagine how this world point of view
will be changed—in the same way as how a piece of a date-stone
has grown through a date. But there are conditions when a change
is produced[224]
and accomplished from within. Live man can always be
born, from seeds there are sprouts.
2) I look into the future, and ask: were I to act as I ought to,
would everything then be all right, would all obstacles then be
destroyed? This question is pleonism. The question is this, whether,
were I to act in a realm where there were no obstacles, would there
then be any obstacles?
3) It is remarkable how we are without understanding and without
gratitude. God arranged our life so, that he forbade us all false
paths, that everything drives us from these false, harmful paths,
impoverishing us to ruination, and making us suffer, onto the only
free, always joyous path of love—but we nevertheless do not go on
this path and we complain that we suffer from the attempts of going
on the false, ruinous paths.
4) One of the most urgent needs of man, equal with and even more
urgent than eating, drinking, sex desire, and the existence of which
we often forget, is the need to manifest oneself, to know that it
is I who have done a thing. Very many acts which are otherwise
inexplicable, are explained by this need. One ought to remember this
both in their bringing up, and in dealing with men. The main thing
is that one has to try to make this an activity and not a boast.
5) Why is it that children and simple people[225] are by such an awful
height higher than the majority of people? Because their reason is
not perverted by the deception of faith or by temptations or by
sins. Nothing stands on their road to perfection, while adults have
sin and temptation and deception on theirs. The former have only to
walk forward, the latter must struggle.
6) They spoke about love and falling in love, and I made the
following conclusion for myself: a moral man fights falling in love
and exclusive love, an unmoral man—condones it.
7) Children are selfish without lies. All of life teaches the
aimlessness, the ruination of selfishness. And therefore old people
attain unselfishness without lies. These are two extreme limits.
8) I began to consider soup-kitchens and the purchase of flour, and
money, and my soul became so unclean and sad. The realm of money,
i.e., every kind of use of money, is a sin. I took money and undertook
to use it only so as to have a reason for going away from Moscow
and I acted badly.
9) I thought much about The Appeal, yesterday and to-day. It
became rather clear how a bad arrangement of life results in
religious deception. If something is unclear in one’s mind, if life
is disorderly and you don’t want anything.... (Somehow I haven’t
succeeded.)
[226]
10) In my sleep I thought to-day that the shortest expression of
the meaning of life is this: the world moves, perfects itself; the
task of man is to take part in this movement, to submit himself to
it and to help it.
My weakness still continues. I have written this out very badly.
May 4.
Grinevka. (Evening.)
Yesterday there was a whole house full of guests: The Tsurikovs,
Mme. Ilinsky,[308] Stakhovich.
I have done nothing during the day.
In the morning I wrote a letter to Chertkov[309] and to S[310] and
to still some one else. The day before yesterday I was in Sidorovo
and at Serezha’s.[311]
In the morning I read Chertkov’s article.[312]
It is very good.
The 1st of May, Lindenberg[313] was here and a teacher[314] and they
went to Kamenka. On the 30th, I went to Gubarevka.
What hurts me, is that I seem to have lost entirely the capacity
for writing. To my shame I am indifferent. Latterly in my sleep, I
thought keenly about the contrast between the crushed people and
the crushers, but did not write it out.
To-day, yes and in the preceding days, it seemed to me that
Hadji
Murad became clear, but I could not write it. It is true they
interfered.
Thought:
[227]
1) Just as an athlete follows the growth of his muscles, so you ought
to follow the growth of love, or at least the decrease of evil and
lies—and life will be full and joyous.
2) Yesterday there was a discussion about the old question: what
is better—to take part in evil, to endeavour to diminish it (...)
or to keep away from it? The eternal objection is:—“There will be
anarchy”—yes, but now it is worse than anarchy: injustice.—“What,
then, if to begin everything from the beginning; the strong will
again offend the weak.” Yes, everything from the beginning again,
but with this difference, that while now we continue the cruelty and
injustice which have been established in heathen barbaric times, we
now live in the light of Christianity and the cruelty and injustice
will not be the same cruelty and injustice.... (It isn’t quite all
right, but it was.)
3) I look about me and the lines which I see I force into that
form which lives in my imagination. I see white on the horizon and
involuntarily I give this white the form of a church. Is it not in
this way that everything we see in this world takes on the form which
already lives in our imagination (consciousness), which we carried
over from our former life? (An idea.)
Exquisite weather. Friendly, hot Spring. I am at peace and am well.
[228]
May 5. Grinevka. If I live.
To-day May 9. Grinevka.
During these days we had visitors: Masha, Varia. I go every day
somewhere to open a soup-kitchen. I am not writing at all. I feel
weak. Yesterday there was a rain storm. I went to Bobrika. To-day I
went to Nicholskoe. I went to Gubarevka and returning through the
wood, thought.... I don’t feel like writing, later I shall write
out two thoughts, very important ones:
1) One, that I cannot put before me, that which tortured me before:
my destruction.
2) That the other life begins to attract me, only the process of
getting there is terrible. If only I could arrive safely, everything
there will be all right;
3) To-day I thought that the object of faith is only one—God. This
I must write out, explain.
To-day I am in a very weak state.
May 10. Grinevka. If I live.
To-day May 11.
Grinevka.
Yesterday I wrote a little on The Appeal.[315]
Then I went to
Mikhail’s Ford.
Saw Strakhov in my sleep,[316] who said to
me[229] that I should write
out clearly, for the plain man, what God is. “You ought to write
it, Leo Nicholaievich,” (Tolstoi.)
To-day my stomach ached a little. I didn’t dine and wrote much on
The Appeal. It seems to be taking form. I am feeling fresh in the
head, a thing I haven’t felt for a long time. Thanks to my gymnastic
exercises, I have become convinced for the first time, that I am old
and weak and I must stop physical exercise entirely. This is even
pleasant.
I forgot for a moment, my rule, not to expect anything from others,
but to do what one ought to do oneself before God,—and there arose
in me an evil feeling.... But I remembered, asked in good faith what
was necessary and I felt better.
1) There is one object of faith—God, He who sent me. He who sent
me, He who is everything of which I feel myself to be a part. This
faith is indispensable and satisfying. If you have this faith then
there is no room for any other. Everything else is trust and not
faith. You can only have faith in that which undoubtedly is, but
which we cannot embrace with our reason.
2) Yesterday I thought that the form of thinking—categories—are
not seven but four: cause, matter, space, time. But only one:
movement, encloses everything in itself. Movement is
a[230] change of
place, therefore there is space; change of place can be swifter
and slower, therefore there is time; and a preceding movement is a
cause, a following one, an effect; that which is displaced is matter.
Everything is movement. Man himself moves incessantly and therefore
everything explains itself to him by movement alone.
3) The most harmful effect of an evil act is that when a man
accomplishes it he frees himself from the demands of his conscience.
“We eat animals, therefore why not hunt?”—... and so you have no
need to stand on ceremony ... etc.
4) A strange thought came to me. Our whole life is in this, that we
consider ourselves a separate unit, an individual, a man. But besides
this being specialised, individualised, from all others, chemistry
discloses for us entirely different separate units, acids, nitrogen,
etc. They are separate and therefore they have life. (Nonsense.)
May 12. Grinevka. If I live.
To-day May 15. Morning. Grinevka.
Within these two days I went to Mtsensk,[317]
Kukuevka, and yesterday
to Batyevo.[318] Wrote
Hadji Murad unwillingly. I have exercised
again.[319] It is stupid, almost an insanity. Wrote a poor letter
to Posha. I am pleased with every one here.
[231]
Just now I have reread this journal and it did not leave me very
dissatisfied. Oh, if I would only remember more my transitory,
subservient condition here!
Have made no entries. My health would be good if my back weren’t
aching. Began to write letters. Not succeeding. One must wait
peacefully and live before God.
May 16. Grinevka. If I live.
To-day May 19. Grinevka.
Sonya was here. She arrived the 17th. This morning she went away.
I have been trying to write these two days. Can’t do anything. An
exceptional weakness and pain in my spinal column.
To-day May 20. Evening. Grinevka.
This morning I wrote rather much on The Appeal. In the evening I
wrote 13 letters. Went nowhere. My back is better. The main thing,
is that my brain is working and I am happy.
Received 500 roubles, and 1000 roubles are lying in Cherni.[320]
I am not going to write any more, although I have many notes.
To-day May 27. Grinevka. In the morning.
During this time I wrote The Appeal and[232] finished the article on
the condition of the people.[321]
Just now I am writing to write out my notes—there is much that
has to be written out—that everything which is said in Paul
(Corinthians xiii) about love has to be said, and even more—about
the renunciation of oneself. It is impossible to lay up love within
oneself—but the renunciation of oneself is possible. It suffices
to renounce oneself and love will arise.
I thought this, because just now in the morning, I began to remember
all the difficulties which might arise from the distribution of
the contributions, about everything which had to be done for the
Dukhobors, for my own writing, and of which I had done nothing, and
about all my weaknesses, errors, about my joyless life with the
children, and such as I had not wanted it to be, and my lack of
consequence—and it sufficed only to negate myself, my own desires,
and immediately all wrong passed away, both of the past and the
future, and one thing remained, the need of service in the present.
How time vanishes remarkably in the consciousness of one’s mission.
To-day,
I think, June 12. Yasnaya Polyana.
I went with Sonya (my daughter-in-law)[322] to the Tsurikovs,
Aphremovs, and the Levitskys.[323] I have a very pleasant impression
and fell in love[233]
with many; but fell ill and did not do my work and
made a lot of fuss both for Levitsky and the household.[324]...
It is four days since I arrived in Yasnaya and I am recovering
nicely. Wrote many letters.
I received almost 4,000 roubles, which I cannot use this year.[325]
Masha is here with her husband and Iliusha. The
Westerlunds were
here.[326]...
To-day, entirely unexpectedly, I began to finish Sergius.[327] No
news from England.[328]
I have made many notes.
1) I cannot remember now what and how I thought it: this is the
note: “You are often too strict with people, and he, poor man, is
good for nothing.”
2) Although I noted it before, I can’t help but repeat: ...
3) ...
4) The life of the world is one, i.e., in the sense that it is
impossible to apply the conception of number to it. Plurality
comes only from the partitions of consciousness. For a universal
consciousness there is no number, no plurality.
5) Non-resistance to evil is important not therefore only, because a
man has to act so for himself, for attaining the perfection of love,
but also because only non-resistance alone stops evil, localises it
in itself, neutralises it, does not permit it[234] to go farther, as it
inevitably does, like the transmission of movement to elastic balls,
if there be no force which would absorb it. Active Christianity is
not in doing, creating Christianity, but in absorbing evil.
I feel very much like writing out the story, The Coupon.[329]
6) Death is the crossing-over from one consciousness to another, from
one image of the world to another. It is as if you go over from one
scene with its scenery to another. At the moment of crossing over,
it is evident that that what we consider real, is only an image,
because we are going over from one image into another. At the moment
of this crossing-over, there becomes evident, or at least one feels,
the most actual reality. Because of this, the moment of death is
important and dear.
7) For a universal consciousness, for God, matter does not exist.
Matter is only for beings, separated one from another. The limits
of separateness is that which we call matter, in all its infinite
forms.
8) It is impossible to remember sufficiently that the life of all
beings is continuous movement. Almost all our misery comes from the
fact that we do not know this or forget this. And imagining that
we do not go forward, but that we stand still, we grasp the beings
moving alongside of us—[235]some going faster, some going slower than
we—we grasp them and hold on as long as the force of the movement
does not tear us away. And we suffer.
9) We are all rolling down a slope, going down lower and lower to
the plain. Every attempt to hold to one’s place, only makes the fall
bigger, the more you hold on.
10) We are sent to cross this sloping path, carrying across it that
light which is entrusted to us. And all that we can do—is to help
each other on the road to carry this light; but we hold back, pushing
each other down, extinguishing our light and that of the others.
(It isn’t good, not what I wanted to say.)
11) I know, that when people yawn in front of me, I can become
infected, and therefore I say to myself: I don’t want to yawn and
I won’t. I have learned to do this as to yawning, but I am only
beginning to learn this as to anger.
12) The sight depresses me strangely ... of those owning the land
and compelling the people to work. How my conscience is struck. And
this is not something reasoned, but a very strong feeling. Was I
wrong in not giving my land to the peasants? I don’t know.
13) Lieskov made use of my theme and badly.[330] I had an exquisite
thought—three problems: What was the most important time?[236] what man?
and what act? The time is the immediate, this minute; the man—he
with whom you have immediate business; the act, to save your soul,
i.e., to do the act of love.[331]
14) It is impossible to save humanity from that deception in which
it is caught.... Only a religious feeling can give the counterstroke
and conquer.
June 13. Y. P. If I live.
June 14. Y. P. Evening.
Both days I wrote Father Sergius. It is coming out well. Wrote
letters. To-day there was a christening.[332]
I still cannot be fully good.... It is difficult, but I do not
despair.
To-day June 22. Y. P.
On the 16th I fell very ill.[333] I never had felt so weak and so near
death. I am ashamed to have made use of the care which they gave me.
I could do nothing. I only read and made some notes. To-day I am a
great deal better. Ukhtomsky[334] was pleased with my
article,[335]
but nevertheless he refused to print it. I telegraphed to Menshikov
that he should try the Viestnik Evropa
and the Russki Trud.[336]
I am afraid I am going to become tiresome.
[237]
The youth have been driven away. For they have forbidden that the
flour that was bought be sold.[337]
... Received a letter from Chertkov, a good one. The
Dieterichs
arrived.[338] Dear Dunaev
was here. They talked about the great riot
of the factory workers. I shall finish later.
To-day June 28. Y. P. Evening.
I am only now recovered, and am experiencing the joy of
convalescence. I feel nature very vividly, keenly, and have a
great clarity of thought.
I wrote a little on The Appeal. To-day I wrote Father Sergius
and both are good. Wrote many letters yesterday. All that I received
yesterday were unpleasant: from N, but principally from Gali, with
the news that they have all quarrelled.[339] Posha is going to Switzerland
and Boulanger to Bulgaria.
Tania went to Masha’s....
There is only one thing; one real thing that has been given us: to
live lovingly with one’s brothers, with every one. One must renounce
oneself. I wrote that to my friends and I am going to be strict with
myself.
Here is what I have written down....
I have just read up to this point, where everything that is difficult
can be made to vanish when you throw off the illusion of a personal
life, when[238]
you recognise your mission in the service to God, and
that it would be good to experience this in physical suffering,
whether it will stand physical suffering. And here was a chance to
experience it and I forgot and did not experience it. It is too bad.
But the next time.
Have written down:
1) Paul Adam[340] gives the peasants a cruel characteristic,
especially the working men: they are vulgar, selfish, slaves,
fanatics—perhaps all this is just, but the one thing, that they
can live without us and we cannot live without them, wipes out
everything. And therefore it is not for us to judge. (Something is
wrong here.)
2) It is especially disagreeable for me when people who have lived
little and thought little, do not believe me, and not understanding
me, argue with me about moral problems. It would be the same for which
a veterinary surgeon would be hurt, if people who were not familiar
with his art were to argue with him. The difference is only in this,
that the art of the veterinary, the cook, the samovar-maker or any
kind of art or science, is recognised as an art or a science where
only those people are competent who have studied that realm; in the
matter of morality every one considers himself competent, because
every one has to justify his life. But life is justified only by
theories of morality. And every one makes them for himself.
[239]
3) I have often thought about falling in love, about the good, ideal
falling in love, which is exclusive of every sensuality, and I cannot
find either place or meaning for it. But its place and meaning is
very clear and definite: it is to lighten the struggle between sex
desire and chastity. Falling in love ought to be for a young man who
cannot keep to full chastity before marriage, and to release the
young men in the most critical years, from 16 to 20 or more, from
the torturing struggle. Here is the place for falling in love. But
when it breaks out in the life of people after marriage, it is out
of place and disgusting.
4) I am often asked for advice as to the problem of owning land. It
is my old custom to answer: that it is unsuitable for me to answer
such problems, just as it would be unsuitable for me to answer the
problem how to make use of the ownership or the labour or the rent
of a bonded serf.
5) People who stand on a lower moral plane or religious world point
of view cannot understand people standing on a higher plane. But
that there should be a possibility of union between them, there has
been given to people standing on a lower plane the instinct for the
good and a respect for this good. If there is not this instinct and
respect, then it is very bad. But in our society, among so-called
educated people, this is getting to be less and less.
[240]
To-day June 30. Y. P.
I am still ill, and very weak. But I think I am improving, and my
spiritual state is good. The day before yesterday I received a letter
about the quarrel in England.[341] I wrote to them. It is very sad
and very instructive. Yesterday I received a letter from Khilkov
with a letter from Miss Pickard about the Dukhobors.[342] I wrote
letters to Crosby, and Willard[343] and Khilkov. The affair of the
Dukhobors is important and big and evidently something will come
out of it which is entirely different from what we are preparing,
but it is God’s affair. To-day Mme. Annenkov arrived. Menshikov
telegraphed that Gaideburov[344] will print with omissions. During
these days I wrote Sergius—it isn’t good.
I am going to continue to write out the former:
6) ...
7) A man is a being separated from all others, who feels his limits.
Among the number of general limits by which he separates himself
from other beings, are his limits which are in common with that
being incomprehensible to him—the earth. Death is the destruction
of all the various common limits with other beings and always of the
common limit of the being of the earth—a fusion with earth. Every
sickness, wound, old age, is a destruction of these limits.
[241]
8) The work of life is to love. It is impossible to love expressly
those people unworthy of love; but it is possible not to love—to
behave well, in a good way, toward such people in every given moment.
9) I remembered keenly what a matter of enormous importance was
complete truthfulness in every detail, in everything, the avoidance
of all outer false forms. And I decided to keep to this. It is
never too late to mend.[345]
10) The minister said to the murderer: “Oh brother, don’t worry.
God has pardoned even greater sinners. But who are you? Don’t lose
heart. Pray.” The murderer burst into tears.
11) How great and stable seemed the happiness of the American people,
and how unstable it proved to be, like all happiness not founded
on life, according to the law of Christ. The Spanish-American War,
Jingoism.
12) I have often prayed (almost without believing, to try out) that
God arrange my life as I wish. To-day I simply prayed my customary
morning prayer and rather attentively. And after this prayer, I
recalled my wish and wanted to add a prayer about the fulfilment
of this wish, and tried to address God about it. And immediately I
realised my mistake—that it would be very much better if everything
was not according to[242]
my will, but according to His. And without the
least effort and with joy I said: “Yes, let there not be my will,
but Thine.”
13) A spiritual life means that you should see the connection between
cause and effect in the spiritual world and that you be guided in
life by this connection. Materialists do not see this connection
and therefore do not take it as a guide for their acts, but they
take as a guide for their acts the physical, causal connection, the
one which is so complicated that we never fully know it, because
every effect is an effect of an effect; but the fundamental cause
of everything—is always spiritual. (Not clearly expressed, but
important).
14) Epictetus says this very thing when he reproaches people for
being very attentive to the phenomenon of the outer world—to that
which is not in our power and being inattentive to the phenomenon
of the inner, to that which is in our power.
15) To many it seems that if you exclude personality from life and a
love for it, then nothing will remain. It seems to them that without
personality there is no life. But this only appears so to people who
have not experienced self-renunciation. Throw off personality from
life, renounce it, and then there will remain that which makes the
essence of life—love.
16) (For The Appeal) ...
[243]
To-morrow, July 1st. If I live.
July 6.
Y. P.
Am entirely well. Yesterday I took leave of
Dunaev and Mme. Annenkov,
who were here. I live very badly. I cannot reconcile myself to the
will of God.
To-day I thought:
The life of Christ is very important as an instance of that
impossibility of man to see the fruits of his labours. And the less
so, the more important the work. Moses could enter into the promised
land with his people, but Christ could in no way see the fruit of
his teaching even if he had lived up to now. This is what one has
to learn. But we want to do the work of God and to receive human
reward.
July 17. Y. P. ’98. Morning.
There was nothing very special during these 11 days. I have decided
to give my novels away, Resurrection and Father Sergius, to be
printed for the Dukhobors.[346]
S. went to Kiev.
An inner struggle. I believe little in God. I do not rejoice at the
examination, but am burdened by it, admitting in advance that I
won’t pass. All last night I didn’t sleep. I rose early and prayed
much.
[244]
To-day the Dieterichs
and the Gorbunovs arrived. It was pleasant
with them. Took hold of Resurrection, and in the beginning it went
well, but from the moment when I became alarmed, these two days, I
have been unable to do anything. I took a very nice walk.
I wrote a letter to
Järnefelt[347]
and prepared a postscript. This
is the only important thing. But I haven’t the strength to withstand
the customary temptation.[348] Come and dwell within us. Awake the
resurrection in me!
I have made many notes. I will hardly have time to write them out now.
1) Brooding leads to dreams, dreams to passions, passion to devils.
(From Love for the Good.)[349]
2) The æsthetic pleasure which you receive from Nature is attainable
to all. Every one is affected by it differently, but it affects
every one. Art should have the same effect.
3) How difficult it is to really live for God alone. You think you
are living for God, but as soon as life jolts you, as soon as that
support in life to which you are holding on, fails you, then you
feel that there is no holding power in God and you fall.
4) For Father Sergius: Alone he is good, with people he falls.
5) What an obvious error: to live for worldly[245] ends. Whenever the
purpose is not narrowly egotistic then this purpose is not quickly
attained in life. Moses did not enter the promised land and Christ
despaired of His labour: “Why hast Thou abandoned me?”...
6) There is no peace, either for him who lives for worldly ends
among people, or for him who lives for spiritual ends alone. There
is peace only then when a man lives for the service of God among
people.
To-day, July 20. Y. P.
A letter from S and from Masha. I still do not sleep, but things
are settling themselves in my soul, and as always, suffering is
of benefit. Yesterday I went to Ovsiannikovo, spoke with
Ivan
Ivanovich.[350] Yesterday I worked well on Resurrection.
It is morning now. I am not continuing to write out from the
notebooks, but I am going to write out what I—not being asleep—have
just now been thinking; it is an old but easily forgotten thing,
and an important one which should be also told to N with whom they
talked last night. Namely:
1) Life for oneself is a torture, because you want to live for an
illusion, for that which does not exist, and it not only cannot be
happy, but it cannot be at all. It is the same as dressing
and[246]
feeding a shadow. Life exists only outside of oneself, in the service
of others, and not in the service of one’s near ones, beloved
ones—that is again for oneself—but in the service of those whom
we do not love, and better still, in the service of enemies. Help,
Father. The terrible error is that one confuses sex-love, love for
children, for friends, with love of people through God, of people
to whom you are indifferent, and still more of enemies, that is, of
erring people.
Aug.
3. Pirogovo.
Again everything is in the old way, again my life is horrid. I have
lived through very much; I haven’t passed the examination. But I do
not despair and I want a re-examination. I passed the examination
exceptionally badly, because I had the intention of going over to
another institution. It is just these thoughts one must throw away,
then one will learn better.
During this time Sonya returned and dear Tania Kuzminsky was here.
The work on Resurrection goes very badly, although it seems to me
I have thought it out much better. The 3rd day in Pirogovo. Uncle
Serezha[351]
is not as good as he was before: he is not in the mood.
Maria Nicholaievna.[352] For two days nothing has come into my head.
During this time there was alarming news about[247] the condition
of the Dukhobors[353] and that Mme. M. N.
Rostovtzev was put in
prison.[354] For a long time there has been no letter from Chertkov.
Perhaps they intercept them.[355]
Am going to continue to write out that which I had not written out:
1) ...
2) There are two methods of human activity—and according to which
one of these two kinds of activity people mainly follow, are there
two kinds of people: one use their reason to learn what is good and
what is bad and they act according to this knowledge; the other act
as they want to and then they use their reason to prove that that
which they did was good and that which they didn’t do was bad.
3) It is absolutely clear that it is much more profitable to do
everything in common, but the reasoning about this is insufficient.
If the reasoning were sufficient then it would have happened long
ago. The fact that it is seen among Capitalists is unable to
convince people to live in common. Besides the reasoning that this
is profitable, it is necessary that the heart be ready to live like
that (that the world point of view should be such that it would
harmonise with the indications of the reason), but this is not so
and will not be so until the desires of the heart are changed, i.e.,
the world point of view of people.
[248]
4) Even if that which Marx predicted should happen, then the only
thing that will happen, is that despotism will be passed on. Now
the capitalists rule, but then the directors of the working people
will rule.
5) The mistake of the Marxists (and not only they, but the whole
materialistic school) lies in the fact that they do not see that the
life of humanity is moved by the growth of consciousness, by the
movement of religion, by an understanding of life becoming more and
more clear, general, meeting all problems and not by an economic
cause.
6) The most unthought thing, the error, of the theory of Marx is in
the supposition that capital will pass from the hands of private
people into the hands of the government, and from the government,
representing the people, into the hands of the workers....
7) There is nothing that softens the heart so much as the
consciousness of one’s guilt, and nothing hardens it so much as the
consciousness of one’s right.
8) Working people are so ... that it seems to them they have no
outlet. Salvation lies in truth, in preaching and professing it.
9) They prove the law of the conservation of energy; but energy is
nothing else than an abstract notion, just the same as matter. But
an abstract notion is always equal to itself. In fact, this
is[249]
nothing else than as if we were to begin to prove that the law of
gravitation, notwithstanding seeming departures, exists unchangingly
in everything. (Unclear and perhaps untrue.)
10) The belief in miracles has for its basis the consciousness that
our world just as it is, is the product of our senses. But the error
lies only in supposing that the miraculous, that is, that something
which is against the laws of reason, when applied to our senses,
can happen for us with our tool of consciousness, i.e., with our
senses. That which is against our laws of reason, when applied to our
senses, can happen for other beings, for beings with other senses,
just as our tool of consciousness, our sense, is only one particular
instance from the innumerable quantity of other possibilities.
11) It is a great error to think that the reason of man is perfect
and can disclose everything to him. The limitation of reason is
best seen and most obvious from the fact that a man cannot solve
(he clearly sees that he cannot) the problems of infinity: for each
time there is still more time, for each space there is still more
space, for each number there is still a number, so that all time
and space is unknowable.
12) The reason of man is just as weak and insignificant in comparison
(and in an infinite number of times more so) with that which is, as
is the[250]
reason (the means of perception) of a beetle and an amæba in
comparison with the reason of man. The reason of man in comparison,
not only with the highest reason, but with the reason which is higher
than his—is just the same as the understanding of a complicated
problem of higher mathematics or even of algebra for a man not knowing
mathematics, to whom it seems insoluble, as are the problems of the
infinity of space and time to us. While the problem is simple and
clear for one knowing mathematics. The difference is only in this,
that one can learn mathematics, but no study will help to solve the
problem of space and time. This is the limit of the possibility of
our knowledge under our reason.
13) I pray God that He release me from my suffering which tortures
me. But this suffering is sent to me by God in order to release
me from evil. The master whips his cattle with the whip in order to
drive them from the burning yard and save them, and the cattle pray
that he do not whip them.
14) There are common, sometimes intentional, sometimes unintentional,
misunderstandings of my opinions which I confess irritate me:
a) I say that God ... is not God and that God is that which alone
is—the unattainable good, the beginning of everything: against me
they say, that I deny God;[251]
b) I say that one ought not to resist violence by violence: against
me they say, that I say it is not necessary to fight evil;
c) I say that one ought to strive towards chastity and that on this
road the highest grade will be virginity, and second a clean marriage,
the third not a clean, that is, not a monogamous marriage: against
me they say, that I deny marriage and I preach the destruction of
the human race.
d) I say that art is an infectious activity and that the more
infectious art is, the better it is. But that this activity be good
or bad, does not depend on how much it satisfies the demands of art,
i.e., its infectiousness, but on how much it satisfies the demands
of the religious consciousness, i.e., morality, conscience; against
me they say that I preach a tendence
art, etc.
15) Woman—and the legends say it also—is the tool of the devil.
She is generally stupid, but the devil lends her his brain when she
works for him. Here you see, she has done miracles of thinking,
far-sightedness, constancy, in order to do something nasty; but as
soon as something not nasty is needed, she cannot understand the
simplest thing; she cannot see farther than the present moment and
there is no self-control and no patience (except child-birth and
the care of children).
16)
All this concerns women, un-Christians, unchaste women, as are
all the women of our Christian[252]
world. Oh, how I would like to show
to women all the significance of a chaste woman. A chaste woman (not
in vain is the legend of Mary) will save the world.
17) People are occupied with three things: 1) to feed themselves,
i.e., to continue their existence, 2) to multiply—to continue the
existence of the specie, and 3) to fulfil that for which they had
been sent in the world: to establish the kingdom of God. For this
there is one means—to perfect oneself. Almost all people are occupied
with the first two matters, forgetting the last, which at bottom is
the only real work.
18) The decline of the moral consciousness of humanity lies in the
greatest part of the people being placed in such a situation that
all interest in life for them is only to feed and to multiply. It
is just the same as if the master kept his cattle, caring only that
they be fed, or better, that they do not die from hunger and that
they multiply, and never received any income from them: no wool, or
milk, or work from them—from these cattle. The Master who sent us in
this world requires from us, besides existence and its continuation,
also the labour He needs.
19) For Resurrection. It was impossible to think and remember
one’s sin and be self-satisfied. But he had to be self-satisfied in
order to live, and therefore he did not think and forgot.
[253]
20) It is impossible to demand from woman that she valuate the feeling
of her exclusive love, on the basis of moral feeling. She cannot
do it, because she hasn’t got a real moral feeling, i.e., one that
stands higher than everything.
To-day I plan to go home.
Aug. 4. Y. P. If I live.
Why does the 4th of August come to my mind as if it were important?
Nothing important has happened.
To-day, August 24. Y. P.
During this time I received no letters from Chertkov and am very
perplexed.[356] I think that during this time the Dukhobors were
here. Letters from Khilkov, from Ivan
Michailovich. I answered them
all. To-day Sullerzhitsky arrived.[357] I am working all the time
on Resurrection and am pleased, even very much so. I am afraid of
shocks.
... And I feel well. A full house of people: Mashenka,[358]
Stakhovich, Vera Kuzminsky,[359] Vera Tolstoi.[360]
I am copying:
1) People were sent into the world to do the work of God, but they
quarrelled, fought and established things in such a way that for
some, there is no time to do the work, because they have
to[254] feed
themselves, and for others there is no time, because they have to
guard that which they took away. What a waste of strength! It is
just as if workers had been sent to work and given food; some have
taken the food away and they have to guard it and the others have
to get food, and the work stands still.
2) People live in the world not fulfilling their mission—it is the
same way as if factory workers were only busied with how to lodge
themselves, feed themselves and amuse themselves.
3)
One of the most important tasks of humanity consists in the
bringing up of a chaste woman.
4) I often think that the world is such as it is, only because I
am so separated from all the rest. As soon as my separateness from
Everything will end, then the limits will be torn away and other
limits will be established—and then the world will become altogether
different for me.
5) You wish to serve humanity? Very well. That which you wish to
do, another will do. Are you satisfied? No, dissatisfied, because
the important thing for me is not what will be done, but what I
will do; that I do my work. This is the best proof that the matter
is not in the doing, but in the advancement towards the good.
Is it possible that I am advancing? Help, Lord.
[255]
6) How difficult it is to please people: some need one thing, others
another. They need both my past and my future. God is one, and His
Will in respect to me is one, and He wants only my present, what I
am doing this minute is what He wants. And what was, has been, and
what will be, isn’t my business.
7) Egoism, the whole egoistic life, is legitimate only as long as
reason has not awakened. As soon as it has awakened, then egoism is
lawful, only to that degree in which one has to sustain oneself as a
tool necessary for the service of people. The purpose of reason—is
the service to people. All the horror lies in its being used for
service to oneself.
8) Man gives himself to the illusion of egoism, lives for himself—and
he suffers. It suffices that he begin to live for others, and the
suffering becomes lighter and there is obtained the highest good in
the world: love of people.
9) As one disaccustoms oneself from smoking or other habits, so
one can and must disaccustom oneself from egoism. When you wish to
enlarge your pleasure, when you wish to exhibit yourself, when
you call forth love in others, stop. If you have nothing to do for
others, or you have no desire to do anything, then do nothing—only
don’t do anything for yourself.
10) The Bavarian told about their life. He[256] boasts about the high
degree of freedom, but at the same time they have compulsory religious
teaching, a crude Catholic one. That is the most horrible despotism.
Worse than ours.
Aug. 25. Y. P. If I live.
Nov. 2. Y. P.
It is horrible to see for what a long time I have made no entries:
more than two months. And not only has there been nothing bad, but
rather everything was good. The Jubilee was not as repulsive and
as depressing as I expected.[361] The sale of the novel and the
receipt of the 12,000 roubles which I gave to the Dukhobors was well
arranged.[362] I was displeased with Chertkov[363] and I saw that
I was at fault. A Dukhobor arrived from the province of
Yakutsk. I
liked him very much[364] ...
Masha is pitiable in her weakness, but she is just as near in
spirit....
But glory to God and thanks be to Him that he has awakened it in me
and has kept it burning so that it is natural for me either to love
and rejoice, or to love and to pity. And what happiness!
Archer was here yesterday, arriving from Chertkov—I liked him.[365]
There is much to do, but I am all absorbed in Resurrection, being
sparing with the water and using it only for Resurrection.[257] It
seems to me it won’t be bad. People praise it, but I don’t believe.
Everything that I noted—it was all very important—I will write
out later, but now I want to write that which I just now, walking
on the path, in the evening, not only thought but felt clearly:
1) Under my feet there is the frozen, hard earth; around, enormous
trees; overhead a cloudy sky; I fed my body, I feel pain in the
head; I am occupied with thoughts on Resurrection; and yet I
know, I feel in all my being, that both the firm and frozen earth
and the trees and the sky and my body and my thoughts—all this is
only a product of my five senses, my image, the world, made by me
because such is my partition from the world. And that it will be
sufficient for me to die—and all this will not disappear but will
become transformed, as they make transformations in the theatres:
from bushes and stones, they make castles, towers, etc. Death is
nothing else than such a transformation, dependent from another
partition from the world, another personality: Here I consider as
myself, my body with my senses, and then something else will detach
itself to be myself. And then the whole world will become something
else. But the world is such and not something else, only because I
consider myself as this and not as something else. But there can
be[258]
an innumerable quantity of divisions of the world. (This is not
entirely clear for others, but for me—very.)[366]
Nov. 3. If I live.
Nov. 14. Y. P.
Again I have not noticed how 11 days have passed. Have been very
intensely occupied with Resurrection and am making good progress.
Am absolutely near the end. Serezha
and Suller were here and both
went away to the Caucasus with my letter to Golitsin.[367] S. arrived
yesterday. Very well. It is a long time since I have felt so well
and keen, intellectually and physically.
I cannot make out what I have written out and what I haven’t.[368]
1) How difficult it is to please people! In order to please them it
is necessary that the past and the future meet their demands. But
in order to please God, one has only to satisfy His demands in the
present.
2) To live for others seems difficult—just as to work seems
difficult. But just as in work, in the care for others there may be
the best reward: love of others may and may not be; while in labour
there is an inner reward, you work to the end, get tired, and you
feel good.
3) The poetry of the past occupied itself only with the strong of
the world: with the Czars, etc.,[259] because the strong of the world
appeared as the highest and the most complete representatives of
the people. But if you take the plain people, then it is necessary
that they express general phenomena ... (Unclear.)
4) If you do not permit yourself to live for yourself, then
involuntarily, from boredom, you begin to live for others.
5) Woman, just like man, is endowed with feeling and brain, but
the difference is in this, that men mostly consider themselves and
their feelings bound by the commands of reason, while women consider
their feelings binding for themselves and for their reason. The same
thing, but only in different places.
6) You get angry at the philosopher who reasons, who considers that
the main basis of the life of man is his material nature; but this
man does not know the spiritual, but knows only material effect and
therefore he cannot think otherwise.
7) You think that you are alone and you suffer from loneliness; yet
you are not only in harmony, but you are one with every one; only
artificial and removable barriers separate you. Remove them—and you
are one with every one. The removing of these barriers according to
your strength is the business of life.
8) If a man considers his animal being as himself,[260] then he will
represent God also as a material being, a ruler who rules materially
over material things. But God is not such, God is spirit and does
not rule over anything, but lives in everything.
9) ... If people could have been so deceived, then there is no
deception into which they would not fall.
10) I have noted down that it is depressing because there is no
life, but only an egoistic existence. I cannot remember what else
I could have meant by this.
11) God manifests himself
in our consciousness. When there is
no consciousness—there is no God. Only consciousness gives the
possibility for the good, for continence, service, self-sacrifice.
Everything depends to what consciousness is directed. Consciousness
directed to the animal “self” kills, paralyzes life. Consciousness
directed to the spiritual “self” rouses, lifts, frees life.
Consciousness directed to the animal “self” strengthens, ignites
passion, creates fear, struggle, the horror of death. Consciousness
directed towards the spiritual “self” frees love. This is very
important and if I live, I will write it out.
12) Death is a change of consciousness, a change of that which I
can recognise as myself. And therefore fear of death is a horrible
superstition. Death is a joyous event standing at the[261] end of each
life. Suffering is sent to people to hold them back from death.
Otherwise every one understanding life and death, would struggle
towards death. But now it is impossible to go towards death unless
through suffering.
13) The greatest act in life is the consciousness of one’s self,
and its consequences are benevolent or most terrible, according to
whether you direct your consciousness towards the spirit or towards
the body.
14) In order to get rid of moral suffering (and even physical) there
are two means: to destroy the cause of suffering or the feeling in
one’s self which produces suffering. The first is not in man’s power,
the second is. (I am repeating Epictetus).
15) The moral progress of humanity advances only because there are
old people. The old people become kinder, wiser, and give over that
which they have lived through to the following generations. If this
were not so, humanity had not advanced; and what a simple method!
16) If man looks on life materially, then old people do not become
better, but worse, and there is no progress.
17) Technical progress is greeted by every one, is pushed on by
every one; the moral, the religious progress, is held back by the
priests. From this come the main calamities in life.
[262]
November 15. Y. P. If I live.
It seemed to me that I made no entries for about three days and now
it is ten days. To-day, Nov. 25.
Y. P.
... I promised to arrive December 6th.[369]... I feel also like
going to Pirogovo. We are alone: Tania, Masha, Kolia. Only Liza
Obolensky.[370] I am still diligently occupying myself with
Resurrection.
Last night I thought out an article on why the people are corrupted.
They have no faith of any kind. They christen naïve infants and then
they consider every reasoning about faith (perversion) and every
lapse, as a capital crime. Only the sectarians have faith. Perhaps
I am going to bring that into the Appeal. What a pity. I thought
it out well at night.
Resurrection is growing. It can hardly be compressed into 100
chapters.[371]
I have noted down the following and I think it is very important
(which might be good for the Declaration of Faith):
1) We are very much accustomed
to the reasoning as to how the life
of other people, people in general, should be arranged. And such
kind of reasoning does not seem strange to us. And yet such kind
of reasoning could in no ways exist among religious and therefore
free people; such reasoning is the consequence of despotism,
...[263]
In this way reason ... They say: “If I had the power I would do so
and so with the others.” That is a dangerous error, not only because
it tortures, deforms people who have to undergo violence ... but it
weakens in all people the consciousness of the necessity of improving
themselves, which is the only effective means of influencing other
people.
2) To-day I thought about this from another angle. I recalled
the words of the Gospel: “And the pupil is not higher than the
teacher; if he learns then he will be like the pupil.” We, the rich
master-classes, teach the people. What would happen if we succeeded
in teaching them so that they become as we are?
3) They talk, they write, they preach about the knowing of God. What
a horrible blasphemy, and horrible admission of the non-understanding
of what God is and what we are. We, a particle of the infinite whole,
wish to understand not only this whole, but its causes, the origin
of the whole. What absurdity and what a recognition of godlessness,
or a recognition of God of that which is not God. We can only know
that He is, Τὸ ὄν,
He exists, and we can only conclude by ourselves,
what He is not.
4) Love is God. Love is only the recognition that God is not flesh,
not passion, not egoism, not malice. (Doubtful.)
[264]
5) Violence rules our world, i.e., malice, and therefore there is
always found in society a majority of dependent, unstable members:
women, children, stupid ones—brought up on malice, and who side
with malice. But the world ought to be ruled by reason, by goodness;
then all this majority would be brought up on goodness and would
side with it. In order that this should take place it is necessary
that reason and goodness manifest themselves, and undismayed, assert
their existence; that is very important.
6) The complexity of knowledge is a sign of its falseness. That
which is true is simple.
7) How bad it is that people seeking perfection are pained at
calumny, at a deserved bad name (or better still, at an undeserved).
Calumny, a bad name, gives an opportunity, drives toward an activity,
the value of which is only in our conscience. This is so rare, so
difficult, and so useful. Involuntary simpleness is the best school
for goodness.[372]
8) I have noted down: “Justice is insufficient. It is ...[373]
necessary to oppose.” I cannot remember what this means.
9) Physical labour is important, because it prevents the mind from
working idly and aimlessly.
10) Perhaps it is more important to know what one ought not to think
about, than to know what one ought to think about.
[265]
11) Women are weak and they not only do not want to know their own
weakness, but want to boast of their strength. What can be more
disgusting?
12) A good man if he does not acknowledge his mistakes and tries to
justify himself can become a monster.
13) ...
Now Nov. 26.
Morning. Y. P.
Did not sleep and thought:
1) Evil is the material for love. Without evil there is none and
can be no manifestation of love. God is love, i.e., God manifests
Himself to us in victory over evil, i.e., in love. The question of
the origin of evil is just as absurd as the question of the origin
of the world. It is not “whence comes evil?” that one must know,
but “how to conquer it? How to apply love?”
[267]
1899
[269]
Jan. 2.
Yasnaya Polyana.
The last time I wrote it was November 25, which means a month and
a week. I made entries in Yasnaya Polyana, then I was in Moscow,
where I did not make one entry. At the end of November I went to
Pirogovo. I returned on the first and since that time have not been
quite well—the small of my back ached and still aches, and lately
I have had something like bilious fever. It is the second day that
I am better.
All this time I have been occupied exclusively with
Resurrection.[374] I have had some communications about the
Dukhobors,[375] an innumerable pile of letters. Kolechka Gay is with
me, with whom it is a rest to be.... I am calm in the fashion of an
old man. And that is all.
There is quite a lot to write out. I am going to write it out on the
pages I skipped. Lately I feel as if my interest in Resurrection
has weakened, and I joyously feel other, more important, interests,
in the understanding of life and death. Much seems clear.
Made an entry,
the 2nd of January. To-day, Feb. 21.
Moscow.
More than six weeks that I have made no entries.[270] Am all the time
in Moscow. At first Resurrection went well, then I cooled off
entirely.[376] I wrote a letter to the non-commissioned officer[377]
and to the Swedish papers.[378] For about three days I have again
taken up Resurrection. Am advancing.
Students’ strike. They are trying to drag me in all the time.[379]
I am counselling them to hold themselves passively, but I do not
feel like writing letters to them.
... As to me—my back is better. There is living with us, an
interesting and live Frenchman, Sinet,—the
first religious
Frenchman.[380] There is very much that I ought to write out. Have
been in a very bad mood; now all right.
Feb. 22. Moscow.
June 26.
Yasnaya Polyana.
Four months that I have made no entries. I will not say I have lived
badly all this time. I have worked and am working diligently on
Resurrection. There is much that is good, there is that, in the
name of which I write. During these days I have been gravely ill;
now well....
Difficult relations because of the printing and translating of
Resurrection,[381] but most of the time am calm.
Neglected correspondence. They continue sending money for the
famine-stricken, but I can[271]
do nothing else but send it to them
through the post.[382] Kolichka is with me helping me in the work.
...
I continue to write out from my note-book:
14) Nearing the place of destination, one thinks more and more often
of that place to which one is nearing. Thus also while nearing death,
the change of destination.
15) Only always to remember that there is no other meaning in life,
no other way of finding the joy of life, but through fulfilling His
will. And how peacefully and joyously one could live!
16) In time of illness, to fulfil His will by preparing oneself for
the going over into another form.
17) It seems to us that the real labour is the labour on something
external: to make, to collect something; property, houses, cattle,
fruit; but to labour on one’s own soul—that is just phantasy. And
yet every other labour except on one’s own soul, the enlarging of
the habits of good, every other labour is a bagatelle.
18) They do not obey God, but adore Him. It is better not to adore,
but to obey.
19) No matter what the work you are doing, be always ready to drop
it. And plan it, so as to be able to leave it.
20) The machine ... is a terrible machine.[272] If we would have clearly
understood its danger, we would never have permitted it to be formed.
21) It seems strange and immoral that a writer, an artist, seeing
the suffering of people, sympathises less than he observes, in order
to reproduce this suffering. But that is not immoral. The suffering
of one personality is an insignificant thing in comparison with that
spiritual effect, if it is a good one, which a work of art will
produce.
22) Humanity, it is an enormous animal who seeks and cannot find what
it needs. Very slowly, sensations call forth emotions, and emotions
are transmitted to the brain and the brain calls forth acts. The
activity of the liberals, Socialists, revolutionaries, are attempts
to galvanise, to compel the animal to act by arousing its motor
nerves and muscles. But there is one organ which does everything when
it is not impaired; in the animal it is the brain, in the people,
religion.
23) I am depressed and I ask God to help me. But my work is to serve
God and not that He should serve me.
24) An individual, personal life is an illusion. There is no such
life; there is only function, a tool, for something.
25) ... is vestigial, having no application, like the appendix.
26) We complain at our depressed spirits, but[273] they are necessary.
Man cannot stay on that height to which he sometimes rises; but man
rises and then hypnotises himself for the time of his depression and
in the time of his depression he already acts from the view-point that
was disclosed to him in the moment of rising. If only to know how
to make use of those moments of rising and to know how to hypnotise
oneself!
27) The evil of the world, its cause is very simple. Every one seeks
midi à quatorze heures—now
in the economic system, now in the
political. I just now read the discussions in the German parliament,
on how to keep the peasants from running to the cities. But the
solution of all problems is one and no one recognises it and it does
not even seem to be of interest to them. But the solution is one,
clear and undoubted: ... The salvation is one: the destruction of
false teaching.
28) The difference between people: N thinks about death, and that
does not lead him farther than the question of how and to whom he
should leave his money, where and how be buried. And Pascal also
thinks about death.
29) ...
30) There is no future. It is made by us.
31) The infinity of time and space is not a sign of the greatness
of the human mind, but on the contrary, it is a sign of its
incompleteness, of its inevitable falsity.
[274]
32) We think of the future, we build it; but nothing future is
important, because the important thing is to do the creative work of
love, which can be done under every possible condition; and therefore
it is altogether indifferent, what the future will be.
33) We get angry at circumstances, are pained, wish to change them,
but all possible circumstances are nothing else than indications as
to how to act in different spheres. If you are in need, you must
work, if in prison—think, and if in wealth, free yourself ... etc.
It is just like a horse getting angry with the road on which he is
being led.
34) The press—that is a lie: with a vengeance.[383]
35) Everything is divided. Only God unites us, living in everything.
That is why He is love.
36) The conception of God to a religious man, is continuously
destroyed and being replaced by a new, higher conception.
37) ...—is not only the loss of labour, of lives, but the loss of
the good.
38) With many people it is possible to live only when you treat
them as you would a horse: not to take them into consideration, not
reproaching them, not suggesting, but only finding a
modus vivendi.
It is about them: “Not to cast pearls”[275] ... It is terrible, but
without this rule, it would be worse.
39) Is it possible to imagine to oneself a Socialist working-man
with faith in the Iversk Ikon? Then, first of all, there must be a
religious emancipation.
40) We are all agreed that only he is free who has overcome passion,
and yet knowing this, we seriously trouble ourselves with the freeing
of people who are full of passions.
41) A rational conviction can never be complete. A full conviction
can only be irrational, especially with women.
42) Answer good for evil and you destroy in an evil man all pleasure
which he receives from evil.
43) God is love. We know God only in love, which unites everything.
You know God in yourself through the striving towards this union.
44) One continually thinks that the good will be good for him. But
the good is, or it is not—it is not something that
will be.
45) The important thing lies in thoughts. Thoughts are the beginning
of everything. And thoughts can be directed. And therefore the
principal task of perfection is—to work on thoughts.
June 27. If I live. Y. P.
[276]
To-day July 4th.
Y. P.
All this time I have been ill with my usual stomach sickness. The
work which absorbed me very much, has stopped.
Christ as a myth;[384] and Kenworthy’s book, a rational exposition
of the life of Christ. The first is better. There is need of a
philosophy of moral economy, i.e., of religious truth. There is such
a thing.
I have had many good thoughts, being ill and nearing death. I think
often with pain of brother S.
I have noted down the 4th:
1) The government destroys faith, but faith is necessary. Some
violating themselves believe in the miraculous, in the absurd;
others in science. But in which? In the contemporary. But in the
contemporary, there is 99/100 of lie and error. In every contemporary
science there are lies. Truth revealed by God is of course the right,
it is religion; and truth obtained by the reason of man, by science,
is also of course, the right. But the matter lies in recognising
what is discovered by God and what has been gained by human reason.
2) Death is the destruction of those organs by means of which I
perceive the world as it appears in this life; it is the destruction
of that glass through which I looked and a change to another.
3) Educated people using their education not[277] for the enlightenment
and freeing of the working-classes, but for befogging them, are
like workers using their strength not for sustaining life but for
destroying it. These are the intellectual Pugachevs, Stenka Razins,
only a thousand times more dangerous.
July 5. Y. P. If I live.
To-day September 28. Y. P.
Have worked all the time on Resurrection; now I have stumbled on
the third part. It is long since I have made no progress.
... I have wrought for myself
a calm which is not to be disturbed:
not to speak and to know that this is necessary; that it is under
these conditions one ought to live.
There are here Ilya, Sonya[385] with the children, Andrusha with
his wife, Masha with her husband.
I am thinking more and more often about the philosophic definition of
space and time. To-day, if I have time, I am going to write it out.
I read an interesting book about Christ never having been, that it
was a myth.[386] The probabilities that it is right—there are as
many for it, as there are against.
Yesterday with the help of Masha I answered all the letters; many
remained unanswered. I am still ill; rarely a day without pain. I am
dissatisfied[278]
with myself, also morally. I have let myself go very
much—I do not work physically and I am occupied with myself, with
my health. How difficult it is to bear sickness resignedly, to go
unto death without resistance—and one must.
I have been thinking during this time:
1) Women demanding for themselves the work of man and the same
freedom, mostly demand for themselves unconsciously the freedom for
licence, and as a result go down much lower than the family, though
aiming to stand higher than it.
2) What is this memory which makes from me one being, from childhood
unto death? What is this faculty connecting separate beings in time,
into one? One ought to ask not what is it that unites, but what
divides, these beings. The faculty of time divides, beyond which
I cannot see myself. I am one indivisible being from birth until
death; but to manifest and to know myself, I must do so in time. I
am now such as I was and will be; but one who had to and even will
manifest myself and know myself in time. I have to manifest myself
and know myself in time—for communion with other beings and for
influencing them.
3) I plucked a flower and threw it away. There were so many of
them, it was no pity. We do not value these inimitable beauties of
living beings and destroy them, having no pity not only for[279] plants,
but for animals, human people. There are so many of them. Culture,
civilisation, is nothing else than the ruin of these beauties and
the replacing them ... with what? The saloon, the theatre ...
4) They reproach you with malice, debauchery, lies, thefts, bring
proof, etc. What is to be done? Answer the question with What time
is it? Are you going to take a swim? Have you seen N N, etc. That
is the best and only means of bearing these accusations and even
clearing them up.
5) The dearest thing on earth is the good relation between people;
but the establishment of these relations is not the result of
conversation—on the contrary, they become spoiled by conversation.
Speak as little as possible, and especially with those people with
whom you want to be in good relation.
6) In eating, I destroy the limits between myself and other beings;
creating children, I do almost the same thing. The results of the
destruction of material limits are visible; the results of the
destruction of the spiritual limits and the union resulting from
this are invisible, only because they are broader.
7) “People are divided (divided from other beings), and this appears
to them as space. The fact that they are inseparable in essence
appears to them as time.” That is the way I have noted[280] it. Space
divides, time unites. But this is untrue. Both time and space are
dividers and they form the impossibility of realising unity. (Unclear,
but I understand. I will make it clear later.)
8) Brotherhood is natural, proper to people. Non-brotherhood,
divisions, are carefully nurtured.
9) Sometimes one feels like complaining childishly to some one (to
God), to beg for help. Is this feeling good? It is not good: it is a
weakness, a lack of faith. That which more than anything resembles
faith—the beseeching prayer, is in truth a lack of faith—a lack
of faith that there is no evil, that there is nothing to ask for,
that if things are going badly with you, then it only demonstrates
that you ought to improve yourself, and that there is going on, that
very thing which ought to be, and under which you ought to do that
which has to be done.
10) Just now I wrote this coldly, understanding with difficulty that
state in which you wish to live for God alone, and I see through
this how there are people who absolutely never understand this, not
knowing any other kind of life besides the worldly, for people. I
know this state, but cannot just now call it up in myself, but only
remember it.
11) Everything which lives without consciousness,[281] as I live when I
sleep, as I lived in the womb of my mother, lives not materially,
i.e., not knowing matter, but lives. But life is something spiritual.
Endeavouring to remember my state before consciousness, on the
threshold of consciousness, I know only the feeling of depression,
satisfaction, pleasure, suffering, but there is no conception of
my body or of another’s. The conception of body (matter) manifests
itself only when consciousness is manifested. The conception of body
manifests itself only, because consciousness gives understanding of
the presence in one’s self of the basis of everything (spiritual).
And at the same time, as I know that I am the basis of everything,
I know also that I am not the whole basis, but a part of it. And it
is this being a part of a whole, these limits separating me from the
whole, I know through my body: through my own body and the bodies
surrounding me.
12) If you desire something, if you are afraid of something, that
means that you do not believe in that God of love which is in you.
If you had believed in Him, then you could not have wanted anything
or have been afraid, because all desires of that God which lives in
you are being always fulfilled, because God is all-powerful; and
you would never have been afraid, because for God there is nothing
terrible.
13) Not to think that you know in what the[282] will of God really lies,
but to be humble; and then you will be loving. And the will of God
in relation to you, lies only in this.
14) People convincing others that reason cannot be the guide of life
are those in whom reason is so perverted, that they clearly see that
they have been led into a swamp.
15) The only instance where a man can and ought to occupy himself
with himself, is when he feels unhappy. Unhappiness is the best
condition for perfection, the ascent to the higher steps. Unhappiness
is a sign of one’s own imperfection. One ought to rejoice at these
instances: it is the preparation of one’s self for work, a spiritual
food.
16) Now I am an ordinary man, L. N. (Tolstoi), and animal, and now
I am the messenger of God. I am all the time the same man, but now
I am the public and now I am the judge himself with the chain,
fulfilling the highest responsibilities. One must put on the chain
more often.
Latterly I have got out of the habit, have weakened. I have only
just now remembered.
17) Man is a being beyond time and beyond space who is conscious of
himself in the conditions of space and time.
18) Games, cards, women, races, are alluring because they have been
thought out for the blasés. It is not for nothing that the wise
teachers have[283]
forbidden them. Artificial play is corrupting. They
are needed for the blasé,
but the simple working people need the
very simplest plays without preparation.
19) Only then will you produce true love, when you will resist
offence, overcome offence with love, will love your enemy.
20) They desire, they are excited, they suffer only for trifles or for
bad things. The good things are accomplished without excitement. It is
from this that the word heart means malice. (Serdit, to get angry,
to put into a passion, comes from sertse,
the heart.—Translator’s
note.)
To-day
Oct. 2. Y. P.
I am still ill,—I am not suffering, but I feel threatened constantly.
Morally I am better—I remember God in myself more often, and
death. It seems to me I have come out of the difficult place in
Resurrection.... Kolichka went away. Sonya arrived—she is ill.
I am continuing to write out from the notebooks:
1) I have made this note: Space comes from the consciousness of
limits, from the consciousness of one’s own separateness; I am one,
and the world is another. And in the world are similar beings with
limits: 2, 3, 4, ... to infinity.
These beings can find place only in space.[284] From the consciousness
of limits comes also time. I have thought this out again and can
express it in this way: Separateness, the non-all-comprehensiveness
of our selves, is expressed in recognising a part of moving matter
as ourselves. The part of matter which we recognise as ourselves
gives us an understanding of space; that part of motion which we
recognise as ourselves gives us a conception of time.
Or, in other words: We cannot imagine a part of matter in any other
way than in space. To imagine a part of motion, we cannot in any other
way than in time. Space comes from the impossibility of imagining two
or many objects beyond time. Time comes from the impossibility of
imagining two, many objects beyond space. Space is the possibility
of representing to one’s self two, many objects at one and the same
time. Time is the possibility of representing to one’s self two,
many objects, in one and the same space (one goes out, the other
enters).
Divisions cannot be in one space, without time. If there were no time
(motion) all objects in space would be unmoving and they would form
not many objects, but one space, undivided and filled with matter. If
there were no space, there could be no motion and our “self” would
not be separated by anything from all the rest. My body understood
by me as my “self,” and[285]
understanding all the rest, is that part
of matter which moves for a definite time and occupies a definite
space.
(Not good, unclear, perhaps even untrue.)
2) Anarchy does not mean the absence of institutions, but only the
absence of those institutions to which people are compelled to submit
by force, but those institutions to which people submit themselves
voluntarily, rationally. It seems to me that otherwise there cannot
be established and ought not to be, a society of beings endowed with
reason.
3) “Why is it that after sin, suffering does not follow that person
who committed the sin? Then he would see what ought not to be
done”—because people live not separately but in society and if
every one suffered from the sin of each one, then every one would
have to resist it.
4) Conscience is the memory of society assimilated by separate
individuals.
5) In old age you experience the same thing as on a journey. At first
your thoughts are on that place from which you are going, then on
the journey itself, and then on the place to which you are going.
I experience this more and more often, thinking of death.
6) It is true that a great sin might be beneficial, by calling forth
repentance before God, independently[286] from human judgment. Such a
sin leads one away from the realm of human judgment, from vanity,
which masters man and hides from him his relation to God.[387]
7) The physical growth is only a preparation of material for spiritual
work, the service to God and man which begins with the withering of
the body.
To-day Oct. 13. Y. P.
I am still not fully well. It is as it ought to be. But that does
not hinder from living, thinking and moving towards a fixed goal.
Resurrection advances poorly. Have sent away four chapters, I think
not passable by the censor, but at least I think I have settled on one
point, and that I won’t make any more great important changes. I do
not cease thinking of brother Sergei, but because of the weather and
ill health I cannot make up my mind to go.... Sonya was in Moscow and
is going again to-day. To-day I had a kind of intellectual idleness,
not only to-day, but all these latter days. For Resurrection I
have thought out good scenes. Concerning separateness which appears
to us as matter in space and movement in time, I am thinking more
and more often and more and more clearly.
I have also received Westrup’s pamphlets from America about the
money,[388] which struck me by[287] explaining everything that was unclear
in financial questions and reducing everything as it ought to be,
to violence.... If I get time I will write it out. I have another
important, joyous thought, although an old one, but which came to
me as a new one and which makes me very happy, namely:
1) The principal cause of family unhappiness—is because people are
brought up to think that marriage gives happiness. Sex attraction
induces to marriage and it takes the form of a promise, a hope, for
happiness, which is supported by public opinion and literature; but
marriage is not happiness, but always suffering, which man pays for
the satisfaction of his sex desire. Suffering in the form of lack of
freedom, slavery, over-satiety, disgust of all kinds of spiritual and
physical defects of the mate which one has to bear; maliciousness,
stupidity, falsity, vanity, drunkenness, laziness, miserliness,
greed and corruption—all defects which are especially difficult
to bear when not in oneself but in another person, and from which
one suffers as if they were one’s own; and the same with physical
defects: ugliness, uncleanliness, stench, sores, insanity, etc.,
which are even more difficult to bear when not in oneself. All this,
or at least something of this, will always be and to bear them will
be difficult for every one. But that which ought to compensate: the
care, satisfaction,[288]
aid, all these things are taken as a matter of
course; while all defects as if they were not a matter of course, and
the more one expected happiness from marriage the more one suffers.
The principal cause of this suffering, is that one expects that which
does not happen, and does not expect that which always happens.
And therefore escape from this suffering is only by not expecting
joys, but by expecting the bad, being prepared to bear them. If you
expect all that which is described in the beginning of “The Thousand
and One Nights,” if you expect drunkenness, stench, disgusting
diseases—then obstinacy, untruthfulness, even drunkenness, can, if
not exactly be forgiven, at least be a matter of no suffering and
one can rejoice that there is absent that which might have been,
that which is described in “The Thousand and One Nights”: that there
is no insanity, cancer, etc. And then everything that is good will
be appreciated.
But is it not in this, that the principal means of happiness in
general lie? And is it not therefore that people are so often unhappy,
especially the rich ones? Instead of recognising oneself in the
condition of a slave who has to labour for himself and for others,
and to labour in the way that the master wishes, people imagine
that every kind of pleasure awaits them, that their whole work lies
in enjoying them. How not be unhappy under[289] this circumstance?
Then everything: work and obstacles and illnesses—the necessary
conditions of life—appear as unexpected, terrible calamities. The
poor, therefore, are less often unhappy: they know beforehand that
before them lie labour, struggle, obstacles, and therefore they
appreciate everything which gives them joy. But the rich, expecting
only joys, see a calamity in every obstacle, and do not notice and
do not appreciate those goods which they are enjoying. “Blessed be
the poor, for they shall be comforted; the hungry, for they shall
be fed; and woe unto ye, the rich.”
Oct. 14. Y. P. If I live.
Oct. 27. Y. P.
We are living alone: ... Olga,[389] Andrusha, Julie[390] and Andrei
Dmitrievich.[391] Everything is all right, but I am often indisposed:
there are more ill days than healthy ones and therefore I write
little. Sent off 19 chapters,[392] very much unfinished. I am working
on the end.
I have thought much, and perhaps well:
1) About the freedom of the will, simply: Man is free in everything
spiritual, in love: he can love or not love, more and less. In
everything remaining he is not free, consequently in everything
material. Man can direct and not direct his strength towards the
service of God. In[290]
this one thing (but it is an enormous thing),
he is free: he can pull or be driven.
2) ... of the workers, prostitution and many other things, all this
is a necessary, inevitable consequence and condition of the pagan
order of life in which we live, and to change either one or many
of these, is impossible. What is to be done? Change the very order
of this life, that on which it stands. How? By this, in the first
place, by not taking part in this order, in that which supports it
... etc. And, second, to do that in which man alone is absolutely
free: to change selfishness in his soul and everything which flows
from it: malice, greed, violence, and everything else by love and by
all that which flows from it: reasonableness, humility, kindness and
the rest. It is impossible to turn back the wheel of a machine by
force,—they are all bound together with cogs and other wheels—but
to let the steam go which will move them or not let it go is easy;
thus it is terribly difficult to change the very outer conditions
of life, but to be good or bad is easy. But this being good or evil
changes all the outer conditions of life.
3) Our life is the freeing of the enclosed—the expansion of the
limits in which the illimitable principle acts. This expansion of
the limits appears to us as matter in motion. The limit of expansion
in space appears to us as matter. That[291] part of matter which we
recognise as ourselves we call our body; the other part we call the
world. The limit of expansion in time we call motion. That part of
motion which we recognise as ourselves we call our life; the other
part we call the life of the world. All of life is the expansion of
these limits, the being freed from them.
(All unclear, inexact.)
Nov. 20. Moscow.
Much I have not written out. I am in Moscow.... For 70 years I have
been lowering and lowering my opinion of women and still it has to
be lowered more and more. The woman question! How can there not be a
woman question? Only not in this, how women should begin to direct
life, but in this, how they should stop ruining it.
All morning I have not been writing and have been thinking two things:
1) We speak of the end of life—although it is true, not the one which
we understand, but the one which would be understood by the highest
reason. The purpose is just the same as the cause. The cause is
looking backward, the purpose is looking forward, but the cause, the
conception of the cause (and therefore of an end) appears only then
when there is time, i.e., a being is limited in his conceptions by
time. And therefore for God,[292]
and for man living a Godly life, there
is no purpose. There is life in which consciousness grows (?[393])
and that is all.
2) A drop fusing with a great drop, a pool, ceases to be and begins
to be.
To-day December 18. Moscow.
Almost a month I have not written. Have been severely ill.[394] Had
acute pain for one day, then a respite, and weakness. And death
became more than natural, almost desirable. And so it has remained
now, when I am getting well—that is a new, joyous step.
Finished Resurrection. Not good, uncorrected, hurried; but it has
fallen from me and I am no longer interested. Serezha
is here, Masha
and her husband, Maria Alexandrovna.
I am all right. Have not yet begun to write anything. More than
anything I am occupied with ,[395] but I have no desire for
anything very much, am resting. Wrote letters.
I am attempting to write out my notes:
1) (Trifles) about many-voiced music. It is necessary that the voice
say something, but here there are many voices and each one says
nothing.
2) One of the principal causes of evil in our life is the faith
cultivated in our Christian world, the faith in the crude Hebrew
personal God, when the principal sign (if one can express it so)
of[293]
God is that he is not limited, by anything, consequently not
personal.
3) One should conquer death—not death, but the fear of death coming
from a lack of understanding of life. If only you understand life
and its necessarily good purpose—death—then you cease to fear it,
to resist it. And when you cease to fear it, you cease to serve
yourself, a mortal, and you will serve an immortal: God, from whom
you came and to whom you are going.
4) Matter is everything which is accessible to our senses. Science
forces us to suppose matter inaccessible to our senses. In this
realm, there can be beings composed of that matter and perceiving
it, matter inaccessible to our senses. I do not think that there are
such beings; I only think that our matter and our senses perceiving
it, are only one of innumerable[396] possibilities of life.
5) “I am a slave, I am a worm, I am a Czar, I am a God.”[397] Slave
and worm true, but Czar and God untrue. It is in vain that people
attribute a special significance and greatness to his reason. The
limits of human reason are very narrow and are seen at once. These
limits are the infinity of space and time. Man sees the final answers
to the questions he asks himself, recede and recede in time and also
in space, and in both these realms.
6) I read about Englehardt’s book: Evolution, the Progress of
Cruelty.[398] I think that here[294] there is a great deal of truth.
Cruelty has increased mainly because division of labour has been
brought to pass, which assists the increase of the material wealth
of man. Every one speaks of the benefits of the division of
labour, not seeing that the inevitable condition of the division
of labour, besides the mechanising of man, is also the removing
of those conditions which call forth a human, moral communion
between people. If we are doing the same work, as agricultural
labourers, then naturally there would be established between us an
exchange of service, a mutual aid, but between the shepherd and the
factory-weaver, there can be no communion.
(This seems untrue; I shall think it over.)
7) What would God’s attitude be towards prayer, if there were such a
God to whom one could pray? Just the same as would be the attitude
of the owner of a house where water had been introduced and to whom
the inhabitants would come to ask for water. The water has been
introduced. You have only to turn the tap. In the same way everything
has been prepared for men which is necessary to them, and God is
not at fault that instead of making use of the clean water which
was there, some of the tenants carry water from a stagnant pond,
others fall into despair from lack of water and beg for that which
had been given them in such abundance.
[295]
8) ...
9) One can by personal experience verify the truth, that God, a
part of Whom is my own self, is love, and by the experimental way
convince one’s self of this truth. As soon as love is violated, life
ends. There is no desire to do anything, everything is depressing,
and on the contrary, as soon as love is restored, as soon as you
have made peace with those whom you quarrelled, forgiven, received
forgiveness—then you wish to live, to act, everything seems easy
and possible.
10) It would be good to express even in approximate numbers and then
graphically, that quantity of labour, of working days, which rich
people use up in their lives. Approximately more or less, this could
be expressed by money. If I spend 10 roubles a day, that means that
20 men are working constantly for me. (Unclear, not what I want to say.)
11) They generally say: “That is very deep, and therefore not to be
fully understood.” This is untrue. On the contrary. Everything that
is deep is clear to transparency. Just as water is murky on top,
but the deeper it is, the more transparent.
12) One small part of people, about 20 per cent., is insane by
itself, possessed by a mania of egoism, which reaches to the point of
concentration of all spiritual strengths on oneself;
another,[296] the
greater part, almost 80 per cent., is hypnotised by the scientific,
by the artistic ... and principally ... hypnotism, and also does not
make use of its reason. Therefore progress in the world is always
attained by the insane possessed by the same kind of insanity by
which the majority is possessed.
13) I experience the feeling of peace, of satisfaction, when I am
ill, when there takes place in me the destruction of the limits of
my personality. As soon as I get well I experience the opposite:
restlessness, dissatisfaction. Are these not obvious signs that
the destruction of the limits of personality in this world, is the
entrance of life into new limits?
I have finished.
December 19. Moscow. If I live.
To-day December 20. Moscow.
My health is not good. My spiritual condition is good, ready
for death. In the evenings there are many people. I tire. In
number 51,[399] Resurrection did not appear and I was sorry. This
is bad.
I thought out a philosophic definition of life. To-day I thought
well about The Coupon.[400] Perhaps I shall write
it out.
[297]
Notes
[299]
1.
With the words, “I continue,” Tolstoi begins a new
note-book of the Journal; this note-book presupposes another which
the editors have only in separate fragments. The previous note-book
ended with the following note:
“October 8, 1895, Y. P.
“(I am beginning an entry to-day with just what I finished two
days ago.)
“I have only a short time left to live and I feel terribly like
saying so much: I feel like saying what we can and must and cannot
help believing—about the cruelty of deception which people impose
upon themselves; the economic, political and religious deception,
and about the seduction of stupefying oneself—wine, and tobacco
considered so innocent; and about marriage and about education and
about the horrors.... Everything has ripened and I want to speak
about it. So that there is no time for performing those artistic
stupidities which I was prepared to do in Resurrection.
“But just now I asked myself: but can I write, knowing that no one
will read? And I experienced something of disappointment; but only
for a time; that means that there was some love of fame in it. But
there was also the principal thing in it—the need before God.
[300]
“Father, help me to follow the same path of love. And I thank Thee.
From Thee flows everything.”
2.
In the original, merely the initials of the phrase are
used. Thus Tolstoi would often finish what he had written during
the day with I. I L. (If I live), marking ahead in this fashion the
date of the following day.
3.
Countess Sophia Andreevna Tolstoi, born Behrs, 1844,
wife of Tolstoi. In the Journal, Tolstoi calls her S., S. A., or
Sonya.
4.
“Catechism” Tolstoi called that systematic exposition of
his philosophy in the form of questions and answers which he had begun
about this time. In the text, he calls this work, The Declaration of
Faith, or simply, The Declaration. (See entries
December 23, ’95,
and further.) In the following year, 1896, Tolstoi abandoning the
catechism form, continued and finished the work, which, in 1898, was
published under the title Christian Doctrine by The Free Press
(Swobodnoe Slovo) issued by A. and V. Chertkov,
England, and later
in 1905, it appeared also in Russia.
5.
Tolstoi never returned to the continuation and revision
of the plot of the story Who is Right? which had been begun by him
about this time, and so it has remained unfinished. The beginning of
the story as it was written by Tolstoi, is printed in his collected
works (see the full collection of works by Tolstoi, edited by P.
Biriukov, published by Sytin, 1913).
6.
I.e., with Katiusha Maslov and not with Nekhliudov, as
the first form of the novel was begun.
7.
John C. Kenworthy, an English Methodist minister, a
writer and lecturer, who shared at that time the
opinions[301] of Tolstoi
and who founded in England an agricultural colony composed of his
co-thinkers. The author of the work, Tolstoi, His Life and Works,
London, 1902. There was printed abroad in the Russian Language in
the journal of The Free Press (1899, No. 2,
England) his The
Anatomy of Poverty. They were lectures to the English workingmen
on political economy, which struck Tolstoi favourably and which he
included in the manuscript which was then being issued under the
title of Archives of L. N. Tolstoi, No. II,
and to which he even
wrote an introduction. In later life, Kenworthy fell ill of nervous
prostration and was taken to a sanatorium.
8.
Albert Shkarvan, a Slav, who shared Tolstoi’s opinions.
An army surgeon in the hospital in Kashai (Hungary), he resigned from
this service in February, 1895, for religious reasons, for which he
was imprisoned for four months.
9.
The Russian sect of Dukhobors, living in the Caucasus in
1895, to the number of several thousand souls, upon the suggestion
of their leader, Peter Vasilevich Verigin, who was at that time in
exile, gave notice to the authorities that they would no longer
take the oath or serve in military service, and, in a word, would
no longer take any part in governmental violence, and in the night
from the 28th to the 29th of June of that year, burned all their
weapons. Cossacks were sent against them and after some executions,
two hundred were put in prison, many were exiled from their native
land and forced to live in Armenian, Georgian and Tartar villages in
the Province of Tiflis; about two or three families in a village,
without land and with the prohibition against
intercourse[302] among
themselves. Those Dukhobors who remained in active service and
refused to serve, were sent away to disciplinary regiments. (See
Dukhobors, by P. Biriukov, 1908, publishers,
Posrednik; besides
there is much material pertaining to the history and the movement
of the Dukhobors printed in various issues of The Free Press.)
10.
The manager of the Moscow Little Theatre, Walts, used
to call on Tolstoi for the purpose of receiving information about
the staging of his drama, The Power of Darkness.
11.
Ivan Ivanovich Bochkarev (died 1915), former
revolutionary Slavophile who suffered much for his convictions. He
became acquainted with the group of people around Tolstoi because
of his belief in vegetarianism, to which he arrived independently
of any one. In his personal conversations with Tolstoi, Bochkarev
disputed his religious convictions, heatedly denying all his religious
metaphysics. At this time he lived near the village of Ovsiannikovo,
six versts from Yasnaya Polyana, on the estate of Tolstoi’s daughter,
T. L. Sukhotin.
12.
Prince Nicholai Leonidovich Obolensky, the grandnephew
of Tolstoi—later married to Tolstoi’s daughter,
Maria Lvovna.
13.
Maria Alexandrovna Schmidt, an old friend, who shared
Tolstoi’s opinions and whose personality and whole life, Tolstoi
esteemed very highly. In the Journal of February 18, 1909, he
wrote, “I never knew and do not know any woman spiritually higher
than Maria Alexandrovna.” In the eighties, when class-teacher in
the Nicholaievsky Orphan Asylum in Moscow, Mme. Schmidt[303] made the
acquaintance of the forbidden works of Tolstoi, upon which she left
the asylum and went to live on the land, and up to her death supported
herself by the labours of her own hand. The last ten years of her
life she lived near the village of Ovsiannikovo, on the estate of
T. L. Sukhotin, procuring her livelihood by the sale of the berries
and vegetables from her own garden and the dairy products from her
cows. She died October 18, 1911.
14.
With Bochkarev.
15.
Alexander Nikiphorovich Dunaev,
an old friend of the
Tolstoi family, later one of the directors of the Moscow Commercial
Bank.
16.
Constantin Nicholaievich Zyabrev, nick-named
“Bieli”
(White), a peasant from Yasnaya Polyana, who was also called by the
villagers, “the Blessed.” Tolstoi liked to speak with him. He lived
in the greatest poverty and never bothered about the next day. At
the time of the visit, mentioned in the Journal, he was already near
death and soon passed away. Some years before this, Tolstoi helped
him to rebuild his cabin.
17.
Dr. Ivan
Romanovich Bazhenov, who lived at this time
in Vladivostok, sent Tolstoi his manuscript essay on the necessity
of calling an ecumenical council and asked his opinion on this
question. In the copy of the Journal at the disposal of the editors,
and perhaps in the original of the Journal, it was written Bozhanov.
18.
A letter from G. F. Van-Duyl from Amsterdam. In the
letter of November 18th, Tolstoi answered his letter as follows:
“Once a man has understood and is permeated with the consciousness
that his true happiness, the happiness of his[304] eternal life, that
which is not limited by this world, consists in the fulfilment of
the will of God and that against this will ... then no consideration
can force this man to act against his true happiness. And if there
is an inner struggle and if, as in that case about which you spoke,
family considerations come out on top, it only serves as a proof
that the true teaching of Christ was not understood and was accepted
by him who could not follow it; this only proves that he wanted to
appear as a Christian, but he was not so in reality.”
19.
Paul Ivanovich Biriukov,
one of Tolstoi’s nearest
friends and followers, who later wrote his biography (two volumes,
published by Posrednik, Moscow).
Tolstoi often calls him Posha in
the Journal.
20.
The editors were unable to discover the title of this
pamphlet.
21.
Maria Vasilievna Siaskov, an amanuensis, who was
employed for many years in the publishing house of
Posrednik.
22.
Tatiana Andreevna Kuzminsky (born Behrs), a
sister-in-law of Tolstoi, wife of Senator A. M. Kuzminsky.
23.
Konevski, this is the way Tolstoi called the novel,
Resurrection, which he had begun then, the subject of which he
adopted at the end of the eighties from stories told by the well-known
Court-worker, A. Th. Koni.
24.
Arthur Schopenhauer (1788–1860), the great German
philosopher. Tolstoi evidently read the translation by Ph. V.
Chernigovitz, Aphorisms and Maxims, in two parts, 1891–1892.
Tolstoi, as early as 1869, wrote to A. A. Fet: “Do you know what the
present summer meant[305]
to me? Continual enthusiasm over Schopenhauer
and a pile of spiritual pleasures which I never have experienced
before.... Schopenhauer is one of the greatest geniuses among people.”
25.
That which was noted down in his pocket
note-book—Tolstoi had the habit of putting down thoughts which came
to him and which seemed to him important in a pocket note-book which
never left him. Later he copied the most valuable thoughts into his
Journal, revising, more or less, as he went along. In rewriting from
the note-book Tolstoi often began the entry with these words, “I
have been thinking” or “I have it noted.”
26.
See Note 4.
27.
This essay, entitled Shameful, pointing out the
cruelty and senselessness of corporal punishment which the law at
that time applied to the peasants, was printed with omissions and
alterations in the Russian newspapers and later abroad in full in
Leaflets of The Free Press, No. IV, England, 1899; later it was
printed in The Full Collected Works of L. N. Tolstoi, published
by Sytin, subscribed and popular editions, volume XVIII.
28.
In the Moscow Little Theatre.
29.
N, a young artist living in the home of the Tolstois,
after refusing military service on account of religious convictions,
was placed in the military hospital in Moscow in the ward for the
diseases of the heart, where he was visited by Tolstoi. Later,
various difficult experiences and spiritual changes led him to agree
to military service....
30.
Nicholai Alexeievitch Philosophov, father of
Countess S. N. Tolstoi, wife of Count I. L. Tolstoi.
[306]
31.
A. A. Shkarvan sent Tolstoi his letter entitled “Why
It Is Impossible to Serve as a Military Doctor.” Later this letter,
in revised form, appeared in his book, My Resignation from Military
Service. Notes of a Military Doctor. (Published by The Free Press,
England, 1898, Chapter IV.)
32.
Maria Lvovna Tolstoi
(1872–1906), second daughter of
Tolstoi, afterwards married to Count N. L. Obolensky.
33.
Count Ilya Lvovich Tolstoi
(born 1866), second son of
Tolstoi. Has written a book, My Recollections (Moscow, 1914).
34.
Vladimir Grigorevich Chertkov and his wife, Anna
Constantinovna (born Dieterichs).
V. G. Chertkov made the acquaintance
of Tolstoi in 1883. For biographical information about him see under
“Biography of L. N. Tolstoy” by P. Biriukov (Volume II, 1913) and
also in the pamphlet, Tolstoi and Chertkov, by P. A.
Boulanger
(Moscow, 1911) and in the essay of A. M. Khiriakov: “Who Is Chertkov?”
(Kievski Mysl, 1910,
No. 333, December 2nd).
35.
Soon Tolstoi began this drama (see entry of January 23,
1896), which he called And Light Lights Up Darkness. This drama,
having to a great extent a biographic character, portrays the
torturing condition of a man who has gone through an inner religious
crisis, and who lives with his family which, not understanding him,
interferes with his attempts to change his life according to the
truth revealed to him. This was first printed with a great many
censor deletions in The Posthumous Literary[307] Works of L. N. Tolstoi
(edited by A. L. Tolstoi, 1911, Volume II).
36.
The Englishman, John Manson, came to Tolstoi with a
request for his opinion on the collision between the United States
and England on account of the boundaries of Venezuela. Tolstoi
answered by an extensive letter which was published under the title,
“Patriotism or Peace?” and printed abroad (by Deibner in Berlin,
and others.) It was not printed in Russia.
37.
Ernest Crosby (1856–1907), an American social-worker,
a poet and writer. When he was a representative of the United
States in the International Court in Egypt, he read Tolstoi’s On
Life, which caused an upheaval in his soul. As a result, he left
the Government service and devoted his life to the propaganda of
the social-religious views of Tolstoi and the social-economic views
of Henry George. He founded The Social Reform League, the object
of which was the discussing of the problems of reorganisation of
contemporary life on the basis of justice and equality, and the
furthering of the actual realisation of this reorganisation.
38.
E. N. Drozhin, a district school teacher, in 1891,
refused military service at the recruiting in the city of Sudzha in
the Province of Kursk.
He was sentenced to be sent to a disciplinary
battalion and stayed fifteen months in the Voronezh disciplinary
battalion. Here he fell ill of consumption and the doctors pronounced
him unfit to continue military service, upon which he was transferred
to the state’s prison to finish his sentence. He died in the Voronezh
prison on January 27, 1894, from inflammation of the lungs which he
contracted at the time of his transfer[308] ... from the disciplinary
regiment to the prison. The story of his refusal from military
service is described in detail in the book by E. I. Popov: Life and
Death of E. N. Drozhin, 1866–1894, published by The Free Press,
England, 1899. Tolstoi wrote an appendix to this book in which he
expressed the opinion that such people like Drozhin “by their activity
help....” In reference to this article the well-known German writer,
Frederick Spielhagen, printed an open letter to Count Leo Tolstoi in
the newspapers, in which he considered Tolstoi guilty of Drozhin’s
death, a useless one, according to Spielhagen, for the abolition
of war and the establishment of universal peace. This letter was
translated into Russian in 1896 and appeared as a separate pamphlet.
39.
See Note 36.
40.
A voluminous letter devoted to the problem of
non-resistance to evil by violence and the relation of contemporary
American writers to it.
41.
Count Andrei Lvovich Tolstoi,
born 1877, fourth son of
Tolstoi. In this year he served in the Tver
military as a volunteer
(before the prescribed age).
42.
Nicholai Michailovich Nagornov, husband of Tolstoi’s
niece, Varvara Valerianovna. In the letter to A. K. Chertkov of
January 13, 1896, Tolstoi wrote: “We had a death lately. Nagornov
died, the husband of my niece. She loved him passionately and they
lived together remarkably happily ... no one knows anything of him,
but the good.... My heart feels solemn and good because of this
death.”
43.
Fedior Kudinenko, a peasant, a co-thinker of Tolstoi,
a former gendarme.
[309]
44.
See note 29.
45.
Dushan Petrovich Makovitsky (Dušan Makovický), a Slovak,
who later became one of the closest friends and followers of Tolstoi,
spent six years in Yasnaya Polyana from the end of 1904 to the day
Tolstoi left, in the capacity of family doctor, and was near Tolstoi
until the latter’s death. At this time he lived in his native land,
in Hungary, taking part in the publication of translations into the
Slavonian of Tolstoi’s books and of writers near to him in spirit.
The article here mentioned is “Instances of Refusal from Military
Service among the Sect of the Nazarenes, in Hungary.” Printed in
Leaflets of the Free Press, England, 1898, No. I.
46.
The Nazarenes, a sect spread in Hungary, Chorvatia,
Serbia, Bulgaria, Switzerland and the United States, whose members
refuse military service.
47.
Nicholai Nicholaievich Strakhov (1828–1896), a friend
of the Tolstoi family, a noted writer and philosopher, highly valued
by Tolstoi as a man and a literary critic. He had an extensive
correspondence with Tolstoi, which was published by the Tolstoi
Museum Society in Petrograd, 1914.
48.
The family of the Counts Olsuphiev was very much liked
by Tolstoi. This is what he wrote about them to V. G. Chertkov on
February 9, 1896: “They are such very simple and good people, that
the difference between their opinion and mine, and not the difference
but the non-recognition of that by which I live, does not bother
me. I know that they cannot, but that they want to be good and that
they have gone as far as they could in that direction.”
49.
Nicholai Vasilevich Davydov, an old friend of
the[310]
Tolstoi family, being appointed at this time President of the
Tula District Court,
was presented to the Emperor and had a long
conversation with him about Tolstoi, answering the questions asked
him by the Emperor. At present, N. V. Davydov is President of the
Tolstoi Society in Moscow.
50.
Alexander Ivanovich Ertel
(1855–1908), a well-known
writer, author of the novel The Gardenins and other stories and
novels. The essay by Ertel which Tolstoi mentions was published
in Nedielia in 1896, No. III,
under the title, “Is Russian
Society Declining?” He objected to Tolstoi who said in the article
“Shameful” that one ought not to ask about the abolition of
corporal punishment, but “one must and ought only to denounce such
a thing.” “The way of denunciation and repentance is tested and is
being tested—” wrote Ertel, “but in itself it is not sufficient for
successful struggle against evil. For the greatest effectiveness
in this struggle of changes, the judicial path of ‘petitions,
declarations and addresses,’ deserves every kind of sympathy from
the side of historical rationalism as well as from the Christian
point of view.” Later Tolstoi, highly appreciating the popular style
of Ertel, wrote a preface to the posthumous edition of his works,
Moscow, 1909.
51.
See Note 38.
52.
M. A. Sopotsko, at one time in the beginning of the
Nineties shared some of Tolstoi’s views in relation to the outer life,
but never understood the essence of his religious philosophy. Later
Sopotsko became a supporter of Orthodoxy and frequently attacked
Tolstoi and his friends in print.
[311]
53.
Marian Zdziechowski, a professor in the Cracow
University, a well-known social worker. In the
Sieverni Viestnik for
the year 1895, No. 7, under the pseudonym
M. Ursin, he contributed
an article: “The Religious Political Ideals of Polish Society.” In
respect to this article Tolstoi wrote him a long letter which was
printed abroad and later was reprinted in the New Collection of
Letters of L. N. Tolstoi, collected by P. A. Sergienko (published by
Okto, 1911),
from which by order of the Moscow Court it was deleted.
After this letter M. E. Zdziechowski wrote several times to Tolstoi
on the problems of Catholicism, but to those letters, mentioned in
the Journal, Tolstoi evidently answered by a personal conversation
during the former’s visit to Yasnaya Polyana in the summer of 1896.
54.
In her letter addressed to M. L. Tolstoi, Vera
Stepanovna Grinevich touched most seriously and deeply upon the
fundamental problems concerning the religious upbringing of children.
This letter produced a very strong impression on Tolstoi and he
intended to answer it in detail, but other work drew him away from
accomplishing this resolution. The letter of V. S. Grinevich and
the letter to her by M. L. Tolstoi and V. G. Chertkov are printed
in her book: The New School-family and the Causes of its Origin.
55.
Nicholskoe, an estate of Count Olsuphiev near Moscow,
close to the station of Podsolnechnaia on the Nicholai railroad.
56.
Eugene Heinrich Schmidt,
a German-Hungarian writer,
resembling in some respects the philosophy of Tolstoi. In the Nineties
he issued a magazine in Budapest:[312] Die
Religion des Geistes, and
a newspaper with a Christian anarchical tendency:
Ohne Staat. In
1901 he printed a book in Leipzig, Tolstoi, His Meaning to Our
Civilization (see also his article on the cultural significance
of the works of Leo Tolstoi, printed in the International Tolstoi
Almanac by P. A. Sergienko, published by
Kniga, 1909.)
57.
Sergei Alexandrovich Rachinsky (1836–1902), a celebrated
worker for popular education, who sacrificed his lectures in the
Moscow University for his favourite occupation of teaching the peasant
children in the village schools to write and read. A relative to
Tolstoi on account of the first wife of his son,
Sergei Lvovich,
and personally acquainted with Tolstoi as early as the beginning of
the Sixties.
58.
Written originally in English.
59.
The letter was called forth by the Italian-Abyssinian
war, which was then going on. The rather extensive beginning of this
letter has been preserved, but up to now has not been published
anywhere.
60.
Here follow words that have been crossed out. Note
made by Prince N. L. Obolensky in the copy in possession of the
editors.
61.
Michail Petrovich Novikov, a peasant of the Province
of Tula, who served
a year as an army scribe in one of the regiments
stationed in Moscow. After his acquaintance with Tolstoi he suffered
much because of his endeavour to realise his beliefs in his life.
A gifted writer.
62.
Countess Tatiana Lvovna Tolstoi
(born 1864), the eldest
daughter of Tolstoi. In the year 1899 she married M. S. Sukhotin.
[313]
63.
Maria Michailovna Kholevinsky, a woman doctor, living
in Tula.
By Administrative order, after the event mentioned in the
Journal, she was exiled to Orenburg.
64.
This letter, sent to both ministers (I. L. Goremykin
and N. V. Muraviev) and to the same publishing house, was printed
at first abroad in the paper The Free Press, No. 2, in 1902
(England), afterwards in Russia. (See Full Collected Works of
Tolstoi, published by Sytin, 1913—popular edition, Volume XXII. It
is known that the request of Tolstoi in this letter: To direct all
the prosecutions for the spreading of his forbidden books in Russia
to himself and not to his followers and friends, as well as a whole
series of subsequent similar petitions to Governmental officials—was
not granted.)
65.
The second act of Wagner’s opera,
Siegfried. For the
impression produced on Tolstoi, see What Is Art? chapter XIII—in
the letter to his brother, Count S. N. Tolstoi, on April 20, 1896,
Tolstoi under the fresh impression of this opera wrote the following:
“Last night I was at the theatre and heard the celebrated new music
of Wagner’s opera,
Siegfried. I could not sit through a single act
and I fled from the place like mad, and now I cannot talk calmly
about it. It is stupid, unfit for children above seven years of age,
a Punch and Judy show, pretentious, feigned, entirely false and
without any music whatever. And several thousand sat and pretended
to be fascinated.”
66.
Aphrikan Alexandrovich Spier
(1837–1890), a remarkable
Russian philosopher, who lived many years in Germany and who
wrote his works in German: Thinking and Reality, Morality and
Religious, etc.[314]
Tolstoi was then reading his principal work, Denken
und Wirklichkeit (Thinking and Reality)—in a letter of 1896
to Countess S. A. Tolstoi, Tolstoi wrote: “I am reading a newly
discovered philosopher, Spier,
and am rejoicing.... A very useful
book, destroying many superstitions, especially the superstition of
materialism.” (The Letters of Count L. N. Tolstoi to his Wife,
Moscow, 1913, page 510.)
67.
The philosopher’s daughter, Elena
Aphrikanovna Spier,
who sent her father’s works to Tolstoi.
68.
Grigori Grigorevich Myasoyedov
(1835–1912). A celebrated
artist, the painter of the picture, “The Reading of the Ordinance,
of February 19th” and others; one of the principal initiators and
founders of the Society of Travelling Expositions.
69.
Dmitri Dmitrievich Sverbeev,
the Governor of Courland,
an acquaintance of the Tolstois’.
70.
The cement factory, Gill, within 7 versts of Yasnaya
Polyana.
71.
To the Coronation in Moscow there went: Countess S. A.
Tolstoi and Countess A. L. Tolstoi; while Countess T. L. Tolstoi
went to Sweden for the coming marriage in Stockholm of Count L. L.
Tolstoi and D. Ph. Westerlund.
72.
The branch post office, 7 versts from Yasnaya Polyana.
73.
Died in 1913.
74.
The well-known publisher of Novoe
Vremia, M. O.
Menshikov, a contributor at that time to the liberal magazine,
Knizhki Nedieli,
where among other things, he occupied himself
with popularizing Tolstoi’s ideas.[315] In the article “The Errors of
Fear,” printed in that magazine in 1896 (Nos. IV
to VI) Menshikov
sharply condemned certain governmental repressions of the time. For
this article the magazine received a warning. Towards the later
journalistic activities of Menshikov, Tolstoi took a critical
attitude.
75.
Fedior Alexeievich Strakhov, a friend, who shared
the views of Tolstoi, author of philosophic articles published by
Posrednik under the titles
Beyond Political Interests, The Search
For Truth. Posrednik
also published a collection of articles of
various thinkers compiled by him under the title Spirit and Matter
(against materialism).
Several of his other articles were issued abroad. For Tolstoi’s
review of the books of F. A. Strakhov see in Journal, August 15,
1910.
76.
Nicholai Nicholaievich Strakhov (died in January of
this year).
77.
With F. A. Strakhov.
78.
Timofei Nicholaievich Granovsky (1813–1855), a Russian
historian, a professor at the Moscow University.
79.
Vissarion Grigorevich Bielinsky (1810–1848), the
critic—see in Journal, March 7, 1899, a comparison between Bielinsky
and Gogol.
80.
Alexander Alexandrovich Herzen (1812–1870), a great
writer. From 1847 to his death he lived abroad as an exile. His
collected works with censor deletions have been published in
Russia only in 1905. Tolstoi as early as August 4, 1860, wrote in
his Journal, “Herzen, a scattered mind, sickly ambition. But his
broadness, skilfulness, kindness and refinement is Russian.” Soon
after, in the beginning of 1861, Tolstoi, being
abroad,[316] spent a
month in London, where he saw Herzen almost daily. In addition to
the opinion expressed in this note of Tolstoi’s about Herzen, it
should be noted that afterwards Tolstoi, appreciating him from
another point of view, acknowledged a broad educational significance
to his works (see, for example, Journal, October 12, 1895). In the
letters to V. G. Chertkov of February 9, 1888, and to N. N. Gay of
February 13 of the same year, Tolstoi called Herzen “a man remarkable
in strength, in mind and in sincerity” and expressed regret that his
works were forbidden in Russia, as the reading of them, according
to his opinion, would be very instructive to the youth.
81.
Nicholai Gavrilovich Chernishevsky (1828–1889) and
Nicholai Alexandrovich Dobroliubov (1836–1861), Russian critics.
Tolstoi became acquainted with Chernishevsky when he published his
works in Sovremennik,
which was edited by Chernishevsky.
82.
Five-year-old daughter of F. A. Strakhov.
83.
Declaration of Faith, later re-named The Christian
Doctrine.
84.
The estate of Tolstoi’s brother, S. N. Tolstoi, in the
district of Krapivensk, in the Government of
Tula, 35 versts from
Yasnaya Polyana.
85.
Count Sergei Nicholaievich Tolstoi (1826–1904). See
for him in Biography of L. N. Tolstoi by P. Biriukov and in My
Recollections by Count I. L. Tolstoi, Moscow, 1914.
86.
The daughters of Count S. N. Tolstoi: Vera, Varvara
and Maria Sergievna.
87.
Charles Salomon, the translator of some of
Tolstoi’s[317]
works into French, and a professor of the Russian language in the
higher institutions in Paris.
88.
Sergei Ivanovich Tanyeev
(1856–1915), composer, at
one time director at the Moscow Conservatory, an acquaintance of
the Tolstoi family, who lived three summers (1894–1896) in Yasnaya
Polyana.
89.
On the Khodinka field at the time of the coronation
celebration of May 18, 1896. In the beginning of the year 1910,
Tolstoi wrote a little story called Khodinka,
printed for the first
time in his Posthumous Literary Works, Volume III, published by
A. L. Tolstoi, Moscow, 1902.
90.
Timofei Nicholaievich Bondarev (1820–1898), a peasant
of the district of the Don. In 1867 he was exiled to Siberia for
conversion to the Jewish faith and lived in the district of
Minusinsk,
in the Province of Yeniseisk,
to the end of his life. Wrote a work
called Industriousness and Parasitism, or The Triumph of the
Agricultural Worker (issued with abbreviations in 1906 in Petrograd
by Posrednik,)
in which he proved the moral obligation of each man
to do agricultural work. Tolstoi wrote a long introduction to this
work. As to the impression which this work produced on Tolstoi, he
himself wrote in his book What Then Shall We Do? (1884–1886) the
following: “In all my life, two Russian thinkers had upon me a great
moral influence and enriched my thought and clarified my philosophy.
These people were not Russian poets, scholars, preachers—they
were two remarkable men who are now living, and who all their life
laboured in the muzhik labour
of peasants, Siutaev and Bondarev.”
In his letter here mentioned to[318] Bondarev, Tolstoi touched upon those
religious problems which Bondarev asked him. For more details about
Bondarev see in the article of C. S. Shokhor-Trotsky: “Siutaev and
Bondarev” (in the Tolstoi Annual, 1913), Petrograd, 1914, issued by
the Tolstoi Museum Society, following which are printed ten letters
by Tolstoi to Bondarev and some writings of Bondarev himself.
91.
My Refusal From Military Service, The Memoirs of an
Army Physician, issued by The Free Press, 1898, England. Tolstoi
read this work even before, in manuscript, and at this time probably
was re-reading it. In his letter to A. A. Shkarvan of December 16,
1895, Tolstoi wrote: “Your memoirs are interesting and important to
the highest degree. I read them with spiritual joy and was touched.”
92.
See Note 29.
93.
Stephane Mallarmé (1842–1898), French poet, considered
one of the most prominent Symbolists. For a more detailed opinion
of him by Tolstoi, see his book, What Is Art? Chapter X.
94.
Goethe (1749–1832),
the German poet. See for Tolstoi’s
opinion of him in his Journal, September 13, 1906. Earlier in 1891,
in his letter to Countess A. A. Tolstoi, Tolstoi wrote:
“As to Goethe,
I do not like him at all. I don’t like his conceited paganism.”
Shakespeare (1564–1616). See Tolstoi’s article about him “On
Shakespeare” and “On The Drama” and the opinion in his journal
March 15, 1897.
95.
Declaration of Faith.
96.
Henry George (1839–1897), noted American social worker
and writer on economic questions. In his[319] numerous works, chiefly on
agrarian questions, he was a warm defender of the destitute and the
oppressed. George considered the existence of private land ownership
as the principal cause of the existence of poverty; appearing as
its opponent, he suggested the abolition of all existing taxes,
substituting for them a single tax on the value of land; by means
of this reform, land would pass into the hands of people cultivating
it by their own labour, because for people who did not work it, it
would be unprofitable to own great stretches of land, since they
would have to pay a large amount of taxes on them.
Tolstoi sympathised very much with George’s scheme and wrote much
about it (The Great Sin, The Only Possible Solution of the Land
Question, A Letter to a Peasant and some chapters in Resurrection
and others). Of the works of George, Tolstoi recognised as the
best his Social Problems, to the Russian translation of which he
wrote a preface. In the last years of George’s life, Tolstoi was in
correspondence with him; in his letter to him of 1894 Tolstoi among
other things wrote: “The reading of each one of your books clarifies
for me much which formerly was not clear to me and convinces me more
and more of the truth and practicality of your system” [translated
from the Russian from a translation from the English.—Translator’s
note]. On the occasion of George’s death, Tolstoi wrote to
Countess S. A. Tolstoi on October 24, 1897:
“Serezha told me yesterday
that Henry George was dead. Strange to say, his death struck me as the
death of a very close friend. The death of Alexandre
Dumas produced
the same impression upon me. One feels as if it were the loss of a
real comrade and friend.”[320] Many works of George’s are translated
into the Russian; there is a splendid biography of him written by
S. D. Nicholaev, and published by
Posrednik: The Great Fighter
for Land Liberation, Henry George, Moscow, 1906.
97.
Anna Constantinovna Chertkov.
98.
In the letter to Count L. L. Tolstoi of June 7, 1896,
Tolstoi related the incident as follows: “Yesterday a remarkable
event happened to me. Two or three times there came to me a young
civilian from Tula
asking me to give him books. I gave him some of my
articles and spoke with him. He was, according to his convictions,
a Nihilist and an Atheist. I told him from the bottom of my heart
all that I thought. Yesterday he came and gave me a note: ‘Read
it,’ he said, ‘then tell me what you think of me.’ In the note it
was written that he was a junior officer in the
gendarmerie, a spy,
sent to me to find out what is going on here, and that he became
unbearably conscience-stricken and that is why he disclosed himself
to me. I felt pity and disgust and pleasure.”
99.
The priest, John Ilich Sergiev (of Kronstadt)
(1829–1908), who enjoyed great fame as “The supplicator for the
sick.” In his preaching and his books he many times made sharp
attacks against Tolstoi and his views.
100.
Declaration of Faith.
101.
Zakaz, a piece of Yasnaya Polyana forest, not far
from the house. Tolstoi was afterwards buried there.
102.
Tolstoi had the opportunity to closely observe the
nomadic life of the Bashkirs in the province of Samara, where he went
in the Sixties to drink kumyss,[321] and in the Seventies and Eighties
to his own estates (see The Biography of L. N. Tolstoi written by
P. I. Biriukov (Moscow, 1913) published by
Posrednik, Volume II,
Chapter VIII; and also the Recollections in the Children’s
Magazine, Mayak,
1913, by V. S. Morosov, a former pupil of the
Yasnaya Polyana school in the beginning of the Sixties).
103.
A village within four versts from Yasnaya Polyana.
104.
Leonilla Fominishna Annenkov (1845–1914), an old
friend of Tolstoi’s and an adherent of his philosophy, the wife of
a Kursk landlord,
the well-known scholarly lawyer, K. N. Annenkov
(1842–1910). She made the acquaintance of Tolstoi in 1886 and from
that time on corresponded very much with him. Completely sharing the
opinions of Tolstoi, she applied them with a rare sequence to life and
she was noted for her remarkable abundance of love which attracted
every one who met her. Tolstoi valued her highly, considering that
she had “a clear mind and a loving heart.”
105.
Farther on one line is crossed out. A note of
Princess M. L. Obolensky in the copy at the disposal of the editors.
106.
It weighed upon him that certain persons to whom he
did not want to show his Journal had read it nevertheless. In the
last years of his life he was compelled to hide the current Journal
somewhere in his rooms, and the finished note-books he gave away in
safe keeping.
107.
A village four versts from Yasnaya Polyana, where
the Chertkovs lived in summer.
[322]
108.
Declaration of Faith.
109.
The note of July 19, 1896, he evidently originally
inserted in a note-book from which he later wrote it out in his
Journal.
110.
Tolstoi’s brother, Count S. N. Tolstoi.
111.
This article under the title of “How to Read The
Gospels and What Is Its Essence” was printed at first in the edition
of The Free Press, 1898, and after in 1905 in Russia. (See the
complete works of Tolstoi published by Sytin, Popular Edition,
Volume XV.) The central thought of this article is that in order to
understand the true meaning of the Gospels, one has to penetrate
those passages which are completely simple, clear and understandable.
Tolstoi advises all those who wish to understand the true meaning
of the Gospels to mark everything which is for them completely
clear and understandable with a blue pencil and marking at the same
time with a red one, around the words marked in blue, the words of
Christ Himself as differing from the words of the Apostles. It is
those places marked by the red pencil which will give the reader
the essence of the teaching of Christ. Tolstoi in his own copy of
the Gospels made such marks which he mentions later in the Journal
with the words: “Marked the Gospels.”
112.
Hadji Murad,
one of the boldest and most remarkable
leaders of the Caucasian mountaineers who played a big rôle in the
struggle of the mountaineers with the Russians in the Forties of the
Nineteenth Century. In 1852 he was killed in a skirmish with the
Cossacks. Tolstoi heard much about him as early as the beginning
of the Fifties, when he himself took part in the fight
with[323] the
mountaineers. A month after the above-mentioned note in the Journal,
Tolstoi made a rough sketch of his story, Hadji
Murad, on which
he worked with interruptions until 1904. This story was printed for
the first time in his Posthumous Literary Works (published by
A. L. Tolstoi, Volume III, 1912.) It is interesting to compare the
introduction to it with the above note of Tolstoi’s in his Journal.
113.
As in the copy at the disposal of the editors.
114.
Afanasie Afanasevich Fet (Shenshin) (1820–1892), a
Russian lyric poet and translator and friend of the Tolstoi family.
Concerning the relations of Tolstoi with him, see My Recollections,
by Fet (Volume II, 1890) and The Biography of L. N. Tolstoi by
Biriukov. In the letter of November 7, 1866, Tolstoi wrote to
Fet: “You are a man whose mind, not to speak of anything else, I
value higher than any one of my acquaintances’ and who in personal
intercourse is the only one who gives me that bread by which it is
not alone that man lives.” Later Tolstoi and Fet became estranged
from each other.
115.
Kant, the German philosopher (1724–1804). For the
opinions of Tolstoi about him see the Journal, February 19, and
September 22, 1904, and September 2, 1906; August 8th, 1907; March 26,
1909. Kant’s Thoughts, selected by Tolstoi, were published by
Posrednik, Moscow, 1906.
116.
As a sixth sense, Tolstoi recognised the muscular
sense. See the note of October 10, 1896.
117.
S. I. Tanyeev.
118.
The Shenshins—Tula landlords who lived
on[324] their
estate, Sudakovo, five versts from Yasnaya Polyana.
119.
Prosper St. Thomas, tutor of Tolstoi and his brothers.
The incident mentioned in the Journal produced a tremendous impression
on Tolstoi. “It may have been that this incident was the cause of all
the horror and aversion to all kinds of violence which I experienced
throughout life,” Tolstoi wrote afterwards in his recollections. (See
P. Biriukov: The Biography of L. N. Tolstoi, Moscow, issued by
Posrednik, Volume I,
pages 99–100.) In Tolstoi’s story Boyhood,
St. Thomas is pictured under the name of Saint Jerome. The incident
mentioned here is described in Chapters XIV, XV and XVI of that
story.
120.
Written in English in the original.
121.
Tolstoi, together with Countess S. A. Tolstoi, visited
his sister, Countess Maria Nicholaievna, living in the convent
of Shamordino near the Optina Desert. In his letter to her of
September 13, 1896, Tolstoi wrote, “With great pleasure and emotion
I recall my stay with you.”
122.
The story, Hadji Murad.
See Note 112.
123.
Count Sergei Lvovich,
with his wife, Countess Maria
Constantinovna (born Rachinsky, who died in 1899);
Count Ilya Lvovich,
with his wife, Countess Sophia Nicholaievna, and
Count Leo Lvovich,
with his wife, the Countess Dora Fedorovna.
124.
The Dutchman, Van-der-Veer, refused military service,
as he declared in his letter to the Commander of the National Guard,
on the grounds that he hated every kind of murder of men as well
as of animals, especially[325]
murder at the order of other people.
The military authorities sentenced him to three months’ solitary
confinement. Later Van-der-Veer for several years published a magazine
with a Christian tendency called Vrede.
125.
Van-der-Veer’s letter, with the appendix by Tolstoi
under the title “The Beginning of the End” was printed in the
edition of The Free Press, 1898, England, later in Russia in the
Obnovlenia, Petrograd, 1906,
which was soon confiscated.
126.
Alexandra Mikhailovna Kalmikov, a noted worker for
popular education, who turned to Tolstoi with the request that he
express himself in regard to the order then given by the Minister
of the Interior to close the committees on illiteracy. In answer to
her letter, Tolstoi expressed his opinion about the activity of the
Russian Government in general and about the methods of resisting it
used by the Liberals. His answer, under the title of “A Letter to the
Liberals,” in revised form was printed in full in the publication
of The Free Press: “Concerning the Attitude Towards the State”
(England, 1898) and with omissions in the publication of
Obnovlenia
(Petrograd, 1906,) which was confiscated.
127.
Ioga’s Philosophy. Lectures on Rajah Ioga or
Conquering Internal Nature, by Swâmi Vivekânanda, New York, 1896.
128.
“The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles,” discovered in
1883. A document of the Christian literature of the First Centuries.
Tolstoi translated it from the Greek and twice wrote a preface to
it: in 1885 and twenty years later, in 1905. The passage mentioned
in the Journal reads this way: “It is not good to love only
those[326]
who love you. Heathens do the same. They love their own and hate
their enemies and therefore they have enemies, but you should love
those who hate you and then you will have no enemies.”
129.
Daniel Pavlovich Konissi, a Japanese, converted to
the Greek Church, who studied in the Kiev Theological Academy, then
came to Moscow and here made the acquaintance of Tolstoi. Later he
became professor in the University in Kioto. Translated Lao-Tze
from the Chinese into the Russian (this translation was printed
at first in Problems of Philosophy and Psychology and later in
separate pamphlet, Lao-Se, Tao-Te-King, Moscow, 1913.) For D. P.
Konissi see article of I. Alexeev, “The Skies Are Different—the
People Are the Same” (in the paper, Nov,
1914, No. 154.)
About the Japanese who visited him, Tolstoi wrote to Countess S. A.
Tolstoi, September 26th: “This morning the Japanese arrived.
Very interesting, fully educated, original and intelligent and
free-thinking. One an editor of a paper, evidently a very rich man
and an aristocrat there, no longer young; the other one, a little
man, young, his assistant, also a literary man” (Letters of Tolstoi
to his Wife, Moscow, 1913, page 507).
130.
Peter Vasilevich Verigin, the leader of the Dukhobors,
when in exile in the town of Obdorsk, in the province of Tobolsk,
wrote to Tolstoi about his life and expounded his views on the
printing of books. Tolstoi’s reply, written on October 14, 1896, in
which he answered the objections of Verigin against the printing of
books, was printed in the book, The Letters of the Dukhobor Leader,
P. V. Verigin, published by The Free Press,
1901,[327] England. See
also the letter of P. V. Verigin on his acquaintance with Tolstoi
printed in the International Tolstoi Almanac compiled by P. A.
Sergienko (issued by Kniga, 1909).
131.
Further in Tolstoi’s manuscript, one page has been
crossed out. A note by M. L. Obolensky in the copy in possession
of the editors.
132.
This letter was printed at first in an issue of
The Free Press, No. 8, 1898, England, and later in Russia in
Obnovlenia, Petrograd, 1906,
and was confiscated.
133.
Brother of Tolstoi, Count S. N. Tolstoi.
134.
A peasant of the province of Kharkov in the district
of Sumsk,
Peter Vasilevich Olkhovik. Refused military service
October 15, 1895, at recruiting, in the city of Bielopolie, province
of Kharkov. Was sentenced by the Vladivostok military court to three
years in a disciplinary battalion. The letters of Olkhovik to his
relatives and acquaintances about his refusal were published by The
Free Press, 1897, England, and in 1906 in Russia by
Obnoblenia
(and were confiscated). Influenced by Olkhovic, the private,
Cyril Sereda, also refused military service, with whom Olkhovic
became friendly on the steamer on the way to Siberia, where he was
appointed for service. Both of them were turned over to the
Irkutsk
disciplinary battalions. Tolstoi’s letter to the commanding officer
of the regiment, in which he asks him “as a Christian and as a kind
man to have pity on these people ...” was printed at first also in
The Free Press and afterwards in various publications in Russia.
(See the Complete Works of Tolstoi, published by Sytin:[328] subscribed
edition, Volume XX, popular edition, Volume XXII.) On the effect
that Tolstoi’s letter produced on the officer of the regiment,
Tolstoi himself wrote the following in a letter to P. A.
Boulanger,
March 29, 1898: “Recently I was surprised, and very pleasantly, by
a letter from a man exiled administratively from Verkholensk, who
writes that the commanding officer of the disciplinary battalion in
Irkutsk openly told
Olkhovich and Sereda that my appeal for them
saved them from corporal punishment and shortened their sentence.
Let a thousand letters pass in vain: if but one has such a result,
then one ought to write unceasingly.” The fate of P. V. Olkhovich
was as follows: From the disciplinary battalion he was exiled for
eighteen years to the district of Yakutsk,
where he lived together
with the exiled Dukhobors until 1905, when together with them he
went to America. At the present moment he is living in California.
135.
Edward Carpenter, a noted contemporary English
thinker, some of whose works Tolstoi valued highly. Carpenter’s
article, “Contemporary Science,” was later translated into Russian
by Countess Tolstoi and printed with a preface by Tolstoi in the
magazine Sieverni Viestnik
(1898, No. 3), later it was issued
separately (Posrednik, Moscow, 1911).
136.
Count Sergei Lvovich Tolstoi
(born, 1863), eldest
son of Tolstoi.
137.
To the Ekaterinograd disciplinary battalion were
sentenced the Dukhobors (41 in number) who had refused military
service, while being in actual military service ... See The
Dukhobors in the Disciplinary Regiment, published by The Free
Press, 1902, England,[329] where was printed also the letter of Tolstoi
to the commanding officer of the regiment. Stating those religious
convictions of the Dukhobors for which they suffered persecutions
and calling their acts ..., Tolstoi asked the commanding officer to
do all that he could to lighten their fate. The letter of Tolstoi
produced a softening effect on the commanding officer.
138.
Vladimir Vasilevich Stasov (1824–1906), a critic of
art and music and the librarian of the Imperial Public Library in
Petrograd, a friend of the Tolstoi family. When, after Stasov’s
death, his friend, the sculptor, I. Y. Ginzburg, asked Tolstoi to
write his recollections of him, in the compilation, “To The Memory
of V. V. Stasov,” Tolstoi in his letter of November 7, 1907, replied
that it was difficult for him to write about Stasov on account of
“the misunderstanding” which had taken place between them: “the
misunderstanding consisted in that Vladimir Vasilevich Stasov loved
and valued prejudicially in me that which I did not value and could
not value in myself, and in his goodness forgave me that which I
valued and value in myself above everything else,—that by which I
lived and live. With every other man such a misunderstanding would
lead, if not to hostility then to a coolness, but the gentle, kind,
spontaneous, warm nature of Vladimir Vasilevich and at the same time,
his childlike clarity, was such, that I could not help succumbing to
his influence and loving him without any thought of the difference
of our points of view. I shall always remember our good friendly
relationship with emotion.”
139.
Nicholai Nicholaievich Gay, the son of the old friend
of Tolstoi, N. N. Gay.
[330]
140.
These thoughts were called forth in Tolstoi by a
letter received on October, 1896, from V. V. Rakhmanov, who, being
acquainted with this work of Tolstoi, found it written in a cold
and didactic tone and advised Tolstoi to abandon it.
141.
See Journal, Oct. 20, 1896. Thoughts 9
and 10.
142.
This served as a beginning to Tolstoi’s book, What
Is Art? completed by him only in 1898.
143.
The initials I. G. C. in the original.
144.
The Spaniard, Demetrio Zanini, wrote from Barcelona to
Tolstoi that the members of a certain club, who were his admirers,
decided to offer him a present of a splendid inkwell, money for
the purchase of which was being collected by subscription. At the
request of Tolstoi, his daughter, Tatiana Lvovna, wrote to Zanini,
saying that he preferred this money to be used for some good work.
In answer to this, Zanini
informed Tolstoi that they had already
collected about 22,500 francs. Tolstoi explained in a letter to him
the miserable condition of the Dukhobors and suggested using the
money collected for their help.
145.
A close friend of Tolstoi, Senator Alexander
Mickailovich Kuzminsky, president at this time of the St. Petersburg
District Court. The finance-Minister, S. Y.
Witte, wanted to
communicate with Tolstoi through A. M. Kuzminsky, hoping to call
forth his approval in the matter of his introducing the government
sale of vodka and the founding of temperance societies. Tolstoi’s
letter to A. M. Kuzminsky, in which he answered
Witte’s proposal in
the negative, with the omission of the harsh opinions concerning
General Dragomirov (the author[331] of the periodical, The Soldier’s
Manual, which was being displayed in the barracks) was printed in
the bulletin of the Tolstoi Museum Society, 1911, Nos. 3
to 5.
146.
This article has remained unfinished and up to the
present has not been printed anywhere.
147.
Ilya Efimovich Repine,
an old acquaintance of Tolstoi
and one of his most favourite Russian painters. On the occasion of
the celebration of his twenty-fifth year of artistic work, I. E.
Repine wrote a letter
in the Novoe Vremia,
1896, No. 7435, Nov. 7th,
expressing gratitude to all those who honoured him, in which among
other things he said, when comparing the work of artists with the work
of teachers, officials, bookmakers, doctors, agricultural workers,
“We are the lucky ones, our work is play.”
148.
Ivan Michailovich Tregubov,
a friend and follower of
Tolstoi, later a noted student of religious sects.
149.
Ivan Ivanovich Gorbunov
(Posadov), an adherent of
Tolstoi’s views and a close friend of his; an active contributor
and from 1897 the editor-publisher of
Posrednik, and his brother,
Nicholai Ivanovich,
a performer (pianist and reader).
150.
Paul Alexandrovich Boulanger, a friend and adherent
of Tolstoi’s views, author of several works on Oriental religions
published by Posrednik.
151.
Gabriel Andreevich Rusanov (1844 to 1907), friend and
adherent of Tolstoi’s views; a small landowner in the province of
Voronezh. Until 1884 he was a member of the Kharkov district court.
In his will, among other things, he wrote the following: “Already
at the age of fourteen or fifteen (now I am about
fifty-seven)[332]
I ceased to be Orthodox and lived until the age of thirty-eight
as an atheist. At thirty-eight, thanks to the greatest of men,
Leo Tolstoi, I acquired faith in God and believed in the teaching
of Christ. Tolstoi gave me happiness. I became a Christian.” For
several decades G. A. Rusanov was confined to his arm-chair with an
incurable disease—consumption of the spinal cord; notwithstanding
his illness, he preserved his full freshness of mind up to the end
of his life, reading much and being possessed of a rich memory. A
splendid student in Russian and foreign literature, and noted for
his extraordinary artistic instinct, Tolstoi valued his opinions,
especially in regard to his own literary writings.
152.
Alexander Borisovich Goldenweiser, friend and follower
of Tolstoi, professor in the Moscow Conservatory. Tolstoi valued
his piano playing highly and loved it very much. Towards the end
of Tolstoi’s life, A. B. Goldenweiser visited him often and took a
close interest in his life. In 1910, according to Tolstoi’s wish,
he acted in the capacity of witness to his will.
153.
Chromatic phantasy and fugue by Bach.
154.
Anton Stepanovich Arensky (1861–1906), a celebrated
Russian composer, later personally acquainted with Tolstoi.
155.
See Note 144. Receiving a letter from
Zanini that the
collection reached to 31,500 francs, Tolstoi in his letter to him of
December 6, 1896, asked that this money be transferred through the
Tiflis bank to his Caucasian friends, who were in charge of helping
the Dukhobors. At the end of his letter he wrote that he
was[333] touched
by “this sign of sympathy” which the Spaniards expressed for him in
this unusual way. This money, though, was never received by Tolstoi,
nor was the inkwell. (See Letters of Count L. N. Tolstoi to his
Wife, Moscow, 1913, page 516.)
156.
This story of F. F. Tistchenko under the title, Daily
Bread (A true tale of the sufferings of a village School teacher),
was printed with a letter of Tolstoi in Knizhki
Nedieli, 1897,
No. 10, and later in the collection of Tales by Tistchenko.
157.
Princess Gorchakov, a distant relative of Tolstoi,
a lady-in-waiting, and principal of one of the Moscow gymnasiums.
158.
Anatol Fedorovich Koni,
a well-known jurist, a member
of the Imperial Council and a writer. Became acquainted with Tolstoi
in the eighties and wrote recollections of him (see his book, On
the Path of Life, Volume II, 1913). He gave Tolstoi the theme for
Resurrection (see Note 23).
159.
Maria Fedorovna Kudriavtsev, an adherent of Tolstoi’s
views.
160.
The Appeal, under the title Help, was written
and signed by P. I. Biriukov, I. M. Tregubov and V. G. Chertkov.
This was an appeal to society to render assistance to the persecuted
Dukhobors “by money sacrifices, so as to ease the sufferings of the
old, the sick and the young, as well as by lifting one’s voice in
defence of the persecuted.” The Appeal was spread by the authors
in manuscript and in typewritten copies and among other things was
delivered to many persons of high position.[334] Tolstoi wrote the
appendix to it, in which he explained the significance of the act of
the Dukhobors towards the realisation of Christianity in our life.
Help! was printed with Tolstoi’s appendix by The Free Press (1897,
England). The appendix is printed also in the Full Collected Works
of Tolstoi, published by Sytin, subscribed edition, Volume XVI,
popular edition, Volume XIX.
161.
The editors were unable to ascertain the author of
the history of music which Tolstoi was reading.
162.
Jean Batiste Faure, the celebrated French singer and
composer (in the second half of the Nineteenth Century), author of
Tolstoi’s favourite duet, “The Crucifix.”
163.
Vasili Stepanovich Perfileev, a former Moscow Governor,
a friend of Tolstoi in the fifties and sixties, and a distant relative
of the Tolstois.
164.
An omission in the copy in possession of the editors.
165.
This theme was not executed by Tolstoi. A work under
a similar title begun by him in 1883 was printed in Volume III of
The Posthumous Literary Works of Tolstoi, issued by A. L. Tolstoi.
166.
Katiusha Maslov and Nekhliudov, the principal
characters of the novel.
167.
Alexander Ivanovich Arkhangelsky
(1857–1906), an
adherent of Tolstoi’s views, about whom after his death in the
letter of October 26, 1906, Tolstoi wrote: “This was one of the best
men I ever happened to know in my life.” A. I. Arkhangelsky was a
veterinary surgeon in the district of Bronnitsk, Province of Moscow.
Later, becoming acquainted with the works of Tolstoi, he left his
position, considering it impossible to apply against
the[335] peasants
the compulsory measures required of him as veterinary surgeon, and
became a watch-maker, by which he supported himself until his death.
His work, Whom to Serve? is devoted to explaining the question of
the incompatibility ... with the service to God. When he read this
work in manuscript in 1895, Tolstoi wrote Arkhangelsky that “it will
do the people much good and will advance the word of God.” This work
was issued only in 1911 in the Russian language by the publishing
house, “Vozrozhdenie,”
in Bourgas (Bulgaria). The same publishing
house issued a biography of A. I. Arkhangelsky compiled by Kh. N.
Abrikosov. Extracts from Whom to Serve signed by the pseudonym,
“Buka,” were printed by Tolstoi in The Reading Circle. It should
be also mentioned that the publication of the Veterinary Manual
compiled by Arkhangelsky was suspended at one time by the censor,
who demanded that it include the compulsory regulations. Protesting
against this, Arkhangelsky wrote a remarkable letter to I. I. Gorbunov
which Tolstoi included in his Archives of L. N. Tolstoi, No. 5.
This letter formed the basis of the article, “Whom To Serve.” Later
the veterinary manual was issued by Posrednik.
168.
Prince Ilya Petrovich Nakashidze,
a Georgian writer,
a close adherent of Tolstoi’s ideas.
169.
Tolstoi had the intention of writing (but did not
write) an introduction to the Russian translation of the Philosophical
Work of A. A. Spier,
which was to have appeared in Problems of
Philosophy and Psychology.
170.
Tolstoi was considering at this time an appeal against
the existing social-political order.
[336]
171.
An omission in the copy in possession of the editors.
172.
Stepan Andreevich Behrs, Tolstoi’s brother-in-law,
author of Recollections About Count L. N. Tolstoi (Smolensk, 1894),
now dead.
173.
V. G. Chertkov and P. I. Biriukov, and later also I. M.
Tregubov, were exiled after a search of their homes: V. G. Chertkov
abroad—P. I. Biriukov to Bausk in Courland, and I. M. Tregubov to
Goldingen, also in Courland. The cause of exiling was the writing
of an appeal to help the persecuted Dukhobors (see
Note 160) and
their activity in behalf of the Dukhobors and the persecuted sects
in general. See the memoirs of P. I. Biriukov, “The Story of My
Exile,” printed in the publication O Minuvshen
(Petrograd, 1909).
These memoirs contain several letters by Tolstoi to Biriukov.
174.
Tolstoi went to take leave of the Chertkovs who were
then living in Petrograd.
175.
Nicholai Alexandrovich Yaroshenko (1846–1898), a
well-known artist, to whose brush belongs also the portrait of
Tolstoi, painted in 1895.
176.
Countess Alexandra Andreevna Tolstoi (1817–1904), a
second cousin of Tolstoi, lady-in-waiting to the Empress. Tolstoi in
his youth was on friendly terms with her. His correspondence with the
Countess A. A. Tolstoi, with the addition of a memoir by her, was
published by the Tolstoi Museum Society, Petrograd, 1911. In reference
to this meeting with her, mentioned by Tolstoi in the Journal, see
the memoirs (pages 71, 72 of the above mentioned publication). About
this same meeting[337]
and about the visit to Petrograd in general,
Tolstoi wrote to V. G. Chertkov the following (February 15, 1897):
“St. Petersburg gave me a most joyous impression. Of course the
principal thing was the meeting at your house. The depressing
impression was my conversation with A. A. Tolstoi. The terrible thing
was not only the coldness, but the cruelty and the forcing oneself
into one’s soul and the violence, the very same which had estranged
us. What a bad belief it is, which makes good people so cruel and
therefore so insensible to the spiritual condition of others. Believe
word for word as I do, otherwise if you are not exactly my enemy,
still you are a stranger.” It should be noted that from the autumn
of 1895, for the course of several years, Tolstoi did not write at
all to the Countess A. A. Tolstoi.
177.
In considering Tolstoi’s opinions concerning women
found in the Journal, one should be particularly careful to avoid
misunderstanding. First, Tolstoi, wishing from natural delicacy to
make his remarks impersonal, often generalised his private impressions
and observations from intercourse with separate individuals, and
therefore these remarks in reality carried no reflection whatever
against all women in general.
Second, even in those instances where Tolstoi consciously expressed
himself adversely about women in general, he had in mind the most
commonplace modern woman with her adverse qualities.
But in his mind he absolutely discriminated in favour of the
intelligent, religious woman whom seldom he happened to meet in
life and who always attracted his attention. So, for instance, he
valued very highly the distant[338] relative who brought him up, T. A.
Ergolsky, for her self-sacrificing life; Mmes. M. A. Schmidt and
L. F. Annenkov he respected for their true religious lives, and among
the women writers he especially valued an American, Lucy Mallory,
for her exceptional writings, from which he selected many thoughts
for The Reading Circle. For women of this type he always had the
greatest respect, recognising fully their merits and their great
significance to humanity. In his literary works, Tolstoi, as is
known, frequently reproduced the highest type of woman (for instance,
Pashenka in Father Sergius, or the old woman, Maria Semenovna in
The Forged Coupon). Also in his other writings, Tolstoi did not
always express himself adversely about women, as can be seen, for
instance, from the following extracts:
“Oh, how I would like to show to woman the whole significance of
chaste women. The chaste woman (not in vain is the legend of Mary)
will save the world.” (Journal, August 3,
1898.)
“One of the most necessary tasks of humanity consists in the bringing
up of chaste women.” (Journal, August 24,
1898.)
“The virtues of men and women are the same; temperance, truthfulness,
kindness; but in the woman, these same virtues attain a special
charm.” (The Reading Circle, June 2.)
“Men cannot do that highest, best work, which brings men more than
anything else nearer to God—the work of love, the work of complete
self-surrender to him whom you love, which good women have done so
well and so naturally, are doing, and will do. What would
happen[339]
to the world, what would happen to us men, if women had not that
quality and if they did not exercise it ... Without mothers, helpers,
friends, comforters, who love in a man all that is best in him, and
who with a suggestion hardly to be noticed, call forth and support
all the best in him—without such women it would be bad to live in
this world. Christ would not have had Mary and Magdalene; Francis of
Assisi would not have had Clara; the Decembrists would not have had
their wives with them in exile; the Dukhobors would not have had their
wives who did not hold their husbands back, but supported them in
their martyrdom for truth, there would not have been those thousands
and thousands of unknown women, the very best, as everything that
is unknown, the comforters of the drunken, the weak, the debauched,
those for whom the consolations of love are more necessary than for
any one else. In this love, whether it is directed to Kukin or to
Christ, is the principal, great and irreplaceable strength of women.”
(Appendix to Chekhov’s story, Dushechka.)
178.
On Life—a religious-philosophic work by Tolstoi,
written by him in 1887 and printed in all his collected works. An
abbreviation of this work and an exposition of it written in simple
language for plain readers was made by an American, Bolton Hall, and
was approved by Tolstoi and printed under the title, Life, Love and
Death. Later a translation of this under the title, True Life,
appeared in an issue of the Ethical Artistic Library, Moscow, 1899.
See article of Bolton Hall in the International Tolstoi Almanac
compiled by P. A. Sergienko (Kniga, 1909).
[340]
179.
See Letters of L. N. Tolstoi to his Wife, Moscow,
1913, pages 518 to 519.
180.
Tolstoi made a mistake of one year: the battle against
the Caucasian mountaineers in which he took part in the capacity of
an artillerist, took place February 18, 1853. (See P. Biriukov’s
Biography of Tolstoi, Volume I, page 226.) Nine years after the
above mentioned note, February 18, 1903, Tolstoi wrote to Rusanov:
“To-day it is fifty-three years since hostile enemy shells struck
the wheel of that cannon which I directed. If the muzzle of the gun
from which the shell emerged had deviated 1-10,000ths of an inch
to one side or another, I would have been killed and I would no
longer have lived. What nonsense. I would have existed in a form
now inconceivable to me.”
181.
What Is Art?
182.
Matthew Arnold (1822–1888), a well-known English
poet, critic and student of literature. Shortly before his death,
Arnold printed an article in The Fortnightly Review, devoted to
the critical analysis of Anna Karenin and some of the religious
philosophic writings of Tolstoi. (See Novoe
Vremia, December 11,
1887, the article, “An English Critic on Leo Tolstoi.”) The thought
quoted by Tolstoi was expressed by Arnold in his article, “The
Problems of Modern Criticisms” (a Russian translation was issued by
Posrednik). Tolstoi valued the
writings of Arnold highly, especially
his book, Literature and Dogma, of which a Russian translation was
published by Posrednik under
the title, Wherein Lies the Essence
of Christianity and Judaism (Moscow, 1907).
[341]
183.
Tolstoi, for the sake of an airing, rode about ten
versts to a dressmaker, for the dress of Nadezhda Mikhailovna
Yushkova.
184.
Jules and Leo Edwardovich Konius, the violinist and
the pianist.
185.
Countess T. L. Tolstoi and Count Mikhail Adamovich
Olsuphiev performed two small plays, Feminine Nonsense by I. L.
Stcheglov and
The Lady Agreeable In All Respects.
186.
According to the copy in possession of the editors.
187.
Evidently a mistake in the copy in possession of
the editors. This extract refers not to Book VII, but to Book VI
of Politics. The quotation cited by Tolstoi reads in the Russian
translation of Prof. S. A.
Zhebelev in this way: “In a state enjoying
the best organisation, and uniting in itself men absolutely just, and
not relatively just (in relation to this or that political system),
the citizens should not lead a life such as is led by craftsmen
or merchants (such a life is ignoble and is contrary to virtue);
the citizens of the state planned by us should likewise not be
agricultural workers, because they will be in need of leisure for
the development of their virtue.” Aristotle’s Politics: Works of
the Petrograd Philosophic Society, Petrograd, 1911, pages 318, 319.
188.
An omission in the copy in possession of the editors.
189.
The editor knows nothing about the acquaintanceship
of Tolstoi with Madame Shorin.
190.
Countess A. M. Olsuphiev, who had been on friendly
terms with Tolstoi. In a note to V. G. Chertkov,[342] written on a piece
of proof of Resurrection, June 8, 1899, Tolstoi communicated: “I
have a sorrow. Anna Mikhailovna Olsuphiev died.”
191.
A village near Nicholskoe, as well as the village
Shelkovo, mentioned below.
192.
A young lively girl, whom Tolstoi met at the Chertkovs’
when they lived in the summer of 1896 near Yasnaya Polyana. Being
arrested on suspicion of revolutionary activity and imprisoned in
the fortress of Peter and Paul, she committed suicide by setting
herself on fire.
In the letter to V. G. Chertkov, Tolstoi wrote:
“In Petersburg on February 12th the following occurred: Vietrova,
Maria Fedosievna, whom you know and whom I knew, a student confined
in the House of Detention before Trial in the strike case, little
connected with it, was transferred to the fortress of Peter and
Paul. There, as they say and surmise, after inquiry and violation
(that is still unestablished) she poured kerosene on herself, set
fire to it and on the third day died. Her comrades who visited her,
kept on bringing her things, which were accepted, and only after two
weeks, were they told that she had burnt herself. The youth, all the
students, up to three thousand persons (there were some also from
the Theological Seminary) gathered in the Kazan Cathedral for the
service of the dead. They were not permitted, but they themselves
began to sing “Eternal Memory” and with wreaths, intended to march
on the Nevsky Prospect, but were not permitted, and they went along
Kazan Street. Their names were taken and they were let free. Every
one is indignant. I[343]
receive letters and people come and tell me
about it. I feel great pity for all who take part in these affairs,
and I have a greater and greater desire to explain to people how
they ruin themselves simply because they neglect that law (or they
do not know it) which was given by Christ and which frees from such
deeds and from the participation in them.”
Tolstoi approached A. F. Koni
for advice, whether it were possible to
publish what was authentically known about this terrible case, and
secondly about “what to do in order to resist” this kind of event?
193.
Two lines crossed out by Tolstoi. A note by M. L.
Obolensky in the copy in possession of the editors.
194.
The Englishman, Aylmer Maude, translator of many
works of Tolstoi into English. The agricultural colony which Tolstoi
mentions was being founded at that time in England in the town of
Purleigh in Essex. Maude settled in the neighbourhood of the colony
and supported it materially. Maude himself and several representatives
of this colony visited Tolstoi at this time. He wrote and published
in England, a biography of Tolstoi, The Life of Tolstoi, by Aylmer
Maude, two volumes, London, 1908 to 1910. Unfortunately this most
detailed biography of Tolstoi in English, contains among other things
the most perverted information about Tolstoi and an absolutely
incorrect interpretation of his views, as well as of some of his
acts. Tolstoi himself, learning before his death of the contents
of some of these chapters which were sent to Yasnaya Polyana in
manuscript, found the interpretation of the relation among people
near to him so incorrect that he wrote about it to Maude.
[344]
195.
I. M. Tregubov, sentenced to exile by administrative
order, was living in the Caucasus among the Dukhobors, far from the
centres of administration, and remained still free. (See entry of
following day.)
196.
This search was made in connection with I. M.
Tregubov’s things, who was wanted at that time, and which were left
by him in A. N. Dunaev’s apartment.
197.
That is, in England at the V. G. and A. K. Chertkovs.
198.
Further in Tolstoi’s manuscript two pages are cut
out. Note of M. L. Obolensky in the copy in possession of the
editors.
In reference to the mood during the month mentioned by him as “bad
and unproductive” Tolstoi wrote to Chertkov (April 30, 1897): “I
will not say that I have been depressed, because when I ask myself,
‘Who am I? For what am I?’ I answer myself satisfactorily, but I
have no energy, and I feel as if Lilliputian hairs were laid over
me and I have less and less initiative and activity.”
199.
In the beginning of June of that year, Tolstoi decided
to leave the conditions of his life which tortured him and wrote a
letter to his wife about this. But later he changed his mind and on
the envelope of this letter made an inscription: “If I will make
no special provision about this letter, then give this after my
death to S. A.” This letter he gave afterwards for safe-keeping to
his son-in-law, Prince N. L. Obolensky, who did deliver it, as was
designated, after Tolstoi’s death. At[345] that time it was printed in
different publications. (See Letters of Count L. N. Tolstoi to his
Wife, March, 1913, pages 524 to 526.)
200.
In his letter to V. G. Chertkov of July 12, 1896,
Tolstoi informed him of his illness: “About a week ago when I began
to answer letters, I fell terribly ill with a bilious attack, so
that I could only answer one letter. My illness was very painful,
but it passed away quickly. I am now vigorous and healthy.”
201.
Tolstoi’s daughter, Maria Lvovna, married to
Prince N. L. Obolensky.
202.
Tolstoi wrote about him to A. C. Chertkov (July 12,
1897): “A young peasant, Shidlovsky, came to me from the province
of Kiev, a man with a very lively spirit.”
203.
In his letter to Chertkov of July 23, 1897, Tolstoi
wrote: “Latterly I have begun again to make entries in the Journal—a
sign that I have revived somewhat spiritually and no longer feel
myself alone.”
204.
William Crookes, a well-known English physicist and
chemist, a follower of spiritualism. A detailed report about this
speech was printed in the Novoe
Vremia of 1897, under the title,
“On the Relativity of Human Knowledge.”
205.
M. P. Novikov gave Tolstoi his notes, through his
brother, in which he described all the persecutions which he had to
undergo for his friendship with Tolstoi. The notes up to this time
have not yet been printed.
206.
Paul Carus, editor of a Chicago magazine, The
Open Court, devoted to the scientific explanation of
religious[346]
questions. (See his article, “A Tribute to Tolstoi,” printed in
the International Tolstoi Almanac, compiled by P. A. Sergienko,
Kniga, 1909.)
207.
Evgenie Ivanovich Popov, friend and adherent of
Tolstoi’s ideas, author of the book, The Life and Death of E. N.
Drozhin (see Note 38), several other works
on vegetarianism, the
simple life, mathematics, etc.
208.
The family of Count I. L. Tolstoi.
209.
Vasili Vasilevich Longinov, later Rector of the
Kharkov Theological Seminary.
210.
In a letter to the Chertkovs of August 8, 1897, Tolstoi
wrote: “I feel weak also from the fact, that we have a pile of
visitors here ... all this wastes time and strength and is useless.
I thirst terribly for silence and peace. How happy I would be if I
could end my days in solitude and principally, in conditions, not
repulsive and torturing to my conscience. But it seems that it is
necessary. At least, I know no way out.”
211.
Peter Alexeevich Bulakhov, a peasant from the province
of Smolensk, belonging to the sect of the Old-Believers, the followers
of which avoid military service.
212.
Mikhail Alexandrovich Stakhovich, afterwards a member
of the Council of Empire, an old friend of the Tolstoi family, and
probably his sister, Sophia Alexandrovna, or his brother, Alexander
Alexandrovich (1858–1915).
213.
Probably—Vasili Alexeevich Maklakov, a well-known
lawyer, afterwards a member of the Duma, and his brother, Alexei
Alexeevich, a well-known Moscow physician.
[347]
214.
Ilya Yakovlovich Ginsburg, a well-known Russian
sculptor, who made several busts and statues of Tolstoi.
Mikhail Nicholaievich Sobolev, instructor in the Moscow University,
living at this time with the Tolstois as a teacher to Count M. L.
Tolstoi.
N. A. Kasatkin, a well-known Russian painter.
215.
In regard to this letter of the Japanese, Tolstoi in
a letter of August 8, 1897, wrote: “Recently I received a letter
from Crosby with an enclosure of a letter from a Japanese who lived
with him in New York. The Japanese read The Gospel in Brief, and
writes that it explained to him the meaning of life and that he is
now going home to Japan, in order to apply these beliefs to his life
and to the life of others and to establish settlements there. A
splendid letter which touched me deeply and gave me joy. The same
truth evidently is accessible and necessary to every one.”
216.
Count L. L. Tolstoi (born in 1869), Tolstoi’s third
son, and his wife, the Princess Dora Fedorovna (born
Westerlund).
217.
B. N. Leontev, at one time calling himself a follower
of Tolstoi, committed suicide in 1909.
218.
In the Russkia Viedomosti
(No. 211, 1897), in the
report of the missionary congress which took place in Kazan in
August, 1897, in which many high representatives of the hierarchy
participated, it was stated among other things, that for combating
the spread of sects and dissensions, the congress considered it
necessary to adopt the following measures: To forbid the dissenters
to open schools for their children and to close all the
schools[348]
existing at the present moment; to declare the adherence to a
particularly obnoxious sect as a compromising circumstance and to
thus give the right to peasant communities to expel from their midst
members discovered as belonging to an obnoxious sect and to exile
them to Siberia. For the sake of combating dissensions and sects,
still other measures were suggested and discussed at the congress,
which among others were: The soliciting of the passing of a law, by
which it would be possible to take away by force the children of the
dissenters and sectarians, and the establishing of asylums in every
diocese for bringing them up in the orthodox faith.... The Archbishop
of Riazan, Meletie,
called the attention of the congress to another
very important measure, and to his mind, a very useful one for the
success of missionary work: the confiscation of the property of the
dissenters and sectarians.
219.
P. A. Boulanger was sent abroad for continuing the
affair of helping the Dukhobors, for which V. G. Chertkov, P. I.
Biriukov and I. M. Tregubov were exiled before him.
220.
In his letter to the Swedish papers (not yet printed
in Russia) Tolstoi wrote that the Nobel prize ought to be awarded
to the Dukhobors, as people who have done their utmost towards the
establishment of universal peace. This letter, dated August 27, 1898,
was printed in P. I. Biriukov’s paper:
Svobodnaia Mysl (Geneva),
No. 4, 1899.
221.
Arthur St. John, an Englishman, a former officer in
the India service, came to Moscow to deliver the money[349] donated for
the benefit of the Dukhobors by English Quakers. Wishing to come
into personal relation with the Dukhobors, he went to the Caucasus,
where he was arrested and sent out of Russia. Later, he went with
the Dukhobors to America and lived with them a long time.
222.
The Molokans, from the province of Samara, district
of Buzuluk,
came twice (in April and September, 1897) to Tolstoi to
ask him that he help them get back the children taken from them by
the police and placed in orthodox monasteries. (See Tolstoi’s letter
about this to the editor of the Peterburgskaia
Viedomosti, printed
in that paper in October, 1897, and reprinted in the Collected Works
of Tolstoi, edited by Sytin, Popular Edition, Volume XXII. See
also, article of A. S. Prugavin, “Leo Tolstoi and the Malakans of
Samara,” in his book, On Leo Tolstoi and the Tolstoians, Moscow,
1911.)
223.
About the children taken away from the Molokans. The
rough draft of this letter is now in the Petrograd Tolstoi Museum.
224.
Count A. V. Olsuphiev, Adjutant General. In letters
to him and to the two other persons mentioned below, Tolstoi asked
their collaboration in freeing from the monasteries, the children
taken from the Molokans.
225.
Charles Heath. An Englishman now dead, a former
instructor of English language and literature in a law school, and
later one of the tutors of the Emperor, Nicholas II.
226.
Mme. E. I. Chertkov, the widow of an Adjutant[350] General,
a well-known follower of the “Evangelist” teaching or what is known
as The Pashkov Evangelist Doctrine. The mother of V. G. Chertkov.
227.
The Swede, Langlet, who previously had given detailed
information to Tolstoi about the Nobel prize. He was a guest at
Yasnaya Polyana at this time.
228.
The last sentence was marked off in the original.
229.
To V. G. Chertkov, during the time of his enforced
two-year sojourn abroad, Tolstoi from time to time actually sent
extracts of his Journal. But in general, Tolstoi, for reasons which
will be given at the proper time and place, found it later necessary
to change his decision not to give his Journal to be copied in its
entirety to any one; the confirmation of this can be found in the
fact that the present issue of the Journal is being printed from a
transcript made according to Tolstoi’s wishes. When V. G. Chertkov
returned to Russia, Tolstoi continually gave him his Journals to
copy in their entirety.
230.
In the letter to A. C. Chertkov of October 13, 1897,
Tolstoi wrote: “How many people are there with whom one does not
speak unreservedly, because you know that they are drunk. Some are
drunk with greed, some with vanity, some with love, some simply with
drugs. Lord forfend us from these intoxications. These intoxications
place no worse boundaries between people than religion, patriotism,
aristocracy do, and prevent that union which God desires.”
231.
V. G. Chertkov lived through hard times in England;
his condition naturally reflected itself upon his[351] family, among
which number was his sister-in-law, O. K.
Dieterichs, who was their
guest at this time.
232.
Tolstoi sent to the editor of the Peterburgskaia
Viedomosti a letter in regard to the children taken away from the
Samara Molokans, and about those measures which were suggested as a
means of fighting the sectarians and Old-Believers which were made
in the missionary congress in Kazan. This letter was printed in
No. 282, of October 15th.
233.
Protestant ministers of various localities in Holland:
L. A. Beller, A. De-Kuh and I-Kh. Klein, at a meeting in Grevenhagen,
definitely expressed themselves against war and military service.
234.
N took an adverse attitude to Chertkov’s social work
among Englishmen. Chertkov fell ill with pneumonia.
235.
To Moscow to be copied.
236.
V. D. Liapunov (1873–1905), peasant-poet of
Tula.
Working in Tula,
Liapunov in the autumn of 1897 came to Tolstoi that
he judge his poetry. Tolstoi was very much pleased with the poems,
contrary to his custom, for in general he did not like poetry.
Tolstoi proposed that Liapunov stay in his house to help copy his
manuscripts.
237.
Afanasi Aggeev, a free-thinking peasant from the
village of Kaznacheevka, 4 versts from Yasnaya Polyana. In 1903 he
was sentenced by the Tula
District Court to exile in Siberia for
life for the public utterance of words insulting to the Orthodox
Faith. He died in 1908.
238.
N. Y. Grot (1852–1899), professor at the
Moscow[352]
University, author of numerous articles on philosophic questions and
editor of the magazine, Problems of Philosophy and Psychology.
Tolstoi submitted his work, What Is Art? to Grot to be printed in
his magazine. Shortly before his death, at the request of Grot’s
brother, Tolstoi wrote his recollections about him, which were
printed, together with his letter to Grot, in the compilation,
N. Y. Grot, in Sketches, Recollections and Letters by Comrades and
Pupils, Friends and Admirers, Petrograd, 1911, and in the Full
Collected Works of L. N. Tolstoi, issued by Sytin, subscribed
edition, Volume XV; Popular Edition, Volume XXIV.
239.
A. P. Ivanov (died 1912), ex-officer and old scribe,
with whom Tolstoi became acquainted at the time of the census of
1862, having found him among the Moscow tramps. He led a vagabond
life, coming or tramping from time to time to Yasnaya Polyana to
help Tolstoi copy his manuscripts.
240.
Prince D. A. Khilkov (1858–1915), who at this time
was in accord with Tolstoi in several questions of a more external
nature, formerly an officer of the Hussars and afterwards of the
Cossacks, a landlord in the district of
Sumsk, province of Kharkov.
In the eighties, he resigned from military service and sold for a
trifle his 400 dessiatines of land, the only personal property he
had at the time, to the peasants of the village of Pavlovok; in
1889, on account of his propaganda against religion, he was exiled
by administrative order to Zakavkaz. In 1893 Khilkov and his wife
suffered a great sorrow: their children were taken away from them by
order of the government (following the manipulations of
Khilkov’s[353]
mother), and they were given over to this lady for bringing up,
she having absolutely no sympathy with the opinions of her son.
Afterwards, when a strong movement among the Dukhobors began in the
Caucasus, Khilkov was sent over to the Baltic Provinces, where he
lived up to 1899, at which time it was decided that he be sent abroad.
In his sojourn abroad, his convictions underwent a change to the side
of the violent revolutionaries. But when Khilkov returned to Russia
in 1905, he absolutely abstained from every political activity. In
the beginning of the Russian-German War, Khilkov entered the army
as a volunteer and in October, 1914, was killed at
Lvov (Lemberg).
241.
A peasant from Yasnaya Polyana, now dead, who was
well-lettered and loved to read.
242.
The clergy who came carried the icon to the churches,
in the parish of which stood Yasnaya Polyana. According to the
order of the clergy, the elder of Yasnaya Polyana called a village
meeting and ordered every one to go to church and meet the icon which
was afterwards carried from house to house in all the households
of the village. Concerning Tolstoi and the icon, see his letter
to Countess S. A. Tolstoi, which evidently by mistake is dated
1898 (Letters of Count L. N. Tolstoi to his Wife, Moscow, 1913,
page 558).
243.
N. N. Miklukha-Maklai
(1847–1887), a well-known
Russian traveller, living many years among the Tuzemts of New Guinea
and other islands. In his letter to Miklukha-Maklai
in the middle
of the eighties, Tolstoi wrote that he considered him remarkable,
not for what every one else considered him remarkable, but
that[354]
“he could find manifestations of humanity among the wildest men on
the globe.”
244.
Such a type was afterwards portrayed by Tolstoi in
his story The Forged Coupon, under the name of the housekeeper,
Vasili. (See Posthumous Literary Works of L. N. Tolstoi, issued
by A. L. Tolstoi, Volume I.)
245.
Every group of people is always inferior to the
elements which compose it.
246.
The work by M. O. Menshikov, Concerning Holy Love
and Sex Love, was printed in Knizhki
Nedieli in 1897, No. 11.
In Chapters IV and V of this work, Menshikov wrote about the
struggle of the two principles: The many-gods and the One-God;
Tolstoi was probably pleased with the following lines: “The great
teaching about One-God wiped out, together with the idols, the
very conception of separate gods; the gods disappeared but their
elements—the passions—remained, until now the overwhelming majority
of Christians who profess by word in the One-God, in reality bow to
a plurality.... (Italics made by the author.) Notwithstanding the
thousand year rule of the Gospels, we, in an overwhelming majority
are more sincerely idolaters than Christians—of course without
suspecting it.... Nihilist, Godless, paganized, the contemporary
generation accepts as an undoubted law, that the development of man
consists in enlarging the number of needs and refining them to the
point of a cult. Is this not a new plurality of gods, an idolatry?”
247.
In his book, What Is Art?
248.
St. John, Chapter XIV, Verse 2.
[355]
249.
Chapter I, Verse 24, St. Paul to the Colossians.
250.
See letter of Count L. N. Tolstoi to his Wife, March,
1913, page 535 (No. 583) and page 537
(No. 585).
251.
See letter of Count L. N. Tolstoi to his Wife, March,
1913, pages 536–537.
252.
About this time Tolstoi wrote to an acquaintance of
his: “You know Mme. M. A. Schmidt. She lives near us, straining
every effort, notwithstanding her weak health and her age (about
50), to work to support herself. (She constantly helps people) and
it is impossible to see her without a softening of the heart and
... envy. She is always joyous, calm and graceful.”
253.
In the Novoe Vremia
(November 19, 1897, No. 7,806)
there appeared an article by V. V. Rozanov: “Graceful Demonism” in
which, in an ironical tone, he criticised Menshikov’s article, “On
Sex Love,” which was printed in Knizhki
Nedieli (1897, Nos. 9–11).
In his words later on, Tolstoi speaks of his deeply loved brother,
Nickolai Nickolaievich (1823–1860). In his Recollections, Tolstoi
relates the incident as follows: “I remember how once, a very stupid
and bad man, an Adjutant General, who was hunting with him, laughed
at him and how my brother, glancing at me, smiled kindly,” evidently
finding great satisfaction in this. (Biriukov, Biography of L. N.
Tolstoi, Vol. I, Moscow, 1911, pages 43–44).
254.
A. Maude translated What Is Art? into English.
255.
The letter of N. Y. Grot is printed, I think, in
Tolstoi’s book, What Is Art?
[356]
256.
Grigori Antonovich Zakharlin (1829–1895), a well-known
professor in the Moscow University, in his day, one of the most
popular Moscow physicians.
257.
Countess Maria Nicholaievna Tolstoi (1830–1912),
Tolstoi’s only sister. As a young girl, she married her second
cousin, Count V. P. Tolstoi; some time later she separated from him
and soon after she became a widow. When her daughters were married
(Mme. V. V. Nagornov, Princess E. V. Obolensky and
Mme. E. S.
Denisenko) Countess Tolstoi, under the influence of the well-known
Father Ambrose, of the Optina Desert, entered the convent of
Shamordino (in the province of Kaluga) and later took the veil. In
this convent she spent the rest of her life.
258.
Monk Ambrose, the celebrated holy man of the Optina
Desert, died in 1891, at the age of 80. About Tolstoi’s visits to
the Optina Desert see fragment of notes made by S. A. Tolstoi under
the title My Life (Tolstoi Annual, 1913, Petrograd, 1914).
259.
Dushan Petrovich Makovitsky, then editor in Hungary
(in Ruzhomberg), of the Slavic publication which corresponded to
the publication Posrednik
issued in Moscow, in which Tolstoi and
some of his friends took a most active interest.
260.
In this place, in the original Journal, a page had
been entered in Tolstoi’s hand; evidently the beginning of a letter.
This was its contents:
“You ask me a question which I now for twenty years have been trying
to solve.
“It always seems to us—when the simple truth is that we ought to
lead a Christian life, and when it is disclosed[357] to us how terribly
far from that life is the life we lead—it always seems to us that
we for the moment find ourselves in an exceptionally disadvantageous
condition for beginning that new life, which opens itself to us:
To one, it is a mother, to another a wife, to a third, children,
to a fourth, business; this one bought a bull, or the other has a
wedding which interferes from his going to the feast. And we usually
say to ourselves, ‘Oh, if it were not so,’—looking at it as on an
accidental hindrance and not as on the unavoidable conditions of
Christian life, as on the law of gravitation in problems of activity.
“Beauty which discloses to us the kingdom of God blinds us so, that
we immediately want to enter it and we forget that this is not the
programme of life, but the ideal; and that the programme of life
consists in struggle and in effort to attain the kingdom of God, to
approach it.
“And when you understand this, then the attitude towards activity
is changed....”
261.
The village of Dolgoe,
province of Tula, district
of Krapevensk, nineteen versts from Yasnaya Polyana. The Yasnaya
Polyana house in which Tolstoi was born stands there. In the fifties
this house was sold to a neighbouring landlord, Gorobov, who took it
from Yasnaya Polyana to Dolgoe,
where it remained until 1913, when
it was destroyed.
262.
Nicholai Ilich Storozhenko (1836–1906), professor
in the Moscow University, author of numerous books and articles on
Russian history and general literature.
[358]
263.
Tolstoi probably asked N. A. Kasatkin for examples
of true art in painting.
264.
N’s stories seemed to be about some of the Chertkovs’
difficult experiences in England.
265.
Prince S. N. Troubetskoi (1862–1905), professor of
philosophy in the Moscow University, took an active part in the
magazine, Problems of Philosophy and Psychology, and became after
N. Y. Grot’s death, the editor of it. Tolstoi, as was said above,
gave his work, What Is Art? to this magazine.
266.
Of these subjects Tolstoi, as much as can be judged,
made use of the following: the first, Father Sergius, 1898; the
second, The Posthumous Memoirs of the Monk, Fedor Kuzmich, 1905;
the fourth, Korni Vasiliev, 1905;
fifth, The Resurrection of Hell
and Its Destruction, 1902; sixth, The Forged Coupon, 1902–1904;
seventh, Hadji Murad, 1898,
1902–1904; the tenth, Resurrection,
1898–1899; and the thirteenth, The Divine and the Human, 1903–1904;
the twelfth subject, Mother, was begun by Tolstoi in the beginning
of the nineties (Introduction to The Story of a Mother, or A
Mother’s Notes).
267.
It was disagreeable to Tolstoi that the foreign
publishers, who wished to print the first edition of his book,
What Is Art? made the condition that it should appear everywhere
simultaneously and that it should not be published anywhere first, not
even in Russia. Tolstoi, being little acquainted with the conditions
of foreign publication, did not understand at first how unavoidable
these demands were for a simultaneous publication of books in various
countries, and he was disagreeably embarrassed[359] that he had to
absolutely forbid the appearance of the book in Russia before the
day arranged for foreign publication. Later, realising the affair
more closely, Tolstoi saw the necessity of these conditions of the
publishers.
268.
I.e., he entirely finished the work What Is Art?
and gave it to Problems of Philosophy and Psychology.
269.
V. G. Chertkov, being exiled from Russia, settled
in England, where he founded the publication, The Free Press, in
which the works of Tolstoi were printed, as well as of authors near
to him in point of view which could not be printed in the Russian
papers. He also arranged for the translations of the new works of
Tolstoi into the important European tongues. The telegram which
Tolstoi mentions must have been about the English translation of
What is Art?
270.
Sofron Pavlovich Chizhov, a peasant from the district
of Umansk, in the province of Kiev, because of his spreading of
views adverse to the orthodox religion, was exiled by administrative
order, first to Poland and then to eastern Siberia. His Memoirs
were printed in The Free Press, No. 10, 1904. Tolstoi often wrote
to Chizhov in exile, expressing his joy that he bears all oppression
“like a man, with patience and with love.” Chizhov has remained in
Siberia for life and at present is living near
Yakutsk.
271.
As in the copy in possession of the editors.
272.
See Note 267.
273.
In a letter to Chertkov, January 18, 1898, Tolstoi
wrote: “Letters with threats have, of course, no effect, but they
are unpleasant, in this sense, that there should
be[360] people who
hate futilely. I am always ready to die and that is the thing. I
thought a little while ago: ... that when one is healthy one ought
to try to live better on the outside, but when one is ill then learn
to die better. Besides, these letters haven’t even this merit: they
are so stupidly written that they have been conceived evidently only
to frighten.”
274.
Concerning this illness, Tolstoi, mentioning it in
his letter to the Chertkovs, December 28, 1897, said: “The illness
was the usual one, biliousness, and has now passed away.”
275.
Tolstoi began and finished this drama only in 1900.
276.
Tolstoi’s brother-in-law, A. A. Behrs.
277.
Sergei Mickailovich Soloviev (1820–1879), the Russian
historian, the father of the philosopher, Vladimir Sergeevich, and
the novelist, Vsevolod Sergeevich Soloviev.
278.
The preface to the English edition, What Is Art?
In his letter to Chertkov, December 27, 1897, Tolstoi wrote:
“Wouldn’t such a preface be suitable?
“The book which is about to appear cannot be published in its
entirety in Russia on account of the censor, and therefore it is
being published in England in translation, the correctness of which
I have not the least doubt of. The five chapters printed in Russia
in the magazine Problems of Philosophy and Psychology have already
suffered several deletions and changes; the following chapters,
especially those which explain the essence of my point of view on
art, will surely not be permitted in Russia and therefore I ask
all those who are interested in this book to judge it only by this
present edition.”
[361]
279.
Nicholas Evgrafovich Phedoseev, a political exile,
who went by étape with the Dukhobors
exiled to Siberia. In his
letter Fedosiev told Tolstoi about the interviews given to him by
the Dukhobors themselves, concerning the suffering those who were
sent to the Ekaterinograd disciplinary battalion had to undergo, and
he also gave him information about the Dukhobors in Siberia. This
letter was printed in Leaflets of The Free Press, 1898, No. I.
280.
“I received a letter through the Chertkovs,” wrote
Tolstoi, January 18, 1898—from G. Bedborough, the publisher of
The Adult, a letter with questions about sex-problems and a very
light-headed program.
281.
Written in English, in the original.
282.
Ilya Efimovich Repine.
Concerning this visit, Tolstoi
wrote to Chertkov, January 21, 1898: “One of the recent pleasant
impressions was the meeting with Repine.
I think we made a good
impression on each other.”
283.
Countess Alexandra Lvovna Tolstoi
(born, 1884),
Tolstoi’s youngest daughter.
284.
The literary work conceived and written by Tolstoi
only in 1902: The Legend of the Destruction of Hell by Christ and
Its Resurrection by the Devils, arranging the teaching of Christ so
that it improve the evil life of people.
285.
As in the copy at the disposal of the editors.
286.
Michail Fedorovich Gulenko, serving in the department
of the Moscow-Kursk
Railroad, and at this time one of the most active
contributors to Posrednik.
287.
Leopold Antonovich Sullerzhitsky, later one of the
managers of the Moscow Artistic Theatre. In the Tolstoi family he
was often called for short, Suller.
[362]
288.
A poem by V. D. Liapunov, printed at first with a
letter by Tolstoi in the magazine, Russkaia
Mysl (1898, No. 1):
and later in the book, V. D. Liapunov, a Young Poet, “Library of
Leo Tolstoi,” edited by P. I. Biriukov, Moscow, 1912.
289.
In Paths of Life Tolstoi expresses this thought more
exactly: “That which we consider for ourselves as evil, is in most
cases a good which is not yet understood by us.” In another place he
says in speaking of the same problem: “We must distinguish between
our conceptions of evil in general, ‘objective’ evil, as philosophers
say, an outer one, and between evil for each man individually,
a ‘subjective’ evil, an inner one. There is no objective evil.
Subjective evil is a departure from reason, it is indeed death.” (A
combination, The Four Gospels Harmonized, Translated and Studied,
Chapter III.) See also Journal of May 28, 1896,
thought 1.
290.
One word illegible. Note by Prince Obolensky in
the copy in possession of the editors.
291.
To avoid misunderstanding as to whom this remark of
Tolstoi’s refers, it is proper here to cite an extract from another
one of his writings: “They say that defence is impossible under
non-resistance; but the Christian does not need any defence. All
that an evil-doer can do is to deprive one of property, to kill, and
a Christian is not afraid of that. The Christian not worrying about
what to eat, what to drink, what to wear, and knowing that without the
will of the Father not a hair will fall from his head, the Christian
has no need to use violence against the evil-doer. The evil-doer
can do nothing to him.” (From the rough draft of The Kingdom of
God Within[363]
Us, 1890–1893, with later corrections by Tolstoi made
during a revision of his Complete Collection of Thoughts.)
292.
Jean Grave, a contemporary
French writer, of anarchical
tendencies.
293.
Shortly before that, February 14, 1898, Tolstoi wrote
to V. G. Chertkov: “About myself I can say that I would be satisfied
with my spiritual state, if I were not dissatisfied with my small
external output. The causes are: Ill health, as well as the bustle
of city life (although now for about three days I have been well).”
294.
The twentieth, the concluding chapter of What Is
Art? is devoted to a criticism of contemporary science from the
standpoint of Christian philosophy.
295.
Anatol Ivanovich Pharesov,
the democratic fiction
writer and publicist.
Alexander Kapitonovich Malikov, who lived in the seventies in Orel,
preached the doctrine of “God-humanity,” consisting in this, that each
man ought to be re-born morally and exalt the divine principle which
was in him. Malikov was absolutely opposed to all violent methods of
fighting evil. In 1875 Malikov with a small circle of persons who
shared his opinions (fifteen in all) emigrated to America; where in
the State of Kansas he established an agricultural community on the
basis of the doctrine professed by him. When two years later the
community fell apart, Malikov returned to Russia. He died in 1904 at
the age of sixty-two. See about him the article of A. S. Prugavin,
“Leo Tolstoi and the Man-Gods,” and the book on Leo Tolstoi and
the Tolstoians, Moscow, 1911.
296.
The agricultural colony, Georgia, issued a
magazine[364]
with a Christian tendency, called Social Gospel. Among the members
of this colony was Crosby. There were about one hundred colonists.
In this letter, addressed to George Howard Gibson, Tolstoi expressed
his opinion on agricultural societies in general.
297.
At this time, the Dukhobors received permission from
the Russian authorities to emigrate. Tolstoi addressed himself to
Russian, European and American society with an appeal, in which he
summoned them to help the Dukhobors with money as well as with direct
assistance in the difficulties of emigration. The appeal to Russian
society was printed among other places in the Full Collected Works
of Tolstoi, published by Sytin, subscribed and popular editions,
Volume XVIII; and the letter to the English newspapers was printed
in The Free Press, No. I (1898, England),
in the article of P. I.
Biriukov and afterwards reprinted in his book The Dukhobors.
298.
When What Is Art? was already printed in the
Problems of Philosophy and Psychology and submitted to the
censorship there came an order from Petrograd to submit it to the
theologic censorship. The theologic censor not only crossed out many
passages, but in some places made changes which perverted the very
thought of the author. In the preface to the English translation of
this work, Tolstoi expressed regret that, contrary to his custom, he
consented at the request of N. Y. Grot to print this work with the
censor deletions and softenings. And he also speaks about the harm
of every kind of compromise.... This preface was printed in Russian
in The Free Press, No. 1.
[365]
299.
At this place in the Journal there was a diagram
composed of flowing lines, irregularly drawn. As the editors did
not have the original of the Journal, but used the copy made by
Prince Obolensky, it was impossible to make an exact facsimile of
the original diagram.
300.
In his letter to V. G. Chertkov, Tolstoi wrote: “...
This happened: In the morning they told me that two men came from the
Caucasus. They were the Dukhobors, P. V. Planidin, an acquaintance
of yours, and Chernov. They came, naturally, without passports to
give me information and to find out everything pertaining to their
affair. After talking with these dear friends and finding out
everything, I decided to send them to Petersburg.... They went, spent
the day there, and returned.... They are touchingly instructive.”
“The principal reason for Planidin’s and Chernov’s coming,” Tolstoi
wrote April 6th, “was to ask some one of our friends to go to visit
Verigin in Obdorsk.”
301.
Ivan Petrovich Brashnin,
a typical old-fashioned
Moscow merchant, a dealer in raw silks; his family consisted of his
wife and two sons. A. N. Dunaev
introduced him to Tolstoi in the
eighties. He was then over 60. He had wanted to make his acquaintance,
because the views of Tolstoi were near to his soul; in spite of his
former strict orthodoxy he warmly accepted the views of Tolstoi.
Being sincere and straight-forward, he rejected the ... teaching
and became a convinced follower of the pure Christian teaching. He
spoke with great pleasure and emotion about his visits and talks
with Tolstoi, which gave him the greatest joy.
A few years prior to his death he became a strict
vegetarian.[366] Before
his death he refused the viaticon of the priest and the rites of
confession and the sacrament.
In his letter to A. C. Chertkov of March 30, 1898, Tolstoi wrote
him about his last visit to Brashnin:
“You know there is an old man, a rich merchant, Brashnin, who is
near to us in spirit. I have already known him for about fifteen
years. He has cancer of the liver, so the doctors have found out. I
visited him once in the winter. He was very weak, thin, yellow, but
on his feet. One morning about a week ago A. N.
Dunaiev came to me
with the news that Brashnin is dying and that he had sent a boy to
ask that I take leave of him. We went and found him dying. My first
words were: ‘Is he calm?’ Absolutely. He was in full possession of
his memory, had a clear mind, thanked me, and took leave of me and
I of him, as people do before going on a journey. With sadness we
spoke about the ... I said that we will see each other again. He
calmly answered, ‘No more.’ He took leave and thanked us for our
visit. Everything was so simple, peaceful and earnest.”
302.
The article on war and on military service was called
forth by the request of two foreign papers to the representatives
of political and social workers, and the representatives of science
and art, to express themselves on whether war was necessary in our
time, what were the consequences of militarism and what were the
means that led the quickest way to a realisation of universal peace.
303.
The former estate of Count I. L. Tolstoi in Cherni, the
province of Tula,
to which Tolstoi went to[367] help the famine-stricken
peasants. As in the year 1891 when Tolstoi helped the famine-stricken
peasants of the province of Riazan, he considered the establishment
of soup-kitchens as the most sensible form of help, for which he set
himself to work upon his arrival in Grinevka. On May 2, 1898, in his
letter to the Countess S. A. Tolstoi, Tolstoi wrote in reference to
his activity that “the work which was being done was necessary and
is advancing. There is no famine, but the need is killing, cropless,
very difficult, and it helps us to see it.” (Letters of Tolstoi to
his Wife, Moscow, 1913, pages 542 and 543.)
304.
April 21, 1898, by order of the Minister of the
Interior, the Russkia Viedomosti
was suspended for two months
“for the collection of contributions in aid of the Dukhobors and
for evading the executive orders of the Moscow Governor-General.”
The regulation of the Moscow Governor-General which the newspaper
did not fulfil was to give over for disposal to the authorities the
money contributed through the editorial offices for the aid of the
Dukhobors. The editors could not do that, because the money had
already been sent to Tolstoi.
305.
Lopashino, as well as Sidorovo, Kamenka, Gubarevka,
Bobriki, Michails Ford, Kukuevka, which are mentioned below, are
villages near to Grinevka where Tolstoi established soup-kitchens
for the famine-stricken.
306.
For an orderly organisation of aid for the needy,
Tolstoi had collected the necessary detailed information concerning
the number of souls and the economic condition of each household in
the suffering villages.
307.
See Note 136.
[368]
308.
The Tsurikovs and Ilinskys—neighbouring landlords.
309.
Tolstoi wrote to V. G. Chertkov on that day: “I
haven’t written for a whole week, but I feel pretty well. It seems
to me that after the Moscow bustle my impressions are finding their
place, the necessary thoughts are coming forth.”
310.
See Letters of Count L. N. Tolstoi to his Wife,
March, 1913, pages 543 and 544.
311.
I.e., at his son’s, Count S. L. Tolstoi, on his estate
of Nicholskoe, near the station of Bastyevo.
312.
V. G. Chertkov then wrote an article, “Where is
Thy Brother? About the attitude of the Russian Government to the
People Who Cannot Become Murderers,” in the defence of the oppressed
Dukhobors. This article was published in The Free Press (England,
1898).
313.
G. R. Lindenberg, one of Tolstoi’s co-workers in aid
of the famine-stricken, an artist.
314.
The name of this teacher is Gubonin. Together with
Lindenberg he came to Tolstoi from Poltava.
315.
The Appeal served as the beginning of two articles
on the labour question: Should it really be so, and Where is the
way out? upon which Tolstoi worked during the year 1898 and revised
it once again for printing in 1900.
316.
The deceased, N. N. Strakhov.
317.
The county seat of the province of Orel.
318.
A railroad station on the Moscow-Kursk
Railroad.
319.
Tolstoi speaks here of gymnastic exercises which he
sometimes took (see entry of May 11, 1898).
[369]
320.
Tolstoi used to receive contributions in aid of the
famine-stricken from various people.
321.
In this article under the title, “Is There Famine or
No Famine?” Tolstoi answers the following questions: 1. Is there
in the current year a famine or is there not a famine? 2. To what
is due the oft-repeated need of the people? 3. What is to be done
in order that this need be not repeated? These were printed with
omissions in the newspaper, Russ,
of July 2 and 3, of 1898 and in
full in Leaflets of The Free Press, No. 2 (England, 1898).
322.
The Countess S. N. Tolstoi (born Philosophov), wife
of Tolstoi’s son, Count I. L. Tolstoi.
323.
Neighbouring landlords near Grinevka.
324.
After a tiring, long ride by horse, Tolstoi arrived
at the Levitskys’, and fell ill of severe dysentery.
325.
Tolstoi was forced to stop his work in aid of the
famine-stricken, as the Tula
Governor forbade all non-residents
without his permission to establish and help in the construction of
soup-kitchens. Without these people it was impossible to continue
the work. (See article “Is There Famine or No Famine?”)
326.
The well-known Swedish physician, Ernest Westerlund,
and his wife—parents of the wife of Count L. L. Tolstoy, Dora
Fedorovna—who arrived from Sweden to visit her.
327.
The novel, Father Sergius, which Tolstoi wrote from
1890–1891.
328.
I.e., from V. G. and A. K. Chertkov.
329.
The story, The Forged Coupon, begun by
Tolstoi[370] as
early as the end of the eighties and only begun again by him at the
end of 1902.
330.
N. S. Lieskov (1831–1895), a well-known writer. In
the last years of his life he shared in many respects the views of
Tolstoi. The story of Lieskov mentioned by Tolstoi is called The
Hour of the Will of God.
331.
Five years later, in 1903, Tolstoi worked this theme
out in a story entitled Three Problems.
332.
The christening of the first child of Count L. L.
Tolstoi.
333.
About this time Tolstoi wrote to V. G. Chertkov: “My
sickness at first began as dysentery, then I had very great pains
and fever and weakness. Now everything has passed.”
334.
Prince E. E. Ukhtomsky, the editor and publisher of
the Petrograd Viedomosti.
335.
“Is There Famine or No Famine?”
336.
The weekly newspaper issued in Petrograd by S. F.
Sharapov.
337.
This was done in those places where Tolstoi organised
aid to the famine-stricken.
338.
I. C. Dieterichs,
a former Cossack artillery officer,
who held the same views as Tolstoi, a brother of Madame A. C.
Chertkov, and his sisters, Maria and Olga Constantinovna.
339.
There occurred in England at this time, some
misunderstandings between several friends of Tolstoi, who had to be
convinced by experience that having the same point of view is far
from being of one mind. The misunderstandings were later smoothed
over.
[371]
340.
The contemporary French novelist.
341.
See Note 339.
342.
Elizabeth Picard, a Quaker, wrote an open letter to
the well-known English publisher, Stead, editor of the magazine War
Against War, which preached universal peace, and which at the same
time was against those persons who refused military service.
343.
C. T. Willard of Chicago offered himself as mediator
in the emigration of the Dukhobors to America. Tolstoi sent his
letter to England to V. G. Chertkov, whose house at this time was
the headquarters for all communications concerning the emigration
of the Dukhobors.
344.
V. P. Gaideburov, from 1894 on, editor and publisher
of Nediela.
345.
In English in the original.
346.
This intention was carried out by Tolstoi, at least in
regard to Resurrection, which he gave to the publication
Niva,
edited by A. F. Marx, who paid twelve thousand roubles for the first
printing. The money was used by Tolstoi in aid of the emigrating
Dukhobors.
Originally, Tolstoi suggested selling the copyright of three of
his novels, The Devil, Resurrection, and Father Sergius, to
English and American papers on advantageous terms. Then he decided
not to publish The Devil. At first he thought that he would not
make a final revision of Resurrection and of Father Sergius, but
would give them over to be printed straight away, just as they were
written. But later he re-read Resurrection and little by little
began to work on it with such absorption “as he had not experienced
in a long time.” Later Tolstoi[372] decided to give only Resurrection
for the benefit of the Dukhobors and did not begin to work on Father
Sergius.
347.
Arvid Järnefelt. The well-known Finnish writer who
held the same opinions as Tolstoi. After graduating from Helsingfors
University, he prepared himself for the career of magistrate, but
becoming acquainted with the writings of Tolstoi, he brusquely changed
his life. He learnt the trade of cobbler and locksmith and later, at
the end of the nineties, he bought a plot of land and began to till
the soil, not ceasing his literary labours, however. He translated
many works of Tolstoi into Finnish. The novels of
Järnefelt are My
Native Land, Children of the Earth and several stories which are
translated into Russian. The acquaintance of
Järnefelt with Tolstoi
began with his sending his book called My Awakening to Tolstoi in
1895. It was in Finnish, and with it he sent a translation of one
of his chapters: “Why I Did Not Undertake the Post of Judge.” This
chapter, together with an accompanying letter by
Järnefelt, Tolstoi
included in his manuscript No. 4, Archives of L. N. Tolstoi.
Tolstoi’s letter to Järnefelt,
mentioned in the Journal, is as
follows:
“Although we have never seen each other, we know and love each
other, and therefore I boldly turn to you with a request to do me
a great service.
“The matter which I bring before you ought to remain unknown to
any one except to us, and therefore speak to no one about this
letter, but answer me (Station[373] Kozlovka on the
Moscow-Kursk
Railway), where you are now, and whether you are ready to help me.
I am writing thus briefly, because I have little hope that with
the insufficient address, my letter will reach you.
“Leo Tolstoi.”
In explanation of this letter Järnefelt
communicated the following to
the editors: “I quickly answered Tolstoi’s question. I was convinced
that he wanted to leave Yasnaya and to plan an escape. But when we
met later in Moscow in 1899, Tolstoi immediately said: ‘Yes, yes,
you understood me, but the temptation passed by me in time.’ And
then glancing about him with a deep sigh of pain he said, ‘You will
excuse me, Järnefelt,
that I live as I do, but probably it is as it
ought to be.’ And we did not speak any more about this matter.”
And so, in his letter to Järnefelt
of December 16, 1898, i.e., still
before this meeting with him, Tolstoi wrote: “If I should ever meet
you, which I want to very much, I will then tell you what kind of
help I expected from you. Now the temptation which forced me to seek
help from you has passed.”
In his letter to V. G. Chertkov of July 21st of that year, i.e.,
three days after the above mentioned note in the Journal, Tolstoi
wrote: “Read this to no one. I teach others, but do not know how
to live myself. For how many years have I given myself the question,
Is it fitting that I continue to live as I am living, or shall I go
away?—and I cannot decide. I know that everything is decided by
renouncing oneself and when I attain[374] that then everything is clear.
But they are rare moments.”
348.
See Note 347.
349.
A collection in the church Slavonic tongue, Love of
Good, or Words and Chapters of Sacred Sobriety, collected from
the writings of the Saints and God-inspired fathers. In his library,
Tolstoi had a volume of Love of Good with a great many notes in
the margin made in his own hand.
350.
With I. I. Gorbunov, who came for a short time to
Ovsiannikovo to his brother, who lived there at this time, the actor
N. I. Gorbunov. At this meeting, Tolstoi said to I. I. Gorbunov
that it was the gentlemanly state of his life that had become more
agonising to him, that he was “ashamed to look in the eyes of his
lackeys” and that he wanted to go away. He said among other things
that he was thinking of going away with I. I. Gorbunov to Kaluga
(where Gorbunov lived at that time)—and further than that, he still
had another plan ... perhaps it was the plan about which Tolstoi
had written a little while before to Järnefelt. (See
Note 347.)
351.
Tolstoi’s brother, Count Serge Nicholaievich.
352.
Tolstoi’s sister, Countess M. N. Tolstoi.
353.
The English authorities of the Island of Cyprus
asked a money guarantee of about two hundred and fifty roubles for
each man from the Dukhobors emigrating there, so that in case of
need they would not have to be supported at the government expense.
At that time it became known, that in Russia several influential
governmental persons had begun to zealously urge the government to
send the Dukhobors to Manchuria for[375] the Russification of those
Chinese borders adjacent to Russia. It was necessary to hurry with
the emigration of the Dukhobors; the English Quakers pulled them
out of their helpless position, who first of all persuaded the
English Government to decrease the guarantee from two hundred and
fifty roubles to one hundred and fifty for each man, and afterwards
in several days, collected among themselves a guarantee of one
hundred thousand roubles, which, together with the fifty thousand
roubles which were contributed at that time by various people, made
up the necessary sum for giving the guarantee for the whole party
of Dukhobors. In his letter to the Dukhobors of August 27, 1898,
Tolstoi ended thus: “May God help you to accomplish His will with
Christian manhood, patience and faithfulness, in establishing this
change in your life.”
354.
M. N. Rostovtzev, the daughter of Madame M. D.
Rostovtzev, a land-lady of Voronezh, and a follower of Tolstoi, on
coming from the Chertkovs, was arrested on the border because, at
the custom examination some pieces of proof of a forbidden book were
found on her. She was soon freed.
355.
The interruption in receiving letters from V. G.
Chertkov was caused by the secret police looking through them.
Therefore Chertkov was forced to carry on a part of this far-distant
correspondence through a circuitous address. In the letter to him
at the end of August, 1898, Tolstoi, informing Chertkov that one of
his letters was kept back a month, wrote: “Yesterday I received your
letter of August 5th. It is terribly vexing, this interference with
our communications which now[376] have become so specially important.
And what is it for?”
356.
See Note 355.
357.
L. A. Sullerzhitsky went to the Caucasus to help the
Dukhobors arrange for their emigration abroad.
The first group of Dukhobors, to the number of 1,126 persons, who
had suffered the most from exile, hunger and illness, left on the
6th of August, 1898, for the Island of Cyprus while other lands be
found and sufficient money collected for the transportation of those
remaining to a more suitable place.
At the request of Tolstoi, L. A. Sullerzhitsky later accompanied a
group of Dukhobors to Canada. He wrote a book about this journey, In
America With the Dukhobors, issued by
Posrednik, Moscow, 1905.
358.
The sister of Tolstoi, Countess Maria Nicholaievna.
A month later, September 30, 1898, Tolstoi wrote to V. G. Chertkov:
“Yesterday my sister, M. N., left, with whom I spent a very friendly
month, never having been so loving.”
359.
V. A. Kuzminsky, a niece of Countess S. A. Tolstoi.
360.
Countess Vera S. Tolstoi, a niece of Tolstoi, daughter
of Count S. N. Tolstoi.
361.
Tolstoi’s seventieth birthday, celebrated August 28,
1898.
362.
According to the contract with the publisher of
Niva,
A. F. Marx, Tolstoi at the conclusion of the contract, received the
whole of his royalty for only the first 200 pages of Resurrection.
363.
In regard to the false rumours which were reaching[377]
Tolstoi at this time, about the affairs of the emigrating Dukhobors.
364.
One of the Dukhobors exiled to Siberia, V. N.
Pozdniakov, was sent by his brethren to the leader of the Dukhobors,
P. V. Verigin, who was then in exile in the village of Obdorsk in
the province of Tobolsk. Receiving a letter of instructions from
Verigin for the group in general, he brought this letter to his
brethren in the Caucasus and on his way reached Yasnaya Polyana. He
showed Tolstoi marks on his body from ill-treatment he had suffered
three years before.
365.
Herbert Archer, an English co-worker with V. G.
Chertkov, who went at his request to Tolstoi to transmit information
to him with regard to the Dukhobors and to dissipate the false
rumours about them which had reached Tolstoi from outsiders. About
this time, in his letter to Countess S. A. Tolstoi, Tolstoi wrote
about Archer: “He looks insignificant, but he is a very good man
and a remarkably clever one.” (Letters of Count L. N. Tolstoi to
his Wife, March, 1913, page 555.)
366.
This thought Tolstoi changed in the following form
for The Reading Circle: “Now I consider as myself my body with its
senses, but then something entirely different is being formed in
me. And then the whole world will become different, since the whole
world is not something different, only because I consider myself such
a being separated from the world and not another. But there may be
an innumerable quantity of beings separated from the world.” The
Reading Circle, issued by Posrednik,
Volume I, Moscow, 1911, for
April 16.
[378]
367.
Tolstoi’s son, S. L. Tolstoi, and L. A. Sullerzhitsky
went to the Caucasus to accompany the remaining Dukhobors to
Canada. Tolstoi in order to protect them from the oppression of the
authorities wrote a letter to the commander-in-chief of the Caucasus,
Prince G. S. Golitsin.
368.
Tolstoi sometimes could not remember which thought
from his pocket note-book he had written out into the Journal and
which one he had not. This explains the fact that several thoughts
are entered without any changes at all in the Journal, in places
not far from one another.
369.
In the eighties and nineties the Tolstois went yearly
from Yasnaya Polyana to Moscow to spend the winter.
370.
Princess E. V. Obolensky, niece of Tolstoi, daughter
of his sister, Countess Maria Nicholaievna.
371.
In the finished form, the novel had 129 chapters.
372.
In another place Tolstoi says: “Playing the fool
(like Christ) i.e., the purposeful representing of yourself as worse
than you are, is the highest quality of virtue.” (Journal, May 29,
1893.)
373.
An omission in the copy in possession of the editors.
374.
Tolstoi wrote to V. G. Chertkov as early as
December 13, 1898: “I absolutely cannot occupy myself with anything
else than with Resurrection. Just like a shell, when it gets to
the earth, falls more and more quickly, in the same way I now, when
I am nearing the end, I cannot think—no, not that I cannot: I can
and[379] even do think—but I don’t want to think about anything else
but about it.”
375.
At this time the emigration of the Dukhobors to Canada
had not yet been accomplished. Tolstoi took an active part in the
affair: he addressed various people with the request for contributions
for this purpose, he carried on a correspondence with friends in
England in regard to a place of settlement for the Dukhobors, he
sent letters to the authorities to try to remove obstacles which
were in their way, he saw agents who suggested places of settlement,
he carried on a correspondence with the Dukhobors themselves, etc.
376.
February 15, 1899, Tolstoi wrote to V. G. Chertkov:
“My back hurts all the time and I am weak and I am disgusted with
Resurrection, which I can’t touch.”
377.
The retired officer addressed himself to Tolstoi
with the question whether the Gospels were not against military
service. Tolstoi’s answer was printed in the leaflets of The Free
Press, No. 5, 1899, and in 1906 in Petrograd in the publication,
Obnovlenia, No. 130
(which was confiscated).
378.
A group of representative Swedish intellectuals
addressed themselves to Tolstoi with a letter as to the means of
attaining universal peace. In this letter on the one hand, they
expressed the thought that universal disarmament could be attained
by the surest path of each separate individual refusing to take
part in military service, and on the other hand, they acknowledged
that the Peace Conference fixed for The Hague at
the[380] instigation
of the Russian Government was useful to the attainment of universal
peace....
379.
In the middle of February, 1898, the students of
the University of Petrograd, in the form of a protest against the
beating of people in the streets, decided on the day of the student
holiday, February 8th, as a peaceful-minded group of students,
to cease work. They were soon joined by students of other higher
schools in Petrograd and later in Moscow, Kiev, Kharkov, Jurev,
Odessa, Tomsk, Kazan, Riga and Novaia Alexandria. In this way the
studies of several thousand men and women students were suspended.
The representatives of the Moscow and Petrograd student bodies came
to Tolstoi with the purpose of obtaining his opinion and sympathy
for the student movement.
380.
Sinet, an artist, who refused military service on
religious grounds and was sent to the Algerian disciplinary battalion
and who escaped from there. Tolstoi called Sinet
the first religious
Frenchman, therefore, because he was the first Frenchman he met who
believed truly as he did.
381.
In his letter to V. G. Chertkov of July 9, 1899,
Tolstoi wrote, “The matter of the translations worry me. I can
imagine, therefore, how they worry you. To-day I thought this: To drop
all contracts with the translators and print the following in the
newspaper....” Further on Tolstoi expounds the project of his letter
to the newspapers, that he, in the matter of translation, decided to
destroy the contracts with the publishers of the translations and to
refuse the royalty of the first printing of these translations. And
yet the[381]
need of the Dukhobors was so great that “having no means of
employing cattle, they have hitched themselves and their wives to
the plough and are ploughing with human power to till their land.”
For this reason, Tolstoi drops his plan: “I ask all the publishers
who will print this novel and the translators of it, as well as
the readers of the novel, to remember those people for whom this
publication has been begun and as far as their strength and their
desire go, to help the Dukhobors by giving their mite to the Dukhobor
fund in England.”
382.
Taking no part in 1899, in the work of organising help
for the famine-stricken peasants, Tolstoi directed the contributions
received for this purpose from various people, to be sent to those
who were occupied on the spot in giving help to the inhabitants.
383.
Originally in English.
384.
This thought was maintained in the book then being
read by Tolstoi: Vergleichenden Uebersicht der Vier Evangelien,
von S. G. Verus, Leipzig, 1897. In the letter of Biriukov of August 1,
1899, Tolstoi wrote thus about the significance of Verus’ book:
“This supposition or probability is the destruction of the last
suburbs which are susceptible to attacks from the enemy, so that
the fortress of the moral teaching of the good, flowing not from a
source which is only temporary and local, but from a totality of
the whole spiritual life of humanity, be unshaken.”
385.
Countess S. N. Tolstoi.
386.
See Note 384.
387.
This thought is developed more in detail by
Tolstoi[382]
in the Legend of the Stones (see The Reading Circle, Volume II).
388.
Alfred B. Westrup. Plenty of Money. N. Y., 1899.
389.
Countess O. C. Tolstoi, born Dieterichs,
first wife
of A. L. Tolstoi.
390.
The artist, Julia Ivanovna Igumnov, who lived a long
time in Yasnaya Polyana. At this time she helped Tolstoi to copy
his manuscripts and his letters.
391.
A. D. Arkhangelsky, a student in the Moscow University,
who lived as a teacher in Tolstoi’s house.
392.
These chapters on Resurrection were sent to the
publishing house of Niva to be
set up.
393.
An interrogation point in the copy at the disposal
of the editors.
394.
Living at this time with the Tolstois in Moscow,
Countess O. K. Tolstoi, in a letter to V. G. Chertkov on
November 22nd, 1899, described Tolstoi’s illness in this way:
“Yesterday we lived through a terrible evening and night. In the
evening after dinner, Tolstoi went to his room to lie down, and after
several minutes we were all attracted by terrible groans from him
... he was taken with severe stomach pains which were very severe
from four o’clock in the morning to seven in the evening. He suffered
terribly and at first nothing helped.” Tolstoi suffered especially
from vomiting which lasted twenty-eight hours. His doctors were P. S.
Usev and Prof. M. P. Cherinov. “Both medicine and feeding,” another
person wrote to Chertkov from Moscow, December 5, 1899, “is given
now by entreaty and persuasion, now by tears and now by deception,
which is[383]
even more depressing than tears. To-day everything is
better: pains and appetite and strength.” Tolstoi got out of bed
December 6th and little by little began to walk. But the following
days he had pain and felt weakness.
395.
An omission in this place in the copy in possession
of the editors.
396.
This word in the original is underlined twice.
397.
From Derzhavin’s Ode, “God.”
398.
The exact title of the book by M. A. Engelhardt is
Progress, As an Evolution of Cruelty, issued by F. F. Pavlenkov,
Petrograd, 1899. To the author of this book, M. A. Engelhardt
(1858–1882), Tolstoi wrote, in 1882, a very remarkable letter on
the problem of non-resistance to evil by violence.
399.
The journal, Niva.
400.
The novel, The Forged Coupon.
[385]
APPENDIX
[387]
The present volume of Tolstoi’s Journal covers a period from
October 28, 1895, to December, 1899. During this time Tolstoi made
in all 170 entries[a1] in the Journal, the greatest number of
them falling in the year 1897, and the smallest in 1899. During
certain months, Tolstoi made no entries whatever. There were nine
such months in the four years; April and August, 1896; June, 1897;
September, October and December, 1898; March, May and August, 1899.
The greatest number of interruptions in the entries was caused by ill
health, sometimes also by intensive work and sometimes on account
of spiritual depression.
I
IMPORTANT EVENTS
Of important outer events which had more or less significance for
Tolstoi, and to which he responded[388] during this time, the following
are to be mentioned:[a2]
In the first two months of 1896, Tolstoi notes in his Journal and
in private letters the death of several people more or less near to
him: his relative, N. M. Nagornov; the well-known philosopher, N. N.
Strakhov, to whom he was bound by an old friendship; an old woman,
Agatha Michailovna, a former maid of his grandmother, who lived all
her life in Yasnaya Polyana; the Yasnaya Polyana peasant, Phillip
Egorov, who had been a coachman for many years at the Tolstois’, and
the steward, at one time; the wife of a professor, Olga Storozhenko.
In March and April of the same year, according to his own words, the
important events of his life were: making the acquaintance of the
peasant, M. P. Novikov; the arrest of his friend, a woman doctor,
M. M. Kholevinsky, because she gave his forbidden works to the
working people; hearing Wagner’s Opera,
“Siegfried,” which aided him
in clarifying his conception of true art; becoming acquainted with
the works of the noted philosopher, A. A.
Spier, which were sent to
him by the latter’s daughter.
In May, in Moscow at the time of the Coronation, the unfortunate
catastrophe which took place on the Khodinka field, the reports of
which produced a strong impression on Tolstoi.
In October of this same year, two Japanese[389] came to Tolstoi, whose
visit was both interesting and pleasant for him.
In February, 1897, several friends of Tolstoi were subjected to
governmental prosecution for their intercession in behalf of the
persecuted Dukhobors: P. I. Biriukov was exiled to the city of Bausk
in Courland, V. G. Chertkov was exiled abroad and I. M. Tregubov
some time later was exiled to Goldingen in Courland.
In February of that year there was the tragedy of an acquaintance of
Tolstoi; Miss M. F. Vietrov burning herself, who had been imprisoned
in the Fortress of Peter and Paul.
In July of that year Tolstoi’s daughter, Maria
Lvovna, who stood
especially near to him, was married to Prince N. L. Obolensky.
In September, P. A. Boulanger,
a friend, was exiled abroad for his
activity in behalf of the Dukhobors.
At the end of October the noted American writer, Henry George, died,
whose works and whose personality Tolstoi valued very highly.
In November Dr. D. P. Makovitsky, a follower of Tolstoi, came for a
short visit from Hungary; later becoming a close friend, he remained
with Tolstoi uninterruptedly until the latter’s death.
In December, Tolstoi received several anonymous letters with threats
of assassination.
In February, 1898, the Dukhobors received permission to emigrate from
Russia, which Tolstoi for two years had worked hard to accomplish. In
April of that year the Moscow merchant, I. P. Brashnin, a follower
of Tolstoi, died.
[390]
In April and May there was famine in several districts of
Tula, and
Tolstoi occupied himself energetically for some time to aid the
famine-stricken. He established soup-kitchens, collected money, etc.
In May of that year, the Russkia
Viedomosti was suppressed for
collecting funds in behalf of the Dukhobors.
In July, Tolstoi decided to finish his novel, Resurrection, “so
that it could be published for the benefit of the Dukhobors.”
In October, the Dukhobor, V. N. Pozdniakov, visited Tolstoi, coming
secretly from his exile in Yakutsk
to the Caucasus to see his
co-religionists before their emigration to America.
In this same month the peasant, T. M. Bondarev, died, who had lived
many years in exile in Siberia, for whose book on The Labor for
Bread Tolstoi wrote a preface, and with whom he corresponded.
Tolstoi only learned of his death in December.
In 1899 there were almost no external events.
In November of that year, Tolstoi’s eldest daughter,
Tatiana Lvovna,
was married to M. S. Sukhotin.
II
THE PLACES THAT TOLSTOI LIVED IN AND VISITED
Between 1896–1899 Tolstoi lived principally in Yasnaya Polyana. There
he generally not only spent most of the summer, but often all of
autumn and sometimes even up to January. In
Moscow,[391] he generally
spent the winter months—from November or December until April and
sometimes until May. Besides this, for short periods, Tolstoi would
go to other places. Thus, in August, 1896, he visited his sister, the
nun, Countess M. N. Tolstoi, living in the convent of Shamordino.
At times during these years he visited his brother, Count S. N.
Tolstoi, who lived on his estate in Pirogovo in the province of
Tula
(in May, July and October, 1896, in November, 1897, in August and
November, 1898, and in May, 1899).
Besides this, from February to March, 1896, and from February to
March, 1897, he visited his friends, the Olsuphievs, on their estate,
Nicholskoe, near Moscow; once he spent two weeks with them, another
time a whole month with an interruption. The interruption was caused
by his sudden trip to Petrograd (in February, 1897) to take leave
of his friends, Chertkov and Biriukov, who were being exiled.
At the end of 1897, Tolstoi visited the village
Dolgoe, and saw the
house in which he was born and in which he spent his childhood and
boyhood and which in the fifties was sold to be transferred to this
village.
The month of May of 1898, Tolstoi spent in Grinevka, the estate of
his son, Count I. L. Tolstoi. While living there, he took charge of
the aid to the famine-stricken. From Grinevka he went by horse to
visit his friend, the landlord, Levitsky, where he fell seriously
ill and spent ten days.
[392]
III
WHAT TOLSTOI WROTE
From the period of November, 1895, to 1899 Tolstoi worked on the
following manuscripts:[a3]
A. Fiction
- 1.
The novel Resurrection (November, 1895–February, 1896,
January–February, 1897, July–December,
1898, and all of 1899).
- 2.
The drama The Light That Shines in Darkness (December,
1895—planned it; January–April, 1896; October, 1896, and July–August,
1897—planned it).
- 3.
The novel Hadji Murad
(September, 1896; March–April,
1897—planned it; September, 1897–June, 1898).
- 4.
The story Father Sergius (June, 1898; August, 1898—planned
it). Besides this, there are indications that he planned during this
period:
- 5.
The story Who is Right? (November, 1897).
- 6.
Notes of a Madman (December, 1896, January, 1897).
- 7.
The drama The Living Corpse (December, 1897).
- 8.
The novel The Forged Coupon (June, 1898, December, 1899).
[393]
B. Essays
- 1.
The Christian Doctrine (November–December, 1895, May–July,
September–December, 1896).
- 2.
Shameful (December, 1895).
- 3.
A Letter to the Italians (About the Abyssinians, unfinished,
March–April, 1896).
- 4.
What Is Art? (May–July, 1896—planned it; November, 1896–April,
1897, July, 1897–February, 1898).
- 5.
How To Read the Gospels and in What Is Their Essence (July,
1896).
- 6.
The Beginning of the End (September–October, 1896).
- 7.
On War (unfinished—November–December, 1896).
- 8.
The Appendix to The Appeal, by P. Biriukov, I. Tregubov and
V. G. Chertkov—Help! (December, 1896).
- 9.
The Appeal (unfinished, January–April, 1897, September,
1897–April, 1898—planned it; May–July, 1898).
- 10.
Preface to the essay by Edward Carpenter, Contemporary Science
(October, 1897–February, 1898).
- 11.
Preface to the English edition of What Is Art? (April, 1898).
- 12.
Carthago delenda est (April, 1898).
- 13.
Is There Famine or No Famine? (May–June, 1898).
- 14.
Two Wars (August, 1898).
[394]
C. Letters
(Those important according to volume and
contents).[a4]
- 1.
To P. V. Verigin (on the harm and benefit of printing).
November 21, 1895.
- 2.
John Manson (“Patriotism and Peace”). December, 1895.
- 3. Ernest Crosby (“On Non-resistance”). December, 1895–February,
1896.
- 4.
To M. A. Sopotsko (“On the Church Deception”). March 16, 1896.
- 5.
To the Ministers of Justice and the Interior (on the subject of
the arrest of Mme. M. N. Kholevinsky).
April 20, 1896.
- 6.
To Madame A. M. Kalmikov (“A Letter to the Liberals”).
August–September, 1896.
- 7.
To E. Schmidt (“To the editor of a German paper”). October 12,
1896.
- 8.
To P. V. Verigin (an answer to the objections to printing).
October 14, 1896.
- 9.
To the commander of the Irkutsk
Disciplinary Battalion (on
the refusal of P. Olkhovik and C. Sereda from military service).
October 22, 1896.
- 10.
To the Commander of the Ekaterinograd Disciplinary Battalion (on
the refusal of the Dukhobors from military service). November 1,
1896.
- 11.
To the Countess S. A. Tolstoi (on leaving Yasnaya Polyana).
July 8, 1897.
- [395]
12.
To the Swedish papers (with the suggestion that the Nobel prize
be awarded to the Dukhobors). August–September, 1897.
- 13.
To the Emperor (about the Molokans). October, 1897.
- 14.
To the Peterburgskaia Viedomosti
(about the Molokans). October,
1897.
- 15.
To the Russkia Viedomosti
(about aid for the famine-stricken).
February 21, 1898.
- 16.
To G. H. Gibson—of the American colony Georgia (on agricultural
communities). March, 1898.
- 17.
To the Russian papers (on the Dukhobors). March 20, 1898.
- 18.
To the English papers (on the Dukhobors). March 18, 1898.
- 19.
To N (“A letter to an officer”). December, 1898–January, 1899.
- 20.
To the Swedish Group (on the means for attaining universal
peace). January–February, 1899.
- 21.
To Prince G. M. Volkonsky (“On the Transvaal War”). December 4,
1899.
- 22.
To A. I. Dvoriansky (“On religious education”). December 13,
1899.
D. Themes
(Mentioned in the Journal)[a5]
- 1.
“On Religious Education” (February 13, 1896,
in answer to a letter
of V. S. Grinevich).
- 2.
“The story of what a man lives through in[396] this life who committed
suicide in a past life” (February 13,
1896).
- 3.
“Pictures of Samara life: the steppe, the struggle between the
nomadic patriarchal principle and the agricultural culture”
(June 19,
1896).
- 4.
“Hadji Murad”
(July 19, 1896, under the same title).
- 5.
“Suicide of the old man, Persianninov” (September 14,
1896).
- 6.
“The substitution of a child in an orphan asylum”
(September 14,
1896).
- 7.
“A wife’s deception of her passionate, jealous husband: his
suffering, struggle and the enjoyment of forgiveness”
(November 22,
1896).
- 8.
“A description of the oppression of the serfs and later the same
oppression through land ownership, or rather, the being deprived of
it” (November 22, 1896).
- 9.
“Notes of a madman” (December 26, 1896).
- 10.
“The theme: A passionate young man in love with a mentally
diseased woman” (July 16, 1897).
- 11.
The theme “In pendant
to Hadji Murad”:
“Another Russian outlaw,
Grigori Nicholaev” ... (November 14,
1897).
- 12.
“Sergius” (December 13, 1897, “Father Sergius”).
- 13.
“Alexander I” (December 13, 1897, “Posthumous notes of the monk,
Fedor Kuzmich”).
- 14.
“Persianninov” (December 13, 1897).
- 15.
“The story of Petrovich—a man who[397] died a pilgrim”
(December 13,
1897, “Korni Vasiliev”).
- 16.
“The legend of the descent of Christ into Hell and the
resurrection of Hell” (December 13, 1897,
“The resurrection of Hell
and its destruction”).
- 17.
“The Forged Coupon” (December 13, 1897,
under the same title).
- 18.
“A substituted child” (December 13, 1897).
- 19.
“The drama of the Christian resurrection”
(December 13, 1897).
- 20.
“Resurrection—the trial of a prostitute”
(December 13, 1897,
Resurrection).
- 21.
“An outlaw killing the defenceless” (December 13, 1897).
- 22.
“Mother” (December 13, 1897).
- 23.
“An execution in Odessa” (December 13,
1897, Divine and human).
- 24.
“A bit of fiction, in which would be clearly expressed the flowing
quality of man: that he, one and the same man, is now an evil-doer,
now an angel, now a wise man, now an idiot, now a strong man, now
the most impotent being” (March 21,
1898).
- 25.
“Everything depends, to what one directs one’s consciousness”
(November 14, 1898).
- 26.
“On why the people are corrupted” (November 25,
1898).
[398]
IV
REFLECTIONS ON TOLSTOI’S THOUGHTS IN THE JOURNAL
Besides the above mentioned literary labours of Tolstoi, his thought
life ought to be mentioned which at first found expression in his
note-book and from which later he would transcribe those thoughts
into his Journal which appeared to him valuable. These thoughts were
sometimes, as we say, absolutely accidental, sometimes they were
called forth by conversations with various people and sometimes they
were the responses to outer events. The greater part of them came
in connection with some work on hand or one which he was planning,
or were for some inner clarification or spiritual discussion of
problems which, above all, agitated and interested him.
Of the thoughts which came in connection with his works on hand from
1896 to 1899, a sufficiently important number can be pointed out
as auxiliary thoughts for the thinking over and working out of his
“Catechism” (or the “Christian Doctrine”); such were a number of
thoughts about faith, Christian doctrine, sin, etc. A great number
of thoughts on art appeared in connection with his contemplated
work, What Is Art? On the conclusion of this work there are almost
no thoughts on art in the Journal. Many thoughts were entered for
The Appeal, i.e., for the purpose of including them in the
contemplated manuscript but which was never finished in that form.
Rarely, thoughts are met in the Journal which are[399] in connection
with his work on some literary topic.
Besides the thoughts which appeared in connection with his writings,
one meets in the Journal, as was said above, such thoughts which
appeared during the period of intense clarification of the various
problems of his personal and family life. In connection with the
observations which he lived through and experienced, Tolstoi quite
often wrote down his own spiritual state, his personal sufferings
and the right attitude that he should take towards them.
At one time, he was occupied especially with the problem of the
philosophic definition of time and space and he wrote down his
thoughts on this theme quite often. At another time, he was interested
in the problem of error, of whether the outer world was such as it
appeared. Quite often he noted his thoughts on the themes: On God,
on the meaning of life, on the difference between the spiritual and
the animal life, on reason, on prayer. Quite often, at this time,
thoughts came to him about the given work of God, about service
to God, about love in general and about love towards enemies in
particular.
Besides this, there are scattered in the whole Journal for the four
mentioned years, various thoughts on the sex-problem—on falling in
love, on women, on marriage—and also quite a number of thoughts on
illness, on death, on the unjust life of the rich, on memory and on
many other subjects. Sometimes one finds thoughts in the Journal
which appear in connection with the books that he was reading; for
instance, there are several thoughts[400] called forth by the reading of
the philosophic works of Schopenhauer
and Spier. The fact that there
are few notes in the Journal about the books that had been read or
were being read is, of course, no sign that Tolstoi read little. It
is sufficient to open his book, What Is Art, to convince oneself
as to the enormous amount of books that were read and studied by
Tolstoi on the one theme of art alone for this work; nevertheless,
there are very few of them mentioned in the Journal.
V
SOME FEATURES FROM THE SPIRITUAL DOMAIN OF TOLSTOI’S
LIFE[a6]
In due time, when absolutely all Tolstoi’s Journals and letters
and all his writings which have not yet appeared will be printed,
and also when all the unused material about him, that literary
inheritance in all its enormous volume, will be made use of, then
it will be possible to carefully study the great process of the
growth of Tolstoi’s soul. At the present moment, when a great
number of Tolstoi’s writings and the reminiscences about him are not
yet published, it is impossible to really penetrate the whole depth
and breadth of Tolstoi’s spirit. At present, it is only possible
to throw light on the general characteristics of several
separate[401]
sides of his inner life, in one or several of its periods.
Therefore, this short sketch of Tolstoi’s life at the end of the
nineties, which deals not only with his outer but with his inner
life, does in no way intend to give an exhaustive exposition of his
varied and complicated spiritual states. In the description which
is here placed of several features of Tolstoi’s spiritual life,
the principal attention is given to that state, which for over
three years almost constantly dominated Tolstoi, in connection with
one of the most lasting and torturing periods of intense spiritual
suffering in the domain of his domestic life. Such periods happened
to Tolstoi even before, in the seventies and in the eighties and in
the very last years of his life.
Of course, the description of only one feature of Tolstoi’s inner
life, cannot be an indication that he had not other kinds of spiritual
states, not connected with his home life. The numerous and extensive
entries in the Journal testify that Tolstoi often experienced states
of high religious exaltation and of intimate spiritual union and
fusion with God, as well as states of the earnest seeking of the path
towards perfection, flowing from a sharp discontent with himself
and a repentance for his errors and weaknesses (quite often the
states were called forth by spiritual suffering). In this sketch
are emphasised and brought forth the logical connection of at least
one most torturing feature of his inner life, which is reflected in
disconnected brilliant entries in his Journal—features which show
the cross that he bore for the last thirty years of his life. The
time has not yet come for a full[402] description of all the sides and
conditions of Tolstoi’s life, and therefore the intimate places have
been omitted in the present edition of the Journal. In consequence,
the reader will not find an exhaustive description in these chapters
of the personal life of Tolstoi which is connected with his family
relations.
From 1895 to 1899 Tolstoi lived through much spiritual suffering
and struggle, and during this time he was ill quite often. If one
carefully followed all the entries in the Journal, then it would
clearly be seen that almost all his severe illnesses came after
depressing inner experiences.
With the strength of his deep religiousness, Tolstoi invariably
strove to use, in the best spiritual sense, all the trials which
were given to him as his lot, physical as well as spiritual, and
through intense inner labour he generally at the end succeeded in
converting all his sufferings, to use his own language, to the joy
of fulfilling the will of God.
At the end of 1895, Tolstoi was earnestly occupied with the plot of
his drama, The Light that Shines in Darkness; this plot agitated
him so that he even dreamed of it and he raved about it in his sleep.
This can be easily understood in view of the fact that there are
many autobiographic elements in this drama.
And so he wrote in the Journal that he “lived through much,” in
reading over, at the request of his wife, his journals for the past
seven years.[a7][403]
At the same time, Tolstoi complains several times in his Journal
of his general indisposition, of his weakness, and of his lack of
energy.
In the course of the three years, from 1896 to 1898, Tolstoi often
experienced a fall of spirit, strong attacks of sorrow and torturing
agony. The greatest part of his suffering was caused by the lack of
understanding of several people near to him, either for his point
of view or for his inner life,[a8] and because of the “emptiness
of his surrounding life.”[a9]
He even felt “hatred” for himself[a10] and he was burdened by his
part in the “unjust, idle, luxurious[a11] life.” But here the thought
would come to him that he had to suffer humiliation,[a12] and at
times he created supplementary thoughts, which in fun he called
“prescriptions” for his spiritual suffering.[a13]
On December 2, 1896,
Tolstoi wrote in his Journal: “This is my
condition ... oh, this luxury, this richness, this absence of care
about the material life!...”
The thought that this indeed was his task, given to him, had a calming
effect. He tried to look on the conditions in which he was placed
as upon a test of humbleness, “humiliation.” But “in chains, in a
prison, one can pride oneself on one’s humiliation”—he wrote—“but
here it is only painful,[404]
unless one accepts it as a trial sent by
God.”[a14]
The calm state which was created through the influence
of these thoughts was only short-lived. His heart began soon again
to pain and he “wants to cry over himself, over the remnant of his
life which is being futilely ruined.”[a15]
His surrounding life[a16] which tortured him called forth long periods
of agony, dejection and fall of spirits. But with the thoughts about
love towards enemies,[a17] there came to him the urge to look upon
his work, as the work of love which was given to him, and again
peace possessed him, “because a loving one.”[a18] But soon again
this peace became principally an outer one, and within himself he
again wavered.[a19] Again he is “ashamed and depressed because of
the consciousness of the lawlessness of his life.”[a20]
After a month, he makes an entry in his Journal, but tears it out,
putting only the words, “A bad and sterile month” and adds, “Have
torn out, burned, what I have written in heat.”[a21] Then for a
long time he wrote nothing, and during this time he “lived through
much that was difficult and good.”[a22] On the 8th of July he wrote
his very famous letter to his wife, which she received after his
death,[a23] which began with the words,
“It[405]
is already a long time
that I am tortured by the lack of harmony between my life and my
beliefs” and in which further on he wrote about his decision to do
that which “he had wanted to do for a long time: to go away.” But
no matter how difficult the conditions of his family life were at
this time, they were not yet sufficiently ripe to bring him over to
a definite decision to leave his family, and to fulfil his ancient
dream of life in more simple conditions among working people. And
in view of the fact that he decided to change his decision, he gave
the above-mentioned letter for safe-keeping to his son-in-law,
Prince N. L. Obolensky, with the request to give it to the one
designated, when he was no longer among the living. Although Tolstoi
remained this time in Yasnaya Polyana, his life among master-class
conditions did not cease to burden him even for a short time, and
he felt himself alone,[a24] he often experienced sorrow as before,
and in spirit he felt “solemn,” “gloomy.”[a25]
At the end of that year (1897), he wrote the thought in his Journal,
of the tragedy of the situation of “a man kindly disposed wishing
only the good” but who in return meets only “hissing malice and the
hatred of people.”[a26] And soon again he writes in his Journal
that he is in an agonised, sad, crushed state,[a27] which, however,
he is trying to[406]
fight off with all his strength. (“The house is
depressing but I want to and will be joyous.”[a28]) But this inner
struggle in spiritual isolation was of course not easy, and demanded
great spiritual strength before it could be fully successful. He was
constantly tortured by the injustice of his surrounding life and his
own almost futile situation in this life; and he becomes “at times
good and calm, at times uneasy and not good.”[a29] In this state he
often wants to cry,[a30] and only in time does his condition become
less agitated and sometimes even entirely calm.
In the summer of 1898, Tolstoi was twice seriously ill. After these
illnesses he entered in his Journal the joy of getting well and a
clearness of thinking. Soon after this he underwent new spiritual
experiences and in July, 1898, he again considered going away from
the conditions of life in Yasnaya Polyana which were depressing and
which were against his philosophy. He then wrote a letter to A. A.
Järnefelt and made a note in the
Journal that he has no strength to
withstand the customary temptation,[a31] i. e., the desire to go
away; it was to Järnefelt
that he turned with the request to help
him in his plan of going away which he was then considering. But
this time also, “the temptation passed,” as he wrote him later. And
again his life flowed on as before.
The thought of “going away” came to Tolstoi more than once, both early
and late, but he considered[407]
it a temptation because it would have
been spiritually much more easy for him to go away than to refrain
from this step. As he expressed himself once, he believed that when
there is a doubt in one’s soul, as to which one of two possible steps
one should take, then it were better to give preference to that one
in which there is the greatest self-sacrifice.
In 1899, Tolstoi felt himself spiritually improved and notwithstanding
his severely undermined health, he occupied himself much and
fruitfully with Resurrection. In the autumn of that year he made
the entry in the Journal, “I have wrought for myself a calm which is
not to be disturbed: not to speak and to know that this is necessary:
that it is under these conditions one ought to live.”[a32]
Only ten years later, the circumstances arose which freed Tolstoi
from the consciousness of the moral responsibility to remain in the
conditions of his home life. And having come to the conclusion of
the absolute inevitability of going away, he dared, only ten days
before his end, to freely give himself to his cherished wish to
change the outer conditions of his life.
[409]
INDEX
[411]
- “About
Patriotism,” Tolstoi’s letter to Manson,
pp. 19, 394;
note 36.
- Abrikosov, Kh. N., note 167.
- Adam, Paul, p. 238; note 340.
- Adult, the, a magazine, p. 193; note 280.
- Africa, p. 166.
- Agatha Michailovna, maid to Tolstoi’s grandmother,
p. 388.
- Aggeev, Aphanasi, p. 162;
note 237.
- Akime, peasant, p. 59.
- Alexander I, Emperor, p. 182.
- Alexander Petrovich, see
Ivanov.
- Alexeev, I., note 129.
- Algerian Disciplinary Battalion, note 380.
- Ambrose, Holy Man of Optina, p. 176; notes 257, 258.
- America, pp. 14,
16, 241, 286; notes 40,
96, 134,
177, 178,
221, 295,
343, 357.
- American, the, see Hall.
- Americans, the, p. 61.
- Amsterdam, note 18.
- Andrusha, see Tolstoi,
A. L., Count.
- Anna Karenin, Tolstoi’s novel, note 182.
- Annenkov, K. N., note 104.
- Annenkov, pp. 60,
144, 240, 243; notes 104, 177.
- “Aphorisms,” Schopenhauer, p. 8;
note 24.
- Aphremovs, landlords, p. 232;
note 323.
- “Appendix, the” (by L. Tolstoi) to Chekhov’s story,
Dushechka (Darling), note 177.
- “Appendix, the” (by L. Tolstoi) to E. I.
Popov’s book, Life and Death of E. N. Drozhin, note 38.
- Archer, p. 256; note 365.
- Archives, Tolstoi’s, manuscript edition of the
Nineties, notes 7, 167, 347.
- Arensky, A. S., p. 96; note 154.
- Aristophanes, p. 81.
- Aristotle, p. 130.
- Arkhangelsky, A. I., p. 113;
note 167.
- Arkhangelsky, Andre Dimitrievich, p. 289; note 391.
- Arnold, Matthew, note 182.
- Azov Sea, p. 218.
- Baburino village, p. 59; note 103.
- Bach, Johann Sebastian, pp. 55,
103, 104, 128; note 153.
- Bacon, Francis, p. 166.
- “Ballade,” Chopin’s, p. 96.
- Barcelona, note 144.
- Bastyevo, station, p. 230;
notes 311, 318.
- Bausk, Province of Courland, p. 389; note 173.
- [412]
Bavarian, the, p. 255.
- Bazhenov, I. R., p. 6; note 17.
- Bedborough, editor of The Adult, p. 193; note 280.
- Beethoven, Ludvig, pp. 55, 60, 80, 102,
103, 128, 152.
- “Beginning of the End, the,” article by L. Tolstoi (preface
to the letter of a Hollander), pp. 70, 393; note 125.
- Behrs, A. A., p. 186.
- Behrs, S. A. (“Stepa”), p. 122.
- Beller, L. A., p. 160.
- Bénard, p. 130.
- Berkeley, George, p. 75.
- Bieli, Constantine, see Zyabrev.
- Bielinsky, V. G., p. 43; note 79.
- Bielopolie, Province of Kharkov, note 134.
- “Bigarrure” by Arensky, p. 96.
- Biography of L. N. Tolstoi, compiled by P. I.
Biriukov, notes 2, 34,
85, 102, 114, 119, 180, 253.
- Biriukov,
P. I. (Posha), pp. 7, 8, 53, 58,
108, 125, 127, 136, 145, 146, 185, 195, 230, 237, 389; notes 9, 19, 23, 137,
160, 173, 219, 236, 257, 297, 353, 384.
- Black Sea, the, p. 218.
- “Blunders of Fear, the,” an article by M. O. Menshikov,
p. 37; note 74.
- Bobriki, village, p. 228; note 305.
- Boccaccio, p. 223.
- Bochkarev, p. 5; notes 11, 14.
- Bondarev, T. M., pp. 53, 185, 390; note 90.
- Boulanger, P. A., pp. 95,
136, 144, 146, 160, 161, 171, 195, 237, 389; notes 34, 134, 150, 219.
- Bourgas, Bulgaria, note 167.
- Boyhood, Tolstoi’s novel, note 119.
- Brahmins, p. 75.
- Brashnin, I. P., pp. 219, 389; note 301.
- Bronnitsk, district of (Province of Moscow), note 167.
- Budapest, note 56.
- Buddha, p. 81.
- Bulakhov, P. A., pp. 144, 195; note 211.
- Bulgaria, p. 237; notes 46, 167.
- “Bulletins of the Tolstoi Museum Society,” note 145.
- Buzuluk, district of (Province of Samara), note 222.
- California, note 134.
- Canada, notes 357, 367, 375.
- Carpenter, pp. 85, 206; note 135.
- “Carthago Delenda Est,” article by L. Tolstoi,
pp. 219, 221, 393; note 302.
- Carus, editor, The Open Court, p. 143; note 206.
- “Catechism,” see “Christian
Doctrine, the.”
- Caucasus, pp. 258,
390; notes 9,
195, 221, 240, 300, 357, 364, 367.
- Chekhov, A. P., p. 186; note 177.
- Cherinov, M. P., note 394.
- Cherni (Province of Tula), p. 231;
note 303.
- Chernigovitz (Vishnecsky), F. V., note 24.
- [413]
Chernishevsky, N. G., p. 43; note
81.
- Chernov, a Dukhobor, note 300.
- Chertkov,
A. C. (Galia), pp. 56,
174, 175,
181, 237;
notes 34, 42,
97, 202, 230, 301, 338.
- Chertkov, E. I., p. 149; note 226.
- Chertkov, V. G., pp. 19,
25, 31, 61, 87, 89,
106, 124, 133, 140, 142, 144, 152, 153, 158, 160, 161, 173, 178, 181, 183, 186, 189, 195, 198, 226, 237, 247, 253, 256, 369, 393, 400; notes 34, 48, 54, 80,
160, 173, 176, 190, 192, 200, 219, 226, 229, 231, 234, 240, 264, 269, 278, 293, 300, 309, 312, 333, 343, 347, 355, 358, 365, 374, 376, 381, 394.
- Chertkovs
(the “Exiles,” “to England,” “from England”),
pp. 14, 56, 65, 70, 100,
124, 139, 182, 233; notes 107, 174, 192, 197, 198, 203, 210, 273, 280, 282, 328, 354.
- Chicago, notes 206, 343.
- China, p. 212; note 353.
- Chizhov, S. P., p. 185; note 270.
- Chopin, p. 96.
- Chorvatia, note 46.
- Christ, pp. 13, 60, 64, 65,
81, 141, 169, 201, 221, 240, 243, 245, 276, 277, 397; notes 111,
151, 177, 192, 284, 372.
- Christian, pp. 105, 221.
- “Christian Doctrine, the,” by L. Tolstoi (“Catechism,”
“Declaration of Faith”), pp. 5, 8, 14, 25, 29, 31, 32,
35, 37, 52, 56, 58,
61, 70, 74, 85, 87,
90, 262, 393, 398; notes 4, 83, 95, 108, 190, 262.
- Christianity, pp. 74,
85, 163, 164, 213, 220, 221, 234.
- “Chromatic Fantasy and Fugue,” by Bach, p. 96; note 153.
- Clara, St., note 177.
- Collected Works of L. N. Tolstoi, edited by P. I.
Biriukov, published by Sytin,
- subscribed edition (20 volumes), notes 5, 27, 111,
134, 160, 238, 297, 331;
- popular edition (24 volumes), notes 5, 27, 64,
111, 134, 160, 222, 238, 297.
- Commander, the, of the Ekaterinograd (“Caucasian”)
Disciplinary Battalion, pp. 89, 394; note 137.
- Commander, the, of the Irkutsk Disciplinary Battalion,
pp. 85, 394;
note 134.
- “Concerning the Attitude towards the State,” by L. N.
Tolstoi, note 126.
- “Contemporary Science,” article by Carpenter, p. 85; note 135.
- Conversation with Nicodemus, p. 40.
- Copernicus, p. 83.
- Corinthians, the message of the Apostle Paul to the,
p. 232.
- Corneille, pp. 25, 30.
- “Corpse, the,” see “The
Living Corpse.”
- “Correspondence of L. N. Tolstoi with N. N. Strakhov,”
note 47.
- “Correspondence of L. N. Tolstoi with the
Countess A. A. Tolstoi,” note 176.
- “Coupon,” see The
Forged Coupon.
- Cracow, note 53.
- Crookes, William, p. 143; note 204.
- Crosby, pp. 16, 19, 21, 144,
185,[414] 240, 394; notes 37, 40, 215, 296.
- “Crucifix,” duet by Faure, p. 104;
note 162.
- Cyprus, notes 353, 357.
- “Daily Bread,” story by F. F. Tischenko, p. 96; note 156.
- Dante Alighieri, p. 103.
- Darwin, Charles, p. 74.
- Davydov, N. V., p. 21; note 49.
- Decadents, the, pp. 102, 144.
- “Declaration of Faith, the,” see
“Christian Doctrine,
the.”
- Deibner, A., the publisher, note 36.
- De-Kuh, note 233.
- Demenka, village, p. 60; note 107.
- Denisenko, E. S., Tolstoy’s niece, note 257.
- Derzhavin, G. R., note 397.
- Descartes, René, pp. 83, 89.
- Desert of Optina, the, notes 121,
257, 258.
- Devil, the, Tolstoy’s story, note 346.
- Dieterichs, the, pp. 237, 244.
- Dieterichs, J. K., note 338.
- Dieterichs, M. K., note 338.
- Dieterichs, O. C., see Tolstoi,
O. C., Countess.
- Divine and the Human, the, Tolstoy’s story, note 266.
- Dobroliubov, N. A., p. 43; note 81.
- Dolgoe, the town, p. 180; note 261.
- Don, district of the, note 90.
- Dragomirov, M. I., p. 91; note 145.
- Drozhin, E. N., p. 16; notes 38, 207.
- Dubrovin, M. N., p. 198.
- Dubrovsky, p. 198.
- Dukhobors, pp. 5,
91, 114, 117, 148, 193, 211, 222, 240, 243, 247, 253, 256, 269, 389, 390, 394, 395; notes 9,
130, 134, 144, 155, 160, 173, 177, 195, 219, 220, 221, 240, 279, 297, 300, 304, 312, 343, 346, 353, 357, 363, 364, 365, 367, 375, 381.
- Dumas, Alexander, note 96.
- Dunaev, A. N., pp. 6,
95, 136, 139, 237, 243; notes 15, 196, 301.
- Duniasha, the peasant girl, p. 157.
- Dushan, see Makovitsky.
- Dvoriansky, A. P., the teacher, p. 395.
- Egorov, F. R., p. 388.
- Egypt, note 37.
- Ekaterinograd (“Caucasian”) Disciplinary Battalion,
The, pp. 87, 89,
394; notes 137, 279.
- Elias, the prophet, p. 64.
- Engelhardt, M. A., p. 293; note 398.
- England, pp. 14,
185, 212,
233, 240;
notes 27, 31, 36, 38, 80,
91, 125, 130, 132, 160, 195, 197, 231, 240, 264, 269, 278, 297, 312, 321, 339, 342, 343, 353, 375, 379, 381.
- Englishmen, The, pp. 61, 166.
- English papers, p. 211.
- Epictetus, pp. 242, 261.
- “Epilogue, the (by L. Tolstoi) to the appeal ‘Help!’”
pp. 100, 393;
note 160.
- Ergolsky, T. A., note 177.
- Ertel, A. I., p. 21; note 50.
- “L’Esthetique d’Aristotle,” Bénard, p. 130.
- [415]
Europe, p. 164.
- Europeans, the, p. 71.
- Evgenie Ivanovich, see Popov, E. I.
- Exiles, the, see Chertkovs.
- Factory hands, p. 100.
- “Famine
or No Famine,” the article by Tolstoi (“On
the People’s Condition”), pp. 232, 236, 393; notes 321, 325, 335.
- Famine-Stricken, The, pp. 222,
270, 390, 391, 395; notes 303, 305, 306, 313, 320, 321, 325, 337, 382.
- Father
Sergius, a story by L. Tolstoi,
pp. 182, 233,
236, 243, 392, 396; notes 177, 266, 327, 346.
- Faure, Jean Baptiste, p. 104;
note 162.
- Fet (Shenshin), A. A., p. 64;
notes 24, 114.
- Fire Refugees, The, p. 60.
- Forged
Coupon, the, Tolstoi’s story (Coupon, The),
pp. 182, 234,
296, 392, 397; notes 177, 244, 266, 329, 400.
- Fortnightly Review, an English magazine, note 182.
- Fortress of Peter and Paul, p. 389;
note 192.
- Four Gospels, harmonized, translated and studied, Tolstoi’s
work, note 289.
- Francis of Assisi, note 177.
- “Free Press, the,” pp. 64,
270; notes 7,
297, 298.
- Free Press, The, publishing house of A. and V. Chertkov,
notes 4, 9, 31, 38, 91,
125, 126, 130, 132, 134, 160, 269, 312.
- Frenchman, the, p. 6.
- Gaideburov, V. P., p. 240; note
344.
- Galia, see Chertkov, A. C.
- Galileo, p. 83.
- Gay, N. N., the artist, notes 80, 139.
- Gay,
N. N., the artist’s son (“Kolechka,” “Kolichka”),
pp. 87, 269,
271, 283.
- Gendarme, p. 56; note 98.
- Geneva, note 220.
- George, Henry, p. 56; notes 37, 96.
- Georgia, the American agricultural colony, pp. 211, 395; note 296.
- Germans, the, pp. 144, 212, 273.
- Germany, note 66.
- Gibson, p. 395; note 296.
- Gill’s Factory, p. 33; note 70.
- Ginzburg, I. J., p. 144; notes 138, 214.
- “God,” Derzhavin’s Ode, note 397.
- Goethe, Wolfgang, pp. 54, 103, 128; note 94.
- Gogol, N. V., note 79.
- Goldenweiser, A. B., pp. 96, 144; note 152.
- Goldingen (government of Courland), p. 389; note 173.
- Golitsin, G. S., prince, p. 258;
note 367.
- Gorbunov (Posadov), I. I., pp. 124,
199, 244; notes 149, 167, 350.
- Gorbunov, N. I., notes 149, 350.
- Gorbunovs, pp. 95, 244.
- Gorchakov, E. S., Princess, p. 100;
note 157.
- Goremykin, I. L., note 64.
- Gorokhov, the landlord, note 261.
- [416]
Gospel in Brief, The, by L. Tolstoy, note 215.
- Gospels, the, pp. 60,
61, 128, 151, 166, 179, 263; note 111.
- Granovsky, T. N., p. 43; note 78.
- Grave, p. 206; note 292.
- Grevenhagen, the Dutch city, note 233.
- Grinevich, V. S., pp. 22, 395; note 54.
- Grinevka, the estate of Count I. L. Tolstoi,
pp. 221, 223,
226, 228, 230, 231, 391;
notes 303, 305,
323.
- Grot, N. J., pp. 162,
163, 171, 173, 176, 199; notes 238, 255, 265, 298.
- Gubarevka, village, pp. 226, 228.
- Gubonin (“The Teacher”), p. 226;
note 314.
- Gulenko, M. F., p. 199; note 286.
- Gulliver, p. 164.
- Gusev, N. N., note 237.
- Hadji-Murad, pp. 62, 70, 85, 136,
137, 152, 158, 164, 166, 172, 174, 182, 186, 195, 198, 210, 216, 219, 226, 230, 392, 396; notes 112, 122, 266.
- Hadji Murad, a Caucasian mountaineer, pp. 62, 70, 182,
216; note 112.
- Hague Peace Conference, note 378.
- Hall (“American, the”), p. 125;
note 178.
- Heath, p. 149; note 225.
- “Help!” the appeal by P. I. Biriukov, I. M.
Tregubov, and V. G. Chertkov, notes 160, 173.
- Helsingfors, note 347.
- Herzen, A. I., p. 43; note 80.
- Hindus, the, pp. 71, 83.
- History of Music, the, p. 103.
- Holland, p. 7; note 233.
- Hollander, the, see Vanderveer.
- Holy Scriptures, p. 128.
- Homer, p. 103.
- Hour of the Will of God, a story by N. S. Lieskov,
note 330.
- “How to read Gospels and in what is their essence,” by L.
Tolstoi, pp. 61, 393;
note 111.
- Hungary, pp. 178, 389; notes 8, 45, 46, 259.
- Igumnov, J. I. (“Julie”), p. 289;
note 390.
- Ilinsky, a landowner, p. 226;
note 308.
- Ilya, Iliusha, see Tolstoi,
I. L., Count.
- “L’individu et la Société,” by Jean Grave, p. 206.
- Initials, the, substituting names and surnames, see N, NN.
- “International Tolstoi Almanac, the, on Tolstoi,” compiled
by P. A. Sergienko, notes 56, 130, 178, 206.
- Introduction to The Story of a Mother by L. Tolstoi,
note 266.
- Ioga’s Philosophy, by Vivekânanda, p. 71; note 127.
- Irkutsk, note 134.
- Irkutsk, the disciplinary battalion of, p. 394; note 134.
- Ivan Mikhailovich, see Tregubov.
- Ivanov, Alexander Petrovich,
p. 163; note 239.
- Iversk, ikon of, p. 275.
- Jacob, p. 81.
- [417]
Japan, p. 212.
- Japanese, the, note 215.
- Japanese, the (plural), pp. 74, 80.
- Järnefelt, A. A., pp. 244,
406; notes 347,
350.
- Joseph, biblical, p. 81.
- Juriev (Dorpat), a city, note 379.
- Jushkova, N. M., p. 129; note 183.
- Kalmikov, Mme. A. M., pp. 70,
87, 394; note 126.
- Kaluga, note 350.
- Kamenka, a village, p. 226; note
305.
- Kansas (in America), note 295.
- Kant, Immanuel, pp. 65,
75, 83; note 115.
- Karma, p. 152.
- Kasatkin, N. A., pp. 144,
180; notes 214, 263.
- Kashai, in Hungary, note 8.
- Katiusha Maslov, heroine of Resurrection, see
Maslov.
- Kazan, pp. 94,
146, 163, 185; notes 218, 232, 379.
- Kaznacheevka, a village, note 237.
- Kenworthy, pp. 5, 14, 19, 21,
25, 276; note 7.
- Kh., N. l., p. 198.
- Khaliavka, a peasant woman, p. 59.
- Kharkov, p. 5; notes
151, 209, 379.
- Kharkov, Province of, notes 134, 240.
- Khilkov, D. A., Prince, pp. 163,
165, 240, 253; note 240.
- Khiriakov, A. M., note 34.
- Khodinka, a square in Moscow, pp. 58,
388; note 89.
- Khodinka, a story by L. Tolstoi, note 89.
- Kholevinsky, M. M., pp. 31, 388, 394; note 63.
- Kiev, pp. 140, 243; notes 129,
202, 270, 379.
- Kingdom of God Within Us, the, L. Tolstoi’s book,
note 291.
- Kioto, a Japanese city, note 129.
- Klein, I-Kh., note 233.
- Knizhki Nedieli, a magazine, notes 74, 156, 246, 253.
- Kolasha, Kolia, see Obolensky,
N. L., Prince.
- Kolechka, Kolichka, see
Gay, N. N.—son.
- Konevsky, see
Resurrection.
- Koni, A. F., pp. 100,
136; notes 23, 158, 192.
- Konissi, D. P., p. 74; note 129.
- Konius, Julius, and Leo Eduardovich, p. 129; note 184.
- Korni Vasiliev, a story by L. Tolstoi, p. 397; note 266.
- Kozlovka (or Kozlova Zasieka), a station, note 347.
- Krapivensk, the district of, notes 84, 261.
- Kronstad, John of, see Sergiev.
- Kudinenko, F., p. 20; note 43.
- Kudriavtsev, M. F., p. 100; note
159.
- Kukevka, a village, p. 230; note
305.
- Kukin (from Chekhov’s Dushechka), note 177.
- Kursk, Province of, note 38.
- Kuzminsky, A. M., p. 91; notes 22, 145.
- Kuzminsky, T. A. (“Aunt Tanya”), pp. 8, 246; note 22.
- Kuzminsky, V. A., p. 253; note 359.
[418]
- Langlet (“The Swede”), p. 150;
note 227.
- Lao-Tse, note 129.
- Lawyer, p. 60.
- Leaflets of the Free Press, a publication by A. and V.
Chertkov, notes 27, 45, 279, 321, 377.
- Lebon, p. 212.
- Leipzig, note 384.
- Letter to M. A. Engelhardt, A, (“On Non-resistance”),
note 398.
- “Letter to the Italians, a” (“On Abyssinians”),
by L. Tolstoi, pp. 29, 393;
note 59.
- “Letter to the Liberals, a,” by L. Tolstoi (“To
Mme. Kalmikov”), pp. 70, 87, 394; note 126.
- “Letter to the Officer, a,” by L. Tolstoi, pp. 270, 395; note 377.
- “Letter to a Peasant, a,” by L. Tolstoi, note 96.
- “Letter to the Russian Public, a,” (“On Dukhobors”),
note 297.
- “Letter to the Swedish Newspapers, a” (“On the Nobel prize
and the Dukhobors,” “The Swedish Letter,” “To Stockholm”), by L. Tolstoi,
pp. 148, 149, 158, 395; note 220.
- Letter to the Swedish papers, a, pp. 270, 395; note 278.
- Letters of Count Tolstoi to His Wife, p. 404; notes 66,
129, 155, 179, 199, 242, 250, 251, 303,
310, 365.
- Letters (unpublished), fragments of these letters are cited in
the editorial notes.
- Leo, see Tolstoi,
L. L., Count.
- Leontev, B. N., p. 146.
- Levitsky, the landlord, pp. 232, 391; note 323.
- Liapunov, V. D. (“Viacheslav”), pp. 160, 199; notes 236, 288.
- Liberals, the, p. 272.
- Lieskov, N. S., p. 235;
note 330.
- Light that Shines in Darkness, The, Tolstoi’s drama
(“Drama”), pp. 14, 19, 20, 29, 85,
113, 141, 392, 402; note 35.
- Lindenberg, G. R., p. 226; notes
313, 314.
- “Living
Corpse, the,” Tolstoi’s play (“The Corpse”),
p. 186.
- Lombroso, Cæsar, p. 146.
- London, notes 7, 80, 194.
- Longinov, V. V., p. 144; note 209.
- Lopashino, a village, p. 223;
note 305.
- Love for the Good, p. 244; note
349.
- Lvov (Lemberg), the capital of Galicia, note 240.
- Magdalene, note 177.
- Maklakov, A. A., note 213.
- Maklakov, V. A., note 213.
- Maklakovs, pp. 144, 146.
- Makovitsky,
D. P. (“Dushan”), pp. 20,
175, 178; notes 45, 259.
- Malikov, A. K., p. 210; note 295.
- Mallarmé, Stephane, p. 54; note 93.
- Mallory, Lucy, note 177.
- Manager of the Moscow Little Theatre, note 10.
- Manchuria, note 353.
- Manson (“The Englishman”), pp. 14,
394; note 36.
- [419]
Maria (a peasant woman), p. 59.
- Maria Alexandrovna, see
Schmidt, M. A.
- Maria Nicholaievna, see
Tolstoi, M. N.
- Marx, A. F., the publisher, notes 346, 362.
- Marx, Karl, pp. 33, 248.
- Marxists, the, p. 248.
- Mary, p. 252; note 177.
- Masha, see Obolensky,
M. L., Princess.
- Mashenka, see Tolstoi,
M. N., Countess.
- Maslov,
Katiusha, heroine of The Resurrection (Konevsky),
pp. 51, 113;
notes 6, 166.
- Materialists, the, pp. 83, 242.
- Maude, A. F., pp. 139,
144, 167, 173, 175, 176, 195; notes 194, 254.
- Mayak, the, children’s magazine, note 102.
- Mediterranean, the, p. 218.
- Medusov, p. 100.
- Meletie, the archbishop of Riazan, note 218.
- Menshikov, M. O., pp. 37,
167, 173, 199, 236, 240; notes 74,
246, 253.
- “Menteur,” by Corneille, p. 30.
- Michael-Angelo, pp. 55, 103.
- Mikhailo, a harness-maker, pp. 53, 56.
- Mikhail’s Ford, a village, p. 228;
note 305.
- Miklukha-Maklai, N. N., p. 166;
note 243.
- Minister of the Interior, the (I. L. Goremykin), pp. 31, 394; notes 64, 126, 304.
- Minister of Justice, the (N. V. Muraviev), pp. 31, 394; note 64.
- Minusinsk, district of (Province of Yeniseisk), note 90.
- Mohammed, p. 92.
- Molokans, the, pp. 148, 149, 395; notes 222, 223, 224, 232.
- Morosov, V. S., a peasant from Yasnaya Polyana, note 102.
- Moscow, pp. 8, 14, 19, 20,
21, 24, 31, 35, 53,
90, 95, 96, 99, 100,
101, 107, 109, 117, 136, 137, 139, 163, 171, 176, 180, 181, 183, 185, 186, 189, 194, 198, 199, 202, 206, 210, 213, 219, 222, 269, 286, 291, 292, 296, 388, 390; notes 13, 28, 29,
49, 57, 61, 71, 78,
88, 129, 152, 157, 163, 213, 221, 235, 238, 239, 256, 262, 265, 286, 301, 304, 347, 369.
- Moscow, Court of, notes 40, 53, 398.
- Moses, pp. 74,
92, 243, 245.
- Mother’s Notes, a, by L. Tolstoi, note 266.
- Mtsensk, Province of, p. 230;
note 317.
- Muraviev, N. V., note 64.
- Myasoyedov, G. G., p. 32; note 68.
- N, an army officer, p. 53.
- N, the artist, who refused to enter military service,
pp. 9, 20, 53; note 29.
- N, the journalist, p. 21.
- N, a revolutionist, p. 35.
- N, “a type for a drama,” p. 135.
- N, NN
(as written by Tolstoi in the original), pp. 273, 279.
- N, NN, A, B, V, G, Z, (the initials, substituted for the
names omitted by the editors), pp. 37, 53, 58, 60,
98, 102, 129, 131, 135, 142, 147,[420] 160,
181, 183, 186, 205, 237, 245, 395; notes 234, 264.
- Nagornov, N. M., pp. 19, 20, 388; note 42.
- Nagornov,
V. V., Tolstoi’s niece (“Varia”), p. 228; notes 42, 257.
- Nakashidze, I. P., Prince, pp. 114,
136, 198.
- Napoleonic Wars, p. 212.
- Nazarenes, the, p. 20; note 46.
- Nekhliudov, Dimitri, hero of Resurrection, Konevsky,
p. 113; notes 6, 166.
- New Collection of Letters of L. N. Tolstoi, compiled
by P. S. Sergienko, notes 53, 398.
- New Guinea, note 243.
- Newton, Isaac, p. 83.
- New York, p. 95, notes
127, 215, 388.
- Nicholaev, in Kazan, p. 185.
- Nicholaev, Grigori, an outlaw, pp. 166, 396.
- Nicholaev, note 96.
- Nicholai, see Tolstoi,
N. N., Count.
- Nicholas II, Alexandrovich, ex-Emperor, pp.
21, 149, 395; notes 49, 225.
- Nicholas I, Pavlovich, Emperor, p. 43.
- Nicholskoe, estate of the counts Olsuphiev, pp. 24, 29, 30,
117, 123, 124, 125, 127, 129, 132, 133, 134, 135, 391; notes 55, 191.
- Nicholskoe, estate of Count S. L. Tolstoi, p. 228; note 311.
- Nietzche, Friedrich, p. 163
- Niva, a magazine (No. 51) p. 296;
notes 346, 362,
392, 399.
- Nobel, Alfred, p. 148; note 220.
- Nobel prize, pp. 148, 395; notes 220, 227.
- Notes of a Madman, by L. Tolstoi, pp.
109, 113, 392, 396; note 165.
- Nov, a newspaper, note 129.
- Novaia Alexandria, note 379.
- Novikov, the brother of M. P. Novikov, pp.
31, 143, 163.
- Novikov, M. P., pp. 31,
143, 144, 160; notes 61, 205.
- Novoe Vremia, a newspaper, notes 74, 147, 182, 204, 253.
- Obdorsk (government of Tobolsk), notes
130, 300, 364.
- “Obnovlenie,” a publishing firm, notes 125, 126, 134, 377.
- Obolensky, E. V., princess, Tolstoi’s niece, p. 262; notes 257, 370.
- Obolensky,
M. L., Princess, Tolstoi’s daughter, “Masha,”
pp. 14, 35,
53, 85, 100, 140, 142, 185, 194, 228, 233, 237, 245, 256, 262, 277, 292, 389; notes 12, 32, 54,
105, 131, 193, 198, 201.
- Obolensky,
N. L., Prince, Tolstoi’s son-in-law, “Kolasha,”
“Kolia,” pp. 5, 142,
233, 262, 277, 292, 389, 405; notes 12, 32, 60,
199, 201,
290.
- Odessa, pp. 182, 397; note 379.
- Ohne Staat, a German newspaper, note 56.
- Olga, see Tolstoi,
O. C., Countess.
- Olkhovik, P. V., pp. 85, 394; note 134.
- Olsuphiev, A. M., Countess, p. 132;
note 190.
- Olsuphiev, A. V., Count, p. 149;
note 224.
- Olsuphiev, M. A., Count, pp. 129,
391; note 185.
- [421]
Olsuphievs, the Counts, pp. 21,
24, 125, 391; notes 48, 55.
- “On Abyssinians,” an article by Tolstoi, see
“Letter to the Italians, a.”
- On a Cart, a story by Chekhov, p. 186.
- “On Art,” see What
is Art?
- “On the Condition of the People,” see
“Famine or No Famine.”
- On Life, Tolstoi’s book, notes 37,
178.
- On Life, transcript by Hall, p. 125; note 178.
- “On Science,” see
“Preface
to Carpenter’s article ‘Contemporary Science.’”
- “On War,” an article by Tolstoi, p. 393; note 146.
- “On War,” a French pamphlet, p. 7.
- “On Whipping,” see Shameful.
- “Only Possible Solution of the Land Problem, the,” Tolstoi’s
article, note 96.
- Open Court, The, a magazine, note 206.
- Orel, note 295.
- Orenburg, note 63.
- Ossipov, Peter, a peasant from Yasnaya Polyana, p. 165; note 241.
- Ovsiannikovo, T. L. Sukhotin’s estate, pp. 6, 245; notes 11, 13, 350.
- P., p. 218.
- Paris, p. 216; note 87.
- Pascal, Blaise, pp. 15, 273.
- Pashkov Sect, p. 188; note 226.
- Paths of Life, by L. Tolstoi, p.
201; note 289.
- “Patriotism or Peace?” see
“About Patriotism.”
- Paul, the apostle, p. 232; note 249.
- Pavlenkov, F. F., note 398.
- Peasant-Poet, from Kazan, p. 163.
- Perer, p. 32.
- Perfileev, V. S., p. 105; note 163.
- Persianninov, pp. 72, 182, 396.
- Pet., p. 195.
- Peterburgskaia Viedomosti, a newspaper,
pp. 158, 160,
211, 395;
notes 222, 232.
- Petrograd (St. Petersburg), pp. 124,
391; notes 47,
90, 138, 145, 174, 176, 192, 300, 379.
- Petrovich, pp. 182,
396.
- Pharesov, A. I., p. 210.
- Phedoseev, N. I., p. 193; note 279.
- Philosophov, N. A., p. 9; note 30.
- Pickard, Elizabeth, p. 240; note
342.
- Pirogovo, Count S. N. Tolstoi’s estate, pp. 52, 60, 85,
163, 246, 262, 269, 391; note 84.
- Planidin, P. V., Dukhobor, note 300.
- Plato, p. 95.
- “Ploughman, the,” a poem by V. D. Liapunov, p. 199; note 288.
- Podsolnechnaia, note 55.
- “Politics,” Aristotle’s, p. 131;
note 187.
- Poltava, note 314.
- Popov,
E. I. (“Evgenie Ivanovich”), pp.
143, 199, 205, 217; notes 38, 207.
- Posha, see Biriukov, P. I.
- “Posrednik,” a Moscow publishing firm, notes 9, 19, 21, 75, 96,
102, 115, 119, 135, 149, 150, 167, 182, 259, 286, 357, 366.
- “Posrednik,” a Slavonian publishing firm, p. 178; note 259.
- [422]
Posthumous Literary Works of L. N. Tolstoi, published
by A. L. Tolstoi, notes 89, 112, 165, 244.
- “Posthumous Notes of the Monk, Fedor Kuzmich, the,”
by L. Tolstoi, p. 396; note 266.
- Power of Darkness, the, Tolstoi’s drama, p. 8; note 10.
- Pozdniakov, V. N. (“The Dukhobor”), p. 256; note 364.
- Preface by L. Tolstoi to the English edition of
What is Art? pp. 211,
393.
- Preface (by L. Tolstoi) to the work of T. M. Bondarev,
note 90.
- Preface
(by L. Tolstoi) to Carpenter’s article, “Contemporary Science”
(“On Science,” “Carpenter”), pp. 161,
165, 167, 171, 175, 206, 393; note 135.
- Prescriptions, pp. 83,
88, 171, 403.
- Priest, the, p. 185.
- Problems of Philosophy and Psychology, notes
129, 169, 238, 265, 268, 278, 298.
- Progress, as an Evolution of Cruelty, a book by
M. A. Engelhardt, p. 293; note 398.
- Prugavin, A. S., note 222.
- Public Library in Moscow, the, p. 136.
- Public Library in Petersburg, the, note 138.
- Pugachev, p. 277.
- Purleigh, a town in England, note 194.
- Rachinsky, S. A., p. 27; note 57.
- Rakhmanov, V. V., note 140.
- Raphael, pp. 103, 128.
- Razin, Stenka, p. 277.
- Reading Circle, the, by L. Tolstoi, notes 167, 177, 366, 387.
- Religion des Geistes, die, German magazine, note 56.
- Repine, I. E., pp. 93, 194; notes 147, 282.
- Resurrection,
Tolstoi’s novel (Konevsky), pp. 5, 6, 21, 51, 58, 85,
113, 182, 243, 245, 246, 252, 256, 258, 262, 269, 270, 277, 283, 286, 289, 292, 296, 390, 392, 397, 407; notes 1, 23, 96, 158,
190, 266, 346,
362, 371, 374,
376, 381, 392.
- “Resurrection of Hell and its Destruction, the,”
a legend by L. Tolstoi, pp. 182,
195, 397;
notes 266, 284.
- Revolutionaries, the, p. 272.
- Riazan, the Province of, note 303.
- Riga, note 379.
- Robinson, a teacher, p. 185.
- Rostovtzev, M. N., p. 247; note 354.
- Rostovtzev, N. D., note 354.
- Rozanov, V. V., p. 173; note 253.
- Rusanov, G. A., pp. 95, 182; notes 151, 180.
- Rusanovs, p. 183.
- Russ, a newspaper, note 321.
- Russki Trud, a magazine, p. 236;
note 336.
- Russkia Viedomosti, a newspaper, pp. 222, 390, 395; notes 218, 304.
- S., see Tolstoi,
S. A., Countess.
- Safonovo, a village, p. 133;
note 191.
- [423]
Sakia-Muni, p. 81.
- Salomon, K. A., pp. 53, 160; note 87.
- Samara, the Province of, pp. 58,
396; notes 102, 222.
- Samara, p. 148.
- Sasha, see Tolstoi,
A. L., Countess.
- Schmidt, Eugene, pp. 25, 85, 87, 394;
note 56.
- Schmidt, M. A.
(“Maria Alexandrovna”), pp. 6, 8,
162, 165, 172,
292; notes 13,
177, 252.
- Schopenhauer, Arthur, pp. 8, 400; note 24.
- Sectarians, p. 262; note 218.
- Seminary student, p. 53.
- Sereda, Cyril, p. 394; note 134.
- Serezha, see Tolstoi,
S. L., Count.
- Serezha, see Tolstoi,
S. N., Count.
- Sergei, see Tolstoi,
S. N., Count.
- Sergienko, P. A., notes 53,
56, 130, 178, 206.
- Sergiev, I. I.
(Kronstad), p. 57;
note 99.
- “Sergius,” see Father
Sergius.
- Servia, note 46.
- Shakespeare, William, pp. 55,
103, 128, 138, 152; note 94.
- Shameful,
an article by Tolstoi (on whipping),
pp. 8, 393;
notes 27, 50.
- Shamordino (Province of Kaluga, “The Monastery”), pp.
70, 391; notes 121, 257.
- Sharapov, S. F., note 336.
- Shelkovo, a village, p. 135; note
191.
- Shenshins, the landlords, pp. 69, 142; note 118.
- Shidlovsky, a peasant, p. 140;
note 202.
- Shkarvan, A. A., pp. 5, 7, 10, 32,
53; notes 8, 31, 91, 233.
- Shokhor-Trotsky, K. S., note 90.
- Shorin, Mme., p. 132; note 189.
- Should it really be so? an article by Tolstoi,
note 315.
- Siaskov, M. V. (Maria Vasilievna), p. 8; note 21.
- Siberia, p. 390;
notes 90, 134,
218, 237, 270, 279, 364.
- Sidorovo, a village, p. 226; note
305.
- Sieverni Viestnik, a magazine, pp. 161, 207; notes 53, 135.
- Siegfried, Wagner’s opera, pp. 31,
388; note 65.
- Sinet, p. 270; note 380.
- Siutaev, V. K., note 90.
- Smolensk, the Province of, note 211.
- Sobolev, M. N., p. 144; note 214.
- Social Gospel, an American magazine, note 296.
- Socialists, pp. 16,
213, 214, 272, 275.
- Soloviev, S. M., p. 188; note 277.
- Solovievs, Vladimir and Vsevolod Sergeevich, note 277.
- Sonya, see Tolstoi,
S. N., Countess.
- Sophocles, pp. 81,
103.
- Sopotsko, M. A., pp. 22, 394; note 52.
- Sovremennik, a magazine edited by Chernishevsky,
note 81.
- Spielhagen, Friedrich, p. 16;
note 38.
- Spier, A. A., pp. 31, 32, 35, 56,
115, 388, 400; notes 66,
67, 169.
- [424]
Spiritualists, p. 188.
- St., p. 195.
- St. John, p. 49.
- St. John, A. K., p. 148; note 221.
- St. Thomas, L. Tolstoi’s tutor, p. 69; note 119.
- Stakhovich, A. A., note 212.
- Stakhoviches, p. 144.
- Stakhovich, M. A., pp. 145,
226, 253; note 212.
- Stakhovich, S. A., note 212.
- Stasov, V. V., pp. 87, 124, 194; note 138.
- Stcheglov, I. L., note 185.
- Stead, William, note 342.
- “Step by Step” people, p. 214.
- Stockholm, p. 158; notes 71, 220.
- Stockholms Dagbladet,
a Swedish newspaper (Tagblatt Stokholm),
p. 150.
- “Stones, the,” a legend by L. Tolstoi, note 387.
- Storozhenko, N. I., p. 180; note
262.
- Storozhenko, O. I., p. 388.
- Strakhov, N. F. (“Natasha Strakhov”), p. 52; note 82.
- Strakhov, N. N., pp. 20,
37, 228, 388; notes 47,
76, 316.
- Strakhov, Ph. A., pp. 37, 185; notes 75, 77, 82.
- Students, from Kharkov, p. 5.
- Student Movement of 1899, the, p. 270; note 379.
- Sudakovo, Shenshins’ estate, note 118.
- Sudzha (the Province of Kursk), note 38.
- Sukhotin, M. S., L. Tolstoi’s son-in-law, p. 390; note 62.
- Sukhotin,
T. L., L. Tolstoi’s daughter (“Tania”),
pp. 31, 60,
129, 133, 136, 167, 173, 194, 237, 262; notes 11, 13, 62,
71, 144, 185.
- Suller, see Sullerzhitsky.
- Sullerzhitsky,
L. A. (“Suller”), pp. 199,
253, 258;
notes 287,
357, 367.
- Sumsk, the district of (Province of Kharkov), notes 134, 240.
- Sverbeev, D. D., p. 32; note 69.
- Svobodnaia Mysl, a magazine edited by P. I. Biriukov,
note 220.
- Swede, the, see Langlet.
- Sweden, p. 35; notes 71, 326.
- Swedes, the, note 378.
- “Swedish Letter, the,” see
“Letter to the Swedish
Papers, a.”
- Swift, Jonathan, p. 95.
- Switzerland, p. 237; note 46.
- Sytin, I. D., note 5.
- Tagblatt Stokholm, see
Stockholms Dagbladet.
- Tania, see Sukhotin, T. L.
- Tanyeev, Sergei Ivanovich, pp. 53,
66; notes 88, 117.
- Tarovat, p. 199.
- “Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, the,” p. 71; note 128.
- “Thousand and One Nights, the,” p. 288.
- “Three Problems,” a story by L. Tolstoi, note 331.
- Tiflis, p. 5; notes 9, 155.
- Tischenko, F. F., p. 96; note 156.
- Tobolsk, Province of, notes 130, 364.
- Tod, the Hindu, p. 71.
- Tolstoi, A. A., Countess, L. Tolstoi’s aunt, p. 124; notes 94, 176.
- Tolstoi,
A. L., Countess, L. Tolstoi’s[425] daughter (“Sasha”),
p. 194; notes 71, 283.
- Tolstoi,
A. L., Count, L. Tolstoi’s son (“Andrusha”),
p. 143; note 208.
- “Tolstoi Annual, 1913,” notes 90,
258.
- Tolstoi, D. F., Countess, born Vesterlund, wife of
Count L. L. Tolstoi, pp. 70, 146; notes 71, 123, 216, 326.
- Tolstoi,
I. L., Count, L. Tolstoi’s son (“Ilya,”
“Iliusha”), pp. 14, 70,
143, 150,
277, 391;
notes 30, 33,
85, 123, 208, 303, 322.
- Tolstoi,
L. L., Count, L. Tolstoi’s son (“Leo”), pp. 70, 146; notes 71, 98, 123,
216, 326,
332.
- Tolstoi, M. K., Countess, born Rachinsky, first wife
of Count S. L. Tolstoi, p. 70;
notes 57, 123.
- Tolstoi, M. L., Count, L. Tolstoi’s son, notes 71, 214.
- Tolstoi, M. L., see
Obolensky, M. L.
- Tolstoi,
M. N., Countess, L. Tolstoi’s sister (“Mashenka,”
“Maria Nicholaievna”), pp. 176,
246, 253, 291; notes 121, 257, 352, 358, 370.
- Tolstoi, M. S., Countess, L. Tolstoi’s niece (“the girls”)
p. 53; note 86.
- Tolstoi Museum in Petrograd, note 223.
- Tolstoi,
N. N., Count, L. Tolstoi’s brother (“Nicholai”),
p. 173; note 253.
- Tolstoi,
O. C., Countess, born Dieterichs, first wife of
Count A. L. Tolstoi (“Olga”), pp. 158,
277, 289; notes 231, 338, 389, 394.
- Tolstoi,
S. A., Countess, L. Tolstoi’s wife (“S,” “Sonya,” “Wife”),
pp. 5, 8,
10, 35, 68, 70, 86,
124, 125, 136, 150, 163, 172, 226, 231, 243, 245, 246, 256, 283, 286, 374, 404; notes 3, 66, 71,
96, 121, 129, 199, 242, 258, 303, 359, 365, 374.
- Tolstoi,
S. L., Count, L. Tolstoi’s son (“Serezha”),
pp. 70, 86,
223, 226, 258, 292; notes 57, 96, 123,
135, 136, 257, 311, 367.
- Tolstoi,
S. N., Count, L. Tolstoi’s brother (“Sergei,”
“Serezha,” “Brother S”), pp. 52,
60, 85, 246, 276, 286, 391; notes 65, 84, 85,
86, 110, 133, 351, 360.
- Tolstoi,
S. N., Countess, born Philosophov, wife
of Count I. L. Tolstoi (“Sonya,” “Daughter-in-Law”),
pp. 70, 232, 277; notes 30, 123, 322, 385.
- Tolstoi, T. L., Countess, see
Sukhotin, T. L.
- Tolstoi, Vera S., Countess, L. Tolstoi’s niece (“The
Girls”), pp. 53, 253;
note 86.
- Tolstoi, V. P., Count, the husband of L. Tolstoi’s sister,
note 257.
- Tolstoyanism, p. 178.
- Tomsk, note 379.
- Transvaal, p. 395.
- Tregubov, I. M.
(“Ivan Mikhailovich”), pp.
93, 133, 135, 139, 143, 145, 146, 181, 185, 195, 198, 253, 389, 393; notes 148, 160, 173, 195, 196, 219.
- [426]
Trilby, p. 25.
- Trophime, a peasant, p. 59.
- Trubetzkoi, S. N., Prince, p. 181;
note 265.
- Tsurikovs, the landlords, pp. 226,
232; note 308.
- Tula, pp. 53, 69, 89, 174,
195, 198; notes 63, 98, 236, 325.
- Tula District Court, notes 49, 237.
- Tula, the Province of, pp. 390,
391; notes 61, 84, 236, 261, 303.
- Tver, pp. 19, 198; note 41.
- “Two Wars,” the article by L. Tolstoi, p. 393.
- Typist, the, p. 148.
- Ukhtomsky, E. E., Prince, p. 236;
note 334.
- Umansk, the district of (Province of Kiev), note 270.
- United States of America, notes 36,
37, 46.
- Ursin, M., see
Zdziekhovsky, M. E.
- Usev, P. S., note 394.
- Vanderveer
(“The Hollander”), pp. 70, 89,
146, 163;
notes 124, 125.
- Van-Duyl, note 18.
- Varia, see Nagornov, V. V.
- Vegetarian Review, the magazine, note 13.
- Venezuela, note 36.
- Verigin, P. V., a Dukhobor, pp. 75,
394; notes 9, 130, 300, 364.
- Verkholensk, p. 193; note 134.
- Verus, note 384.
- Viatka, the village of, p. 94.
- Viazemsky, Prince, p. 185.
- Viestnik Evropa, p. 236.
- Vietrova, M. F., pp. 136, 389; note 192.
- Virgil, p. 128.
- Vivekânanda, Svami, note 127.
- Vladimir, the ikon of, p. 165.
- Vladivostok, notes 17, 134.
- Volkonsky, G. M., Prince, p. 395.
- Voronezh, the disciplinary battalion of, note 38.
- Voronezh, the prison of, note 38.
- Vrede, a Dutch magazine, note 124.
- Wagner, Richard, pp. 31, 388; note 65.
- Walz, p. 6; note 10.
- War Against War, Stead’s magazine, note 342.
- Westerlund, Ernest, p. 233;
note 326.
- Westrup, p. 286; note 388.
- What
is Art? L. Tolstoi’s book on art, pp. 88, 90, 96,
117, 120, 125, 127, 129, 136, 137, 139, 140, 144, 145, 150, 160, 161, 162, 163, 174, 175, 178, 180, 181, 182, 185, 195, 199, 206, 393, 398, 400; notes 65,
93, 142, 181, 238, 247, 254, 255, 265, 267, 268, 269, 278.
- What is my Faith? Tolstoi’s book, p. 31.
- What Then Shall We Do? L. Tolstoi’s book, note 90.
- “Where is Thy Brother?” the article by V. G.
Chertkov, p. 226; note 312.
- “Where is the Way Out?” the article by Tolstoi, note 315.
- “Who is Right?” Tolstoi’s story, pp. 5, 392; note 5.
- “Whom to Serve?” the book by A. I. Arkhangelsky, p. 113; note 167.
- Willard, p. 240; note 343.
- Witte, S. I., p. 91; note
145.
- [427]
Women, Tolstoi’s attitude toward them, note 177.
- Workingman from Tula, a, p. 53.
- Workingman, the, p. 57.
- “Works of the St. Petersburgh Philosophic Society,”
note 187.
- Works of Count L. N. Tolstoi, published by
Countess S. A. Tolstoi, note 398.
- Yakutsk, note 270.
- Yakutsk, the region of, pp. 256, 390; note 134.
- Yaremichov, p. 59.
- Yaroshenko, N. A., p. 124; note 175.
- Yasenki, a post-office branch, pp. 35, 142, 160, 161, 167, 172.
- Yasnaya Polyana, pp. 3, 4, 5, 7, 31, 32, 33,
34, 35, 37, 52, 56,
58, 59, 60, 68, 70,
74, 78, 85, 86, 87,
88, 89, 90, 93, 136,
139, 140, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 148, 149, 150, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 167, 168, 171, 173, 174, 175, 177, 232, 236, 237, 240, 243, 245, 253, 256, 258, 262, 265, 269, 270, 275, 276, 277, 283, 286, 289, 388, 390, 394, 406.
- Yeniseisk, the government of, note 90.
- Zakaz, the forest near Yasnaya Polyana, p. 58, note 101.
- Zakharin, G. A., p. 176; note 256.
- Zanini, pp. 90, 96; notes 144, 155.
- Zdziekhovsky,
M. E., p. 22; note 53.
- Zhebelev, S. A., note 187.
- Zyabrev,
C. N., a peasant from Yasnaya Polyana (“Bieli”),
p. 6; note 16.
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