The Project Gutenberg EBook of Chaucer's Works, Volume 1 (of 7) -- Romaunt of the Rose; Minor Poems, by Geoffrey Chaucer This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org Title: Chaucer's Works, Volume 1 (of 7) -- Romaunt of the Rose; Minor Poems Author: Geoffrey Chaucer Editor: Walter Skeat Release Date: July 3, 2013 [EBook #43089] Language: English Character set encoding: ASCII *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHAUCER'S WORKS, VOLUME 1 *** Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Keith Edkins and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net Transcriber's note: A few typographical errors have been corrected: they are listed at the end of the text. * * * * * In this text [*e] represents the "schwa" or obscure vowel, printed as inverted-e, and [gh] represents the Middle English letter "yogh", similar to the numeral 3. [=a] signifies "a macron", and so forth. aesc, eth and thorn are expanded to ae, dh and th. Parallel bilingual texts are marked with << for Chaucer's text, >> for the original, in blocks as printed page by page. * * * * * [Illustration: Vol. I. _Frontispiece._ GEOFFREY CHAUCER: FROM MS. HARL. 4866] * * * * * THE COMPLETE WORKS OF GEOFFREY CHAUCER _EDITED, FROM NUMEROUS MANUSCRIPTS_ BY THE REV. WALTER W. SKEAT, M.A. LITT.D., LL.D., D.C.L., PH.D. ELRINGTON AND BOSWORTH PROFESSOR OF ANGLO-SAXON AND FELLOW OF CHRIST'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE * ROMAUNT OF THE ROSE MINOR POEMS ----'blanda sonantibus Chordis carmina temperans.' BOETHIUS, _De Cons. Phil._ Lib. III. Met. 12. 'He temprede hise blaundisshinge songes by resowninge strenges.' _Chaucer's Translation._ SECOND EDITION Oxford AT THE CLARENDON PRESS MDCCCXCIX * * * * * Oxford PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS BY HORACE HART, M.A., PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY * * * * * CONTENTS. *** The Portrait of Chaucer in the frontispiece is noticed at p. lix. PAGE GENERAL INTRODUCTION vii LIFE OF CHAUCER ix LIST OF CHAUCER'S WORKS lxii ERRATA AND ADDENDA lxiv INTRODUCTION TO THE ROMAUNT OF THE ROSE.--s. 1. Why (the chief part of) the Romaunt of the Rose is not Chaucer's. s. 2. The English Version of the Romaunt. s. 3. Internal evidence. s. 4. Dr. Lidner's opinion. s. 5. Dr. Kaluza's opinion. The three Fragments. s. 6. Discussion of Fragment B. Test. I.--Proportion of English to French. s. 7. Test II.--Dialect. s. 8. Test III.--The Riming of _-y_ with _-ye_. s. 9. Test IV.--Assonant Rimes. s. 10. Result: Fragment B is not by Chaucer. s. 11. Discussion of Fragment C. s. 12. Rime-tests. s. 13. Further considerations. s. 14. Result: Fragment C is not by the author of Fragment B, and perhaps not by Chaucer. s. 15. Discussion of Fragment A. (1) Rimes in _-y._ (2) Rimes in _-ye_ s. 16. No false rimes. s. 17. The three Fragments seem to be all distinct. s. 18. Fragment A is probably Chaucer's. s. 19. Summary. s. 20. Probability of the results. s. 21. The external evidence. s. 22. The Glasgow MS. s. 23. Th.--Thynne's Edition; 1532. s. 24. Reprints. s. 25. The Present Edition. s. 26. Some corrections. s. 27. The French Text. ss. 28, 29. Brief Analysis of the French Poem: G. de Lorris. s. 30. Jean de Meun; to the end of Fragment B. s. 31. Gap in the Translation. s. 32. Fragment C. s. 33. Chaucer's use of 'Le Roman.' s. 34. Meon's French text 1 INTRODUCTION TO THE MINOR POEMS.--s. 1. Principles of selection. s. 2. Testimony of Chaucer regarding his Works. s. 3. Lydgate's List. s. 4. Testimony of Shirley. s. 5. Testimony of Scribes. s. 6. Testimony of Caxton. s. 7. Early Editions of Chaucer. s. 8. Contents of Stowe's Edition (1561): Part I.--Reprinted Matter. s. 9. Part II.--Additions by Stowe. s. 10. Part I. discussed. s. 11. Part II. discussed. s. 12. Poems added by Speght. s. 13. Poems added by Morris. s. 14. Description of the MSS. List of the MSS. s. 15. Remarks on the MSS. at Oxford. s. 16. MSS. at Cambridge. s. 17. London MSS. s. 18. I.--A. B. C. s. 19. II.--The Compleynt unto Pite. s. 20. III.--The Book of the Duchesse. s. 21. IV.--The Compleynt of Mars. s. 22. V.--The Parlement of Foules. s. 23. VI.--A Compleint to his Lady. s. 24. VII.--Anelida and Arcite. s. 25. VIII. Chaucers Wordes unto Adam. s. 26. IX.--The Former Age. s. 27. X.--Fortune. s. 28. XI.--Merciless Beauty. s. 29. XII.--To Rosemounde. s. 30. XIII.--Truth. s. 31. XIV.--Gentilesse. s. 32. XV.--Lak of Stedfastnesse. s. 33. XVI--Lenvoy to Scogan. s. 34. XVII.--Lenvoy to Bukton. s. 35. XVIII.--Compleynt of Venus. s. 36. XIX.--The Compleint to his Purse. s. 37. XX.--Proverbs. s. 38. XXI.--Against Women Unconstaunt. s. 39. XXII.--An Amorous Complaint. s. 40. XXIII.--Balade of Compleynt. s. 41. Concluding Remarks 20 THE ROMAUNT OF THE ROSE. FRAGMENT A. (with the French Text) 93 FRAGMENT B. (containing Northern forms) 164 FRAGMENT C. 229 THE MINOR POEMS. I. An A. B. C. (with the French original) 261 II. The Compleynte unto Pite 272 III. The Book of the Duchesse 277 IV. The Compleynt of Mars 323 V. The Parlement of Foules 335 VI. A Compleint to his Lady 360 VII. Anelida and Arcite 365 VIII. Chaucers Wordes unto Adam 379 IX. The Former Age 380 X. Fortune 383 XI. Merciles Beaute 387 XII. Balade to Rosemounde 389 XIII. Truth 390 XIV. Gentilesse 392 XV. Lak of Stedfastnesse 394 XVI. Lenvoy to Scogan 396 XVII. Lenvoy to Bukton 398 XVIII. The Compleynt of Venus (with the French original) 400 XIX. The Compleint of Chaucer to his empty Purse 405 XX. Proverbs of Chaucer 407 XXI. APPENDIX: Against Women Unconstaunt 409 XXII. An Amorous Complaint 411 XXIII. A Balade of Compleynt 415 NOTES TO THE ROMAUNT OF THE ROSE 417 NOTES TO THE MINOR POEMS 452 * * * * * GENERAL INTRODUCTION. The present edition of Chaucer contains an entirely new Text, founded solely on the manuscripts and on the earliest accessible printed editions. For correct copies of the manuscripts, I am indebted, except in a few rare instances, to the admirable texts published by the Chaucer Society. In each case, the best copy has been selected as the basis of the text, and has only been departed from where other copies afforded a better reading. All such variations, as regards the wording of the text, are invariably recorded in the footnotes at the bottom of each page; or, in the case of the Treatise on the Astrolabe, in Critical Notes immediately following the text. Variations in the spelling are also recorded, wherever they can be said to be of consequence. But I have purposely abstained from recording variations of reading that are certainly inferior to the reading given in the text. The requirements of metre and grammar have been carefully considered throughout. Beside these, the phonology and spelling of every word have received particular attention. With the exception of reasonable and intelligible variations, the spelling is uniform throughout, and consistent with the highly phonetic system employed by the scribe of the very valuable Ellesmere MS. of the Canterbury Tales. The old reproach, that Chaucer's works are chiefly remarkable for bad spelling, can no longer be fairly made; since the spelling here given is a fair guide to the old pronunciation of nearly every word. For further particulars, see the Introduction to vol. iv. and the remarks on Chaucer's language in vol. v. The present edition comprises the whole of Chaucer's Works, whether in verse or prose, together with a commentary (contained in the Notes) upon every passage which seems to present any difficulty or to require illustration. It is arranged in six volumes, as follows. Vol. I. commences with a Life of Chaucer, containing all the known facts and incidents that have been recorded, with authorities for the same, and dates. It also contains the Romaunt of the Rose and the Minor Poems, with a special Introduction and illustrative Notes. The Introduction discusses the genuineness of the poems here given, and explains why certain poems, formerly ascribed to Chaucer with more rashness than knowledge, are here omitted. The attempt to construct a reasonably good text of the Romaunt has involved great labour; all previous texts abound with corruptions, many of which have now for the first time been amended, partly by help of diligent collation of the two authorities, and partly by help of the French original. Vol. II. contains Boethius and Troilus, each with a special Introduction. The text of Boethius is much more correct than in any previous edition, and appears for the first time with modern punctuation. The Notes are nearly all new, at any rate as regards the English version. The text of Troilus is also a new one. The valuable 'Corpus MS.' has been collated for the first time; and several curious words, which have been hitherto suppressed because they were not understood, have been restored to the text, as explained in the Introduction. Most of the explanatory Notes are new; others have appeared in Bell's edition. Vol. III. contains The House of Fame, the Legend of Good Women, and the Treatise on the Astrolabe; with special Introductions. All these have been previously edited by myself, with Notes. Both the text and the Notes have been carefully revised, and contain several corrections and additions. The latter part of the volume contains a discussion of the Sources of the Canterbury Tales. Vol. IV. contains the Canterbury Tales, with the Tale of Gamelyn appended. The MSS. of the Canterbury Tales, and the mode of printing them, are discussed in the Introduction. Vol. V. contains a full Commentary on the Canterbury Tales, in the form of Notes. Such as have appeared before have been carefully revised; whilst many of them appear for the first time. The volume further includes all necessary helps for the study of Chaucer, such as remarks on the pronunciation, grammar, and scansion. Vol. VI. contains a Glossarial Index and an Index of Names. * * * * * LIFE OF GEOFFREY CHAUCER. *** Many of the documents referred to in the foot-notes are printed _at length_ in Godwin's Life of Chaucer, 2nd ed. 1804 (vol. iv), or in the Life by Sir H. Nicolas. The former set are marked (G.); the latter set are denoted by a reference to 'Note A,' or 'Note B'; &c. s. 1. The name CHAUCER, like many others in England in olden times, was originally significant of an occupation. The Old French _chaucier_ (for which see Godefroy's Old French Dictionary) signified rather 'a hosier' than 'a shoemaker,' though it was also sometimes used in the latter sense. The modern French _chausse_ represents a Low Latin _calcia_, fem. sb., a kind of hose, closely allied to the Latin _calceus_, a shoe. See _Chausses, Chaussure_, in the New English Dictionary. It is probable that the Chaucer family came originally from East Anglia. Henry le Chaucier is mentioned as a citizen of Norfolk in 1275; and Walter le Chaucer as the same, in 1292[1]. But Gerard le Chaucer, in 1296, and Bartholomew le Chaucer, in 1312-3, seem to have lived near Colchester[2]. In several early instances, the name occurs in connexion with Cordwainer Street, or with the small Ward of the City of London bearing the same name. Thus, Baldwin le Chaucer dwelt in 'Cordewanerstrete' in 1307; Elyas le Chaucer in the same, in 1318-9; Nicholas Chaucer in the same, in 1356; and Henry Chaucer was a man-at-arms provided for the king's service by Cordwanerstrete Ward[3]. This is worthy of remark, because, as we shall see presently, both Chaucer's father and his grandmother once resided in the same street, the northern end of which is now called Bow Lane, the southern end extending to Garlick Hithe. (See the article on Cordwainer Street Ward in Stowe's Survey of London.) s. 2. ROBERT LE CHAUCER. The earliest relative with whom we can certainly connect the poet is his grandfather Robert, who is first mentioned, together with Mary his wife, in 1307, when they sold ten acres of land in Edmonton to Ralph le Clerk, for 100s.[4] On Aug. 2, 1310, Robert le Chaucer was appointed 'one of the collectors in the port of London of the new customs upon wines granted by the merchants of Aquitaine[5].' It is also recorded that he was possessed of one messuage, with its appurtenances, in Ipswich[6]; and it was alleged, in the course of some law-proceedings (of which I have more to say below), that the said estate was only worth 20 shillings a year. He is probably the Robert Chaucer who is mentioned under the date 1310, in the Early Letter-books of the City of London[7]. Robert Chaucer was married, in or before 1307 (see above), to a widow named Maria or Mary Heyroun[8], whose maiden name was probably Stace[9]; and the only child of whom we find any mention was his son and heir, named John, who was the poet's father. At the same time, it is necessary to observe that Maria had a son still living, named Thomas Heyroun, who died in 1349[10]. John Chaucer was born, as will be shewn, in 1312; and his father Robert died before 1316 (Close Rolls, 9 Edw. II., p. 318). s. 3. RICHARD LE CHAUCER. Some years after Robert's death, namely in 1323[11], his widow married for the third time. Her third husband was probably a relative (perhaps a cousin) of her second, his name being Richard le Chaucer, a vintner residing in the Ward of Cordwainer Street; respecting whom several particulars are known. Richard le Chaucer was 'one of the vintners sworn at St. Martin's, Vintry, in 1320, to make proper scrutiny of wines[12]'; so that he was necessarily brought into business relations with Robert, whose widow he married in 1323, as already stated. A plea held at Norwich in 1326, and entered on mem. 13 of the Coram Rege Roll of Hilary 19 Edw. II.[13], is, for the present purpose, so important that I here quote Mr. Rye's translation of the more material portions of it from the Life-Records of Chaucer (Chaucer Soc.), p. 125:-- 'London.--Agnes, the widow of Walter de Westhale, Thomas Stace, Geoffrey Stace, and Laurence 'Geffreyesman Stace[14],' were attached to answer _Richard le Chaucer of London and Mary his wife_ on a plea that whereas the custody of the heir and land of _Robert le Chaucer_, until the same heir became of full age, belonged to the said Richard and Mary (because the said Robert held his land in socage, and _the said Mary is nearer in relationship to the heir of the said Robert_,) and whereas the said Richard and Mary long remained in full and peaceful seizin of such wardship, the said Agnes, Thomas, Geoffrey, and Laurence by force and arms took away _John, the son and heir of the said Robert_, who was _under age_ and in the custody of the said Richard and Mary, and married him[15] against the will of the said R. and M. and of the said heir, and also did other unlawful acts against the said R. and M., to the grave injury of the said R. and M., and against the peace. 'And therefore the said R. and M. complain that, whereas the custody of the land and heir of the said Robert, viz. of _one messuage with its appurtenances in Ipswich_, until the full age of, &c., belonged, &c., ... because the said Robert held the said messuage in socage, and the said Mary _is nearer in relationship to the said Robert,_ viz. _mother of the said heir, and formerly_ _the wife of the said Robert_, and (whereas) the said R. and M. remained in full and peaceful seizin of _the said wardship_ for a long while, viz. _for one year_; they, the said Agnes, T., G., and L., on the _Monday_ [Dec. 3] _before the feast of St. Nicholas, in the eighteenth year of the present king_ [1324], ... stole and took away by force and arms ... the said John, _son and heir of the said Robert_, who was under age, viz. _under the age of fourteen years_, and then in the wardship of the said R. and M. _at London_, viz. _in the Ward of Cordwanerstrete_, and married him to one _Joan, the daughter of Walter de Esthale_ [error for _Westhale_], and committed other unlawful acts, &c. 'Wherefore they say they are injured, and have suffered damage to the extent of 300l.' The defence put in was-- 'That, _according to the customs of the borough of Ipswich_ ... any heir under age when his heirship shall descend to him shall remain in the charge of the nearest of his blood, but that his inheritance shall not descend to him _till he has completed the age of twelve years_ ... and they say that the said heir of the said Robert _completed the age of twelve years_ before the suing out of the said writ[16].' And it was further alleged that the said Agnes, T., G., and L. _did not cause the said heir to be married_. 'Most of the rest of the membrane,' adds Mr. Rye, 'is taken up with a long technical dispute as to jurisdiction, of which the mayor and citizens of London apparently got the best; for the trial came on before R. Baynard and Hamo de Chikewell [Chigwell] and Nicholas de Farndon (the two latter sitting on behalf of the City) at St. Martin's the Great (le Grand), London, on the Sunday [Sept. 7, 1326] next before the Nativity of the B.V.M. [Sept. 8]; when, the defendants making default, a verdict was entered for the plaintiffs for 250l. damages.' Further information as to this affair is given in the Liber Albus, ed. Riley, 1859, vol. i. pp. 437-444. A translation of this passage is given at pp. 376-381 of the English edition of the same work, published by the same editor in 1861. We hence learn that the Staces, being much dissatisfied with the heavy damages which they were thus called upon to pay, attainted Richard le Chaucer and his wife, in November, 1328, of committing perjury in the above-mentioned trial. But it was decided that attaint does not lie as to the verdict of a jury in London; a decision so important that the full particulars of the trial and of this appeal were carefully preserved among the city records. Mr. Rye goes on to give some information as to a third document relating to the same affair. It appears that Geoffrey Stace next 'presented a petition to parliament (2 Edw. III., 1328, no. 6), praying for relief against the damages of 250l., which he alleged were excessive, on the ground that the heir's estate was only worth 20s. a year[17]. This petition sets out all the proceedings, referring to John as "fuiz [fiz] et heire Robert le Chaucier," but puts the finding of the jury thus: "et trove fu qu'ils avoient ravi le dit heire, _mes ne mie mariee_," and alleges that "le dit heire est al large et ove [_with_] les avantditz Richard et Marie demourant et _unkore dismarie_."' The result of this petition is unknown. From the above particulars I draw the following inferences. The fact that Mary le Chaucer claimed to be _nearer in relationship_ to the heir (being, in fact, his mother) than the Staces, clearly shews that they also were very near relations. We can hardly doubt that the maiden name of Mary le Chaucer was Stace, and that she was sister to Thomas and Geoffrey Stace. In Dec. 1324, John le Chaucer was, according to his mother's statement, 'under age'; i. e. less than fourteen years old. According to the Staces, he had 'completed the age of twelve before the suing out, &c.' We may safely infer that John was still under twelve when the Staces carried him off, on Dec. 3, 1324. Hence he was born in 1312, and we have seen that his father Robert married the widow Maria Heyroun not later than 1307 (s. 2). She was married to Richard in 1323 (_one year_ before 1324), and she died before 1349, as Richard was then a widower. The attempt to marry John to Joan de Westhale (probably his cousin) was unsuccessful. He was still unmarried in Nov. 1328, and still only sixteen years old. This disposes at once of an old tradition, for which no authority has ever been discovered, that the poet was born in 1328. The _earliest_ date that can fairly be postulated for the birth of Geoffrey is 1330; and even then his father was only eighteen years old. We further learn from Riley's Memorials of London (Pref. p. xxxiii), that Richard Chaucer was a man of some wealth. He was assessed, in 1340, to lend 10l. towards the expenses of the French war; and again, in 1346, for 6l. and 1 mark towards the 3,000l. given to the king. In 1345, he was witness to a conveyance of a shop situated next his own tenement and tavern in La Reole or Royal Street, near Upper Thames Street. The last extant document relative to Richard Chaucer is his will. Sir H. Nicolas (Life of Chaucer, Note A) says that the will of Richard Chaucer, vintner, of London, dated on Easter-day (Apr. 12), 1349, was proved in the Hustings Court of the City of London by Simon Chamberlain and Richard Litlebury, on the feast of St. Margaret (July 20), in the same year. He bequeathed his tenement and tavern, &c., in the street called La Reole, to the Church of St. Aldermary in Bow Lane, where he was buried; and left other property to pious uses. The will mentions only his deceased wife Mary and her son Thomas Heyroun; and appointed Henry at Strete and Richard Mallyns his executors[18]. From this we may infer that his stepson John was, by this time, a prosperous citizen, and already provided for. The will of Thomas Heyroun (see the same Note A) was dated just five days earlier, April 7, 1349, and was also proved in the Hustings Court. He appointed his half-brother, John Chaucer, his executor; and on Monday after the Feast of St. Thomas the Martyr[19] in the same year, John Chaucer, by the description of 'citizen and vintner, executor of the will of my brother Thomas Heyroun,' executed a deed relating to some lands. (Records of the Hustings Court, 23 Edw. III.) It thus appears that Richard Chaucer and Thomas Heyroun both died in 1349, the year of the first and the most fatal pestilence. s. 4. JOHN CHAUCER. Of John Chaucer, the poet's father, not many particulars are known. He was born, as we have seen, about 1312, and was not married till 1329, or somewhat later. His wife's name was Agnes, described in 1369 as the kinswoman (consanguinea) and heiress of the city moneyer, Hamo de Copton, who is known to have owned property in Aldgate[20]. He was a citizen and vintner of London, and owned a house in Thames Street[21], close to Walbrook, a stream now flowing underground beneath Walbrook Street[22]; so that it must have been near the spot where the arrival platform of the South-Eastern railway (at Cannon Street) now crosses Thames Street. In this house, in all probability, Chaucer was born; at any rate, it became his own property, as he parted with it in 1380. It is further known that John and Agnes Chaucer were possessed of a certain annual quit-rent of 40d. sterling, arising out of a tenement in the parish of St. Botolph-without-Aldgate[23]. In 1338 (on June 12), John Chaucer obtained letters of protection, being then on an expedition to Flanders, in attendance on the king[24]. Ten years later, in the months of February and November, 1348, he is referred to as being deputy to the king's butler in the port of Southampton[25]. In 1349, as we have seen, he was executor to the will of his half-brother, Thomas Heyroun. There is a mention of him in 1352[26]. His name appears, together with that of his wife Agnes, in a conveyance of property dated Jan. 16, 1366[27]; but he died shortly afterwards, aged about fifty-four. His widow married again in the course of a few months; for she is described in a deed dated May 6, 1367, as being then the wife of Bartholomew atte Chapel, citizen and vintner of London, and lately wife of John Chaucer, citizen and vintner[28]. The date of her death is not known. s. 5. CHAUCER'S EARLY YEARS. The exact date of Geoffrey's birth is not known, and will probably always remain a subject of dispute. It cannot, as we have seen, have been earlier than 1330; and it can hardly have been later than 1340. That it was nearer to 1340 than 1330, is the solution which best suits all the circumstances of the case. Those who argue for an early date do so solely because the poet sometimes refers to his 'old age'; as for example in the Envoy to Scogan, 35-42, written probably in 1393; and still earlier, probably in 1385, Gower speaks, in the epilogue to the former edition of his Confessio Amantis, of the 'later age' of Chaucer, and of his 'dayes olde'; whereas, if Chaucer was born in 1340, he was, at that time, only forty-five years old. But it is essential to observe that Gower is speaking comparatively; he contrasts Chaucer's 'later age' with 'the floures of his youth,' when he 'fulfild the land,' in sundry wise, 'of ditees and of songes glade.' And, in spite of all the needless stress that has been laid upon such references as the above, we must, if we really wish to ascertain the truth without prejudice, try to bear in mind the fact that, in the fourteenth century, men were deemed old at an age which we should now esteem as almost young. Chaucer's pupil, Hoccleve, describes himself as worn out with old age, and ready to die, at the age of _fifty-three_; all that he can look forward to is making a translation of a treatise on 'learning to die.' 'Of age am I fifty winter and thre; Ripeness of dethe fast vpon me hasteth.' Hoccleve's Poems, ed. Furnivall, p. 119[29]. And further, if, in order to make out that Chaucer died at the age of nearly 70, we place his birth near the year 1330, we are at once confronted with the extraordinary difficulty, that the poet was already nearly 39 when he wrote 'The Book of the Duchesse,' certainly one of the earliest of his poems that have been preserved, and hardly to be esteemed as a highly satisfactory performance. But as the exact date still remains uncertain, I can only say that we must place it between 1330 and 1340. The reader can incline to whichever end of the decade best pleases him. I merely record my opinion, for what it is worth, that 'shortly before 1340' fits in best with _all_ the facts. The earliest notice of Geoffrey Chaucer, on which we can rely, refers to the year 1357. This discovery is due to Mr. (now Dr.) E. A. Bond, who, in 1851, found some fragments of an old household account which had been used to line the covers of a MS. containing Lydgate's Storie of Thebes and Hoccleve's De Regimine Principum, and now known as MS. Addit. 18,632 in the British Museum. They proved to form a part of the Household Accounts of Elizabeth, Countess of Ulster, wife of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, the third son of King Edward III., for the years 1356-9[30]. These Accounts shew that, in April, 1357, when the Countess was in London, an entire suit of clothes, consisting of a paltock or short cloak, a pair of red and black breeches, and shoes, was provided for Geoffrey Chaucer at a cost of 7s., equal to about 5l. of our present money. On the 20th of May another article of dress was purchased for him in London. In December of the same year (1357), when the Countess was at Hatfield (near Doncaster) in Yorkshire, her principal place of residence, we find a note of a donation of 2s. 6d. to Geoffrey Chaucer for necessaries at Christmas. It further appears that John of Gaunt, the Countess's brother-in-law, was a visitor at Hatfield at the same period; which indicates the probable origin of the interest in the poet's fortunes which that illustrious prince so frequently manifested, during a long period of years. It is further worthy of remark that, on several occasions, a female attendant on the Countess is designated as 'Philippa Pan', which is supposed to be the contracted form of Panetaria, i. e. mistress of the pantry. 'Speculations suggest themselves,' says Dr. Bond, 'that the Countess's attendant Philippa may have been Chaucer's future wife.... The Countess died in 1363, ... and nothing would be more likely than that the principal lady of her household should have found shelter after her death in the family of her husband's mother,' i. e. Queen Philippa. It is quite possible; it is even probable. Perhaps it was at Hatfield that Chaucer picked up some knowledge of the Northern dialect, as employed by him in the Reves Tale. The fact that the non-Chaucerian Fragment B of the Romaunt of the Rose exhibits traces of a Northern dialect is quite a different matter; for Fragment A, which is certainly Chaucer's, shews no trace of anything of the kind. What was Chaucer's exact position in the Countess of Ulster's household, we are not informed. If he was born about 1340, we may suppose that he was a page; if several years earlier, he would, in 1357, have been too old for such service. We only know that he was attached to the service of Lionel, duke of Clarence, and of the Countess of Ulster his wife, as early as the beginning of 1357, and was at that time at Hatfield, in Yorkshire. 'He was present,' says Dr. Bond, 'at the celebration of the feast of St. George, at Edward III's court, in attendance on the Countess, in April of that year; he followed the court to Woodstock; and he was again at Hatfield, probably from September, 1357, to the end of March, 1358, and would have witnessed there the reception of John of Ghent, then Earl of Richmond.' We may well believe that he accompanied the Countess when she attended the funeral of Queen Isabella (king Edward's mother), which took place at the Church of the Friars Minors, in Newgate Street, on Nov. 27, 1358. s. 6. CHAUCER'S FIRST EXPEDITION. 1359-60. A year later, in November, 1359, Chaucer joined the great expedition of Edward III. to France. 'There was not knight, squire, or man of honour, from the age of twenty to sixty years, that did not go[31].' The king of England was 'attended by the prince of Wales and three other sons,' including 'Lionel, earl of Ulster[32]'; and we may be sure that Chaucer accompanied his master prince Lionel. The march of the troops lay through Artois, past Arras to Bapaume; then through Picardy, past Peronne and St. Quentin, to Rheims, which Edward, with his whole army, ineffectually besieged for seven weeks. It is interesting to note that the army must, on this occasion, have crossed the Oise, somewhere near Chauny and La-Fere, which easily accounts for the mention of that river in the House of Fame (l. 1928); and shews the uselessness of Warton's suggestion, that Chaucer learnt the name of that river by studying Provencal poetry! In one of the numerous skirmishes that took place, Chaucer had the misfortune to be taken prisoner. This appears from his own evidence, in the 'Scrope and Grosvenor' trial, referred to below under the date of 1386; he then testified that he had seen Sir Richard Scrope wearing arms described as 'azure, a bend or,' before the town of 'Retters,' an obvious error for Rethel[33], not far from Rheims; and he added that he 'had seen him so armed during the whole expedition, until he (the said Geoffrey) was taken.' See the evidence as quoted at length at p. xxxvi. But he was soon ransomed, viz. on March 1, 1360; and the King himself contributed to his ransom the sum of 16l.[34] According to Froissart, Edward was at this time in the neighbourhood of Auxerre[35]. After a short and ineffectual siege of Paris, the English army suffered severely from thunder-storms during a retreat towards Chartres, and Edward was glad to make peace; articles of peace were accordingly concluded, on May 8, 1360, at Bretigny, near Chartres. King John of France was set at liberty, leaving Eltham on Wednesday, July 1; and after stopping for three nights on the road, viz. at Dartford, Rochester, and Ospringe, he arrived at Canterbury on the Saturday[36]. On the Monday he came to Dover, and thence proceeded to Calais. And surely Chaucer must have been present during the fifteen days of October which the two kings spent at Calais in each other's company; the Prince of Wales and his two brothers, _Lionel_ and Edmund, being also present[37]. On leaving Calais, King John and the English princes 'went on foot to the church of our Lady of Boulogne, where they made their offerings most devoutly, and afterward returned to the abbey at Boulogne, which had been prepared for the reception of the King of France and the princes of England[38].' On July 1, 1361, prince Lionel was appointed lieutenant of Ireland, probably because he already bore the title of Earl of Ulster. It does not appear that Chaucer remained in his service much longer; for he must have been attached to the royal household not long after the return of the English army from France. In the Schedule of names of those employed in the Royal Household, for whom robes for Christmas were to be provided, Chaucer's name occurs as seventeenth in the list of thirty-seven esquires. The list is not dated, but is marked by the Record Office '? 40 Edw. III,' i. e. 1366[39]. However, Mr. Selby thinks the right date of this document is 1368. s. 7. CHAUCER'S MARRIAGE: PHILIPPA CHAUCER. In 1366, we find Chaucer already married. On Sept. 12, in that year, Philippa Chaucer received from the queen, after whom she was doubtless named, a pension of ten marks (or 6l. 13s. 4d.) annually for life, perhaps on the occasion of her marriage; and we find her described as 'una domicellarum camerae Philippae Reginae Angliae[40].' The first known payment on behalf of this pension is dated Feb. 19, 1368[41]. Nicolas tells us that her pension 'was confirmed by Richard the Second; and she apparently received it (except between 1370[42] and 1373, in 1378, and in 1385, the reason of which omissions does not appear) from 1366 until June 18, 1387. The money was usually paid to her through her husband; but in November, 1374, by the hands of John de Hermesthorpe, and in June, 1377 (the Poet being then on his mission in France), by Sir Roger de Trumpington, whose wife, Lady Blanche de Trumpington, was [then], like herself[43], in the service of the Duchess of Lancaster.' As no payment appears after June, 1387, we may conclude that she died towards the end of that year[44]. Philippa's maiden name is not known. She cannot be identified with Philippa Picard, because both names, viz. Philippa Chaucer and Philippa Picard, occur in the same document[45]. Another supposition identifies her with Philippa Roet, on the assumption that Thomas Chaucer, on whose tomb appear the arms of Roet, was her son. This, as will be shewn hereafter, is highly probable, though not quite certain. It is possible that she was the same person as Philippa, the 'lady of the pantry,' who has been already mentioned as belonging to the household of the Countess of Ulster. If so, she doubtless entered the royal household on the Countess's death in 1363, and was married in 1366, or earlier. After the death of the queen in 1369 (Aug. 15), we find that (on Sept. 1) the king gave Chaucer, as being one of his squires of lesser degree, three ells of cloth for mourning; and, at the same time, six ells of cloth, for the same, to Philippa Chaucer[46]. In 1372, John of Gaunt married (as his second wife) Constance, elder daughter of Pedro, king of Castile; and in the same year (Aug. 30), he granted Philippa Chaucer a pension of 10l. per annum, in consideration of her past and future services to his dearest wife, the queen of Castile[47]. Under the name of Philippa Chaucy (as the name is also written in this volume), the duke presented her with a 'botoner,' apparently a button-hook, and six silver-gilt buttons as a New Year's gift for the year 1373[48]. In 1374, on June 13, he granted 10l. per annum to his well-loved Geoffrey Chaucer and his well-beloved Philippa, for their service to Queen Philippa and to his wife the queen [i. e. of Castile], to be received at the duke's manor of the Savoy[49]. In 1377, on May 31, payments were made to Geoffrey Chaucer, varlet, of an annuity of 20 marks that day granted, and of 10 marks to Philippa Chaucer (granted to her for life) as being one of the damsels of the chamber to the late queen, by the hands of Geoffrey Chaucer, her husband[50]. In 1380, the duke gave Philippa a silver hanap (or cup) with its cover, as his New Year's gift; and a similar gift in 1381 and 1382[51]. A payment of 5l. to Geoffrey 'Chaucy' is recorded soon after the first of these gifts. In 1384, the sum of 13l. 6s. 8d. (20 marks) is transmitted to Philippa Chaucer by John Hinesthorp, chamberlain[52]. The last recorded payment of a pension to Philippa Chaucer is on June 18, 1387; and it is probable, as said above, that she died very shortly afterwards. Sir H. Nicolas mentions that, in 1380-2, Philippa Chaucer was one of the three ladies in attendance on the Duchess of Lancaster, the two others being Lady Senche Blount and Lady Blanche de Trompington; and that in June, 1377, as mentioned above, her pension was paid to Sir Roger de Trumpington, who was Lady Blanche's husband. This is worth a passing notice; for it clearly shews that the poet was familiar with the name of Trumpington, and must have known of its situation near Cambridge. And this may account for his laying the scene of the Reves Tale in that village, without necessitating the inference that he must have visited Cambridge himself. For indeed, it is not easy to see why the two 'clerks' should have been benighted there; the distance from Cambridge is so slight that, even in those days of bad roads, they could soon have returned home after dark without any insuperable difficulty. s. 8. 1367. To return to Chaucer. In 1367, we find him 'a valet of the king's household'; and by the title of 'dilectus valettus noster,' the king, in consideration of his _former_ and his future services, granted him, on June 20, an annual salary of 20 marks (13l. 6s. 8d.) for life, or until he should be otherwise provided for[53]. Memoranda are found of the payment of this pension, in half-yearly instalments, on November 6, 1367, and May 25, 1368[54]; but not in November, 1368, or May, 1369. The next entry as to its payment is dated October, 1369[55]. As to the duties of a valet in the royal household, see Life-Records of Chaucer, part ii. p. xi. Amongst other things, he was expected to make beds, hold torches, set boards (i. e. lay the tables for dinner), and perform various menial offices. s. 9. 1368. The note that he received his pension, in 1368, on May 25, is of some importance. It renders improbable a suggestion of Speght, that he accompanied his former master, Lionel, Duke of Clarence, to Italy in this year. Lionel set off with an unusually large retinue, about the 10th of May[56], and passed through France on his way to Italy, where he was shortly afterwards married, for the second time, to Violante, daughter of Galeazzo Visconti. But his married life was of short duration; he died on Oct. 17 of the same year, not without suspicion of poison. His will, dated Oct. 3, 1368, is given in Testamenta Vetusta, ed. Nicolas, p. 70. It does not appear that Chaucer went to Italy before 1372-3; but it is interesting to observe that, on his second journey there in 1378, he was sent to treat with Barnabo Visconti, Galeazzo's brother, as noted at p. xxxii. s. 10. 1369. In this year, Chaucer was again campaigning in France. An advance of 10l. is recorded as having been made to him by Henry de Wakefeld, the Keeper of the King's Wardrobe; and he is described as 'equitanti de guerre (_sic_) in partibus Francie[57].' In the same year, there is a note that Chaucer was to have 20s. for summer clothes[58]. This year is memorable for the last of the three great pestilences which afflicted England, as well as other countries, in the fourteenth century. Queen Philippa died at Windsor on Aug. 15; and we find an entry, dated Sept. 1, that Geoffrey Chaucer, a squire of less estate, and his wife Philippa, were to have an allowance for mourning[59], as stated above. Less than a month later, the Duchess Blaunche died, on Sept. 12; and her death was commemorated by the poet in one of the earliest of his extant poems, the Book of the Duchesse (see p. 277). s. 11. 1370-1372. In the course of the next ten years (1370-80), the poet was attached to the court, and employed in no less than seven diplomatic services. The first of these occasions was during the summer of 1370, when he obtained the usual letters of protection, dated June 10, to remain in force till the ensuing Michaelmas[60]. That he returned immediately afterwards, appears from the fact that he received his half-yearly pension in person on Tuesday, the 8th of October[61]; though on the preceding occasion (Thursday, April 25), it was paid to Walter Walssh instead of to himself[62]. In 1371 and 1372, he received his pension himself[63]. In 1372 and 1373 he received 2l. for his clothes each year. This was probably a customary annual allowance to squires[64]. A like payment is again recorded in 1377. Towards the end of the latter year, on Nov. 12, 1372, Chaucer, being then 'scutifer,' or one of the king's esquires, was joined in a commission with James Provan and John de Mari, the latter of whom is described as a citizen of Genoa, to treat with the duke, citizens, and merchants of Genoa, for the purpose of choosing an English port where the Genoese might form a commercial establishment[65]. On Dec. 1, he received an advance of 66l. 13s. 4d. towards his expenses[66]; and probably left England before the close of the year. s. 12. 1373. CHAUCER'S FIRST VISIT TO ITALY. All that is known of this mission is that he visited Florence as well as Genoa, and that he returned before Nov. 22, 1373, on which day he received his pension in person[67]. It further appears that his expenses finally exceeded the money advanced to him; for on Feb. 4, 1374, a further sum was paid to him, on this account, of 25l. 6s. 8d.[68] It was probably on this occasion that Chaucer met Petrarch at Padua, and learnt from him the story of Griselda, reproduced in the Clerkes Tale. Some critics prefer to think that Chaucer's assertions on this point are to be taken as imaginative, and that it was the Clerk, and not himself, who went to Padua; but it is clear that in writing the Clerkes Tale, Chaucer actually had a copy of Petrarch's Latin version before him; and it is difficult to see how he came by it unless he obtained it from Petrarch himself or by Petrarch's assistance. For further discussion of this point, see remarks on the Sources of the Clerkes Tale, in vol. iii., and the notes in vol. v.[69] We must, in any case, bear in mind the important influence which this mission to Italy, and a later one in 1378-9 to the same country, produced upon the development of his poetical writings. It may be convenient to note here that Petrarch resided chiefly at Arqua, within easy reach of Padua, in 1370-4. His death took place there on July 18, 1374, soon after Chaucer had returned home. s. 13. 1374. We may fairly infer that Chaucer's execution of this important mission was satisfactorily performed; for we find that on the 23rd of April, 1374, on the celebration at Windsor of the festival of St. George, the king made him a grant of a pitcher of wine daily, to be received in the port of London from the king's butler[70]. This was, doubtless, found to be rather a troublesome gift; accordingly, it was commuted, in 1378 (April 18), for the annual sum of 20 marks (13l. 6s. 8d.)[71]. The original grant was made 'dilecto Armigero nostro, Galfrido Chaucer.' On May 10, in the same year, the corporation of London granted Chaucer a lease for his life of the dwelling-house situate above the city-gate of Aldgate, on condition that he kept the same in good repair; he seems to have made this his usual residence till 1385, and we know that he retained possession of it till October, 1386[72]. Four weeks later, on June 8, 1374, he was appointed Comptroller of the Customs and Subsidy of wools, skins, and tanned hides in the Port of London, with the usual fees. Like his predecessors, he was to write the rolls of his office with his own hand, to be continually present, and to perform his duties personally (except, of course, when employed on the King's service elsewhere); and the other part of the seal called the 'coket' (quod dicitur _coket_) was to remain in his custody[73]. The warrant by which, on June 13, 1374, the Duke of Lancaster granted him 10l. for life, in consideration of the services of himself and his wife, has been mentioned at p. xxi. In the same year, he received his half-yearly pension of 10 marks as usual; and again in 1375. s. 14. 1375. On Nov. 8, 1375, his income was, for a time, considerably increased. He received from the crown a grant of the custody of the lands and person of Edmond, son and heir of Edmond Staplegate of Kent[74], who had died in 1372[75]; this he retained for three years, during which he received in all, for his wardship and on Edmond's marriage, the sum of 104l. This is ascertained from the petition presented by Edmond de Staplegate to Richard II. at his coronation, in which he laid claim to be permitted to exercise the office of chief butler to the king[76]. And further, on Dec. 28, 1375, he received a grant from the king of the custody of five 'solidates' of rent for land at Soles, in Kent, during the minority of William de Solys, then an infant aged 1 year, son and heir of John Solys, deceased; together with a fee due on the marriage of the said heir[77]. But the value of this grant cannot have been large. s.15. 1376. In 1376, on May 31, he received at the exchequer his own half-yearly pension of ten marks and his wife's of five marks, or 10l. in all (see Notes and Queries, 3rd Ser. viii. 63); and in October he received an advance from the exchequer of 50s. on account of his pension[78]. He also duly received his annuity of 10l. from the duke of Lancaster (Oct. 18, 1376, and June 12, 1377)[79]. In the same year, we also meet with the only known record connected with Chaucer's exercise of the Office of Comptroller of the Customs. On July 12, 1376, the King granted him the sum of 71l. 4s. 6d., being the value of a fine paid by John Kent, of London, for shipping wool to Dordrecht without having paid the duty thereon[80]. Towards the end of this year, Sir John Burley and Geoffrey Chaucer were employed together on some secret service (in secretis negociis domini Regis), the nature of which is unknown; for on Dec. 23, 1376, Sir John 'de Burlee' received 13l. 6s. 8d., and Chaucer half that sum, for the business upon which they had been employed[81]. s.16. 1377. On Feb. 12, 1377, Chaucer was associated with Sir Thomas Percy (afterwards Earl of Worcester) in a secret mission to Flanders, the nature of which remains unknown; and on this occasion Chaucer received letters of protection during his mission, to be in force till Michaelmas in the same year[82]. Five days later, on Feb. 17, the sum of 33l. 6s. 8d. was advanced to Sir Thomas, and 10l. to Chaucer, for their expenses[83]. They started immediately, and the business was transacted by March 25; and on April 11 Chaucer himself received at the exchequer the sum of 20l. as a reward from the king for the various journeys which he had made abroad upon the king's service (pro regardo suo causa diuersorum viagiorum per ipsum Galfridum factorum, eundo ad diuersas partes transmarinas ex precepto domini Regis in obsequio ipsius domini Regis)[84]. While Sir Thomas Percy and Chaucer were absent in Flanders, viz. on Feb. 20, 1377, the Bishop of Hereford, Lord Cobham, Sir John Montacu (i. e. Montague), and Dr. Shepeye were empowered to treat for peace with the French King[85]. Their endeavours must have been ineffectual; for soon after Chaucer's return, viz. on April 26, 1377, Sir Guichard d'Angle and several others were also appointed to negotiate a peace with France[86]. Though Chaucer's name does not expressly appear in this commission, he was clearly in some way associated with it; for only six days previously (Apr. 20), letters of protection were issued to him, to continue till Aug. 1, whilst he was on the king's service abroad[87]; and on April 30, he was paid the sum of 26l. 13s. 4d. for his wages on this occasion[88]. We further find, from an entry in the Issue Roll for March 6, 1381 (noticed again at p. xxix), that he was sent to Moustrell (Montreuil) and Paris, and that he was instructed to treat for peace. This is clearly the occasion to which Froissart refers in the following passage. 'About Shrovetide[89], a secret treaty was formed between the two kings for their ambassadors to meet at Montreuil-sur-Mer; and the king of England sent to Calais sir Guiscard d'Angle, Sir Richard Sturey, and sir Geoffrey Chaucer. On the part of the French were the lords de Coucy and de la Rivieres, sir Nicholas Bragues and Nicholas Bracier. They for a long time discussed the subject of the above marriage [the marriage of the French princess with Richard, prince of Wales]; and the French, _as I was informed_, made some offers, but the others demanded different terms, or refused treating. These lords returned therefore, with their treaties, to their sovereigns; and the truces were prolonged to the first of May.'--Johnes, tr. of Froissart, bk. i. c. 326. I think Sir H. Nicolas has not given Froissart's meaning correctly. According to him, 'Froissart states that, in Feb. 1377, Chaucer was joined with Sir Guichard d'Angle, &c., to negociate a secret treaty for the marriage of Richard, prince of Wales, with Mary, daughter of the king of France,' &c.; and that the truce was prolonged till the first of May. And he concludes that Froissart has confused two occasions, because there really was an attempt at a treaty about this marriage in 1378 (see below). It does not appear that Froissart is wrong. He merely gives the date of about Shrovetide (Feb. 10) as the time when 'a secret treaty was formed'; and this must refer to the ineffectual commission of Feb. 20, 1377. After this 'the king of England' really sent 'Sir Guiscard d'Angle' in April; and Chaucer either went with the rest or joined them at Montreuil. Neither does it appear that discussion of the subject of the marriage arose on the English side; it was the French who proposed it, but the English who declined it, for the reason that they had received no instructions to that effect. On the other hand, the English ambassadors, having been instructed to treat for peace, procured, at any rate, a short truce. This explanation seems to me sufficient, especially as Froissart merely wrote what he had been informed; he was not present himself. The very fact that the marriage was proposed by the French on this occasion explains how the English came to consider this proposal seriously in the following year. Fortunately, the matter is entirely cleared up by the express language employed in the Issue Roll of 4 Ric. II., under the date Mar. 6, as printed in Nicolas, Note R; where the object of the deliberations at Montreuil is definitely restricted to a treaty for peace, whilst the proposal of marriage (from the _English_ side) is definitely dated as having been made in the reign of Richard, not of Edward III. The words are: 'tam tempore regis Edwardi ... in nuncium eiusdem ... versus Moustrell' et Parys ... causa tractatus pacis ... quam tempore domini regis nunc, causa locutionis habite de maritagio inter ipsum dominum regem nunc et filiam eiusdem aduersarii sui Francie.' The princess Marie, fifth daughter of Charles V., was born in 1370 (N. and Q., 3 S. vii. 470), and was therefore only seven years old in 1377; and died in the same year. It is remarkable that Richard married Isabella, daughter of Charles VI., in 1396, when she was only eight. It is worth notice that Stowe, in his Annales, p. 437, alludes to the same mission. He mentions, as being among the ambassadors, 'the Earle of Salisbury and Sir Richard Anglisison a Poyton [can this be Sir Guiscard D'Angle?], the Bishop of Saint Dauids, the Bishop of Hereford, [and] Geffrey Chaucer, the famous Poet of England.' See Life-Records of Chaucer, p. 133, note 3. The payments made to Chaucer by John of Gaunt on May 31 of this year have been noticed above in s. 7, at p. xxi. The long reign of Edward III. terminated on June 21, 1377, during which Chaucer had received many favours from the king and the Duke of Lancaster, and some, doubtless, from Lionel, Duke of Clarence. At the same time, his wife was in favour with the queen, till her death in August, 1369; and afterwards, with the second duchess of Lancaster. The poet was evidently, at this time, in easy circumstances; and it is not unlikely that he was somewhat lavish in his expenditure. The accession of Richard, at the early age of eleven, made no difference to his position for some nine years; but in 1386, the adverse supremacy of Thomas, Duke of Gloucester, caused him much pecuniary loss and embarrassment for some time, and he frequently suffered from distress during the later period of his life. s. 17. CHAUCER'S EARLIER POEMS: TILL THE DEATH OF EDWARD III. It is probable that not much of Chaucer's extant poetry can be referred to the reign of Edward III. At the same time, it is likely that he wrote many short pieces, in the form of ballads, complaints, virelayes, and roundels, which have not been preserved; perhaps some of them were occasional pieces, and chiefly of interest at the time of writing them. Amongst the lost works we may certainly include his translation of 'Origenes upon the Maudelayne,' 'The Book of the Lion,' all but a few stanzas (preserved in the Man of Lawes Tale) of his translation of Pope Innocent's 'Wrecched Engendring of Mankinde,' and all but the first 1705 lines of his translation of Le Roman de la Rose. His early work entitled 'Ceyx and Alcioun' is partly preserved in the Book of the Duchesse, written in 1369-70. His A. B. C. is, perhaps, his earliest extant complete poem. It seems reasonable to date the poems which show a strong Italian influence after Chaucer's visit to Italy in 1373. The Compleint to his Lady is, perhaps, one of the earliest of these; and the Amorous Complaint bears so strong a resemblance to it that it may have been composed nearly at the same time. The Complaint to Pity seems to belong to the same period, rather than, as assumed in the text, to a time preceding the Book of the Duchesse. The original form of the Life of St. Cecily (afterwards the Second Nonnes Tale) is also somewhat early, as well as the original Palamon and Arcite, and Anelida. I should also include, amongst the earlier works, the original form of the Man of Lawes Tale (from Anglo-French), of the Clerkes Tale (from Petrarch's Latin), and some parts of the Monkes Tale. But the great bulk of his poetry almost certainly belongs to the reign of Richard II. See the List of Works at p. lxii. s. 18. 1377. (CONTINUED). In the commencement of the new reign, Chaucer was twice paid 40s. by the keeper of the king's Wardrobe, for his half-yearly allowance for robes as one of the (late) king's esquires[90]. He also received 7l. 2s. 6-1/2d. on account of his daily allowance of a pitcher of wine, calculated from October 27, 1376, to June 21, 1377, the day of king Edward's death[91]. s. 19. 1378. In 1378, on Jan. 16, Chaucer was again associated with Sir Guichard d'Angle (created Earl of Huntingdon at the coronation of the new king), with Sir Hugh Segrave, and Dr. Skirlawe, in a mission to France to negotiate for the king's marriage with a daughter of the king of France[92]; this is in accordance with a suggestion which, as noted at p. xxix., originated with the French. The negotiations came, however, to no result. On Mar. 9, 1378, Geoffrey Chaucer and John Beauchamp are mentioned as sureties for William de Beauchamp, Knight, in a business having respect to Pembroke Castle[93]. On Mar. 23, 1378, Chaucer's previous annuity of 20 marks was confirmed to him by letters patent[94]; on April 18, his previous grant of a pitcher of wine was commuted for an annual sum of twenty marks[95]; and, on May 14, he received 20l. for the arrears of his pension, and 26s. 8d. in advance, for the current half-year[96]. CHAUCER'S SECOND VISIT TO ITALY: BARNABO VISCONTI. On May 10, 1378, he received letters of protection, till Christmas[97]; on May 21, he procured letters of general attorney, allowing John Gower (the poet) and Richard Forrester to act for him during his absence from England[98]; and on May 28, he received 66l. 13s. 4d. for his wages and the expenses of his journey, which lasted till the 19th of September[99]. All these entries refer to the same matter, viz. his second visit to Italy. On this occasion, he was sent to Lombardy with Sir Edward Berkeley, to treat with Barnabo Visconti, lord of Milan, and the famous free-lance Sir John Hawkwood, on certain matters touching the king's expedition of war (pro certis negociis expeditionem guerre regis tangentibus); a phrase of uncertain import. This is the Barnabo Visconti, whose death, in 1385, is commemorated by a stanza in the Monkes Tale, B 3589-3596. Of Sir John Hawkwood, a soldier of fortune, and the most skilful general of his age, a memoir is given in the Bibliotheca Topographica Britannica, vol. vi. pp. 1-35. The appointment of Gower as Chaucer's attorney during his absence is of interest, and shews the amicable relations between the two poets at this time. For a discussion of their subsequent relations, see Sources of the Canterbury Tales, vol. iii. s. 38, p. 413. s. 20. 1379-80. In 1379 and 1380, the notices of Chaucer refer chiefly to the payment of his pensions. In 1379, he received 12l. 13s. 4d. _with his own hands_ on Feb. 3[100]; on May 24, he received the sums of 26s. 4d. and 13l. 6s. 4d. (the latter on account of the original grant of a pitcher of wine), both _by assignment_[101], which indicates his absence from London at the time; and on Dec. 9 he received, _with his own hands_, two sums of 6l. 13s. 4d. each on account of his two pensions[102]. In 1380, on July 3, he received the same _by assignment_[103]; and on Nov. 28, he received the same _with his own hands_[104], together with a sum of 14l. for wages and expenses in connexion with his mission to Lombardy in 1378[104], in addition to the 66l. 13s. 4d. paid to him on May 28 of that year. He also received 5l. from the Duke of Lancaster on May 11 (N. and Q., 7 S. v. 290). By a deed dated May 1, 1380, a certain Cecilia Chaumpaigne, daughter of the late William Chaumpaigne and Agnes his wife, released to Chaucer all her rights of action against him 'de raptu meo[105].' We have no means of ascertaining either the meaning of the phrase, or the circumstances referred to. It may mean that Chaucer was accessory to her abduction, much as Geoffrey Stace and others were concerned in the abduction of the poet's father; or it may be connected with the fact that his 'little son Lowis' was ten years old in 1391, as we learn from the Prologue to the Treatise on the Astrolabe. s. 21. 1381. On March 6, Chaucer received 22l. for his services in going to Montreuil and Paris in the time of the late king, i. e. in 1377, in order to treat for peace; as well as for his journey to France in 1378 to treat for a marriage between king Richard and the daughter of his adversary (adversarii sui)[106]. The Treasury must, at this time, have been slack in paying its just debts. On May 24, he and his wife received their usual half-yearly pensions[107]. By a deed dated June 19, 1380, but preserved in the Hustings Roll, no. 110, at the Guildhall, and there dated 5 Ric. II. (1381-2), Chaucer released his interest in his father's house to Henry Herbury, vintner, in whose occupation it then was; and it is here that he describes himself as 'me Galfridum Chaucer, filium Johannis Chaucer, Vinetarii Londonie [108].' This is the best authority for ascertaining his father's name, occupation, and abode. Towards the close of the year we find the following payments to him; viz. on Nov. 16, sums of 6l. 13s. 4d. and 6_s_. 8d.; on Nov. 28, the large sum of 46l. 13s. 4d., paid to Nicholas Brembre and John Philipot, Collectors of Customs, and to Geoffrey Chaucer, Comptroller of the Customs; and on Dec. 31, certain sums to himself and his wife[109]. s. 22. 1382. We have seen that, in 1378, an ineffectual attempt was made to bring about a marriage between the king and a French princess. In 1382, the matter was settled by his marriage with Anne of Bohemia, who exerted herself to calm the animosities which were continually arising in the court, and thus earned the title of the 'good queen Anne.' It was to her that Chaucer was doubtless indebted for some relaxation of his official duties in February, 1385, as noted below. On May 8, 1382, Chaucer's income was further increased. Whilst retaining his office of Comptroller of the Customs of Wools, the duties of which he discharged personally, he was further appointed Comptroller of the Petty Customs in the Port of London, and was allowed to discharge the duties of the office by a sufficient deputy[110]. The usual payments of his own and his wife's pensions were made, in this year, on July 22 and Nov. 11. On Dec. 10, a payment to him is recorded, in respect of his office as Comptroller of the Customs [111]. s. 23. 1383. In 1383, the recorded payments are: on Feb. 27, 6s. 8d.; on May 5, his own and his wife's pensions; and on Oct. 24, 6l. 13s. 4d. for his own pension[112]. Besides these, is the following entry for Nov. 23: 'To Nicholas Brembre and John Philipot, Collectors of Customs, and Geoffrey Chaucer, Comptroller; money delivered to them this day in regard of the assiduity, labour, and diligence brought to bear by them on the duties of their office, for the year late elapsed, 46l. 13s. 4d.'; being the same amount as in 1381[113]. It is possible that the date Dec. 10, on which he tells us that he began his House of Fame, refers to this year. s. 24. 1384. In 1384, on Apr. 30, he received his own and his wife's pensions[114]. On Nov. 25, he was allowed to absent himself from his duties for one month, on account of his own urgent affairs; and the Collectors of the Customs were commanded to swear in his deputy[115]. On Dec. 9, one _Philip_ Chaucer is referred to as Comptroller of the Customs, but Philip is here an error for Geoffrey, as shewn by Mr. Selby[116]. s. 25. 1385. In 1385, a stroke of good fortune befell him, which evidently gave him much relief and pleasure. It appears that Chaucer had asked the king to allow him to have a sufficient deputy in his office as Comptroller at the Wool Quay (in French, _Wolkee_) of London[117]. And on Feb. 17, he was released from the somewhat severe pressure of his official duties (of which he complains feelingly in the House of Fame, 652-660) by being allowed to appoint a permanent deputy[118]. He seems to have revelled in his newly-found leisure; and we may fairly infer from the Prologue to the Legend of Good Women, which seems to have been begun shortly afterwards, that he was chiefly indebted for this favour to the good queen Anne. (See the Introduction to vol. iii. p. xix.) On April 24, he received his own pensions as usual, in two sums of 6l. 13s. 4d. each; and, on account of his wife's pension, 3l. 6s. 8d.[119] s. 26. 1386. In 1386, as shewn by the Issue Rolls, he received his pensions as usual. In other respects, the year was eventful. Chaucer was elected a knight of the shire[120] for the county of Kent, with which he would therefore seem to have had some connexion, perhaps by the circumstance of residing at Greenwich (see s. 32). He sat accordingly in the parliament which met at Westminster on Oct. 1, and continued its sittings till Nov. 1. He and his colleague, William Betenham, were allowed 24l. 8s. for their expenses in coming to and returning from the parliament, and for attendance at the same; at the rate of 8s. a day for 61 days[121]. The poet was thus an unwilling contributor to his own misfortunes; for the proceedings of this parliament were chiefly directed against the party of the duke of Lancaster, his patron, and on Nov. 19 the king was obliged to grant a patent by which he was practically deprived of all power. A council of regency of eleven persons was formed, with the duke of Gloucester at their head; and the partisans of John of Gaunt found themselves in an unenviable position. Among the very few persons who still adhered to the king was Sir Nicholas Brembre[122], Chaucer's associate in the Customs (see note above, Nov. 23, 1383); and we may feel confident that Chaucer's sympathies were on the same side. We shall presently see that, when the king regained his power in 1389, Chaucer almost immediately received a valuable appointment. It was during the sitting of this parliament, viz. on Oct. 15, that Chaucer was examined at Westminster in the case of Richard, lord Scrope, against the claim of Sir Robert Grosvenor, as to the right of bearing the coat of arms described as 'azure, a bend or.' The account of Chaucer's evidence is given in French[123]; the following is a translation of it, chiefly in the words of Sir H. Nicolas:-- 'Geoffrey Chaucer, Esquire, of the age of 40 years and upwards, armed for 27 years, produced on behalf of Sir Richard Scrope, sworn and examined. 'Asked, whether the arms, "azure, a bend or," belonged or ought to belong to the said Sir Richard of right and heritage? Said--Yes, for he had seen them armed in France before the town of Retters[124], and Sir Henry Scrope armed in the same arms with a white label, and with a banner, and the said Sir Richard armed in the entire arms, Azure, a bend Or, and he had so seen them armed during the whole expedition, till the said Geoffrey was taken. 'Asked, how he knew that the said arms appertained to the said Sir Richard? Said--by hearsay from old knights and squires, and that they had always continued their possession of the said arms; and that they had always been reputed to be their arms, as the common fame and the public voice testifies and had testified; and he also said, that when he had seen the said arms in banners, glass, paintings, and vestments, they were commonly called the arms of Scrope. 'Asked, if he had ever heard say who was the first ancestor of the said Sir Richard who first bore the said arms? Said--No; nor had he ever heard otherwise than that they were come of old ancestry and of old gentry, and that they had used the said arms. 'Asked, if he had ever heard say how long a time the ancestors of the said Sir Richard had used the said arms? Said--No; but he had heard say that it passed the memory of man. 'Asked, if he had ever heard of any interruption or claim made by Sir Robert Grosvenor or by his ancestors or by any one in his name, against the said Sir Richard or any of his ancestors? Said--No; but said, that he was once in Friday Street, London, and, as he was walking in the street, he saw a new sign, made of the said arms, hanging out; and he asked what inn it was that had hung out these arms of Scrope? And one answered him and said--No, sir; they are not hung out as the arms of Scrope, nor painted for those arms; but they are painted and put there by a knight of the county of Chester, whom men call Sir Robert Grosvenor; and that was the first time that he had ever heard speak of Sir Robert Grosvenor, or of his ancestors, or of any one bearing the name of Grosvenor.' The statement that Chaucer was, at this time, of the age of 'forty and upwards' (xl. ans et plus) ought to be of assistance in determining the date of his birth; but it has been frequently discredited on the ground that similar statements made, in the same account, respecting other persons, can easily be shewn to be incorrect. It can hardly be regarded as more than a mere phrase, expressing that the witness was old enough to give material evidence. But the testimony that the witness had borne arms for twenty-seven years (xxvii. ans) is more explicit, and happens to tally exactly with the evidence actually given concerning the campaign of 1359; a campaign which we may at once admit, on his own shewing, to have been his first. Taken in connexion with his service in the household of the Countess of Ulster, where his position was probably that of page, we should expect that, in 1359, he was somewhere near 20 years of age, and born not long before 1340. It is needless to discuss the point further, as nothing will convince those who are determined to make much of Chaucer's allusions to his 'old age' (which is, after all, a personal affair), and who cannot understand why Hoccleve should speak of himself as 'ripe for death' when he was only fifty-three. It was during the session of this same parliament (Oct. 1386) that Chaucer gave up the house in Aldgate which he had occupied since May, 1374; and the premises were granted by the corporation to one Richard Forster, possibly the same person as the Richard Forrester who had been his proxy in 1378[125]. In this house he must have composed several of his poems; and, in particular, The Parlement of Foules, The House of Fame, and Troilus, besides making his translation of Boethius. The remarks about 'my house' in the Prologue to the Legend of Good Women, 282, are inconsistent with the position of a house above a city-gate. If, as is probable, they have reference to facts, we may suppose that he had already practically resigned his house to his friend in 1385, when he was no longer expected to perform his official duties personally. Meanwhile, the duke of Gloucester was daily gaining ascendancy; and Chaucer was soon to feel the resentment of his party. On Dec. 4, 1386, he was deprived of his more important office, that of Comptroller of the Customs of Wool, and Adam Yerdeley was appointed in his stead. Only ten days later, on Dec. 14, he lost his other office likewise, and Henry Gisors became Comptroller of the Petty Customs[126]. This must have been a heavy loss to one who had previously been in good circumstances, and who seems to have spent his money rather freely[127]. He was suffered, however, to retain his own and his wife's pensions, as there was no pretence for depriving him of them. s. 27. 1387. In 1387, the payment of his wife's pension, on June 18, appears for the last time[128]. It cannot be doubted that she died during the latter part of this year. In the same year, and in the spring of 1388, he received his own pensions, as usual[129]; but his wife's pension ceased at her death, at a time when his own income was seriously reduced. s. 28. 1388. In 1388, on May 1, the grants of his two annual pensions, of 20 marks each, were cancelled at his own request, and assigned, in his stead, to John Scalby[130]. The only probable interpretation of this act is that he was then hard pressed for money, and adopted this ready but rather rash method for obtaining a considerable sum at once. He retained, however, the pension of 10l. per annum, granted him by the duke of Lancaster in 1374. Chaucer was evidently a hard worker and a practical man. We have every reason for believing that he performed his duties assiduously, as he himself asserts; and the loss of his offices in Dec. 1386 must have occasioned a good deal of enforced leisure. This explains at once why the years 1387 and 1388 were, as appears from other considerations, the most active time of his poetical career; he was then hard at work on his Canterbury Tales. And though the loss of his wife, at the close of 1387, must have caused a sad interruption in his congenial task, we can hardly wonder if, after a reasonable interval, he resumed it; it was perhaps the best thing that he could do. s. 29. 1389. This period of almost complete leisure came to an end in July, 1389; owing, probably, to the fact that the king, on May 3 in that year, suddenly took the government into his own hands. The influence of the duke of Gloucester was on the wane; the duke of Lancaster returned to England; and the cloud that had lain over Chaucer's fortunes was once more dispersed. His public work required some attention, though he was allowed to have a deputy, and the time devoted to the Canterbury Tales was diminished. It is doubtful whether, with the exception of a few occasional pieces, Chaucer wrote much new poetry during the last ten years of his life. On July 12, Chaucer received the valuable appointment of Clerk of the King's Works at the palace of Westminster, the Tower of London, the Mews at Charing Cross, and other places. Among them are mentioned the Castle of Berkhemsted (Berkhamstead, Herts.), the King's manors of Kennington (now in London), Eltham (Kent), Clarendon (near Salisbury), Sheen (now Richmond, Surrey)[131], Byfleet (Surrey), Childern Langley (i. e. King's Langley, Hertfordshire), and Feckenham (Worcestershire); also the Royal lodge of Hatherbergh in the New Forest, and the lodges in the parks of Clarendon, Childern Langley, and Feckenham. He was permitted to execute his duties by deputy, and his salary was 2s. per day, or 36l. 10s. annually, a considerable sum[132]. A payment to Chaucer, as Clerk of the Works, is recorded only ten days later (July 22); and we find that, about this time, he issued a commission to one Hugh Swayn to provide materials for the king's works at Westminster, Sheen, and elsewhere[133]. s. 30. 1390. In 1390, on March 13, Chaucer was appointed on a commission, with five others, to repair the banks of the Thames between Woolwich and Greenwich (at that time, probably, his place of residence); but was superseded in 1391[134]. In the same year, Chaucer was entrusted with the task of putting up scaffolds in Smithfield for the king and queen to see the jousts which took place there in the month of May; this notice is particularly interesting in connexion with the Knightes Tale (A 1881-92). The cost of doing this, amounting to 8l. 12s. 6d., was allowed him in a writ dated July 1, 1390; and he received further payment at the rate of 2s. a day[135]. About this time, in the 14th year of king Richard (June 22, 1390-June 21, 1391), he was appointed joint forester, with Richard Brittle, of North Petherton Park, in Somersetshire, by the earl of March, the grandson of his first patron, Prince Lionel. Perhaps in consequence of the death of Richard Brittle, he was made sole forester in 21 Ric. II. (1397-8) by the countess of March; and he probably held the appointment till his death in 1400. No appointment, however, is known to have been then made, and we find that the next forester, appointed in 4 Hen. V. (1416-17), was no other than Thomas Chaucer, who may have been his son[136]. It is perhaps worthy of remark that some of the land in North Petherton, as shewn by Collinson, descended to Emma, third daughter of William de Placetis, which William had the same office of 'forester of North Petherton' till his death in 1274; and this Emma married John Heyron, who died in 1326-7, seised of lands at Enfield, Middlesex, and at Newton, Exton, and North Petherton, in the county of Somerset (Calend. Inquis. post Mortem, 1806, vol. i. p. 333; col. 1). If this John Heyron was related to the Maria Heyron who was Chaucer's grandmother, there was perhaps a special reason for appointing Chaucer to this particular office. On July 12, 1390, he was ordered to procure workmen and materials for the repair of St. George's Chapel, Windsor, then in a ruinous condition; this furnishes a very interesting association[137]. On Sept. 6, 1390, a curious misfortune befell the poet. He was robbed twice on the same day, by the same gang of robbers; once of 10l. of the king's money, at Westminster, and again of 9l. 3s. 2d., of his horse, and of other property, near the 'foul oak' (_foule ok_) at Hatcham, Surrey (now a part of London, approached by the Old Kent Road, and not far from Deptford and Greenwich). One of the gang confessed the robberies; and Chaucer was forgiven the repayment of the money[138]. s. 31. 1391. In 1391, on Jan. 22, Chaucer appointed John Elmhurst as his deputy, for superintending repairs at the palace of Westminster and the tower of London; this appointment was confirmed by the king[139]. It was in this year that he wrote his Treatise on the Astrolabe, for the use of his son Lowis. By this time, the Canterbury Tales had ceased to make much progress. For some unknown reason, Chaucer lost his appointment in the summer; for on June 17, a writ was issued, commanding him to give up to John Gedney[140] all his rolls, &c. connected with his office[141]; and on Sept. 16, we find, accordingly, that the office was held by John Gedney[142]; nevertheless, payments to Chaucer as 'late Clerk of the Works' occur on Dec. 16, 1391, Mar. 4 and July 13, 1392, and even as late as in 1393[143]. s. 32. 1392-3. Chaucer was now once more without public employment. No doubt the Canterbury Tales received some attention, and perhaps we may assign to this period various alterations in the original plan of the poem. The author must by this time have seen the necessity of limiting each of his characters to the telling of _one_ Tale only. The Envoy to Scogan and the Complaint of Venus were probably written in 1393. According to a note written opposite l. 45 of the former poem, Chaucer was then residing at Greenwich, a most convenient position for frequent observation of pilgrims on the road to Canterbury. See ss. 26 and 30. s. 33. 1394. Chaucer was once more a poor man, although, as a widower, his expenses may have been less. Probably he endeavoured to draw attention to his reduced circumstances, or Henry Scogan may have done so for him, in accordance with the poet's suggestion in l. 48 of the Envoy just mentioned. In 1394, on Feb. 28, he obtained from the king a grant of 20l. per annum for life, payable half-yearly at Easter and Michaelmas, being 6l. 13s. 8d. less than the pensions which he had disposed of in 1388[144]; but the first payment was not made till Dec. 20, when he received 10l. for the half-year from Easter to Michaelmas, and the proportional sum of 1l. 16s. 7d. for the month of March[145]. s. 34. 1395. The difficulties which Chaucer experienced at this time, as to money matters, are clearly illustrated during the year 1395. In this year he applied for a loan from the exchequer, in advance of his pension, no less than four times. In this way he borrowed 10l. on April 1; 10l. on June 25; 1l. 6s. 8d. on Sept. 9; and 8l. 6s. 8d. on Nov. 27. He repaid the first of these loans on May 28; and the second was covered by his allowance at Michaelmas. He must also have repaid the small third loan, as the account was squared by his receipt of the balance of 1l. 13s. 4d. (instead of 10l.) on March 1, 1396[146]. All the sums were paid into his own hands, so that he was not far from home in 1395. The fact that he borrowed so small a sum as 1l. 6s. 8d. is significant and saddening. In 19 Ric. II. (June, 1395-June, 1396), Chaucer was one of the attorneys of Gregory Ballard, to receive seizin of the manor of Spitalcombe, and of other lands in Kent[147]. s. 35. 1396. In 1396, as noted above, he received the balance of his first half-year's pension on March 1. The second half-year's pension was not paid till Dec. 25[148]. The Balades of Truth, Gentilesse, and Lak of Stedfastnesse possibly belong to this period, but some critics would place the last of these somewhat earlier. s. 36. 1397. In 1397, the payment of the pension was again behindhand; there seems to have been some difficulty in obtaining it, due, probably, to the lavish extravagance of the king. Instead of receiving his half-yearly pension at Easter, Chaucer received it much later, and in two instalments; viz. 5l. on July 2, and 5l. on Aug. 9. But after this, things mended; for his Michaelmas pension was paid in full, viz. 10l., on Oct 26[149]. It was received for him by John Walden, and it is probable that at this time he was in infirm health. s. 37. 1398. We may certainly infer that, at this time, Chaucer was once more in great distress for money, and considerably in debt. It is also probable that he was becoming infirm; for indeed, his death was now approaching. In the Easter term of 1398 (Apr. 24-May 20), one Isabella Buckholt sued him for the sum of 14l. 1s. 11d. He did not, however, put in an appearance; for the sheriff's return, in the Michaelmas term (Oct. 9-Nov. 28), was--'non est inventus'; and a similar return was again made in the Trinity term of 1399 (June 4-25)[150]. We are tempted to suspect that the sheriff was not particularly diligent in his search after the debtor. That Chaucer was well aware of the awkwardness of his position, is shewn by the fact that on May 4, 1398, just at the very time when the suit was brought, he applied for, and obtained, letters of protection from the king against his enemies, forbidding any one to sue or arrest him on any plea, except it were connected with land, for the term of two years[151]. This furnishes an additional reason why the sheriff did not 'find' him. When the two years terminated, in May, 1400, he had not half a year to live. On June 3, 1398, Chaucer was again unable to receive his pension himself, but it was conveyed to him by William Waxcombe[152]. At the close of the next month, he was reduced to such pitiable straits that we find him applying _personally_ to the exchequer, for such a trifling advance as 6s. 8d., on July 24; and for the same sum only a week later, on July 31[152]. On Aug. 23, he personally received a further advance of 5l. 6s. 8d.[152] In his distress, he determined to send in a petition to the king. A copy of this, in French, is still preserved. On Oct. 13, 1398, he prayed to be allowed a hogshead of wine (tonel de vin), to be given him by the king's butler[153]; he even asked this favour 'for God's sake and as a work of charity' (pur Dieu et en oeure de charitee). It is satisfactory to find that his request met with a prompt response; for only two days afterwards, on Oct. 15, the king made him a grant of a tun of wine annually for life, from the king's butler or his deputy; Sir H. Nicolas computes the value of this grant at about 5l. a year. Moreover, the grant was made to date as from Dec. 1, 1397; so that he necessarily received from it some immediate benefit[154]. He also received from the exchequer, with his own hands, the sum of 10l. on Oct. 28[155]. s. 38. 1399. In 1399, the great change in political affairs practically brought his distress to an end; and it is pleasant to think that, as far as money matters were concerned, he ended his days in comparative ease. Henry of Lancaster was declared king on Sept. 30; and Chaucer lost no time in laying his case before him. This he did by sending in a copy of his 'Compleint to his Empty Purse,' a poem which seems to have been originally written on some other occasion. He added to it, however, an Envoy of five lines, which, like a postscript to some letters, contained the pith of the matter:-- 'O conquerour of Brutes Albioun, Which that by lyne and free eleccioun Ben verray king, this song to you I sende; And ye, that mowen al our harm amende, Have mind upon my supplicacioun!' The king was prompt to reply; it must have given him real satisfaction to be able to assist the old poet, with whom he must have been on familiar terms. On Oct. 3, only the fourth day after the king's accession, the answer came. He was to receive 40 marks yearly (26l. 13s. 4d.), in addition to the annuity of 20l. which king Richard had granted him; so that his income was more than doubled. Even then, he met with a slight misfortune, in losing his letters patent; but, having made oath in Chancery, that the letters patent of Feb. 28, 1394 (referring to king Richard's grant of 20l.), and the new letters patent of Oct. 3, 1399, had been accidentally lost, he procured, on Oct. 13, exemplifications of these records[156]. These grants were finally confirmed by the king on Oct. 21[157]. On Christmas eve, 1399, he covenanted for a lease of 53 years (a long term for one at his age to contemplate) of a house situate in the garden of the Chapel of St. Mary, Westminster, near Westminster Abbey, at the annual rent of 2l. 13s. 4d. This lease, from the Custos Capellae Beatae Mariae to Geoffrey Chaucer, dated Dec. 24, 1399, is in the Muniment Room of Westminster Abbey. The house stood on or near the spot now occupied by Henry the Seventh's Chapel[158]. We find, however, that he had only a life-interest in the lease, as the premises were to revert to the Custos Capellae if the tenant died within the term. s. 39. 1400. In 1400, payments to him are recorded on Feb. 21, of the pension of 20l. granted by king Richard[159], in respect of the half-year ending at Michaelmas, 1399; and on June 5, the sum of 5l., being part of a sum of 8l. 13s. 5d. due for a portion of the next half-year, calculated as commencing on Oct. 21, 1399, and terminating on the last day of March, 1400, was sent him by the hands of Henry Somere[160]. We should notice that this Henry Somere was, at the time, the Clerk of the Receipt of the Exchequer; he was afterwards Under Treasurer, at which time Hoccleve addressed to him a Balade, printed in Furnivall's edition of Hoccleve's Works, at p. 59, followed by a Roundel containing a pun upon his name; as well as a second Balade, addressed to him after he had been made a Baron, and promoted to be Chancellor (see the same, p. 64). Perhaps he was related to John Somere, the Frere, mentioned in the Treatise on the Astrolabe (Prol. 62). Chaucer died on Oct. 25, 1400, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. The date of his death is only known from an inscription on the tomb of gray marble erected near his grave, in 1556, by Nicholas Brigham, a man of letters, and an admirer of the poet's writings; but it is probably correct, and may have rested on tradition[161]. We have no note of him after June 5, and no record of a payment of the pension in October. According to Stowe, Chaucer's grave is in the cloister, where also lies the body of 'Henrie Scogan, a learned poet,' i. e. the Scogan who was Chaucer's friend. s. 40. CHAUCER'S ARMS AND TOMB. 'In front of the tomb,' says Sir. H. Nicolas, 'are three panelled divisions of starred quarterfoils (_sic_), containing shields with the Arms of Chaucer, viz. Per pale argent and gules, a bend counterchanged; and the same Arms also occur in an oblong compartment at the back of the recess, where the following inscription was placed, but which is now almost obliterated, from the partial decomposition and crumbling state of the marble. A small whole-length portrait of Chaucer was delineated _in plano_ on the north side of the inscription, but not a vestige of it is left; and the whole of the recess and canopy has recently been coloured black. M.S. Qui fuit Anglorum Vates ter maximus olim, Galfridus Chaucer conditur hoc tumulo: Annum si quaeras domini, si tempora vitae, Ecce notae subsunt, quae tibi cuncta notant. 25 Octobris 1400. Aerumnarum requies mors. N. Brigham hos fecit musarum nomine sumptus 1556. On the ledge of the tomb the following verses were engraved:-- 'Si rogites quis eram, forsan te fama docebit: Quod si fama negat, mundi quia gloria transit, Haec monumenta lege.' We learn from an interesting note at the end of Caxton's edition of Boethius, that the good printer was not satisfied with printing some of Chaucer's works, but further endeavoured to perpetuate the poet's memory by raising a pillar near his tomb, to support a tablet containing an epitaph consisting of 34 Latin verses. This epitaph was composed by Stephanus Surigonus of Milan, licentiate in decrees, and is reprinted in Stowe's edition of Chaucer's Works (1561), at fol. 355, back. The last four lines refer to Caxton's pious care:-- 'Post obitum Caxton voluit te viuere cura Willelmi, Chaucer, clare poeta, tui. Nam tua non solum compressit opuscula formis, Has quoque sed laudes iussit hic esse tuas.' A description, by Dean Stanley, of the Chaucer window in Westminster Abbey, completed in 1868, is given in Furnivall's Temporary Preface (Ch. Soc.), p. 133. Some of the subjects in the window are taken from the poem entitled 'The Flower and the Leaf,' which he did not write. It will be observed that Sir H. Nicolas speaks, just above, of 'the arms of Chaucer,' which he describes. But it should be remembered that this is, practically, an assumption, which at once launches us into an uncertain and debateable position. These arms certainly belonged to _Thomas_ Chaucer, for they occur on a seal of his of which a drawing is given in MS. Julius C 7, fol. 153; an accurate copy of which is given by Sir H. Nicolas. It is therefore quite possible that the same arms were assigned to the poet in 1556, only because it was then assumed that Thomas was Geoffrey's son; the fact being that the relationship of Thomas to Geoffrey is open to doubt, and the case requires to be stated with great care. s. 41. THOMAS CHAUCER. Few things are more remarkable than the utter absence of unequivocal early evidence as to the above-mentioned point. That Geoffrey Chaucer was a famous man, even in his own day, cannot be doubted; and it is equally certain that Thomas Chaucer was a man of great wealth and of some consequence. Sir H. Nicolas has collected the principal facts relating to him, the most important being the following. On Oct. 26, 1399, Henry IV. granted him the offices of Constable of Wallingford Castle and Steward of the Honours of Wallingford and St. Valery and of the Chiltern Hundreds for life, receiving therefrom 40l. a year, with 10l. additional for his deputy[162]. On Nov. 5, 1402, he was appointed Chief Butler for life to King Henry IV.[163]; and there is a note that he had previously been Chief Butler to Richard II.[164], but the date of that appointment has not been ascertained. He was also Chief Butler to Henry V. until March, 1418, when he was superseded[165]; but was again appointed Chief Butler to Henry VI. after his accession. He represented Oxfordshire in Parliament in 1402, 1408, 1409, 1412, 1414, 1423, 1427, and 1429; and was Speaker of the House of Commons in 1414[166], and in other years. 'He was employed on many occasions of trust and importance during the reigns of Henry IV., Henry V., and Henry VI.;' to which Sir H. Nicolas adds, that he 'never attained a higher rank than that of esquire.' His wealth, at his death in 1434, was unusually great, as shewn by the long list of his landed possessions in the Inquisitiones post Mortem. This wealth he doubtless acquired by his marriage with an heiress, viz. Matilda, second daughter and co-heiress of Sir John Burghersh, who died Sept. 21, 1391, when Matilda was 12 years old. Unfortunately, the date of this marriage is uncertain, though Sir H. Nicolas shews that it was probably earlier than 1403. The exact date would be very useful; for if it took place before 1399, it becomes difficult to understand why the poet was left so poor, whilst his son had vast possessions. It should be noticed that there is but little to connect even Thomas Chaucer (still less Geoffrey) with Woodstock, until 1411; when the Queen (Joan of Navarre) granted Thomas the farm of the manors of Woodstock, Hanburgh, Wotton, and Stonfield, which, by the king's assignment, he enjoyed for life[167]. That the poet visited Woodstock in 1357, when in the service of Prince Lionel, is almost certain; but beyond this, we have no sure information on the matter. It is true that 'Wodestok' is mentioned in the last line of the Cuckow and the Nightingale, but this supposed connecting link is at once broken, when we find that the said poem was certainly not of his writing[168]. The suggested reference to Woodstock in the Parliament of Foules, l. 122, is discussed below, at p. 510. The only child of Thomas and Matilda Chaucer was Alice, whose third husband was no less a person than William de la Pole, then Earl and afterwards Duke of Suffolk, who was beheaded in 1450. Their eldest son was John de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, who married Elizabeth, sister of King Edward IV. Their eldest son bore the same name, and was not only created Earl of Lincoln, but was actually declared heir-apparent to the throne by Richard III; so that there was, at one time, a probability that Thomas Chaucer's great-grandson would succeed to the throne. But the battle of Bosworth, in 1485, set this arrangement aside; and the Earl of Lincoln was himself killed two years later, in the battle of Stoke. s. 42. THE RELATIONSHIP OF THOMAS TO GEOFFREY CHAUCER. Considering the great eminence of these two men, the almost total silence of early evidence, establishing a connexion between them, is in a high degree remarkable. The earliest connecting link is the fact that a deed by Thomas Chaucer still exists, written (in English) at Ewelme, and dated May 20, 1409, to which a seal is appended. This seal exhibits the arms which were certainly borne by Thomas Chaucer (viz. party per pale, argent and gules, a bend counterchanged); but the legend, though somewhat indistinct, can only be read as: 'S' Ghofrai Chaucier[169]'; where S' signifies 'Sigillum.' The spelling 'Ghofrai' is hardly satisfactory; but if Geoffrey be really meant, we gain a piece of evidence of high importance. It proves that Geoffrey bore the same arms as Thomas, and _not_ the same arms as his father John; whose seal displays a shield ermine, on a chief, three birds' heads issuant (The Academy, Oct. 13, 1877, p. 364). Moreover, the use of Geoffrey's seal by Thomas goes far to establish that the latter was the son of the former. The next link is that Geoffrey Chaucer was succeeded by Thomas Chaucer in the office of forester of North Petherton in Somersetshire; but even here there is a gap in the succession, as Thomas was not appointed till 1416-7, the fourth year of Henry V.[170] It is not till the reign of Henry VI. that we at last obtain an unequivocal statement. Thomas Gascoigne, who died in 1458, wrote a Theological Dictionary, which still exists, in MS., in the Library of Lincoln College, Oxford. He tells us that Chaucer, in his last hours, frequently lamented the wickedness of his writings, though it is transparent that he here merely repeats, in a varied form, the general tenour of the well-known final paragraph of the Persones Tale. But he adds this important sentence: 'Fuit idem Chawserus pater Thomae Chawserus, armigeri, qui Thomas sepelitur in Nuhelm iuxta Oxoniam[171].' The statement is the more important because Gascoigne ought to have known the exact truth. He was Chancellor of Oxford, and Thomas Chaucer held the manor of Ewelme, at no great distance, at the same date. As he mentions Thomas's sepulture, he wrote later than 1434, yet before 1458. Even in the case of this decisive statement, it were to be wished that he had shewn greater accuracy in the context; surely he gives a quite unfair turn to the poet's own words. On the whole, I can only admit at present, that there is a high probability that Thomas was really Geoffrey's son. Perhaps we shall some day know the certainty of the matter. s. 43. THOMAS'S MOTHER. The chief reason why it is so desirable to know the exact truth as to the relationship of Thomas to Geoffrey, is that a good deal depends upon it. If such was the case, it follows that Philippa Chaucer was Thomas's mother; in which case, we may feel tolerably confident that her maiden name was Roet or Rouet. This has been inferred from the fact that the arms (apparently) of Roet 'occur repeatedly on Thomas Chaucer's tomb, as his paternal coat, instead of the arms usually attributed to him and to the poet.' These arms bore 'three wheels, evidently in allusion to the name[172].' Having thus assigned to Philippa Chaucer the name of Roet, the next step (usually accepted, yet not absolutely proved) is to assume that she was the sister of the Katherine de Roet of Hainault[173], who married Sir Hugh Swynford, and afterwards became the mistress, and, in 1396, the third wife of John of Gaunt. Her father is supposed to have been Sir Payne Roet, of Hainault, upon the evidence of his epitaph, which (in Weever's Funeral Monuments, p. 413) is thus given:--'Hic jacet Paganus Roet, Miles, Guyenne Rex Armorum, Pater Catherine Ducisse Lancastriae[174].' It is obvious that, if all the inferences are correct, they clearly establish an important and close connexion between the poet and John of Gaunt. Further arguments, whether in favour of or against this connexion, need hardly be repeated here. They may be found in Nicolas's Life of Chaucer, and in Lounsbury's Studies in Chaucer, vol. i. Thynne has the following remark in his Animadversions, &c. (ed. Furnivall, p. 22): 'Althoughe I fynde a recorde of the _pellis exitus_, in the tyme of Edwarde the thirde, of a yerely stypende to Elizabethe Chawcer, _Domicelle regine Philippe_, whiche _Domicella_ dothe signyfye one of her weytinge gentlewomen: yet I cannott ... thinke this was his wyfe, but rather his sister or kinneswoman, who, after the deathe of her mystresse Quene Philippe, did forsake the worlde and became a nonne at Seinte Heleins in London.' And we find, accordingly (as Nicolas shews), that 'on July 27, 1377, the King exercised his right to nominate a Nun in the Priory of St. Helen's, London, after the coronation, in favour of Elizabeth Chausier.' Another Elizabeth Chaucy (who may have been the poet's daughter) is also noticed by Nicolas, for whose noviciate, in the Abbey of Berking in Essex, John of Gaunt paid 51l. 8s. 2d., on May 12, 1381. But these are mere matters for conjecture. s. 44. The preceding sections include all the most material facts that have been ascertained with respect to Geoffrey Chaucer, and it is fortunate that, owing to his connexion with public business, they are so numerous and so authentic. At the same time, it will doubtless be considered that such dry details, however useful, tell us very little about the man himself; though they clearly shew the versatility of his talents, and exhibit him as a page, a soldier, a valet and esquire of the royal household, an envoy, a comptroller of customs, a clerk of works, and a member of Parliament. In the truest sense, his own works best exhibit his thoughts and character; though we must not always accept all his expressions as if they were all his own. We have to deal with a writer in whom the dramatic faculty was highly developed, and I prefer to leave the reader to draw his own inferences, even from those passages which are most relied upon to support the theory that his domestic life may have been unhappy, and others of the like kind. We can hardly doubt, for example, that he refers to his wife as 'oon that I coude nevene,' i. e. one that I could name, in the Hous of Fame, 562; and he plainly says that the eagle spoke something to him in a kindly tone, such as he never heard from his wife. But when we notice that the something said was the word 'awake,' in order that he should 'the bet abrayde,' i. e. the sooner recover from his dazed state, it is possible that a sentence which at first seems decidedly spiteful is no more than a mild and gentle jest. s. 45. PERSONAL ALLUSIONS IN CHAUCER'S WORKS. Instead of drawing my own inferences, which may easily be wrong, from various passages in Chaucer's Works, I prefer the humbler task of giving the more important references, from which the reader may perform the task for himself, to his greater satisfaction. I will only say that when a poet complains of hopeless love, or expresses his despair, or tells us (on the other hand) that he has no idea as to what love means, we are surely free to believe, in each case, just as little or as much as we please. It is a very sandy foundation on which to build up a serious autobiographical structure. The only remark which I feel justified in making is, that I believe his wife's death to have been a serious loss to him in one respect at least. Most of his early works are reasonably free from coarseness; whereas such Tales as those of the Miller, the Reeve, the Shipman, the Merchant, and the Prologue to the Wife's Tale, can hardly be defended. All these may confidently be dated after the year 1387. I have also to add one caution. We must not draw inferences as to Chaucer's life from poems or works with which he had nothing to do. Even Sir H. Nicolas, with all his carefulness, has not avoided this. He quotes the 'Cuckoo and Nightingale' as mentioning Woodstock; and he only distrusts the 'Testament of Love' because it is 'an allegorical composition[175].' As to the numerous fables that have been imported into the early Lives of Chaucer, see the excellent chapter in Lounsbury's Studies in Chaucer, entitled 'The Chaucer Legend.' s. 46. REFERENCES. I here use the following abbreviations. Ast. (Treatise on the Astrolabe); B. D. (Book of the Duchesse); C. T. (Canterbury Tales); H. F. (Hous of Fame); L. G. W. (Legend of Good Women); T. (Troilus and Criseyde). 1. PERSONAL ALLUSIONS. The poet's name is Geffrey, H. F. 729; and his surname, Chaucer, C. T., B 47. He describes himself, C. T., B 1886; Envoy to Scogan, 31. His poverty, H. F. 1349; Envoy to Scogan, 45; Compl. to his Purse. Refers to the sale of wine (his father being a vintner), C. T., C 564. Is despondent in love, Compl. unto Pity; B. D. 1-43; T. i. 15-18. His Complaints, viz. unto Pity; to his Lady; and an Amorous Complaint. Has long served Cupid and Venus; H. F. 616. Is no longer a lover, P. F. 158-166; H. F. 639; T. ii. 19-21; L. G. W. 490. Is love's clerk, T. iii. 41. Is love's foe, L. G. W. 323. His misery, H. F. 2012-8. His religious feeling, A. B. C., Second Nun's Tale, Prioress's Tale, &c. Refers to his work when Comptroller of the Customs, H. F. 652. Is unambitious of fame, H. F. 1870-900; and has but little in his head, ib. 621. Is sometimes a mere compiler, Ast. prol. 43. Addresses his little son Lowis, Ast. prol. 1-45[176]. Expresses his gratitude to the queen, L. G. W. 84-96, 445-461, 496. His old age, L. G. W., A 262, A 315; Envoy to Scogan, 31-42; Compl. of Venus, 76[177]. He will not marry a second time, Envoy to Bukton, 8. He exhibits his knowledge of the Northern dialect in the Reeve's Tale. The whole of the Prologue to the Legend of Good Women deserves particular attention. Chaucer mentions several friends, viz. Gower the poet, T. v. 1856; Strode, T. v. 1857 (cf. the colophon to Ast. pt. ii. s. 40); and a lady named Rosemounde, in the Balade addressed to her. He also addresses Envoys to Henry Scogan and to Bukton. The Envoy to the Compleint to his Purse is addressed to king Henry IV. He is fond of books and of reading, P. F. 15; H. F. 657; L. G. W. 17-35; and even reads in bed, B. D. 50, 274, 1326. For a full account of the books which he quotes, see vol. vi. I may just notice here the lists in C. T., B 2088; L. G. W., A 272-307; and his references to his own works in L. G. W. 329, 332, 417-28; C. T., B 57-76; C. T., I 1086[178]. His love of nature appears in several excellent descriptions; we may particularly notice his lines upon the sunrise, C. T., A 1491, F 385; on the golden-tressed Phoebus, T. v. 8; on the daisy, L. G. W. 41; his description of the birds, P. F. 330; of a blooming garden, P. F. 182; of the golden age, The Former Age; of fine weather for hunting, B. D. 336, and of the chase itself, B. D. 360, L. G. W. 1188. He frequently mentions the fair month of May, L. G. W. 36, 45, 108, 176, T. ii. 50, C. T. A 1500, 1510; and St. Valentine's day, Compl. of Mars, 13; P. F. 309, 322, 386, 683; Amorous Compleint, 85. He was our first great metrist, and has frequent references to his poetical art. He never slept on Parnassus, C. T., F 721; and the Host (in the C. T.) even accused him of writing 'dogerel,' B 2115. He cannot write alliterative verse, C. T., I 43. He admits that his rime is 'light and lewed,' and that some lines fail in a syllable, H. F., 1096-8. Yet he hopes that none will 'mismetre' him, T. v. 1796. He writes books, songs, and ditties in rime or 'cadence,' H. F. 622; also hymns, balades, roundels, and virelays, L. G. W. 422; and complaints, such as the Complaint to Pity, to his Lady, to his Purse, the Complaints of Mars, Anelida, and Venus, and the Complaint D'amours (or Amorous Complaint). Specimens of his graphic and dramatic power, of his skill in story and metre, of his tenderness and his humour, need not be here specified. He is fond of astronomy, as shewn by his Treatise on the Astrolabe; and, though he has but little faith in astrology (Ast. ii. 4. 37), he frequently refers to it as well as to astronomy; see B. D. 1206; Compl. Mars, 29, 54, 69, 79, 86, 113, 120, 129, 139, 145; P. F., 56, 59, 67, 117; Envoy to Scogan, 3, 9; H. F. 932, 936, 965, 993-1017; T. ii. 50, iii. 2, 618, 625, 716, iv. 1592, v. 1809; L. G. W. 113, 2223, 2585-99; C. T., A 7, 1087, 1328, 1463, 1537, 1566, 1850, 2021, 2035, 2059, 2217, 2271, 2367, 2454-69, 3192, 3209, 3516; B 1-14, 191, 308, 312, 4045-8, 4378-89; D 613, 704; E 1795, 1969, 2132, 2222; F 47-51, 263-5, 386, 906, 1032-5, 1045-59, 1130, 1245-9, 1261-6, 1273-96; I 2-12. Even his alchemy has some reference to astrology; C. T., G 826-9; cf. H. F. 1430-1512. He refers to optics, C. T., F 228-235; to Boethius on music, C. T., B 4484, H. F. 788-818; and to magical arts, H. F. 1259-81, C. T., F 115, 132, 146, 156, 219, 250, 1142-51, 1157-62, 1189-1208. 2. HISTORICAL ALLUSIONS. The references to contemporary history are but few. The death of the Lady Blaunche is commemorated in the Book of the Duchesse. He refers to good queen Anne, L. G. W. 255, 275, 496; to the archbishop of Canterbury, C. T., B 4635; to 'this pestilence,' C 679; to Tyler's rebellion, A 2459; and Jack Straw, B 4584. Perhaps the Complaints of Mars and Venus refer to real personages; see the Notes to those poems. He mentions Dante, H. F. 450, L. G. W. 360, C. T. B 3651, D 1126; Petrarch, C. T., E 31, 1147; Pedro the Cruel, king of Spain, C. T., B 3565, Bertrand du Gueschlin, 3573, and Sir Oliver Mauny, 3576; Peter, king of Cyprus, 3581; Bernabo Visconti, duke of Milan, 3589, and the 'tyrants' of Lombardy, L. G. W. 374; Ugolino of Pisa and the archbishop Ruggieri, C. T., B 3597, 3606. There are several allusions to recent events in the Prologue, A 51-66, 86, 276, 399; and perhaps in C. T., E 995-1001. His literary allusions are too numerous to be here recited. The reader can consult the Index in vol. vi. s. 47. ALLUSIONS TO CHAUCER. One of the earliest allusions to Chaucer as a poet occurs in the works of Eustache Deschamps, a contemporary poet of France. It is remarkable that he chiefly praises him as being 'a great translator.' Perhaps this was before his longest poems were written; there is express reference to his translation of Le Roman de la Rose, and, possibly, to Boethius. The poem tells us that Deschamps had sent Chaucer a copy of some of his poems by a friend named Clifford, and he hopes to receive something of Chaucer's in return. The poem is here quoted entire, from the edition of Deschamps by le Marquis de Queux de Saint-Hilaire, published for the Societe des Anciens Textes Francais, t. ii. p. 138:-- 'O Socrates plains de philosophie, Seneque en meurs et Anglux en pratique, Ovides grans en ta poeterie, Bries en parler, saiges en rethorique, Aigles treshaulz, qui par ta theorique Enlumines le regne d'Eneas, L'Isle aux Geans, ceuls de Bruth, et qui as Seme les fleurs et plante le rosier, Aux ignorans de la langue pandras, Grant translateur, noble Geffroy Chaucier. Tu es d'amours mondains Dieux en Albie: Et de la Rose, en la terre Angelique, Qui d'Angela saxonne, est puis flourie Angleterre, d'elle ce nom s'applique Le derrenier en l'ethimologique; En bon angles le livre translatas; Et un vergier ou du plant demandas De ceuls qui font pour eulx autorisier, A ja longtemps que tu edifias, Grant translateur, noble Geffroy Chaucier. A toy pour ce de la fontaine Helye Requier avoir un buvraige autentique, Dont la doys est du tout en ta baillie, Pour rafrener d'elle ma soif ethique, Qui en Gaule seray paralitique Jusques a ce que tu m'abuveras. Eustaces sui, qui de mon plant aras: Mais pran en gre les euvres d'escolier Que par Clifford de moy avoir pourras, Grant translateur, noble Geffroy Chaucier. LENVOY. Poete hault, loenge destruye, En ton jardin ne seroye qu'ortie: Considere ce que j'ay dit premier Ton noble plant, ta douce melodie, Mais pour scavoir, de rescripre te prie, Grant translateur, noble Geffroy Chaucier.' Gower alludes to Chaucer in the first edition of the Confessio Amantis; see the passage discussed in vol. iii. p. 414. Henry Scogan wrote 'a moral balade' in twenty-one 8-line stanzas, in which he not only refers to Chaucer's poetical skill, but quotes the whole of his Balade on Gentilesse; see vol. i. p. 83. Hoccleve frequently refers to Chaucer as his 'maister,' i. e. his teacher, with great affection; and, if he learnt but little more, he certainly learnt the true method of scansion of his master's lines, and imitates his metres and rimes with great exactness. The passages relating to Chaucer are as follows[179]. (1) From the Governail of Princes, or De Regimine Principum (ed. Wright, p. 67, st. 267):-- 'Thou were acqueynted with Chaucer, pardee-- God save his soule--best of any wight.' (2) From the same, p. 75, stanzas 280, 281-283, 297-299, 301:-- 'But weylawey! so is myn herte wo That the honour of English tonge is deed, Of which I wont was han conseil and reed. O maister dere and fader reverent, My maister Chaucer, flour of eloquence, Mirour of fructuous entendement, O universel fader in science, Allas! that thou thyn excellent prudence In thy bed mortel mightest not bequethe! What eyled Deeth? Allas! why wolde he slee thee? O Deeth! thou didest not harm singuler In slaghtre of him, but al this land it smerteth! But nathelees, yit hast thou no power His name slee; his hy vertu asterteth Unslayn fro thee, which ay us lyfly herteth With bokes of his ornat endyting, That is to al this land enlumining.... My dere maister--God his soule quyte-- and fader, Chaucer, fayn wolde han me taught; But I was dul, and lernede right naught[180]. Allas! my worthy maister honorable, This landes verray tresor and richesse! Deeth, by thy deeth, hath harm irreparable Unto us doon; hir vengeable duresse Despoiled hath this land of the swetnesse Of rethoryk; for unto[181] Tullius Was never man so lyk amonges us. Also who was heyr[182] in philosophye To Aristotle, in our tonge, but thou? The steppes of Virgyle in poesye Thou folwedest eek, men wot wel y-now. That combre-world, that thee (my maister) slow-- Wolde I slayn were--Deeth, was to hastyf To renne on thee, and reve thee thy lyf.... She mighte han taried hir vengeance a whyle Til that som man had egal to thee be; Nay, lat be that! she knew wel that this yle May never man forth bringe lyk to thee, And hir offyce nedes do mot she: God bad hir so, I truste as for the beste; O maister, maister, God thy soule reste! (3) From the same, p. 179, stanzas 712-4:-- The firste finder of our fair langage Hath seyd in caas semblable, and othere mo, So hyly wel, that it is my dotage For to expresse or touche any of tho. Allas! my fader fro the worlde is go, My worthy maister Chaucer, him I mene: Be thou advoket for him, hevenes quene? As thou wel knowest, O blessed virgyne, With loving herte and hy devocioun In thyn honour he wroot ful many a lyne. O, now thy help and thy promocioun! To God, thy Sone, mak a mocioun How he thy servaunt was, mayden Marie, And lat his love floure and fructifye. Al-thogh his lyf be queynt, the resemblaunce Of him hath in me so fresh lyflinesse That, to putte othere men in remembraunce Of his persone, I have heer his lyknesse Do make, to this ende, in sothfastnesse, That they, that have of him lest thought and minde, By this peynture may ageyn him finde.' Here is given, in the margin of the MS., the famous portrait of Chaucer which is believed to be the best, and probably the only one that can be accepted as authentic. A copy of it is prefixed to the present volume, and to Furnivall's Trial-Forewords, Chaucer Soc., 1871; and an enlarged copy accompanies the Life-Records of Chaucer, part 2. It is thus described by Sir H. Nicolas:--'The figure, which is half-length, has a back-ground of green tapestry. He is represented with grey hair and beard, which is biforked; he wears a dark-coloured dress and hood; his right hand is extended, and in his left he holds a string of beads. From his vest a black case is suspended, which appears to contain a knife, or possibly a 'penner,' or pen-case[183]. The expression of the countenance is intelligent; but the fire of the eye seems quenched, and evident marks of advanced age appear on the countenance.' Hoccleve did not paint this portrait himself, as is often erroneously said; he 'leet do make it,' i. e. had it made. It thus became the business of the scribe, and the portraits in different copies of Hoccleve's works vary accordingly. There is a full-length portrait in MS. Reg. 17 D. vi, marked as 'Chaucers ymage'; and another in a MS. copy once in the possession of Mr. Tyson, which was engraved in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1792, vol. lxii. p. 614; perhaps the latter is the copy which is now MS. Phillipps 1099. A representation of Chaucer on horseback, as one of the pilgrims, occurs in the Ellesmere MS.; an engraving of it appears as a frontispiece to Todd's Illustrations of Chaucer. A small full-length picture of Chaucer occurs in the initial letter of the Canterbury Tales, in MS. Lansdowne 851. Other portraits, such as that in MS. Addit. (or Sloane) 5141, the painting upon wood in the Bodleian Library, and the like, are of much later date, and cannot pretend to any authenticity. Lydgate has frequent references to his 'maister Chaucer.' The most important is that in the Prologue to his Fall of Princes, which begins thus:-- 'My maister Chaucer, with his fresh comedies, Is deed, allas! cheef poete of Bretayne, That somtym made ful pitous tragedies; The "fall of princes" he dide also compleyne, As he that was of making soverayne, Whom al this land of right[e] ought preferre, Sith of our langage he was the loodsterre.' The 'fall of princes' refers to the Monkes Tale, as explained in vol. iii. p. 431. He next refers to 'Troilus' as being a translation of a book 'which called is Trophe' (see vol. ii. p. liv.); and to the Translation of Boethius and the Treatise of the Astrolabe. He then mentions many of the Minor Poems (in the stanzas quoted below, p. 23), the Legend of Good Women (see vol. iii. p. xx.), and the Canterbury Tales; and concludes thus:-- 'This sayd poete, my maister, in his dayes Made and composed ful many a fresh ditee, Complaintes, balades, roundels, virelayes, Ful delectable to heren and to see; For which men shulde, of right and equitee, Sith he of English in making was the beste, Praye unto God to yeve his soule reste.' So also, in his Siege of Troye, fol. K 2:-- 'Noble Galfryde, chefe Poete of Brytayne, Among our English that caused first to rayne The golden droppes of Rethorike so fyne, Our rude language onely t'enlumine,' &c. And again, in the same, fol. R 2, back:-- 'For he our English gilt[e] with his layes, Rude and boystous first, by olde dayes, That was ful fer from al perfeccioun And but of lytel reputacioun, Til that he cam, and with his poetrye Gan our tunge first to magnifye, And adourne it with his eloquence'; &c. And yet again, at fol. Ee 2:-- 'And, if I shal shortly him discryve, Was never noon [un]to this day alyve, To reken all[e], bothe of yonge and olde, That worthy was his inkhorn for to holde.' Similar passages occur in some of his other works, and shew that he regarded Chaucer with affectionate reverence. Allusions in later authors have only a literary value, and need not be cited in a Life of Chaucer. * * * * * I subjoin (on p. lxii.) a List of Chaucer's genuine works, arranged, as nearly as I can conjecture, in their chronological order. Of his poetical excellence it is superfluous to speak; Lowell's essay on 'Chaucer' in My Study Windows gives a just estimate of his powers. LIST OF CHAUCER'S WORKS. The following list is arranged, _conjecturally_, in chronological order. It will be understood that much of the arrangement and some of the dates are due to guesswork; on a few points scholars are agreed. See further in pp. 20-91 below, &c. Of the Poems marked (a), there seem to have been _two_ editions, (a) being the earlier. The letters and numbers appended at the end denote the _metres_, according to the following scheme. A = octosyllabic metre; B = ballad metre, in Sir Thopas; C = 4-line stanza, in the Proverbes; P = Prose. The following sixteen metres are original (i. e. in _English_); viz. 1 = 8-line stanza, _ababbcbc_; 1 b = the same, thrice, with refrain. 2 = 7-line stanza, _ababbcc_; 2 b = the same, thrice, with refrain; 2 _c_ = 7-line stanza, _ababbab_. 3 = terza rima. 4 = 10-line stanza, _aabaabcddc_. 5 = 9-line stanza, _aabaabbab_; 5 b = the same, with internal rimes. 6 = virelai of 16 lines. 7 = 9-line stanza, _aabaabbcc_. 8 = roundel. 9 = heroic couplet. 10 = 6-line stanza, _ababcb_, repeated six times. 11 = 10-line stanza, _aabaabbaab_. 12 = 5-line stanza, _aabba_. *** C. T. = Canterbury Tales; L. G. W. = Legend of Good Women; M. P. = Minor Poems. Origenes upon the Maudeleyne (See L. G. W., A 418; lost.) Book of the Leoun (C. T., I. 1087; lost). (a) Ceys and Alcion (C. T., B. 57; Bk. Duch. 62-214).--A. Romaunt of the Rose, ll. 1-1705; rest lost.--A. A. B. C.; in M. P. I.--1. 1369. Book of the Duchesse; M. P. III.--A. (a) Lyf of Seynt Cecyle (L. G. W., B 426; C. T., G. 1-553).--2[184]. (a) Monkes Tale (parts of); except B. 3565-3652.--1. ab. 1372-3. (a) Clerkes Tale; except E. 995-1008, and the Envoy.--2. (a) Palamon and Arcite (scraps preserved).--2. Compleint to his Lady; M. P. VI.--2. 3. 4. An Amorous Compleint, made at Windsor; M. P. XXII.--2. Compleint unto Pite; M. P. II.--2. Anelida and Arcite (10 stt. from Palamon); M. P. VII.-- 2. 5. 6. 5 b. (a) The Tale of Melibeus.--P. (a) The Persones Tale.--P. (a) Of the Wreched Engendring of Mankinde (L. G. W., A. 414; cf. C. T., B. 99-121, &c.)--2. (a) Man of Lawes Tale; amplified in C. T.--2. 1377-81. Translation of Boethius.--P. 1379? Compleint of Mars; M. P. IV.--2. 7. 1379-83. Troilus and Criseyde (3 stt. from Palamon).--2. Wordes to Adam (concerning Boece and Troilus); M. P. VIII.--2. The Former Age (from Boece); M. P. IX.--1. Fortune (hints from Boece); M. P. X.--1 b. 2 c. 1382. Parlement of Foules (16 stt. from Palamon); M. P. V.--2. 8. 1383-4. House of Fame.--A. 1385-6. Legend of Good Women.--9. 1386. Canterbury Tales begun. 1387-8. Central period of the Canterbury Tales. 1389, &c. The Tales continued.--B. 1. 2. 9. 10. P. 1391. Treatise on the Astrolabe.--P. 1393? Compleint of Venus; M. P. XVIII.--1 b. 11. 1393. Lenvoy to Scogan; M. P. XVI.--2. 1396. Lenvoy to Bukton; M. P. XVII.--1. 1399. Envoy to Compleint to his Purse; M. P. XIX.--12. The following occasional triple roundel and balades _may_ have been composed between 1380 and 1396:-- Merciless Beaute; M. P. XI--8. Balade to Rosamounde; M. P. XII.--1 b. Against Women Unconstaunt; M. P. XXI--2 b. (_a_) Compleint to his Purse; M. P. XIX.--2 b. Lak of Stedfastnesse; M. P. XV.--2 b. Gentilesse; M. P. XIV.--2 b. Truth; M. P. XIII.--2 b. Proverbes of Chaucer; M. P. XX.--C. * * * * * ERRATA AND ADDENDA. P. 95: l. 47. Insert a comma after 'oughte' P. 98: l. 114. Omit the comma at the end of the line. P. 123: l. 705. It would be better to read 'Withoute.' The scansion then is: Without | e fabl' | I wol | descryve. P. 126: l. 793. Delete the comma at the end of the line. P. 127: l. 806. Delete the comma at the end of the line. P. 135: l. 997. _For_ shall _read_ shal P. 136: ll. 1015-6. Improve the punctuation thus:-- As whyt as lilie or rose in rys Hir face, gentil and tretys. P. 136: l. 1021. Delete the comma after 'yelowe' P. 141: l. 1154. Delete the comma after 'seide' P. 168: l. 1962. _For_ Bu -if _read_ But-if P. 176: l. 2456. _For_ joy _read_ Ioy P. 201: l. 4035. For the comma substitute a semicolon. P. 249: l. 7087. _For_ echerye _read_ trecherye P. 253: l. 7324. _For_ weary _read_ wery P. 255: l. 7437. Supply a comma at the end of the line. P. 258: l. 7665. Insert a comma after 'helle' P. 269: l. 145. The stop at the end should be a comma. P. 278: l. 49. _For_ aud _read_ and P. 282: l. 145. _For_ Aud _read_ And P. 301: l. 716. The comma should perhaps be a semicolon or a full stop. P. 313: l. 1069. For 'Antilegius,' a better form would be 'Antilogus,' a French form of Antilochus. P. 326: l. 74. Perhaps 'let' should be 'lete' P. 330: l. 206. _For_ folke _read_ folk P. 338: l. 91. _For_ Aud _read_ And P. 340: l. 133. _For_ the _read_ thee P. 362: l. 76. The final stop should be a comma. P. 374: ll. 243, 248. _For_ desteny _and_ ful _better forms are_ destinee _and_ fulle P. 377: l. 328. _For_ furlong wey _read_ furlong-wey * * * * * INTRODUCTION. THE ROMAUNT OF THE ROSE. s. 1. In the Third Edition of my volume of Chaucer Selections, containing the Prioress's Tale, &c., published by the Clarendon Press in 1880, I included an essay to shew 'why the Romaunt of the Rose is not Chaucer's,' meaning thereby the particular English version of Le Roman de la Rose which happens to be preserved. I have since seen reason to modify this opinion as regards a comparatively short portion of it at the beginning (here printed in large type), but the arguments then put forward remain as valid as ever as regards the main part of it (here printed in smaller type, and in double columns). Some of these arguments had been previously put forward by me in a letter to the Academy, Aug. 10, 1878, p. 143. I ought to add that the chief of them are not original, but borrowed from Mr. Henry Bradshaw, whose profound knowledge of all matters relating to Chaucer has been acknowledged by all students. s. 2. That Chaucer translated the French poem called Le Roman de la Rose, or at least some part of it[185], no one doubts; for he tells us so himself in the Prologue of his Legend of Good Women (A 255, B 329), and the very frequent references to it, in many of his poems, shew that many parts of it were familiarly known to him. Nevertheless, it does not follow that the particular version of it which happens to be preserved, is the very one which he made; for it was a poem familiar to many others besides him, and it is extremely probable that Middle English versions of it were numerous. In fact, it will presently appear that the English version printed in this volume actually consists of _three_ separate fragments, _all by different hands_. The English version, which I shall here, for brevity, call 'the translation,' has far less claim to be considered as Chaucer's than unthinking people imagine. Modern readers find it included in many editions of his Works, and fancy that such a fact is conclusive; but it is the merest prudence to enquire how it came there. The answer is, that it first appeared in Thynne's edition of 1532, a collection of Chaucer's (supposed) works made more than _a hundred and thirty years_ after his death. Such an attribution is obviously valueless; we must examine the matter for ourselves, and on independent grounds. s. 3. A critical examination of the internal evidence at once shews that by far the larger part of 'the translation' cannot possibly be Chaucer's; for the language of it contradicts most of his habits, and presents peculiarities such as we never find in his genuine poems. I shewed this in my 'Essay' by the use of several unfailing tests, the nature of which I shall explain presently. The only weak point in my argument was, that I then considered 'the translation' as being the production of _one_ author, and thought it sufficient to draw my examples (as I unconsciously, for the most part, did) from the central portion of the whole. s. 4. The next step in this investigation was made by Dr. Lindner. In a painstaking article printed in _Englische Studien_, xi. 163, he made it appear highly probable that at least _two_ fragments of 'the translation' are _by different hands_. That there are two fragments, _at least_, is easily discerned; for after l. 5810 there is a great gap, equivalent to an omission of more than 5000 lines. s. 5. Still more recently, Dr. Max Kaluza has pointed out that there is another distinct break in the poem near l. 1700. The style of translation, not to speak of its accuracy, is much better in the first 1700 lines than in the subsequent portions. We may notice, in particular, that the French word _boutons_ is translated by _knoppes_ in ll. 1675, 1683, 1685, 1691, 1702, whilst, in l. 1721 and subsequent passages, the same word is merely Englished by _botoun_ or _botouns_. A closer study of the passage extending from l. 1702 to l. 1721 shews that there is a very marked break at the end of l. 1705. Here the French text has (ed. Meon, l. 1676):-- 'L'odor de lui entor s'espent; La soatime qui en ist Toute la place replenist.' The English version has:-- 'The swote smelle sprong so wyde That it dide al the place aboute'-- followed by:-- 'Whan I had smelled the savour swote, No wille hadde I fro thens yit go'; &c. It will be observed that the sentence in the two former lines is incomplete; _dide_ is a mere auxiliary verb, and the real verb of the sentence is lost; whilst the two latter lines lead off with a new sentence altogether. It is still more interesting to observe that, at this very point, we come upon a false rime. The word _aboute_ was then pronounced (abuu.t[*e]), where (uu) denotes the sound of _ou_ in _soup_, and ([*e]) denotes an obscure vowel, like the _a_ in _China_. But the vowel _o_ in _swote_ was then pronounced like the German _o_ in G. _so_ (nearly E. _o_ in _so_), so that it was quite unlike the M.E. _ou_; and the rime is no better than if we were to rime the mod. E. _boot_ with the mod. E. _goat_. It is clear that there has been a _join_ here, and a rather clumsy one. The supply of 'copy' of the first translation ran short, perhaps because the rest of it had been torn away and lost, and the missing matter was supplied from some other source. We thus obtain, as the result to be tested, the following arrangement:-- Fragment A.--Lines 1-1705. French text, 1-1678. Fragment B.--Lines 1706-5810. French text, 1679-5169. Fragment C.--Lines 5811-7698. French text, 10716-12564. It should be noted, further, that l. 7698 by no means reaches to the _end_. It merely corresponds to l. 12564 of the French text, leaving 9510 lines untouched towards the end, besides the gap of 5547 lines between Fragments B and C. In fact, the three fragments, conjointly, only represent 7018 lines of the original, leaving 15056 lines (more than double that number) wholly untranslated. s. 6. DISCUSSION OF FRAGMENT B. TEST I.--PROPORTION OF ENGLISH TO FRENCH.--As regards these fragments, one thing strikes us at once, viz. the much greater _diffuseness_ of the translation in fragment B, as may be seen from the following table:-- A.--English, 1705 lines; French, 1678; as 101.6 to 100. B.--English, 4105 lines; French, 3491; as 117.5 to 100. C.--English, 1888 lines; French, 1849; as 102.1 to 100. Thus, in A and C, the translation runs nearly line for line; but in B, the translator employs, on an average, 11 lines and three-quarters for every 10 of the original. s. 7. TEST II.--DIALECT.--But the striking characteristic of Fragment B is the use in it of a Northern dialect. That this is due to the author, and not merely to the scribe, is obvious from the employment of Northern forms in rimes, where any change would destroy the rime altogether. This may be called the Dialect-test. Examples abound, and I only mention some of the most striking. 1. Use of the Northern pres. part. in _-and_. In l. 2263, we have _wel sittand_ (for _wel sitting_), riming with _hand_. In l. 2708, we have _wel doand_ (for _wel doing_), riming with _fand_. Even _fand_ is a Northern form. Chaucer uses _fond_, riming with _hond_ (Cant. Ta. A 4116, 4221, &c.), _lond_ (A 702, &c.); cf. the subj. form _fond-e_, riming with _hond-e_, _lond-e_, _bond-e_ (B 3521). 2. In l. 1853, we have the rimes _thar_, _mar_ (though miswritten _thore_, _more_ in MS. G.), where the Chaucerian forms _there_, _more_, would not rime at all. These are well-known Northern forms, as in Barbour's Bruce. So again, in l. 2215, we find _mar_, _ar_ (though _mar_ is written as _more_ in MS. G.). In l. 2397, we find _stat_, _hat_; where _hat_ is the Northern form of Chaucer's _hoot_, adj., 'hot.' So also, in 5399, we have North. _wat_ instead of Ch. _wot_ or _woot_, riming with _estat_. In l. 5542, we find the Northern _certis_ (in place of Chaucer's _certes_), riming with _is_. 3. Chaucer (or his scribes) admit the use of the Northern _til_, in place of the Southern _to_, very sparingly; it occurs, e.g. in Cant. Ta. A 1478, before a vowel. But it never occurs after its case, nor at the end of a line. Yet, in fragment B, we twice find _him til_ used finally, 4594, 4852. 4. The use of _ado_ (for _at do_), in the sense of 'to do,' is also Northern; see the New E. Dict. It occurs in l. 5080, riming with _go_. 5. The dropping of the inflexional _e_, in the infin. mood or gerund, is also Northern. In fragment B, this is very common; as examples, take the rimes _lyf_, _dryf_, 1873; _feet_, _lete_ (= _leet_), 1981; _sit_, _flit_, 2371; _may_, _convay_, 2427; _may_, _assay_, 2453; _set_, _get_, 2615; _spring_, _thing_, 2627; _ly_, _by_, 2629; _ly_, _erly_, 2645; &c. The Chaucerian forms are _dryv-e_, _let-e_, _flit-te_, _convey-e_, _assay-e_, _get-e_, _spring-e_, _ly-e_. That the Northern forms are not due to the scribe, is obvious; for he usually avoids them where he can. Thus in l. 2309, he writes _sitting_ instead of _sittand_; but in l. 2263, he could not avoid the form _sittand_, because of the rime. s. 8. TEST III.--THE RIMING OF -y WITH -y-e.--With two intentional exceptions (both in the ballad metre of Sir Thopas, see note to Cant. Ta. B 2092), Chaucer _never_ allows such a word as _trewely_ (which etymologically ends in _-y_) to rime with French substantives in _-y-e_, such as _fol-y-e_, _Ielos-y-e_ (Ital. _follia_, _gelosia_). But in fragment B, examples abound; e. g. _I_, _malady(e)_[186], 1849; _hastily_, _company(e)_, 1861; _generally_, _vilany(e)_, 2179; _worthy_, _curtesy(e)_, 2209; _foly(e)_, _by_, 2493, 2521; _curtesy(e)_, _gladly_, 2985; _foly(e)_, _utterly_, 3171; _foly(e)_, _hastily_, 3241; and many more. This famous test, first proposed by Mr. Bradshaw, is a very simple but effective one; it separates the spurious from the genuine works of Chaucer with ease and certainty in all but a few cases, viz. cases wherein a spurious poem happens to satisfy the test; and these are rare indeed. s. 9. TEST IV.--ASSONANT RIMES. Those who know nothing about the pronunciation of Middle English, and require an easy test, appreciable by any child who has a good ear, may observe this. Chaucer does not employ mere assonances, i. e. rimes in which only the vowel-sounds correspond. He does not rime _take_ with _shape_, nor _fame_ with _lane_. But the author of fragment B had no ear for this. He actually has such rimes as these: _kepe_, _eke_, 2125; _shape_, _make_, 2259; _escape_, _make_, 2753; _take_, _scape_, 3165; _storm_, _corn_, 4343; _doun_, _tourn_, 5469. OTHER STRANGE RIMES.--Other rimes which occur here, but not in Chaucer, are these and others like them: _aboute_, _swote_, 1705 (already noticed); _desyre_, _nere_, 1785, 2441; _thar_ (Ch. _there_), _to-shar_, 1857; _Ioynt_, _queynt_[187], 2037; _soon_ (Ch. _son-e_), _doon_, 2377; _abrede_, _forweried_, 2563; _anney_ (Ch. _annoy_), _awey_, 2675; _desyre_, _manere_, 2779; _Ioye_, _convoye_ (Ch. _conveye_), 2915, &c. It is needless to multiply instances. s. 10. It would be easy to employ further tests; we might, for example, make a minute critical examination of the method in which the final _-e_ is grammatically employed. But the results are always the same. We shall always find irrefragable proof that fragment B exhibits usages far different from those which occur in the undoubted works of Chaucer, and cannot possibly have proceeded from his pen. Repeated investigations, made by me during the past thirteen years, have always come round to this result, and it is not possible for future criticism to alter it. Hence our first result is this. Fragment B, consisting of ll. 1706-5810 (4105 lines), containing more than fragments A and C together, and therefore more than half of 'the translation,' _is not Chaucer's, but was composed by an author who, to say the least, frequently employed Northern English forms and phrases. Moreover, his translation is too diffuse; and, though spirited, it is not always accurate._ s. 11. DISCUSSION OF FRAGMENT C. I shall now speak of fragment C. The first noticeable point about it is, that it does _not_ exhibit many of the peculiarities of B. There is nothing to indicate, with any certainty, a Northern origin, nor to connect it with B. In fact, we may readily conclude that B and C are by different authors. The sole question that remains, as far as we are now concerned, is this. Can we attribute it to Chaucer? The answer, in this case, is not quite so easily given, because the differences between it and Chaucer's genuine works are less glaring and obvious than in the case above. Nevertheless, we at once find some good reasons for refraining to attribute it to our author. s. 12. RIME-TESTS.--If, for instance, we apply the simple but effective test of the rimes of words ending in _-y_ with those ending in _-y-e_, we at once find that this fragment fails to satisfy the text. Examples: _covertly_, _Ipocrisy(e)_, 6112; _company(e)_, _outerly_, 6301; _loteby_, _company(e)_, 6339; _why_, _tregetry(e)_, 6373; _company(e)_, _I_, 6875; _mekely_, _trechery(e)_, 7319. These six instances, in less than 1900 lines, ought to make us hesitate. If we look a little more closely, we find other indications which should make us hesitate still more. At l. 5919, we find _hors_ (horse) riming with _wors_ (worse); but Chaucer rimes _wors_ with _curs_ (Cant. Ta. A 4349), and with _pervers_ (Book Duch. 813). At l. 6045, we find _fare_, _are_; but Chaucer never uses _are_ at the end of a line; he always uses _been_. At l. 6105, we find _atte last_, _agast_; but Chaucer only has _atte last-e_ (which is never monosyllabic). At l. 6429, we find _paci-ence_, _venge-aunce_, a false rime which it would be libellous to attribute to Chaucer; and, at l. 6469, we find _force_, _croce_, which is still worse, and makes it doubtful whether it is worth while to go on. However, if we go a little further, we find the pl. form _wrought_ riming with _nought_, 6565; but Chaucer usually has _wrought-e_, which would destroy the rime. This, however, is not decisive, since Chaucer has _bisought_ for _bisoughte_, Cant. Ta. A. 4117, and _brought_ for _broughte_, id. F. 1273. But when, at l. 6679, we find _preched_ riming with _teched_, we feel at once that this is nothing in which Chaucer had a hand, for he certainly uses the form _taughte_ (Prologue, 497), and as certainly does _not_ invent such a form as _praughte_ to rime with it. Another unpleasant feature is the use of the form _Abstinaunce_ in l. 7483, to gain a rime to _penaunce_, whilst in l. 7505, only 22 lines lower down, we find _Abstinence_, to rime with _sentence_; but the original has similar variations. s. 13. I will just mention, in conclusion, one more peculiarity to be found in fragment C. In the Cant. Tales, B 480 (and elsewhere), Chaucer uses such rimes as _clerkes_, _derk is_, and the like; but not very frequently. The author of fragment C was evidently much taken with this peculiarity, and gives us plenty of examples of it. Such are: _requestis_, _honest is_, 6039; _places_, _place is_, 6119; _nede is_, _dedis_, 6659; _apert is_, _certis_, 6799; _chaieris_, _dere is_, 6915; _enquestes_, _honest is_, 6977; _prophetis_, _prophete is_, 7093; _ypocritis_, _spite is_, 7253. Here are eight instances in less than 1900 lines. However, there are five examples (at ll. 19, 75, 387, 621, 1349) in the Hous of Fame, which contains 2158 lines in the same metre as our 'translation'; and there are 19 instances in the Cant. Tales. We should also notice that the character called _Bialacoil_ throughout Fragment B is invariably called _Fair-Welcoming_ in C. We should also remark how Dr. Lindner (_Engl. Studien_, xi. 172) came to the conclusion that Chaucer certainly never wrote fragment C. As to the rest he doubted, and with some reason; for he had not before him the idea of splitting lines 1-5810 into two fragments. s. 14. A consideration of the above-mentioned facts, and of others similar to them, leads us to our second result, which is this. Fragment C, containing 1888 lines, and corresponding to ll. 12564 of the French original, is _neither by the author of fragment B, nor by Chaucer, but is not so glaringly unlike Chaucer's work as in the case of fragment B_. s. 15. DISCUSSION OF FRAGMENT A. It remains to consider fragment A. The first test to apply is that of rimes in _-y_ and _-y-e_; and, when we remember how indiscriminately these are used in fragments B and C, it is at least instructive to observe the perfect regularity with which they are employed in fragment A. The student who is unacquainted with the subtle distinctions which this test introduces, and who probably is, on that account, predisposed to ignore it, may learn something new by the mere perusal of the examples here given. 1. Words that should, etymologically, end in _-y_ (and not in _-y-e_) are here found riming together, and never rime with a word of the other class. Examples: _covertly_, _openly_, 19; _redily_, _erly_, 93; _by_, _I_, 111; _bisily_, _redily_, 143; _by_, _I_, 163; _I_, _by_, 207; _povrely_, _courtepy_[188], 219; _beggarly_, _by_, 223; _enemy_, _hardily_, 269; _awry_[189], _baggingly_, 291; _certeinly_, _tenderly_, 331; _prively_, _sikerly_, 371; _redily_, _by_, 379; _Pope-holy_, _prively_, 415; _I_, _openly_, 501; _queyntely_, _fetisly_, 569; _fetisly_, _richely_, 577; _only_, _uncouthly_, 583; _I_, _namely_, 595; _sikerly_, _erthely_, 647; _lustily_, _semely_, 747; _parfitly_, _sotilly_, 771; _queyntely_, _prively_, 783; _fetisly_, _richely_, 837; _sotilly_, _I_, 1119; _enemy_[190], _tristely_, 1165; _sotilly_, _therby_, 1183; _newely_, _by_, 1205; _fetisly_, _trewely_, 1235; _I_, _by_, 1273; _trewely_, _comunly_, 1307; _lustily_, _sikerly_, 1319; _merily_, _hastely_, 1329; _I_, _sikerly_, 1549; _I_, _craftely_, 1567; _openly_, _therby_, 1585; _diversely_, _verily_, 1629; _openly_, _by_, 1637. Thirty-eight examples. We here notice how frequently words in _-ly_ rime together; but this peculiarity is Chaucerian; cf. _semely_, _fetisly_, C. T. prol. A 123, &c. 2. Words that, etymologically, should end in _-y-e_, rime together. These are of two sorts: (_a_) French substantives; and (_b_) words in _-y_, with an inflexional _-e_ added. Examples: (_a_) _felony-e_, _vilany-e_, 165; _envy-e_, _masonry-e_, 301; _company-e_, _curtesy-e_, 639; _melody-e_, _reverdy-e_, 719; _curtesy-e_, _company-e_, 957; _vilany-e_, _felony-e_, 977; _envy-e_, _company-e_, 1069; _chivalry-e_, _maistry-e_, 1207; _villany-e_, _sukkeny-e_, 1231; _envye_, _Pavie_, 1653. (_b_) _dy-e_, infin. mood, _dry-e_, dissyllabic adj. (A. S. _dr[=y]ge_), 1565. (_a_) and (_b_) mixed: _melody-e_, F. sb., _dy-e_, infin. mood, 675; _espy-e_, gerund, _curtesy-e_, F. sb., 795; _hy-e_, dat. adj., _maistry-e_, 841; _dy-e_, gerund, _flatery-e_, F. sb., 1063; _curtesy-e_, F. sb., _hy-e_, dat. case, pl. adj., 1251; _dy-e_, infin. mood, _remedy-e_, F. sb., 1479. Seventeen examples. (In all, fifty-five examples.) Thus, in more than fifty cases, the Chaucerian habit is maintained, and there is _no_ instance to the contrary. Even the least trained reader may now fairly begin to believe that there is some value in this proposed test, and may see one reason for supposing that fragment A may be genuine. s. 16. A still closer examination of other rimes tends to confirm this. There are no Northern forms (as in B), no merely assonant rimes (as in B), nor any false or bad or un-Chaucerian rimes (as in both B and C), except such as can be accounted for. The last remark refers to the fact that the scribe or the printer of Thynne's edition frequently misspells words so as to obscure the rime, whereas they rime perfectly when properly spelt; a fact which tells remarkably in favour of the possible genuineness of the fragment. Thus, at l. 29, Thynne prints _befal_, and at l. 30, _al_. Both forms are wrong; read _befalle_, _alle_. Here Thynne has, however, preserved the rime by making a _double_ mistake; as in several other places. A more important instance is at l. 249, where the Glasgow MS. has _farede_, _herede_, a bad rime; but Thynne correctly has _ferde_, _herde_, as in Chaucer, Cant. Ta. A 1371. So again, at ll. 499, 673, where the Glasgow MS. is right (except in putting _herd_ for _herde_ in l. 673). At l. 505, there is a false rime; but it is clearly due to a misreading, as explained in the notes. A similar difficulty, at l. 1341, is explicable in the same way. s. 17. So far, there is no reason why fragment A may not be Chaucer's; and the more closely we examine it, the more probable does this supposition become. Dr. Kaluza has noticed, for instance, that the style of translation in fragment A is distinctly better, clearer, and more accurate than in fragment B. I find also another significant fact, viz. that in my essay written to shew that 'the translation' is not Chaucer's (written at a time when I unfortunately regarded the whole translation as being the work of _one_ writer, a position which is no longer tenable), nearly all my arguments were drawn from certain peculiarities contained in fragments B and C, especially the former. I have therefore nothing, of any consequence, to retract; nor do I even now find that I made any serious mistake. s. 18. The third result may, accordingly, be arrived at thus. Seeing that Chaucer really translated the 'Roman de la Rose,' and that three fragments of English translations have come down to us, of which two cannot be his, whilst the third may be, _we may provisionally accept fragment A as genuine; and we find that, the more closely we examine it, the more probable does its genuineness become_. s. 19. SUMMARY.--Having now discussed the three fragments A, B, C, successively and separately (though in a different order), we may conveniently sum up the three results as follows. 1. Fragment A appears to be a real portion of Chaucer's own translation. Its occurrence, at the _beginning_, is, after all, just what we should expect. The scribe or editor would naturally follow it as far as it was extant; and when it failed, would as naturally piece it out with any other translation or translations to which he could gain access. This fragment ceases suddenly, at the end of l. 1705, in the middle of an incomplete sentence. The junction with the succeeding portion is clumsily managed, for it falsely assumes that the previous sentence is complete, and leads off with a false rime. 2. Fragment B is obviously from some other source, and is at once dissociated from both the other fragments by the facts (_a_) that it was _originally_ written in a Northumbrian dialect, though this is somewhat concealed by the manipulation of the spelling by a later scribe; (_b_) that it was written in a more _diffuse_ style, the matter being expanded to the extent, on an average, of nearly twelve lines to ten; (_c_) that many licences appear in the rimes, which sometimes degenerate into mere assonances; and (_d_) that it is less exact and less correct in its method of rendering the original. 3. After fragment B, there is a large gap in the story, more than 5000 lines of the original being missing. Hence Fragment C is from yet a third source, not much of which seems to have been accessible. It neither joins on to Fragment B, nor carries the story much further; and it comes to an end somewhat suddenly, at a point more than 9000 lines from the end of the original. It is, however, both more correct than Fragment B, and more in Chaucer's style; though, at the same time, I cannot accept it as his. s. 20. There is little that is surprising in this result. That translations of this then famous and popular French poem should have been attempted by many hands, is just what we should expect. At the same time, the enormous length of the original may very well have deterred even the most persevering of the translators from ever arriving at the far end of it. Chaucer's translation was evidently the work of his younger years, and the frequent use which he made of the French poem in his later works may have made him careless of his own version, if indeed he ever finished it, which may be doubted. All this, however, is mere speculation, and all that concerns us now is the net result. It is clear, that, in the 1705 lines here printed in the larger type, we have recovered all of Chaucer's work that we can ever hope to recover. With this we must needs rest satisfied, and it is a great gain to have even so much of it; the more so, when we remember how much reason there was to fear that the whole of Chaucer's work was lost. It was not until Dr. Kaluza happily hit upon the resolution of lines 1-5810 into two fragments, that Chaucer's portion was at last discovered. s. 21. THE EXTERNAL EVIDENCE. In what has preceded, we have drawn our conclusions from the most helpful form of evidence--the internal evidence. It remains to look at the external form of the poem, and to enquire how it has come down to us. The apparent sources are _two_, viz. Thynne's edition of 1532 (reprinted in 1542, 1550, 1561, and at later dates), and a MS. in the Hunterian collection at Glasgow. But a very slight examination shews that these are nearly duplicate copies, both borrowed from one and the same original, which is now no longer extant. I shall denote these sources, for convenience, by the symbols Th., G., and O., meaning, respectively, Thynne, Glasgow MS., and the (lost) Original. The resemblance of Th. and G. is very close; however, each sometimes corrects _small_ faults in the other, and the collation of them is, on this account, frequently helpful. Both are remarkable for an extraordinary misarrangement of the material, in which respect they closely agree; and we are enabled, from this circumstance, to say, definitely, that the C-portion of O. (i. e. their common original) was written (doubtless on vellum) in quires containing 8 leaves (or 16 pages) each, there being, on an average, 24 lines upon every page. Of these quires, the fourth had its leaves transposed, by mistake, when the MS. was bound, in such a manner that the _middle_ pair of leaves of this quire was displaced, so as to come next the two _outer_ pair of leaves; and this displacement was never suspected till of late years, nor ever (so far as I am aware[191]) fully appreciated and explained till now[192]. This displacement of the material was first noticed in Bell's edition, where the editor found it out by the simple process of comparing the English 'translation' with the French 'Roman'; but he gives no account of how it came about. But a closer investigation is useful as showing how exactly 'Th.' and 'G.' agree in following an original displacement in 'O.', or rather in the still older MS. from which the C-portion of O. was copied. In the fourth sheet (as said above), the pair of middle leaves, containing its 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th pages (G, H, I, K, with the contents recorded in note 2 below) was subtracted from the middle of the quire, and placed so that the 7th page (G) followed the 2nd (B), whilst at the same time, the 10th page (K) came to precede the 15th page (P). The resulting order of pages was, necessarily, A, B, G, H, C, D, E, F, L, M, N, O, I, K, P, Q; as is easily seen by help of a small paper model. And the resulting order of the lines was, accordingly, 6965-6988, 6989-7012, 7109-7133, 7134-7158, 7013-7036, 7037-60, 7061-84, 7085-7108, 7209-7232, 7233-7256, 7257-7280, 7281-7304, 7159-7183, 7184-7208, 7305-7328, 7329-7352; or, collecting the successive numbers, ... -7012, 7109-7158, 7013-7108, 7209-7304, 7159-7208, 7305, &c. And this is precisely the order found, both in Th. and G. We see further that the fourth and last quire of this C-portion of O. consisted of 7 leaves only, the rest being torn away. For 7 leaves containing 48 lines apiece give a total of 336 lines, which, added to 7352, make up 7688 lines; and, as 10 of the pages seem to have had 25 lines, we thus obtain 7698 lines as the number found in O. The A-portion of O. was probably copied from a MS. containing usually 25 lines on a page, and occasionally 26. Four quires at 50 lines to the leaf give 32 x 50, or 1600 lines; and 2 leaves more give 100 lines, or 1700 lines in all. If 5 of the pages had 26 lines, we should thus make up the number, viz. 1705. Of the B-portion we can tell nothing, as we do not know how it was made to join on. As O. was necessarily older than G., and G. is judged by experts[193] to be hardly later than 1440, it is probable that O. was written out not much later than 1430; we cannot say how much earlier, if earlier it was. s. 22. G. (the Glasgow MS.) is a well-written MS., on vellum; the size of each page being about 11 inches by 7-1/2, with wide margins, especially at the bottom. Each page contains about 24 lines, and each quire contains 8 leaves. The first quire is imperfect, the 1st leaf (ll. 1-44) and the 8th (ll. 333-380) being lost. Nine other leaves are also lost, containing ll. 1387-1482, 2395-2442, 3595-3690, and 7385-7576; for the contents of which (as of the former two) Th. remains the sole authority. The date of the MS. is about 1440; and its class-mark is V. 3. 7. It begins at l. 45--'So mochel pris,' &c. At the top of the first extant leaf is the name of Thomas Griggs, a former owner. On a slip of parchment at the beginning is a note by A. Askew (from whom Hunter bought the MS.) to this effect:--'Tho. Martin_us_. Ex dono dom' Iacobi Sturgeon de Bury sc[=i] Edmundi in agro Suffolc: Artis Chirurgicae Periti. Nov. 9, 1720.' It ends very abruptly in the following manner:-- 'Ne half so lettred as am I I am licenced boldely To Reden in diuinite And longe haue red Explicit.' The third of these lines is incorrect, and the fourth is corrupt and imperfect; moreover, Thynne's copy gives four more lines after them. It would thus appear that G. was copied from O. at a later period than the MS. used by Thynne and now lost, viz. at a period when O. was somewhat damaged or torn at the end of its last page. A careful and exact copy of this MS. is now (in 1891) being printed for the Chaucer Society, edited by Dr. Kaluza. s. 23. TH.--The version printed in Thynne's edition, 1532, and reprinted in 1542, 1550, 1561, &c. The first four editions, at least, are very much alike. The particular edition at first used by me for constructing the present text is that which I call the edition of 1550. (It is really undated, but that is about the date of it.) Its variations from the earlier editions are trifling, and I afterwards reduced all the readings to the standard of the _first_ edition (1532). The MS. used by Thynne was obviously a copy of 'O.', as explained above; and it shews indications of being copied at an earlier date than 'G.', i. e. before 1440. On the whole, 'Th.' appears to me more correct than 'G.', and I have found it very serviceable. We learn from it, for example, that the scribe of 'G.' frequently dropped the prefix _y-_ in past participles, giving l. 890 in the form 'For nought _clad_ in silk was he,' instead of _y-clad_. Cf. ll. 892, 897, 900, &c.; see the foot-notes. 'Th.' supplies the deficiencies in G., viz. ll. 1-44, 333-380, &c., as well as four lines at the end; and suggests numerous corrections. s. 24. The various later reprints of the 'Romaunt,' as in Speght (1598) and other editions, are merely less correct copies of 'Th.', and are not worth consulting. The only exceptions are the editions by Bell and Morris. Bell's text was the first for which 'G.' was consulted, and he follows the MS. as his general guide, filling up the deficiencies from Speght's edition, which he describes as 'corrupt and half-modernised.' Why he chose Speght in preference to Thynne, he does not tell us. In consequence, he has left lines incomplete in a large number of instances, owing to putting too much faith in the MS., and neglecting the better printed sources. Thus, in l. 890, he gives us 'clad' instead of '_y_-clad'; where any of the printed texts would have set him right. Morris's edition is 'printed from the unique MS. in the Hunterian Museum, Glasgow'; but contains numerous corrections, apparently from Thynne. Thus, in l. 890, he reads '_y_-clad'; the _y-_ being printed in italics to shew that it is not in the MS. s. 25. THE PRESENT EDITION. The present edition principally follows 'G.', but it has been collated with 'Th.' throughout. Besides this, a large number of spellings in Fragment A. have been slightly amended on definite principles, the rejected spellings being given in the footnotes, whenever they are of the slightest interest or importance. Silent alterations are changes such as _i_ for _y_ in _king_ for _kyng_ (l. 10), and _whylom_ for _whilom_ (in the same line), to distinguish vowel-length; the use of _v_ for consonantal _u_ in _avisioun_ for _auisioun_ (l. 9); the use of _ee_ for (long) _e_ in _Iolitee_ for _Iolite_ (l. 52) for the sake of clearness; and a few other alterations of the like kind, which make the text easier to read without at all affecting its accuracy. I have also altered the suffix _-is_ into _-es_ in such words as _hertes_ for _hertis_ (l. 76); and changed the suffixes _-id_ and _-ith_ into the more usual _-ed_ and _-eth_, both of which are common in the MS., usually giving notice; and in other similar minute ways have made the text more like the usual texts of Chaucer in appearance. But in Fragments B and C such changes have been made more sparingly. I have also corrected numerous absolute blunders, especially in the use of the final e. For example, in l. 125, I have no hesitation in printing _wissh_ for _wysshe_, because the use of final _e_ at the end of a strong past tense, in the first person singular, is obviously absurd. Owing to the care with which the two authorities, 'G.' and 'Th.', have been collated, and my constant reference to the French original, I have no hesitation in saying that the present edition, if fairly judged, will be found to be more correct than its predecessors. For Dr. Kaluza's help I am most grateful. s. 26. For example, in l. 1188, all the editions have _sarlynysh_, there being no such word. It is an obvious error for _Sarsinesshe_ (riming with _fresshe_); for the F. text has _Sarrazinesche_, i. e. Saracenic. In l. 1201, the authorities and Bell have _gousfaucoun_, which Morris alters to _gounfaucoun_ in his text, and to _gownfaucoun_ in his glossary. But all of these are 'ghost-words,' i. e. non-existent. Seeing that the original has _gonfanon_, it is clear that Chaucer wrote _gonfanoun_, riming with _renoun_. In l. 1379, late editions have _lorey_; in l. 1313, Bell has _loreryes_, which Morris alters to _loreyes_. There is no such word as _lorey_. Thynne has _laurer_, _laurelles_. Considering that _loreres_ rimes with _oliveres_, it is obvious that the right forms are _lorer_ and _loreres_ (French, _loriers_); see _laurer_ in Stratmann. In l. 1420, where the authorities have _veluet_, the modern editions have _velvet_. But the _u_ (also written _ou_) was at that time a vowel, and _velu-et_ (or _velou-et_) was trisyllabic, as the rhythm shews. The modern _velvet_ seems to have arisen from a mistake. Several other restorations of the text are pointed out in the notes, and I need not say more about them here. N.B. After l. 4658, the lines in Morris's edition are misnumbered. His l. 4670 is really l. 4667; and so on. Also, 5700 is printed in the wrong place; and so is 6010; but without throwing out the numbering. Also, 6210 is only _nine_ lines after 6200, throwing out the subsequent numbering, so that his l. 6220 is really 6216. At his l. 6232, 6231 is printed, and so counted; thus, his 6240 is really 6237. His 6380 is _eleven_ lines after 6370, and is really 6378. After l. 7172, I insert two lines by translation, to fill up a slight gap. This makes his l. 7180 agree with my l. 7180, and brings his numbering right again. For a few of the Notes, I am indebted to Bell's edition; but most of the work in them is my own. s. 27. THE FRENCH TEXT. For some account of the famous French poem entitled 'Le Roman de la Rose,' see Morley's English Writers, 1889, iv. 1. It was commenced by Guillaume de Lorris, born at Lorris, in the valley of the Loire, who wrote it at the age of five-and-twenty, probably between the years 1200 and 1230[194]. He must have died young, as he left the poem incomplete, though it then extended to 4070 lines. It was continued, a little more than 40 years after Guillaume's death, by Jean de Meun (or Meung), born (as he tells us) at Meung-sur-Loire, and surnamed _le Clopinel_ (i. e. the hobbler, the lame). See, for these facts, the French text, ll. 10601, 10603, 10626. He added 18004 lines, so that the whole poem finally extended to the enormous length of 22074 lines. Jean de Meun was a man of a very different temperament from his predecessor. Guillaume de Lorris merely planned a fanciful allegorical love-poem, in which the loved one was represented as a Rose in a beautiful garden, and the lover as one who desired to pluck it, but was hindered by various allegorical personages, such as Danger, Shame, Jealousy, and Fear, though assisted by others, such as _Bel Accueil_ (Fair Reception), Frankness, Pity, and the like. But Jean de Meun took up the subject in a keener and more earnest spirit, inserting some powerful pieces of satire against the degraded state of many women of the day and against various corruptions of the church. This infused a newer life into the poem, and made it extremely popular and successful. We may look upon the former part, down to l. 4432 of the translation, as a pretty and courtly description of a fanciful dream, whilst the remaining portion intersperses with the general description many forcible remarks, of a satirical nature, on the manners of the time, and affords numerous specimens of the author's erudition. Jean de Meun was the author of several other pieces, including a poem which he called his 'Testament.' He probably lived into the beginning of the fourteenth century, and died about 1318. s. 28. Professor Morley gives a brief analysis of the whole poem, which will be found to be a useful guide through the labyrinth of this rambling poem. The chief points in it are the following. The poet's dream begins, after a brief introduction, with a description of allegorical personages, as seen painted on the outside of the walls of a garden, viz. Hate and Felony, Covetousness, &c.; ll. 147-474 of the translation. We may next note a description of Idleness, the young girl who opens the door of the garden (531-599); of Sir Mirth (600-644); of the garden itself (645-732); again, of Sir Mirth, the lady Gladness, Cupid, or the God of Love, with his two bows and ten arrows, and his bachelor, named Sweet-looking (733-998). Next comes a company of dancers, such as Beauty, Riches, Largesse (Bounty), Frankness, Courtesy, and Idleness again (999-1308). The poet next describes the trees in the garden (1349-1408), and the wells in the same (1409-1454); especially the well of Narcissus, whose story is duly told (1455-1648). THE ROSE-TREE (1649-1690). THE ROSE-BUD (1691-1714). At 1. 1705, Fragment A ends. s. 29. Just at this point, the descriptions cease for a while, and the action, so to speak, begins. The God of Love seeks to wound the poet, or lover, with his arrows, and succeeds in doing so; after which he calls upon the lover to yield himself up as a prisoner, which he does (1715-2086). Love locks up the lover's heart, and gives him full instructions for his behaviour (2087-2950); after which Love vanishes (2951-2966). The Rose-tree is defended by a hedge; the lover seeks the assistance of Bialacoil or Belacoil (i. e. Fair-Reception), but is warned off by Danger, Wicked-Tongue, and Shame (2967-3166); and at last, Fair-Reception flees away (3167-3188). At this juncture, Reason comes to the lover, and gives him good advice; but he rejects it, and she leaves him to himself (3189-3334). He now seeks the help of a Friend, and Danger allows him to come a little nearer, but tells him he must not pass within the hedge (3335-3498). Frankness and Pity now assist him, and he enters the garden, rejoined by Fair-Reception (3499-3626). THE ROSE appears more beautiful than ever, and the lover, aided by Venus, kisses it (3627-3772). This leads to trouble; Wicked-tongue and Jealousy raise opposition, Danger is reproved, and becomes more watchful than before (3773-4144). Jealousy builds a strong tower of stone, to guard the Rose-tree; the gates of the tower are guarded by Danger, Shame, Dread, and Wicked-tongue (4145-4276); and Fair-Reception is imprisoned within it (4277-4314). The lover mourns, and is inclined to despair (4315-4432). s. 30. At this point, the work of G. de Lorris ceases, and Jean de Meun begins by echoing the word 'despair,' and declaring that he will have none of it. The lover reconsiders his position (4433-4614). Reason (in somewhat of a new character) revisits the lover, and again instructs him, declaring how love is made up of contrarieties, and discussing the folly of youth and the self-restraint of old-age (4615-5134). The lover again rejects Reason's advice, who continues her argument, gives a definition of Friendship, and discusses the variability of Fortune (5135-5560), the value of Poverty (5561-5696), and the vanity of Covetousness (5697-5810). s. 31. Here ends Fragment B, and a large gap occurs in the translation. The omitted portion of the French text continues the discourse of Reason, with examples from the stories of Virginia, Nero, and Croesus, and references to the fall of Manfred (conquered by Charles of Anjou) and the fate of Conradin. But all this is wasted on the lover, whom Reason quits once more. The lover applies a second time to his Friend, who recommends bounty or bribery. Here Jean de Meun discourses on prodigality, on women who take presents, on the Age of Gold, and on jealous husbands, with much satire interspersed, and many allusions, as for example, to Penelope, Lucretia, Abelard, Hercules, and others. At last Love pities the lover, and descends to help him; and, with the further assistance of Bounty, Honour, and other barons of Love's court, proceeds to lay siege to the castle in which Jealousy has imprisoned Fair-Reception. s. 32. Here begins Fragment C; in which the ranks of the besiegers are joined by other assistants of a doubtful and treacherous character, viz. False-Semblant and Constrained-Abstinence (5811-5876). Love discusses buying and selling, and the use of bounty and riches (5877-6016). Love's Barons ask Love to take False-Semblant and Constrained-Abstinence into his service (6017-6057). Love consents, but bids False-Semblant confess his true character (6058-6081). False-Semblant replies by truly exposing his own hypocrisy, with keen attacks upon religious hypocrites (6082-7334). Love now begins the assault upon the castle of Jealousy (7335-7352). A digression follows, regarding the outward appearance of False-Semblant and Constrained-Abstinence (7353-7420). The assailants advance to the gate guarded by Wicked-Tongue, who is harangued by Constrained-Abstinence (7421-7605), and by False-Semblant (7606-7696). And here the English version ends. The above sketch gives a sufficient notion of the general contents of the poem. Of course the lover is ultimately successful, and carries off the Rose in triumph. s. 33. It deserves to be noted, in conclusion, that, as the three Fragments of the English version, all taken together, represent less than a third of the French poem, we must not be surprised to find, as we do, that Chaucer's numerous allusions to, and citations from, the French poem, usually lie outside that part of it that happens to be translated. Still more often, they lie outside the part of it translated in Fragment A. Hence it seldom happens that we can compare his quotations with his own translation. In the chief instances where we can do so, we find that he has not repeated his own version _verbatim_, but has somewhat varied his expressions. I refer, in particular, to the Book of the Duchess, 284-6, as compared with Rom. Rose, 7-10; the same, 340-1, beside R.R., 130-1; the same, 410-2, beside R.R., 61-2; and the same, 419-426, 429-432, beside R.R., 1391-1403. s. 34. In the present edition I have supplied the original French text, in the lower part of each page, as far as the end of Fragment A, where Chaucer's work ends. This text is exactly copied from the edition by M. Meon, published at Paris in four volumes in 1813[195]. I omit, however, the occasional versified headings, which appear as summaries and are of no consequence. Throughout the notes I refer to the lines as numbered in this edition. The later edition by M. Michel is practically useless for the purpose of reference, as the numbering of the lines in it is strangely incorrect. For example, line 3408 is called 4008, and the whole number of lines is made out to be 22817, which is largely in excess of the truth. Fragments B and C are printed in smaller type, to mark their distinction from Fragment A; and the corresponding French text is omitted, to save space. * * * * * THE MINOR POEMS. s. 1. It has been usual, in editions of Chaucer's Works, to mingle with those which he is known to have written, a heterogeneous jumble of poems by Gower, Lydgate, Hoccleve, Henrysoun, and various anonymous writers (some of quite late date), and then to accept a quotation from any one of them as being a quotation 'from Chaucer.' Some principle of selection is obviously desirable; and the first question that arises is, naturally, this: which of the Minor Poems are genuine? The list here given partly coincides with that adopted by Dr. Furnivall in the publications of the Chaucer Society. I have, however, added six, here numbered VI, XI, XII, XXI, XXII, and XXIII; my reasons for doing so are given below, where each poem is discussed separately. At the same time, I have omitted the poem entitled 'The Mother of God,' which is known to have been written by Hoccleve. The only known copy of it is in a MS. now in the library of the late Sir Thomas Phillipps, which contains sixteen poems, all of which are by the same hand, viz. that of Hoccleve. After all, it is only a translation; still, it is well and carefully written, and the imitation of Chaucer's style is good. In determining which poems have the best right to be reckoned as Chaucer's, we have to consider both the external and the internal evidence. We will therefore consider, in the first place, the external evidence generally. s. 2. TESTIMONY OF CHAUCER REGARDING HIS WORKS. The most important evidence is that afforded by the poet himself. In an Introduction prefixed to the Man of Law's Prologue (Cant. Tales, B 57), he says-- 'In youth he made of _Ceys and Alcion_'-- a story which is preserved at the beginning of the Book of the Duchesse. In the Prologue to the Legend of Good Women (see vol. iii.), he refers to his translation of the Romaunce of the Rose, and to his Troilus; and, according to MS. Fairfax 16, ll. 417-423, he says-- 'He made the book that hight the _Hous of Fame_, And eke the Deeth of _Blaunche the Duchesse_, And the _Parlement of Foules_, as I gesse, And al the love of Palamon and Arcite Of Thebes, thogh the story ys knowen lyte, And many an ympne for your halydayes That highten Balades, Roundels, Virelayes,' &c. The rest of the passage does not immediately concern us, excepting ll. 427, 428, where we find-- 'He made also, goon ys a grete while, _Origenes vpon the Maudeleyne_.' In the copy of the same Prologue, as extant in MS. Gg. 4. 27, in the Cambridge University Library, there are two additional lines, doubtless genuine, to this effect-- 'And of the _wrechede engendrynge of mankynde_, As man may in pope Innocent I-fynde.' There is also a remarkable passage at the end of his Persones Tale, the genuineness of which has been doubted by some, but it appears in the MSS., and I do not know of any sound reason for rejecting it. According to the Ellesmere MS., he here mentions--'the book of Troilus, the book also of Fame, the book of the xxv. Ladies[196], the book of the Duchesse, the book of seint Valentynes day of the parlement of briddes ... the book of the Leoun ... and many a song,' &c. Besides this, in the House of Fame, l. 729, he mentions his own name, viz. 'Geffrey.' We thus may be quite certain as to the genuineness of this poem, the longest and most important of all the Minor Poems[197], and we may at once add to the list the Book of the Duchesse, the next in order of length, and the Parliament of Foules, which is the third in the same order. We also learn that he composed some poems which have not come down to us, concerning which a few words may be useful. 1. 'Origines vpon the Maudeleyne' must have been a translation from a piece attributed to Origen. In consequence, probably, of this remark of the poet, the old editions insert a piece called the 'Lamentacion of Marie Magdaleine,' which has no pretence to be considered Chaucer's, and may be summarily dismissed. It is sufficient to notice that it contains a considerable number of rimes such as are never found in his genuine works, as, for example, the dissyllabic _dy-e_[198] riming with _why_ (st. 13); the plural adjective _ken-e_ riming with _y-en_, i. e. eyes, which would, with this Chaucerian pronunciation, be no rime at all (st. 19); and thirdly, _disgised_ riming with _rived_, which is a mere assonance, and saves us from the trouble of further investigation (st. 25). See below, p. 37. 2. 'The wrechede engendrynge of mankynde' is obviously meant to describe a translation or imitation of the treatise by Pope Innocent III, entitled _De Miseria Conditionis Humanae_. The same treatise is referred to by Richard Rolle de Hampole, in his Pricke of Conscience, l. 498. It should be noted, however, that a few stanzas of this work have been preserved, by being incorporated (as quotations) in the Canterbury Tales, viz. in B 99-121, 421-7, 771-7, 925-31, 1135-8; cf. C 537-40, 551-2. See notes to these passages. 3. 'The book of the Leoun,' i. e. of the lion, was probably a translation of the poem called _Le Dit du Lion_ by Machault; see the note to l. 1024 of the Book of the Duchesse in the present volume. s. 3. LYDGATE'S LIST OF CHAUCER'S POEMS. The next piece of evidence is that given in what is known as 'Lydgate's list.' This is contained in a long passage in the prologue to his poem known as the 'Fall of Princes,' translated from the French version (by Laurens de Premierfait) of the Latin book by Boccaccio, entitled 'De Casibus Virorum Illustrium[199].' In this Lydgate commends his 'maister Chaucer,' and mentions many of his works, as, e. g. Troilus and Creseide, the translation of Boethius' _De Consolatione Philosophiae_, the treatise on the Astrolabe addressed to his 'sonne that called was Lowys,' the Legend of Good Women, and the Canterbury Tales. The whole passage is given in Morris's edition of Chaucer, vol. i. pp. 79-81; but I shall only cite so much of it as refers to the Minor Poems, and I take the opportunity of doing so directly, from an undated black-letter edition published by John Wayland. 'He wrote also full many a day agone _Dant in English_, him-selfe doth so expresse, The piteous story of _Ceix and Alcion_: And the death also of _Blaunche the duches_: And notably [he] did his businesse By great auise his wittes to dispose, To translate the _Romaynt of the Rose_. 'Thus in vertue he set all his entent, Idelnes and vyces for to fle: Of _fowles_ also he wrote _the parliament_, Therein remembring of royall Eagles thre, Howe in their choyse they felt aduersitye, To-fore nature profered the battayle, Eche for his partye, if it woulde auayle. 'He did also his diligence and payne In our vulgare to translate and endite _Orygene upon the Maudelayn_: And of _the Lyon a boke_ he did write. _Of Annelida and of false Arcite_ He made _a complaynt_ dolefull and piteous; And of _the broche which that Uulcanus_ '_At Thebes_ wrought, ful diuers of nature. Ouide[200] writeth: who-so thereof had a syght, For high desire, he shoulde not endure But he it had, neuer be glad ne light: And if he had it once in his myght, Like as my master sayth & writeth in dede, It to conserue he shoulde euer liue in dred.' It is clear to me that Lydgate is, _at first_, simply repeating the information which we have already had upon Chaucer's own authority; he begins by merely following Chaucer's own language in the extracts above cited. Possibly he knew no more than we do of 'Orygene vpon the Maudelayn,' and of the 'boke of the Lyon.' At any rate, he tells us no more about them. Naturally, in speaking of the Minor Poems, we should expect to find him following, as regards the three chief poems, the order of length; that is, we should expect to find here a notice of (1) the House of Fame; (2) the Book of the Duchesse; and (3) the Parliament of Foules. We are naturally disposed to exclaim with Ten Brink (_Studien_, p. 152)--'Why did he leave out the House of Fame?' But we need not say with him, that 'to this question I know of no answer.' For it is perfectly clear to me, though I cannot find that any one else seems to have thought of it, that 'Dant in English' and 'The House of Fame' are one and the same poem, described in the same position and connexion. If anything about the House of Fame is clear at all, it is that (as Ten Brink so clearly points out, in his _Studien_, p. 89) the influence of Dante is more obvious in this poem than in any other. I would even go further and say that it is the _only_ poem which owes its chief inspiration to Dante in the whole of English literature during, at least, the Middle-English period. There is absolutely nothing else to which such a name as 'Dante in English' can with any fitness be applied. The phrase 'himselfe doth so expresse' is rather dubious; but I take it to mean: '(I give it that name, for) he, i. e. Chaucer, expresses himself like Dante (therein).' In any case, I refuse to take any other view until some competent critic will undertake to tell me, what poem of Chaucer's, other than the House of Fame, can possibly be intended. To which argument I have to add a second, viz. that Lydgate mentions the House of Fame in yet another way; for he refers to it at least three times, in clear terms, in other passages of the same poem, i. e. of the Fall of Princes. 'Fame in her palice hath tru_m_pes mo than one, Some of golde, that geueth a freshe soun'; &c.--Book I. cap. 14. 'Within my house called the house of Fame The golden trumpet w_i_t_h_ blastes of good name Enhaunceth on to ful hie parties, Wher Iupiter sytteth amo_n_g the heue_n_ly skies. 'Another tru_m_pet of sownes ful vengeable Which bloweth vp at feastes funerall, Nothinge bright, but of colour sable'; &c.--Prol. to Book VI. 'The golden trumpe of the house of Fame[201] Through the world blew abrode his name.'--Book VI. cap. 15. Lydgate describes the Parliament of Foules in terms which clearly shew that he had read it. He also enables us to add to our list the Complaint of Anelida and the Complaint of Mars; for it is the latter poem which contains the story of the _broche_ of Thebes. We have, accordingly, complete authority for the genuineness of the House of Fame and the four longest of the Minor Poems, which, as arranged in order of length, are these: The House of Fame (2158 lines); Book of the Duchesse (1334 lines); Parliament of Foules (699 lines); Anelida and Arcite (357 lines); and Complaint of Mars (298 lines). This gives us a total of 4846 lines, furnishing a very fair standard of comparison whereby to consider the claims to genuineness of other poems. Lydgate further tells us that Chaucer 'Made and compiled many a freshe dittie, Complaynts, ballades, rou_n_dels, vyrelaies.' s. 4. TESTIMONY OF JOHN SHIRLEY. The next best evidence is that afforded by notes in the existing MSS.; and here, in particular, we should first consider the remarks by Chaucer's great admirer, John Shirley, who took considerable pains to copy out and preserve his poems, and is said by Stowe to have died Oct. 21, 1456, at the great age of ninety, so that he was born more than 30 years before Chaucer died. On his authority, we may attribute to Chaucer the A. B. C.; the Complaint to Pity; the Complaint of Mars (according to a heading in MS. T.); the Complaint of Anelida (according to a heading in MS. Addit. 16165); the Lines to Adam, called in MS. T. 'Chauciers Wordes a. Geffrey vn-to Adam his owen scryveyne'; Fortune; Truth; Gentilesse; Lak of Stedfastnesse; the Compleint of Venus; and the Compleint to his Empty Purse. The MSS. due to Shirley are the Sion College MS., Trin. Coll. Cam. R. 3. 20, Addit. 16165, Ashmole 59, Harl. 78, Harl. 2251, and Harl. 7333. See also s. 23, p. 75. s. 5. TESTIMONY OF SCRIBES OF THE MSS. The Fairfax MS. 16, a very fair MS. of the fifteenth century, contains several of the Minor Poems; and in this the name of Chaucer is written at the end of the poem on Truth and of the Compleint to his Purse; it also appears in the title of Lenvoy de _Chaucer_ a Scogan; in that of Lenvoy de _Chaucer_ a Bukton; in that of the Compleint of _Chaucer_ to his empty Purse, and in that of 'Proverbe of _Chaucer_.' Again, the Pepys MS. no. 2006 attributes to Chaucer the A. B. C., the title there given being 'Pryer a nostre Dame, per Chaucer'; as well as the Compleint to his Purse, the title being 'La Compleint de Chaucer a sa Bourse Voide.' It also has the title 'Lenvoy de Chaucer a Scogan.' See also p. 80, note 2. The 'Former Age' is entitled 'Chawcer vp-on this fyfte metur of the second book' in the Cambridge MS. Ii. 3. 21; and at the end of the same poem is written 'Finit etas prima. Chaucers' in the Cambridge MS. Hh. 4. 12. The poem on Fortune is also marked 'Causer' in the former of these MSS.; indeed, these two poems practically belong to Chaucer's translation of Boethius, though probably written at a somewhat later period. After all, the most striking testimony to their authenticity is the fact that, in MS. Ii. 3. 21, these two poems are inserted in the very midst of the prose text of 'Boethius,' between the fifth metre and the sixth prose of Book II. The Cambridge MS. Gg. 4. 27, which contains an excellent copy of the Canterbury Tales, attributes to Chaucer the Parliament of Foules; and gives us the title 'Litera directa de Scogon per G. C.' Of course 'G. C.' is Geoffrey Chaucer. From Furnivall's _Trial Forewords_, p. 13, we learn that there is a verse translation of De Deguileville's _Pelerinage do la Vie Humaine_, attributed to Lydgate, in MS. Cotton, Vitellius C. XIII. (leaf 256), in which the 'A. B. C.' is distinctly attributed to Chaucer[202]. The Balade 'To Rosamounde' is assigned to Chaucer in the unique copy of it in the Rawlinson MS. 'A Compleint to his Lady' is assigned to Chaucer in the only _complete_ copy of it. We ought also to assign _some_ value to the manner in which the poems appear in the MS. copies. This can only be appreciated by inspection of the MSS. themselves. Any one who will _look for himself_ at the copies of Gentilesse, Lak of Stedfastnesse, Truth, and Against Women Inconstaunt in MS. Cotton, Cleop. D. 7, will see that the scribe clearly regarded the last of these as genuine, as well as the rest. And the same may be said of some other poems which are not absolutely marked with Chaucer's name. This important argument is easily derided by those who cannot read MSS., but it remains valuable all the same. s. 6. TESTIMONY OF CAXTON. At p. 116 of the same _Trial Forewords_ is a description by Mr. Bradshaw of a very rare edition by Caxton of some of Chaucer's Minor Poems. It contains: (1) Parliament of Foules; (2) a treatise by Scogan, in which Chaucer's 'Gentilesse' is introduced; (3) a single stanza of 7 lines, beginning--'Wyth empty honde men may no hawkes lure'; (4) Chaucer's 'Truth,' entitled--'The good counceyl of Chawcer'; (5) the poem on 'Fortune'; and (6) part of Lenvoy to Scogan, viz. the first three stanzas. The volume is imperfect at the end. As to the article No. 3, it was probably included because the first line of it is quoted from l. 415 of the Wyf of Bathes Prologue (Cant. Ta. 5997, vol. iv. p. 332). At p. 118 of the same is another description, also by Mr. Bradshaw, of a small quarto volume printed by Caxton, consisting of only ten leaves. It contains, according to him: (1) Anelida and Arcite, ll. 1-210; (2) The Compleint of Anelida, being the continuation of the former, ll. 211-350, where the poem ends; (3) The Compleint of Chaucer vnto his empty purse, with an Envoy headed--'Thenuoye of Chaucer vnto the kynge'; (4) Three[203] couplets, beginning--'Whan feyth failleth in prestes sawes,' and ending--'Be brought to grete confusio_u_n'; (5) Two couplets, beginning--'Hit falleth for euery gentilman,' and ending--'And the soth in his presence'; (6) Two couplets, beginning--'Hit cometh by kynde of gentil blode,' and ending--'The werk of wisedom berith witnes'; followed by--'Et sic est finis.' The last three articles only make fourteen lines in all, and are of little importance[204]. s. 7. EARLY EDITIONS OF CHAUCER'S WORKS. The first collected edition of Chaucer's Works is that edited by W. Thynne in 1532, but there were earlier editions of his separate poems. The best account of these is that which I here copy from a note on p. 70 of Furnivall's edition of F. Thynne's 'Animaduersions vpon the Annotacions and Corrections of some imperfections of impressiones of Chaucer's Workes'; published for the Chaucer Society in 1875. Only one edition of Chaucer's _Works_ had been published before the date of Thynne's, 1532, and that was Pynson's in 1526, without a general title, but containing three parts, with separate signatures, and seemingly intended to sell separately; 1. the boke of Caunterbury tales; 2. the boke of Fame ... with dyuers other of his workes [i. e. Assemble of Foules[205], La Belle Dame[206], Morall Prouerbes]; 3. the boke of Troylus and Cryseyde. But of separate works of Chaucer before 1532, the following had been published:-- _Canterbury Tales._ 1. Caxton, about 1477-8, from a poor MS.; 2. Caxton, ab. 1483, from a better MS.; 3. Pynson, ab. 1493; 4. Wynkyn de Worde, 1498; 5. Pynson, 1526. _Book of Fame._ 1. Caxton, ab. 1483; 2. Pynson, 1526. _Troylus._ 1. Caxton, ab. 1483; 2. Wynkyn de Worde, 1517; 3. Pynson, 1526. _Parliament of Foules[207]._ 1. Caxton, ab. 1477-8; 2. Pynson, 1526; 3. Wynkyn de Worde, 1530. _Gentilnesse_[207] (in Scogan's poem). 1. Caxton, ab. 1477-8. _Truth[207]._ (The good counceyl of chawcer.) 1. Caxton, ab. 1477-8. _Fortune[207]._ (Balade of the vilage (_sic_) without peyntyng.) 1. Caxton, ab. 1477-8. _Envoy to Skogan[207]._ 1. Caxton, ab. 1477-8 (all lost, after the third stanza). _Anelida and Arcyte[208]._ 1. Caxton, ab. 1477-8. _Purse[208]._ (The compleynt of Chaucer vnto his empty purse.) 1. Caxton, ab. 1477-8. _Mars_; _Venus_; _Marriage_ (Lenvoy to Bukton). 1. Julian Notary, 1499-1502. After Thynne's first edition of the _Works_ in 1532 (printed by Thomas Godfray), came his second in 1542 (for John Reynes and Wyllyam Bonham), to which he added 'The Plowman's Tale' _after_ the Parson's Tale, i. e. at the end. Then came a reprint for the booksellers (Wm. Bonham, R. Kele, T. Petit, Robert Toye), about 1550, which put the Plowman's Tale _before_ the Parson's. This was followed by an edition in 1561 for the booksellers (Ihon Kyngston, Henry Bradsha, citizen and grocer of London, &c.), to which, when more than half printed, Stowe contributed some fresh pieces, the spurious _Court of Love_, Lydgate's _Sege of Thebes_, and other poems. Next came Speght's edition of 1598--on which William Thynne comments in his _Animadversions_--which added the spurious 'Dreme,' and 'Flower and Leaf.' This was followed by Speght's second edition, in 1602, in which Francis Thynne helped him, and to which were added Chaucer's 'A. B. C.', and the spurious 'Jack Upland[209].' Jack Upland had been before printed, with Chaucer's name on the title-page, about 1536-40 (London, J. Gough, no date, 8vo.). In an Appendix to the Preface to Tyrwhitt's edition of the Canterbury Tales, there is a similar account of the early editions of Chaucer, to which the reader may refer. He quotes the whole of Caxton's preface to his second edition of the Canterbury Tales, shewing how Caxton reprinted the book because he had meanwhile come upon a more correct MS. than that which he had first followed. If we now briefly consider all the earlier editions, we find that they may be thus tabulated. SEPARATE WORKS. Various editions before 1532; see the list above, on p. 28. COLLECTED WORKS. Pynson's edition of 1526, containing only a portion, as above; _La Belle Dame_ being spurious. Also the following:-- 1. Ed. by Wm. Thynne; London, 1532. Folio. Pr. by Godfray. 2. Reprinted, with additional matter; London, 1542. Folio. The chief addition is the spurious Plowman's Tale. 3. Reprinted, with the matter rearranged; London, no date, about 1550. Folio. (Of this edition I possess a copy.) Here the Plowman's Tale is put before the Parson's. Moreover, the three pieces numbered 66-68 below (p. 45), are inserted at the end of the Table of Contents. 4. Reprinted, with large additions by John Stowe. London, 1561. Folio. (See further below, p. 31). I possess a copy. 5. Reprinted, with additions and alterations by Thomas Speght; London, 1598. Folio. Here, for the first time, appear 'Chaucer's Dream' and 'The Flower and the Leaf'; both are spurious. 6. Reprinted, with further additions and alterations by Thomas Speght; London, 1602. Folio. Here, for the first time, appear the spurious Jack Upland[210] and the genuine A. B. C. 7. Reprinted, with slight additions; London, 1687. Folio. 8. Reprinted, with additions and great alterations in spelling, by John Urry; London, 1721. Folio. This edition is the worst that has appeared. It is not necessary for our purpose to enumerate the numerous later editions. An entirely new edition of the Canterbury Tales was produced by Thomas Tyrwhitt in 1775-8, in 5 vols., 8vo.; to which all later editions have been much indebted[211]. The manner in which these editions were copied one from the other renders it no very difficult task to describe the whole contents of them accurately. The only important addition in the editions of 1542 and 1550 is the spurious Plowman's Tale, which in no way concerns us. Again, the only important additional poems after 1561 are the spurious _Chaucer's Dream_, _The Flower and the Leaf_, and the genuine _A. B. C._ The two representative editions are really those of 1532 and 1561. Now the edition of 1561 consists of two parts; the former consists of a reprint from former editions, and so differs but little from the edition of 1532; whilst the latter part consists of additional matter furnished by John Stowe. Hence a careful examination of the edition of 1561 is, practically, nearly sufficient to give us all the information which we need. I shall therefore give a complete table of the contents of this edition. s. 8. TABLE OF CONTENTS OF STOWE'S EDITION (1561)[212]. PART I. REPRINTED MATTER. 1. Caunterburie Tales. (The Prologue begins on a page with the signature A 2, the first quire of six leaves not being numbered; the Knightes Tale begins on a page with the signature B ii., and marked Fol. i. The spurious Plowman's Tale precedes the Parson's Tale.) 2. _The Romaunt of the Rose[213]._ Fol. cxvi. 3. Troilus and Creseide. Fol. cli., back. 4. _The testament of Creseide._ [By Robert Henryson.] Fol. cxciiii. Followed by its continuation, called _The Complaint of Creseide_; by the same. 5. The Legende of Good Women. Fol. cxcvij. 6. _A goodlie balade of Chaucer_; beginning--'Mother of norture, best beloued of all.' Fol. ccx. 7. Boecius de Consolatione Philosophie. Fol. ccx., back. 8. The dreame of Chaucer. [The Book of the Duchesse.] Fol. ccxliiij. 9. Begins--'My master. &c. Whe_n_ of Christ our kyng.' [Lenvoy to Buckton.] Fol. ccxliiii[214]. 10. The assemble of Foules. [Parlement of Foules.] Fol. ccxliiii., back. 11. _The Floure of Curtesie, made by Ihon lidgate._ Fol. ccxlviij. Followed by a Balade, which forms part of it. 12. How pyte is deed, etc. [Complaint unto Pite.] Fol. ccxlix., back. 13. _La belle Dame sans Mercy._ [By Sir R. Ros.] Fol. ccl. 14. Of Quene Annelida and false Arcite. Fol. cclv. 15. _The assemble of ladies._ Fol. ccxlvij. 16. The conclucions of the Astrolabie. Fol. cclxi. 17. _The complaint of the blacke Knight._ [By Lydgate; see p. 35, note 3.] Fol. cclxx. 18. _A praise of Women._ Begins--'Al tho the lyste of women euill to speke.' Fol. cclxxiii.[215], back. 19. The House of Fame. Fol. cclxxiiij., back. 20. _The Testament of Loue_ (in prose). Fol. cclxxxiiij., back. 21. _The lamentacion of Marie Magdaleine._ Fol. cccxviij. 22. _The remedie of Loue._ Fol. cccxxj., back. 23, 24. The complaint of Mars and Venus. Fol. cccxxiiij., back. (Printed as _one_ poem; but there is a new title--The complaint of Venus--at the beginning of the latter.) 25. _The letter of Cupide._ [By Hoccleve; _dated_ 1402.] Fol. cccxxvj., back. 26. _A Ballade in commendacion of our Ladie._ Fol. cccxxix. [By Lydgate; see p. 38.] 27. _Ihon Gower vnto the noble King Henry the .iiij._ Fol. cccxxx., back. [By Gower.] 28. _A saiyng of dan Ihon._ [By Lydgate.] Fol. cccxxxii., back[216]. 29. _Yet of the same._ [By Lydgate.] On the same page. 30. _Balade de bon consail._ Begins--If it be fall that God the list visite. (Only 7 lines.) On the same page. 31. _Of the Cuckowe and the Nightingale._ Fol. cccxxxiij. [By Hoccleve?] 32. _Balade with Envoy_ (no title). Begins--'O leude booke w_i_t_h_ thy foule rudenesse.' Fol. cccxxxiiij., back. 33. _Scogan, vnto the Lordes and Gentilmen of the Kinges house._ (This poem, by H. Scogan, quotes Chaucer's 'Gentilesse' in full.) Fol. cccxxxiiij., back. 34. Begins--'Somtyme the worlde so stedfast was and stable.' [Lak of Stedfastnesse.] Fol. cccxxxv., back. 35. Good counsail of Chaucer. [Truth.] Same page. 36. Balade of the village (_sic_) without paintyng. [Fortune.] Fol. cccxxxvj. 37. Begins--'Tobroken been the statutes hie in heauen'; headed _Lenuoye_. [Lenvoy to Scogan.] Fol. cccxxxvj., back. 38. _Poem in two stanzas of seven lines each._ Begins--'Go foorthe kyng, rule thee by Sapience.' Same page. 39. Chaucer to his emptie purse. Same page. 40. _A balade of good counseile translated out of Latin verses in-to Englishe, by Dan Ihon lidgat cleped the monke of Buri._ Begins--'COnsyder well euery circumstaunce.' Fol. cccxxxvij. 41. _A balade in the Praise and commendacion of master Geffray Chauser for his golden eloquence._ (Only 7 lines.) Same leaf, back. [See p. 56.] s. 9. PART II. ADDITIONS BY JOHN STOWE. At the top of fol. cccxl. is the following remark:-- P. Here foloweth certaine woorkes of Geffray Chauser, whiche hath not heretofore been printed, and are gathered and added to this booke by Ihon Stowe. 42. A balade made by Chaucer, teching what is gentilnes[217]. [Gentilesse.] Fol. cccxl. 43. A Prouerbe [_read_ Prouerbs] agaynst couitise and negligence. [Proverbs.] Same page. 44. A balade which Chaucer made agaynst women vnconstaunt. Same page. [Certainly genuine, in my opinion; but here relegated to an Appendix, to appease such as cannot readily apprehend my reasons. Cf. p. 26.] 45. _A balade which Chaucer made in the praise or rather dispraise, of women for their doublenes._ [By Lydgate.] Begins--'This world is full of variaunce.' Same page. 46. _This werke folowinge was compiled by Chaucer, and is caled the craft of louers._ Fol. cccxli. [Written in 1448.] 47. _A Balade._ Begins--'Of their nature they greatly the_m_ delite.' Fol. cccxli., back. [Quotes from no. 56.] 48. _The .x. Commaundementes of Loue._ Fol. cccxlij. 49. The _.ix. Ladies worthie_. Fol. cccxlij., back. 50. [_Virelai; no title._] Begins--'Alone walkyng.' Fol. cccxliij. 51. _A Ballade._ Begins--'In the season of Feuerere when it was full colde.' Same page. 52. _A Ballade._ Begins--'O Mercifull and o merciable.' Fol. cccxliij., back. [Made up of scraps from late poems; see p. 57.] 53. _Here foloweth how Mercurie with Pallas, Venus and Minarua, appered to Paris of Troie, he slepyng by a fountain._ Fol. cccxliiij. 54. _A balade pleasaunte._ Begins--'I haue a Ladie where so she bee.' Same page. At the end--'Explicit the discriuyng of a faire Ladie.' 55. _An other Balade._ Begins--'O Mossie Quince, hangyng by your stalke.' Fol. cccxliiij., back. 56. _A balade, warnyng men to beware of deceitptfnll women (sic)._ Begins--'LOke well aboute ye that louers bee.' Same page. [By Lydgate.] 57. These verses next folowing were compiled by Geffray Chauser, and in the writen copies foloweth at the ende of the complainte of petee. Begins--'THe long nyghtes when euery [c]reature.' [This is the 'Compleint to his Lady,' as I venture to call it.] Fol. cccxlv[218]. 58. _A balade declaring that wemens chastite Doeth moche excel all treasure worldly._ Begins--'IN womanhede as auctours al write.' Back of same leaf. 59. _The Court of Loue._ Begins--'WIth temerous herte, and tre_m_bling hand of drede.' Fol. cccxlviij. 60. Chaucers woordes vnto his owne Scriuener[219]. Fol. ccclv., back. _At the end_--Thus endeth the workes of Geffray Chaucer. (This is followed by 34 Latin verses, entitled _Epitaphium Galfridi Chaucer_, &c.) 61. _The Storie of Thebes._ [By Lydgate.] Fol. ccclvj. s. 10. DISCUSSION OF THE POEMS IN PART I. OF ED. 1561. Of the 41 pieces in Part I. of the above, we must of course accept as Chaucer's the four poems entitled Canterbury Tales, Troilus, Legend of Good Women, and House of Fame; also the prose translation of Boethius, and the prose treatise on the Astrolabie. The remaining number of Minor Poems (excluding the Romaunt of the Rose) is 34; out of which number I accept the 13 numbered above with the numbers 8, 9, 10, 12, 14, 23, 24, 33 (so far as it quotes Chaucer), 34, 35, 36, 37, and 39. Every one of these has already been shewn to be genuine on sufficient external evidence, and it is not likely that their genuineness will be doubted. In the present volume they appear, respectively, as nos. III, XVII, V, II, VII, IV, XVIII, XIV, XV, XIII, X, XVI, XIX. Of the remaining 21, several may be dismissed in a few words. No. 4 is well known to have been written by Robert Henryson. Nos. 11, 28, 29, and 40 are distinctly claimed for Lydgate in all the editions; and no. 27 is similarly claimed for Gower. No. 25 was written by Hoccleve[220]; and the last line gives the date--'A thousande, foure hundred and seconde,' i. e. 1402, or two years after Chaucer's death. No. 13 is translated from Alain Chartier, who was only four years old when Chaucer died; see p. 28, note 2. Tyrwhitt remarks that, in MS. Harl. 372, this poem is expressly attributed to a Sir Richard Ros[221]. No one can suppose that no. 41 is by Chaucer, seeing that the first line is--'Maister Geffray Chauser, that now lithe in graue.' Mr. Bradshaw once assured me that no. 17 is ascribed, on MS. authority, to Lydgate; and no one who reads it with care can doubt that this is correct[222]. It is, in a measure, an imitation of the Book of the Duchesse; and it contains some interesting references to Chaucer, as in the lines--'Of Arcite, or of him Palemoun,' and 'Of Thebes eke the false Arcite.' No. 20, i. e. the Testament of Love, is _in prose_, and does not here concern us; still it is worth pointing out that it contains a passage (near the end) such as we cannot suppose that Chaucer would have written concerning himself[223]. After thus removing from consideration nos. 4, 11, 13, 17, 20, 25, 27, 28, 29, 40, and 41, half of the remaining 21 pieces have been considered. The only ones left over for consideration are nos. 6, 15, 18, 21, 22, 26, 30, 31, 32, 38. As to no. 6, there is some external evidence in its favour, which will be duly considered; but as to the rest, there is absolutely nothing to connect them with Chaucer beyond their almost accidental appearance in an edition by Wm. Thynne, published in 1532, i. e. _one hundred and thirty-two years after Chaucer's death_; and it has just been demonstrated that Thynne is obviously wrong in at least _eleven_ instances, and that he wittingly and purposely chose to throw into his edition poems which he _knew_ to have been written by Lydgate or by Gower! It is ridiculous to attach much importance to such testimony as this. And now let me discuss, as briefly as I can, the above-named poems separately. 6. _A goodlie balade of Chaucer_; begins--'Mother of norture, best beloued of all'; printed in Morris's edition, vi. 275; and in Bell's edition, iii. 413. I have little to say against this poem; yet the rime of _supposeth_ with _riseth_ (st. 8) is somewhat startling. It is clearly addressed to a lady named _Margaret_[224], as appears from her being likened to the daisy, and called the sun's daughter. I suspect it was merely attributed to Chaucer by association with the opening lines of the Legend of Good Women. The suggestion, in Bell's Chaucer, that it possibly refers to the Countess of Pembroke, is one of those bad guesses which are discreditable. Tyrwhitt shews, in note _n_ to his 'Appendix to the Preface,' that she must have died not later than 1370, whereas this Balade must be much later than that date; and I agree with him in supposing that _le Dit de la fleur de lis et de la Marguerite_, by Guillaume de Machault (printed in Tarbe's edition, 1849, p. 123), and the _Dittie de la flour de la Margherite_, by Froissart, may furnish us with the true key to those mystical compliments which Chaucer and others were accustomed to pay to the daisy. I wish to add that I am convinced that one stanza, probably the sixth is missing. It ought to form a triple Balade, i. e. three Balades of 21 lines each, each with its own refrain; but the second is imperfect. There seems to be some affectation about the letters beginning the stanzas which I cannot solve; these are _M_, _M_, _M_ (probably for Margaret) in the first Balade; _D_, _D_ in the second; and _J_, _C_, _Q_ in the third. The poet goes out of his way to bring in these letters. The result looks like _Margaret de Jacques_; but this guess does not help us. The poem is rather artificial, especially in such inversions as _It receyve_, _Cauteles whoso useth_, and _Quaketh my penne_; these things are not in Chaucer's manner. In the second stanza there is a faulty rime; for we there find _shal_, _smal_, answering to the dissyllabic rimes _alle_, _calle_, _appalle_, _befalle_, in stanzas 1 and 3. Lydgate has: 'My pen quake,' &c.; Troy Book, ch. x., fol. F2, back. 15. _The assemble of Ladies._ This poem Tyrwhitt decisively rejects. There is absolutely _nothing_ to connect it with Chaucer. It purports to have been written by 'a gentlewoman'; and perhaps it was. It ends with the rime of _done_, pp., with _sone_ (soon); which in Chaucer are spelt _doon_ and _son-e_ respectively, and never rime. Most of the later editions omit this poem. It is conveniently printed in Chalmers' English Poets, vol. i. p. 526; and consists of 108 7-line stanzas. For further remarks, see notes on _The Flower and the Leaf_ (p. 44). At p. 203 of the Ryme-Index to Chaucer's Minor Poems (Chaucer Society), I have printed a Ryme-Index to this poem, shewing that the number of non-Chaucerian rimes in it is about 60. 18. _A praise of Women._ In no way connected with Chaucer. Rejected by Tyrwhitt. Printed in Bell's edition, iv. 416, and in Chalmers' English Poets, vol. i. p. 344; also in Morris's Aldine edition, vol. vi. p. 278. In twenty-five 7-line stanzas. The rime of _lie_ (to tell a lie) with _sie_ (I saw), in st. 20, is suspicious; Chaucer has _ly-e_, _sy_. The rime of _queen-e_ (usually dissyllabic in Chaucer) with _beene_ (miswritten for _been_, they be, st. 23) is also suspicious. It contains the adjective _sere_, i. e. various (st. 11), which Chaucer never uses. 21. _The lamentacion of Marie Magdaleine._ Printed in Bell's Chaucer, iv. 395; and in Chalmers, i. 532. Tyrwhitt's remarks are admirable. He says, in his Glossary, s. v. _Origenes_:--'In the list of Chaucer's Works, in Legend of Good Women, l. 427, he says of himself:-- "He made also, gon is a grete while, _Origenes upon the Maudeleine_"-- meaning, I suppose, a translation, into prose or verse, of the Homily _de Maria Magdalena_, which has been commonly, though falsely, attributed to Origen; v. Opp. Origenis, T. ii. p. 291, ed. Paris, 1604. I cannot believe that the poem entitled _The Lamentation of Marie Magdaleine_, which is in all the [older] editions of Chaucer, is really that work of his. It can hardly be considered as a translation, or even as an imitation, of the Homily; and the composition, in every respect, is infinitely meaner than the worst of his genuine pieces.' To those who are interested in Chaucer's rimes I will merely point out the following: _die_, _why_ (Ch. _dy-e_, _why_); _kene_, _iyen_ (Ch. _ken-e_, _y-en_); _disguised_, _to-rived_, a mere assonance; _crie_, _incessauntly_ (Ch. _cry-e_, _incessauntly_); _slaine_, _paine_ (Ch. _slein_, _pein-e_); _y-fet_, _let_ (Ch. _y-fet_, _let-te_); _accept_, _bewept_ (Ch. _accept-e_, _bewept_); _die_, _mihi_ (Ch. _dy-e_, _mihi_). To those interested in Chaucer's language, let me point out 'dogges rabiate'--'embesile his presence'--'my woful herte is inflamed so huge'--'my soveraine and very gentilman.' See st. 34, 39, 54, 99. 22. _The remedie of Loue._ Printed in Chalmers' British Poets, i. 539. In sixty-two 7-line stanzas. Rejected by Tyrwhitt. The language is extremely late; it seems to have been written in the 16th century. It contains such words as _incongruitie_, _deduction_, _allective_, _can't_ (for _cannot_), _scribable_ (fit for writing on), _olibane_, _pant_, _babe_ (baby), _cokold_ (which Chaucer spells _cokewold_), _ortographie_, _ethimologie_, _ethimologise_ (verb). The provincial word _lait_, to search for, is well known to belong to the Northern dialect. Dr. Murray, s. v. _allective_, dates this piece about A.D. 1560; but it must be somewhat earlier than this, as it was printed in 1532. I should date it about 1530. 26. _A Ballade in commendacion of our Ladie._ Tyrwhitt remarks that 'a poem with the same beginning is ascribed to Lydgate, under the title of _Invocation to our Lady_; see Tanner, s. v. Lydgate.' The poem consists of thirty-five 7-line stanzas. It has all the marks of Lydgate's style, and imitates Chaucer's language. Thus the line--'I have none English conuenient and digne' is an echo of the Man of Law's Tale, l. 778--'O Donegild, I ne haue noon English digne.' Some of the lines imitate Chaucer's A. B. C. But the most remarkable thing is his quotation of the first line of Chaucer's Merciless Beauty, which he applies to the Virgin Mary! See note to that poem, l. 1. A poem called an 'Invocation to our Lady' is ascribed to Lydgate in MS. Ashmole 59, fol. 39, back. It agrees with the present Ballade; which settles the question. 30. _Balade de bon consail._ Not in previous editions. Printed in Chalmers, i. 552. Only 7 lines, and here they are, duly edited:-- 'If it befall that God thee list visite With any tourment or adversitee, Thank first the Lord, and [fond] thy-self to quite; Upon suffraunce and humilitee Found thou thy quarel, what ever that it be; Mak thy defence, and thou shalt have no losse, The remembraunce of Christ and of his crosse.' In l. 1, ed. 1561 has _the_; 2. _aduersite_; 3. _Thanke_; _lorde_; I supply _fond_, i. e. endeavour; _thy-selfe_; 4. (scans ill); 5. _Founde_; 6. _Make_. 31. _Of the Cuckowe and the Nightingale._ Printed in Bell's Chaucer, iv. 334; and in Morris's Chaucer, iv. 75. Not uncommon in MSS.; there is a copy in MS. Ff. 1. 6 in the Cambridge University Library; another in MS. Fairfax 16; another in MS. Bodley 638; another in MS. Tanner 346; and a fifth (imperfect) in MS. Arch. Selden B. 24, in the Bodleian Library. A sixth is in MS. Harl. 7333, in the British Museum. From some of these, Morris's better text was constructed; see his edition, pref. p. ix. It is worth a note, by the way, that it is _not_ the same poem as one entitled _The Nightingale_, extant in MS. no. 203 in Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and in MS. Cotton, Calig. A. ii., fol. 59, and attributed to Lydgate. That the first two lines are by Chaucer, we cannot doubt, for they are quoted from the Knightes Tale, ll. 927, 928. Chaucer often quotes his own lines, but it is not likely that he would take them as the subject of a new poem. On the other hand, this is just what we should expect one of his imitators to do. The present poem is a very fair imitation of Chaucer's style, and follows his peculiarities of metre far more closely than is usually the case with Lydgate. The notion, near the end, of holding a parliament of birds, with the Eagle for lord, is evidently borrowed from Chaucer's Parliament of Foules. Whilst admitting that the present poem is more worthy of Chaucer than most of the others with which it has been proposed to burden his reputation, I can see no sufficient reason for connecting him with it; and the external evidence connects it, in fact, with Hoccleve. For the copy in MS. Bodley 638 calls it 'The boke of Cupide god of loue,' at fol. 11, back; whilst Hoccleve's _Letter of Cupid_ is called 'The lettre of Cupide god of loue' in the same, fol. 38, back. The copy in the Fairfax MS. ends with the colophon--_Explicit liber Cupidinis_. The rimes are mostly Chaucerian; but the rime of _day_ with the gerund _to assay-e_ in st. 11 is suspicious; so also is that of _now_ with the gerund _to rescow-e_ in st. 46. In st. 13, _grene_ rimes with _been_, whereas _gren-e_, in Chaucer, is always dissyllabic. Chaucer's biographers have been anxious to father this poem upon him, merely because it mentions Woodstock in l. 285. One point about this poem is its very peculiar metre; the 5-line stanza, riming _a a b b a_, is certainly rare. If the question arises, whence is it copied, the answer is clear, viz. from Chaucer's Envoy to his Compleint to his Purse. This is a further reason for dating it later than 1399. 32. _Balade with envoy_; 'O leude book,' &c. Printed in Bell's Chaucer, iv. 347, and in Morris's Chaucer, iv. 85, as if it were part of The Cuckoo and the Nightingale; but obviously unconnected with it. A Balade in the usual form, viz. three 7-line stanzas, with a refrain; the refrain is--'For of all good she is the best living.' The envoy consists of only six lines, instead of seven, rimed _a b a b c c_, and that for a sufficient reason, which has not been hitherto observed. The initial letters of the lines form, in fact, an anagram on the name ALISON; which is therefore the name of the lady to whom the Balade is addressed. There is a copy of this poem in MS. Fairfax 16, and another in MS. Tanner 346. It is therefore as old as the 15th century. But to attribute to Chaucer the fourth line of the Envoy seems hazardous. It runs thus--'Suspiries whiche I effunde in silence.' Perhaps it is Hoccleve's. 38. _Poem in two 7-line stanzas._ There is nothing to connect this with Chaucer; and it is utterly unworthy of him. I now quote the whole poem, just as it stands in the edition of 1561:-- 'Go foorthe king, rule thee by Sapience, Bishoppe, be able to minister doctrine, Lorde, to true counsale yeue audience, Womanhode, to chastitie euer encline; Knight, let thy deedes worship determine; Be righteous, Iudge, in sauyng thy name; Rich, do almose, lest thou lese blisse w_i_t_h_ shame. 'People, obeie your kyng and the lawe; Age, be ruled by good religion; True seruaunt, be dredfull & kepe the vnder awe; And, thou poore, fie on presumpcion; Inobedience to youth is vtter destruccion; Remembre you, how God hath set you, lo! And doe your parte, as ye be ordained to.' In l. 7, ed. 1532 has _almesse_ instead of _almose_. Surely it must be Lydgate's. Many of his poems exhibit similar catalogues, if I may so term them. I have now gone through all the poems published in 1532 and copied into the later editions (with the exception of nos. 66-68, for which see p. 45); and I see no way of augmenting the list of Chaucer's Minor Poems any further from this source. s. 11. DISCUSSION OF THE POEMS IN PART II. OF ED. 1561. It is hardly worth while to discuss at length all the poems which it pleased John Stowe to fling together into the edition of 1561. But a few remarks may be useful. Nos. 42, 43, and 60 are admittedly genuine; and are printed below, nos. XIV., XX., and VIII. I believe nos. 44 and 57 to be so also[225]; they are discussed below, and are printed as nos. XXI. and VI. No. 61 is, of course, Lydgate's. Besides this, no. 45 is correctly ascribed to Lydgate in the MSS.; there are copies of it in MS. Fairfax 16 and in MS. Ashmole 59. No. 56 is also Lydgate's, and is so marked in MS. Harl. 2251. As to no. 46, called the Craft of Lovers, it is dated by help of two lines in the last stanza, which are thus printed by Stowe:-- 'In the yere of our lorde a .M. by rekeninge CCCXL. .&. UIII. yere folowing.' This _seems_ to give the date as 1348; whereas the language is palpably that of the fifteenth century. Whether Stowe or his printer thought fit to alter the date intentionally, I cannot say. Still, the fact is, that in the MS. marked R. 3. 19 in Trinity College Library, at fol. 156, the reading is 'CCCCXL & VIII yere,' so that the true date is rather 1448, or nearly half a century after Chaucer's death[226]. The same MS., which I suppose belonged to Stowe, contains several other of these pieces, viz. nos. 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, and perhaps others. The language and, in some cases, the ruggedness of the metre, forbid us to suppose that Chaucer can have had anything to do with them, and some are palpably of a much later date; one or more of these considerations at once exclude all the rest of Stowe's additions. It may, however, be noted that no. 47 quotes the line 'Beware alwaye, the blind eats many a fly,' which occurs as a refrain in no. 56, and it is therefore later than the time of Lydgate. The author of no. 48 says he is 'a man vnknowne.' Many lines in no. 49 are of abnormal length; it begins with--'Profulgent in preciousnes, O Sinope the queen.' The same is true of no. 51, which is addressed to a Margaret, and begins with--'In the season of Feuerere when it was full colde.' Of no. 52, Tyrwhitt says that the four first stanzas are found in different parts of an imperfect poem upon the _Fall of Man_, in MS. Harl. 2251; whilst the 11th stanza makes part of an _Envoy_, which in the same MS. is annexed to the poem entitled the _Craft of Lovers_. No. 53 is a poor affair. No. 54, called a _Balade Pleasaunte_, is very unpleasant and scurrilous, and alludes to the wedding of 'queene Iane[227]' as a circumstance that happened many years ago. No. 55 is scurrilous, odious, and stupid. I doubt if no. 58 is good enough for Lydgate. No. 59 belongs to the sixteenth century. All the poems here rejected were rejected by Tyrwhitt, with two strange exceptions, viz. nos. 50 and 59, the Virelai and the Court of Love. Of both of these, the language is quite late. The _Virelai_ is interesting from a metrical point of view, because such poems are scarce; the only similar poem that I can call to mind is the _Balet_ (or rather _Virelai_) composed by Lord Rivers during his imprisonment in 1483, and printed by Percy in his Reliques of Ancient English Poetry. Percy says that Lord Rivers copies the _Virelai_ mentioned above, which he assumes to be Chaucer's; but it is quite as likely that the copying was in the other direction, and that Lord Rivers copied some genuine _Virelai_ (either Chaucer's or in French) that is now lost[228]. The final rime of _end_ with _find_, is bad enough; but the supposition that the language is of the 14th century is ridiculous. Still the _Virelai_ is good in its way, though it can hardly be older than 1500, and may be still later. Of all poems that have been falsely ascribed to Chaucer, I know of none more amazing than _The Court of Love_. The language is palpably that of the 16th century, and there are absolutely _no_ examples of the occurrence in it of a final _-e_ that is fully pronounced, and forms a syllable! Yet there are critics who lose their heads over it, and will not give it up. Tyrwhitt says--'I am induced by the internal evidence (!) to consider it as one of Chaucer's genuine productions.' As if the 'internal evidence' of a poem containing no sonant final _-e_ is not enough to condemn it at once. The original MS. copy exists in MS. R. 3. 19 in Trinity College, and the writing is later than 1500. The poem itself has all the smoothness of the Tudor period[229]; it excels the style of Hawes, and would do credit to Sackville. One reference is too interesting to be passed over. In the second stanza, the poet regrets that he has neither the eloquence of Tully, the power of Virgil, nor the 'craft of _Galfride_.' Tyrwhitt explains _Galfride_ as 'Geoffrey of Monmouth,' though it is difficult to understand on what ground he could have been here thought of. Bell's 'Chaucer' explains _Galfride_ as 'Geoffrey of Vinsauf,' which is still more curious; for Geoffrey of Vinsauf is the very _Gaufride_ whom Chaucer holds up to eternal ridicule in the Nonne Prestes Tale (l. 526). I have no doubt at all that the _Galfrid_ here referred to is no other than Geoffrey Chaucer, who was called, indifferently, _Galfrid_ or _Geoffrey_. This appears from the testimony of Lydgate, who speaks, in his 'Troy-book,' of 'Noble Galfryde, chefe Poete of Brytayne,' and again, of 'My mayster Galfride'; see Lydgate's Siege of Troye, bk. ii. ch. 15, and bk. iii. ch. 25; ed. 1557, fol. K 2, col. 1, and fol. R 2, back, col. 2. Hence we are not surprised to find that the author makes frequent reference to Chaucer's Works, viz. to Anelida (l. 235), the Death of Pity (701), Troilus (872), the Legend of Good Women (104, 873), and the Parl. of Foules (near the end). The two allusions to the Legend of Good Women at once make the poem later than 1385; and in fact, it must be quite a century later than that date. There are more than 70 rimes that differ from those employed by Chaucer. The Poet introduces to our notice personages named _Philogenet_, _Philobone_, and _Rosial_. Of these, at least the two former savour of the time of the Renaissance; for, although Chaucer uses the name Philostrate in the Knightes Tale (A 1428, 1558, 1728), he merely _copies_ this name from Boccaccio; and it is amusing to find that Boccaccio himself did not understand it.[230] s. 12. POEMS ADDED IN SPEGHT'S EDITIONS OF 1598 AND 1602. We have now to consider the additions made by Speght in 1598. These were only two, viz. _Chaucer's Dream_ and _The Flower and the Leaf_. 62. _Chaucer's Dream._ A long poem of 2206 short lines, in metre similar to that of The House of Fame; accepted by Tyrwhitt, and in all the editions. But there is no early trace of it; and we are not bound to accept as Chaucer's a poem first ascribed to him in 1598, and of which the MS. (at Longleat) was written about 1550. The language is of late date, and the sonant final _-e_ is decidedly scarce. The poem is badly named, and may have been so named by Speght; the proper title is 'The Isle of Ladies.' We find such rimes as _be_, _companie_ (Ch. _be_, _company-e_); _know_, _low_, i. e. law (Ch. _know-e_, _law-e_); _grene_, _yene_, i. e. eyes (Ch. _gren-e_, _y-en_); _plesaunce_, _fesaunce_ (Ch. _plesaunc-e_, _fesaunts_); _ywis_, _kisse_ (Ch. _ywis_, _kis-se_); and when we come to _destroied_ riming with _conclude_, it is time to stop. The tediousness of this poem is appalling[231]. 63. _The Flower and the Leaf._ This is rather a pretty poem, in 7-line stanzas. The language is that of the fifteenth century. It professes to be written by a gentlewoman, like the Assemble of Ladies; and perhaps it was[232]. Very likely, the same 'gentlewoman' wrote both these poems. If so, the Flower and the Leaf is the better finished, and probably the later of the two. It contains the word _henchman_, for which the earliest dated quotation which I have yet found is 1415 (Royal Wills, ed. Nichols, p. 220). An interesting reference is given in the lines-- 'Eke there be knightes old of the garter That in hir time did right worthily.' The order of the Garter was established in 1349; and we should expect that more than half a century would elapse before it would be natural to refer to the Knights as _old_ knights, who did worthily _in their time_. Of course the poem cannot be Chaucer's, and it is hardly necessary to look for rimes such as he never uses; yet such may easily be found, such as _grew_, pt. t. sing., riming with the dissyllabic _hew-e_, _new-e_; _sid-e_ with _espide_, pp. (Ch. _espy-ed_); _eie_, eye (Ch. _y-e_) with _sie_, saw (Ch. _sy_); and _plesure_[233] with _desire_; after which we may stop. In 1602, Speght issued another edition, in which, according to Bonn's edition of Lowndes' _Bibliographer's Manual_, two more pieces were added, viz. the prose treatise against Friars called _Jack Upland_, and the genuine poem entitled 'A. B. C.' But this is not all; for I find, in a still later edition, that of 1687, which is said to be a 'reimpression of Speght's edition of 1602,' that, at the very end of all the prefatory matter, on what was probably a spare blank leaf, three more poems appear, which might as well have been consigned to oblivion. But the editors of Chaucer evidently thought that a thing once added must be added for ever, and so these three productions are retained in Bell's Chaucer, and must therefore be noticed with the rest. I find, however, that they had been printed previously, viz. at the end of the Table of Contents in ed. 1542 and ed. 1550, where they are introduced quite casually, without a word of explanation. Moreover, they are copied from MS. Trin. Coll. Cam. R. 3. 15, a MS. which also contains the Canterbury Tales; and no doubt, this fact suggested their insertion. See Todd's Illustrations of Chaucer, p. 120. 64. _Jack Upland._ An invective against friars, in prose, worth printing, but obviously not Chaucer's. 65. Chaucer's A. B. C. Genuine; here printed as poem no. I. 66. _Eight goodly questions with their answers_; printed in Bell's Chaucer, vol. iv. p. 421; nine 7-line stanzas. In st. 3, _tree_ rimes with _profer_; but _tree_ is an obvious misprint for _cofer_! In st. 5, the gerund _to lie_ (Ch. _ly-e_) rimes with _honestie_ (Ch. _honestee_). This is quite enough to condemn it. But it may be Lydgate's. 67. _To the Kings most noble Grace, and to the Lords and Knights of the Garter_; pr. as above, p. 424; eight 8-line stanzas. In MS. Phillipps 8151, and written by Hoccleve; it much resembles his poem printed in _Anglia_, v. 23. The date may be 1416. The 'King' is Henry V. 68. _Sayings._ Really three separate pieces. They are all found on the fly-leaf of the small quarto edition of Caxton, described above, p. 27. When Caxton printed Chaucer's _Anelida_ and _Purse_ on a quire of ten leaves, it so happened that he only filled up nine of them. But, after adding _explicit_ at the bottom of the ninth leaf, to shew that he had come to the end of his Chaucer, he thought it a pity to waste space, and so added three popular sayings on the front of leaf 10, leaving the back of it still blank. Here is what he printed:-- 'Whan feyth failleth in prestes sawes And lordes hestes ar holden for lawes And robbery is holden purchas And lechery is holden solas Than shal the lond of albyon Be brought to grete confusio_u_n. Hit falleth for euery gentilman To saye the best that he can In mannes absence And the soth in his presence. 'Hit cometh by kynde of gentil blode To cast away al heuynes And gadre to-gidre wordes good The werk of wisedom berith witnes Et sic est finis ****.' The first of these sayings was probably a bit of popular rime, of the character quoted in Shakespeare's _King Lear_, iii. 2. 81. Shakespeare calls his lines _Merlin's_ prophecy; and it has pleased the editors of Chaucer to call the first six lines _Chaucer's_ Prophecy[234]. They appear in Bell's Chaucer, vol. iii. p. 427, in an 'improved' form, not worth discussing; and the last eight lines are also printed in the same, vol. iv. p. 426. Why they are separated, is mysterious. Those who think them genuine may thank me for giving them Caxton's spelling instead of Speght's. s. 13. PIECES ADDED IN MORRIS'S EDITION, 1866. In Morris's edition are some pieces which either do not appear in previous editions, or were first printed later than 1700. 69. Roundel; pr. in vol. vi. p. 304. The same as Merciless Beaute; here printed as no. XI. It first appeared, however, in Percy's Reliques of English Poetry. See p. 80 below. 70. The Former Age; pr. in vol. vi. p. 300, for the first time. Here printed as no. IX. See p. 78. 71. _Prosperity_; pr. in vol. vi. p. 296, for the first time. This is taken from MS. Arch. Selden B. 24, fol. 119, where it follows Chaucer's Poem on 'Truth.' It has but one stanza of eight lines, and I here give it precisely as it stands in this Scottish MS.:-- 'Richt as pou_er_t causith sobirnes, And febilnes enforcith contenence, Ry_ch_t so prosperitee and grete riches The moder is of vice and negligence; And powere also causith Insolence; And hono_ur_ oftsiss changith gude thewis; Thare is no more p_er_ilouss pestilence Than hie estate geven vnto schrewis. Q_uo_d Chaucere.' I have no belief in the genuineness of this piece, though it is not ill written. In general, the ascription of a piece to Chaucer in a MS. is valuable. But the scribe of this particular MS. was reckless. It is he who made the mistake of marking Hoccleve's 'Mother of God' with the misleading remark--'Explicit or_aci_o Galfridi Chaucere.' At fol. 119, back, he gives us a poem beginning 'Deuise prowes and eke humylitee' in seven 7-line stanzas, and here again at the end is the absurd remark--'Q_uo_d Chaucer quhen he was ry_ch_t auisit.' But he was himself quite 'wrongly advised'; for it is plainly not Chaucer's at all. His next feat is to mark Lydgate's Complaynt of the Black Knight by saying--'Here endith the Maying and disporte of Chaucere'; which shews how the editors were misled as to this poem. Nor is this all; for he gives us, at fol. 137, back, another poem in six 8-line stanzas, beginning 'O hie Emperice and quene celestial'; and here again at the end is his stupid--'Q_uo_d Chaucere.' The date of this MS. appears to be 1472; so it is of no high authority; and, unless we make some verbal alteration, we shall have to explain how Chaucer came to write _oftsiss_ in two syllables instead of _ofte sythe_ in four; see his Can. Yem. Tale, Group G, l. 1031. 72. _Leaulte vault Richesse_; pr. in vol. vi. p. 302, for the first time. This is from the same MS., fol. 138, and is as follows:-- 'This warldly Ioy is onely fantasy, Of quhich non erdly wicht ca_n_ be _con_tent; Quho most has wit, leste suld In It affy, Quho taist_is_ It most, most sall him repent; Quhat valis all this richess and this rent, Sen no ma_n_ wate quho sall his tresour haue? P_re_sume no_ch_t gevin th_a_t god has done but lent, Within schort tyme the quhiche he think_is_ to craue. _Leaulte vault richess._' On this poem, I have three remarks to make. The first is that not even the reckless Scottish scribe attributes it to Chaucer. The second is that Chaucer's forms are _content_ and _lent_ without a final _e_, and _repent-e_ and _rent-e_ with a final _-e_, so that the poem cannot be his; although _content_, _repent_, _rent_, and _lent_ rime well enough in the Northern dialect. The third is that if I could be sure that the above lines were by a well-known author, I should at once ascribe them to King James I., who might very well have written these and the lines called _Prosperity_ above. It is somewhat of a coincidence that the very MS. here discussed is that in which the unique copy of the _Kingis Quair_ is preserved. 73. _Proverbs of Chaucer_; printed in vol. vi. p. 303. The first eight lines are genuine; here printed as no. XX. But two 7-line stanzas are added, which are spurious. In MS. Addit. 16165, Shirley tells us that they were 'made by Halsham Esquyer'; but they seem to be Lydgate's, unless he _added_ to them. See Lydgate's Minor Poems (Percy Soc. 1840), pp. 193 and 74. And see pp. 52, 57. It thus appears that, of the 73 pieces formerly attributed to Chaucer, not more than 26, and a part of a 27th, can be genuine. These are: _Canterbury Tales_, _Troilus_, _Legend of Good Women_, _House of Fame_, about a quarter of _The Romaunt of the Rose_, the _Minor Poems_ printed in the present volume and numbered I-XI, XIII-XXI, and two pieces in prose. s. 14. DESCRIPTION OF THE MSS. After the preceding somewhat tedious, but necessary discussion of the contents of the black-letter and other editions (in many of which poems were as recklessly attributed to Chaucer as medieval proverbs used to be to King Solomon), it is some relief to turn to the manuscripts, which usually afford much better texts, and are altogether more trustworthy. The following is a list of the MSS. which have been followed. I must here acknowledge my great debt to Dr. Furnivall, whose excellent, careful, and exact reproduction in print of the various MSS. leaves nothing to be desired, and is a great boon to all Chaucer scholars. They are nearly all[235] printed among the Chaucer Society's publications. At the same time, I desire to say that I have myself consulted most of the MSS., and have thus gleaned a few hints which could hardly have been otherwise acquired; it was by this process that I became acquainted with the poems numbered XXII. and XXIII., which are probably genuine, and with the poem numbered XII., which is certainly so. An editor should always look at the MSS. for himself, if he can possibly contrive to do so. LIST OF THE MSS.; WITH ABBREVIATIONS. N.B. The roman numbers following the name of each MS. denote the numbers of the poems in the present edition. A.--Ashmole 59, Bodleian Library (Shirley's).--X. XIV. XVIII. Ad.--Addit. 16165, British Museum.--VII. XX. XXIII. Add.--Addit. 22139, British Museum.--XIII. XIV. XV. XIX. Ar.--Arch. Selden B. 24, Bodleian Library.--IV. V. XIII. XVIII. Arch.--Arch. Selden B. 10, Bodleian Library.--X. XIII. At.--Addit. 10340, British Museum.--XIII. B.--Bodley 638 (Oxford).--I. II. III. V. VII. X. XXII. Bannatyne MS. 1568, Hunterian Museum, Glasgow.--XV. Bedford MS. (Bedford Library).--I. C.--Cambridge Univ. Library, Ff. 5. 30.--I. Corpus.--Corpus Chr. Coll., Oxford, 203.--XIII. Ct.--Cotton, Cleopatra D. 7; Brit. Mus.--XIII. XIV. XV. XXI. Cx.--Caxton's editions; see above (p. 27).--V. VII. X. XIII. XIV. XVI. (part); XIX. D.--Digby 181, Bodleian Library.--V. VII. E.--Ellesmere MS. (also has the Cant. Tales).--XIII. ed. 1561.--Stowe's edition, 1561.--VI. VIII. XX. XXI., &c. F.--Fairfax 16, Bodleian Library.--I. II. III. IV. V. VII. X. XIII. (two copies); XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. XX. XXI. XXII. Ff.--Cambridge Univ. Library, Ff. 1. 6.--II. V. VII. (part); XVIII. XIX. Gg.[236]--Cambridge Univ. Library, Gg. 4. 27.--I. V. XIII. XVI. Gl.--Glasgow, Hunterian Museum, Q. 2. 25.--I. H.--Harleian 2251, Brit. Mus.--I. X. XIV. XIX. Ha.--Harleian 7578, Brit. Mus.--I. II. XIV. XV. XX. XXI. Harl.--Harleian 7333, Brit. Mus.--IV. V. VII. XIII. XIV. XV. XIX. XXII. Harleian 78, Brit. Mus. (Shirley's). _See_ Sh. _below._ Harleian 372, Brit. Mus.--VII. Hat.--Hatton 73, Bodleian Library.--XIII. XV. Hh.--Cambridge Univ. Library, Hh. 4. 12.--V (part); IX. I.--Cambridge Univ. Library, Ii. 3. 21.--IX. X. Jo.--St. John's College, Cambridge, G. 21.--I. Ju.--Julian Notary's edition (see p. 28).--IV. XVII. XVIII. Kk.--Cambridge Univ. Library, Kk. 1. 5.--XIII. L.--Laud 740, Bodleian Library.--I. Lansdowne 699, Brit. Mus.--X. XIII. Laud.--Laud 416, Bodleian Library.--V (part). Lt.--Longleat MS. 258 (Marquis of Bath).--II. IV. V. VII. O.--St. John's College, Oxford (no. lvii.); fol. 22, bk.--V. P.--Pepys 2006, Magd. Coll., Cambridge.--I. (two copies); IV. V. VII (part); X. XI. XIII. XVI. XVIII. (two copies); XIX. Ph.--Phillipps 9053 (Cheltenham).--II. VI. VII. (part); XIX. Phil.--Phillipps 8299 (Cheltenham).--XIII. R.--Rawlinson Poet. 163, Bodleian Library.--XII. Sh.--Shirley's MS. Harl. 78, Brit. Mus.--II. VI. Sion College MS. (Shirley's).--I. T.--Trinity College, Cambridge, R. 3. 20.--IV. VII (part); VIII. X. XIII. (two copies); XIV. XV. XVIII. Th.--W. Thynne's edition, 1532.--III. XV. XVII., &c. Tn.--Tanner 346, Bodleian Library.--II. III. IV. V. VII. XVIII. Trin.--Trinity College, Cambridge, R. 3. 19.--II. V. Trinity College, Cambridge, R. 14. 51.--XIV. XV. Conversely, I here give a list of the Poems in the present volume, shewing from which MSS. each one is derived. I mention first the MSS. of most importance. I also note the number of lines in each piece. I. _A. B. C._ (184 lines).--C. Jo. Gl. L. Gg. F.; _other copies in_ H. P.[237] Bedford. Ha. Sion. B.[238] II. _Pite_ (119).--Tn. F. B. Sh. Ff. Trin.; _also_ Ha. Lt. Ph. III. _Duchess_ (1334).--F. Tn. B. Th. IV. _Mars_ (298).--F. Tn. Ju. Harl. T. Ar.; also P.[237] Lt. V. _Parl. Foules_ (699).--F. Gg. Trin. Cx. Harl. O. Ff. Tn. D.; _also_ Ar. B. Lt. P.; Hh. (365 lines); Laud (142 lines). VI. _Compleint to his Lady_ (133).--Ph. Sh.; ed. 1561. VII. _Anelida_ (357).--Harl. F. Tn. D. Cx.; _also_ B. Lt. Ad.; Harl. 372; _partly in_ T. Ff. P. Ph. VIII. _Lines to Adam_ (7).--T.; ed. 1561. IX. _Former Age_ (64).--I. Hh. X. _Fortune_ (79).--I. A. T. F. B. H.; _also_ P. Cx.; Arch.; Lansd. 699. XI. _Merciless Beaute_ (39).--P. XII. _To Rosemounde_ (24).--R. XIII. _Truth_ (28).--At. Gg. E. Ct. T.[239]; _also_ Arch. Harl. Hat. P. F.[240] Add. Cx.; Ar. Kk. Corpus; Lansd. 699; Phil. XIV. _Gentilesse_ (21).--A. T. Harl. Ct. Ha. Add. Cx; _also_ H. _and_ Trinity. XV. _Lak of Stedfastnesse_ (28).--Harl. T. Ct. F. Add.; _also_ Th. Ha.; Hat., Trinity, _and_ Bannatyne. XVI. _To Scogan_ (49).--Gg. F. P.; _also_ Cx. (21 lines). XVII. _To Bukton_ (32).--F. Th.; _also_ Ju. XVIII. _Venus_ (82).--T. A. Tn. F. Ff.; _also_ Ar. Ju. P.[241] XIX. _Purse_ (26).--F. Harl. Ff. P. Add.; _also_ H. Cx. Ph. XX. _Proverbs_ (8).--F. Ha. Ad.; ed. 1561. XXI. _Against Women Unconstaunt_ (21).--Ct. F. Ha.; ed. 1561. XXII. _An Amorous Complaint_ (91).--Harl. F. B. XXIII. _Balade of Complaint_ (21).--Ad. s. 15. REMARKS ON SOME OF THE MSS. Some of these MSS. deserve a few special remarks. Shirley's MSS. are--A. Ad. H. Harl. Sh. Sion, _and_ T. MSS. in Scottish spelling are--Ar. Bannatyne. Kk.; L. shews Northern tendencies. MSS. AT OXFORD. F. (Fairfax 16) is a valuable MS.; not only does it contain as many as sixteen of these Minor Poems, but it is a fairly written MS. of the fifteenth century. The spelling does not very materially differ from that of such an excellent MS. as the Ellesmere MS. of the Canterbury Tales, excepting in the fact that a great number of final _e_'s are added in wrong places, and are dropped where they are required. This is a matter that can be to a large extent rectified, and I have endeavoured to do so, taking it in many instances as the standard text. Next to this misuse of final _e_'s, which is merely due to the fact that it was written out at a time when the true use of them was already lost, its most remarkable characteristic is the scribe's excessive love of the letter _y_ in place of _i_; he writes _hyt ys_ instead of _hit is_, and the like. In a great number of instances I have restored _i_, where the vowel is short. When the text of the Fairfax MS. is thus restored, it is by no means a bad one. It also contains fair copies of many poems by Hoccleve and Lydgate, such as the former's _Letter of Cupide_[242], and the latter's _Complaint of the Black Knight_, _Temple of Glass_, and _Balade against Women's Doubleness_, being the very piece which is introduced into Stowe's edition, and is numbered 45 above (see p. 33). We are also enabled, by comparing this MS. with MS. Harl. 7578, to solve another riddle, viz. why it is that Chaucer's Proverbs, as printed in Morris's and Bell's editions, are followed by two 7-line stanzas which have nothing whatever to do with them. In MS. Harl. 7578 these two stanzas immediately _follow_, and MS. F. immediately _precede_ Chaucer's Proverbs, and therefore were near enough to them to give an excuse for throwing them in together. However, both these stanzas are by Lydgate, and are mere fragments[243]. The former of them, beginning 'The worlde so wide, thaire so remuable,' really belongs to a poem of 18 stanzas, printed in Halliwell's edition of Lydgate's Minor Poems (Percy Soc.), p. 193. The latter of them, beginning 'The more I goo, the ferther I am behinde,' belongs to a poem of 11 stanzas, printed in the same, p. 74. Perhaps this will serve as a hint to future editors of Chaucer, from whose works it is high time to exclude poems _known_ to be by some other hand. In this MS. there is also a curious and rather long poem upon the game of chess; the board is called the _cheker_, and the pieces are the _kyng_, the _quene or the fers_ (described on fol. 294), the _rokys_ (_duo_ _Roci_), the _knyghtys_, the _Awfyns_ (_duo alfini_), and the _povnys_ (_pedini_). This is interesting in connection with the _Book of the Duchess_; see note to l. 654 of that poem. The author tells us how 'he plaid at the chesse,' and 'was mated of a Ferse.' B. (Bodley 638) is very closely related to MS. F.; in the case of some of the poems, both must have been drawn from a common source. MS. B. is not a mere copy of F., for it sometimes has the correct reading where F. is wrong; as, e.g. in the case of the reading _Bret_ in the _House of Fame_, l. 1208. It contains seven of these Minor Poems, as well as _The boke of Cupide god of loue_ (_Cuckoo and Nightingale_), Hoccleve's _Lettre of Cupide god of loue_, Lydgate's _Temple of Glass_ (oddly called _Temple of Bras_ (!), a mistake which occurs in MS. F. also), his _Ordre of Folys_, printed in Halliwell's Minor Poems of Lydgate, p. 164, and his _Complaint of the Black Knight_, imperfect at the beginning. A. (Shirley's MS. Ashmole 59) is remarkable for containing a large number of pieces by Lydgate, most of which are marked as his. It corroborates the statement in MS. F. that he wrote the _Balade against Women's Doubleness_. It contains the whole of Scogan's poem in which Chaucer's _Gentilesse_ is quoted: see the complete print of it, from this MS., in the Chaucer Society's publications. Another poem in this MS. requires a few words. At the back of leaf 38 is a poem entitled 'The Cronycle made by Chaucier,' with a second title to this effect:--'Here nowe folowe the names of the nyene worshipfullest Ladyes that in alle cronycles and storyal bokes haue beo founden of trouthe of constaunce and vertuous or reproched (_sic_) womanhode by Chaucier.' The poem consists of nine stanzas of eight lines (in the ordinary heroic metre), and is printed in Furnivall's Odd Text of Chaucer's Minor Poems, Part I. It would be a gross libel to ascribe this poem to Chaucer, as it is very poor, and contains execrable rimes (such as _prysoun_, _bycome_; _apply-e_, _pyte_; _thee_, _dy-e_). But we may easily see that the title is likely to give rise to a misconception. It does not really mean that the _poem itself_ is by Chaucer, but that it gives a brief epitome of the 'Cronicle made by Chaucier' of 'the nyene worshipfullest Ladyes.' And, in fact, it does this. Each stanza briefly describes one of the nine women celebrated in Chaucer's Legend of Good Women. It is sufficient to add that the author makes a ludicrous mistake, which is quite enough to acquit Chaucer of having had any hand in this wholly valueless production; for he actually addresses 'quene Alceste' as sorrowing for 'Seyse her husbande.' _Seyse_ is Chaucer's _Ceyx_, and _Alceste_ is the author's comic substitution for _Alcyone_; see Book of the Duchess, l. 220. This is not a fault of the scribe; for _Alceste_ rimes with _byheste_, whereas _Alcione_ does not. I much suspect that Shirley wrote this poem _himself_. His verses, in MS. Addit. 16165, are very poor. TN. (Tanner 346) is a fair MS. of the 15th century, and contains, besides six of the Minor Poems, the _Legend of Good Women_, Hoccleve's _Letter of Cupid_ (called _litera Cupidinis dei Amoris directa subditis suis Amatoribus_), the _Cuckoo and Nightingale_ (called the _god of loue_), Lydgate's _Temple of Glas_ and _Black Knight_, &c. One of them is the Ballad no. 32 discussed above (p. 40). At fol. 73 is a poem in thirteen 8-line stanzas, beginning 'As ofte as syghes ben in herte trewe.' One stanza begins with these lines:-- 'As ofte tymes as Penelapye Renewed her werk in the _raduore_,' &c. I quote this for the sake of the extremely rare Chaucerian word spelt _radevore_ in the Legend of Good Women. The same line occurs in another copy of the same poem in MS. Ff., fol. 12, back. AR. (Arch. Seld. B. 24) is a Scottish MS., apparently written in 1472, and contains, amongst other things, the unique copy of the _Kingis Quair_, by James I. of Scotland. This is the MS. wherein the scribe attributes pieces to Chaucer quite recklessly: see p. 47. It is also the authority for the pieces called _Prosperity_ and _Leaulte vault Richesse_. Here, once more, we find the _Letter of Cupid_ and the _Cuckoo and Nightingale_; it is remarkable how often these poems occur in the same MS. It also contains _Troilus_ and the _Legend of Good Women_. D. (Digby 181) contains, besides two of the Minor Poems, an imperfect copy of Troilus; also the _Letter of Cupid_ and _Complaint of the Black Knight_. At fol. 52 is a piece entitled 'Here Bochas rep_re_uyth hem that yeue hasti credence to eu_er_y reporte or tale'; and it begins--'All-though so be in eu_er_y maner age'; in nineteen 7-line stanzas. This is doubtless a part of chapter 13 of Book I. of Lydgate's _Fall of Princes_. R. (Rawlinson, Poet. 163) contains a copy of Chaucer's _Troilus_, followed by the _Balade to Rosemounde_. Both pieces are marked 'Tregentyll' or 'Tregentil' to the left hand, and 'Chaucer' to the right. s. 16. CAMBRIDGE MSS. FF. (Ff. 1. 6) contains, besides five of the Minor Poems, many other pieces. One is a copy of _Pyramus and Thisbe_, being part of the Legend of Good Women. There are four extracts from various parts of Gower's _Confessio Amantis_; the _Cuckoo and Nightingale_ and _Letter of Cupid_; the Romance of _Sir Degrevaunt_; _La Belle Dame sans Merci_. Some pieces from this MS. are printed in Reliquiae Antiquae, i. 23, 169, 202; and two more, called _The Parliament of Love_ and _The Seven Deadly Sins_, are printed in Political, Religious, and Love Poems, ed. Furnivall (E. E. T. S.), pp. 48, 215. We also find here a copy of Lydgate's _Ballad of Good Counsail_, printed in the old editions of Chaucer (piece no. 40; see above, p. 33). GG. (Gg. 4. 27) is the MS. which contains so excellent a copy of the Canterbury Tales, printed as the 'Cambridge MS.' in the Chaucer Society's publications. Four leaves are lost at the beginning. On leaf 5 is Chaucer's _A. B. C._; on leaf 7, back, the _Envoy to Scogan_; and on leaf 8, back, Chaucer's _Truth_, entitled _Balade de bone conseyl_. This is followed by a rather pretty poem, in 15 8-line stanzas, which is interesting as quoting from Chaucer's _Parliament of Foules_. Examples are: '_Qui bien ayme tard oublye_' (l. 32; cf. P. F. 679): 'The fesaunt, scornere of the cok Be nihter-tyme in frostis colde' (ll. 49, 50; cf. P. F. 357); 'Than spak the frosty feldefare' (l. 89; cf. P. F. 364). Line 41 runs--'Robert redbrest and the wrenne'; which throws some light on the etymology of _robin_. This valuable MS. also contains _Troilus_ and the _Legend of Good Women_, with the unique earlier form of the Prologue; _The Parlement of Foules_; and Lydgate's _Temple of Glas_. At fol. 467 is a _Supplicacio amantis_, a long piece of no great value, but the first four lines give pretty clear evidence that the author was well acquainted with Chaucer's Anelida, and aspired to imitate it. 'Redresse of sorweful, O Cytherea, That w_i_t_h_ the stremys of thy plesau_n_t hete Gladist the cuntreis of al Cirrea, Wher thou hast chosyn thy paleys and thy sete.' It seems to be a continuation of the _Temple of Glas_, and is probably Lydgate's own. HH. (Camb. Univ. Lib. Hh. 4. 12) contains much of Lydgate, and is fully described in the Catalogue. P. (Pepys 2006) consists of 391 pages, and contains Lydgate's _Complaint of the Black Knight_, and _Temple of Glass_, part of the _Legend of Good Women_, the _A. B. C._, _House of Fame_, _Mars and Venus_ (two copies), _Fortune_, _Parlement of Foules_, _The Legend of the Three Kings of Cologne_, _The War between Caesar and Pompey_, _a Translation of parts of Cato_, _the Tale of Melibeus_ and _Parson's Tale_, _Anelida_, _Envoy to Scogan_, _A. B. C._ (again), _Purse_, _Truth_, and _Merciless Beauty_. TRIN. (Trin. Coll. Camb. R. 3. 19) not only contains two of the Minor Poems, but a large number of other pieces, including the _Legend of Good Women_ and many of Lydgate's Poems. In particular, it is the source of most of Stowe's additions to Chaucer: I may mention _The Craft of Lovers_, dated 1448 in the MS. (fol. 156), but 1348 in Stowe; the _Ten Commandments of Love_, _Nine Ladies worthy_, _Virelai_ (fol. 160), _Balade_ beginning _In the seson of Feuerer_ (fol. 160), _Goddesses and Paris_ (fol. 161, back), _A balade plesaunte_ (fol. 205), _O Mossie Quince_ (fol. 205), _Balade_ beginning _Loke well aboute_ (fol. 207); and _The Court of Love_; see the pieces numbered 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 59, (p. 33). The piece numbered 41 also occurs here, at the end of the _Parliament of Foules_, and is headed 'Verba translatoris.' One poem, by G. Ashby, is dated 1463, and I suppose most of the pieces are in a handwriting of a later date, not far from 1500. It is clear that Stowe had no better reason for inserting pieces in his edition of Chaucer than their occurrence in this MS. to which he had access. If he had had access to any other MS. of the same character, the additions in his book would have been different, and _The Court of Love_ would never have been 'Chaucer's.' Yet this is the sort of evidence which some accept as being quite sufficient to prove that Chaucer learnt the language of a century after his own date, in order to qualify himself for writing that poem. s. 17. LONDON MSS. AD. (MS. Addit. 16165). One of Shirley's MSS., marked with his name in large letters. It contains a copy of Chaucer's _Boethius_; Trevisa's translation of the gospel of _Nichodemus_; the _Maistre of the game_ (on hunting); the _Compleint of the Black Knight_ and the _Dreme of a Lover_, both by Lydgate. The latter is the same poem, I suppose, as _The Temple of Glas_. It is here we learn from Shirley that the _Complaint of the Black Knight_ is Lydgate's. Not only is it headed, on some pages, as 'The complaynte of a knight made by Lidegate,' but on fol. 3 he refers to the same poem, speaking of it as being a complaint-- 'al in balade[244], That daun Iohan of Bury made, Lydgate the Munk clothed in blakke.' Here also we find two separate fragments of _Anelida_[245]; the two stanzas mentioned above (p. 52, l. 20), called by Shirley 'two verses made in wyse of balade by Halsham, Esquyer'; Chaucer's _Proverbs_; the poem no. 45 above (p. 33), attributed in this MS. to Lydgate; &c. At fol. 256, back, is the _Balade of compleynte_ printed in this volume as poem no. XXIII. ADD. (MS. Addit. 22139). This is a fine folio MS., containing Gower's _Confessio Amantis_. At fol. 138 are Chaucer's _Purse_, _Gentilesse_, _Lak of Stedfastnesse_, and _Truth_. AT. (MS. Addit. 10340). Contains Chaucer's _Boethius_ (foll. 1-40); also _Truth_, with the unique _envoy_, and the description of the 'Persone,' from the Canterbury Tales, on fol. 41, recto[246]. CT. (MS. Cotton, Cleopatra, D. 7). The Chaucer poems are all on leaves 188, 189. They are all ballads, viz. _Gentilesse_, _Lak of Stedfastness_, _Truth_, and _Against Women Unconstaunt_. All four are in the same hand; and we may remark that the last of the four is thus, in a manner, linked with the rest; see p. 58, l. 5, p. 26, l. 29. H. (MS. Harl. 2251). Shirley's MS. contains a large number of pieces, chiefly by Lydgate. Also Chaucer's _Prioresses Tale_, _Fortune_ (fol. 46), _Gentilesse_ (fol. 48, back), _A. B. C._ (fol. 49), and _Purse_ (fol. 271). The _Craft of Lovers_ also occurs, and is dated 1459 in this copy. Poem no. 56 (p. 34) also occurs here, and is marked as Lydgate's. We also see from this MS. that the first four stanzas of no. 52 (p. 33) form part of a poem on the _Fall of Man_, in which _Truth_, _Mercy_, _Righteousness_, and _Peace_ are introduced as allegorical personages. The four stanzas form part of Mercy's plea, and this is why the word _mercy_ occurs ten times. At fol. 153, back (formerly 158, back), we actually find a copy of Henry Scogan's poem in which Chaucer's _Gentilesse_ is _not_ quoted, the requisite stanzas being entirely omitted. At fol. 249, back, Lydgate quotes the line 'this world is a thurghfare ful of woo,' and says it is from Chaucer's 'tragedyes.' It is from the Knightes Tale, l. 1989 (A 2847). HA. (Harl. 7578). Contains Lydgate's _Proverbs_; Chaucer's _Pite_ (fol. 13, back), _Gentilesse_ and _Lak of Stedfastnesse_ (fol. 17), immediately followed by the _Balade against Women unconstaunt_, precisely in the place where we should expect to find it; also Chaucer's _Proverbs_, immediately followed by the wholly unconnected stanzas discussed above; p. 52, l. 20. At fol. 20, back, are six stanzas of Chaucer's _A. B. C._ HARL. (MS. Harl. 7333). This is a fine folio MS., and contains numerous pieces. At fol. 37, recto, begins a copy of the Canterbury Tales, with a short prose Proem by Shirley; this page has been reproduced in facsimile for the Chaucer Society. At fol. 129, back, begins the _Parliament of Foules_, at the end of which is the stanza which appears as poem no. 41 in Stowe's edition (see p. 33). Then follow the _Broche of Thebes_, i. e. the _Complaint of Mars_, and _Anelida_. It also contains some of the _Gesta Romanorum_ and of Hoccleve's _De Regimine Principum_. But the most remarkable thing in this MS. is the occurrence, at fol. 136, of a poem hitherto (as I believe) unprinted, yet obviously (in my opinion) written by Chaucer; see no. XXII. in the present volume. Other copies occur in F. and B. SH. (MS. Harl. 78; one of Shirley's MSS.). At fol. 80 begins the _Complaint to Pity_; on fol. 82 the last stanza of this poem is immediately followed by the poem here printed as no. VI; the only mark of separation is a star-like mark placed upon the line which is drawn to separate one stanza from another. At the end of fol. 83, back, l. 123 of the poem occurs at the bottom of the page, and fol. 84 is gone; so that the last stanza of 10 lines and the ascription to Chaucer in the colophon do not appear in this MS. MS. Harl. 372. This MS. contains many poems by Lydgate. Also a copy of _Anelida_; followed by _La Belle Dame sans mercy_, 'translatid out of Frenche by Sir Richard Ros,' &c. MS. Lansdowne 699. This MS. contains numerous poems by Lydgate, such as _Guy of Warwick_, the _Dance of Macabre_, the _Horse, Sheep, and Goose_, &c.; and copies of Chaucer's _Fortune_ and _Truth_. s. 18. I. A. B. C. This piece was first printed in Speght's edition of 1602, with this title: 'Chaucer's A. B. C. called _La Priere de Nostre Dame_: made, as some say, at the Request of Blanch, Duchesse of Lancaster, as a praier for her priuat vse, being a woman in her religion very deuout.' This is probably a mere guess, founded on the fact that Chaucer wrote the Book of the Duchess. It cannot be literally true, because it is not strictly 'made,' or composed, but only translated. Still, it is just possible that it was _translated_ for her pleasure (rather than use); and if so, must have been written between 1359 and 1369. A probable date is about 1366. In any case, it may well stand first in chronological order, being a translation just of that unambitious character which requires no great experience. Indeed, the translation shews one mark of want of skill; each stanza begins by following the original for a line or two, after which the stanza is completed rather according to the requirements of rime than with an endeavour to render the original at all closely. There are no less than thirteen MS. copies of it; and its genuineness is attested both by Lydgate and Shirley.[247] The latter marks it with Chaucer's name in the Sion College MS. Lydgate's testimony is curious, and requires a few words of explanation. Guillaume De Deguilleville, a Cistercian monk in the royal abbey of Chalis[248], in the year 1330 or 1331[249], wrote a poem entitled _Pelerinage de la Vie humaine_. Of this there are two extant English translations, one in prose and one in verse, the latter being attributed to Lydgate. Of the prose translation[250] four copies exist, viz. in the MSS. which I call C., Gl., Jo., and L. In all of these, Chaucer's A. B. C. is inserted, in order to give a verse rendering of a similar prayer in verse in the original. Of Lydgate's verse translation there is a copy in MS. Cotton, Vitell. C. xiii. (see foll. 255, 256); and when he comes to the place where the verse prayer occurs in his original, he says that, instead of translating the prayer himself, he will quote Chaucer's translation, observing:-- 'My mayster Chaucer, in hys tyme, Affter the Frenchs he dyde yt ryme.' Curiously enough, he does not do so; a blank space was left in the MS. for the scribe to copy it out, but it was never filled in[251]. However, it places the genuineness of the poem beyond doubt; and the internal evidence confirms it; though it was probably, as was said, quite an early work. In order to illustrate the poem fully, I print beneath it the French original, which I copy from the print of it in Furnivall's _One-text Print of Chaucer's Minor Poems_, Part I. p. 84. It is taken from Guillaume De Deguilleville's _Pelerinage de l'Ame_, Part I, _Le Pelerinage de la Vie humaine_. Edited from the MS. 1645, Fonds Francais, in the National Library, Paris (A), and collated with the MSS. 1649 (B), 376 (C), and 377 (D), in the same collection, by Paul Meyer. I omit, however, the collations; the reader only wants a good text. Chaucer did not translate the last two stanzas. I therefore give them _here_. 'Ethiques[252] s'avoie leu, Tout recorde et tout sceu, Et apres riens n'en ouvrasse Du tout seroie deceu. 280 Aussi con cil qui est cheu, En sa rois et en sa nasse. Vierge, m'ame je claim lasse, Quar en toy priant se lasse Et si ne fait point son deu. Pou vault chose que je amasse; Ma priere n'est que quasse S'a bien je ne sui esmeu. 'Contre[253] moy doubt que ne prie Ou que en vain merci ne crie. 290 Je te promet amandement; Et pour ce que je ne nie Ma promesse, je t'en lie L'ame de moy en gaigement; Puis si te pri finablement Que quant sera mon finement Tu ne me defailles mie: Pour moy soies au jugement Afin que hereditablement J'aie pardurable vie. AMEN.' 300 MS. C. affords, on the whole, the best text, and is therefore followed, all variations from it being duly noted in the footnotes, except (occasionally) when _i_ is put for _y_, or _y_ for _i_. The scribes are very capricious in the use of these letters, using them indifferently; but it is best to use _i_ when the vowel is short (as a general rule), and _y_ when it is long. Thus, _it is_ is better than _yt ys_, and _wyse_ than _wise_, in order to shew that the vowel is long in the latter case. I also use _y_ at the end of a word, as usual; as in _lady_, _my_. When the spelling of the MS. is thus slightly amended, it gives a fair text, which can easily be read with the old and true pronunciation. We may roughly divide the better MSS. into two sets, thus: (_a_) C. Gl. L. Jo.; (_b_) F. B. Gg. The rest I have not collated. See Koch, in Anglia, iv. b. 100. The metre of this poem is worthy of notice. Chaucer uses it again, in the _Former Age_ (IX), _Lenvoy to Bukton_ (XVII), and in the _Monkes Tale_. More complex examples of it, with repeated rimes, are seen in the _Balade to Rosemounde_ (XII), _Fortune_ (X), and _Venus_ (XVIII). See also the two stanzas on p. 47. s. 19. II. THE COMPLEYNT UNTO PITE. The word _compleynt_ answers to the O. F. _complaint_, sb. masc., as distinguished from O. F. _complainte_, sb. fem., and was the technical name, as it were, for a love-poem of a mournful tone, usually addressed to the unpitying loved one. See Godefroy's Old French Dictionary[254]. Dr. Furnivall's account of this poem begins as follows: 'In seventeen 7-line stanzas: 1 of Proem, 7 of Story, and 9 of Complaint, arranged in three Terns [sets of three] of stanzas; first printed by Thynne in 1532.... The poem looks not easy to construe; but it is clearly a Complaint _to_ Pity, as 5 MSS. read, and not _of_ Pity, as Shirley reads in MS. Harl. 78. This Pity once lived in the heart of the loved-one of the poet.... But in his mistress's heart dwells also Pity's rival, Cruelty; and when the poet, after waiting many years[255], seeks to declare his love, even before he can do so, he finds that Pity for him is dead in his mistress's heart, Cruelty has prevailed, and deprived him of her.' His theory is, that this poem is Chaucer's earliest original work, and relates to his own feelings of hopeless love; also, that Chaucer was not married till 1374, when he married his namesake Philippa Chaucer[256]. If this be so, a probable conjectural date for this poem is about 1367. I have remarked, in the note to l. 14, that the allegory of the poem is somewhat confused; and this implies a certain want of skill and clearness, which makes the supposition of its being an early work the more probable[257]. It is extremely difficult to determine to what extent the sentiments are artificial. If a French poem of a similar character should one day be found, it would not be very surprising. Meanwhile, it is worth observing that the notion of personifying _Pity_ is taken from Chaucer's favourite author Statius; see the _Thebaid_, bk. xi. 458-496, and compare the context, ll. 1-457. It is this which enables us to explain the word _Herenus_ in l. 92, which is an error for _Herines_, the form used by Chaucer to denote the _Erinnyes_ or Furies[258]. The _Erinnyes_ are mentioned in Statius, _Theb._ xi. 345 (cf. ll. 58, 60, 383); and Statius leads up to the point of the story where it is an even chance whether there will be peace or war. The Furies urge on the combatants to war; and at this crisis, the only power who can overrule them is _Pietas_, personified by Statius for this express purpose (ll. 458, 465, 466). The struggle between Pity and Cruelty in Chaucer's poem is parallel to the struggle between Pietas and the fury Tisiphone as told in Statius. Pity is called _Herines quene_, or queen of the Furies, because she alone is supposed to be able to control them. See my notes to ll. 57, 64, and 92. The poem is extant in nine MSS. It is attributed to Chaucer by Shirley in MS. 'Sh.,' and the internal evidence confirms this. There is a fairly good copy in MS. F., on which my edition of it is based. There is, further, an excellent _critical edition_ of this poem by Prof. Ten Brink, in _Essays on Chaucer_, Part II, p. 170 (Chaucer Soc.); this I carefully consulted after making my own copy, and I found that the differences were very slight. The least valuable MSS. seem to be Ff., Ph., and Lt. Omitting these, the MSS. may be divided into three sets, viz. A, Ba, and Bb, the two last going back to a common source B. These are: (A.)--Sh. Ha.; (Ba.)--F. B.; (Bb.)--Tn. Trin. See Koch, in Anglia, iv. b. 96. In this poem we have the earliest example, in English, of the famous 7-line stanza. s. 20. III. THE BOOK OF THE DUCHESSE. Here we are on firm ground. The genuineness of this poem has never been doubted. It is agreed that the word _Whyte_ in l. 948, which is given as the name of the lady lately dead, is a translation of _Blanche_, and that the reference is to the wife of the Duke of Lancaster (John of Gaunt), who died Sept. 12, 1369, at the age of twenty-nine, her husband being then of the same age. As the poem would naturally be written soon after this event, the date must be near the end of 1369. In fact, John of Gaunt married again in 1372, whereas he is represented in the poem as being inconsolable. Chaucer's own testimony, in the Legend of Good Women, l. 418, is that he made 'the deeth of Blaunche the Duchesse'; and again, in the Introduction to the Man of Law's Prologue, l. 57, that 'In youthe he made of Ceys and Alcion.' In 1369, Chaucer was already twenty-nine years of age (taking the year of his birth to be 1340, not 1328), which is rather past the period of youth; and the fact that he thus mentions 'Ceys and Alcion' as if it were the name of an independent poem, renders it almost certain that such was once the case. He clearly thought it too good to be lost, and so took the opportunity of inserting it in a more ambitious effort. The original 'Ceys and Alcion' evidently ended at l. 220; where it began, we cannot say, for the poem was doubtless revised and somewhat altered. Ll. 215, 216 hint that a part of it was suppressed. The two subjects were easily connected, the sorrow of Alcyone for the sudden and unexpected loss of her husband being the counterpart of the sorrow of the duke for the loss of his wife. The poem of 'Ceys and Alcion' shews Chaucer under the influence of Ovid, just as part of his Complaint to Pity was suggested by Statius; but in the later part of the poem of the Book of the Duchesse we see him strongly influenced by French authors, chiefly Guillaume de Machault and the authors of Le Roman de la Rose. His familiarity with the latter poem (as pointed out in the notes) is such as to prove that he had already been previously employed in making his translation of that extremely lengthy work, and possibly quotes lines from his own translation[259]. The relationship between the MSS. and Thynne's edition has been investigated by Koch, in _Anglia_, vol. iv. Anzeiger, p. 95, and by Max Lange, in his excellent dissertation entitled _Untersuchungen uber Chaucer's Boke of the Duchesse_, Halle, 1883. They both agree in representing the scheme of relationship so as to give the following result: { [beta] ---- Thynne. [alpha] ---- { { [gamma] ---- { Tanner MS. { { { Fairfax MS. { [delta] ---- { { Bodley MS. Here [alpha] represents a lost original MS., and [beta] and [gamma] are lost MSS. derived from it. Thynne follows [beta]; whilst [gamma] is followed by the Tanner MS. and a lost MS. [delta]. The Fairfax and Bodley MSS., which are much alike, are copies of [delta]. The MS. [gamma] had lost a leaf, containing ll. 31-96; hence the same omission occurs in the three MSS. derived from it. However, a much later hand has filled in the gap in MS. F, though it remains blank in the other two MSS. On the whole, the authorities for this poem are almost unusually poor; I have, in general, followed MS. F, but have carefully amended it where the other copies seemed to give a better result. Lange gives a useful set of 'Konjecturen,' many of which I have adopted. I have also adopted, thankfully, some suggestions made by Koch and Ten Brink; others I decline, with thanks. This poem is written in the common metre of four accents, which was already in use before Chaucer's time, as in the poem of Havelok the Dane, Robert of Brunne's Handling Synne, Hampole's Pricke of Conscience, &c. Chaucer only used it once afterwards, viz. in his House of Fame. It is the metre employed also in his translation (as far as we have it) of the French _Roman de la Rose_. s. 21. IV. THE COMPLEYNT OF MARS. Lydgate tells us that this poem is Chaucer's, referring to it as containing the story of 'the broche which that Vulcanus At Thebes wrought,' &c. Internal evidence clearly shews that it was written by the author of the _Treatise on the Astrolabie_. In MS. Harl. 7333, Shirley gives it the title 'The broche of Thebes, as of the love of Mars and Venus.' Bale oddly refers to this poem as _De Vulcani veru_, but _broche_ is here an ornament, not a spit. With the exception of two lines and a half (ll. 13-15), the whole poem is supposed to be sung by a bird, and upon St. Valentine's day. Such a contrivance shews a certain lack of skill, and is an indication of a comparatively early date. The poem begins in the ordinary 7-line stanza, rimed _a b a b b c c_; but the Complaint itself is in 9-line stanzas, rimed _a a b a a b b c c_, and exhibits a considerable advance in rhythmical skill. This stanza, unique in Chaucer, was copied by Douglas (_Palace of Honour_, part 3), and by Sir D. Lyndesay (_Prol. to Testament of Papyngo_). At the end of the copy of this poem in MS. T., Shirley appends the following note:--'Thus eondethe here this complaint, whiche some men sayne was made by [i. e. with respect to] my lady of York, doughter to the kyng of Spaygne, and my lord huntingdon, some tyme Duc of Excestre.' This tradition may be correct, but the intrigue between them was discreditable enough, and would have been better passed over in silence than celebrated in a poem, in which Mars and Venus fitly represent them. In the heading to the poem in the same MS., Shirley tells us further, that it was written to please John of Gaunt. The heading is:--'Loo, yee louers, gladethe and comfortethe you of thallyance etrayted[260] bytwene the hardy and furyous Mars the god of armes and Venus the double [i. e. fickle] goddesse of loue; made by Geffrey Chaucier, at the comandement of the reno_m_med and excellent Prynce my lord the Duc Iohn of Lancastre.' The lady was John of Gaunt's sister-in-law. John of Gaunt married, as his second wife, in 1372, Constance, elder daughter of Pedro, king of Castile; whilst his brother Edmund, afterwards duke of York, married Isabel, her sister. In Dugdale's Baronage, ii. 154, we read that this Isabel, 'having been somewhat wanton in her younger years, at length became a hearty penitent; and departing this life in 1394, was buried in the Friers Preachers at Langele,' i. e. King's Langley in Hertfordshire; cf. Chauncy's _Hertfordshire_, p. 455; Camden's _Anglica_, p. 350. It is possible that Chaucer addressed his Envoy to the Complaint of Venus to the same lady, as he calls her 'Princess.' Mars is, accordingly, intended to represent John Holande, half-brother to Richard II, Earl of Huntingdon, and afterwards Duke of Exeter. He actually married John of Gaunt's daughter, Elizabeth, whose mother was the Blaunche celebrated in the Book of the Duchess. If this tradition be true, the date of the poem must be not very many years after 1372, when the Princess Isabel came to England. We may date it, conjecturally, about 1374. See further in Furnivall's _Trial Forewords_, pp. 78-90. I may add that an attempt has been made to solve the problem of the date of this poem by astronomy (see _Anglia_, ix. 582). It is said that Mars and Venus were in conjunction on April 14, 1379. This is not wholly satisfactory; for Chaucer seems to refer to the 12th of April as the time of conjunction. If we accept this result, then the year was 1379. The date 1373-9 is near enough. The poem is remarkable for its astronomical allusions, which are fully explained in the notes. The story of Mars and Venus was doubtless taken from Ovid, _Metam._ iv. 170-189. The story of the brooch of Thebes is from Statius, ii. 265, &c.; see note to l. 245. I shall here add a guess of mine which possibly throws some light on Chaucer's reason for referring to the brooch of Thebes. It is somewhat curious that the Princess Isabel, in a will made twelve years before her death, and dated Dec. 6, 1382, left, amongst other legacies, 'to the Duke of Lancaster, a _Tablet of Jasper which the King of Armonie gave her_'; see Furnivall's _Trial Forewords_, p. 82. Here _Armonie_ means, of course, Armenia; but it is also suggestive of _Harmonia_, the name of the first owner of the brooch of Thebes. It seems just possible that the brooch of Thebes was intended to refer to this tablet of jasper, which was doubtless of considerable value and may have been talked about as being a curiosity. MSS. F. Tn. and Lt. are much alike; the rest vary. I follow F. mainly, in constructing the text. s. 22. V. THE PARLEMENT OF FOULES. This poem is undoubtedly genuine; both Chaucer and Lydgate mention it. It is remarkable as being the first of the Minor Poems which exhibits the influence upon Chaucer of Italian literature, and was therefore probably written somewhat later than the Complaint of Mars. It is also the first of the Minor Poems in which touches of true humour occur; see ll. 498-500, 508, 514-6, 563-575, 589-616. Dr. Furnivall (_Trial Forewords_, p. 53) notes that the MSS. fall into two principal groups; in the first he places Gg., Trin., Cx., Harl., O., the former part of Ff., (part of) Ar., and the fragments in Hh. and Laud 416; in the second he places F., Tn., D., and the latter part of Ff. Lt. also belongs to the second group. See further in _Anglia_, vol. iv. Anzeiger, p. 97. The whole poem, except the Roundel in ll. 680-692, is in Chaucer's favourite 7-line stanza, often called the ballad-stanza, or simply _balade_ in the MSS. The poem itself may be roughly divided into four parts. The first part, ll. 1-84, is mainly occupied with an epitome of the general contents of Cicero's Somnium Scipionis. The second part, ll. 85-175, shews several instances of the influence of Dante, though the stanza containing ll. 99-105 is translated from Claudian. The third part, ll. 176-294, is almost wholly translated or imitated from Boccaccio's Teseide. And the fourth part, ll. 295 to the end, is occupied with the real subject of the poem, the main idea being taken, as Chaucer himself tells us, from Alanus de Insulis. The passages relating to the _Somnium Scipionis_ are duly pointed out in the notes; and so are the references to Dante and Claudian. The history of the third and fourth parts requires further explanation. We have already seen that Chaucer himself tells us, in the Prol. to the Legend, 420, that he made--'al the love of Palamon and Arcyte Of Thebes, thogh the story is knowen lyte.' (N.B. This does not mean that _Chaucer's_ version of the story was 'little known,' but that _Boccaccio_ speaks of the story as being little known--'che Latino autor non par ne dica'; see note to Anelida, l. 8.) Now, in the first note on _Anelida and Arcite_, it is explained how this story of Palamon and Arcite was necessarily translated, more or less closely, from Boccaccio's Teseide, and was doubtless written in the 7-line stanza; also that fragments of it are preserved to us (1) in sixteen stanzas of the Parliament of Foules, (2) in the first ten stanzas of Anelida, and (3) in three stanzas of Troilus. At a later period, the whole poem was re-written in a different metre, and now forms the Knightes Tale. The sixteen stanzas here referred to begin at l. 183 (the previous stanza being also imitated from a different part of the _Teseide_, bk. xi. st. 24), and end at l. 294. Chaucer has somewhat altered the order; see note to l. 183. I here quote, from Furnivall's _Trial Forewords_, pp. 60-66, a translation by Mr. W. M. Rossetti, of Boccaccio's _Teseide_, bk. vii. stanzas 51-66; and I give, beneath it, the Italian text, from an edition published at Milan in 1819. This passage can be compared with Chaucer's imitation of it at the reader's leisure. I note, beforehand, that, in the first line of this translation, the word _whom_ refers to _Vaghezza_, i. e. Grace, Allurement; whilst _she_ is the prayer of Palemo, personified. _Tes._ vii. stanzas 51-60; cf. _Parl. Foules_, ll. 183-259. << 'With whom going forward, she saw that [i. e. Mount Cithaeron] In every view suave and charming; In guise of a garden bosky and beautiful, And greenest, full of plants, Of fresh grass, and every new flower; And therein rose fountains living and clear; And, among the other plants it abounded in, Myrtle seemed to her more than other. >> Colla quale oltre andando vide quello Per ogni vista soave ed ameno, A guisa d'un giardin fronzuto e bello E di piante verdissimo ripieno, D'erbetta fresca e d'ogni fior novello; E fonti vive e chiare vi surgieno, E in fra l'altre piante, onde abbondava, Mortine piu che altro le sembrava. << 'Here she heard amid the branches sweetly P. F. 190. Birds singing of almost all kinds: Upon which [branches] also in like wise She saw them with delight making their nests. Next among the fresh shadows quickly She saw rabbits go hither and thither, And timid deer and fawns, And many other dearest little beasts. >> Quivi senti pe' rami dolcemente Quasi d'ogni maniera ucce' cantare, Sopra de' quali ancor similemente Gli vide con diletto i nidi a fare: Poscia fra l'ombre fresche prestamente Vidi conigli in qua e in la andare, E timidenti cervi e cavrioli, E molti altri carissimi bestiuoli. << 'In like wise here every instrument P. F. 197. She seemed to hear, and delightful chaunt: Wherefore passing with pace not slow, And looking about, somewhat within herself suspended At the lofty place and beautiful adornment She saw it replete in almost every corner With spiritlings which, flying here and there, Went to their bourne. Which she looking at, >> Similemente quivi ogni stromento Le parve udire e dilettoso canto; Onde passando con passo non lento, E rimirando, in se sospesa alquanto Dell' alto loco e del bell' ornamento; Ripieno il vide quasi in ogni canto Di spirite', che qua e la volando Gieno a lor posta; a' quali essa guardando, << 'Among the bushes beside a fountain P. F. 211. Saw Cupid forging arrows-- He having the bow set down by his feet; Which [arrows when] selected his daughter Voluptas Tempered in the waves. And settled down With them was Ease [_Ozio_, Otium]; whom she saw That he, with Memory, steeled his darts With the steel that she [Voluptas] first tempered. >> Tra gli albuscelli ad una fonta allato Vide Cupido a fabbricar saette, Avendo egli a' suoi pie l'arco posato, Le qua' sua figlia Voluttade elette Nell' onde temperava, ed assettato Con lor s'era Ozio, il quale ella vedette, Che con Memoria l'aste sue ferrava De' ferri ch' ella prima temperava. << 'And then she saw in that pass Grace [_Leggiadria_], P. F. 218. With Adorning [_Adornezza_] and Affability, And the wholly estrayed Courtesy; And she saw the Arts that have power To make others perforce do folly, In their aspect much disfigured. The Vain Delight of our form She saw standing alone with Gentilesse. >> E poi vide in quel passo Leggiadria Con Adornezza ed Affabilitate, E la ismarrita in tutto Cortesia, E vide l'Arti ch' hanno potestate Di fare altrui a forza far follia, Nel loro aspetto molto isfigurate: Delia immagine nostra il van Diletto Con Gentilezza vide star soletto. << 'Then she saw Beauty pass her by, P. F. 225. Without any ornament, gazing on herself; And with her she saw Attraction [_Piacevolezza_] go,-- She [the prayer] commending to herself both one and other. With them she saw standing Youth, Lively and adorned, making great feast: And on the other side she saw madcap Audacity Going along with Glozings and Pimps. >> Poi vide appresso a se passar Bellezza Sanz' ornamento alcun se riguardando, E vide gir con lei Piacevolezza, E l'una e l'altra seco commendando, Vide con loro starsi Giovinezza Destra ed adorna, molto festeggiando: E d'altra parte vide il folle Ardire Con Lusinghe e Ruffiani insieme gire. << 'In mid the place, on lofty columns, P. F. 232. She saw a temple of copper; round which She saw youths dancing and women-- This one of them beautiful, and that one in fine raiment, Ungirdled, barefoot, only in their hair and gowns, Who spent the day in this alone. Then over the temple she saw doves hover And settle and coo. >> In mezzo il loco sur alte colonne Di rame vide un tempio, al qual d'intorno Danzanti giovinetti vide e donne, Qual d'esse bella, e qual d'abito adorno, Iscinte, iscalze, in capei soli e'n gonne, Che in questo solo disponeano il giorno: Poi sopra il tempio vide volitare E posarsi colombe e mormorare. << 'And near to the entry of the temple P. F. 239. She saw that there sat quietly My lady Peace, who a curtain Moved lightly before the door. Next her, very subdued in aspect, Sat Patience discreetly, Pallid in look; and on all sides Around her she saw artful Promises. >> E all'entrata del tempio vicina Vide che si sedava pianamente Monna Pace, la quale una cortina Movea innanzi alla porta lievemente; Appresso a lei in vista assai tapina Pacienza sedea discretamente; Pallida nell' aspetto, e d'ogni parte Intorno a lei vide Promesse ad arte. << 'Then entering the temple, of Sighs P. F. 246. She felt there an earthquake, which whirled All fiery with hot desires. This lit up all the altars With new flames born of pangs; Each of which dripped with tears Produced by a woman cruel and fell Whom she there saw, called Jealousy >> Poi dentro al tempio entrata, di sospiri Vi senti un terremoto, che girava Focoso tutto di caldi disiri: Questi gli altari tutti alluminava Di nuove fiamme nate di martiri, De' qua' ciascun di lagrime grondava, Mosse da una donna cruda e ria, Che vide li, chiamata Gelosia: << 'And in that [temple] she saw Priapus hold P. F. 253. The highest place--in habit just such as Whoever would at night see him Could [do] when, braying, the animal Dullest of all awoke Vesta, who to his mind Was not a little--towards whom he in like guise Went: and likewise throughout the great temple She saw many garlands of diverse flowers.' >> Ed in quel vide Priapo tenere Piu sommo loco, in abito tal quale Chiunque il volle la notte vedere Pote, quando ragghiando l'animale Piu pigro desto Vesta, che in calere Non poco gli era, in ver di cui cotale Andava; e simil per lo tempio grande Di fior diversi assai vide grillande. _Tes._ vii. 61, 62; cf. _P. F._ 281-294. << 'Here many bows of the Chorus of Diana P. F. 281. She saw hung up and broken; among which was That of Callisto, become the Arctic Bear. The apples were there of haughty Atalanta, who was sovereign in racing; And also the arms of that other proud one Who brought forth Parthenopaeus, Grandson to the Calydonian King Oeneus. >> Quivi molti archi a' Cori di Diana Vide appiccati e rotti, in tra quali era Quel di Callisto fatta tramontana Orsa; le pome v'eran della fiera Atalanta che 'n correr fu sovrana; Ed ancor l'armi di quell' altra altiera Che partori il bel Partenopeo Nipote al calidonio Re Eneo. << 'She saw there histories painted all about; P. F. 288. Among which with finer work Of the spouse of Ninus she there Saw all the doings distinguished; and at foot of the mulberry-tree Pyramus and Thisbe, and the mulberries already distained; And she saw among these the great Hercules In the lap of Iole, and woeful Biblis Going piteous, soliciting Caunus.' >> Videvi storie per tutto dipinte, In tra le qua' con piu alto lavoro Della sposa di Nino ivi distinte L'opere tutte vide; e a pie del moro Piramo e Tisbe, e gia le gelse tinte: E'l grand' Ercole vide tra costoro In grembo a Jole, e Bibli dolorosa Andar pregando Cauno pietosa. _Tes._ vii. 63-66; cf. _P. F._ 260-280. << 'But, as she saw not Venus, it was told her P. F. 260. (Nor knew she by whom)--"In secreter Part of the temple stays she delighting. If thou wantest her, through that door quietly Enter." Wherefore she, without further demur, Meek of manner as she was, Approached thither to enter within, And do the embassy to her committed. >> Ma non vedendo Vener, le fu detto, Ne conobbe da cui: 'In piu sagreta Parte del tempio stassi ella a diletto: Se tu la vuoi, per quella porta, cheta Te n'entra': ond' essa, sanza altro rispetto, In abito qual era mansueta, La si appresso per entrar dentro ad essa, E l'ambasciata fare a lei commessa. << 'But there she, at her first coming, P. F. 261. Found Riches guarding the portal-- Who seemed to her much to be reverenced: And, being by her allowed to enter there, The place was dark to her at first going. But afterwards, by staying, a little light She gained there; and saw her lying naked On a great bed very fair to see. >> Ma essa li nel primo suo venire Trovo Richezza la porta guardare; La qual le parve assai da riverire; E lasciata da lei quiv'entro entrare, Oscuro le fu il loco al primo gire; Ma poca luce poscia nello stare Li prese, e vide lei nuda giacere Sopra un gran letto assai bella a vedere. << 'But she had hair of gold, and shining P. F. 267. Round her head without any tress. Her face was such that most people Have in comparison no beauty at all. The arms, breast, and outstanding apples, Were all seen; and every other part with a Texture so thin was covered That it shewed forth almost as [if] naked. >> Ma avie d'oro i crini e rilucenti Intorno al capo sanza treccia alcuna: Il suo viso era tal che le piu genti Hanno a rispetto bellezza nissuna: Le braccia, il petto e le poma eminenti Si vedien tutte, e ogni altra parte d'una Testa tanto sottil si ricopria, Che quasimente nuda comparia. << 'The neck was fragrant with full a thousand odours. P. F. 274. At one of her sides Bacchus was seated, At the other Ceres with her savours. And she in her hands held the apple, Delighting herself, which, to her sisters Preferred, she won in the Idean vale. And, having seen all this, she [the prayer] made her request, Which was conceded without denial.' >> Oliva il collo ben di mille odori: Dall' un de' lati Bacco le sedea, Dall' altro Ceres cogli suoi savori: Ed essa il pomo per le man tenea, Se dilettando, il quale alle sorori Prelata vinse nella valle Idea: E tutto cio veduto posse il prego, Il qual fu conceduto senza niego. At l. 298 we are introduced to a queen, who in l. 303 is said to be the noble goddess Nature. The general idea is taken from Aleyn's _Pleynt of Kynde_ (l. 316), i. e. from the _Planctus Naturae_ of Alanus de Insulis; see note to l. 298 of the poem. I here quote the most essential passage from the Anglo-Latin Satirical Poets, ed. T. Wright, ii. 437. It describes the garment worn by the goddess Nature, on which various birds were represented. The phrase _animalium_ _concilium_ may have suggested the name given by Chaucer to our poem. But see the remark on p. 75, l. 21. 'Haec autem [vestis] nimis subtilizata, subterfugiens oculorum indaginem, ad tantam materiae tenuitatem advenerat, ut ejus aerisque eandem crederes esse naturam, in qua, prout oculis pictura imaginabatur, _animalium_ celebratur _concilium_. Illic _aquila_, primo juvenem, secundo senem, induens, tertio iterum reciprocata priorem, in Adonidem revertebatur a Nestore. Illic _ancipiter_ (_sic_), civitatis praefectus aeriae, violenta tyrannide a subditis redditus exposcebat. Illic _milvus_, venatoris induens personam, venatione furtiva larvam gerebat ancipitris. Illic _falco_ in _ardeam_ bellum excitabat civile, non tamen aequali lance divisum. Non enim illud pugnae debet appellatione censeri, ubi tu pulsas, ego vapulo tantum. Illic _struthio_, vita seculari postposita, vitam solitariam agens, quasi heremita factus, desertarum solitudines incolebat. Illic _olor_, sui funeris praeco, mellitae citherizationis organo vitae prophetabat apocopam. Illic in _pavone_ tantum pulcritudinis compluit Natura thesaurum, ut eam postea crederes mendicasse. Illic _phoenix_, in se mortuus, redivivus in alio, quodam Naturae miraculo, se sua morte a mortuis suscitabat. Illic _avis concordiae_ (_ciconia_) prolem decimando Naturae persolvebat tributum. Illic _passeres_ in atomum pygmeae humilitatis relegati degebant, _grus_ ex opposito in giganteae quantitatis evadebat excessum. 'Illic _phasianus_, natalis insulae perpessus angustias, principum futurus deliciae, nostros evolabat in orbes. Illic _gallus_, tanquam vulgaris astrologus, suae vocis horologio horarum loquebatur discrimina. Illic _gallus silvestris_, privatioris galli deridens desidiam, peregre proficiscens, nemorales peragrabat provincias. Illic _bubo_, propheta miseriae, psalmodias funereae lamentationis praecinebat. Illic _noctua_ tantae deformitatis sterquilinio sordescebat, ut in ejus formatione Naturam crederes fuisse somnolentam. Illic _cornix_, ventura prognosticans, nugatorio concitabatur garritu. Illic _pica_, dubio picturata colore, curam logices perennebat insomnem. Illic _monedula_, latrocinio laudabili reculas thesaurizans, innatae avaritiae argumenta monstrabat. Illic _columba_, dulci malo inebriata Diones, laborabat Cypridis in palaestra. Illic _corvus_, zelotypiae abhorrens dedecus, suos foetus non sua esse pignora fatebatur, usque dum comperto nigri argumento coloris, hoc quasi secum disputans comprobat. Illic _perdix_ nunc aeriae potestatis insultus, nunc venatorum sophismata, nunc canum latratus propheticos abhorrebat. Illic _anas_ cum _ansere_, sub eodem jure vivendi, hiemabat in patria fluviali. Illic _turtur_, suo viduata consorte, amorem epilogare dedignans, in altero bigamiae refutabat solatia. Illic _psittacus_ cum sui gutturis incude vocis monetam fabricabat humanae. Illic _coturnicem_, figurae draconis ignorantem fallaciam, imaginariae vocis decipiebant sophismata. Illic _picus_, propriae architectus domunculae, sui rostri dolabro clausulam fabricabat in ilice. Illic _curruca_, novercam exuens, materno pietatis ubere alienam cuculi prolem adoptabat in filium; quae tamen capitali praemiata stipendio, privignum agnoscens, filium ignorabat. Illic _hirundo_, a sua peregrinatione reversa, sub trabe nidi lutabat hospitium. Illic _philomena_, deflorationis querelam reintegrans, harmoniaca tympanizans dulcedine, puritatis dedecus excusabat. Illic _alauda_, quasi nobilis citharista, non studii artificio, sed Naturae magisterio, musicae praedocta scientiam, citharam praesentabat in ore.... Haec animalia, quamvis illic quasi allegorice viverent, ibi tamen esse videbantur ad litteram.' As to the date of this poem, Ten Brink (_Studien_, p. 127) shews that it must have been written later than 1373; and further, that it was probably written earlier than Troilus, which seems to have been finished in 1383. It may therefore have been written in 1382, in which case it may very well refer to the betrothal (in 1381) of King Richard II to Queen Anne of Bohemia. See, on this subject, Dr. Koch's discussion of the question in Essays on Chaucer, p. 407, published by the Chaucer Society. Prof. Ward (who follows Koch) in his Life of Chaucer, p. 86, says:--'Anne of Bohemia, daughter of the great Emperor Charles IV., and sister of King Wenceslas, had been successively betrothed to a Bavarian prince and to a Margrave of Meissen, before--after negotiations which, according to Froissart, lasted a year[261]--her hand was given to young King Richard II. of England. This sufficiently explains the general scope of the _Assembly of Fowls_, an allegorical poem written on or about St. Valentine's Day, 1381[262]--eleven months or nearly a year after which date the marriage took place[263].' I here note that Lydgate's _Flour of Curtesie_ is a palpable imitation of the _Parliament of Foules_; so also is the earlier part of his _Complaint of the Black Knight_. On the other hand, it is interesting to find, in the Poesies de Marie de France, ed. Roquefort, Paris, 1820, that Fable 22 (vol. i. p. 130) is entitled:--'Li parlemens des Oiseax por faire Roi.' In this fable, the Birds reject the Cuckoo, and choose the Eagle as king. s. 23. VI. A COMPLEINT TO HIS LADY. We may fairly say that this poem is attributed to Chaucer by Shirley, since in MS. Harl. 78 it is copied out by him as if it were a continuation of the Complaint to Pity, and the pages are, throughout, headed with the words--'The Balade of Pytee. By Chauciers.' Stowe implies that he had seen more than one MS. copy of this poem, and says that 'these verses were compiled by Geffray Chauser,' for which he may have found authority in the MSS.[264] Moreover, the internal evidence settles the matter. It is evident that we have here a succession of metrical experiments, the last of which exhibits a ten-line stanza resembling the nine-line stanza of his Anelida; in fact, we here have that Complaint in a crude form, which was afterwards elaborated; see the references, in the Notes, to the corresponding passages in that poem. But a very great and unique interest is attached to lines 16 to 43. For here we have the _sole_ example, in English literature of that period, of the use of _terza rima_, obviously copied from Dante; and Chaucer was the only writer who then had a real acquaintance with that author. I know of no other example of the use of this metre before the time of Lord Surrey and Sir Thomas Wiat, when Englishmen once more sought acquaintance with Italian poetry. Consequently, we have here the pleasure of seeing how Chaucer handled Dante's metre; and the two fragments here preserved shew that he might have handled it quite successfully if he had persevered in doing so. It is to be regretted that Shirley's spelling is so indifferent; he was rather an amateur than a professional scribe. Some of his peculiarities may be noticed, as they occur not only here, but also in the two last pieces, nos. XXII. and XXIII. He constantly adds a final _e_ in the wrong place, producing such forms _fallethe_, _howe_, _frome_, and the like, and drops it where it is necessary, as in _hert_ (for _herte_). He is fond of _eo_ for _ee_ or long _e_, as in _beo_, _neodethe_. He writes _ellas_ for _allas_; also _e_ in place of the prefix _y-_, as in _eknytte_ for _y-knit_. This last peculiarity is extremely uncommon. I have removed the odd effect which these vagaries produce, and I adopt the ordinary spelling of MSS. that resemble in type the Ellesmere MS. of the Canterbury Tales. This piece exhibits three distinct metres, viz. the 7-line stanza, terza rima, and the 10-line stanza. Of the last, which is extremely rare, we have here the earliest example. Lines 56 and 59 are lost, and some others are imperfect. s. 24. VII. ANELIDA AND ARCITE. The genuineness of this poem is obvious enough, and is vouched for both by Lydgate and Shirley, as shewn above. It is further discussed in the Notes. I may add that Lydgate incidentally refers to it in his _Complaint of the Black Knight_, l. 379:--'Of Thebes eke the false Arcite.' Much later allusions are the following:-- 'There was also Annelida the queene, Upon Arcite how sore she did complaine'; _Assembly of Ladies_, l. 465. ...... 'and the weimenting Of her Annelida, true as turtle-dove To Arcite fals.' _Court of Love_, l. 233. The first three stanzas are from Boccaccio's _Teseide_, as shewn in the Notes; so also are stanzas 8, 9, and 10. Stanzas 4-7 are partly from Statius. The origin of ll. 71-210 is at present unknown. It is difficult to date this poem, but it must be placed after 1373, because of its quotations from the _Teseide_, or rather from Chaucer's own _Palamon and Arcite_. The mention of 'the quene of Ermony' in l. 72 suggests that Chaucer's thoughts may have been turned towards Armenia by the curious fact that, in 1384, the King of Armenia came to England about Christmas time, stayed two months, and was hospitably entertained by King Richard at Eltham; see Fabyan's _Chronicles_, ed. Ellis, p. 532. At an earlier time, viz. in 1362, Walsingham says that some knights of Armenia appeared at a tournament in Smithfield. In the Transactions of the Cambridge Philological Society, May 13, 1886, there is a short paper by Prof. Cowell, from which we learn that Mr. Bradshaw believed the name of _Anelida_ to be identical 'with Anahita ([Greek: Anaitis]), the ancient goddess of Persia and Armenia.... He supposed that Chaucer got the name _Anelida_ from a misreading of the name _Anaetidem_ or _Anaetida_ in some Latin MS., the _t_ being mistaken for _l_.' We must remember that _Creseide_ represents a Greek _accusative_ form [Greek: Chruseida], of which the gen. [Greek: Chruseidos] occurs in Homer, _Il._ i. 111; and perhaps the form _Dalida_ (for Dalilah) in the Septuagint is also due to association with Greek accusatives in [Greek: -ida]. The genitive _Anaetidos_ occurs in Pliny, xxxiii. 4; in Holland's translation of Pliny, ii. 470, she appears as 'the goddesse _Diana_ syrnamed _Anaitis_.' It may be as well to explain to those who are unaccustomed to MSS. of the fourteenth century, that it was then usual to write _e_ in place of _ae_ or _ae_, so that the name would usually be written, in the accusative case, _Anetida_. This suggests that _Anelida_ should be spelt with but one _n_; and such is the practice of all the better MSS. It remains to be added that one source of the part of the poem called the _Complaint_ (ll. 211-350) is the piece printed in this volume as no. VI. That piece is, in fact, a kind of exercise in metrical experiments, and exhibits specimens of a 10-line stanza, resembling the nine-line stanza of this Complaint. Chaucer seems to have elaborated this into a longer Complaint, with additional varieties in the metre; and then to have written the preceding story by way of introduction. One line (vi. 50) is repeated without alteration (vii. 237); another (vi. 35) is only altered in the first and last words (vii. 222). Other resemblances are pointed out in the Notes. It is also worth while to notice how the character of the speaking falcon in the second part of the Squire's Tale is precisely that of Anelida. The parallel lines are pointed out in the Notes. The principal MSS. may be thus grouped: Aa.--F. B. Ab.--Tn. D. Lt. B.--Harl. Cx. Here A and B are two groups, of which the former is subdivided into A_a_ and A_b._ See Koch, in _Anglia_, iv. b. 102. s. 25. VIII. CHAUCER'S WORDES UNTO ADAM. This is evidently a genuine poem, written by the author of the translation of Boethius and of the story of Troilus. s. 26. IX. THE FORMER AGE. First printed in 1866, in Morris's Chaucer, from a transcript made by Mr. Bradshaw, who pointed out its genuineness. It is ascribed to Chaucer in both MSS., and belongs, in fact, to his translation of Boethius, though probably written at a later date. In MS. I. the poem is headed:--'Chawc_er_ vp-on this fyfte met_ur_ of the second book.' In MS. Hh., the colophon is: 'Finit Etas prima: Chaucers.' Dr. Koch thinks that the five poems here numbered IX. X. XIII-XV. 'form a cyclus, as it were, being free transcriptions of different passages in Boethius' _Consolatio Philosophiae_.' There is, in fact, a probability that these were all written at about the same period, and that rather a late one, some years after the prose translation of Boethius had been completed; and a probable date for this completion is somewhere about 1380. Both MS. copies are from the same source, as both of them omit the same line, viz. l. 56; which I have had to supply by conjecture. Neither of the MSS. are well spelt, nor are they very satisfactory. The mistake in riming l. 47 with l. 43 instead of l. 45 may very well have been due to an oversight on the part of the poet himself. But the poem is a beautiful one, and admirably expressed; and its inclusion among the Minor Poems is a considerable gain. Dr. Furnivall has printed the Latin text of Boethius, lib. ii. met. 5, from MS. I., as well as Chaucer's prose version of the same, for the sake of comparison with the text of the poem. The likeness hardly extends beyond the first four stanzas. I here transcribe that part of the prose version which is parallel to the poem, omitting a few sentences which do not appear there at all; for the complete text, see vol. ii. 'Blisful was the first age of men. They helden hem apayed with the metes that the trewe feldes broughten furthe. They ne distroyede nor deceivede not hem-self with outrage. They weren wont lightly to slaken hir hunger at even with acornes of okes. [_Stanza 2._] They ne coude nat medly[265] the yifte of Bachus to the clere hony; that is to seyn, they coude make no piment nor clarree. [_Stanza 3._] ... they coude nat deyen whyte fleeses[266] of Serien contree with the blode of a maner shelfisshe that men finden in Tyrie, with whiche blode men deyen purpur. [_Stanza 6._] They slepen hoolsum slepes upon the gras, and dronken of the renninge wateres [_cf._ l. 8]; and layen under the shadwes of the heye pyn-trees. [_Stanza 3, continued._] Ne no gest ne no straungere ne carf yit the heye see with ores or with shippes; ne they ne hadde seyn yit none newe strondes, to leden marchaundyse in-to dyverse contrees. Tho weren the cruel clariouns ful hust[267] and ful stille.... [_Stanza 4._] For wherto or whiche woodnesse of enemys wolde first moeven armes, whan they seyen cruel woundes, ne none medes[268] be of blood y-shad[269]?... Allas! what was he that first dalf[270] up the gobetes[271] or the weightes of gold covered under erthe, and the precious stones that wolden han ben hid? He dalf up precious perils; ... for the preciousnesse of swiche thinge, hath many man ben in peril.' The metre is the same as that of the ABC. s. 27. X. FORTUNE. Attributed to Chaucer by Shirley in MSS. A. and T.; also marked as Chaucer's in MSS. F. and I. In MS. I., this poem and the preceding are actually introduced into Chaucer's translation of Boethius, between the fifth metre and the sixth prose of the second book, as has been already said. The metre is the same as that of the ABC and The Former Age, but the same rimes run through three stanzas. The Envoy forms a 7-line stanza, but has only two rimes; the formula is _ababbab_. For further remarks, see the Notes. s. 28. XI. MERCILES BEAUTE. The unique copy of this poem is in MS. P[272]. It is the last poem in the MS., and is in excellent company, as it immediately follows several other of Chaucer's genuine poems[273]. This is probably why Bp. Percy attributed it to Chaucer, who himself tells us that he wrote 'balades, _roundels_, virelayes.' It is significant that Matzner, in his _Altenglische Sprachproben_, i. 347, chose this poem alone as a specimen of the Minor Poems. It is, in fact, most happily expressed, and the internal evidence places its authenticity beyond question. The three roundels express three 'movements,' in the poet's usual manner; and his mastery of metre is shewn in the use of the same rime in _-en-e_ in the first and third roundels, requiring no less than _ten_ different words for the purpose; whilst in the second roundel the corresponding lines end in _-eyn-e_, producing much the same effect, if (as is probable) the old sounds of _e_ and _ey_ were not very different. We at once recognise the Chaucerian phrases _I do no fors_ (see Cant. Ta. D 1234, 1512), and _I counte him not a bene_ (see Troil. v. 363). Very characteristic is the use of the dissyllabic word _sen-e_ (l. 10), which is an adjective, and means 'manifest,' from the A. S. _gesene_, (_gesyne_), and not the past participle, which is _y-seen_. Chaucer rimes it with _clen-e_ (Prol. to C. T. 134), and with _gren-e_ (Kn. Tale, A 2298). The phrase _though he sterve for the peyne_ (l. 23) reminds us of _for to dyen in the peyne_ (Kn. Ta. A 1133). But the most curious thing about this poem is the incidental testimony of Lydgate, in his Ballade in Commendacion of our Ladie; see poem no. 26 above, discussed at p. 38. I here quote st. 22 in full, from ed. 1561, fol. 330: 'Where might I loue euer better beset Then in this Lilie, likyng to beholde? That lace of loue, the bonde so well thou knit, That I maie see thee, or myne harte colde, And or I passe out of my daies olde, Tofore [thee] syngyng euermore vtterly-- _Your iyen twoo woll slea me sodainly_.' I ought to add that this poem is the only one which I have admitted into the set of Minor Poems (nos. I-XX) with incomplete external evidence. If it is not Chaucer's, it is by some one who contrived to surpass him in his own style. And this is sufficient excuse for its appearance here. Moreover, Lydgate's testimony _is_ external evidence, in a high degree. Even the allusion in l. 27 to the Roman de la Rose points in the same direction; and so does Chaucer's statement that he wrote roundels. Excepting that in the Parl. of Foules, ll. 680-692, and the three here given, no roundels of his have ever been found[274]. s. 29. XII. TO ROSEMOUNDE. This poem was discovered by me in the Bodleian Library on the 2nd of April, 1891. It is written on a fly-leaf at the end of MS. Rawlinson Poet. 163, which also contains a copy of Chaucer's Troilus. At the end of the 'Troilus' is the colophon: 'Here endith the book of Troylus and of Cresseyde.' This colophon is preceded by 'Tregentyll,' and followed by 'Chaucer.' On the next leaf (no. 114) is the Balade, without any title, at the foot of which is 'Tregentil'----'Chaucer,' the two names being written at a considerable distance apart. I believe 'Tregentil' to represent the name of the scribe[275]. In any case, 'Chaucer' represents the name of the author. It is a happy specimen of his humour. s. 30. XIII. TRUTH. This famous poem is attributed to Chaucer in MS. F., also (thrice) by Shirley, who in one of the copies in MS. T. (in which it occurs _twice_) calls it a 'Balade that Chaucier made on his deeth-bedde'; which is probably a mere bad guess[276]. The MSS. may be divided into two groups; the four best are in the first group, viz. At., E., Gg., Ct., and the rest (mostly) in the second group. Those of the first group have the readings _Tempest_ (8), _Know thy contree_ (19), and _Hold the hye wey_ (20); whilst the rest have, in the same places, _Peyne_ (8), _Look up on hy_ (19), and _Weyve thy lust_ (20). It is remarkable that the Envoy occurs in MS. At. _only_. It may have been suppressed owing to a misunderstanding of the word _vache_ (cow), the true sense of which is a little obscure. The reference is to Boethius, bk. v. met. 5, where it is explained that quadrupeds _look down_ upon the earth, whilst man alone _looks up_ towards heaven; cf. _lok up_ in l. 19 of the poem. The sense is therefore, that we should cease to look down, and learn to look up like true men; 'only the linage of man,' says Chaucer, in his translation of Boethius, 'heveth heyeste his heye heved[277] ... this figure amonesteth[278] thee, that axest the hevene with thy righte visage, and hast areysed thy fore-heved to beren up a-heigh thy corage, so that thy thoght ne be nat y-hevied[279] ne put lowe under fote.' s. 31. XIV. GENTILESSE. It is curious that this Balade not only occurs as an independent poem, as in MSS. T., Harl., Ct., and others, but is also quoted bodily in a poem by Henry Scogan in MS. A. It is attributed to Chaucer by Shirley in MSS. T. and Harl.; and still more satisfactory is the account given of it by Scogan. The title of Scogan's poem is:--'A moral balade made by Henry Scogan squyer. Here folowethe nexst a moral balade to my lorde the Prince, to my lord of Clarence, to my lord of Bedford, and to my lorde of Gloucestre; by Henry Scogan, at a souper of feorthe merchande (_sic_) in the vyntre in London, at the hous of Lowys Iohan.' It is printed in all the old editions of Chaucer; see poem no. 33, p. 32. Scogan tells us that he was 'fader,' i. e. tutor, to the four sons of Henry IV. above-mentioned[280]. His ballad is in twenty-one 8-line stanzas, and he inserts Chaucer's _Gentilesse_, distinguished by being in 7-line stanzas, between the 13th and 14th stanzas of his own work. He refers to Chaucer in the 9th stanza thus (in MS. A.):-- 'My maistre Chaucier, God his soule have, That in his langage was so curyous, He saide that the fader, nowe dede and grave, Beqwathe no-thing his vertue with his hous Un-to his sone.' This is a reference to ll. 16, 17 of Chaucer's poem. Again, in his 13th stanza, he says:-- 'By auncetrye thus may yee no-thing clayme, As that my maistre Chaucier dothe expresse, But temporell thing, that man may hurte and mayme; Thane is gode stocke of vertuous noblesse; And, sithe that he is lord of blessednesse That made us alle, and for mankynde that dyed, Folowe his vertue with full besynesse; And of this thinge herke howe my maistre seyde.' He here refers to lines 15-17, and lines 1-4 of Chaucer's poem; and then proceeds to quote it in full. Having done so, he adds:-- 'Loo, here this noble poete of Brettayne Howe hyely he, in vertuouse sentence, The losse [MS. lesse] in youthe of vertue can compleyne.' Scogan's advice is all good; and, though he accuses himself of having misspent his youth, this may very well mean no more than such an expression means in the mouth of a good man. He is doubtless the very person to whom Chaucer's 'Lenvoy a Scogan' was addressed, and Chaucer (l. 21) there gives him an excellent character for wisdom of speech. Accordingly, he is not to be confused with the Thomas Scogan or Scogin to whom is attributed an idle book called 'Scoggins Iests,' which were said to have been 'gathered' by Andrew Boord or Borde, author of the Introduction of Knowledge[281]. When Shakespeare, in 2 Hen. IV. iii. 2. 33, says that Sir John Falstaff broke Scogan's head, he was no doubt thinking of the supposed author of the jest-book, and may have been led, by observation of the name in a black-letter edition of Chaucer, to suppose that he lived in the time of Henry IV. This was quite enough for his purpose, though it is probable that the jester lived in the time of Edward IV.; see Tyrwhitt's note on the Envoy to Scogan. On the other hand, we find Ben Jonson taking his ideas about Scogan solely from Henry Scogan's poem and Chaucer's Envoy, without any reference to the jester. See his Masque of the Fortunate Isles, in which Scogan is first described and afterwards introduced. The description tells us nothing more than we know already. As for Lewis John (p. 82), Tyrwhitt says he was a Welshman, 'who was naturalised by Act of Parliament, 2 Hen. V., and who was concerned with Thomas Chaucer in the execution of the office of chief butler; _Rot. Parl._ 2 Hen. V. n. 18.' Caxton's printed edition of this poem seems to follow a better source than any of the MSS. s. 32. XV. LAK OF STEDFASTNESSE. Attributed to Chaucer by Shirley in MSS. Harl. and T., and sent to King Richard at Windsor, according to the same authority. The general idea of it is from Boethius; see the Notes. Shirley refers it to the last years of Richard II., say 1397-9. We find something very like it in Piers Plowman, C. iv. 203-210, where Richard is told that bribery and wicked connivance at extortion have almost brought it about-- 'That no lond loveth the, and yut leest thyn owene.' In any case, the date can hardly vary between wider limits than between 1393 and 1399. Richard held a tournament at Windsor in 1399[282], which was but thinly attended; 'the greater part of the knights and squires of England were disgusted with the king.' Of this poem, MS. Ct. seems to give the best text. s. 33. XVI. LENVOY A SCOGAN. This piece is attributed to Chaucer in all three MSS., viz. F., P., and Gg.; and is obviously genuine. The probable date of it is towards the end of 1393; see the Notes. For some account of Scogan, see above (p. 83). s. 34. XVII. LENVOY A BUKTON. This piece is certainly genuine. In MS. F., the title is--'Lenvoy de Chaucer a Bukton.' In Julian Notary's edition it is--'Here foloweth the counceyll of Chaucer touching Maryag, &c. whiche was sente te (_sic_) Bucketon, &c.' In all the other early printed editions it is inserted _without any title_ immediately after the Book of the Duchess. The poem is one of Chaucer's latest productions, and may safely be dated about the end of the year 1396. This appears from the reference, in l. 23, to the great misfortune it would be to any Englishmen 'to be take in Fryse,' i. e. to be taken prisoner in Friesland. There is but one occasion on which this reference could have had any point, viz. during or just after the expedition of William of Hainault to Friesland, as narrated by Froissart in his Chronicles, bk. iv. capp. 78, 79. He tells that William of Hainault applied to Richard II. for assistance, who sent him 'some men-at-arms and two hundred archers, under the command of three English lords[283].' The expedition set out in August, 1396, and stayed in Friesland about five weeks, till the beginning of October, when 'the weather began to be very cold and to rain almost daily.' The great danger of being taken prisoner in Friesland was because the Frieslanders fought so desperately that they were seldom taken prisoners themselves. Then 'the Frieslanders offered their prisoners in exchange, man for man; but, when their enemies had none to give in return, they put them to death.' Besides this, the prisoners had to endure all the miseries of a bad and cold season, in an inclement climate. Hence the propriety of Chaucer's allusion fully appears. From l. 8, we learn that Chaucer was now a widower; for the word _eft_ means 'again.' His wife is presumed to have died in the latter part of 1387. We should also observe the allusion to the Wife of Bath's Tale in l. 29. s. 35. XVIII. THE COMPLEYNT OF VENUS. This poem is usually printed as if it formed part of the Complaint of Mars; but it is really distinct. It is attributed to Chaucer by Shirley both in MS. T. and in MS. A. It is not original, but translated from the French, as appears from l. 82. Shirley tells us that the author of the French poem was Sir Otes de Graunson, a worthy knight of Savoy. He is mentioned as receiving from King Richard the grant of an annuity of 126l. 13s. 4d. on 17 Nov. 1393; see Furnivall's _Trial Forewords_, p. 123. The association of this poem with the Complaint of Mars renders it probable that the Venus of this poem is the same as the Venus of the other, i. e. the Princess Isabel of Spain, and Duchess of York. This fits well with the word _Princess_ at the beginning of the Envoy; and as she died in 1394, whilst Chaucer, on the other hand, complains of his advancing years, we must date the poem about 1393, i. e. just about the time when Graunson received his annuity. Chaucer, if born about 1340, was not really more than 53, but we must remember that, in those days, men often aged quickly. John of Gaunt, who is represented by Shakespeare as a very old man, only lived to the age of 59; and the Black Prince died quite worn out, at the age of 46. Compare the notes to ll. 73, 76, 79, and 82. Much new light has lately been thrown upon this poem by Dr. A. Piaget, who contributed an article to _Romania_, tome xix., on 'Oton de Granson et ses Poesies,' in 1890. The author succeeded in discovering a large number of Granson's poems, including, to our great gain, the three Balades of which Chaucer's 'Compleynt of Venus' is a translation. I am thus enabled to give the original French beneath the English version, for the sake of comparison. He has also given us an interesting account of Granson himself, for which I must refer my readers to his article. It appears that Froissart mentions Granson at least four times (twice in bk. i. c. 303, A.D. 1372, once in c. 305, and once in c. 331, A.D. 1379), as fighting on the side of the English; see Johnes' translation. He was in Savoy from 1389 to 1391; but, in the latter year, was accused of being concerned in the death of Amadeus VII., count of Savoy, in consequence of which he returned to England, and in 1393 his estates in Savoy were confiscated. It was on this occasion that Richard II. assigned to him the pension above mentioned. With the hope of clearing himself from the serious charge laid against him, Granson fought a judicial duel, at Bourg-en-Bresse, on Aug. 7, 1397, in which, however, he was slain. Now that we have the original before us, we can see clearly, as Dr. Piaget says, that Chaucer has certainly not translated the original Balades 'word for word' throughout. He does so sometimes, as in ll. 27, 28, 30, 31, in which the closeness of the translation is marvellous; but, usually, he paraphrases the original to a considerable extent. In the first Balade, he has even altered the general motive; in the original, Granson sings the praises of his lady; in Chaucer, it is a lady who praises the worthiness of her lover. It also becomes probable that the title 'The Compleynt of Venus,' which seems to have been suggested by Shirley, is by no means a fitting one. It is not suitable for Venus, unless the 'Venus' be a mortal; neither is it a continuous 'Compleynt,' being simply a linking together of three separate and distinct Balades. It is clear to me that, when Chaucer added his Envoy, he made the difficulties of following the original 'word by word' and of preserving the original metre his excuse; and that what really troubled him was the difficulty of adapting the French, especially Balade I., so as to be acceptable to the 'Princess' who enjoined him to translate these Balades. In particular, he evidently aimed at giving them a sort of connection, so that one should follow the other naturally; which accounts for the changes in the first of them. It is significant, perhaps, that the allusion to 'youth' (F. _jeunesce_) in l. 70 is entirely dropped. On the whole, I think we may still accept the theory that this poem was written at the request (practically, the command) of Isabel, duchess of York, the probable 'Venus' of the 'Compleynt of Mars.' Chaucer seems to have thrown the three Balades together, linking them so as to express a lady's constancy in love, and choosing such language as he deemed would be most acceptable to the princess. He then ingeniously, and not without some humour, protests that any apparent alterations are due to his own dulness and the difficulties of translating 'word for word,' and of preserving the rimes. In l. 31, the F. text shews us that we must read _Pleyne_, not _Pleye_ (as in the MSS.). This was pointed out by Mr. Paget Toynbee. s. 36. XIX. THE COMPLEINT TO HIS PURSE. Attributed to Chaucer by Shirley, in MS. Harl. 7333; by Caxton; by the scribes of MSS. F., P., and Ff.; and by early editors. I do not know on what grounds Speght removed Chaucer's name, and substituted that of T. Occleve; there seems to be no authority for this change. I think it highly probable that the poem itself is older than the Envoy; see note to l. 17. In any case, the Envoy is almost certainly Chaucer's latest extant composition. s. 37. XX. PROVERBS. Attributed to Chaucer in MSS. F. and Ha.; see further in the Notes. From the nature of the case, we cannot assign any probable date to this composition. Yet it was, perhaps, written after, rather than before, the Tale of Melibeus. s. 38. XXI. AGAINST WOMEN UNCONSTAUNT. For the genuineness of this Balade, we have chiefly the internal evidence to trust to; but this seems to me to be sufficiently strong. The Balade is perfect in construction, having but three rimes (_-esse_, _-ace_, _-ene_), and a refrain. The 'mood' of it strongly resembles that of Lak of Stedfastnesse; the lines run with perfect smoothness, and the rimes are all Chaucerian. It is difficult to suppose that Lydgate, or even Hoccleve, who was a better metrician, could have produced so good an imitation of Chaucer's style. But we are not without strong external evidence; for the general idea of the poem, and what is more important, the whole of the refrain, are taken from Chaucer's favourite author Machault (ed. Tarbe, p. 56); whose refrain is--'En lieu de bleu, Dame, vous vestez vert.' Again, the poem is only found in company with other poems by Chaucer. Such collocation frequently means nothing, but those who actually consult[284] MSS. Ct. and Ha. will see how close is its association with the Chaucerian poems in those MSS. I have said that it occurs in MSS. F., Ct., and Ha. Now in MS. Ct. we find, on the back of fol. 188 and on fol. 189, just four poems in the same hand. These are (1) Gentilesse; (2) Lak of Stedfastnesse; (3) Truth; and (4) Against Women Unconstaunt. As three of these are admittedly genuine, there is evidence that the fourth is the same. We may also notice that, in this MS., the poems on Lak of Stedfastnesse and Against Women Unconstaunt are not far apart. On searching MS. Ha. (Harl. 7578), I again found three of these poems in company, viz. (1) Gentilesse; (2) Lak of Stedfastnesse; and (3) Against Women Unconstaunt; the last being, in my view, precisely in its right place. (This copy of the poem was unknown to me in 1887.) s. 39. XXII. AN AMOROUS COMPLAINT. Whilst searching through the various MSS. containing Minor Poems by Chaucer in the British Museum, my attention was arrested by this piece, which, as far as I know, has never before been printed. It is in Shirley's handwriting, but he does not claim it for Chaucer. However, the internal evidence seems to me irresistible; the melody is Chaucer's, and his peculiar touches appear in it over and over again. There is, moreover, in the last stanza, a direct reference to the Parliament of Foules[285]. I cannot explain the oracular notice of time in the heading; even if we alter _May_ to _day_, it contradicts l. 85, which mentions 'seint Valentines day.' The heading is--'And next folowyng begynnith an amerowse compleynte made at wyndesore in the laste May tofore Nouembre' (_sic_). The date is inexplicable[286]; but the mention of locality is interesting. Chaucer became a 'valet of the king's chamber' in 1367, and must frequently have been at Windsor, where the institution of the Order of the Garter was annually celebrated on St. George's Day (April 23). Some of the parallelisms in expression between the present poem and other passages in Chaucer's Works are pointed out in the Notes. This Complaint should be compared with the complaint uttered by Dorigen in the Cant. Tales, F. 1311-1325, which is little else than the same thing in a compressed form. There is also much resemblance to the 'complaints' in Troilus; see the references in the Notes. Since first printing the text in 1888, I found that it is precisely the same poem as one extant in MSS. F. and B., with the title 'Complaynt Damours.' I had noticed the latter some time previously, and had made a note that it ought to be closely examined; but unfortunately I forgot to do so, or I should have seen at once that it had strong claims to being considered genuine. These claims are considerably strengthened by the fact of the appearance of the poem in these two Chaucerian MSS., the former of which contains no less than _sixteen_, and the latter _seven_ of the Minor Poems, besides the Legend and the Hous of Fame. In reprinting the text in the present volume, I take occasion to give all the more important results of a collation of the text with these MSS. In most places, their readings are inferior to those in the text; but in other places they suggest corrections. In MS. F. the fourth stanza is mutilated; the latter half of lines 24-28 is missing. In B., below the word _Explicit_, another and later hand has scrawled 'be me Humfrey Flemy_ng_.' 'Be me' merely means--'this signature is mine.' It is a mere scribble, and does not necessarily relate to the poem at all. The readings of F. and B. do not help us much; for the text in Harl., on the whole, is better. It is not at all improbable that a better copy of this poem may yet be found. s. 40. XXIII. BALADE OF COMPLEYNT. This poem, which has not been printed before, as far as I am aware, occurs in Shirley's MS. Addit. 16165, at fol. 256, back. It is merely headed 'Balade of compleynte,' without any note of its being Chaucer's. But I had not read more than four lines of it before I at once recognised the well-known melodious flow which Chaucer's imitators (except sometimes Hoccleve) so seldom succeed in reproducing. And when I had only finished reading the first stanza, I decided at once to copy it out, not doubting that it would fulfil all the usual tests of metre, rime, and language; which it certainly does. It is far more correct in wording than the preceding poem, and does not require that we should either omit or supply a single word. But in l. 20 the last word should surely be _dere_ rather than _here_; and the last word in l. 11 is indistinct. I read it as _reewe_ afterwards altered to _newe_; and _newe_ makes very good sense. I may notice that Shirley's _n_'s are very peculiar: the first upstroke is very long, commencing below the line; and this peculiarity renders the reading tolerably certain. Some lines resemble lines in no. VI., as is pointed out in the Notes. Altogether, it is a beautiful poem, and its recovery is a clear gain. s. 41. CONCLUDING REMARKS. I regret that this Introduction has run to so great a length; but it was incumbent on me to shew reasons for the rejection or acceptance of the very large number of pieces which have hitherto been included in editions of Chaucer's Works. I have now only to add that I have, of course, been greatly indebted to the works of others; so much so indeed that I can hardly particularise them. I must, however, mention very gratefully the names of Dr. Furnivall, Professor Ten Brink, Dr. Koch, Dr. Willert, Max Lange, Rambeau, and various contributors to the publications of the Chaucer Society; and though I have consulted for myself such books as Le Roman de la Rose, the Teseide, the Thebaid of Statius, the poems of Machault, and a great many more, and have inserted in the Notes a large number of references which I discovered, or re-discovered, for myself, I beg leave distinctly to disclaim any merit, not doubting that most of what I have said may very likely have been said by others, and said better. Want of leisure renders it impossible for me to give to others their due meed of recognition in many instances; for I have often found it less troublesome to consult original authorities for myself than to hunt up what others have said relative to the passage under consideration. I have relegated Poems no. XXI., XXII., and XXIII. to an Appendix, because they are not expressly attributed to Chaucer in the MSS. Such evidence has its value, but it is possible to make too much of it; and I agree with Dr. Koch, that, despite the MSS., the genuineness of no XX. is doubtful; for the rime of _compas_ with _embrace_ is suspicious. It is constantly the case that poems, well known to be Chaucer's, are not marked as his in the MS. copies; and we must really depend upon a prolonged and intelligent study of the internal evidence. This is why I admit poems nos. XXI-XXIII into the collection; and I hope it will be conceded that I am free from recklessness in this matter. Certainly my methods differ from those of John Stowe, and I believe them to be more worthy of respect. * * * * * THE ROMAUNT OF THE ROSE. << FRAGMENT A. Many men seyn that in sweveninges Ther nis but fables and lesinges; But men may somme swevenes seen, Which hardely ne false been, But afterward ben apparaunte. 5 This may I drawe to waraunte An authour, that hight Macrobes, That halt not dremes false ne lees, But undoth us the avisioun That whylom mette king Cipioun. 10 And who-so sayth, or weneth it be A Iape, or elles [a] nycetee To wene that dremes after falle, Let who-so liste a fool me calle. >> LE ROMAN DE LA ROSE. Maintes gens dient que en songes N'a se fables non et menconges; Mais l'en puet tiex songes songier Qui ne sunt mie mencongier; Ains sunt apres bien apparant. Si en puis bien trere a garant Ung acteur qui ot non Macrobes, Qui ne tint pas songes a lobes; Aincois escrist la vision Qui avint au roi Cipion. 10 Quiconques cuide ne qui die Que soit folor ou musardie De croire que songes aviengne, Qui ce voldra, pour fol m'en tiengne; << For this trowe I, and say for me, 15 That dremes signifiaunce be Of good and harme to many wightes, That dremen in her slepe a-nightes Ful many thinges covertly, That fallen after al openly. 20 Within my twenty yere of age, THE DREAM. Whan that Love taketh his corage Of yonge folk, I wente sone To bedde, as I was wont to done, And fast I sleep; and in sleping, 25 Me mette swiche a swevening, That lykede me wonders wel; But in that sweven is never a del That it nis afterward befalle, Right as this dreem wol telle us alle. 30 Now this dreem wol I ryme aright, To make your hertes gaye and light; For Love it prayeth, and also Commaundeth me that it be so And if ther any aske me, 35 Whether that it be he or she, How [that] this book [the] which is here Shal hote, that I rede you here; >> Car endroit moi ai-je fiance Que songe soit senefiance Des biens as gens et des anuiz, Car li plusors songent de nuitz Maintes choses couvertement Que l'en voit puis apertement. 20 Ou vintiesme an de mon aage, Ou point qu'Amors prend le paage Des jones gens, couchiez estoie Une nuit, si cum je souloie, Et me dormoie moult forment, Si vi ung songe en mon dormant, Qui moult fut biax, et moult me plot, Mes onques riens ou songe n'ot Qui avenu trestout ne soit, Si cum li songes recontoit. 30 Or veil cel songe rimaier, Por vos cuers plus fere esgaier, Qu'Amors le me prie et commande; Et se nus ne nule demande Comment ge voil que cilz Rommanz Soit apelez, que ge commanz: << It is the Romance of the Rose, In which al the art of love I close. 40 The mater fair is of to make; God graunte in gree that she it take For whom that it begonnen is! And that is she that hath, y-wis, So mochel prys; and ther-to she 45 So worthy is biloved be, That she wel oughte of prys and right, Be cleped Rose of every wight. That it was May me thoughte tho, It is fyve yere or more ago; 50 That it was May, thus dremed me, In tyme of love and Iolitee, That al thing ginneth waxen gay, For ther is neither busk nor hay In May, that it nil shrouded been, 55 And it with newe leves wreen. These wodes eek recoveren grene, That drye in winter been to sene; And the erthe wexeth proud withalle, For swote dewes that on it falle, 60 And [al] the pore estat forget In which that winter hadde it set, >> Ce est li Rommanz de la Rose, Ou l'art d'Amors est tote enclose. La matire en est bone et noeve: Or doint Diez qu'en gre le recoeve 40 Cele por qui ge l'ai empris. C'est cele qui tant a de pris, Et tant est digne d'estre amee, Qu'el doit estre Rose clamee. Avis m'iere qu'il estoit mains, Il a ja bien cincq ans, au mains, En Mai estoie, ce songoie, El tems amoreus plain de joie, El tens ou tote riens s'esgaie, Que l'en ne voit boisson ne haie 50 Qui en Mai parer ne se voille, Et covrir de novele foille; Li bois recovrent lor verdure, Qui sunt sec tant cum yver dure, La terre meisme s'orgoille Por la rousee qui la moille, Et oblie la poverte Ou ele a tot l'yver este. << And than bicometh the ground so proud That it wol have a newe shroud, And maketh so queynt his robe and fayr 65 That it hath hewes an hundred payr Of gras and floures, inde and pers, And many hewes ful dyvers: That is the robe I mene, y-wis, Through which the ground to preisen is. 70 The briddes, that han left hir song, Whyl they han suffred cold so strong In wedres grille, and derk to sighte, Ben in May, for the sonne brighte, So glade, that they shewe in singing, 75 That in hir herte is swich lyking, That they mote singen and be light. Than doth the nightingale hir might To make noyse, and singen blythe. Than is blisful, many a sythe, 80 The chelaundre and the papingay. Than yonge folk entenden ay For to ben gay and amorous, The tyme is than so savorous. Hard is his herte that loveth nought 85 In May, whan al this mirth is wrought; >> Lors devient la terre si gobe, Qu'ele volt avoir novele robe; 60 Si scet si cointe robe faire, Que de colors i a cent paire, D'erbes, de flors indes et perses, Et de maintes colors diverses. C'est la robe que ge devise, Por quoi la terre miex se prise. Li oisel, qui se sunt teu Tant cum il ont le froit eu, Et le tens divers et frarin, Sunt en Mai, por le tens serin, 70 Si lie qu'il monstrent en chantant Qu'en lor cuer a de joie tant, Qu'il lor estuet chanter par force. Li rossignos lores s'efforce De chanter et de faire noise; Lors s'esvertue, et lors s'envoise Li papegaus et la kalandre: Lors estuet jones gens entendre A estre gais et amoreus Por le tens bel et doucereus. 80 Moult a dur cuer qui en Mai n'aime, << Whan he may on these braunches here The smale briddes singen clere Hir blisful swete song pitous; And in this sesoun delytous, 90 Whan love affrayeth alle thing, Me thoughte a-night, in my sleping, Right in my bed, ful redily, That it was by the morowe erly, And up I roos, and gan me clothe; 95 Anoon I wissh myn hondes bothe; A sylvre nedle forth I drogh Out of an aguiler queynt y-nogh, And gan this nedle threde anon; For out of toun me list to gon 100 The sowne of briddes for to here, That on thise busshes singen clere. And in the swete sesoun that leef is, With a threde basting my slevis, Aloon I wente in my playing, 105 The smale foules song harkning; That peyned hem ful many a payre To singe on bowes blosmed fayre. Iolif and gay, ful of gladnesse, >> Quant il ot chanter sus la raime As oisiaus les dous chans piteus. En iceli tens deliteus, Que tote riens d'amer s'effroie, Sonjai une nuit que j'estoie, Ce m'iert avis en mon dormant, Qu'il estoit matin durement; De mon lit tantost me levai, Chaucai moi et mes mains lavai. 90 Lors trais une aguille d'argent D'un aguiller mignot et gent, Si pris l'aguille a enfiler. Hors de vile oi talent d'aler, Por oir des oisiaus les sons Qui chantoient par ces boissons. En icele saison novele, Cousant mes manches a videle, M'en alai tot seus esbatant, Et les oiseles escoutant, 100 Qui de chanter moult s'engoissoient Par ces vergiers qui florissoient. Jolis, gais et plains de leesce, << Toward a river I gan me dresse, 110 That I herde renne faste by; For fairer playing non saugh I Than playen me by that riveer, For from an hille that stood ther neer, Cam doun the streem ful stif and bold. 115 Cleer was the water, and as cold As any welle is, sooth to seyne; And somdel lasse it was than Seine, But it was straighter wel away. And never saugh I, er that day, 120 The water that so wel lyked me; And wonder glad was I to see That lusty place, and that riveer; And with that water that ran so cleer My face I wissh. Tho saugh I wel 125 The botme paved everydel With gravel, ful of stones shene. The medewe softe, swote, and grene, Beet right on the water-syde. Ful cleer was than the morow-tyde, 130 And ful attempre, out of drede. Tho gan I walke through the mede, Dounward ay in my pleying, >> Vers une riviere m'adresce. Que j'oi pres d'ilecques bruire; Car ne me soi aillors deduire Plus bel que sus cele riviere. D'ung tertre qui pres d'iluec iere Descendoit l'iaue grant et roide, Clere, bruiant, et aussi froide 110 Comme puiz, ou comme fontaine, Et estoit poi mendre de Saine, Mes qu'ele iere plus espandue. Onques mes n'avoie veue Cele iaue qui si bien coroit: Moult m'abelissoit et seoit A regarder le leu plaisant. De l'iaue clere et reluisant Mon vis rafreschi et lave. Si vi tot covert et pave 120 Le fons de l'iaue de gravele; La praerie grant et bele Tres au pie de l'iaue batoit. Clere et serie et bele estoit La matinee et atrempee; Lors m'en alai parmi la pree Contre val l'iaue esbanoiant, << The river-syde costeying. And whan I had a whyle goon, 135 I saugh a GARDIN right anoon, THE GARDEN. Ful long and brood, and everydel Enclos it was, and walled wel, With hye walles enbatailled, Portrayed without, and wel entailled 140 With many riche portraitures; And bothe images and peyntures Gan I biholde bisily. And I wol telle you, redily, Of thilke images the semblaunce, 145 As fer as I have remembraunce. A-midde saugh I HATE stonde, HATE. That for hir wrathe, ire, and onde, Semed to been a moveresse, An angry wight, a chideresse; 150 And ful of gyle, and fel corage, By semblaunt was that ilke image. And she was no-thing wel arrayed, But lyk a wood womman afrayed; Y-frounced foule was hir visage, 155 And grenning for dispitous rage; Hir nose snorted up for tene. >> Tot le rivage costoiant. Quant j'oi ung poi avant ale, Si vi ung vergier grant et le, 130 Tot clos d'ung haut mur bataillie, Portrait defors et entaillie A maintes riches escritures. Les ymages et les paintures Ai moult volentiers remire: Si vous contere et dire De ces ymages la semblance, Si cum moi vient a remembrance. Ens ou milieu je vi HAINE HAINE. Qui de corrous et d'ataine 140 Sembloit bien estre moverresse, Et correceuse et tencerresse, Et plaine de grant cuvertage Estoit par semblant cele ymage. Si n'estoit pas bien atornee, Ains sembloit estre forcenee, Rechignie avoit et froncie Le vis, et le nes secorcie. << Ful hidous was she for to sene, Ful foul and rusty was she, this. Hir heed y-writhen was, y-wis, 160 Ful grimly with a greet towayle. An image of another entayle, FELONYE. A lift half, was hir faste by; Hir name above hir heed saugh I, And she was called FELONYE. 165 Another image, that VILANYE VILANYE. Y-cleped was, saugh I and fond Upon the walle on hir right hond. Vilanye was lyk somdel That other image; and, trusteth wel, 170 She semed a wikked creature. By countenaunce, in portrayture, She semed be ful despitous, And eek ful proud and outrageous. Wel coude he peynte, I undertake, 175 That swiche image coude make. Ful foul and cherlish semed she, And eek vilaynous for to be, And litel coude of norture, To worshipe any creature. 180 >> Par grant hideur fu soutilliee, Et si estoit entortillee 150 Hideusement d'une toaille. Une autre ymage d'autel taille FELONNIE. A senestre vi delez lui; Son non desus sa teste lui; Apellee estoit FELONNIE. Une ymage qui VILONIE VILENNIE. Avoit non, revi devers destre, Qui estoit auques d'autel estre Cum ces deus et d'autel feture; Bien sembloit male creature, 160 Et despiteuse et orguilleuse, Et mesdisant et ramponeuse. Moult sot bien paindre et bien portraire Cil qui tiex ymages sot faire: Car bien sembloit chose vilaine, De dolor et de despit plaine; Et fame qui petit seust D'honorer ceus qu'ele deust. << And next was peynted COVEITYSE, COVEITYSE. That eggeth folk, in many gyse, To take and yeve right nought ageyn, And grete tresours up to leyn. And that is she that for usure 185 Leneth to many a creature The lasse for the more winning, So coveitous is her brenning. And that is she, for penyes fele, That techeth for to robbe and stele 190 These theves, and these smale harlotes; And that is routhe, for by hir throtes Ful many oon hangeth at the laste. She maketh folk compasse and caste To taken other folkes thing, 195 Through robberie, or miscounting. And that is she that maketh trechoures; And she [that] maketh false pledoures, That with hir termes and hir domes Doon maydens, children, and eek gromes 200 Hir heritage to forgo. Ful croked were hir hondes two; For Coveityse is ever wood >> Apres fu painte COVEITISE: COUVOITISE. C'est cele qui les gens atise 170 De prendre et de noient donner, Et les grans avoirs auner. C'est cele qui fait a usure Prester mains por la grant ardure D'avoir conquerre et assembler. C'est cele qui semont d'embler Les larrons et les ribaudiaus; Si est grans pechies et grans diaus Qu'en la fin en estuet mains pendre. C'est cele qui fait l'autrui prendre, 180 Rober, tolir et bareter, Et bescochier et mesconter; C'est cele qui les tricheors Fait tous et les faus pledeors, Qui maintes fois par lor faveles Ont as vales et as puceles Lor droites herites tolues. Recorbillies et crocues Avoit les mains icele ymage; Ce fu drois: car toz jors esrage 190 Coveitise de l'autrui prendre. << To grypen other folkes good. Coveityse, for hir winning, 205 Ful leef hath other mennes thing. Another image set saugh I AVARICE. Next Coveityse faste by, And she was cleped AVARICE. Ful foul in peynting was that vice; 210 Ful sad and caytif was she eek, And al-so grene as any leek. So yvel hewed was hir colour, Hir semed have lived in langour. She was lyk thing for hungre deed, 215 That ladde hir lyf only by breed Kneden with eisel strong and egre; And therto she was lene and megre. And she was clad ful povrely, Al in an old torn courtepy, 220 As she were al with dogges torn; And bothe bihinde and eek biforn Clouted was she beggarly. A mantel heng hir faste by, Upon a perche, weyke and smalle; 225 A burnet cote heng therwithalle, Furred with no menivere, >> Coveitise ne set entendre A riens qu'a l'autrui acrochier; Coveitise a l'autrui trop chier. Une autre ymage y ot assise AVARICE. Coste a coste de Coveitise, AVARICE estoit apelee: Lede estoit et sale et foulee Cele ymage, et megre et chetive, Et aussi vert cum une cive. 200 Tant par estoit descoloree Qu'el sembloit estre enlangoree; Chose sembloit morte de fain, Qui ne vesquit fors que de pain Petri a lessu fort et aigre; Et avec ce qu'ele iere maigre, Iert-ele povrement vestue, Cote avoit vies et desrumpue, Comme s'el fust as chiens remese; Povre iert moult la cote et esrese, 210 Et plaine de vies palestiaus. Delez li pendoit ung mantiaus A une perche moult greslete, Et une cote de brunete; Ou mantiau n'ot pas penne vaire, << But with a furre rough of here, Of lambe-skinnes hevy and blake; It was ful old, I undertake. 230 For Avarice to clothe hir wel Ne hasteth hir, never a del; For certeynly it were hir loth To weren ofte that ilke cloth; And if it were forwered, she 235 Wolde have ful greet necessitee Of clothing, er she boughte hir newe, Al were it bad of wolle and hewe. This Avarice held in hir hande A purs, that heng [doun] by a bande; 240 And that she hidde and bond so stronge, Men must abyde wonder longe Out of that purs er ther come ought, For that ne cometh not in hir thought; It was not, certein, hir entente 245 That fro that purs a peny wente. And by that image, nygh y-nough, ENVYE. Was peynt ENVYE, that never lough, Nor never wel in herte ferde But-if she outher saugh or herde 250 >> Mes moult vies et de povre afaire, D'agniaus noirs velus et pesans. Bien avoit la robe vingt ans; Mes Avarice du vestir Se sot moult a tart aatir: 220 Car sachies que moult li pesast Se cele robe point usast; Car s'el fust usee et mauvese, Avarice eust grant mesese De noeve robe et grant disete, Avant qu'ele eust autre fete. Avarice en sa main tenoit Une borse qu'el reponnoit, Et la nooit si durement, Que demorast moult longuement 230 Aincois qu'el en peust riens traire, Mes el n'avoit de ce que faire. El n'aloit pas a ce beant Que de la borse ostat neant. Apres refu portrete ENVIE, ENVIE. Qui ne rist oncques en sa vie, N'oncques de riens ne s'esjoi, S'ele ne vit, ou s'el n'oi << Som greet mischaunce, or greet disese. No-thing may so moch hir plese As mischef and misaventure; Or whan she seeth discomfiture Upon any worthy man falle, 255 Than lyketh hir [ful] wel withalle. She is ful glad in hir corage, If she see any greet linage Be brought to nought in shamful wyse. And if a man in honour ryse, 260 Or by his witte, or by prowesse, Of that hath she gret hevinesse; For, trusteth wel, she goth nigh wood Whan any chaunce happeth good. Envye is of swich crueltee, 265 That feith ne trouthe holdeth she To freend ne felawe, bad or good. Ne she hath kin noon of hir blood, That she nis ful hir enemy; She nolde, I dar seyn hardely, 270 Hir owne fader ferde wel. And sore abyeth she everydel Hir malice, and hir maltalent: >> Aucun grant domage retrere. Nule riens ne li puet tant plere 240 Cum mefet et mesaventure; Quant el voit grant desconfiture Sor aucun prodomme cheoir, Ice li plest moult a veoir. Ele est trop lie en son corage Quant el voit aucun grant lignage Decheoir et aler a honte; Et quant aucuns a honor monte Par son sens ou par sa proece, C'est la chose qui plus la blece. 250 Car sachies que moult la convient Estre iree quant biens avient. Envie est de tel cruaute, Qu'ele ne porte leaute A compaignon, ne a compaigne; N'ele n'a parent, tant li tiengne, A cui el ne soit anemie: Car certes el ne vorroit mie Que biens venist, neis a son pere. Mes bien sachies qu'ele compere 260 Sa malice trop ledement: << For she is in so greet turment And hath such [wo], whan folk doth good, 275 That nigh she melteth for pure wood; Hir herte kerveth and to-breketh That god the peple wel awreketh. Envye, y-wis, shal never lette Som blame upon the folk to sette. 280 I trowe that if Envye, y-wis, Knewe the beste man that is On this syde or biyond the see, Yit somwhat lakken him wolde she. And if he were so hende and wys, 285 That she ne mighte al abate his prys, Yit wolde she blame his worthinesse, Or by hir wordes make it lesse. I saugh Envye, in that peynting, Hadde a wonderful loking; 290 For she ne loked but awry, Or overthwart, al baggingly. And she hadde [eek] a foul usage; She mighte loke in no visage Of man or womman forth-right pleyn, 295 But shette oon ye for disdeyn; >> Car ele est en si grant torment, Et a tel duel quant gens bien font, Par ung petit qu'ele ne font. Ses felons cuers l'art et detrenche, Qui de li Diex et la gent venche. Envie ne fine nule hore D'aucun blasme as gens metre sore; Je cuit que s'ele cognoissoit Tot le plus prodome qui soit 270 Ne deca mer, ne dela mer, Si le vorroit-ele blasmer; Et s'il iere si bien apris Qu'el ne peust de tot son pris Rien abatre ne deprisier, Si vorroit-ele apetisier Sa proece au mains, et s'onor Par parole faire menor. Lors vi qu'Envie en la painture Avoit trop lede esgardeure; 280 Ele ne regardast noient Fors de travers en borgnoiant; Ele avoit ung mauves usage, Qu'ele ne pooit ou visage Regarder reins de plain en plaing, Ains clooit ung oel par desdaing, << So for envye brenned she Whan she mighte any man [y]-see, That fair, or worthy were, or wys, Or elles stood in folkes prys. 300 SOROWE was peynted next Envye SOROWE. Upon that walle of masonrye. But wel was seen in hir colour That she hadde lived in langour; Hir semed have the Iaunyce. 305 Nought half so pale was Avaryce, Nor no-thing lyk, [as] of lenesse; For sorowe, thought, and greet distresse, That she hadde suffred day and night Made hir ful yelwe, and no-thing bright, 310 Ful fade, pale, and megre also. Was never wight yit half so wo As that hir semed for to be, Nor so fulfilled of ire as she. I trowe that no wight mighte hir plese, 315 Nor do that thing that mighte hir ese; Nor she ne wolde hir sorowe slake, Nor comfort noon unto hir take; >> Qu'ele fondoit d'ire et ardoit, Quant aucuns qu'ele regardoit, Estoit ou preus, ou biaus, ou gens, Ou ames, ou loes de gens. 290 Delez Envie auques pres iere TRISTESSE. TRISTECE painte en la maisiere; Mes bien paroit a sa color Qu'ele avoit au cuer grant dolor, Et sembloit avoir la jaunice. Si n'i feist riens Avarice Ne de paleur, ne de megrece, Car li soucis et la destrece, Et la pesance et les ennuis Qu'el soffroit de jors et de nuis, 300 L'avoient moult fete jaunir, Et megre et pale devenir. Oncques mes nus en tel martire Ne fu, ne n'ot ausinc grant ire Cum il sembloit que ele eust: Je cuit que nus ne li seust Faire riens qui li peust plaire: N'el ne se vosist pas retraire, Ne reconforter a nul fuer Du duel qu'ele avoit a son cuer. 310 << So depe was hir wo bigonnen, And eek hir herte in angre ronnen, 320 A sorowful thing wel semed she. Nor she hadde no-thing slowe be For to forcracchen al hir face, And for to rende in many place Hir clothes, and for to tere hir swire, 325 As she that was fulfilled of ire; And al to-torn lay eek hir here Aboute hir shuldres, here and there, As she that hadde it al to-rent For angre and for maltalent. 330 And eek I telle you certeynly How that she weep ful tenderly. In world nis wight so hard of herte That hadde seen hir sorowes smerte, That nolde have had of hir pitee, 335 So wo-bigoon a thing was she. She al to-dasshte hir-self for wo, And smoot togider her handes two. To sorwe was she ful ententyf, That woful recchelees caityf; 340 Hir roughte litel of pleying, Or of clipping or [of] kissing; For who-so sorweful is in herte >> Trop avoit son cuer correcie, Et son duel parfont commencie. Moult sembloit bien qu'el fust dolente, Qu'ele n'avoit mie este lente D'esgratiner tote sa chiere; N'ele n'avoit pas sa robe chiere, Ains l'ot en mains leus desciree Cum cele qui moult iert iree. Si cheveul tuit destrecie furent, Et espandu par son col jurent, 320 Que les avoit trestous desrous De maltalent et de corrous. Et sachies bien veritelment Qu'ele ploroit profondement: Nus, tant fust durs, ne la veist, A cui grant pitie n'en preist, Qu'el se desrompoit et batoit, Et ses poins ensemble hurtoit. Moult iert a duel fere ententive La dolereuse, la chetive; 330 Il ne li tenoit d'envoisier, Ne d'acoler, ne de baisier: Car cil qui a le cuer dolent, << Him liste not to pleye ne sterte, Nor for to daunsen, ne to singe, 345 Ne may his herte in temper bringe To make Ioye on even or morowe; For Ioye is contraire unto sorowe. ELDE was peynted after this, ELDE. That shorter was a foot, ywis, 350 Than she was wont in her yonghede. Unnethe hir-self she mighte fede; So feble and eek so old was she That faded was al hir beautee. Ful salowe was waxen hir colour, 355 Hir heed for-hoor was, whyt as flour. Y-wis, gret qualm ne were it noon, Ne sinne, although hir lyf were gon. Al woxen was hir body unwelde, And drye, and dwyned al for elde. 360 A foul forwelked thing was she That whylom round and softe had be. Hir eres shoken fast withalle, As from her heed they wolde falle. Hir face frounced and forpyned, 365 And bothe hir hondes lorn, fordwyned. >> Sachies de voir, il n'a talent De dancier, ne de karoler, Ne nus ne se porroit moller Qui duel eust, a joie faire, Car duel et joie sont contraire. Apres fu VIELLECE portraite, VIEILLESSE. Qui estoit bien ung pie retraite 340 De tele cum el soloit estre; A paine se pooit-el pestre, Tant estoit vielle et radotee. Bien estoit si biaute gastee, Et moult ert lede devenue. Toute sa teste estoit chenue, Et blanche cum s'el fust florie. Ce ne fut mie grant morie S'ele morust, ne grans pechies, Car tous ses cors estoit sechies 350 De viellece et anoiantis: Moult estoit ja ses vis fletris, Qui jadis fut soef et plains; Mes or est tous de fronces plains, Les oreilles avoit mossues, Et trestotes les dents perdues, Si qu'ele n'en avoit neis une. Tant par estoit de grant viellune, << So old she was that she ne wente A foot, but it were by potente. The TYME, that passeth night and day, TIME. And restelees travayleth ay, 370 And steleth from us so prively, That to us seemeth sikerly That it in oon point dwelleth ever, And certes, it ne resteth never, But goth so faste, and passeth ay, 375 That ther nis man that thinke may What tyme that now present is: Asketh at these clerkes this; For [er] men thinke it redily, Three tymes been y-passed by. 380 The tyme, that may not soiourne, But goth, and never may retourne, As water that doun renneth ay, But never drope retourne may; Ther may no-thing as tyme endure, 385 Metal, nor erthely creature; For alle thing it fret and shal: The tyme eek, that chaungeth al, And al doth waxe and fostred be, And alle thing distroyeth he: 390 >> Qu'el n'alast mie la montance De quatre toises sans potance. 360 Li tens qui s'en va nuit et jor, Sans repos prendre et sans sejor, Et qui de nous se part et emble Si celeement, qu'il nous semble Qu'il s'arreste ades en ung point, Et il ne s'i arreste point, Ains ne fine de trepasser, Que nus ne puet neis penser Quex tens ce est qui est presens; Sel' demandes as clers lisans, 370 Aincois que l'en l'eust pense, Seroit-il ja trois tens passe. Li tens qui ne puet sejourner, Ains vait tous jors sans retorner, Cum l'iaue qui s'avale toute, N'il n'en retorne arriere goute: Li tens vers qui noient ne dure, Ne fer ne chose tant soit dure, Car il gaste tout et menjue; Li tens qui tote chose mue, 380 Qui tout fait croistre et tout norist, Et qui tout use et tout porrist; << The tyme, that eldeth our auncessours And eldeth kinges and emperours, And that us alle shal overcomen Er that deeth us shal have nomen: The tyme, that hath al in welde 395 To elden folk, had maad hir elde So inly, that, to my witing, She mighte helpe hir-self no-thing, But turned ageyn unto childhede; She had no-thing hir-self to lede, 400 Ne wit ne pith in[with] hir holde More than a child of two yeer olde. But natheles, I trowe that she Was fair sumtyme, and fresh to see, Whan she was in hir rightful age: 405 But she was past al that passage And was a doted thing bicomen. A furred cope on had she nomen; Wel had she clad hir-self and warm, For cold mighte elles doon hir harm. 410 These olde folk have alwey colde, Hir kinde is swiche, whan they ben olde. Another thing was doon ther write, POPE-HOLY. That semede lyk an ipocrite, >> Li tens qui enviellist nos peres, Et viellist roys et emperieres, Et qui tous nous enviellira, Ou mort nous desavancera; Li tens qui toute a la baillie Des gens viellir, l'avoit viellie Si durement, qu'au mien cuidier El ne se pooit mes aidier, 390 Ains retornoit ja en enfance, Car certes el n'avoit poissance, Ce cuit-je, ne force, ne sens Ne plus c'un enfes de deus ans. Ne porquant, au mien escient, Ele avoit este sage et gent, Quant ele iert en son droit aage; Mais ge cuit qu'el n'iere mes sage, Ains iert trestote rassotee. Si ot d'une chape forree 400 Moult bien, si cum je me recors, Abrie et vestu son corps: Bien fu vestue et chaudement, Car el eust froit autrement. Les vielles gens ont tost froidure; Bien saves que c'est lor nature. Une ymage ot empres escrite, PAPELARDIE. Qui sembloit bien estre ypocrite; << And it was cleped POPE-HOLY. 415 That ilke is she that prively Ne spareth never a wikked dede, Whan men of hir taken non hede; And maketh hir outward precious, With pale visage and pitous, 420 And semeth a simple creature; But ther nis no misaventure That she ne thenketh in hir corage. Ful lyk to hir was that image, That maked was lyk hir semblaunce. 425 She was ful simple of countenaunce, And she was clothed and eek shod, As she were, for the love of god, Yolden to religioun, Swich semed hir devocioun. 430 A sauter held she faste in honde, And bisily she gan to fonde To make many a feynt prayere To god, and to his seyntes dere. Ne she was gay, fresh, ne Iolyf, 435 But semed be ful ententyf To gode werkes, and to faire, And therto she had on an haire. Ne certes, she was fat no-thing, >> PAPELARDIE ert apelee. C'est cele qui en recelee, 410 Quant nus ne s'en puet prendre garde, De nul mal faire ne se tarde. El fait dehors le marmiteus, Si a le vis simple et piteus, Et semble sainte creature; Mais sous ciel n'a male aventure Qu'ele ne pense en son corage. Moult la ressembloit bien l'ymage Qui faite fu a sa semblance, Qu'el fu de simple contenance; 420 Et si fu chaucie et vestue Tout ainsinc cum fame rendue. En sa main ung sautier tenoit, Et sachies que moult se penoit De faire a Dieu prieres faintes, Et d'appeler et sains et saintes. El ne fu gaie, ne jolive, Ains fu par semblant ententive Du tout a bonnes ovres faire; Et si avoit vestu la haire. 430 Et sachies que n'iere pas grasse, << But semed wery for fasting; 440 Of colour pale and deed was she. From hir the gate [shal] werned be Of paradys, that blisful place; For swich folk maketh lene hir face, As Crist seith in his evangyle, 445 To gete hem prys in toun a whyle; And for a litel glorie veine They lesen god and eek his reine. And alderlast of everichoon, POVERT. Was peynted POVERT al aloon, 450 That not a peny hadde in wolde, Al-though [that] she hir clothes solde, And though she shulde anhonged be; For naked as a worm was she. And if the weder stormy were, 455 For colde she shulde have deyed there. She nadde on but a streit old sak, And many a clout on it ther stak; This was hir cote and hir mantel, No more was there, never a del, 460 To clothe her with; I undertake, Gret leyser hadde she to quake. >> De jeuner sembloit estre lasse, S'avoit la color pale et morte. A li et as siens ert la porte Deveee de Paradis; Car icel gent si font lor vis Amegrir, ce dit l'Evangile, Por avoir loz parmi la ville, Et por un poi de gloire vaine Qui lor toldra Dieu et son raine. 440 Portraite fu au darrenier POVRETE. POVRETE, qui ung seul denier N'eust pas, s'el se deust pendre, Tant seust bien sa robe vendre; Qu'ele iere nue comme vers: Se li tens fust ung poi divers, Je cuit qu'ele acorast de froit, Qu'el n'avoit c'ung vie sac estroit Tout plain de maves palestiaus; Ce iert sa robe et ses mantiaus. 450 El n'avoit plus que afubler, Grant loisir avoit de trembler. << And she was put, that I of talke, Fer fro these other, up in an halke; There lurked and there coured she, 465 For povre thing, wher-so it be, Is shamfast, and despysed ay. Acursed may wel be that day, That povre man conceyved is; For god wot, al to selde, y-wis, 470 Is any povre man wel fed, Or wel arayed or y-cled, Or wel biloved, in swich wyse In honour that he may aryse. Alle these thinges, wel avysed, 475 As I have you er this devysed, With gold and asure over alle Depeynted were upon the walle. Squar was the wal, and high somdel; Enclosed, and y-barred wel, 480 In stede of hegge, was that gardin; Com never shepherde therin. Into that gardyn, wel [y-]wrought, Who-so that me coude have brought, By laddre, or elles by degree, 485 It wolde wel have lyked me. >> Des autres fu un poi loignet; Cum chien honteus en ung coignet Se cropoit et s'atapissoit, Car povre chose, ou qu'ele soit, Est ades boutee et despite. L'eure soit ore la maudite, Que povres homs fu conceus! Qu'il ne sera ja bien peus, 460 Ne bien vestus, ne bien chaucies, Neis ames, ne essaucies. Ces ymages bien avise, Qui, si comme j'ai devise, Furent a or et a asur De toutes pars paintes ou mur. Haut fu li mur et tous quarres, Si en fu bien clos et barres, En leu de haies, uns vergiers, Ou onc n'avoit entre bergiers. 470 Cis vergiers en trop bel leu sist: Qui dedens mener me vousist Ou par echiele ou par degre, Je l'en seusse moult bon gre; << For swich solace, swich Ioye, and play, I trowe that never man ne say, As in that place delitous. The gardin was not daungerous 490 To herberwe briddes many oon. So riche a yerd was never noon Of briddes songe, and braunches grene. Therin were briddes mo, I wene, Than been in alle the rewme of Fraunce. 495 Ful blisful was the accordaunce Of swete and pitous songe they made, For al this world it oughte glade. And I my-self so mery ferde, Whan I hir blisful songes herde, 500 That for an hundred pound nolde I,-- If that the passage openly Hadde been unto me free-- That I nolde entren for to see Thassemblee, god [it kepe and were!]-- 505 Of briddes, whiche therinne were, That songen, through hir mery throtes, Daunces of love, and mery notes. Whan I thus herde foules singe, I fel faste in a weymentinge, 510 >> Car tel joie ne tel deduit Ne vit nus hons, si cum ge cuit, Cum il avoit en ce vergier: Car li leus d'oisiaus herbergier N'estoit ne dangereux ne chiches. Onc mes ne fu nus leus si riches 480 D'arbres, ne d'oisillons chantans: Qu'il i avoit d'oisiaus trois tans Qu'en tout le remanant de France. Moult estoit bele l'acordance De lor piteus chant a oir: Tous li mons s'en dust esjoir. Je endroit moi m'en esjoi Si durement, quant les oi, Que n'en preisse pas cent livres, Se li passages fust delivres, 490 Que ge n'entrasse ens et veisse L'assemblee (que Diex garisse!) Des oisiaus qui leens estoient, Qui envoisiement chantoient Les dances d'amors et les notes Plesans, cortoises et mignotes. Quant j'oi les oisiaus chanter, Forment me pris a dementer << By which art, or by what engyn I mighte come in that gardyn; But way I couthe finde noon Into that gardin for to goon. Ne nought wiste I if that ther were 515 Eyther hole or place [o]-where, By which I mighte have entree; Ne ther was noon to teche me; For I was al aloon, y-wis, Ful wo and anguissous of this. 520 Til atte laste bithoughte I me, That by no weye ne mighte it be; That ther nas laddre or wey to passe, Or hole, into so fair a place. Tho gan I go a ful gret pas 525 Envyroning even in compas The closing of the square wal, Til that I fond a wiket smal So shet, that I ne mighte in goon, And other entree was ther noon. 530 Upon this dore I gan to smyte, THE DOOR. That was [so] fetys and so lyte; For other wey coude I not seke. Ful long I shoof, and knokked eke, >> Par quel art ne par quel engin Je porroie entrer ou jardin; 500 Mes ge ne poi onques trouver Leu par ou g'i peusse entrer. Et sachies que ge ne savoie S'il i avoit partuis ne voie, Ne leu par ou l'en i entrast, Ne hons nes qui le me monstrast N'iert illec, que g'iere tot seus, Moult destroit et moult angoisseus; Tant qu'au darrenier me sovint C'oncques a nul jor ce n'avint 510 Qu'en si biau vergier n'eust huis, Ou eschiele ou aucun partuis. Lors m'en alai grant aleure Acaignant la compasseure Et la cloison du mur quarre, Tant que ung guichet bien barre Trovai petitet et estroit; Par autre leu l'en n'i entroit. A l'uis commencai a ferir, Autre entree n'i soi querir. 520 Assez i feri et boutai, Et par maintes fois escoutai << And stood ful long and of[t] herkning 535 If that I herde a wight coming; Til that the dore of thilke entree A mayden curteys opened me. YDELNESSE. Hir heer was as yelowe of hewe As any basin scoured newe. 540 Hir flesh [as] tendre as is a chike, With bente browes, smothe and slike; And by mesure large were The opening of hir yen clere. Hir nose of good proporcioun, 545 Hir yen greye as a faucoun, With swete breeth and wel savoured. Hir face whyt and wel coloured, With litel mouth, and round to see; A clove chin eek hadde she. 550 Hir nekke was of good fasoun In lengthe and gretnesse, by resoun, Withoute bleyne, scabbe, or royne. Fro Ierusalem unto Burgoyne Ther nis a fairer nekke, y-wis, 555 To fele how smothe and softe it is. Hir throte, al-so whyt of hewe As snow on braunche snowed newe. >> Se j'orroie venir nulle arme. Le guichet, qui estoit de charme, M'ovrit une noble pucele Qui moult estoit et gente et bele. Cheveus ot blons cum uns bacins, La char plus tendre qu'uns pocins, Front reluisant, sorcis votis. Son entr'oil ne fu pas petis, 530 Ains iert assez grans par mesure; Le nes ot bien fait a droiture, Les yex ot plus vairs c'uns faucons, Por faire envie a ces bricons. Douce alene ot et savoree, La face blanche et coloree, La bouche petite et grocete, S'ot ou menton une fossete. Le col fu de bonne moison, Gros assez et lons par raison, 540 Si n'i ot bube ne malen. N'avoit jusqu'en Jherusalen Fame qui plus biau col portast, Polis iert et soef au tast. La gorgete ot autresi blanche Cum est la noif desus la branche << Of body ful wel wrought was she Men neded not, in no cuntree, 560 A fairer body for to seke. And of fyn orfrays had she eke A chapelet: so semly oon Ne wered never mayde upon;.... And faire above that chapelet 565 A rose gerland had she set. She hadde [in honde] a gay mirour, And with a riche gold tressour Hir heed was tressed queyntely; Hir sleves sewed fetisly. 570 And for to kepe hir hondes faire Of gloves whyte she hadde a paire. And she hadde on a cote of grene Of cloth of Gaunt; withouten wene, Wel semed by hir apparayle 575 She was not wont to greet travayle. For whan she kempt was fetisly, And wel arayed and richely, Thanne had she doon al hir Iournee; For mery and wel bigoon was she. 580 >> Quant il a freschement negie. Le cors ot bien fait et dougie, L'en ne seust en nule terre Nul plus bel cors de fame querre. 550 D'orfrois ot un chapel mignot; Onques nule pucele n'ot Plus cointe ne plus desguisie, Ne l'aroie adroit devisie En trestous les jors de ma vie. Robe avoit moult bien entaillie; Ung chapel de roses tout frais Ot dessus le chapel d'orfrais: En sa main tint ung miroer, Si ot d'ung riche trecoer 560 Son chief trecie moult richement, Bien et bel et estroitement Ot ambdeus cousues ses manches; Et por garder que ses mains blanches Ne halaissent, ot uns blans gans. Cote ot d'ung riche vert de gans, Cousue a lignel tout entour. Il paroit bien a son atour Qu'ele iere poi embesoignie. Quant ele s'iere bien pignie, 570 Et bien paree et atornee, Ele avoit faite sa jornee. << She ladde a lusty lyf in May, She hadde no thought, by night ne day, Of no-thing, but it were oonly To graythe hit wel and uncouthly. Whan that this dore hadde opened me 585 This mayden, semely for to see, I thanked hir as I best mighte, And axede hir how that she highte, And what she was, I axede eke. And she to me was nought unmeke, 590 Ne of hir answer daungerous, But faire answerde, and seide thus:-- Lo, sir, my name is YDELNESSE; So clepe men me, more and lesse. Ful mighty and ful riche am I, 595 And that of oon thing, namely; For I entende to no-thing But to my Ioye, and my pleying, And for to kembe and tresse me. Aqueynted am I, and privee 600 With Mirthe, lord of this gardyn, That fro the lande of Alexandryn Made the trees be hider fet, That in this gardin been y-set. >> Moult avoit bon tems et bon May, Qu'el n'avoit soussi ne esmay De nule riens, fors solement De soi atorner noblement. Quant ainsinc m'ot l'uis defferme La pucele au cors acesme, Je l'en merciai doucement, Et si li demandai comment 580 Ele avoit non, et qui ele iere. Ele ne fu pas envers moi fiere, Ne de respondre desdaigneuse: Je me fais apeler Oiseuse,' Dist-ele, 'a tous mes congnoissans; Si sui riche fame et poissans. S'ai d'une chose moult bon tens, Car a nule riens je ne pens Qu'a moi joer et solacier, Et mon chief pignier et trecier: 590 Quant sui pignee et atornee, Adonc est fete ma jornee. Privee sui moult et acointe De Deduit le mignot, le cointe; C'est cil cui est cest biax jardins, Qui de la terre as Sarradins Fist ca ces arbres aporter, Qu'il fist par ce vergier planter. << And whan the trees were woxen on highte, 605 This wal, that slant here in thy sighte, Dide Mirthe enclosen al aboute; And these images, al withoute, He dide hem bothe entaile and peynte, That neither ben Iolyf ne queynte, 610 But they ben ful of sorowe and wo, As thou hast seen a whyle ago. 'And ofte tyme, him to solace, Sir Mirthe cometh into this place, And eek with him cometh his meynee, 615 That liven in lust and Iolitee. And now is Mirthe therin, to here The briddes, how they singen clere, The mavis and the nightingale, And other Ioly briddes smale. 620 And thus he walketh to solace Him and his folk; for swetter place To pleyen in he may not finde, Although he soughte oon in-til Inde. The alther-fairest folk to see 625 That in this world may founde be Hath Mirthe with him in his route, That folowen him alwayes aboute.' >> Quant li arbres furent creu, Le mur que vous avez veu, 600 Fist lors Deduit tout entor faire, Et si fist au dehors portraire Les ymages qui i sunt paintes, Que ne sunt mignotes ne cointes; Ains sunt dolereuses et tristes, Si cum vous orendroit veistes. Maintes fois por esbanoier Se vient en cest leu umbroier Deduit et les gens qui le sivent, Qui en joie et en solas vivent. 610 Encores est leens, sans doute, Deduit orendroit qui escoute A chanter gais rossignoles, Mauvis et autres oiseles. Il s'esbat iluec et solace O ses gens, car plus bele place Ne plus biau leu por soi joer Ne porroit-il mie trover; Les plus beles gens, ce sachies, Que vous james nul leu truissies, 620 Si sunt li compaignon Deduit Qu'il maine avec li et conduit.' << When Ydelnesse had told al this, And I hadde herkned wel, y-wis, 630 Than seide I to dame Ydelnesse, Now al-so wisly god me blesse, Sith Mirthe, that is so fair and free, Is in this yerde with his meynee, Fro thilke assemblee, if I may, 635 Shal no man werne me to-day, That I this night ne mote it see. For, wel wene I, ther with him be A fair and Ioly companye Fulfilled of alle curtesye.' 640 And forth, withoute wordes mo, In at the wiket wente I tho, That Ydelnesse hadde opened me, Into that gardin fair to see. And whan I was [ther]in, y-wis, 645 Myn herte was ful glad of this. THE GARDEN. For wel wende I ful sikerly Have been in paradys erth[e]ly; So fair it was, that, trusteth wel, It semed a place espirituel. 650 For certes, as at my devys, Ther is no place in paradys So good in for to dwelle or be As in that GARDIN, thoughte me; >> Quant Oiseuse m'ot ce conte, Et j'oi moult bien tout escoute, Je li dis lores: 'Dame Oiseuse, Ja de ce ne soyes douteuse, Puis que Deduit li biaus, li gens Est orendroit avec ses gens En cest vergier, ceste assemblee Ne m'iert pas, se je puis, emblee, 630 Que ne la voie encore ennuit; Veoir la m'estuet, car ge cuit Que bele est cele compaignie, Et cortoise et bien enseignie.' Lors m'en entrai, ne dis puis mot, Par l'uis que Oiseuse overt m'ot, Ou vergier; et quant je fui ens Je fui lies et baus et joiens. Et sachies que je cuidai estre Por voir en Paradis terrestre, 640 Tant estoit li leu delitables, Qu'il sembloit estre esperitables: Car si cum il m'iert lors avis, Ne feist en nul Paradis Si bon estre, cum il faisoit Ou vergier qui tant me plaisoit. << For there was many a brid singing, 655 Throughout the yerde al thringing. In many places were nightingales, Alpes, finches, and wodewales, That in her swete song delyten In thilke place as they habyten. 660 Ther mighte men see many flokkes Of turtles and [of] laverokkes. Chalaundres fele saw I there, That wery, nigh forsongen were. And thrustles, terins, and mavys, 665 That songen for to winne hem prys, And eek to sormounte in hir song These other briddes hem among. By note made fair servyse These briddes, that I you devyse; 670 They songe hir song as faire and wel As angels doon espirituel. And, trusteth wel, whan I hem herde, Full lustily and wel I ferde; For never yit swich melodye 675 Was herd of man that mighte dye. >> D'oisiaus chantans avoit asses Par tout le vergier amasses; En ung leu avoit rossigniaus, En l'autre gais et estorniaus; 650 Si r'avoit aillors grans escoles De roietiaus et torteroles, De chardonnereaus, d'arondeles, D'aloes et de lardereles; Calendres i ot amassees En ung autre leu, qui lassees De chanter furent a envis: Melles y avoit et mauvis Qui baoient a sormonter Ces autres oisiaus par chanter. 660 Il r'avoit aillors papegaus, Et mains oisiaus qui par ces gaus Et par ces bois ou il habitent, En lor biau chanter se delitent. Trop parfesoient bel servise Cil oisel que je vous devise; Il chantoient ung chant itel Cum s'il fussent esperitel. De voir sachies, quant les oi, Moult durement m'en esjoi: 670 Que mes si douce melodie Ne fu d'omme mortel oie. << Swich swete song was hem among, That me thoughte it no briddes song, But it was wonder lyk to be Song of mermaydens of the see; 680 That, for her singing is so clere, Though we mermaydens clepe hem here In English, as in our usaunce, Men clepen hem sereyns in Fraunce. Ententif weren for to singe 685 These briddes, that nought unkunninge Were of hir craft, and apprentys, But of [hir] song sotyl and wys. And certes, whan I herde hir song, And saw the grene place among, 690 In herte I wex so wonder gay, That I was never erst, er that day, So Iolyf, nor so wel bigo, Ne mery in herte, as I was tho. And than wiste I, and saw ful wel, 695 That Ydelnesse me served wel, That me putte in swich Iolitee. Hir freend wel oughte I for to be, Sith she the dore of that gardyn Hadde opened, and me leten in. 700 >> Tant estoit cil chans dous et biaus, Qu'il ne sombloit pas chans d'oisiaus, Ains le peust l'en aesmer A chant de seraines de mer, Qui par lor vois, qu'eles ont saines Et series, ont non seraines. A chanter furent ententis Li oisillon qui aprenti 680 Ne furent pas ne non sachant; Et sachies quant j'oi lor chant, Et je vi le leu verdaier, Je me pris moult a esgaier; Que n'avoie encor este onques Si jolif cum je fui adonques; Por la grant delitablete Fui plains de grant joliete. Et lores soi-je bien et vi Que Oiseuse m'ot bien servi, 690 Qui m'avoit en tel deduit mis: Bien deusse estre ses amis, Quant ele m'avoit defferme Le guichet du vergier rame. << From hennesforth how that I wroughte, I shal you tellen, as me thoughte. First, whereof Mirthe served there, And eek what folk ther with him were, Withoute fable I wol descryve. 705 And of that gardin eek as blyve I wol you tellen after this. The faire fasoun al, y-wis, That wel [y-]wrought was for the nones, I may not telle you al at ones: 710 But as I may and can, I shal By ordre tellen you it al. Ful fair servyse and eek ful swete These briddes maden as they sete. Layes of love, ful wel sowning 715 They songen in hir Iargoning; Summe highe and summe eek lowe songe Upon the braunches grene y-spronge. The sweetnesse of hir melodye Made al myn herte in reverdye. 720 And whan that I hadde herd, I trowe, These briddes singing on a rowe, Than mighte I not withholde me That I ne wente in for to see >> Des ore si cum je saure, Vous conterai comment j'ovre. Primes de quoi Deduit servoit, Et quel compaignie il avoit Sans longue fable vous veil dire, Et du vergier tretout a tire 700 La facon vous redirai puis. Tout ensemble dire ne puis, Mes tout vous contere par ordre, Que l'en n'i sache que remordre. Grant servise et dous et plaisant Aloient cil oisel faisant; Lais d'amors et sonnes cortois Chantoit chascun en son patois, Li uns en haut, li autre en bas; De lor chant n'estoit mie gas. 710 La doucor et la melodie Me mist ou cuer grant reverdie; Mes quant j'oi escoute ung poi Les oisiaus, tenir ne me poi Que dant Deduit veoir n'alasse; Car a savoir moult desirasse << Sir Mirthe; for my desiring 725 Was him to seen, over alle thing, His countenaunce and his manere: That sighte was to me ful dere. Tho wente I forth on my right hond Doun by a litel path I fond 730 Of mentes ful, and fenel grene; And faste by, withoute wene, SIR MIRTHE I fond; and right anoon SIR MIRTHE. Unto sir Mirthe gan I goon, Ther-as he was, him to solace. 735 And with him, in that lusty place, So fair folk and so fresh hadde he, That whan I saw, I wondred me Fro whennes swich folk mighte come, So faire they weren, alle and some; 740 For they were lyk, as to my sighte, To angels, that ben fethered brighte. This folk, of which I telle you so, Upon a carole wenten tho. A lady caroled hem, that highte 745 GLADNES, [the] blisful and the lighte; GLADNESSE. Wel coude she singe and lustily, Non half so wel and semely, And make in song swich refreininge, It sat hir wonder wel to singe. 750 >> Son contenement et son estre. Lors m'en alai tout droit a destre, Par une petitete sente Plaine de fenoil et de mente; 720 Mes auques pres trove Deduit, Car maintenant en ung reduit M'en entre ou Deduit estoit. Deduit ilueques s'esbatoit; S'avoit si bele gent o soi, Que quant je les vi, je ne soi Dont si tres beles gens pooient Estre venu; car il sembloient Tout por voir anges empennes, Si beles gens ne vit homs nes. 730 Ceste gent dont je vous parole, S'estoient pris a la carole, Et une dame lor chantoit, Qui Leesce apelee estoit: Bien sot chanter et plesamment, Ne nule plus avenaument, Ne plus bel ses refrains ne fist, A chanter merveilles li sist; << Hir vois ful cleer was and ful swete. She was nought rude ne unmete, But couthe y-now of swich doing As longeth unto caroling: For she was wont in every place 755 To singen first, folk to solace; For singing most she gaf hir to; No craft had she so leef to do. Tho mightest thou caroles seen, And folk [ther] daunce and mery been, 760 And make many a fair tourning Upon the grene gras springing. Ther mightest thou see these floutours, Minstrales, and eek Iogelours, That wel to singe dide hir peyne. 765 Somme songe songes of Loreyne; For in Loreyne hir notes be Ful swetter than in this contree. Ther was many a timbestere, And saylours, that I dar wel swere 770 Couthe hir craft ful parfitly. The timbres up ful sotilly They caste, and henten [hem] ful ofte Upon a finger faire and softe, >> Qu'ele avoit la vois clere et saine; Et si n'estoit mie vilaine; 740 Ains se savoit bien desbrisier, Ferir du pie et renvoisier. Ele estoit ades coustumiere De chanter en tous leus premiere: Car chanter estoit li mestiers Qu'ele faisoit plus volentiers. Lors veissies carole aler, Et gens mignotement baler, Et faire mainte bele tresche, Et maint biau tor sor l'erbe fresche. 750 La veissies fleuteors, Menesterez et jougleors; Si chantent li uns rotruenges, Li autres notes Loherenges, Por ce qu'en set en Loheregne Plus cointes notes qu'en nul regne. Assez i ot tableterresses Ilec entor, et tymberresses Qui moult savoient bien joer, Et ne finoient de ruer 760 Le tymbre en haut, si recuilloient Sor ung doi, c'onques n'i failloient. << That they [ne] fayled never-mo. 775 Ful fetis damiselles two, Right yonge, and fulle of semlihede, In kirtles, and non other wede, And faire tressed every tresse, Hadde Mirthe doon, for his noblesse, 780 Amidde the carole for to daunce; But her-of lyth no remembraunce, How that they daunced queyntely. That oon wolde come al prively Agayn that other: and whan they were 785 Togidre almost, they threwe y-fere Hir mouthes so, that through hir play It semed as they kiste alway; To dauncen wel coude they the gyse; What shulde I more to you devyse? 790 Ne bede I never thennes go, Whyles that I saw hem daunce so. Upon the carole wonder faste, I gan biholde; til atte laste A lady gan me for to espye, 795 And she was cleped CURTESYE, CURTESYE. The worshipful, the debonaire; I pray god ever falle hir faire! >> Deus damoiseles moult mignotes, Qui estoient en pures cotes, Et trecies a une tresce, Faisoient Deduit par noblesce Enmi la karole baler; Mes de ce ne fait a parler Comme el baloient cointement. L'une venoit tout belement 770 Contre l'autre; et quant el estoient Pres a pres, si s'entregetoient Les bouches, qu'il vous fust avis Que s'entrebaisassent ou vis: Bien se savoient desbrisier. Ne vous en sai que devisier; Mes a nul jor ne me queisse Remuer, tant que ge veisse Ceste gent ainsine efforcier De caroler et de dancier. 780 La karole tout en estant Regardai iluec jusqu'a tant C'une dame bien enseignie Me tresvit: ce fu Cortoisie La vaillant et la debonnaire, Que Diex deffende de contraire. << Ful curteisly she called me, 'What do ye there, beau sire?' quod she, 800 Come [neer], and if it lyke yow To dauncen, daunceth with us now.' And I, withoute tarying, Wente into the caroling. I was abasshed never a del, 805 But it me lykede right wel, That Curtesye me cleped so, And bad me on the daunce go. For if I hadde durst, certeyn I wolde have caroled right fayn, 810 As man that was to daunce blythe. Than gan I loken ofte sythe The shap, the bodies, and the cheres, The countenaunce and the maneres Of alle the folk that daunced there, 815 And I shal telle what they were. Ful fair was MIRTHE, ful long and high; MIRTHE. A fairer man I never sigh. As round as appel was his face, Ful rody and whyt in every place. 820 Fetys he was and wel beseye, With metely mouth and yen greye; >> Cortoisie lors m'apela: Biaus amis, que faites-vous la?' Fait Cortoisie, 'ca venez, Et avecque nous vous prenez 790 A la karole, s'il vous plest.' Sans demorance et sans arrest A la karole me sui pris, Si n'en fui pas trop entrepris, Et sachies que moult m'agrea Quant Cortoisie m'en pria, Et me dist que je karolasse; Car de karoler, se j'osasse, Estoie envieus et sorpris. A regarder lores me pris 800 Les cors, les facons et les chieres, Les semblances et les manieres Des gens qui ilec karoloient: Si vous dirai quex il estoient. Deduit fu biaus et lons et drois, James en terre ne venrois Ou vous truissies nul plus bel homme: La face avoit cum une pomme, Vermoille et blanche tout entour, Cointes fu et de bel atour. 810 << His nose by mesure wrought ful right; Crisp was his heer, and eek ful bright. His shuldres of a large brede, 825 And smalish in the girdilstede. He semed lyk a portreiture, So noble he was of his stature, So fair, so Ioly, and so fetys, With limes wrought at poynt devys, 830 Deliver, smert, and of gret might; Ne sawe thou never man so light. Of berde unnethe hadde he no-thing, For it was in the firste spring. Ful yong he was, and mery of thought, 835 And in samyt, with briddes wrought, And with gold beten fetisly, His body was clad ful richely. Wrought was his robe in straunge gyse, And al to-slitered for queyntyse 840 In many a place, lowe and hye. And shod he was with greet maistrye, With shoon decoped, and with laas. By druerye, and by solas, His leef a rosen chapelet 845 Had maad, and on his heed it set. >> Les yex ot vairs, la bouche gente, Et le nez fait par grant entente; Cheveus ot blons, recerceles, Par espaules fu auques les, Et gresles parmi la ceinture: Il resembloit une painture, Tant ere biaus et acesmes, Et de tous membres bien formes. Remuans fu, et preus, et vistes, Plus legier homme ne veistes; 820 Si n'avoit barbe, ne grenon, Se petiz peus folages non, Car il ert jones damoisiaus. D'un samit portret a oysiaus, Qui ere tout a or batus, Fu ses cors richement vestus. Moult iert sa robe desguisee, Et fu moult riche et encisee, Et decopee par cointise; Chaucies refu par grant mestrise 830 D'uns solers decopes a las; Par druerie et par solas Li ot s'amie fet chapel De roses qui moult li sist bel. << And wite ye who was his leef? Dame GLADNES ther was him so leef, GLADNESSE. That singeth so wel with glad corage, That from she was twelve yeer of age, 850 She of hir love graunt him made. Sir Mirthe hir by the finger hadde [In] daunsing, and she him also; Gret love was atwixe hem two. Bothe were they faire and brighte of hewe; 855 She semede lyk a rose newe Of colour, and hir flesh so tendre, That with a brere smale and slendre Men mighte it cleve, I dar wel sayn. Hir forheed, frounceles al playn. 860 Bente were hir browes two, Hir yen greye, and gladde also, That laughede ay in hir semblaunt, First or the mouth, by covenaunt. I not what of hir nose descryve; 865 So fair hath no womman alyve.... Hir heer was yelowe, and cleer shyning, I wot no lady so lyking. >> Saves-vous qui estoit s'amie? Leesce qui nel' haoit mie, L'envoisie, la bien chantans, Qui des lors qu'el n'ot que sept ans De s'amor li donna l'otroi; Deduit la tint parmi le doi 840 A la karole, et ele lui, Bien s'entr'amoient ambedui: Car il iert biaus, et ele bele, Bien resembloit rose novele De sa color. S'ot la char tendre, Qu'en la li peust toute fendre A une petitete ronce. Le front ot blanc, poli, sans fronce, Les sorcis bruns et enarchies, Les yex gros et si envoisies, 850 Qu'il rioient tousjors avant Que la bouchete par convant. Je ne vous sai du nes que dire, L'en nel' feist pas miex de cire. Ele ot la bouche petitete, Et por baisier son ami, preste; Le chief ot blons et reluisant. Que vous iroie-je disant? Bele fu et bien atornee; D'ung fil d'or ere galonnee, 860 S'ot ung chapel d'orfrois tout nuef; Je qu'en oi veu vint et nuef, << Of orfrays fresh was hir gerland; I, whiche seen have a thousand, 870 Saugh never, y-wis, no gerlond yit, So wel [y]-wrought of silk as it. And in an over-gilt samyt Clad she was, by gret delyt, Of which hir leef a robe werde, 875 The myrier she in herte ferde. And next hir wente, on hir other syde, CUPIDE. The god of Love, that can devyde Love, as him lyketh it [to] be. But he can cherles daunten, he, 880 And maken folkes pryde fallen. And he can wel these lordes thrallen, And ladies putte at lowe degree, Whan he may hem to proude see. This God of Love of his fasoun 885 Was lyk no knave, ne quistroun; His beautee gretly was to pryse. But of his robe to devyse I drede encombred for to be. For nought y-clad in silk was he, 890 But al in floures and flourettes, Y-painted al with amorettes; >> A nul jor mes veu n'avoie Chapel si bien ouvre de soie. D'un samit qui ert tous dores Fu ses cors richement pares, De quoi son ami avoit robe, Si en estoit asses plus gobe. A li se tint de l'autre part Li Diex d'Amors, cil qui depart 870 Amoretes a sa devise. C'est cil qui les amans justise, Et qui abat l'orguel des gens, Et si fait des seignors sergens, Et des dames refait bajesses, Quant il les trove trop engresses. Li Diex d'Amors, de la facon, Ne resembloit mie garcon: De beaulte fist moult a prisier, Mes de sa robe devisier 880 Criens durement qu'encombre soie. Il n'avoit pas robe de soie, Ains avoit robe de floretes, Fete par fines amoretes << And with losenges and scochouns, With briddes, libardes, and lyouns, And other beestes wrought ful wel. 895 His garnement was everydel Y-portreyd and y-wrought with floures, By dyvers medling of coloures. Floures ther were of many gyse Y-set by compas in assyse; 900 Ther lakked no flour, to my dome, Ne nought so muche as flour of brome, Ne violete, ne eck pervenke, Ne flour non, that man can on thenke, And many a rose-leef ful long 905 Was entermedled ther-among: And also on his heed was set Of roses rede a chapelet. But nightingales, a ful gret route, That flyen over his heed aboute, 910 The leves felden as they flyen; And he was al with briddes wryen, With popiniay, with nightingale, With chalaundre, and with wodewale, With finch, with lark, and with archaungel. 915 He semede as he were an aungel >> A losenges, a escuciaus, A oiseles, a lionciaus, Et a bestes et a liepars; Fu la robe de toutes pars Portraite, et ovree de flors Par diversete de colors. 890 Flors i avoit de maintes guises Qui furent par grant sens assises; Nulle flor en este ne nest Qui n'i soit, neis flor de genest, Ne violete, ne parvanche, Ne fleur inde, jaune ne blanche; Si ot par leus entremeslees Foilles de roses grans et lees. Il ot ou chief ung chapelet De roses; mes rossignolet 900 Qui entor son chief voletoient, Les foilles jus en abatoient: Car il iert tout covers d'oisiaus, De papegaus, de rossignaus, De calandres et de mesanges; Il sembloit que ce fust uns anges << That doun were comen fro hevene clere. Love hadde with him a bachelere, That he made alweyes with him be; SWETE-LOKING cleped was he. 920 This bachelere stood biholding SWETE-LOKING. The daunce, and in his honde holding Turke bowes two hadde he. That oon of hem was of a tree That bereth a fruyt of savour wikke; 925 Ful croked was that foule stikke, And knotty here and there also, And blak as bery, or any slo. That other bowe was of a plante Withoute wem, I dar warante, 930 Ful even, and by proporcioun Tretys and long, of good fasoun. And it was peynted wel and thwiten, And over-al diapred and writen With ladies and with bacheleres, 935 Ful lightsom and [ful] glad of cheres. These bowes two held Swete-Loking, That semed lyk no gadeling. And ten brode arowes held he there, Of which five in his right hond were. 940 >> Qui fust tantost venus du ciau. Amors avoit ung jovenciau Qu'il faisoit estre iluec deles; Douz-Regard estoit apeles. 910 Ici bachelers regardoit Les caroles, et si gardoit Au Diex d'Amors deux ars turquois. Li uns des ars si fu d'un bois Dont li fruit iert mal savores; Tous plains de nouz et boceres Fu li ars dessous et dessore, Et si estoit plus noirs que mores. Li autres ars fu d'un plancon Longuet et de gente facon; 920 Si fu bien fait et bien doles, Et si fu moult bien pipeles. Dames i ot de tous sens pointes, Et vales envoisies et cointes. Ices deux ars tint Dous-Regars Qui ne sembloit mie estre gars, Avec dix des floiches son mestre. Il en tint cinq en sa main destre; << But they were shaven wel and dight, Nokked and fethered a-right; And al they were with gold bigoon, And stronge poynted everichoon, And sharpe for to kerven weel. 945 But iren was ther noon ne steel; For al was gold, men mighte it see, Out-take the fetheres and the tree. The swiftest of these arowes fyve Out of a bowe for to dryve, 950 And best [y]-fethered for to flee, And fairest eek, was cleped BEAUTEE. BEAUTEE. That other arowe, that hurteth lesse, Was cleped, as I trowe, SIMPLESSE. SIMPLESSE. The thridde cleped was FRAUNCHYSE, 955 That fethered was, in noble wyse, FRAUNCHYSE. With valour and with curtesye. The fourthe was cleped COMPANYE COMPANYE. That hevy for to sheten is; But who-so sheteth right, y-wis, 960 May therwith doon gret harm and wo. The fifte of these, and laste also, >> Mes moult orent ices cinq floiches Les penons bien fais, et les coiches: 930 Si furent toutes a or pointes, Fors et tranchans orent les pointes, Et agues por bien percier, Et si n'i ot fer ne acier; Onc n'i ot riens qui d'or ne fust, Fors que les penons et le fust: Car el furent encarrelees De sajetes d'or barbelees. La meillore et la plus isnele De ces floiches, et la plus bele, 940 Et cele ou li meillor penon Furent entes, Biautes ot non. Une d'eles qui le mains blece, Ot non, ce m'est avis, Simplece. Une autre en i ot apelee Franchise; cele iert empenee De Valor et de Cortoisie. La quarte avoit non Compaignie: En cele ot moult pesant sajete. Ele n'iert pas d'aler loing preste; 950 Mes qui de pres en vosist traire, Il en peust assez mal faire. << FAIR-SEMBLAUNT men that arowe calle, FAIR- The leeste grevous of hem alle; SEMBLAUNT. Yit can it make a ful gret wounde, 965 But he may hope his sores sounde, That hurt is with that arowe, y-wis; His wo the bet bistowed is. For he may soner have gladnesse, His langour oughte be the lesse. 970 Fyve arowes were of other gyse, That been ful foule to devyse; For shaft and ende, sooth to telle, Were al-so blak as feend in helle. The first of hem is called PRYDE; PRYDE. 975 That other arowe next him bisyde, It was [y]-cleped VILANYE; VILANYE. That arowe was as with felonye Envenimed, and with spitous blame. The thridde of hem was cleped SHAME. SHAME. 980 The fourthe, WANHOPE cleped is, WANHOPE. The fifte, the NEWE-THOUGHT, y-wis. NEWE- These arowes that I speke of here, THOUGHT. Were alle fyve of oon manere, And alle were they resemblable. 985 To hem was wel sitting and able >> La quinte avoit non Biau-Semblant, Ce fut toute la mains grevant. Ne porquant el fait moult grant plaie; Mes cis atent bonne menaie, Qui de cele floiche est plaies, Ses maus en est mielx emplaies; Car il puet tost sante atendre, S'en doit estre sa dolor mendre. 960 Cinq floiches i ot d'autre guise, Qui furent ledes a devise: Li fust estoient et li fer Plus noirs que deables d'enfer. La premiere avoit non Orguex, L'autre qui ne valoit pas miex, Fu apelee Vilenie; Icele fu de felonie Toute tainte et envenimee. La tierce fu Honte clamee, 970 Et la quarte Desesperance: Novel-Penser fu sans doutance Apelee la darreniere. Ces cinq floiches d'une maniere Furent, et moult bien resemblables; Moult par lor estoit convenables << The foule croked bowe hidous, That knotty was, and al roynous. That bowe semede wel to shete These arowes fyve, that been unmete, 990 Contrarie to that other fyve. But though I telle not as blyve Of hir power, ne of hir might, Her-after shal I tellen right The sothe, and eek signifiaunce, 995 As fer as I have remembraunce: Al shall be seid, I undertake, Er of this boke an ende I make. Now come I to my tale ageyn. But alderfirst, I wol you seyn 1000 The fasoun and the countenaunces Of al the folk that on the daunce is. The God of Love, Iolyf and light, Ladde on his honde a lady bright, Of high prys, and of greet degree. 1005 This lady called was BEAUTEE, BEAUTEE. [As was] an arowe, of which I tolde. Ful wel [y]-thewed was she holde; Ne she was derk ne broun, but bright, And cleer as [is] the mone-light, 1010 >> Li uns des arcs qui fu hideus, Et plains de neus, et eschardeus; Il devoit bien tiex floiches traire, Car el erent force et contraire 980 As autres cinq floiches sans doute. Mes ne dire pas ore toute Lor forces, ne lor poestes. Bien vous sera la verites Contee, et la senefiance Nel'metre mie en obliance; Ains vous dirai que tout ce monte, Aincois que je fine mon conte. Or revendrai a ma parole: Des nobles gens de la karole 990 M'estuet dire les contenances, Et les facons et les semblances. Li Diex d'Amors se fu bien pris A une dame de haut pris, Et delez lui iert ajoustes: Icele dame ot non Biautes, Ainsinc cum une des cinq fleches. En li ot maintes bonnes teches: El ne fu oscure, ne brune, Ains fu clere comme la lune, 1000 << Ageyn whom alle the sterres semen But smale candels, as we demen. Hir flesh was tendre as dewe of flour, Hir chere was simple as byrde in bour; As whyt as lilie or rose in rys, 1015 Hir face gentil and tretys. Fetys she was, and smal to see; No windred browes hadde she, Ne popped hir, for it neded nought To windre hir, or to peynte hir ought. 1020 Hir tresses yelowe, and longe straughten, Unto hir heles doun they raughten: Hir nose, hir mouth, and eye and cheke Wel wrought, and al the remenaunt eke. A ful gret savour and a swote 1025 Me thinketh in myn herte rote, As helpe me god, whan I remembre Of the fasoun of every membre! In world is noon so fair a wight; For yong she was, and hewed bright, 1030 [Wys], plesaunt, and fetys withalle, Gente, and in hir middel smalle. Bisyde Beaute yede RICHESSE, RICHESSE. An high lady of greet noblesse, >> Envers qui les autres estoiles Resemblent petites chandoiles. Tendre ot la char comme rousee, Simple fu cum une espousee, Et blanche comme flor de lis; Si ot le vis cler et alis, Et fu greslete et alignie; Ne fu fardee ne guignie: Car el n'avoit mie mestier De soi tifer ne d'afetier. 1010 Les cheveus ot blons et si lons Qu'il li batoient as talons; Nez ot bien fait, et yelx et bouche. Moult grant doucor au cuer me touche, Si m'aist Diex, quant il me membre De la facon de chascun membre Qu'il n'ot si bele fame ou monde. Briement el fu jonete et blonde, Sade, plaisant, aperte et cointe, Grassete et grele, gente et jointe. 1020 Pres de Biaute se tint Richece, Une dame de grant hautece, << And greet of prys in every place. 1035 But who-so durste to hir trespace, Or til hir folk, in worde or dede, He were ful hardy, out of drede; For bothe she helpe and hindre may: And that is nought of yisterday 1040 That riche folk have ful gret might To helpe, and eek to greve a wight. The beste and grettest of valour Diden Richesse ful gret honour, And besy weren hir to serve; 1045 For that they wolde hir love deserve, They cleped hir 'Lady,' grete and smalle; This wyde world hir dredeth alle; This world is al in hir daungere. Hir court hath many a losengere, 1050 And many a traytour envious, That been ful besy and curious For to dispreisen, and to blame That best deserven love and name. Bifore the folk, hem to bigylen, 1055 These losengeres hem preyse, and smylen, And thus the world with word anoynten; But afterward they [prikke] and poynten >> De grant pris et de grant affaire. Qui a li ne as siens meffaire Osast riens par fais, ou par dis, Il fust moult fiers et moult hardis; Qu'ele puet moult nuire et aidier. Ce n'est mie ne d'ui ne d'ier Que riches gens out grant poissance De faire ou aide, ou grevance. 1030 Tuit li greignor et li menor Portoient a Richece honor: Tuit baoient a li servir, Por l'amor de li deservir; Chascuns sa dame la clamoit, Car tous li mondes la cremoit; Tous li mons iert en son dangier. En sa cort ot maint losengier, Maint traitor, maint envieus: Ce sunt cil qui sunt curieus 1040 De desprisier et de blasmer Tous ceus qui font miex a amer. Par devant, por eus losengier, Loent les gens li losengier; Tout le monde par parole oignent, Mes lor losenges les gens poignent << The folk right to the bare boon, Bihinde her bak whan they ben goon, 1060 And foule abate the folkes prys. Ful many a worthy man and wys, An hundred, have [they] don to dye, These losengeres, through flaterye; And maketh folk ful straunge be, 1065 Ther-as hem oughte be prive. Wel yvel mote they thryve and thee, And yvel aryved mote they be, These losengeres, ful of envye! No good man loveth hir companye. 1070 Richesse a robe of purpre on hadde, Ne trowe not that I lye or madde; For in this world is noon it liche, Ne by a thousand deel so riche, Ne noon so fair; for it ful wel 1075 With orfrays leyd was everydel, And portrayed in the ribaninges Of dukes stories, and of kinges. And with a bend of gold tasseled, And knoppes fyne of gold ameled. 1080 Aboute hir nekke of gentil entaile Was shet the riche chevesaile, >> Par derriere dusques as os, Qu'il abaissent des bons les los, Et desloent les aloes, Et si loent les desloes. 1050 Maint prodommes ont encuses, Et de lor honnor recules Li losengier par lor losenges; Car il font ceus des cors estranges Qui deussent estre prives: Mal puissent-il estre arives Icil losengier plain d'envie! Car nus prodons n'aime lor vie. Richece ot une porpre robe, Ice ne tenes mie a lobe, 1060 Que je vous di bien et afiche Qu'il n'ot si bele, ne si riche Ou monde, ne si envoisie. La porpre fu toute orfroisie; Si ot portraites a orfrois Estoires de dus et de rois. Si estoit au col bien orlee D'une bende d'or neelee Moult richement, sachies sans faille. Si i avoit tretout a taille 1070 << In which ther was ful gret plentee Of stones clere and bright to see. Rychesse a girdel hadde upon, 1085 The bokel of it was of a stoon Of vertu greet, and mochel of might; For who-so bar the stoon so bright, Of venim [thurte] him no-thing doute, While he the stoon hadde him aboute. 1090 That stoon was greetly for to love, And til a riche mannes bihove Worth al the gold in Rome and Fryse. The mourdaunt, wrought in noble wyse, Was of a stoon ful precious, 1095 That was so fyn and vertuous, That hool a man it coude make Of palasye, and of tooth-ake. And yit the stoon hadde suche a grace, That he was siker in every place, 1100 Al thilke day, not blind to been, That fasting mighte that stoon seen. The barres were of gold ful fyne, Upon a tissu of satyne, Ful hevy, greet, and no-thing light, 1105 In everich was a besaunt-wight. Upon the tresses of Richesse Was set a cercle, for noblesse, >> De riches pierres grant plente Qui moult rendoient grant clarte. Richece ot ung moult riche ceint Par desus cele porpre ceint; La boucle d'une pierre fu Qui ot grant force et grant vertu: Car cis qui sor soi la portoit, Nes uns venins ne redotoit: Nus nel pooit envenimer, Moult faisoit la pierre a aimer. 1080 Ele vausist a ung prodomme Miex que trestous li ors de Romme. D'une pierre fu li mordens, Qui garissoit du mal des dens; Et si avoit ung tel eur, Que cis pooit estre asseur Tretous les jors de sa veue, Qui a geun l'avoit veue. Li clou furent d'or esmere, Qui erent el tissu dore; 1090 Si estoient gros et pesant, En chascun ot bien ung besant. Richece ot sus ses treces sores Ung cercle d'or; onques encores << Of brend gold, that ful lighte shoon; So fair, trowe I, was never noon. 1110 But he were cunning, for the nones, That coude devysen alle the stones That in that cercle shewen clere; It is a wonder thing to here. For no man coude preyse or gesse 1115 Of hem the valewe or richesse. Rubyes there were, saphyres, iagounces, And emeraudes, more than two ounces. But al bifore, ful sotilly, A fyn carboucle set saugh I. 1120 The stoon so cleer was and so bright, That, al-so sone as it was night, Men mighte seen to go, for nede, A myle or two, in lengthe and brede. Swich light [tho] sprang out of the stoon, 1125 That Richesse wonder brighte shoon, Bothe hir heed, and al hir face, And eke aboute hir al the place. Dame Richesse on hir hond gan lede A yong man ful of semelihede, 1130 That she best loved of any thing; His lust was muche in housholding. >> Ne fu si biaus veus, ce cuit, Car il fu tout d'or fin recuit; Mes cis seroit bons devisierres Qui vous sauroit toutes les pierres, Qui i estoient, devisier, Car l'en ne porroit pas prisier 1100 L'avoir que les pierres valoient, Qui en l'or assises estoient. Rubis i ot, saphirs, jagonces, Esmeraudes plus de dix onces. Mais devant ot, par grant mestrise, Une escharboucle ou cercle assise, Et la pierre si clere estoit, Que maintenant qu'il anuitoit, L'en s'en veist bien au besoing Conduire d'une liue loing. 1110 Tel clarte de la pierre yssoit, Que Richece en resplendissoit Durement le vis et la face, Et entor li toute la place. Richece tint parmi la main Ung valet de grant biaute plain, Qui fu ses amis veritiez. C'est uns hons qui en biaus ostiez << In clothing was he ful fetys, And lovede wel have hors of prys. He wende to have reproved be 1135 Of thefte or mordre, if that he Hadde in his stable an hakeney. And therfore he desyred ay To been aqueynted with Richesse; For al his purpos, as I gesse, 1140 Was for to make greet dispense, Withoute werning or defence. And Richesse mighte it wel sustene, And hir dispenses wel mayntene, And him alwey swich plentee sende 1145 Of gold and silver for to spende Withoute lakking or daungere, As it were poured in a garnere. And after on the daunce wente LARGESSE. LARGESSE, that sette al hir entente 1150 For to be honourable and free; Of Alexandres kin was she; Hir moste Ioye was, y-wis, Whan that she yaf, and seide, 'have this.' Not Avarice, the foule caytyf, 1155 Was half to grype so ententyf, >> Maintenir moult se delitoit. Cis se chaucoit bien et vestoit, 1120 Si avoit les chevaus de pris; Cis cuidast bien estre repris Ou de murtre, ou de larrecin, S'en s'estable eust ung roucin. Por ce amoit-il moult l'acointance De Richece et la bien-voillance, Qu'il avoit tous jors en porpens De demener les grans despens, Et el les pooit bien soffrir, Et tous ses despens maintenir; 1130 El li donnoit autant deniers Cum s'el les puisast en greniers. Apres refu Largece assise, Qui fu bien duite et bien aprise De faire honor, et de despendre: El fu du linage Alexandre; Si n'avoit-el joie de rien Cum quant el pooit dire, 'tien.' Neis Avarice la chetive N'ert pas si a prendre ententive 1140 << As Largesse is to yeve and spende. And god y-nough alwey hir sende, So that the more she yaf awey, The more, y-wis, she hadde alwey. 1160 Gret loos hath Largesse, and gret prys; For bothe wys folk and unwys Were hoolly to hir baundon brought, So wel with yiftes hath she wrought. And if she hadde an enemy, 1165 I trowe, that she coude craftily Make him ful sone hir freend to be, So large of yift and free was she; Therfore she stood in love and grace Of riche and povre in every place. 1170 A ful gret fool is he, y-wis, That bothe riche and nigard is. A lord may have no maner vice That greveth more than avarice. For nigard never with strengthe of hond 1175 May winne him greet lordship or lond. For freendes al to fewe hath he To doon his wil perfourmed be. And who-so wol have freendes here, He may not holde his tresour dere. 1180 For by ensample I telle this, Right as an adamaunt, y-wis, >> Cum Largece ere de donner; Et Diex li fesoit foisonner Ses biens si qu'ele ne savoit Tant donner, cum el plus avoit. Moult a Largece pris et los; Ele a les sages et les fos Outreement a son bandon, Car ele savoit fere biau don; S'ainsinc fust qu'aucuns la haist, Si cuit-ge que de ceus feist 1150 Ses amis par son biau servise; Et por ce ot-ele a devise L'amor des povres et des riches. Moult est fos haus homs qui est chiches! Haus homs ne puet avoir nul vice, Qui tant li griet cum avarice: Car hons avers ne puet conquerre Ne seignorie ne grant terre; Car il n'a pas d'amis plente, Dont il face sa volente. 1160 Mes qui amis vodra avoir Si n'ait mie chier son avoir, Ains par biaus dons amis acquiere: Car tout en autretel maniere << Can drawen to him sotilly The yren, that is leyd therby, So draweth folkes hertes, y-wis, 1185 Silver and gold that yeven is. Largesse hadde on a robe fresshe Of riche purpur Sarsinesshe. Wel fourmed was hir face and clere, And opened had she hir colere; 1190 For she right there hadde in present Unto a lady maad present Of a gold broche, ful wel wrought. And certes, it missat hir nought; For through hir smokke, wrought with silk, 1195 The flesh was seen, as whyt as milk. Largesse, that worthy was and wys, Held by the honde a knight of prys, Was sib to Arthour of Bretaigne. And that was he that bar the enseigne 1200 Of worship, and the gonfanoun. And yit he is of swich renoun, That men of him seye faire thinges Bifore barouns, erles, and kinges. This knight was comen al newely 1205 Fro tourneyinge faste by; >> Cum la pierre de l'aiment Trait a soi le fer soutilment, Ainsinc atrait les cuers des gens Li ors qu'en donne et li argens. Largece ot robe toute fresche D'une porpre Sarrazinesche; 1170 S'ot le vis bel et bien forme; Mes el ot son col defferme, Qu'el avoit iluec en present A une dame fet present, N'avoit gueres, de son fermal, Et ce ne li seoit pas mal, Que sa chevecaille iert overte, Et sa gorge si descoverte, Que parmi outre la chemise Li blanchoioit sa char alise. 1180 Largece la vaillant, la sage, Tint ung chevalier du linage Au bon roy Artus de Bretaigne; Ce fu cil qui porta l'enseigne De Valor et le gonfanon. Encor est-il de tel renom, Que l'en conte de li les contes Et devant rois et devant contes. Cil chevalier novelement Fu venus d'ung tornoiement, 1190 << Ther hadde he doon gret chivalrye Through his vertu and his maistrye; And for the love of his lemman [Had] cast doun many a doughty man. 1210 And next him daunced dame FRAUNCHYSE, Arrayed in ful noble gyse. FRAUNCHYSE. She was not broun ne dun of hewe, But whyt as snowe y-fallen newe. Hir nose was wrought at poynt devys, 1215 For it was gentil and tretys; With eyen gladde, and browes bente; Hir heer doun to hir heles wente. And she was simple as dowve on tree, Ful debonaire of herte was she. 1220 She durste never seyn ne do But that [thing] that hir longed to. And if a man were in distresse, And for hir love in hevinesse, Hir herte wolde have ful greet pitee, 1225 She was so amiable and free. For were a man for hir bistad, She wolde ben right sore adrad That she dide over greet outrage, But she him holpe his harm to aswage; 1230 >> Ou il ot faite por s'amie Mainte jouste et mainte envaie, Et percie maint escu boucle, Maint hiaume i avoit dessercle, Et maint chevalier abatu, Et pris par force et par vertu. Apres tous ceus se tint Franchise, Qui ne fu ne brune ne bise, Ains ere blanche comme nois; Et si n'ot pas nes d'Orlenois, 1200 Aincois l'avoit lonc et traitis, Iex vairs rians, sorcis votis: S'ot les chevous et blons, et lons, Et fu simple comme uns coulons. Le cuer ot dous et debonnaire: Ele n'osast dire ne faire A nuli riens qu'el ne deust; Et s'ele ung homme cogneust Qui fust destrois por s'amitie, Tantost eust de li pitie, 1210 Qu'ele ot le cuer si piteable, Et si dous et si amiable, Que se nus por li mal traisist, S'el ne li aidast, el crainsist Qu'el feist trop grant vilonnie. Vestue ot une sorquanie, << Hir thoughte it elles a vilanye. And she hadde on a sukkenye, That not of hempen herdes was; So fair was noon in alle Arras. Lord, it was rideled fetysly! 1235 Ther nas nat oo poynt, trewely, That it nas in his right assyse. Ful wel y-clothed was Fraunchyse; For ther is no cloth sitteth bet On damiselle, than doth roket. 1240 A womman wel more fetys is In roket than in cote, y-wis. The whyte roket, rideled faire, Bitokened, that ful debonaire And swete was she that it bere. 1245 By hir daunced a bachelere; I can not telle you what he highte, But fair he was, and of good highte, Al hadde he be, I sey no more, The lordes sone of Windesore. 1250 And next that daunced CURTESYE, CURTESYE. That preised was of lowe and hye, For neither proud ne fool was she. She for to daunce called me, >> Qui ne fu mie de borras: N'ot si bele jusqu'a Arras; Car el fu si coillie et jointe, Qu'il n'i ot une seule pointe 1220 Qui a son droit ne fust assise. Moult fu bien vestue Franchise; Car nule robe n'est si bele Que sorquanie a damoisele. Fame est plus cointe et plus mignote En sorquanie que en cote: La sorquanie qui fu blanche, Senefioit que douce et franche Estoit cele qui la vestoit. Uns bachelers jones s'estoit 1230 Pris a Franchise lez a lez, Ne soi comment ert apele, Mes biaus estoit, se il fust ores Fiex au seignor de Gundesores. Apres se tenoit Courtoisie, Qui moult estoit de tous prisie, Si n'ere orguilleuse ne fole. C'est cele qui a la karole << (I pray god yeve hir right good grace!) 1255 Whan I com first into the place. She was not nyce, ne outrageous, But wys and war, and vertuous, Of faire speche, and faire answere; Was never wight misseid of here; 1260 She bar no rancour to no wight. Cleer broun she was, and therto bright Of face, of body avenaunt; I wot no lady so plesaunt. She were worthy for to bene 1265 An emperesse or crouned quene. And by hir wente a knight dauncing That worthy was and wel speking, And ful wel coude he doon honour. The knight was fair and stif in stour, 1270 And in armure a semely man, And wel biloved of his lemman. Fair YDELNESSE than saugh I, YDELNESSE. That alwey was me faste by. Of hir have I, withouten fayle, 1275 Told yow the shap and apparayle For (as I seide) lo, that was she That dide me so greet bountee, >> La soe merci m'apela Ains que nule, quant je vins la. 1240 El ne fu ne nice, n'umbrage, Mes sages auques sans outrage, De biaus respons et de biaus dis, Onc nus ne fu par li laidis, Ne ne porta nului rancune. El fu clere comme la lune Est avers les autres estoiles Qui ne resemblent que chandoiles. Faitisse estoit et avenant, Je ne sai fame plus plaisant. 1250 Ele ere entoutes cors bien digne D'estre emperieris, ou roine. A li se tint uns chevaliers Acointables et biaus parliers, Qui sot bien faire honor as gens. Li chevaliers fu biaus et gens, Et as armes bien acesmes, Et de s'amie bien ames. La bele Oiseuse vint apres, Qui se tint de moi asses pres. 1260 De cele vous ai dit sans faille Toute la facon et la taille; Ja plus ne vous en iert conte, Car c'est cele qui la bonte << That she the gate of the gardin Undide, and leet me passen in. 1280 And after daunced, as I gesse, YOUTHE. [YOUTHE], fulfild of lustinesse, That nas not yit twelve yeer of age, With herte wilde, and thought volage; Nyce she was, but she ne mente 1285 Noon harm ne slight in hir entente, But only lust and Iolitee. For yonge folk, wel witen ye, Have litel thought but on hir play. Hir lemman was bisyde alway, 1290 In swich a gyse, that he hir kiste At alle tymes that him liste, That al the daunce mighte it see; They make no force of privetee; For who spak of hem yvel or wel, 1295 They were ashamed never-a-del, But men mighte seen hem kisse there, As it two yonge douves were. For yong was thilke bachelere, Of beaute wot I noon his pere; 1300 And he was right of swich an age As Youthe his leef, and swich corage. The lusty folk thus daunced there, And also other that with hem were, >> Me fist si grant qu'ele m'ovri Le guichet del vergier flori. Apres se tint mien esciant, Jonesce, au vis cler et luisant, Qui n'avoit encores passes, Si cum je cuit, douze ans d'asses. 1270 Nicete fu, si ne pensoit Nul mal, ne nul engin qui soit; Mes moult iert envoisie et gaie, Car jone chose ne s'esmaie Fors de joer, bien le saves. Ses amis iert de li prives En tel guise, qu'il la besoit Toutes les fois que li plesoit, Voians tous ceus de la karole: Car qui d'aus deus tenist parole, 1280 Il n'en fussent ja vergondeus, Ains les veissies entre aus deus Baisier comme deus columbiaus. Le vales fu jones et biaus, Si estoit bien d'autel aage Cum s'amie, et d'autel corage. Ainsi karoloient ilecques, Ceste gens, et autres avecques, << That weren alle of hir meynee; 1305 Ful hende folk, and wys, and free, And folk of fair port, trewely, Ther weren alle comunly. Whan I hadde seen the countenaunces Of hem that ladden thus these daunces, 1310 Than hadde I wil to goon and see The gardin that so lyked me, And loken on these faire loreres, On pyn-trees, cedres, and oliveres. The daunces than y-ended were; 1315 For many of hem that daunced there Were with hir loves went awey Under the trees to have hir pley. A, lord! they lived lustily! A gret fool were he, sikerly, 1320 That nolde, his thankes, swich lyf lede! For this dar I seyn, out of drede, That who-so mighte so wel fare, For better lyf [thurte] him not care; For ther nis so good paradys 1325 As have a love at his devys. Out of that place wente I tho, And in that gardin gan I go, >> Qui estoient de lor mesnies, Franches gens et bien enseignies, 1290 Et gens de bel afetement Estoient tuit communement. Quant j'oi veues les semblances De ceus qui menoient les dances, J'oi lors talent que le vergier Alasse veoir et cerchier, Et remirer ces biaus moriers, Ces pins, ces codres, ces loriers. Les karoles ja remanoient, Car tuit li plusors s'en aloient 1300 O lor amies umbroier Sous ces arbres por dosnoier. Diex, cum menoient bonne vie! Fox est qui n'a de tel envie; Qui autel vie avoir porroit, De mieudre bien se sofferroit, Qu'il n'est nul greignor paradis Qu'avoir amie a son devis. D'ilecques me parti atant, Si m'en alai seus esbatant 1310 << Pleying along ful merily. The God of Love ful hastely 1330 Unto him Swete-Loking clepte, No lenger wolde he that he kepte His bowe of golde, that shoon so bright. He [bad] him [bende it] anon-right; And he ful sone [it] sette on ende, 1335 And at a braid he gan it bende, And took him of his arowes fyve, Ful sharpe and redy for to dryve. Now god that sit in magestee Fro deedly woundes kepe me, 1340 If so be that he [wol] me shete; For if I with his arowe mete, It [wol me greven] sore, y-wis! But I, that no-thing wiste of this, Wente up and doun ful many a wey, 1345 And he me folwed faste alwey; But no-wher wolde I reste me, Til I hadde al the [yerde in] be. The gardin was, by mesuring, Right even and squar in compassing; 1350 It was as long as it was large. Of fruyt hadde every tree his charge, THE TREES. >> Par le vergier de ca en la; Et li Diex d'Amors apela Tretout maintenant Dous-Regart: N'a or plus cure qu'il li gart Son arc: donques sans plus atendre L'arc li a commande a tendre, Et cis gaires n'i atendi, Tout maintenant l'arc li tendi, Si li bailla et cinq sajetes Fors et poissans, d'aler loing prestes. 1320 Li Diex d'Amors tantost de loing Me prist a suivir, l'arc ou poing. Or me gart Diex de mortel plaie! Se il fait tant que a moi traie, Il me grevera moult forment. Je qui de ce ne soi noient, Vois par la vergier a delivre, Et cil pensa bien de moi sivre; Mes en nul leu ne m'arreste, Devant que j'oi par tout este. 1330 Li vergiers par compasseure Si fu de droite quarreure, S'ot de lonc autant cum de large; Nus arbres qui soit qui fruit charge, << But it were any hidous tree Of which ther were two or three. Ther were, and that wot I ful wel, 1355 Of pomgarnettes a ful gret del; That is a fruyt ful wel to lyke, Namely to folk whan they ben syke. And trees ther were, greet foisoun, That baren notes in hir sesoun, 1360 Such as men notemigges calle, That swote of savour been withalle. And alemandres greet plentee, Figes, and many a date-tree Ther weren, if men hadde nede, 1365 Through the gardin in length and brede. Ther was eek wexing many a spyce, As clow-gelofre, and licoryce, Gingere, and greyn de paradys, Canelle, and setewale of prys, 1370 And many a spyce delitable, To eten whan men ryse fro table. And many hoomly trees ther were, That peches, coynes, and apples bere, Medlers, ploumes, peres, chesteynes, 1375 Cheryse, of whiche many on fayn is, >> Se n'est aucuns arbres hideus, Dont il n'i ait ou ung, ou deus Ou vergier, ou plus, s'il avient. Pomiers i ot, bien m'en sovient, Qui chargoient pomes grenades, C'est uns fruis moult bons a malades; 1340 De noiers i ot grant foison, Qui chargoient en la saison Itel fruit cum sunt nois mugades, Qui ne sunt ameres, ne fades; Alemandiers y ot plante, Et si ot ou vergier plante Maint figuier, et maint biau datier; Si trovast qu'en eust mestier, Ou vergier mainte bone espice, Cloz de girofle et requelice, 1350 Graine de paradis novele, Citoal, anis, et canele, Et mainte espice delitable, Que bon mengier fait apres table. Ou vergier ot arbres domesches, Qui chargoient et coins et pesches, Chataignes, nois, pommes et poires, Nefles, prunes blanches et noires, << Notes, aleys, and bolas, That for to seen it was solas; With many high lorer and pyn Was renged clene al that gardyn; 1380 With cipres, and with oliveres, Of which that nigh no plente here is. Ther were elmes grete and stronge, Maples, asshe, ook, asp, planes longe, Fyn ew, popler, and lindes faire, 1385 And othere trees ful many a payre. What sholde I telle you more of it? Ther were so many trees yit, That I sholde al encombred be Er I had rekened every tree. 1390 These trees were set, that I devyse, Oon from another, in assyse, Five fadome or sixe, I trowe so, But they were hye and grete also: And for to kepe out wel the sonne, 1395 The croppes were so thikke y-ronne, And every braunch in other knet, And ful of grene leves set, That sonne mighte noon descende, Lest [it] the tendre grasses shende. 1400 >> Cerises fresches vermeilletes, Cormes, alies et noisetes; 1360 De haus loriers et de haus pins Refu tous pueples li jardin, Et d'oliviers et de cipres, Dont il n'a gaires ici pres; Ormes y ot branchus et gros, Et avec ce charmes et fos, Codres droites, trembles et chesnes, Erables haus, sapins et fresnes. Que vous iroie-je notant? De divers arbres i ot tant, 1370 Que moult en seroie encombres, Ains que les eusse nombres. Sachies por voir, li arbres furent Si loing a loing cum estre durent. Li ung fu loing de l'autre assis Plus de cinq toises, ou de sis: Mes li rain furent lonc et haut, Et por le leu garder de chaut, Furent si espes par deseure, Que li solaus en nesune eure 1380 Ne pooit a terre descendre, Ne faire mal a l'erbe tendre. << Ther mighte men does and roes y-see, And of squirels ful greet plentee, From bough to bough alwey leping. Conies ther were also playing, That comen out of hir claperes 1405 Of sondry colours and maneres, And maden many a turneying Upon the fresshe gras springing. In places saw I WELLES there, THE WELLES. In whiche ther no frogges were, 1410 And fair in shadwe was every welle; But I ne can the nombre telle Of stremes smale, that by devys Mirthe had don come through condys, Of which the water, in renning, 1415 Gan make a noyse ful lyking. About the brinkes of thise welles, And by the stremes over-al elles Sprang up the gras, as thikke y-set And softe as any veluet, 1420 On which men mighte his lemman leye, As on a fetherbed, to pleye, For therthe was ful softe and swete. Through moisture of the welle wete >> Ou vergier ot daims et chevrions, Et moult grant plente d'escoirions, Qui par ces arbres gravissoient; Connins i avoit qui issoient Toute jor hors de lor tesnieres, Et en plus de trente manieres Aloient entr'eus tornoiant Sor l'erbe fresche verdoiant. 1390 Il ot par leus cleres fontaines, Sans barbelotes et sans raines, Cui li arbres fesoient umbre; Mes n'en sai pas dire le numbre. Par petis tuiaus que Deduis Y ot fet fere, et par conduis S'en aloit l'iaue aval, fesant Une noise douce et plesant. Entor les ruissiaus et les rives Des fontaines cleres et vives, 1400 Poignoit l'erbe freschete et drue; Ausinc y poist-l'en sa drue Couchier comme sur une coite, Car la terre estoit douce et moite Por la fontaine, et i venoit Tant d'erbe cum il convenoit. << Sprang up the sote grene gras, 1425 As fair, as thikke, as mister was. But muche amended it the place, That therthe was of swich a grace That it of floures had plente, That both in somer and winter be. 1430 Ther sprang the violete al newe, And fresshe pervinke, riche of hewe, And floures yelowe, whyte, and rede; Swich plentee grew ther never in mede. Ful gay was al the ground, and queynt, 1435 And poudred, as men had it peynt, With many a fresh and sondry flour, That casten up ful good savour. I wol not longe holde you in fable Of al this gardin delitable. 1440 I moot my tonge stinten nede, For I ne may, withouten drede, Naught tellen you the beautee al, Ne half the bountee therewithal. I wente on right honde and on left 1445 Aboute the place; it was not left, Til I hadde al the [yerde in] been, In the estres that men mighte seen. >> Mes moult embelissoit l'afaire Li leus qui ere de tel aire, Qu'il i avoit tous jours plente De flors et yver et este. 1410 Violete y avoit trop bele, Et parvenche fresche et novele; Flors y ot blanches et vermeilles, De jaunes en i ot merveilles. Trop par estoit la terre cointe, Qu'ele ere piolee et pointe De flors de diverses colors, Dont moult sunt bonnes les odors. Ne vous tenrai ja longue fable Du leu plesant et delitable; 1420 Orendroit m'en convenra taire, Que ge ne porroie retraire Du vergier toute la biaute, Ne la grant delitablete. Tant fui a destre et a senestre, Que j'oi tout l'afere et tout l'estre Du vergier cerchie et veu; Et li Diex d'Amors m'a seu << And thus whyle I wente in my pley, The God of Love me folowed ay, 1450 Right as an hunter can abyde The beste, til he seeth his tyde To shete, at good mes, to the dere, Whan that him nedeth go no nere. And so befil, I rested me 1455 Besyde a welle, under a tree, Which tree in Fraunce men calle a pyn. But, sith the tyme of king Pepyn, Ne grew ther tree in mannes sighte So fair, ne so wel woxe in highte; 1460 In al that yerde so high was noon. And springing in a marble-stoon Had nature set, the sothe to telle, Under that pyn-tree a welle. And on the border, al withoute, 1465 Was writen, in the stone aboute, Lettres smale, that seyden thus, Here starf the faire Narcisus.' NARCISUS was a bachelere, NARCISUS. That Love had caught in his daungere, 1470 And in his net gan him so streyne, And dide him so to wepe and pleyne, That nede him muste his lyf forgo. For a fair lady, hight Echo, >> Endementiers en agaitant, Cum li venieres qui atant 1430 Que la beste en bel leu se mete Por lessier aler la sajete. En ung trop biau leu arrive, Au darrenier, ou je trouve Une fontaine sous ung pin; Mais puis Karles le fils Pepin, Ne fu ausinc biau pin veus, Et si estoit si haut creus, Qu'ou vergier n'ot nul si bel arbre. Dedens une pierre de marbre 1440 Ot nature par grant mestrise Sous le pin la fontaine assise: Si ot dedens la pierre escrites Ou bort amont letres petites Qui disoient: 'ici desus Se mori li biaus Narcisus.' Narcisus fu uns damoisiaus Que Amors tint en ses roisiaus, Et tant le sot Amors destraindre, Et tant le fist plorer et plaindre, 1450 Que li estuet a rendre l'ame: Car Equo, une haute dame, << Him loved over any creature, 1475 And gan for him swich peyne endure, That on a tyme she him tolde, That, if he hir loven nolde, That hir behoved nedes dye, Ther lay non other remedye. 1480 But natheles, for his beautee, So fiers and daungerous was he, That he nolde graunten hir asking, For weping, ne for fair praying. And whan she herde him werne hir so, 1485 She hadde in herte so gret wo, And took it in so gret dispyt, That she, withoute more respyt, Was deed anoon. But, er she deyde, Ful pitously to god she preyde, 1490 That proude-herted Narcisus, That was in love so daungerous, Mighte on a day ben hampred so For love, and been so hoot for wo, That never he mighte Ioye atteyne; 1495 Than shulde he fele in every veyne What sorowe trewe lovers maken, That been so vilaynsly forsaken. >> L'avoit ame plus que riens nee. El fu par lui si mal menee Qu'ele li dist qu'il li donroit S'amor, ou ele se morroit. Mes cis fu por sa grant biaute Plains de desdaing et de fierte, Si ne la li volt otroier, Ne por chuer, ne por proier. 1460 Quant ele s'oi escondire, Si en ot tel duel et tel ire, Et le tint en si grant despit, Que morte en fu sans lonc respit; Mes aincois qu'ele se morist, Ele pria Diex et requist Que Narcisus au cuer ferasche, Qu'ele ot trove d'amors si flasche, Fust asproies encore ung jor, Et eschaufes d'autel amor 1470 Dont il ne peust joie atendre; Si porroit savoir et entendre Quel duel ont li loial amant Que l'en refuse si vilment. << This prayer was but resonable, Therefor god held it ferme and stable: 1500 For Narcisus, shortly to telle, By aventure com to that welle To reste him in that shadowing A day, whan he com fro hunting. This Narcisus had suffred paynes 1505 For renning alday in the playnes, And was for thurst in greet distresse Of hete, and of his werinesse That hadde his breeth almost binomen. Whan he was to that welle y-comen, 1510 That shadwed was with braunches grene, He thoughte of thilke water shene To drinke and fresshe him wel withalle; And doun on knees he gan to falle, And forth his heed and nekke out-straughte 1515 To drinken of that welle a draughte And in the water anoon was sene His nose, his mouth, his yen shene, And he ther-of was al abasshed; His owne shadowe had him bitrasshed. 1520 For wel wende he the forme see Of a child of greet beautee. >> Cele proiere fu resnable, Et por ce la fist Diex estable, Que Narcisus, par aventure, A la fontaine clere et pure Se vint sous le pin umbroier, Ung jour qu'il venoit d'archoier, 1480 Et avoit soffert grant travail De corre et amont et aval, Tant qu'il ot soif por l'asprete Du chault, et por la lassete Qui li ot tolue l'alaine. Et quant il vint a la fontaine Que li pins de ses rains covroit, Il se pensa que il bevroit: Sus la fontaine, tout adens Se mist lors por boivre dedans. 1490 Si vit en l'iaue clere et nete Son vis, son nes et sa bouchete, Et cis maintenant s'esbahi; Car ses umbres l'ot si trahi, Que cuida veoir la figure D'ung enfant bel a desmesure. << Wel couthe Love him wreke tho Of daunger and of pryde also, That Narcisus somtyme him bere. 1525 He quitte him wel his guerdon there; For he so musede in the welle, That, shortly al the sothe to telle, He lovede his owne shadowe so, That atte laste he starf for wo. 1530 For whan he saugh that he his wille Mighte in no maner wey fulfille, And that he was so faste caught That he him couthe comfort naught, He loste his wit right in that place, 1535 And deyde within a litel space. And thus his warisoun he took For the lady that he forsook. Ladyes, I preye ensample taketh, Ye that ayeins your love mistaketh: 1540 For if hir deeth be yow to wyte, God can ful wel your whyle quyte. Whan that this lettre, of whiche I telle, Had taught me that it was the welle Of Narcisus in his beautee, 1545 I gan anoon withdrawe me, >> Lors se sot bien Amors vengier Du grant orguel et du dangier Que Narcisus li ot mene. Lors li fu bien guerredone, 1500 Qu'il musa tant a la fontaine, Qu'il ama son umbre demaine, Si en fu mors a la parclose. Ce est la somme de la chose: Car quant il vit qu'il ne porroit Acomplir ce qu'il desirroit, Et qu'il i fu si pris par sort, Qu'il n'en pooit avoir confort En nule guise, n'en nul sens, Il perdi d'ire tout le sens, 1510 Et fu mors en poi de termine. Ainsinc si ot de la meschine Qu'il avoit d'amors escondite, Son guerredon et sa merite. Dames, cest exemple aprenes, Qui vers vos amis mesprenes; Car se vous les lessies morir, Diex le vous sara bien merir. Quant li escris m'ot fait savoir Que ce estoit tretout por voir 1520 La fontaine au biau Narcisus, Je m'en trais lors ung poi en sus, << Whan it fel in my remembraunce, That him bitidde swich mischaunce. But at the laste than thoughte I, That scatheles, ful sikerly, 1550 I mighte unto THE WELLE go. THE WELLE. Wherof shulde I abasshen so? Unto the welle than wente I me, And doun I louted for to see The clere water in the stoon, 1555 And eek the gravel, which that shoon Down in the botme, as silver fyn; For of the welle, this is the fyn, In world is noon so cleer of hewe. The water is ever fresh and newe 1560 That welmeth up with wawes brighte The mountance of two finger highte. Abouten it is gras springing, For moiste so thikke and wel lyking, That it ne may in winter dye, 1565 No more than may the see be drye. Down at the botme set saw I Two cristal stones craftely In thilke fresshe and faire welle. But o thing soothly dar I telle, 1570 >> Que dedens n'osai regarder, Ains commencai a coarder, Quant de Narcisus me sovint, Cui malement en mesavint; Mes ge me pensai qu'asseur, Sans paor de maves eur, A la fontaine aler pooie, Por folie m'en esmaioie. 1530 De la fontaine m'apressai, Quant ge fui pres, si m'abessai Por veoir l'iaue qui coroit, Et la gravele qui paroit Au fons plus clere qu'argens fins, De la fontaine c'est la fins. En tout le monde n'ot si bele, L'iaue est tousdis fresche et novele, Qui nuit et jor sourt a grans ondes Par deux doiz creuses et parfondes. 1540 Tout entour point l'erbe menue, Qui vient por l'iaue espesse et drue, Et en iver ne puet morir Ne que l'iaue ne puet tarir. Ou fons de la fontaine aval Avoit deux pierres de cristal Qu'a grande entente remirai, Et une chose vous dirai, << That ye wol holde a greet mervayle Whan it is told, withouten fayle. For whan the sonne, cleer in sighte, Cast in that welle his bemes brighte, And that the heet descended is, 1575 Than taketh the cristal stoon, y-wis, Agayn the sonne an hundred hewes, Blewe, yelowe, and rede, that fresh and newe is. Yit hath the merveilous cristal Swich strengthe, that the place overal, 1580 Bothe fowl and tree, and leves grene, And al the yerd in it is sene. And for to doon you understonde, To make ensample wol I fonde; Right as a mirour openly 1585 Sheweth al thing that stant therby, As wel the colour as the figure, Withouten any coverture; Right so the cristal stoon, shyning, Withouten any disceyving, 1590 The estres of the yerde accuseth To him that in the water museth; For ever, in which half that he be, He may wel half the gardin see; >> Qu'a merveilles, ce cuit, tenres Tout maintenant que vous l'orres. 1550 Quant li solaus qui tout aguete, Ses rais en la fontaine giete, Et la clartes aval descent, Lors perent colors plus de cent Ou cristal, qui por le soleil Devient ynde, jaune et vermeil: Si ot le cristal merveilleus Itel force que tous li leus, Arbres et flors et quanqu'aorne Li vergiers, i pert tout aorne; 1560 Et por faire la chose entendre, Un essample vous veil aprendre. Ainsinc cum li mireors montre Les choses qui li sunt encontre, Et y voit-l'en sans coverture Et lor color, et lor figure; Tretout ausinc vous dis por voir, Que li cristal, sans decevoir, Tout l'estre du vergier accusent A ceus qui dedens l'iaue musent: 1570 Car tous jours quelque part qu'il soient, L'une moitie du vergier voient; << And if he turne, he may right wel 1595 Seen the remenaunt everydel. For ther is noon so litel thing So hid, ne closed with shitting, That it ne is sene, as though it were Peynted in the cristal there. 1600 This is the mirour perilous, In which the proude Narcisus Saw al his face fair and bright, That made him sith to lye upright. For who-so loke in that mirour, 1605 Ther may no-thing ben his socour That he ne shal ther seen som thing That shal him lede into [loving]. Ful many a worthy man hath it Y-blent; for folk of grettest wit 1610 Ben sone caught here and awayted; Withouten respyt been they bayted. Heer comth to folk of-newe rage, Heer chaungeth many wight corage; Heer lyth no reed ne wit therto; 1615 For Venus sone, daun Cupido, Hath sowen there of love the seed, That help ne lyth ther noon, ne reed, >> Et s'il se tornent maintenant, Pueent veoir le remenant. Si n'i a si petite chose, Tant reposte, ne tant enclose, Dont demonstrance n'i soit faite, Cum s'ele iert es cristaus portraite. C'est li mireoirs perilleus, Ou Narcisus li orguilleus 1580 Mira sa face et ses yex vers, Dont il jut puis mors tout envers. Qui en cel mireor se mire, Ne puet avoir garant de mire, Que tel chose a ses yex ne voie, Qui d'amer l'a tost mis en voie. Maint vaillant homme a mis a glaive Cis mireors, car li plus saive, Li plus preus, li miex afetie I sunt tost pris et aguetie. 1590 Ci sourt as gens novele rage, Ici se changent li corage; Ci n'a mestier sens, ne mesure, Ci est d'amer volente pure; Ci ne se set conseiller nus; Car Cupido, li fils Venus, << So cercleth it the welle aboute. His ginnes hath he set withoute 1620 Right for to cacche in his panteres These damoysels and bacheleres. Love wil noon other bridde cacche, Though he sette either net or lacche. And for the seed that heer was sowen, 1625 This welle is cleped, as wel is knowen, The Welle of Love, of verray right, Of which ther hath ful many a wight Spoke in bokes dyversely. But they shulle never so verily 1630 Descripcioun of the welle here, Ne eek the sothe of this matere, As ye shulle, whan I have undo The craft that hir bilongeth to. Alway me lyked for to dwelle, 1635 To seen the cristal in the welle, That shewed me ful openly A thousand thinges faste by. But I may saye, in sory houre Stood I to loken or to poure; 1640 For sithen [have] I sore syked, That mirour hath me now entryked. >> Sema ici d'Amors la graine Qui toute a cainte la fontaine; Et fist ses las environ tendre, Et ses engins i mist por prendre 1600 Damoiseles et Damoisiaus; Qu'Amors ne velt autres oisiaus. Por la graine qui fu semee, Fu cele fontaine clamee La Fontaine d'Amors par droit, Dont plusors ont en maint endroit Parle, en romans et en livre; Mais james n'orrez miex descrivre La verite de la matere, Cum ge la vous vodre retrere. 1610 Ades me plot a demorer A la fontaine, et remirer Les deus cristaus qui me monstroient Mil choses qui ilec estoient. Mes de fort hore m'i mire: Las! tant en ai puis souspire! Cis mireors m'a deceu; Se j'eusse avant cogneu << But hadde I first knowen in my wit The vertue and [the] strengthe of it, I nolde not have mused there; 1645 Me hadde bet ben elles-where; For in the snare I fel anoon, That hath bitraisshed many oon. In thilke mirour saw I tho, Among a thousand thinges mo, 1650 A ROSER charged ful of roses, THE ROSER. That with an hegge aboute enclos is. Tho had I swich lust and envye, That, for Parys ne for Pavye, Nolde I have left to goon and see 1655 Ther grettest hepe of roses be. Whan I was with this rage hent, That caught hath many a man and shent, Toward the roser gan I go. And whan I was not fer therfro, 1660 The savour of the roses swote Me smoot right to the herte rote, As I hadde al embawmed [be.] And if I ne hadde endouted me To have ben hated or assailed, 1665 My thankes, wolde I not have failed >> Quex sa force ert et sa vertu, Ne m'i fusse ja embatu: 1620 Car meintenant ou las chai Qui meint homme ont pris et trai. Ou miroer entre mil choses, Choisi rosiers chargies de roses, Qui estoient en ung detor D'une haie clos tout entor: Adont m'en prist si grant envie, Que ne laissasse por Pavie, Ne por Paris, que ge n'alasse La ou ge vi la greignor masse. 1630 Quant cele rage m'ot si pris, Dont maint ont este entrepris, Vers les rosiers tantost me tres; Et sachies que quant g'en fui pres, L'oudor des roses savorees M'entra ens jusques es corees, Que por noient fusse embasmes: Se assailli ou mesames << To pulle a rose of al that route To beren in myn honde aboute, And smellen to it wher I wente; But ever I dredde me to repente, 1670 And lest it greved or for-thoughte The lord that thilke gardyn wroughte. Of roses were ther gret woon, So faire wexe never in roon. Of knoppes clos, some saw I there, 1675 And some wel beter woxen were; And some ther been of other moysoun, That drowe nigh to hir sesoun, And spedde hem faste for to sprede; I love wel swiche roses rede; 1680 For brode roses, and open also, Ben passed in a day or two; But knoppes wilen fresshe be Two dayes atte leest, or three. The knoppes gretly lyked me, 1685 For fairer may ther no man see. Who-so mighte haven oon of alle, It oughte him been ful leef withalle. Mighte I [a] gerlond of hem geten, For no richesse I wolde it leten. 1690 >> Ne cremisse estre, g'en cuillisse, Au mains une que ge tenisse 1640 En ma main, por l'odor sentir; Mes paor oi du repentir: Car il en peust de legier Peser au seignor du vergier. Des roses i ot grans monciaus, Si beles ne vit homs sous ciaus; Boutons i ot petit et clos, Et tiex qui sunt ung poi plus gros. Si en i ot d'autre moison Qui se traient a lor soison, 1650 Et s'aprestoient d'espanir, Et cil ne font pas a hair. Les roses overtes et lees Sunt en ung jor toutes alees; Mes li bouton durent trois frois A tout le mains deux jors ou trois. Icil bouton forment me plurent, Oncques plus bel nul leu ne crurent. Qui en porroit ung acroichier, Il le devroit avoir moult chier; 1660 S'ung chapel en peusse avoir, Je n'en preisse nul avoir. << Among THE KNOPPES I chees oon THE KNOPPE. So fair, that of the remenaunt noon Ne preyse I half so wel as it, Whan I avyse it in my wit. For it so wel was enlumyned 1695 With colour reed, as wel [y]-fyned As nature couthe it make faire. And it had leves wel foure paire, That Kinde had set through his knowing Aboute the rede rose springing. 1700 The stalke was as risshe right, And theron stood the knoppe upright, That it ne bowed upon no syde. The swote smelle sprong so wyde That it dide al the place aboute-- 1705 >> Entre ces boutons en eslui Ung si tres-bel, qu'envers celui Nus des autres riens ne prisie, Puis que ge l'oi bien avisie: Car une color l'enlumine, Qui est si vermeille et si fine, Com Nature la pot plus faire. Des foilles i ot quatre paire 1670 Que Nature par grant mestire I ot assises tire a tire. La coe ot droite comme jons, Et par dessus siet li boutons, Si qu'il ne cline, ne ne pent. L'odor de lui entor s'espent; La soatime qui en ist Toute la place replenist. 1678 G. = Glasgow MS.; Th. = Thynne's ed. (1532). 1-44. _Lost in_ G.; _from_ Th. 3. Th. some sweuen; _but the pl. is required_. 4. Th. that false ne bene. 5. Th. apparaunt. 6. Th. warraunt. 12. Th. els; _om._ a. 13, 14. Th. fal, cal; fole. 23. Th. folke; went. 25. Th. slepte. 26. Th. suche. 27. Th. lyked; wele. 28. Th. dele. 29. Th. afterwarde befal. 30. Th. dreme; tel; al. 31. Th. Nowe; dreme. 35. Th. there. 37. Th. Howe; _om._ that _and_ the. 38. Th. hatte; _read_ hote. 39. Ed. 1550, Romaunte. 40. Th. arte. 42. Th. graunt me in; _omit_ me. 45. _Here begins_ G. 46. Th. to be; G. _torn_. 47. Th. G. ought. 49. G. Th. thought. 55. G. Th. bene. 56. G. Th. wrene. 59. G. erth. G. Th. proude. 61. G. Th. forgette. 62. G. Th. had; sette. 66. G. Th. had. 69-72. _Imperfect in_ G. 72. G. so; Th. ful. 73. Th. grylle; G. gryl. 73, 74. G. Th. sight, bright. 76. Th. herte; G. hertis. G. sich. 80. G. _om._ a. 81. G. _om._ the. 82. Th. yonge; G. yong. 84. Th. sauorous; G. sauerous. 85. Th. his herte; G. the hert. 89. G. blesful; Th. blysful. 91. G. affraieth; Th. affirmeth. G. Th. al. 96. G. wisshe; hondis. 97. Th. nedyl. G. droughe; Th. drowe. 98. Th. aguyler; G. Aguler. G. ynoughe; Th. ynowe. 101. Th. sowne; G. song. 102. Th. on; G. in. _Both_ buskes. 103. G. _om._ the. G. swete; Th. lefe. 107. Th. That; G. They. G. _om._ a. 109. Th. Iolyfe; G. Ioly. 110. _Both_ gan I. 111. G. herd; fast. 113. _Both_ ryuere. 114. _Both_ nere. 117-120. _Imperfect in_ G. 121. _Perhaps om._ that. 123, 4. G. Th. ryuere, clere. 126. Th. botome ypaued. 132. G. walk thorough. 138. G. Th. Enclosed was; _see_ l. 1652. 139. Th. hye; G. high. 142. G. the ymages and the peyntures; Th. the ymages and peyntures. 146. G. haue in; Th. _om._ in. 147. Th. Amydde; G. Amyd. 149. _Both_ mynoresse; _French_, moverresse. 154. _Both_ wode. 155. G. _om._ Y-. 160. Th. ywrithen; G. writhen. 163. G. _om._ faste. 165, 6. _Both_ Felony, Vil(l)any. 167. Th. Ycleped; G. Clepid. _Both_ fonde. 168. G. wal; Th. wall. _Both_ honde. 174. _Both_ outragious. 176. Th. suche an ymage. 184. G. gret tresouris; Th. gret treasours. G. leyne; Th. layne. 185. G. _om._ she. 188. Th. couetous; G. coueitise. 189. G. _om._ she. Th. for; G. that. 196. _Both_ myscoueiting. 198. _Both om._ that. 203. _Both_ wode. 204. _Both_ gode. 208. _Both_ fast. 212. Th. any; G. ony. 214. _Both_ semed to haue. 219. G. porely; Th. poorely. 220. _Both_ courtpy. 224. Th. mantel; G. mantyl. _Both_ fast. 234. Th. ilke; G. ilk. 239. Th. helde; G. hilde. 240. _Both om._ doun. 241, 2. Th. stronge, longe; G. strong, long. 245, 6. _Both_ entent, went. 248. _Both_ peynted. 249, 250. _Both_ in hir herte. G. farede, herede; Th. ferde, herde. 255. _Perhaps read_ On ... to falle. 256. _Both om._ ful. 259. Th. shamful; G. shynful. 261. _Both_ or by his prowesse. 264. Th. chaunce; G. chaunge. 266. G. trouth. 271. G. farede; Th. fared. 273. _Both_ male talent; _see_ 330. 275. G. hath; Th. hate. _I supply_ wo. 276. _Read_ melt'th _or_ melt. 277. _Both_ so (_for_ to-). 278. Th. people; G. puple. 282. _Both_ best. 291. G. Th. awrie. 292. G. -thart; Th. -twharte, _misprint for_ -thwart. 293. _I supply_ eek. G. _om._ a foul. 296. G. hir eien; Th. her one eye. 298. _Both_ se. 299. _So_ Th.; G. fairer or worthier. 303. G. seyn; Th. sene. 305. _Both_ to haue; _read_ hav-e. Th. iaundice. 307. _I supply_ as. 310. Th. yelowe; G. yolare. 324. _Both_ rent. 333-380. _Lost in_ G; _from_ Th. 334. Th. had sene. 340. Th. rechelesse. 341. Th. rought. 342. _I supply_ of. 344. Th. luste; play. 349. Th. contrarie. 352. Th. might. 356. Th. for hore. 367, 368. Th. went, potent. 370. Th. restlesse. 379. _Supply_ er (Kaluza). 381. G. _begins again_. 382. _Both_ may neuer. 387. _Both_ frette. Th. shal; G. shalle. 388. Th. al; G. alle. 389. Th. al; G. alle. 390. _Both_ al. 398. _Both_ myght. 401. _Both_ witte; pithe; in. 404. _Both_ faire. 408. Th. cappe. 421. Th. symple; G. semely. 435. G. ne fresh; Th. _om._ ne. 436. _Both_ to be. 442. _Both_ ay (_giving no sense_); _read_ shal. 444. _Both_ grace (_for_ face). 446. G. _om._ hem. 448. G. _om._ eek. 452. _I supply_ that. 455. G. wedir; Th. wether. 456. G. deyd; Th. dyed. 462. _Both_ had. 466. G. pouer. 467. G. shamefast; dispised. 471. G. ony pouere; fedde. Th. yfedde. 472. G. cledde; Th. ycledde. 478. Th. were; G. newe. 479. _Both_ Square. 480. Th. ybarred; G. barred. 483. _Both_ wrought. 485. G. laddris; Th. ladders; _read_ laddre; _see_ 523. 489. _Both_ As was in. 492. G. yeer; Th. yere; _read_ yerd; _see_ 656. 494. Th. Therin; G. Therynne. 498. _Both_ ought. 501. Th. hundred; G. hundreth. _Both_ wolde (_by confusion_). 503. _Both_ be. 505. _Both_ kepe it fro care; _a false rime_. 506. _Both_ ware; _a false spelling_. 510. _Both_ weymentyng. 512. _Both_ into. 516. _Both_ where; _read_ o-where. 517. _Both_ myght. 520. _Both_ For; _read_ Ful. G. angwishis; _see_ F. text. 532. _I supply 1st_ so. 535. G. and of herknyng; Th. al herkenyng. 536. G. ony; Th. any; _read_ a. 537. G. _om._ the. 540. G. ony; Th. any. 541. _I supply 1st_ as. 542. _Both_ bent. 546. _Both_ as is a; _omit_ is _or_ a. 558. G. snawe; Th. snowe. G. snawed; Th. snowed. 560. G. neded; Th. neden. 564. _Some lines lost?_ 567. _I supply_ in honde. 568. Th. tressour; G. tresour; (_cf._ Gawain, 1739). 569. _Both_ queyntly; _see_ l. 783. 570. _Both_ fetously; _see_ l. 577. 583. _Both_ but if; _om._ if. 586. _Both_ may; _see_ l. 538. 587, 588. _Both_ myght, hyght. 592. G. answeride; Th. answerde. 603. G. hidre be; Th. hyther be. _Both_ fette. 604. G. sette; Th. ysette. 605. _Both_ hight. 606. _Both_ sight. 617. Th. therin; G. therynne. 623. Th. playen in; G. pleyn ynne. 631. Th. Than; G. Thanne. 645, 653. Th. in; G. Inne. 654. _Both_ thought. 655. Th. byrde; G. bridde; _read_ brid. 660. _Both_ places (_badly_). 661. _Both_ might. 668. _Both_ That (_for_ These). 673. Th. whan; G. that. Th. herde; G. herd. 676. _Both_ myght. 684. _Both_ clepe. 688. Th. But; G. For. _Both om._ hir. 699. Th. gardyn; G. gardyne. 700. G. inne; Th. in. 701. G. hens-; wrought. 702. _Both_ thought. 709. _Both_ wrought. 716. Th. her; G. their. Th. iargonyng; G. yarkonyng. 718. Th. ispronge; G. spronge. 720. Th. reuelrye; G. reuerye; _see_ French. 724. Th. in; G. inne. 728. _Both_ sight (_wrongly_). 732. Th. faste; G. fast. _Both_ without. 739. Th. whence; G. whenne. _Both_ might. 741, 2. _Both_ sight, bright. 743. Th. These; G. This. 745. _Both_ hyght. 746. _Both_ blisfull. Th. and lyght; G. and the light; _see_ 797. 749. _Both add_ couthe _before_ make. 760. _I supply_ ther. 761. _Both_ made (_for_ make). 770. Th. saylours; G. saillouris. 773. _Both_, hente; _I supply_ hem. 776. G. damysels; Th. damosels. 782. _Both_ lieth. 783. _Both_ queyntly; _see_ l. 569. 791. _Both_ bode; _read_ bede; _see_ note. 798. _Both_ pray to God. 801. _I supply_ neer. 806. _Both_ it to me liked. 811. _Both_ right blythe; _om._ right. 812. Th. Than; G. Thanne. 819. Th. appel; G. appille. 834. _Both_ first. 836. _Both_ samette. 837. _Both_ beten ful; _om._ ful. 844. _Both_ drury. 845. Th. rosen; G. rosyn. 848. _Both_ gladnesse. 859. G. seye; Th. sey (_for_ say_n_). 860. G. pleye; Th. pley (_for_ pley_n_). 861. _Both_ Bent. 863. _Both_ laugheden. 865. _Both_ I wot not what of hir nose I shal descryve (_eleven syllables_). 866. _Two lines lost._ 869. Th. orfrayes. 870. Th. whiche; G. which. Th. sene; G. seyen. 873. Th. samyte; G. samet. 875, 6. Th. werde, ferde; G. werede, ferede. _Both ins._ hir _bef._ herte. 877. Th. on; G. in. 879. _Both_ Love, and as hym likith it be. 887. Th. prise; G. preyse. 890. Th. ycladde; G. clad. 891. G. and in; Th. _om._ in. 892. _From_ Th.; G. _om._ 893. Th. losenges; G. losynges. 897. Th. Ypurtrayed; G. Portreied. Th. ywrought; G. wrought. 900. Th. Yset; G. Sett. 902. Th. moche; G. mych. 903, 4. _Both_ peruynke, thynke. 906. G. -melled; Th. -medled; _see_ l. 898. 923. _Both_ Turke bowes two, full wel deuysed had he (_too long_). 928. Th. any; G. ony. 929, 930. Th. plante, warante; G. plant, warant. _Both_ Without. 932. G. Treitys; Th. Trectes. _Both ins._ ful _after_ of. 933. G. twythen; Th. thwitten (_printed_ twhitten). 936. _I supply_ ful. 939. Th. helde; G. hilde. 942. Th. aryght; G. right. 944. G. peynted (!). 945. Th. sharpe; G. sharp. Th. wele; G. welle. 946. Th. stele; G. steelle. 948. Th. Out take; G. Outake. 953. G. lasse; Th. lesse. 958. Th. companye; G. compaigny. 959. _Both_ shoten; _see_ l. 989. 960. _For_ right _read_ nigh (K.). 964. _Both_ leest. 969. Th. soner; G. sonner. 970. Th. Hys; G. Hir. Th. ought be; G. ought to be. 973. _Both_ for to telle. 984. _Both_ on; _read_ of (K.). 991. _Both_ And contrarye. 998. Th. booke; G. book. 1007. G. Th. And; _read_ As was; F. _Ainsinc cum_. 1010. _I supply_ is. 1015. _For_ As _read_ And (K.). 1017. _Both_ smale. 1018. _Both_ wyntred; _see_ l. 1020. 1026. _Both_ thought; _read_ thinketh (K.). 1031. _Both_ Sore (!); _read_ Wys (?). 1034. _Both_ And hight (!). 1037. _Both_ in werk (!). 1043. G. and the; Th. _om._ the. 1045. Th. weren; G. were. 1058. Th. But; G. And. Th. prill; G. prile; _prob. error for_ prike, _or_ prikke. 1062. Th. and wyse; G. ywys. 1063. G. haue do; Th. and ydon. 1065. Th. And maketh; G. Haue maad. 1066. G. _om._ as. _Both_ ought. 1068. Th. aryued; G. achyued. 1071. G. purpur; Th. purple. 1073. Th. it; G. hir. 1080. Th. amyled; Speght, ameled; G. enameled. 1082. G. shete; Th. shette. 1089. _Both_ durst (!); _read_ thurte _or_ thurfte. 1092. Th. mannes; G. man. 1098. G. _om._ of. _Both_ tothe. 1101. Th. thylke; G. thilk. 1102. _Both_ myght. 1109. _Both_ light. 1111. Th. he; G. she. 1112. _Both_ deuyse. 1116. Th. the; G. that. 1117. _Both_ ragounces (!). 1125. Morris _supplies_ tho. 1132. G. mych. 1134. Th. loued wel to haue; G. loued to haue well. 1137. Th. an; G. ony. 1139. Th. ben; G. be. 1141. Th. Was; G. And. 1142. Th. or defence; G. of diffense. 1144. Th. dispences; G. dispence. 1146. Th. for to spende; G. for to dispende; _see_ 1157. 1147. Th. lackynge; G. lakke. 1150. Th. sette; G. settith. 1162. G. _om._ wys. 1166. Th. craftely; G. tristely. 1172. Th. nygarde; G. nygart. 1176. G. _om._ him. 1178. Th. wyl; G. wille. 1182. Th. adamant; G. adamaund. 1187. Th. fresshe; G. fresh. 1188. G. sarlynysh; Th. Sarlynyssche. 1199. _Both_ sibbe. Th. Arthour; G. Artour. Th. Breteigne; G. Britaigne. 1200. Th. enseigne; G, ensaigne. 1201. _Both_ gousfaucoun. 1205. _Both_ newly. 1206. Th. tourneyeng; G. tourneryng. 1207. Th. There; G. The. 1210. _Both_ He caste. 1214. Th. yfallen; G. falle. 1219. Th. on; G. of. 1221. _Both_ durst. 1227, 8. _Both_ bistadde, adradde. 1230. Th. taswage. 1233. Th. hempe; G. hempe ne (_for_ hempene). 1235. G. ridled; Th. ryddeled. 1236. G. _om._ nat. _Both_ a; _read_ oo. 1238. Th. yclothed; G. clothed. 1243; _see_ 1235. 1244. _Both_ Bitokeneth. 1247, 8. _Both_ hight. 1255. Th. _om._ right. 1259. G. and of; Th. _om._ of. 1261. G. _om. 1st_ no. 1263. G. wenaunt (!). 1265. G. _om._ were. 1274. _Both_ fast. 1275. _Both_ without. 1282. _Both_ And she; _read_ Youthe; _see_ 1302. 1288. Th. yonge; G. yong. Th. wel; G. wole. 1303. _Both_ that; _read_ thus; _see_ 1310. 1307. _Both_ faire; truly (truely). 1308. _Both_ were. 1313. G. loreyes; Th. Laurelles. 1315. Th. ended; G. eended (=y-ended?). 1323. _Both_ myght. 1324. _Both_ durst (_for_ thurte). 1326. _Both_ As to haue. 1332. _Both_ she (_for 2nd_ he). 1334. _Both_ hadde (_for_ bad); bent; _om._ it. 1335. _I supply_ it. _Both_ an (_for_ on). 1339. _Both_ sittith. 1340. _Both_ he kepe me; (_om._ he). 1341. G. hadde me shette; Th. had me shete. 1342. G. mette; Th. mete. 1343. _Both_ had me greued. 1348. _Both_ hadde in all the gardyn be. 1359. G. of gret; Th. _om._ of. 1360. Th. nuttes. 1363. _Both_ almandres. 1365. Th. weren; G. wexen. 1366. _Read_ Throughout the yerd? 1369. Th. Gyngere; G. Gyngevre. _Both_ Parys (!). 1375. Th. plommes. Th. chesteynis; G. chesteyns. 1376. G. Cherys; Th. Cheryse. G. which. 1379. Th. laurer; G. lorey (!). 1381. G. olyuers; Th. olyueris. 1384. _Both_ oke. 1386-1482. _Lost in_ G. 1397, 8. Th. knytte, sytte; _see_ Parl. Fo. 628. 1399. Th. myght there noon. 1400. _I supply_ it. 1403. Th. bowe; Speght, bough (_twice_). 1404. Th. Connes. 1405, 6. Th. clapers, maners. 1411, 2. Th. wel, tel. 1413, 4. Th. deuyse, condyse 1423. Th. the erthe; _see_ 1428. 1424. Th. wel. 1425. Th. Spronge; _see_ l. 1419. 1428. Th. suche. 1429. Th. hath. 1431. Th. vyolet. 1440. Th. dilectable. 1445, 6. Th. lefte. 1447. Th. garden; _read_ yerde in (K.); cf. 1366 (note). 1448. Th. efters (!). 1452. Th. beest. 1453. Th. shoten; _read_ shete. 1453. Th. goodmesse; _see_ 3462. 1456. Th. Besydes. 1474. Th. that hight; (_om._ that). 1482. Th. feirs. 1483. G. _begins again_. 1485. G. _om._ hir. 1486. Th. hert. 1488. Th. without. 1489. Th. deyde; G. dide. 1495. _Both_ might to; _I omit_ to. 1496. Th. Than; G. And that. Th. shulde he; G. he shulde. 1498. G. velaynesly; Th. vilaynously. 1500. Th. ferme; G. forme. 1503. G. resten; Th. rest. G. that; Th. the. 1508. G. heet; Th. herte (_for_ heete). 1510. _Both_ wel. Th. y-comen; G. comen. 1515. G. he straught; Th. out-straught. 1516. _Both_ draught. 1517, 8. G. seen, sheen; Th. sene, shene. 1520. Th. had; G. was. 1527. _Both_ musede so. 1528. Th. _om._ al. 1534: _Both_ comforte. 1550. G. scathles; Th. scathlesse. 1552. Th. abasshen; G. abaisshen. 1553. _From_ Th.; _not in_ G. 1561, 2. _Both_ bright, hight. 1563. _Both_ Aboute. 1573, 4. _Both_ sight, bright. 1581. _Both_ foule. 1583. _Both_ you to; _I omit_ to. 1585. _Both_ mirrour. 1586. G. stondith; Th. stondeth. 1591. _Both_ entrees. 1593, 4. _Both_ ye (_for_ he). 1601, 1605. _Both_ mirrour. 1604. _So_ Th.; G. swithe to ligge. 1605. Th. loke; G. loketh. 1608. _Both_ laughyng (!); _read_ loving. 1609. G. _om._ a. 1610. Th. Y-blent; G. Blent. 1617. Th. sowen; G. sowne. 1621, 2. _Both_ panters, bachelers. 1638. G. fast; Th. faste. 1641. _I supply_ have. _Both_ sighed (_for_ syked). 1642, 9. _Both_ mirrour. 1644. Th. vertue; G. vertues. _I supply_ the. _Both_ strengthes; _read_ strengthe. 1646. _Both_ had. 1648. G. bitrisshed; Th. bytresshed. 1649. Th. thylke; G. thilk. 1652. Th. enclos; G. enclosid. 1655. G. att (_for_ and). 1663. Th. G. me; _read_ be (F. _fusse_). 1666. _So_ Th.; G. Me thankis. G. wole; Th. wol; _read_ wolde. 1668. _Both_ bere. 1671, 2. _Both_ -thought, wrought. 1673. _Both_ ther were; _both_ wone. 1674. Th. ware; G. waxe; _both_ Rone. 1679. Th. faste; G. fast. 1683. G. will_e_; Th. wyl. Th. fresshe; G. fresh. 1687. _Both_ myght haue. 1688. G. lief; Th. lefe. 1689. _I supply_ a. 1694. G. it in; Th. _om._ it. 1695. G. enlomyned. 1698. _Both_ hath; _om._ wel? 1700. _Both_ roses. 1701. Th. rysshe; G. rish. 1705. Th. dyed (_for_ dide; _wrongly_). 1705, 6. _A false rime_; l. 1705 _is incomplete in sense, as the sentence has no verb. Here the genuine portion ends._ L. 1706 _is by another hand_. FRAGMENT B. Whan I had smelled the savour swote, No wille hadde I fro thens yit go, But somdel neer it wente I tho, To take it; but myn hond, for drede, Ne dorste I to the rose bede, 1710 For thistels sharpe, of many maneres, Netles, thornes, and hoked breres; [Ful] muche they distourbled me, For sore I dradde to harmed be. The God of Love, with bowe bent, 1715 That al day set hadde his talent To pursuen and to spyen me, Was stonding by a fige-tree. And whan he sawe how that I Had chosen so ententifly 1720 The botoun, more unto my pay Than any other that I say, He took an arowe ful sharply whet, And in his bowe whan it was set, He streight up to his ere drough 1725 The stronge bowe, that was so tough, And shet at me so wonder smerte, That through myn eye unto myn herte The takel smoot, and depe it wente. And ther-with-al such cold me hente, 1730 That, under clothes warme and softe, Sith that day I have chevered ofte. Whan I was hurt thus in [that] stounde, I fel doun plat unto the grounde. Myn herte failed and feynted ay, 1735 And long tyme [ther] a-swone I lay. But whan I com out of swoning, And hadde wit, and my feling, I was al maat, and wende ful wel Of blood have loren a ful gret del. 1740 But certes, the arowe that in me stood Of me ne drew no drope of blood, For-why I found my wounde al dreye. Than took I with myn hondis tweye The arowe, and ful fast out it plight, 1745 And in the pulling sore I sight. So at the last the shaft of tree I drough out, with the fethers three. But yet the hoked heed, y-wis, The whiche Beautee callid is, 1750 Gan so depe in myn herte passe, That I it mighte nought arace; But in myn herte stille it stood, Al bledde I not a drope of blood. I was bothe anguissous and trouble 1755 For the peril that I saw double; I niste what to seye or do, Ne gete a leche my woundis to; For neithir thurgh gras ne rote, Ne hadde I help of hope ne bote. 1760 But to the botoun ever-mo Myn herte drew; for al my wo, My thought was in non other thing. For hadde it been in my keping, It wolde have brought my lyf agayn. 1765 For certeinly, I dar wel seyn, The sight only, and the savour, Alegged muche of my langour. Than gan I for to drawe me Toward the botoun fair to see; 1770 And Love hadde gete him, in [a] throwe, Another arowe into his bowe, And for to shete gan him dresse; The arowis name was Simplesse. And whan that Love gan nyghe me nere, 1775 He drow it up, withouten were, And shet at me with al his might, So that this arowe anon-right Thourghout [myn] eigh, as it was founde, Into myn herte hath maad a wounde. 1780 Thanne I anoon dide al my crafte For to drawen out the shafte, And ther-with-al I sighed eft. But in myn herte the heed was left, Which ay encresid my desyre, 1785 Unto the botoun drawe nere; And ever, mo that me was wo, The more desyr hadde I to go Unto the roser, where that grew The fresshe botoun so bright of hewe. 1790 Betir me were have leten be; But it bihoved nedes me To don right as myn herte bad. For ever the body must be lad Aftir the herte; in wele and wo, 1795 Of force togidre they must go. But never this archer wolde fyne To shete at me with alle his pyne, And for to make me to him mete. The thridde arowe he gan to shete, 1800 Whan best his tyme he mighte espye, The which was named Curtesye; Into myn herte it dide avale. A-swone I fel, bothe deed and pale; Long tyme I lay, and stired nought, 1805 Til I abraid out of my thought. And faste than I avysed me To drawen out the shafte of tree; But ever the heed was left bihinde For ought I couthe pulle or winde. 1810 So sore it stikid whan I was hit, That by no craft I might it flit; But anguissous and ful of thought, I felte such wo, my wounde ay wrought, That somoned me alway to go 1815 Toward the rose, that plesed me so; But I ne durste in no manere, Bicause the archer was so nere. For evermore gladly, as I rede, Brent child of fyr hath muche drede. 1820 And, certis yit, for al my peyne, Though that I sigh yit arwis reyne, And grounde quarels sharpe of stele, Ne for no payne that I might fele, Yit might I not my-silf withholde 1825 The faire roser to biholde; For Love me yaf sich hardement For to fulfille his comaundement. Upon my feet I roos up than Feble, as a forwoundid man; 1830 And forth to gon [my] might I sette, And for the archer nolde I lette. Toward the roser fast I drow; But thornes sharpe mo than y-now Ther were, and also thistels thikke, 1835 And breres, brimme for to prikke, That I ne mighte gete grace The rowe thornes for to passe, To sene the roses fresshe of hewe. I must abide, though it me rewe, 1840 The hegge aboute so thikke was, That closid the roses in compas. But o thing lyked me right wele; I was so nygh, I mighte fele Of the botoun the swote odour, 1845 And also see the fresshe colour; And that right gretly lyked me, That I so neer it mighte see. Sich Ioye anoon therof hadde I, That I forgat my malady. 1850 To sene [it] hadde I sich delyt, Of sorwe and angre I was al quit, And of my woundes that I had thar; For no-thing lyken me might mar Than dwellen by the roser ay, 1855 And thennes never to passe away. But whan a whyle I had be thar, The God of Love, which al to-shar Myn herte with his arwis kene, Caste him to yeve me woundis grene. 1860 He shet at me ful hastily An arwe named Company, The whiche takel is ful able To make these ladies merciable. Than I anoon gan chaungen hewe 1865 For grevaunce of my wounde newe, That I agayn fel in swoning, And sighed sore in compleyning. Sore I compleyned that my sore On me gan greven more and more. 1870 I had non hope of allegeaunce; So nigh I drow to desperaunce, I rought of dethe ne of lyf, Whither that love wolde me dryf. If me a martir wolde he make, 1875 I might his power nought forsake. And whyl for anger thus I wook, The God of Love an arowe took; Ful sharp it was and [ful] pugnaunt, And it was callid Fair-Semblaunt, 1880 The which in no wys wol consente, That any lover him repente To serve his love with herte and alle, For any peril that may bifalle. But though this arwe was kene grounde 1885 As any rasour that is founde, To cutte and kerve, at the poynt, The God of Love it hadde anoynt With a precious oynement, Somdel to yeve aleggement 1890 Upon the woundes that he had Through the body in my herte maad, To helpe hir sores, and to cure, And that they may the bet endure. But yit this arwe, withoute more, 1895 Made in myn herte a large sore, That in ful gret peyne I abood. But ay the oynement wente abrood; Throughout my woundes large and wyde It spredde aboute in every syde; 1900 Through whos vertu and whos might Myn herte Ioyful was and light. I had ben deed and al to-shent But for the precious oynement. The shaft I drow out of the arwe, 1905 Roking for wo right wondir narwe; But the heed, which made me smerte, Lefte bihinde in myn herte With other foure, I dar wel say, That never wol be take away; 1910 But the oynement halp me wele. And yit sich sorwe dide I fele, That al-day I chaunged hewe, Of my woundes fresshe and newe, As men might see in my visage. 1915 The arwis were so fulle of rage, So variaunt of diversitee, That men in everich mighte see Bothe gret anoy and eek swetnesse, And Ioye meynt with bittirnesse. 1920 Now were they esy, now were they wood, In hem I felte bothe harm and good; Now sore without aleggement, Now softening with oynement; It softned here, and prikked there, 1925 Thus ese and anger togider were. The God of Love deliverly Com lepand to me hastily, And seide to me, in gret rape, 'Yeld thee, for thou may not escape! 1930 May no defence availe thee here; Therfore I rede mak no daungere. If thou wolt yelde thee hastily, Thou shalt [the] rather have mercy. He is a fool in sikernesse, 1935 That with daunger or stoutnesse Rebellith ther that he shulde plese; In such folye is litel ese. Be meek, wher thou must nedis bowe; To stryve ageyn is nought thy prowe. 1940 Come at ones, and have y-do, For I wol that it be so. Than yeld thee here debonairly.' And I answerid ful humbly, 'Gladly, sir; at your bidding, 1945 I wol me yelde in alle thing. To your servyse I wol me take; For god defende that I shulde make Ageyn your bidding resistence; I wol not doon so gret offence; 1950 For if I dide, it were no skile. Ye may do with me what ye wile, Save or spille, and also sloo; Fro you in no wyse may I go. My lyf, my deth, is in your honde, 1955 I may not laste out of your bonde. Pleyn at your list I yelde me, Hoping in herte, that sumtyme ye Comfort and ese shulle me sende; Or ellis shortly, this is the ende, 1960 Withouten helthe I moot ay dure, But-if ye take me to your cure. Comfort or helthe how shuld I have, Sith ye me hurte, but ye me save? The helthe of lovers moot be founde 1965 Wher-as they token firste hir wounde. And if ye list of me to make Your prisoner, I wol it take Of herte and wil, fully at gree. Hoolly and pleyn I yelde me, 1970 Withoute feyning or feyntyse, To be governed by your empryse. Of you I here so much prys, I wol ben hool at your devys For to fulfille your lyking 1975 And repente for no-thing, Hoping to have yit in som tyde Mercy, of that [that] I abyde.' And with that covenaunt yeld I me, Anoon doun kneling upon my knee, 1980 Profering for to kisse his feet; But for no-thing he wolde me lete, And seide, 'I love thee bothe and preyse, Sen that thyn answer doth me ese, For thou answerid so curteisly. 1985 For now I wot wel uttirly, That thou art gentil, by thy speche. For though a man fer wolde seche, He shulde not finden, in certeyn, No sich answer of no vileyn; 1990 For sich a word ne mighte nought Isse out of a vilayns thought. Thou shalt not lesen of thy speche, For [to] thy helping wol I eche, And eek encresen that I may. 1995 But first I wol that thou obay Fully, for thyn avauntage, Anon to do me here homage. And sithen kisse thou shalt my mouth, Which to no vilayn was never couth 2000 For to aproche it, ne for to touche; For sauf of cherlis I ne vouche That they shulle never neigh it nere. For curteys, and of fair manere, Wel taught, and ful of gentilnesse 2005 He muste ben, that shal me kisse, And also of ful high fraunchyse, That shal atteyne to that empryse. And first of o thing warne I thee, That peyne and gret adversitee 2010 He mot endure, and eek travaile, That shal me serve, withoute faile. But ther-ageyns, thee to comforte, And with thy servise to desporte, Thou mayst ful glad and Ioyful be 2015 So good a maister to have as me, And lord of so high renoun. I bere of Love the gonfanoun, Of Curtesye the banere; For I am of the silf manere, 2020 Gentil, curteys, meek and free; That who [so] ever ententif be Me to honoure, doute, and serve, And also that he him observe Fro trespas and fro vilanye, 2025 And him governe in curtesye With wil and with entencioun; For whan he first in my prisoun Is caught, than muste he uttirly, Fro thennes-forth ful bisily, 2030 Caste him gentil for to be, If he desyre helpe of me.' Anoon withouten more delay, Withouten daunger or affray, I bicom his man anoon, 2035 And gave him thankes many a oon, And kneled doun with hondis Ioynt, And made it in my port ful queynt; The Ioye wente to myn herte rote. Whan I had kissed his mouth so swote, 2040 I had sich mirthe and sich lyking, It cured me of languisshing. He askid of me than hostages:-- I have,' he seide, 'taken fele homages Of oon and other, where I have been 2045 Disceyved ofte, withouten wene. These felouns, fulle of falsitee, Have many sythes bigyled me, And through falshede hir lust acheved, Wherof I repente and am agreved. 2050 And I hem gete in my daungere, Hir falshed shulie they bye ful dere. But for I love thee, I seye thee pleyn, I wol of thee be more certeyn; For thee so sore I wol now binde, 2055 That thou away ne shalt not winde For to denyen the covenaunt, Or doon that is not avenaunt. That thou were fals it were gret reuthe, Sith thou semest so ful of treuthe.' 2060 'Sire, if thee list to undirstande, I merveile thee asking this demande. For-why or wherfore shulde ye Ostages or borwis aske of me, Or any other sikirnesse, 2065 Sith ye wote, in sothfastnesse, That ye have me surprysed so, And hool myn herte taken me fro, That it wol do for me no-thing But-if it be at your bidding? 2070 Myn herte is yours, and myn right nought, As it bihoveth, in dede and thought, Redy in alle to worche your wille, Whether so [it] turne to good or ille. So sore it lustith you to plese, 2075 No man therof may you disseise. Ye have theron set sich Iustise, That it is werreyd in many wise. And if ye doute it nolde obeye, Ye may therof do make a keye, 2080 And holde it with you for ostage.' Now certis, this is noon outrage,' Quoth Love, 'and fully I accord; For of the body he is ful lord That hath the herte in his tresor; 2085 Outrage it were to asken more.' Than of his aumener he drough A litel keye, fetys y-nough, Which was of gold polisshed clere, And seide to me, 'With this keye here 2090 Thyn herte to me now wol I shette; For al my Iowellis loke and knette I binde under this litel keye, That no wight may carye aweye; This keye is ful of gret poeste.' 2095 With which anoon he touchid me Undir the syde ful softely, That he myn herte sodeynly Without [al] anoy had spered, That yit right nought it hath me dered. 2100 Whan he had doon his wil al-out, And I had put him out of dout, Sire,' I seide, 'I have right gret wille Your lust and plesaunce to fulfille. Loke ye my servise take at gree, 2105 By thilke feith ye owe to me. I seye nought for recreaundyse, For I nought doute of your servyse. But the servaunt traveileth in vayne, That for to serven doth his payne 2110 Unto that lord, which in no wyse Can him no thank for his servyse.' Love seide, 'Dismaye thee nought, Sin thou for sucour hast me sought, In thank thy servise wol I take, 2115 And high of degree I wol thee make, If wikkidnesse ne hindre thee; But, as I hope, it shal nought be. To worship no wight by aventure May come, but-if he peyne endure. 2120 Abyde and suffre thy distresse; That hurtith now, it shal be lesse; I wot my-silf what may thee save, What medicyne thou woldist have. And if thy trouthe to me thou kepe, 2125 I shal unto thyn helping eke, To cure thy woundes and make hem clene, Wher-so they be olde or grene; Thou shalt be holpen, at wordis fewe. For certeynly thou shalt wel shewe 2130 Wher that thou servest with good wille, For to complisshen and fulfille My comaundementis, day and night, Whiche I to lovers yeve of right.' 'Ah, sire, for goddis love,' seide I, 2135 Er ye passe hens, ententifly Your comaundementis to me ye say, And I shal kepe hem, if I may; For hem to kepen is al my thought. And if so be I wot hem nought, 2140 Than may I [sinne] unwitingly. Wherfore I pray you enterely, With al myn herte, me to lere, That I trespasse in no manere.' The god of love than chargid me 2145 Anoon, as ye shal here and see, Word by word, by right empryse, So as the Romance shal devyse. The maister lesith his tyme to lere, Whan the disciple wol not here. 2150 It is but veyn on him to swinke, That on his lerning wol not thinke. Who-so lust love, let him entende, For now the Romance ginneth amende. Now is good to here, in fay, 2155 If any be that can it say, And poynte it as the resoun is Set; for other-gate, y-wis, It shal nought wel in alle thing Be brought to good undirstonding: 2160 For a reder that poyntith ille A good sentence may ofte spille. The book is good at the ending, Maad of newe and lusty thing; For who-so wol the ending here, 2165 The crafte of love he shal now lere, If that he wol so long abyde, Til I this Romance may unhyde, And undo the signifiaunce Of this dreme into Romaunce. 2170 The sothfastnesse that now is hid, Without coverture shal be kid, Whan I undon have this dreming, Wherin no word is of lesing. 'Vilany, at the biginning, 2175 I wol,' sayd Love, 'over alle thing, Thou leve, if thou wolt [not] be Fals, and trespasse ageynes me. I curse and blame generally Alle hem that loven vilany; 2180 For vilany makith vilayn, And by his dedis a cherle is seyn. Thise vilayns arn without pitee, Frendshipe, love, and al bounte. I nil receyve to my servyse 2185 Hem that ben vilayns of empryse. 'But undirstonde in thyn entent, That this is not myn entendement, To clepe no wight in no ages Only gentil for his linages. 2190 But who-so [that] is vertuous, And in his port nought outrageous, Whan sich oon thou seest thee biforn, Though he be not gentil born, Thou mayst wel seyn, this is a soth, 2195 That he is gentil, bicause he doth As longeth to a gentilman; Of hem non other deme I can. For certeynly, withouten drede, A cherl is demed by his dede, 2200 Of hye or lowe, as ye may see, Or of what kinrede that he be. Ne say nought, for noon yvel wille, Thing that is to holden stille; It is no worship to misseye. 2205 Thou mayst ensample take of Keye, That was somtyme, for misseying, Hated bothe of olde and ying; As fer as Gaweyn, the worthy, Was preysed for his curtesy, 2210 Keye was hated, for he was fel, Of word dispitous and cruel. Wherfore be wyse and aqueyntable, Goodly of word, and resonable Bothe to lesse and eek to mar. 2215 And whan thou comest ther men ar, Loke that thou have in custom ay First to salue hem, if thou may: And if it falle, that of hem som Salue thee first, be not dom, 2220 But quyte him curteisly anoon Without abiding, er they goon. 'For no-thing eek thy tunge applye To speke wordis of ribaudye. To vilayn speche in no degree 2225 Lat never thy lippe unbounden be. For I nought holde him, in good feith, Curteys, that foule wordis seith. And alle wimmen serve and preyse, And to thy power hir honour reyse. 2230 And if that any missayere Dispyse wimmen, that thou mayst here, Blame him, and bidde him holde him stille. And set thy might and al thy wille Wimmen and ladies for to plese, 2235 And to do thing that may hem ese, That they ever speke good of thee, For so thou mayst best preysed be. 'Loke fro pryde thou kepe thee wele; For thou mayst bothe perceyve and fele, 2240 That pryde is bothe foly and sinne; And he that pryde hath, him withinne, Ne may his herte, in no wyse, Meken ne souplen to servyse. For pryde is founde, in every part, 2245 Contrarie unto Loves art. And he that loveth trewely Shulde him contene Iolily, Withouten pryde in sondry wyse, And him disgysen in queyntyse. 2250 For queynt array, withouten drede, Is no-thing proud, who takith hede; For fresh array, as men may see, Withouten pryde may ofte be. 'Mayntene thy-silf aftir thy rent, 2255 Of robe and eek of garnement; For many sythe fair clothing A man amendith in mich thing. And loke alwey that they be shape, What garnement that thou shalt make, 2260 Of him that can [hem] beste do, With al that perteyneth therto. Poyntis and sleves be wel sittand, Right and streight upon the hand. Of shoon and botes, newe and faire, 2265 Loke at the leest thou have a paire; And that they sitte so fetisly, That these rude may uttirly Merveyle, sith that they sitte so pleyn, How they come on or of ageyn. 2270 Were streite gloves, with aumenere Of silk; and alwey with good chere Thou yeve, if thou have richesse; And if thou have nought, spend the lesse. Alwey be mery, if thou may, 2275 But waste not thy good alway. Have hat of floures fresh as May, Chapelet of roses of Whitsonday; For sich array ne cost but lyte. Thyn hondis wasshe, thy teeth make whyte, 2280 And let no filthe upon thee be. Thy nailes blak if thou mayst see, Voide it awey deliverly, And kembe thyn heed right Iolily. [Fard] not thy visage in no wyse, 2285 For that of love is not thempryse; For love doth haten, as I finde, A beaute that cometh not of kinde. Alwey in herte I rede thee Glad and mery for to be, 2290 And be as Ioyful as thou can; Love hath no Ioye of sorowful man. That yvel is ful of curtesye That [lauhwith] in his maladye; For ever of love the siknesse 2295 Is meynd with swete and bitternesse. The sore of love is merveilous; For now the lover [is] Ioyous, Now can he pleyne, now can he grone, Now can he singen, now maken mone. 2300 To-day he pleyneth for hevinesse, To-morowe he pleyeth for Iolynesse. The lyf of love is ful contrarie, Which stoundemele can ofte varie. But if thou canst [som] mirthis make, 2305 That men in gree wole gladly take, Do it goodly, I comaunde thee; For men sholde, wher-so-ever they be, Do thing that hem [best] sitting is, For therof cometh good loos and pris. 2310 Wher-of that thou be vertuous, Ne be not straunge ne daungerous. For if that thou good rider be, Prike gladly, that men may se. In armes also if thou conne, 2315 Pursue, til thou a name hast wonne. And if thy voice be fair and clere, Thou shalt maken no gret daungere Whan to singe they goodly preye; It is thy worship for to obeye. 2320 Also to you it longith ay To harpe and giterne, daunce and play; For if he can wel foote and daunce, It may him greetly do avaunce. Among eek, for thy lady sake, 2325 Songes and complayntes that thou make; For that wol meve [hem] in hir herte, Whan they reden of thy smerte. Loke that no man for scarce thee holde, For that may greve thee manyfolde. 2330 Resoun wol that a lover be In his yiftes more large and free Than cherles that been not of loving. For who ther-of can any thing, He shal be leef ay for to yeve, 2335 In [Loves] lore who so wolde leve; For he that, through a sodeyn sight, Or for a kissing, anon-right Yaf hool his herte in wille and thought, And to him-silf kepith right nought, 2340 Aftir [swich yift], is good resoun, He yeve his good in abandoun. 'Now wol I shortly here reherce, Of that [that] I have seid in verse, Al the sentence by and by, 2345 In wordis fewe compendiously, That thou the bet mayst on hem thinke, Whether-so it be thou wake or winke; For [that] the wordis litel greve A man to kepe, whanne it is breve. 2350 'Who-so with Love wol goon or ryde He mot be curteys, and void of pryde, Mery and fulle of Iolite, And of largesse alosed be. 'First I Ioyne thee, here in penaunce, 2355 That ever, withoute repentaunce, Thou set thy thought in thy loving, To laste withoute repenting; And thenke upon thy mirthis swete, That shal folowe aftir whan ye mete. 2360 'And for thou trewe to love shalt be, I wol, and [eek] comaunde thee, That in oo place thou sette, al hool, Thyn herte, withouten halfen dool, For trecherie, [in] sikernesse; 2365 For I lovede never doublenesse. To many his herte that wol depart, Everiche shal have but litel part. But of him drede I me right nought, That in oo place settith his thought. 2370 Therfore in oo place it sette, And lat it never thennes flette. For if thou yevest it in lening, I holde it but a wrecchid thing: Therfore yeve it hool and quyte, 2375 And thou shalt have the more merite. If it be lent, than aftir soon, The bountee and the thank is doon; But, in love, free yeven thing Requyrith a gret guerdoning. 2380 Yeve it in yift al quit fully, And make thy yift debonairly; For men that yift [wol] holde more dere That yeven is with gladsome chere. That yift nought to preisen is 2385 That man yeveth, maugre his. Whan thou hast yeven thyn herte, as I Have seid thee here [al] openly, Than aventures shulle thee falle, Which harde and hevy been withalle. 2390 For ofte whan thou bithenkist thee Of thy loving, wher-so thou be, Fro folk thou must depart in hy, That noon perceyve thy malady, But hyde thyn harm thou must alone, 2395 And go forth sole, and make thy mone. Thou shalt no whyl be in oo stat, But whylom cold and whylom hat; Now reed as rose, now yelowe and fade. Such sorowe, I trowe, thou never hade; 2400 Cotidien, ne [yit] quarteyne, It is nat so ful of peyne. For ofte tymes it shal falle In love, among thy peynes alle, That thou thy-self, al hoolly, 2405 Foryeten shalt so utterly, That many tymes thou shalt be Stille as an image of tree, Dom as a stoon, without stering Of foot or hond, without speking. 2410 Than, sone after al thy peyne, To memorie shalt thou come ageyn, As man abasshed wondre sore, And after sighen more and more. For wit thou wel, withouten wene, 2415 In swich astat ful oft have been That have the yvel of love assayd, Wher-through thou art so dismayd. 'After, a thought shal take thee so, That thy love is to fer thee fro: 2420 Thou shalt say, "God, what may this be, That I ne may my lady see? Myne herte aloon is to her go, And I abyde al sole in wo, Departed fro myn owne thought, 2425 And with myne eyen see right nought. '"Alas, myn eyen sende I ne may, My careful herte to convay! Myn hertes gyde but they be, I praise no-thing what ever they see. 2430 Shul they abyde thanne? nay; But goon visyte without delay That myn herte desyreth so. For certeynly, but-if they go, A fool my-self I may wel holde, 2435 Whan I ne see what myn herte wolde. Wherfore I wol gon her to seen, Or esed shal I never been, But I have som tokening." Then gost thou forth without dwelling; 2440 But ofte thou faylest of thy desyre, Er thou mayst come hir any nere, And wastest in vayn thy passage. Than fallest thou in a newe rage; For want of sight thou ginnest morne, 2445 And homward pensif dost retorne. In greet mischeef than shall thou be, For than agayn shal come to thee Sighes and pleyntes, with newe wo, That no icching prikketh so. 2450 Who wot it nought, he may go lere Of hem that byen love so dere. 'No-thing thyn herte appesen may, That oft thou wolt goon and assay, If thou mayst seen, by aventure, 2455 Thy lyves joy, thyn hertis cure; So that, by grace if thou might Atteyne of hir to have a sight, Than shall thou doon non other dede But with that sight thyn eyen fede. 2460 That faire fresh whan thou mayst see, Thyn herte shal so ravisshed be, That never thou woldest, thy thankis, lete, Ne remove, for to see that swete. The more thou seest in sothfastnesse, 2465 The more thou coveytest of that swetnesse; The more thyn herte brenneth in fyr, The more thyn herte is in desyr. For who considreth every del, It may be lykned wondir wel, 2470 The peyne of love, unto a fere; For ever [the] more thou neighest nere Thought, or who-so that it be, For verray sothe I telle it thee, The hatter ever shal thou brenne, 2475 As experience shal thee kenne. Wher-so [thou] comest in any cost, Who is next fyr, he brenneth most. And yit forsothe, for al thyn hete, Though thou for love swelte and swete, 2480 Ne for no-thing thou felen may, Thou shalt not willen to passe away. And though thou go, yet must thee nede Thenke al-day on hir fairhede, Whom thou bihelde with so good wille; 2485 And holde thysilf bigyled ille, That thou ne haddest non hardement To shewe hir ought of thyn entent. Thyn herte ful sore thou wolt dispyse, And eek repreve of cowardyse, 2490 That thou, so dulle in every thing, Were dom for drede, without speking. Thou shalt eek thenke thou didest foly, That thou were hir so faste by, And durst not auntre thee to say 2495 Som-thing, er thou cam away; For thou haddist no more wonne, To speke of hir whan thou bigonne: But yif she wolde, for thy sake, In armes goodly thee have take, 2500 It shulde have be more worth to thee Than of tresour greet plentee. 'Thus shalt thou morne and eek compleyn, And gete enchesoun to goon ageyn Unto thy walk, or to thy place, 2505 Where thou biheld hir fleshly face. And never, for fals suspeccioun, Thou woldest finde occasioun For to gon unto hir hous. So art thou thanne desirous 2510 A sight of hir for to have, If thou thine honour mightest save, Or any erand mightist make Thider, for thy loves sake; Ful fayn thou woldist, but for drede 2515 Thou gost not, lest that men take hede. Wherfore I rede, in thy going, And also in thyn ageyn-coming, Thou be wel war that men ne wit; Feyne thee other cause than it 2520 To go that weye, or faste by; To hele wel is no folye. And if so be it happe thee That thou thy love ther mayst see, In siker wyse thou hir salewe, 2525 Wherwith thy colour wol transmewe, And eke thy blood shal al to-quake, Thyn hewe eek chaungen for hir sake. But word and wit, with chere ful pale, Shul wante for to telle thy tale. 2530 And if thou mayst so fer-forth winne, That thou [thy] resoun durst biginne, And woldist seyn three thingis or mo, Thou shalt ful scarsly seyn the two. Though thou bithenke thee never so wel, 2535 Thou shalt foryete yit somdel, But-if thou dele with trecherye. For fals lovers mowe al folye Seyn, what hem lust, withouten drede, They be so double in hir falshede; 2540 For they in herte cunne thenke a thing And seyn another, in hir speking. And whan thy speche is endid al, Right thus to thee it shal bifal; If any word than come to minde, 2545 That thou to seye hast left bihinde, Than thou shalt brenne in greet martyr; For thou shalt brenne as any fyr. This is the stryf and eke the affray, And the batail that lastith ay. 2550 This bargeyn ende may never take, But-if that she thy pees wil make. 'And whan the night is comen, anon A thousand angres shal come upon. To bedde as fast thou wolt thee dight, 2555 Where thou shalt have but smal delyt; For whan thou wenest for to slepe, So ful of peyne shalt thou crepe, Sterte in thy bedde aboute ful wyde, And turne ful ofte on every syde; 2560 Now dounward groffe, and now upright, And walowe in wo the longe night, Thyne armis shalt thou sprede a-brede, As man in werre were forwerreyd. Than shal thee come a remembraunce 2565 Of hir shape and hir semblaunce, Wherto non other may be pere. And wite thou wel, withoute were, That thee shal [seme], somtyme that night, That thou hast hir, that is so bright, 2570 Naked bitwene thyn armes there, Al sothfastnesse as though it were. Thou shalt make castels than in Spayne, And dreme of Ioye, al but in vayne, And thee delyten of right nought, 2575 Whyl thou so slomrest in that thought, That is so swete and delitable, The which, in soth, nis but a fable, For it ne shal no whyle laste. Than shalt thou sighe and wepe faste, 2580 And say, "Dere god, what thing is this? My dreme is turned al amis, Which was ful swete and apparent, But now I wake, it is al shent! Now yede this mery thought away! 2585 Twenty tymes upon a day I wolde this thought wolde come ageyn, For it alleggith wel my peyn. It makith me ful of Ioyful thought, It sleeth me, that it lastith noght. 2590 A, lord! why nil ye me socoure, The Ioye, I trowe, that I langoure? The deth I wolde me shulde slo Whyl I lye in hir armes two. Myn harm is hard, withouten wene, 2595 My greet unese ful ofte I mene. But wolde Love do so I might Have fully Ioye of hir so bright, My peyne were quit me richely. Allas, to greet a thing aske I! 2600 It is but foly, and wrong wening, To aske so outrageous a thing. And who-so askith folily, He moot be warned hastily; And I ne wot what I may say, 2605 I am so fer out of the way; For I wolde have ful gret lyking And ful gret Ioye of lasse thing. For wolde she, of hir gentilnesse, Withouten more, me onis kesse, 2610 It were to me a greet guerdoun, Relees of al my passioun. But it is hard to come therto; Al is but foly that I do, So high I have myn herte set, 2615 Where I may no comfort get. I noot wher I sey wel or nought; But this I wot wel in my thought, That it were bet of hir aloon, For to stinte my wo and moon, 2620 A loke on [me] y-cast goodly, [Than] for to have, al utterly, Of another al hool the pley. A! lord! wher I shal byde the day That ever she shal my lady be? 2625 He is ful cured that may hir see. A! god! whan shal the dawning spring? To ly thus is an angry thing; I have no Ioye thus here to ly Whan that my love is not me by. 2630 A man to lyen hath gret disese, Which may not slepe ne reste in ese. I wolde it dawed, and were now day, And that the night were went away; For were it day, I wolde upryse. 2635 A! slowe sonne, shew thyn enpryse! Speed thee to sprede thy bemis bright, And chace the derknesse of the night, To putte away the stoundes stronge, Which in me lasten al to longe." 2640 'The night shalt thou contene so, Withoute rest, in peyne and wo; If ever thou knewe of love distresse, Thou shalt mowe lerne in that siknesse. And thus enduring shalt thou ly, 2645 And ryse on morwe up erly Out of thy bedde, and harneys thee Er ever dawning thou mayst see. Al privily than shalt thou goon, What [weder] it be, thy-silf aloon, 2650 For reyn, or hayl, for snow, for slete, Thider she dwellith that is so swete, The which may falle aslepe be, And thenkith but litel upon thee. Than shalt thou goon, ful foule aferd; 2655 Loke if the gate be unsperd, And waite without in wo and peyn, Ful yvel a-cold in winde and reyn. Than shal thou go the dore bifore, If thou maist fynde any score, 2660 Or hole, or reft, what ever it were; Than shalt thou stoupe, and lay to ere, If they within a-slepe be; I mene, alle save thy lady free. Whom waking if thou mayst aspye, 2665 Go put thy-silf in Iupartye, To aske grace, and thee bimene, That she may wite, withouten wene, That thou [a]night no rest hast had, So sore for hir thou were bistad. 2670 Wommen wel ought pite to take Of hem that sorwen for hir sake. And loke, for love of that relyke, That thou thenke non other lyke, For [whom] thou hast so greet annoy, 2675 Shal kisse thee er thou go away, And hold that in ful gret deyntee. And, for that no man shal thee see Bifore the hous, ne in the way, Loke thou be goon ageyn er day. 2680 Suche coming, and such going, Such hevinesse, and such walking, Makith lovers, withouten wene, Under hir clothes pale and lene, For Love leveth colour ne cleernesse; 2685 Who loveth trewe hath no fatnesse. Thou shalt wel by thy-selfe see That thou must nedis assayed be. For men that shape hem other wey Falsly her ladies to bitray, 2690 It is no wonder though they be fat; With false othes hir loves they gat; For oft I see suche losengeours Fatter than abbatis or priours. 'Yet with o thing I thee charge, 2695 That is to seye, that thou be large Unto the mayd that hir doth serve, So best hir thank thou shalt deserve. Yeve hir yiftes, and get hir grace, For so thou may [hir] thank purchace, 2700 That she thee worthy holde and free, Thy lady, and alle that may thee see. Also hir servauntes worshipe ay, And plese as muche as thou may; Gret good through hem may come to thee, 2705 Bicause with hir they been prive. They shal hir telle how they thee fand Curteis and wys, and wel doand, And she shal preyse [thee] wel the mare. Loke out of londe thou be not fare; 2710 And if such cause thou have, that thee Bihoveth to gon out of contree, Leve hool thyn herte in hostage, Til thou ageyn make thy passage. Thenk long to see the swete thing 2715 That hath thyn herte in hir keping. 'Now have I told thee, in what wyse A lover shal do me servyse. Do it than, if thou wolt have The mede that thou aftir crave.' 2720 Whan Love al this had boden me, I seide him:--'Sire, how may it be That lovers may in such manere Endure the peyne ye have seid here? I merveyle me wonder faste, 2725 How any man may live or laste In such peyne, and such brenning, In sorwe and thought, and such sighing, Ay unrelesed wo to make, Whether so it be they slepe or wake. 2730 In such annoy continuely, As helpe me god, this merveile I, How man, but he were maad of stele, Might live a month, such peynes to fele.' The God of Love than seide me, 2735 Freend, by the feith I owe to thee, May no man have good, but he it by. A man loveth more tendirly The thing that he hath bought most dere. For wite thou wel, withouten were, 2740 In thank that thing is taken more, For which a man hath suffred sore. Certis, no wo ne may atteyne Unto the sore of loves peyne. Non yvel therto ne may amounte, 2745 No more than a man [may] counte The dropes that of the water be. For drye as wel the grete see Thou mightist, as the harmes telle Of hem that with Love dwelle 2750 In servyse; for peyne hem sleeth, And that ech man wolde flee the deeth, And trowe they shulde never escape, Nere that hope couthe hem make Glad as man in prisoun set, 2755 And may not geten for to et But barly-breed, and watir pure, And lyeth in vermin and in ordure; With alle this, yit can he live, Good hope such comfort hath him yive, 2760 Which maketh wene that he shal be Delivered and come to liberte; In fortune is [his] fulle trust. Though he lye in strawe or dust, In hope is al his susteyning. 2765 And so for lovers, in hir wening, Whiche Love hath shit in his prisoun; Good-Hope is hir salvacioun. Good-Hope, how sore that they smerte, Yeveth hem bothe wille and herte 2770 To profre hir body to martyre; For Hope so sore doth hem desyre To suffre ech harm that men devyse, For Ioye that aftir shal aryse. Hope, in desire [to] cacche victorie; 2775 In Hope, of love is al the glorie, For Hope is al that love may yive; Nere Hope, ther shulde no lover live. Blessid be Hope, which with desyre Avaunceth lovers in such manere. 2780 Good-Hope is curteis for to plese, To kepe lovers from al disese. Hope kepith his lond, and wol abyde, For any peril that may betyde; For Hope to lovers, as most cheef, 2785 Doth hem enduren al mischeef; Hope is her help, whan mister is. And I shal yeve thee eek, y-wis, Three other thingis, that greet solas Doth to hem that be in my las. 2790 'The firste good that may be founde, To hem that in my lace be bounde, Is Swete-Thought, for to recorde Thing wherwith thou canst accorde Best in thyn herte, wher she be; 2795 Thought in absence is good to thee. Whan any lover doth compleyne, And liveth in distresse and peyne, Than Swete-Thought shal come, as blyve, Awey his angre for to dryve. 2800 It makith lovers have remembraunce Of comfort, and of high plesaunce, That Hope hath hight him for to winne. For Thought anoon than shal biginne, As fer, god wot, as he can finde, 2805 To make a mirrour of his minde; For to biholde he wol not lette. Hir person he shal afore him sette, Hir laughing eyen, persaunt and clere, Hir shape, hir fourme, hir goodly chere, 2810 Hir mouth that is so gracious, So swete, and eek so saverous; Of alle hir fetures he shal take heede, His eyen with alle hir limes fede. 'Thus Swete-Thenking shal aswage 2815 The peyne of lovers, and hir rage. Thy Ioye shal double, withoute gesse, Whan thou thenkist on hir semlinesse, Or of hir laughing, or of hir chere, That to thee made thy lady dere. 2820 This comfort wol I that thou take; And if the next thou wolt forsake Which is not lesse saverous, Thou shuldist been to daungerous. 'The secounde shal be Swete-Speche, 2825 That hath to many oon be leche, To bringe hem out of wo and were, And helpe many a bachilere; And many a lady sent socoure, That have loved par-amour, 2830 Through speking, whan they mighten here Of hir lovers, to hem so dere. To [hem] it voidith al hir smerte, The which is closed in hir herte. In herte it makith hem glad and light, 2835 Speche, whan they mowe have sight. And therfore now it cometh to minde, In olde dawes, as I finde, That clerkis writen that hir knewe Ther was a lady fresh of hewe, 2840 Which of hir love made a song On him for to remembre among, In which she seide, "Whan that I here Speken of him that is so dere, To me it voidith al [my] smerte, 2845 Y-wis, he sit so nere myn herte. To speke of him, at eve or morwe, It cureth me of al my sorwe. To me is noon so high plesaunce As of his persone daliaunce." 2850 She wist ful wel that Swete-Speking Comfortith in ful muche thing. Hir love she had ful wel assayed, Of him she was ful wel apayed; To speke of him hir Ioye was set. 2855 Therfore I rede thee that thou get A felowe that can wel concele And kepe thy counsel, and wel hele, To whom go shewe hoolly thyn herte, Bothe wele and wo, Ioye and smerte: 2860 To gete comfort to him thou go, And privily, bitween yow two, Ye shal speke of that goodly thing, That hath thyn herte in hir keping; Of hir beaute and hir semblaunce, 2865 And of hir goodly countenaunce. Of al thy state thou shalt him sey, And aske him counseil how thou may Do any thing that may hir plese; For it to thee shal do gret ese, 2870 That he may wite thou trust him so, Bothe of thy wele and of thy wo. And if his herte to love be set, His companye is muche the bet, For resoun wol, he shewe to thee 2875 Al uttirly his privite; And what she is he loveth so, To thee pleynly he shal undo, Withoute drede of any shame, Bothe telle hir renoun and hir name. 2880 Than shal he forther, ferre and nere, And namely to thy lady dere, In siker wyse; ye, every other Shal helpen as his owne brother, In trouthe withoute doublenesse, 2885 And kepen cloos in sikernesse. For it is noble thing, in fay, To have a man thou darst say Thy prive counsel every del; For that wol comfort thee right wel, 2890 And thou shall holde thee wel apayed, Whan such a freend thou hast assayed. 'The thridde good of greet comfort That yeveth to lovers most disport, Comith of sight and biholding, 2895 That clepid is Swete-Loking, The whiche may noon ese do, Whan thou art fer thy lady fro; Wherfore thou prese alwey to be In place, where thou mayst hir se. 2900 For it is thing most amerous, Most delitable and saverous, For to aswage a mannes sorowe, To sene his lady by the morowe. For it is a ful noble thing 2905 Whan thyn eyen have meting With that relyke precious, Wherof they be so desirous. But al day after, soth it is, They have no drede to faren amis, 2910 They dreden neither wind ne reyn, Ne [yit] non other maner peyn. For whan thyn eyen were thus in blis, Yit of hir curtesye, y-wis, Aloon they can not have hir Ioye, 2915 But to the herte they [it] convoye; Part of hir blis to him [they] sende, Of al this harm to make an ende. The eye is a good messangere, Which can to the herte in such manere 2920 Tidyngis sende, that [he] hath seen, To voide him of his peynes cleen. Wherof the herte reioyseth so That a gret party of his wo Is voided, and put awey to flight. 2925 Right as the derknesse of the night Is chased with clerenesse of the mone, Right so is al his wo ful sone Devoided clene, whan that the sight Biholden may that fresshe wight 2930 That the herte desyreth so, That al his derknesse is ago; For than the herte is al at ese, Whan they seen that [that] may hem plese. 'Now have I thee declared alout, 2935 Of that thou were in drede and dout; For I have told thee feithfully What thee may curen utterly, And alle lovers that wole be Feithful, and ful of stabilite. 2940 Good-Hope alwey kepe by thy syde, And Swete-Thought make eek abyde, Swete-Loking and Swete-Speche; Of alle thyn harmes they shal be leche. Of every thou shalt have greet plesaunce; 2945 If thou canst byde in sufferaunce, And serve wel without feyntyse, Thou shalt be quit of thyn empryse, With more guerdoun, if that thou live; But al this tyme this I thee yive.' 2950 The God of Love whan al the day Had taught me, as ye have herd say, And enfourmed compendiously, He vanished awey al sodeynly, And I alone lefte, al sole, 2955 So ful of compleynt and of dole, For I saw no man ther me by. My woundes me greved wondirly; Me for to curen no-thing I knew, Save the botoun bright of hew, 2960 Wheron was set hoolly my thought; Of other comfort knew I nought, But it were through the God of Love; I knew nat elles to my bihove That might me ese or comfort gete, 2965 But-if he wolde him entermete. The roser was, withoute doute, Closed with an hegge withoute, As ye to-forn have herd me seyn; And fast I bisied, and wolde fayn 2970 Have passed the haye, if I might Have geten in by any slight Unto the botoun so fair to see. But ever I dradde blamed to be, If men wolde have suspeccioun 2975 That I wolde of entencioun Have stole the roses that ther were; Therfore to entre I was in fere. But at the last, as I bithought Whether I sholde passe or nought, 2980 I saw come with a gladde chere To me, a lusty bachelere, Of good stature, and of good hight, And Bialacoil forsothe he hight. Sone he was to Curtesy, 2985 And he me graunted ful gladly The passage of the outer hay, And seide:--'Sir, how that ye may Passe, if [it] your wille be, The fresshe roser for to see, 2990 And ye the swete savour fele. Your warrant may [I be] right wele; So thou thee kepe fro folye, Shal no man do thee vilanye. If I may helpe you in ought, 2995 I shal not feyne, dredeth nought; For I am bounde to your servyse, Fully devoide of feyntyse.' Than unto Bialacoil saide I, 'I thank you, sir, ful hertely, 3000 And your biheest [I] take at gree, That ye so goodly prefer me; To you it cometh of greet fraunchyse, That ye me prefer your servyse.' Than aftir, ful deliverly, 3005 Through the breres anoon wente I, Wherof encombred was the hay. I was wel plesed, the soth to say, To see the botoun fair and swote, So fresshe spronge out of the rote. 3010 And Bialacoil me served wel, Whan I so nygh me mighte fele Of the botoun the swete odour, And so lusty hewed of colour. But than a cherl (foule him bityde!) 3015 Bisyde the roses gan him hyde, To kepe the roses of that roser, Of whom the name was Daunger. This cherl was hid there in the greves, Covered with grasse and with leves, 3020 To spye and take whom that he fond Unto that roser putte an hond. He was not sole, for ther was mo; For with him were other two Of wikkid maners, and yvel fame. 3025 That oon was clepid, by his name, Wikked-Tonge, god yeve him sorwe! For neither at eve, ne at morwe, He can of no man [no] good speke; On many a Iust man doth he wreke. 3030 Ther was a womman eek, that hight Shame, that, who can reken right, Trespas was hir fadir name, Hir moder Resoun; and thus was Shame [On lyve] brought of these ilk two. 3035 And yit had Trespas never ado With Resoun, ne never ley hir by, He was so hidous and ugly, I mene, this that Trespas hight; But Resoun conceyveth, of a sight, 3040 Shame, of that I spak aforn. And whan that Shame was thus born, It was ordeyned, that Chastitee Shulde of the roser lady be, Which, of the botouns more and las, 3045 With sondry folk assailed was, That she ne wiste what to do. For Venus hir assailith so, That night and day from hir she stal Botouns and roses over-al. 3050 To Resoun than prayeth Chastitee, Whom Venus flemed over the see, That she hir doughter wolde hir lene, To kepe the roser fresh and grene. Anoon Resoun to Chastitee 3055 Is fully assented that it be, And grauntid hir, at hir request, That Shame, bicause she is honest, Shal keper of the roser be. And thus to kepe it ther were three, 3060 That noon shulde hardy be ne bold (Were he yong, or were he old) Ageyn hir wille awey to bere Botouns ne roses, that ther were. I had wel sped, had I not been 3065 Awayted with these three, and seen. For Bialacoil, that was so fair, So gracious and debonair, Quitte him to me ful curteisly, And, me to plese, bad that I 3070 Shuld drawe me to the botoun nere; Prese in, to touche the rosere Which bar the roses, he yaf me leve; This graunt ne might but litel greve. And for he saw it lyked me, 3075 Right nygh the botoun pullede he A leef al grene, and yaf me that, The which ful nygh the botoun sat; I made [me] of that leef ful queynt. And whan I felte I was aqueynt 3080 With Bialacoil, and so prive, I wende al at my wille had be. Than wex I hardy for to tel To Bialacoil how me bifel Of Love, that took and wounded me, 3085 And seide: 'Sir, so mote I thee, I may no loye have in no wyse, Upon no syde, but it ryse; For sithe (if I shal not feyne) In herte I have had so gret peyne, 3090 So gret annoy, and such affray, That I ne wot what I shal say; I drede your wrath to disserve. Lever me were, that knyves kerve My body shulde in pecis smalle, 3095 Than in any wyse it shulde falle That ye wratthed shulde been with me.' Sey boldely thy wille,' quod he, I nil be wroth, if that I may, For nought that thou shalt to me say.' 3100 Thanne seide I, 'Sir, not you displese To knowen of my greet unese, In which only love hath me brought; For peynes greet, disese and thought, Fro day to day he doth me drye; 3105 Supposeth not, sir, that I lye. In me fyve woundes dide he make, The sore of whiche shal never slake But ye the botoun graunte me, Which is most passaunt of beautee, 3110 My lyf, my deth, and my martyre, And tresour that I most desyre.' Than Bialacoil, affrayed all, Seyde, 'Sir, it may not fall; That ye desire, it may not ryse. 3115 What? wolde ye shende me in this wyse? A mochel foole than I were, If I suffrid you awey to bere The fresh botoun, so fair of sight. For it were neither skile ne right 3120 Of the roser ye broke the rind, Or take the rose aforn his kind; Ye ar not courteys to aske it. Lat it stil on the roser sit, And growe til it amended be, 3125 And parfitly come to beaute. I nolde not that it pulled wer Fro the roser that it ber, To me it is so leef and dere.' With that sterte out anoon Daungere, 3130 Out of the place where he was hid. His malice in his chere was kid; Ful greet he was, and blak of hewe, Sturdy and hidous, who-so him knewe; Like sharp urchouns his here was growe, 3135 His eyes rede as the fire-glow; His nose frounced ful kirked stood, He com criand as he were wood, And seide, 'Bialacoil, tel me why Thou bringest hider so boldly 3140 Him that so nygh [is] the roser? Thou worchist in a wrong maner; He thenkith to dishonour thee, Thou art wel worthy to have maugree To late him of the roser wit; 3145 Who serveth a feloun is yvel quit. Thou woldist have doon greet bountee, And he with shame wolde quyte thee. Flee hennes, felowe! I rede thee go! It wanteth litel I wol thee slo; 3150 For Bialacoil ne knew thee nought, Whan thee to serve he sette his thought; For thou wolt shame him, if thou might, Bothe ageyn resoun and right. I wol no more in thee affye, 3155 That comest so slyghly for tespye; For it preveth wonder wel, Thy slight and tresoun every del.' I durst no more ther make abode, For the cherl, he was so wode; 3160 So gan he threten and manace, And thurgh the haye he did me chace. For feer of him I tremblid and quook, So cherlishly his heed he shook; And seide, if eft he might me take, 3165 I shulde not from his hondis scape. Than Bialacoil is fled and mate, And I al sole, disconsolate, Was left aloon in peyne and thought; For shame, to deth I was nygh brought. 3170 Than thought I on myn high foly, How that my body, utterly, Was yeve to peyne and to martyre; And therto hadde I so gret yre, That I ne durst the hayes passe; 3175 There was non hope, there was no grace. I trowe never man wiste of peyne, But he were laced in Loves cheyne; Ne no man [wot], and sooth it is, But-if he love, what anger is. 3180 Love holdith his heest to me right wele, Whan peyne he seide I shulde fele. Non herte may thenke, ne tunge seyne, A quarter of my wo and peyne. I might not with the anger laste; 3185 Myn herte in poynt was for to braste, Whan I thought on the rose, that so Was through Daunger cast me froo. A long whyl stood I in that state, Til that me saugh so mad and mate 3190 The lady of the highe ward, Which from hir tour lokid thiderward. Resoun men clepe that lady, Which from hir tour deliverly Come doun to me withouten more. 3195 But she was neither yong, ne hore, Ne high ne low, ne fat ne lene, But best, as it were in a mene. Hir eyen two were cleer and light As any candel that brenneth bright; 3200 And on hir heed she hadde a crown. Hir semede wel an high persoun; For rounde enviroun, hir crownet Was ful of riche stonis fret. Hir goodly semblaunt, by devys, 3205 I trowe were maad in paradys; Nature had never such a grace, To forge a werk of such compace. For certeyn, but the letter lye, God him-silf, that is so high, 3210 Made hir aftir his image, And yaf hir sith sich avauntage, That she hath might and seignorye To kepe men from al folye; Who-so wole trowe hir lore, 3215 Ne may offenden nevermore. And whyl I stood thus derk and pale, Resoun bigan to me hir tale; She seide: 'Al hayl, my swete frend! Foly and childhood wol thee shend, 3220 Which thee have put in greet affray; Thou hast bought dere the tyme of May, That made thyn herte mery to be. In yvel tyme thou wentist to see The gardin, wherof Ydilnesse 3225 Bar the keye, and was maistresse Whan thou yedest in the daunce With hir, and haddest aqueyntaunce: Hir aqueyntaunce is perilous, First softe, and aftir[ward] noyous; 3230 She hath [thee] trasshed, withoute ween; The God of Love had thee not seen, Ne hadde Ydilnesse thee conveyed In the verger where Mirthe him pleyed. If Foly have supprised thee, 3235 Do so that it recovered be; And be wel war to take no more Counsel, that greveth aftir sore; He is wys that wol himsilf chastyse. And though a young man in any wyse 3240 Trespace among, and do foly, Lat him not tarye, but hastily Lat him amende what so be mis. And eek I counseile thee, y-wis, The God of Love hoolly foryet, 3245 That hath thee in sich peyne set, And thee in herte tormented so. I can nat seen how thou mayst go Other weyes to garisoun; For Daunger, that is so feloun, 3250 Felly purposith thee to werrey, Which is ful cruel, the soth to sey. 'And yit of Daunger cometh no blame, In reward of my doughter Shame, Which hath the roses in hir warde, 3255 As she that may be no musarde. And Wikked-Tunge is with these two, That suffrith no man thider go; For er a thing be do, he shal, Where that he cometh, over-al, 3260 In fourty places, if it be sought, Seye thing that never was doon ne wrought; So moche tresoun is in his male, Of falsnesse for to [feyne] a tale. Thou delest with angry folk, y-wis; 3265 Wherfor to thee [it] bettir is From these folk awey to fare, For they wol make thee live in care. This is the yvel that Love they calle, Wherin ther is but foly alle, 3270 For love is foly everydel; Who loveth, in no wyse may do wel, Ne sette his thought on no good werk. His scole he lesith, if he be clerk; Of other craft eek if he be, 3275 He shal not thryve therin; for he In love shal have more passioun Than monke, hermyte, or chanoun. The peyne is hard, out of mesure, The Ioye may eek no whyl endure; 3280 And in the possessioun Is muche tribulacioun; The Ioye it is so short-lasting, And but in happe is the geting; For I see ther many in travaille, 3285 That atte laste foule fayle. I was no-thing thy counseler, Whan thou were maad the homager Of God of Love to hastily; Ther was no wisdom, but foly. 3290 Thyn herte was Ioly, but not sage, Whan thou were brought in sich a rage, To yelde thee so redily, And to Love, of his gret maistry. 'I rede thee Love awey to dryve, 3295 That makith thee recche not of thy lyve. The foly more fro day to day Shal growe, but thou it putte away. Take with thy teeth the bridel faste, To daunte thyn herte; and eek thee caste, 3300 If that thou mayst, to gete defence For to redresse thy first offence. Who-so his herte alwey wol leve, Shal finde among that shal him greve' Whan I hir herd thus me chastyse, 3305 I answerd in ful angry wyse. I prayed hir cessen of hir speche, Outher to chastyse me or teche, To bidde me my thought refreyne, Which Love hath caught in his demeyne:-- 3310 What? wene ye Love wol consent, That me assailith with bowe bent, To draw myn herte out of his honde, Which is so quikly in his bonde? That ye counsayle, may never be; 3315 For whan he first arested me, He took myn herte so hool him til, That it is no-thing at my wil; He [taughte] it so him for to obey, That he it sparred with a key. 3320 I pray yow lat me be al stille. For ye may wel, if that ye wille, Your wordis waste in idilnesse; For utterly, withouten gesse, Al that ye seyn is but in veyne. 3325 Me were lever dye in the peyne, Than Love to me-ward shulde arette Falsheed, or tresoun on me sette. I wol me gete prys or blame, And love trewe, to save my name; 3330 Who me chastysith, I him hate.' With that word Resoun wente hir gate, Whan she saugh for no sermoning She might me fro my foly bring. Than dismayed, I lefte al sool, 3335 Forwery, forwandred as a fool, For I ne knew no chevisaunce. Than fel into my remembraunce, How Love bade me to purveye A felowe, to whom I mighte seye 3340 My counsel and my privete, For that shulde muche availe me. With that bithought I me, that I Hadde a felowe faste by, Trewe and siker, curteys, and hend, 3345 And he was called by name a Freend; A trewer felowe was no-wher noon. In haste to him I wente anoon, And to him al my wo I tolde, Fro him right nought I wold withholde. 3350 I tolde him al withoute were, And made my compleynt on Daungere, How for to see he was hidous, And to-me-ward contrarious; The whiche through his cruelte 3355 Was in poynt to have meygned me; With Bialacoil whan he me sey Within the gardyn walke and pley, Fro me he made him for to go, And I bilefte aloon in wo; 3360 I durst no lenger with him speke, For Daunger seide he wolde be wreke, Whan that he sawe how I wente The fresshe botoun for to hente, If I were hardy to come neer 3365 Bitwene the hay and the roser. This Freend, whan he wiste of my thought, He discomforted me right nought, But seide, 'Felowe, be not so mad, Ne so abaysshed nor bistad. 3370 My-silf I knowe ful wel Daungere, And how he is feers of his chere, At prime temps, Love to manace; Ful ofte I have ben in his caas. A feloun first though that he be, 3375 Aftir thou shalt him souple see. Of long passed I knew him wele; Ungoodly first though men him fele, He wol meek aftir, in his bering, Been, for service and obeysshing. 3380 I shal thee telle what thou shalt do.-- Mekely I rede thou go him to, Of herte pray him specialy Of thy trespace to have mercy, And hote him wel, [him] here to plese, 3385 That thou shalt nevermore him displese. Who can best serve of flatery, Shal plese Daunger most uttirly.' My Freend hath seid to me so wel, That he me esid hath somdel, 3390 And eek allegged of my torment; For through him had I hardement Agayn to Daunger for to go, To preve if I might meke him so. To Daunger cam I, al ashamed, 3395 The which aforn me hadde blamed, Desyring for to pese my wo; But over hegge durst I not go, For he forbad me the passage. I fond him cruel in his rage, 3400 And in his hond a gret burdoun. To him I knelid lowe adoun, Ful meke of port, and simple of chere, And seide, 'Sir, I am comen here Only to aske of you mercy. 3405 That greveth me, [sir], ful gretly That ever my lyf I wratthed you, But for to amende I am come now, With al my might, bothe loude and stille, To doon right at your owne wille; 3410 For Love made me for to do That I have trespassed hidirto; Fro whom I ne may withdrawe myn herte; Yit shal I never, for Ioy ne smerte, What so bifalle, good or ille, 3415 Offende more ageyn your wille. Lever I have endure disese Than do that shulde you displese. 'I you require and pray, that ye Of me have mercy and pitee, 3420 To stinte your yre that greveth so, That I wol swere for evermo To be redressid at your lyking, If I trespasse in any thing; Save that I pray thee graunte me 3425 A thing that may nat warned be, That I may love, al only; Non other thing of you aske I. I shal doon elles wel, y-wis, If of your grace ye graunte me this. 3430 And ye [ne] may not letten me, For wel wot ye that love is free, And I shal loven, [sith] that I wil, Who-ever lyke it wel or il; And yit ne wold I, for al Fraunce, 3435 Do thing to do you displesaunce.' Than Daunger fil in his entent For to foryeve his maltalent; But al his wratthe yit at laste He hath relesed, I preyde so faste: 3440 Shortly he seide, 'Thy request Is not to mochel dishonest; Ne I wol not werne it thee, For yit no-thing engreveth me. For though thou love thus evermore, 3445 To me is neither softe ne sore. Love wher thee list; what recchith me, So [thou] fer fro my roses be? Trust not on me, for noon assay, In any tyme to passe the hay.' 3450 Thus hath he graunted my prayere. Than wente I forth, withouten were, Unto my Freend, and tolde him al, Which was right Ioyful of my tale. He seide, 'Now goth wel thyn affaire, 3455 He shal to thee be debonaire. Though he aforn was dispitous, He shal heeraftir be gracious. If he were touchid on som good veyne, He shuld yit rewen on thy peyne. 3460 Suffire, I rede, and no boost make, Til thou at good mes mayst him take. By suffraunce, and [by] wordis softe, A man may overcomen ofte Him that aforn he hadde in drede, 3465 In bookis sothly as I rede.' Thus hath my Freend with gret comfort Avaunced me with high disport, Which wolde me good as mich as I. And thanne anoon ful sodeynly 3470 I took my leve, and streight I went Unto the hay; for gret talent I had to seen the fresh botoun, Wherin lay my salvacioun; And Daunger took kepe, if that I 3475 Kepe him covenaunt trewly. So sore I dradde his manasing, I durst not breke[n] his bidding; For, lest that I were of him shent, I brak not his comaundement, 3480 For to purchase his good wil. It was [hard] for to come ther-til, His mercy was to fer bihinde; I wepte, for I ne might it finde. I compleyned and sighed sore, 3485 And languisshed evermore, For I durst not over go Unto the rose I loved so. Thurghout my deming outerly, [Than] had he knowlege certeinly, 3490 [That] Love me ladde in sich a wyse, That in me ther was no feyntyse, Falsheed, ne no trecherye. And yit he, ful of vilanye, Of disdeyne, and cruelte, 3495 On me ne wolde have pite, His cruel wil for to refreyne, Though I wepe alwey, and compleyne. And while I was in this torment, Were come of grace, by god sent, 3500 Fraunchyse, and with hir Pite Fulfild the botoun of bountee. They go to Daunger anon-right To forther me with al hir might, And helpe in worde and in dede, 3505 For wel they saugh that it was nede. First, of hir grace, dame Fraunchyse Hath taken [word] of this empryse: She seide, 'Daunger, gret wrong ye do To worche this man so muche wo, 3510 Or pynen him so angerly; It is to you gret vilany. I can not see why, ne how, That he hath trespassed ageyn you, Save that he loveth; wherfore ye shulde 3515 The more in cherete of him holde. The force of love makith him do this; Who wolde him blame he dide amis? He leseth more than ye may do; His peyne is hard, ye may see, lo! 3520 And Love in no wyse wolde consente That [he] have power to repente; For though that quik ye wolde him sloo, Fro Love his herte may not go. Now, swete sir, is it your ese 3525 Him for to angre or disese? Allas, what may it you avaunce To doon to him so greet grevaunce? What worship is it agayn him take, Or on your man a werre make, 3530 Sith he so lowly every wyse Is redy, as ye lust devyse? If Love hath caught him in his lace, You for tobeye in every caas, And been your suget at your wille, 3535 Shulde ye therfore willen him ille? Ye shulde him spare more, al-out, Than him that is bothe proud and stout. Curtesye wol that ye socour Hem that ben meke undir your cure. 3540 His herte is hard, that wole not meke, Whan men of mekenesse him biseke.' 'That is certeyn,' seide Pite; We see ofte that humilitee Bothe ire, and also felonye 3545 Venquissheth, and also melancolye; To stonde forth in such duresse, This crueltee and wikkednesse. Wherfore I pray you, sir Daungere, For to mayntene no lenger here 3550 Such cruel werre agayn your man, As hoolly youres as ever he can; Nor that ye worchen no more wo On this caytif that languisshith so, Which wol no more to you trespasse, 3555 But put him hoolly in your grace. His offense ne was but lyte; The God of Love it was to wyte, That he your thral so gretly is, And if ye harm him, ye doon amis; 3560 For he hath had ful hard penaunce, Sith that ye refte him thaqueyntaunce Of Bialacoil, his moste Ioye, Which alle his peynes might acoye. He was biforn anoyed sore, 3565 But than ye doubled him wel more; For he of blis hath ben ful bare, Sith Bialacoil was fro him fare. Love hath to him do greet distresse, He hath no nede of more duresse. 3570 Voideth from him your ire, I rede; Ye may not winnen in this dede. Makith Bialacoil repeire ageyn, And haveth pite upon his peyn; For Fraunchise wol, and I, Pite, 3575 That merciful to him ye be; And sith that she and I accorde, Have upon him misericorde; For I you pray, and eek moneste, Nought to refusen our requeste; 3580 For he is hard and fel of thought, That for us two wol do right nought.' Daunger ne might no more endure, He meked him unto mesure. 'I wol in no wyse,' seith Daungere, 3585 Denye that ye have asked here; It were to greet uncurtesye. I wol ye have the companye Of Bialacoil, as ye devyse; I wol him letten in no wyse.' 3590 To Bialacoil than wente in hy Fraunchyse, and seide ful curteisly:-- Ye have to longe be deignous Unto this lover, and daungerous, Fro him to withdrawe your presence, 3595 Which hath do to him grete offence, That ye not wolde upon him see; Wherfore a sorowful man is he. Shape ye to paye him, and to plese, Of my love if ye wol have ese. 3600 Fulfil his wil, sith that ye knowe Daunger is daunted and brought lowe Thurgh help of me and of Pite; You [thar] no more afered be.' 'I shal do right as ye wil,' 3605 Saith Bialacoil, 'for it is skil, Sith Daunger wol that it so be.' Than Fraunchise hath him sent to me. Bialacoil at the biginning Salued me in his coming. 3610 No straungenes was in him seen, No more than he ne had wrathed been. As faire semblaunt than shewed he me, And goodly, as aforn did he; And by the honde, withouten doute, 3615 Within the haye, right al aboute He ladde me, with right good chere, Al environ the vergere, That Daunger had me chased fro. Now have I leve over-al to go; 3620 Now am I raised, at my devys, Fro helle unto paradys. Thus Bialacoil, of gentilnesse, With alle his peyne and besinesse, Hath shewed me, only of grace, 3625 The estres of the swote place. I saw the rose, whan I was nigh, Was gretter woxen, and more high, Fresh, rody, and fair of hewe, Of colour ever yliche newe. 3630 And whan I had it longe seen, I saugh that through the leves grene The rose spredde to spanishing; To sene it was a goodly thing. But it ne was so spred on brede, 3635 That men within might knowe the sede; For it covert was and [en]close Bothe with the leves and with the rose. The stalk was even and grene upright, It was theron a goodly sight; 3640 And wel the better, withouten wene, For the seed was not [y]-sene. Ful faire it spradde, [god it] blesse! For suche another, as I gesse, Aforn ne was, ne more vermayle. 3645 I was abawed for merveyle, For ever, the fairer that it was, The more I am bounden in Loves laas. Longe I abood there, soth to saye, Til Bialacoil I gan to praye, 3650 Whan that I saw him in no wyse To me warnen his servyse, That he me wolde graunte a thing, Which to remembre is wel sitting; This is to sayne, that of his grace 3655 He wolde me yeve leyser and space To me that was so desirous To have a kissing precious Of the goodly freshe rose, That swetely smelleth in my nose; 3660 For if it you displesed nought, I wolde gladly, as I have sought, Have a cos therof freely Of your yeft; for certainly I wol non have but by your leve, 3665 So loth me were you for to greve.' He sayde, 'Frend, so god me spede, Of Chastite I have suche drede, Thou shuldest not warned be for me, But I dar not, for Chastite. 3670 Agayn hir dar I not misdo, For alwey biddeth she me so To yeve no lover leve to kisse; For who therto may winnen, y-wis, He of the surplus of the pray 3675 May live in hope to get som day. For who so kissing may attayne, Of loves peyne hath, soth to sayne, The beste and most avenaunt, And ernest of the remenaunt.' 3680 Of his answere I syghed sore; I durst assaye him tho no more, I had such drede to greve him ay. A man shulde not to muche assaye To chafe his frend out of mesure, 3685 Nor put his lyf in aventure; For no man at the firste stroke Ne may nat felle doun an oke; Nor of the reisins have the wyne, Til grapes rype and wel afyne 3690 Be sore empressid, I you ensure, And drawen out of the pressure. But I, forpeyned wonder stronge, [Thought] that I abood right longe Aftir the kis, in peyne and wo, 3695 Sith I to kis desyred so: Til that, [rewing] on my distresse, Ther [to me] Venus the goddesse, Which ay werreyeth Chastite, Came of hir grace, to socoure me, 3700 Whos might is knowe fer and wyde, For she is modir of Cupyde, The God of Love, blinde as stoon, That helpith lovers many oon. This lady brought in hir right hond 3705 Of brenning fyr a blasing brond; Wherof the flawme and hote fyr Hath many a lady in desyr Of love brought, and sore het, And in hir servise hir hertes set. 3710 This lady was of good entayle, Right wondirful of apparayle; By hir atyre so bright and shene, Men might perceyve wel, and seen, She was not of religioun. 3715 Nor I nil make mencioun Nor of [hir] robe, nor of tresour, Of broche, [nor] of hir riche attour; Ne of hir girdil aboute hir syde, For that I nil not long abyde. 3720 But knowith wel, that certeynly She was arayed richely. Devoyd of pryde certeyn she was; To Bialacoil she wente a pas, And to him shortly, in a clause, 3725 She seide: 'Sir, what is the cause Ye been of port so daungerous Unto this lover, and deynous, To graunte him no-thing but a kis? To werne it him ye doon amis; 3730 Sith wel ye wote, how that he Is Loves servaunt, as ye may see, And hath beaute, wher-through [he] is Worthy of love to have the blis. How he is semely, biholde and see, 3735 How he is fair, how he is free, How he is swote and debonair, Of age yong, lusty, and fair. Ther is no lady so hauteyne, Duchesse, countesse, ne chasteleyne, 3740 That I nolde holde hir ungoodly For to refuse him outerly. His breeth is also good and swete, And eke his lippis rody, and mete Only to pleyen, and to kisse. 3745 Graunte him a kis, of gentilnesse! His teeth arn also whyte and clene; Me thinkith wrong, withouten wene, If ye now werne him, trustith me, To graunte that a kis have he; 3750 The lasse [to] helpe him that ye haste, The more tyme shul ye waste.' Whan the flawme of the verry brond, That Venus brought in hir right hond, Had Bialacoil with hete smete, 3755 Anoon he bad, withouten lette, Graunte to me the rose kisse. Than of my peyne I gan to lisse, And to the rose anoon wente I, And kissid it ful feithfully. 3760 Thar no man aske if I was blythe, Whan the savour soft and lythe Strook to myn herte withoute more, And me alegged of my sore, So was I ful of Ioye and blisse. 3765 It is fair sich a flour to kisse, It was so swote and saverous. I might not be so anguisshous, That I mote glad and Ioly be, Whan that I remembre me. 3770 Yit ever among, sothly to seyn, I suffre noye and moche peyn. The see may never be so stil, That with a litel winde it [nil] Overwhelme and turne also, 3775 As it were wood, in wawis go. Aftir the calm the trouble sone Mot folowe, and chaunge as the mone. Right so farith Love, that selde in oon Holdith his anker; for right anoon 3780 Whan they in ese wene best to live, They been with tempest al fordrive. Who serveth Love, can telle of wo; The stoundemele Ioye mot overgo. Now he hurteth, and now he cureth, 3785 For selde in oo poynt Love endureth. Now is it right me to procede, How Shame gan medle and take hede, Thurgh whom felle angres I have had; And how the stronge wal was maad, 3790 And the castell of brede and lengthe, That God of Love wan with his strengthe. Al this in romance wil I sette, And for no-thing ne wil I lette, So that it lyking to hir be, 3795 That is the flour of beaute; For she may best my labour quyte, That I for hir love shal endyte. Wikkid-Tunge, that the covyne Of every lover can devyne 3800 Worst, and addith more somdel, (For Wikkid-Tunge seith never wel), To me-ward bar he right gret hate, Espying me erly and late, Til he hath seen the grete chere 3805 Of Bialacoil and me y-fere. He mighte not his tunge withstonde Worse to reporte than he fonde, He was so ful of cursed rage; It sat him wel of his linage, 3810 For him an Irish womman bar. His tunge was fyled sharp, and squar, Poignaunt and right kerving, And wonder bitter in speking. For whan that he me gan espye, 3815 He swoor, afferming sikirly, Bitwene Bialacoil and me Was yvel aquayntaunce and privee. He spak therof so folily, That he awakid Ielousy; 3820 Which, al afrayed in his rysing, Whan that he herde [him] Iangling, He ran anoon, as he were wood, To Bialacoil ther that he stood; Which hadde lever in this caas 3825 Have been at Reynes or Amyas; For foot-hoot, in his felonye To him thus seide Ielousye:-- Why hast thou been so necligent, To kepen, whan I was absent, 3830 This verger here left in thy ward? To me thou haddist no reward, To truste (to thy confusioun) Him thus, to whom suspeccioun I have right greet, for it is nede; 3835 It is wel shewed by the dede. Greet faute in thee now have I founde; By god, anoon thou shalt be bounde, And faste loken in a tour, Withoute refuyt or socour. 3840 For Shame to long hath be thee fro; Over sone she was agoo. Whan thou hast lost bothe drede and fere, It semed wel she was not here. She was [not] bisy, in no wyse, 3845 To kepe thee and [to] chastyse, And for to helpen Chastitee To kepe the roser, as thinkith me. For than this boy-knave so boldely Ne sholde not have be hardy, 3850 [Ne] in this verger had such game, Which now me turneth to gret shame.' Bialacoil nist what to sey; Ful fayn he wolde have fled awey, For fere han hid, nere that he 3855 Al sodeynly took him with me. And whan I saugh he hadde so, This Ielousye, take us two, I was astoned, and knew no rede, But fledde awey for verrey drede. 3860 Than Shame cam forth ful simply; She wende have trespaced ful gretly; Humble of hir port, and made it simple, Wering a vayle in stede of wimple, As nonnis doon in hir abbey. 3865 Bicause hir herte was in affray, She gan to speke, within a throwe, To Ielousye, right wonder lowe. First of his grace she bisought, And seide:--'Sire, ne leveth nought 3870 Wikkid-Tunge, that fals espye, Which is so glad to feyne and lye. He hath you maad, thurgh flatering, On Bialacoil a fals lesing. His falsnesse is not now anew, 3875 It is to long that he him knew. This is not the firste day; For Wikkid-Tunge hath custom ay Yonge folkis to bewreye, And false lesinges on hem leye. 3880 'Yit nevertheles I see among, That the loigne it is so longe Of Bialacoil, hertis to lure, In Loves servise for to endure, Drawing suche folk him to, 3885 That he had no-thing with to do; But in sothnesse I trowe nought, That Bialacoil hadde ever in thought To do trespace or vilanye; But, for his modir Curtesye 3890 Hath taught him ever [for] to be Good of aqueyntaunce and privee; For he loveth non hevinesse, But mirthe and pley, and al gladnesse; He hateth alle [trecherous], 3895 Soleyn folk and envious; For [wel] ye witen how that he Wol ever glad and Ioyful be Honestly with folk to pley. I have be negligent, in good fey, 3900 To chastise him; therfore now I Of herte crye you here mercy, That I have been so recheles To tamen him, withouten lees. Of my foly I me repente; 3905 Now wol I hool sette myn entente To kepe, bothe [loude] and stille, Bialacoil to do your wille.' 'Shame, Shame,' seyde Ielousy, 'To be bitrasshed gret drede have I. 3910 Lecherye hath clombe so hye, That almost blered is myn ye; No wonder is, if that drede have I. Over-al regnith Lechery, Whos might [yit] growith night and day. 3915 Bothe in cloistre and in abbey Chastite is werreyed over-al. Therfore I wol with siker wal Close bothe roses and roser. I have to longe in this maner 3920 Left hem unclosid wilfully; Wherfore I am right inwardly Sorowful and repente me. But now they shal no lenger be Unclosid; and yit I drede sore, 3925 I shal repente ferthermore, For the game goth al amis. Counsel I [mot take] newe, y-wis. I have to longe tristed thee, But now it shal no lenger be; 3930 For he may best, in every cost, Disceyve, that men tristen most. I see wel that I am nygh shent, But-if I sette my ful entent Remedye to purveye. 3935 Therfore close I shal the weye Fro hem that wol the rose espye, And come to wayte me vilanye, For, in good feith and in trouthe, I wol not lette, for no slouthe, 3940 To live the more in sikirnesse, [To] make anoon a forteresse, [To enclose] the roses of good savour. In middis shal I make a tour To putte Bialacoil in prisoun, 3945 For ever I drede me of tresoun. I trowe I shal him kepe so, That he shal have no might to go Aboute to make companye To hem that thenke of vilanye; 3950 Ne to no such as hath ben here Aforn, and founde in him good chere, Which han assailed him to shende, And with hir trowandyse to blende. A fool is eyth [for] to bigyle; 3955 But may I lyve a litel while, He shal forthenke his fair semblaunt.' And with that word cam Drede avaunt, Which was abasshed, and in gret fere, Whan he wiste Ielousye was there. 3960 He was for drede in such affray, That not a word durste he say, But quaking stood ful stille aloon, Til Ielousye his wey was goon, Save Shame, that him not forsook; 3965 Bothe Drede and she ful sore quook; [Til] that at laste Drede abreyde, And to his cosin Shame seyde: Shame,' he seide, 'in sothfastnesse, To me it is gret hevinesse, 3970 That the noyse so fer is go, And the sclaundre of us two. But sith that it is [so] bifalle, We may it not ageyn [do] calle, Whan onis sprongen is a fame. 3975 For many a yeer withouten blame We han been, and many a day; For many an April and many a May We han [y]-passed, not [a]shamed, Til Ielousye hath us blamed 3980 Of mistrust and suspecioun Causeles, withouten enchesoun. Go we to Daunger hastily, And late us shewe him openly, That he hath not aright [y]-wrought, 3985 Whan that he sette nought his thought To kepe better the purpryse; In his doing he is not wyse. He hath to us [y]-do gret wrong, That hath suffred now so long 3990 Bialacoil to have his wille, Alle his lustes to fulfille. He must amende it utterly, Or ellis shal he vilaynsly Exyled be out of this londe; 3995 For he the werre may not withstonde Of Ielousye, nor the greef, Sith Bialacoil is at mischeef.' To Daunger, Shame and Drede anoon The righte wey ben [bothe a]-goon. 4000 The cherl they founden hem aforn Ligging undir an hawethorn. Undir his heed no pilowe was, But in the stede a trusse of gras. He slombred, and a nappe he took, 4005 Til Shame pitously him shook, And greet manace on him gan make. Why slepist thou whan thou shulde wake?' Quod Shame; 'thou dost us vilanye! Who tristith thee, he doth folye, 4010 To kepe roses or botouns, Whan they ben faire in hir sesouns. Thou art woxe to familiere Where thou shulde be straunge of chere, Stout of thy port, redy to greve. 4015 Thou dost gret foly for to leve Bialacoil here-in, to calle The yonder man to shenden us alle. Though that thou slepe, we may here Of Ielousie gret noyse here. 4020 Art thou now late? ryse up [in hy], And stoppe sone and deliverly Alle the gappis of the hay; Do no favour, I thee pray. It fallith no-thing to thy name 4025 Make fair semblaunt, where thou maist blame. 'If Bialacoil be swete and free, Dogged and fel thou shuldist be; Froward and outrageous, y-wis; A cherl chaungeth that curteis is. 4030 This have I herd ofte in seying, That man [ne] may, for no daunting, Make a sperhauke of a bosarde. Alle men wole holde thee for musarde, That debonair have founden thee, 4035 It sit thee nought curteis to be; To do men plesaunce or servyse, In thee it is recreaundyse. Let thy werkis, fer and nere, Be lyke thy name, which is Daungere.' 4040 Than, al abawid in shewing, Anoon spak Dreed, right thus seying, And seide, 'Daunger, I drede me That thou ne wolt [not] bisy be To kepe that thou hast to kepe; 4045 Whan thou shuldist wake, thou art aslepe. Thou shalt be greved certeynly, If thee aspye Ielousy, Or if he finde thee in blame. He hath to-day assailed Shame, 4050 And chased awey, with gret manace, Bialacoil out of this place, And swereth shortly that he shal Enclose him in a sturdy wal; And al is for thy wikkednesse, 4055 For that thee faileth straungenesse. Thyn herte, I trowe, be failed al; Thou shalt repente in special, If Ielousye the sothe knewe; Thou shalt forthenke, and sore rewe.' 4060 With that the cherl his clubbe gan shake, Frouning his eyen gan to make, And hidous chere; as man in rage, For ire he brente in his visage. Whan that he herde him blamed so, 4065 He seide, 'Out of my wit I go; To be discomfit I have gret wrong. Certis, I have now lived to long, Sith I may not this closer kepe; Al quik I wolde be dolven depe, 4070 If any man shal more repeire Into this garden, for foule or faire. Myn herte for ire goth a-fere, That I lete any entre here. I have do foly, now I see, 4075 But now it shal amended bee. Who settith foot here any more, Truly, he shal repente it sore; For no man mo into this place Of me to entre shal have grace. 4080 Lever I hadde, with swerdis tweyne, Thurgh-out myn herte, in every veyne Perced to be, with many a wounde, Than slouthe shulde in me be founde. From hennesforth, by night or day, 4085 I shal defende it, if I may, Withouten any excepcioun Of ech maner condicioun; And if I any man it graunte, Holdeth me for recreaunte.' 4090 Than Daunger on his feet gan stonde, And hente a burdoun in his honde. Wroth in his ire, ne lefte he nought, But thurgh the verger he hath sought. If he might finde hole or trace, 4095 Wher-thurgh that men mot forth-by pace, Or any gappe, he dide it close, That no man mighte touche a rose Of the roser al aboute; He shitteth every man withoute. 4100 Thus day by day Daunger is wers, More wondirful and more divers, And feller eek than ever he was; For him ful oft I singe 'allas!' For I ne may nought, thurgh his ire, 4105 Recover that I most desire. Myn herte, allas, wol brest a-two, For Bialacoil I wratthed so. For certeynly, in every membre I quake, whan I me remembre 4110 Of the botoun, which [that] I wolde Fulle ofte a day seen and biholde. And whan I thenke upon the kisse, And how muche Ioye and blisse I hadde thurgh the savour swete, 4115 For wante of it I grone and grete. Me thenkith I fele yit in my nose The swete savour of the rose. And now I woot that I mot go So fer the fresshe floures fro, 4120 To me ful welcome were the deeth; Absens therof, allas, me sleeth! For whylom with this rose, allas, I touched nose, mouth, and face; But now the deeth I must abyde. 4125 But Love consente, another tyde, That onis I touche may and kisse, I trowe my peyne shal never lisse. Theron is al my coveityse, Which brent myn herte in many wyse. 4130 Now shal repaire agayn sighinge, Long wacche on nightis, and no slepinge; Thought in wisshing, torment, and wo, With many a turning to and fro, That half my peyne I can not telle. 4135 For I am fallen into helle From paradys and welthe, the more My turment greveth; more and more Anoyeth now the bittirnesse, That I toforn have felt swetnesse. 4140 And Wikkid-Tunge, thurgh his falshede, Causeth al my wo and drede. On me he leyeth a pitous charge, Bicause his tunge was to large. Now it is tyme, shortly that I 4145 Telle you som-thing of Ielousy, That was in gret suspecioun. Aboute him lefte he no masoun, That stoon coude leye, ne querrour; He hired hem to make a tour. 4150 And first, the roses for to kepe, Aboute hem made he a diche depe, Right wondir large, and also brood; Upon the whiche also stood Of squared stoon a sturdy wal, 4155 Which on a cragge was founded al, And right gret thikkenesse eek it bar. Abouten, it was founded squar, An hundred fadome on every syde, It was al liche longe and wyde. 4160 Lest any tyme it were assayled, Ful wel aboute it was batayled; And rounde enviroun eek were set Ful many a riche and fair touret. At every corner of this wal 4165 Was set a tour ful principal; And everich hadde, withoute fable, A porte-colys defensable To kepe of enemies, and to greve, That there hir force wolde preve. 4170 And eek amidde this purpryse Was maad a tour of gret maistryse; A fairer saugh no man with sight, Large and wyde, and of gret might. They [ne] dredde noon assaut 4175 Of ginne, gunne, nor skaffaut. [For] the temprure of the mortere Was maad of licour wonder dere; Of quikke lyme persant and egre, The which was tempred with vinegre. 4180 The stoon was hard [as] ademant, Wherof they made the foundement. The tour was rounde, maad in compas; In al this world no richer was, Ne better ordeigned therwithal. 4185 Aboute the tour was maad a wal, So that, bitwixt that and the tour, Rosers were set of swete savour, With many roses that they bere. And eek within the castel were 4190 Springoldes, gunnes, bows, archers; And eek above, atte corners, Men seyn over the walle stonde Grete engynes, [whiche] were nigh honde; And in the kernels, here and there, 4195 Of arblasters gret plentee were. Noon armure might hir stroke withstonde, It were foly to prece to honde. Without the diche were listes made, With walles batayled large and brade, 4200 For men and hors shulde not atteyne To neigh the diche over the pleyne. Thus Ielousye hath enviroun Set aboute his garnisoun With walles rounde, and diche depe, 4205 Only the roser for to kepe. And Daunger [eek], erly and late The keyes kepte of the utter gate, The which openeth toward the eest. And he hadde with him atte leest 4210 Thritty servauntes, echon by name. That other gate kepte Shame, Which openede, as it was couth, Toward the parte of the south. Sergeauntes assigned were hir to 4215 Ful many, hir wille for to do. Than Drede hadde in hir baillye The keping of the conestablerye, Toward the north, I undirstonde, That opened upon the left honde, 4220 The which for no-thing may be sure, But-if she do [hir] bisy cure Erly on morowe and also late, Strongly to shette and barre the gate. Of every thing that she may see 4225 Drede is aferd, wher-so she be; For with a puff of litel winde Drede is astonied in hir minde. Therfore, for stelinge of the rose, I rede hir nought the yate unclose. 4230 A foulis flight wol make hir flee, And eek a shadowe, if she it see. Thanne Wikked-Tunge, ful of envye, With soudiours of Normandye, As he that causeth al the bate, 4235 Was keper of the fourthe gate, And also to the tother three He went ful ofte, for to see. Whan his lot was to wake a-night, His instrumentis wolde he dight, 4240 For to blowe and make soun, Ofter than he hath enchesoun; And walken oft upon the wal, Corners and wikettis over-al Ful narwe serchen and espye; 4245 Though he nought fond, yit wolde he lye. Discordaunt ever fro armonye, And distoned from melodye, Controve he wolde, and foule fayle, With hornpypes of Cornewayle. 4250 In floytes made he discordaunce, And in his musik, with mischaunce, He wolde seyn, with notes newe, That he [ne] fond no womman trewe, Ne that he saugh never, in his lyf, 4255 Unto hir husbonde a trewe wyf; Ne noon so ful of honestee, That she nil laughe and mery be Whan that she hereth, or may espye, A man speken of lecherye. 4260 Everich of hem hath somme vyce; Oon is dishonest, another is nyce; If oon be ful of vilanye, Another hath a likerous ye; If oon be ful of wantonesse, 4265 Another is a chideresse. Thus Wikked-Tunge (god yeve him shame!) Can putte hem everichone in blame Withoute desert and causeles; He lyeth, though they been giltles. 4270 I have pite to seen the sorwe, That waketh bothe eve and morwe, To innocents doth such grevaunce; I pray god yeve him evel chaunce, That he ever so bisy is 4275 Of any womman to seyn amis! Eek Ielousye god confounde, That hath [y]-maad a tour so rounde, And made aboute a garisoun To sette Bialacoil in prisoun; 4280 The which is shet there in the tour, Ful longe to holde there soiour, There for to liven in penaunce. And for to do him more grevaunce, [Ther] hath ordeyned Ielousye 4285 An olde vekke, for to espye The maner of his governaunce; The whiche devel, in hir enfaunce, Had lerned [muche] of Loves art, And of his pleyes took hir part; 4290 She was [expert] in his servyse. She knew ech wrenche and every gyse Of love, and every [loveres] wyle, It was [the] harder hir to gyle. Of Bialacoil she took ay hede, 4295 That ever he liveth in wo and drede. He kepte him coy and eek privee, Lest in him she hadde see Any foly countenaunce, For she knew al the olde daunce. 4300 And aftir this, whan Ielousye Had Bialacoil in his baillye, And shette him up that was so free, For seure of him he wolde be, He trusteth sore in his castel; 4305 The stronge werk him lyketh wel. He dradde nat that no glotouns Shulde stele his roses or botouns. The roses weren assured alle, Defenced with the stronge walle. 4310 Now Ielousye ful wel may be Of drede devoid, in libertee, Whether that he slepe or wake; For of his roses may noon be take. But I, allas, now morne shal; 4315 Bicause I was without the wal, Ful moche dole and mone I made. Who hadde wist what wo I hadde, I trowe he wolde have had pitee. Love to deere had sold to me 4320 The good that of his love hadde I. I [wende a bought] it al queyntly; But now, thurgh doubling of my peyn, I see he wolde it selle ageyn, And me a newe bargeyn lere, 4325 The which al-out the more is dere, For the solace that I have lorn, Than I hadde it never aforn. Certayn I am ful lyk, indeed, To him that cast in erthe his seed; 4330 And hath Ioie of the newe spring, Whan it greneth in the ginning, And is also fair and fresh of flour, Lusty to seen, swote of odour; But er he it in sheves shere, 4335 May falle a weder that shal it dere, And maken it to fade and falle, The stalk, the greyn, and floures alle; That to the tilier is fordone The hope that he hadde to sone. 4340 I drede, certeyn, that so fare I; For hope and travaile sikerly Ben me biraft al with a storm; The floure nil seden of my corn. For Love hath so avaunced me, 4345 Whan I bigan my privitee To Bialacoil al for to telle, Whom I ne fond froward ne felle, But took a-gree al hool my play. But Love is of so hard assay, 4350 That al at onis he reved me, Whan I wend best aboven have be. It is of Love, as of Fortune, That chaungeth ofte, and nil contune; Which whylom wol on folke smyle, 4355 And gloumbe on hem another whyle; Now freend, now foo, [thou] shalt hir fele, For [in] a twinkling tourneth hir wheel. She can wrythe hir heed awey, This is the concours of hir pley; 4360 She can areyse that doth morne, And whirle adown, and overturne Who sittith hieghst, [al] as hir list; A fool is he that wol hir trist. For it [am] I that am com doun 4365 Thurgh change and revolucioun! Sith Bialacoil mot fro me twinne, Shet in the prisoun yond withinne, His absence at myn herte I fele; For al my Ioye and al myn hele 4370 Was in him and in the rose, That but yon [wal], which him doth close, Open, that I may him see, Love nil not that I cured be Of the peynes that I endure, 4375 Nor of my cruel aventure. A, Bialacoil, myn owne dere! Though thou be now a prisonere, Kepe atte leste thyn herte to me, And suffre not that it daunted be; 4380 Ne lat not Ielousye, in his rage, Putten thyn herte in no servage. Although he chastice thee withoute, And make thy body unto him loute, Have herte as hard as dyamaunt, 4385 Stedefast, and nought pliaunt; In prisoun though thy body be, At large kepe thyn herte free. A trewe herte wol not plye For no manace that it may drye. 4390 If Ielousye doth thee payne, Quyte him his whyle thus agayne, To venge thee, atte leest in thought, If other way thou mayest nought; And in this wyse sotilly 4395 Worche, and winne the maistry. But yit I am in gret affray Lest thou do not as I say; I drede thou canst me greet maugree, That thou emprisoned art for me; 4400 But that [is] not for my trespas, For thurgh me never discovered was Yit thing that oughte be secree. Wel more anoy [ther] is in me, Than is in thee, of this mischaunce; 4405 For I endure more hard penaunce Than any [man] can seyn or thinke, That for the sorwe almost I sinke. Whan I remembre me of my wo, Ful nygh out of my wit I go. 4410 Inward myn herte I fele blede, For comfortles the deeth I drede. Ow I not wel to have distresse, Whan false, thurgh hir wikkednesse, And traitours, that arn envyous, 4415 To noyen me be so coragious? A, Bialacoil! ful wel I see, That they hem shape to disceyve thee, To make thee buxom to hir lawe, And with hir corde thee to drawe 4420 Wher-so hem lust, right at hir wil; I drede they have thee brought thertil. Withoute comfort, thought me sleeth; This game wol bringe me to my deeth. For if your gode wille I lese, 4425 I mote be deed; I may not chese. And if that thou foryete me, Myn herte shal never in lyking be; Nor elles-where finde solace, If I be put out of your grace, 4430 As it shal never been, I hope; Than shulde I fallen in wanhope. [_Here, at_ l. 4070 _of the_ French text, _ends the work of_ G. de Lorris; _and begins the work of_ Jean de Meun.] Allas, in wanhope?--nay, pardee! For I wol never dispeired be. If Hope me faile, than am I 4435 Ungracious and unworthy; In Hope I wol comforted be, For Love, whan he bitaught hir me, Seide, that Hope, wher-so I go, Shulde ay be relees to my wo. 4440 But what and she my balis bete, And be to me curteis and swete? She is in no-thing ful certeyn. Lovers she put in ful gret peyn, And makith hem with wo to dele. 4445 Hir fair biheest disceyveth fele, For she wol bihote, sikirly, And failen aftir outrely. A! that is a ful noyous thing! For many a lover, in loving, 4450 Hangeth upon hir, and trusteth fast, Whiche lese hir travel at the last. Of thing to comen she woot right nought; Therfore, if it be wysly sought, Hir counseille, foly is to take. 4455 For many tymes, whan she wol make A ful good silogisme, I drede That aftirward ther shal in dede Folwe an evel conclusioun; This put me in confusioun. 4460 For many tymes I have it seen, That many have bigyled been, For trust that they have set in Hope, Which fel hem aftirward a-slope. But natheles yit, gladly she wolde, 4465 That he, that wol him with hir holde, Hadde alle tymes [his] purpos clere, Withoute deceyte, or any were. That she desireth sikirly; Whan I hir blamed, I did foly. 4470 But what avayleth hir good wille, Whan she ne may staunche my stounde ille? That helpith litel, that she may do, Outake biheest unto my wo. And heeste certeyn, in no wyse, 4475 Withoute yift, is not to pryse. Whan heest and deed a-sundir varie, They doon [me have] a gret contrarie. Thus am I possed up and doun With dool, thought, and confusioun; 4480 Of my disese ther is no noumbre. Daunger and Shame me encumbre, Drede also, and Ielousye, And Wikked-Tunge, ful of envye, Of whiche the sharpe and cruel ire 4485 Ful oft me put in gret martire. They han my Ioye fully let, Sith Bialacoil they have bishet Fro me in prisoun wikkidly, Whom I love so entierly, 4490 That it wol my bane be, But I the soner may him see. And yit moreover, wurst of alle, Ther is set to kepe, foule hir bifalle! A rimpled vekke, fer ronne in age, 4495 Frowning and yelowe in hir visage, Which in awayte lyth day and night, That noon of hem may have a sight. Now moot my sorwe enforced be; Ful soth it is, that Love yaf me 4500 Three wonder yiftes of his grace, Which I have lorn now in this place, Sith they ne may, withoute drede Helpen but litel, who taketh hede. For here availeth no Swete-Thought, 4505 And Swete-Speche helpith right nought. The thridde was called Swete-Loking, That now is lorn, without lesing. [The] yiftes were fair, but not forthy They helpe me but simply, 4510 But Bialacoil [may] loosed be, To gon at large and to be free. For him my lyf lyth al in dout, But-if he come the rather out. Allas! I trowe it wol not been! 4515 For how shuld I evermore him seen? He may not out, and that is wrong, Bicause the tour is so strong. How shulde he out? by whos prowesse, Out of so strong a forteresse? 4520 By me, certeyn, it nil be do; God woot, I have no wit therto! But wel I woot I was in rage, Whan I to Love dide homage. Who was in cause, in sothfastnesse, 4525 But hir-silf, dame Idelnesse, Which me conveyed, thurgh fair prayere, To entre into that fair vergere? She was to blame me to leve, The which now doth me sore greve. 4530 A foolis word is nought to trowe, Ne worth an appel for to lowe; Men shulde him snibbe bittirly, At pryme temps of his foly. I was a fool, and she me leved, 4535 Thurgh whom I am right nought releved. She accomplisshed al my wil, That now me greveth wondir il. Resoun me seide what shulde falle. A fool my-silf I may wel calle, 4540 That love asyde I had not leyde, And trowed that dame Resoun seyde. Resoun had bothe skile and right. Whan she me blamed, with al hir might, To medle of love, that hath me shent; 4545 But certeyn now I wol repent. 'And shulde I repent? Nay, parde! A fals traitour than shulde I be. The develles engins wolde me take, If I my [lorde] wolde forsake, 4550 Or Bialacoil falsly bitraye. Shulde I at mischeef hate him? nay, Sith he now, for his curtesye, Is in prisoun of Ielousye. Curtesye certeyn dide he me, 4555 So muche, it may not yolden be, Whan he the hay passen me lete, To kisse the rose, faire and swete; Shulde I therfore cunne him maugree? Nay, certeynly, it shal not be; 4560 For Love shal never, [if god wil], Here of me, thurgh word or wil, Offence or complaynt, more or lesse, Neither of Hope nor Idilnesse; For certis, it were wrong that I 4565 Hated hem for hir curtesye. Ther is not ellis, but suffre and thinke, And waken whan I shulde winke; Abyde in hope, til Love, thurgh chaunce, Sende me socour or allegeaunce, 4570 Expectant ay til I may mete To geten mercy of that swete. 'Whylom I thinke how Love to me Seyde he wolde taken atte gree My servise, if unpacience 4575 Caused me to doon offence. He seyde, "In thank I shal it take, And high maister eek thee make, If wikkednesse ne reve it thee; But sone, I trowe, that shal not be." 4580 These were his wordis by and by; It semed he loved me trewly. Now is ther not but serve him wele, If that I thinke his thank to fele. My good, myn harm, lyth hool in me; 4585 In Love may no defaute be; For trewe Love ne failid never man. Sothly, the faute mot nedis than (As God forbede!) be founde in me, And how it cometh, I can not see. 4590 Now lat it goon as it may go; Whether Love wol socoure me or slo, He may do hool on me his wil. I am so sore bounde him til, From his servyse I may not fleen; 4595 For lyf and deth, withouten wene, Is in his hand; I may not chese; He may me do bothe winne and lese. And sith so sore he doth me greve, Yit, if my lust he wolde acheve 4600 To Bialacoil goodly to be, I yeve no force what felle on me. For though I dye, as I mot nede, I praye Love, of his goodlihede, To Bialacoil do gentilnesse, 4605 For whom I live in such distresse, That I mote deyen for penaunce. But first, withoute repentaunce, I wol me confesse in good entent, And make in haste my testament, 4610 As lovers doon that felen smerte:-- To Bialacoil leve I myn herte Al hool, withoute departing, Or doublenesse of repenting.' COMENT RAISOUN VIENT A L'AMANT. Thus as I made my passage 4615 In compleynt, and in cruel rage, And I not wher to finde a leche That couthe unto myn helping eche, Sodeynly agayn comen doun Out of hir tour I saugh Resoun, 4620 Discrete and wys, and ful plesaunt, And of hir porte ful avenaunt. The righte wey she took to me, Which stood in greet perplexite, That was posshed in every side, 4625 That I nist where I might abyde, Til she, demurely sad of chere, Seide to me as she com nere:-- 'Myn owne freend, art thou yit greved? How is this quarel yit acheved 4630 Of Loves syde? Anoon me telle; Hast thou not yit of love thy fille? Art thou not wery of thy servyse That thee hath [pyned] in sich wyse? What Ioye hast thou in thy loving? 4635 Is it swete or bitter thing? Canst thou yit chese, lat me see, What best thy socour mighte be? 'Thou servest a ful noble lord, That maketh thee thral for thy reward, 4640 Which ay renewith thy turment, With foly so he hath thee blent. Thou felle in mischeef thilke day, Whan thou didest, the sothe to say, Obeysaunce and eek homage; 4645 Thou wroughtest no-thing as the sage. Whan thou bicam his liege man, Thou didist a gret foly than; Thou wistest not what fel therto, With what lord thou haddist to do. 4650 If thou haddist him wel knowe, Thou haddist nought be brought so lowe; For if thou wistest what it were, Thou noldist serve him half a yeer, Not a weke, nor half a day, 4655 Ne yit an hour withoute delay, Ne never [han] loved paramours, His lordship is so ful of shoures. Knowest him ought?' _L'Amaunt._ 'Ye, dame, parde!' _Raisoun._ 'Nay, nay.' _L'Amaunt._ 'Yes, I.' _Raisoun._ 'Wherof, lat see?' 4660 _L'Amaunt._ 'Of that he seyde I shulde be Glad to have sich lord as he, And maister of sich seignory.' _Raisoun._ 'Knowist him no more?' _L'Amaunt._ 'Nay, certis, I, Save that he yaf me rewles there, 4665 And wente his wey, I niste where, And I abood bounde in balaunce.' _Raisoun._ 'Lo, there a noble conisaunce! But I wil that thou knowe him now Ginning and ende, sith that thou 4670 Art so anguisshous and mate, Disfigured out of astate; Ther may no wrecche have more of wo, Ne caitif noon enduren so. It were to every man sitting 4675 Of his lord have knowleching. For if thou knewe him, out of dout, Lightly thou shulde escapen out Of the prisoun that marreth thee.' _L'Amaunt._ 'Ye, dame! sith my lord is he, 4680 And I his man, maad with myn honde, I wolde right fayn undirstonde To knowen of what kinde he be, If any wolde enferme me.' _Raisoun._ 'I wolde,' seid Resoun, 'thee lere, 4685 Sith thou to lerne hast sich desire, And shewe thee, withouten fable, A thing that is not demonstrable. Thou shalt [here lerne] without science, And knowe, withoute experience, 4690 The thing that may not knowen be, Ne wist ne shewid in no degree. Thou mayst the sothe of it not witen, Though in thee it were writen. Thou shalt not knowe therof more 4695 Whyle thou art reuled by his lore; But unto him that love wol flee, The knotte may unclosed be, Which hath to thee, as it is founde, So long be knet and not unbounde. 4700 Now sette wel thyn entencioun, To here of love discripcioun. 'Love, it is an hateful pees, A free acquitaunce, without relees, [A trouthe], fret full of falshede, 4705 A sikernesse, al set in drede; In herte is a dispeiring hope, And fulle of hope, it is wanhope; Wyse woodnesse, and wood resoun, A swete peril, in to droune, 4710 An hevy birthen, light to bere, A wikked wawe awey to were. It is Caribdis perilous, Disagreable and gracious. It is discordaunce that can accorde, 4715 And accordaunce to discorde. It is cunning withoute science, Wisdom withoute sapience, Wit withoute discrecioun, Havoir, withoute possessioun. 4720 It is sike hele and hool siknesse, A thrust drowned [in] dronkenesse, An helthe ful of maladye, And charitee ful of envye, An [hunger] ful of habundaunce, 4725 And a gredy suffisaunce; Delyt right ful of hevinesse, And drerihed ful of gladnesse; Bitter swetnesse and swete errour, Right evel savoured good savour; 4730 Sinne that pardoun hath withinne, And pardoun spotted without [with] sinne; A peyne also it is, Ioyous, And felonye right pitous; Also pley that selde is stable, 4735 And stedefast [stat], right mevable; A strengthe, weyked to stonde upright, And feblenesse, ful of might; Wit unavysed, sage folye, And Ioye ful of turmentrye; 4740 A laughter it is, weping ay, Rest, that traveyleth night and day; Also a swete helle it is, And a sorowful Paradys; A plesaunt gayl and esy prisoun, 4745 And, ful of froste, somer sesoun; Pryme temps, ful of frostes whyte, And May, devoide of al delyte, With seer braunches, blossoms ungrene; And newe fruyt, fillid with winter tene. 4750 It is a slowe, may not forbere Ragges, ribaned with gold, to were; For al-so wel wol love be set Under ragges as riche rochet; And eek as wel be amourettes 4755 In mourning blak, as bright burnettes. For noon is of so mochel prys, Ne no man founden [is] so wys, Ne noon so high is of parage, Ne no man founde of wit so sage, 4760 No man so hardy ne so wight, Ne no man of so mochel might, Noon so fulfilled of bounte, [But] he with love may daunted be. Al the world holdith this way; 4765 Love makith alle to goon miswey, But it be they of yvel lyf, Whom Genius cursith, man and wyf, That wrongly werke ageyn nature. Noon suche I love, ne have no cure 4770 Of suche as Loves servaunts been, And wol not by my counsel fleen. For I ne preyse that loving, Wher-thurgh man, at the laste ending, Shal calle hem wrecchis fulle of wo, 4775 Love greveth hem and shendith so. But if thou wolt wel Love eschewe, For to escape out of his mewe, And make al hool thy sorwe to slake, No bettir counsel mayst thou take, 4780 Than thinke to fleen wel, y-wis; May nought helpe elles; for wite thou this:-- If thou flee it, it shal flee thee; Folowe it, and folowen shal it thee.' _L'Amaunt._ Whan I hadde herd al Resoun seyn, 4785 Which hadde spilt hir speche in veyn: Dame,' seyde I, 'I dar wel sey Of this avaunt me wel I may That from your scole so deviaunt I am, that never the more avaunt 4790 Right nought am I, thurgh your doctryne; I dulle under your disciplyne; I wot no more than [I] wist [er], To me so contrarie and so fer Is every thing that ye me lere; 4795 And yit I can it al parcuere. Myn herte foryetith therof right nought, It is so writen in my thought; And depe graven it is so tendir That al by herte I can it rendre, 4800 And rede it over comunely; But to my-silf lewedist am I. 'But sith ye love discreven so, And lakke and preise it, bothe two, Defyneth it into this letter, 4805 That I may thenke on it the better; For I herde never [diffyne it ere], And wilfully I wolde it lere.' _Raisoun._ 'If love be serched wel and sought, It is a sykenesse of the thought 4810 Annexed and knet bitwixe tweyne, [Which] male and female, with oo cheyne, So frely byndith, that they nil twinne, Whether so therof they lese or winne. The roote springith, thurgh hoot brenning, 4815 Into disordinat desiring For to kissen and enbrace, And at her lust them to solace. Of other thing love recchith nought, But setteth hir herte and al hir thought 4820 More for delectacioun Than any procreacioun Of other fruyt by engendring; Which love to god is not plesing; For of hir body fruyt to get 4825 They yeve no force, they are so set Upon delyt, to pley in-fere. And somme have also this manere, To feynen hem for love seke; Sich love I preise not at a leke. 4830 For paramours they do but feyne; To love truly they disdeyne. They falsen ladies traitoursly, And sweren hem othes utterly, With many a lesing, and many a fable, 4835 And al they finden deceyvable. And, whan they her lust han geten, The hoote ernes they al foryeten. Wimmen, the harm they byen ful sore; But men this thenken evermore, 4840 That lasse harm is, so mote I thee, Disceyve them, than disceyved be; And namely, wher they ne may Finde non other mene wey. For I wot wel, in sothfastnesse, 4845 That [who] doth now his bisynesse With any womman for to dele, For any lust that he may fele, But-if it be for engendrure, He doth trespasse, I you ensure. 4850 For he shulde setten al his wil To geten a likly thing him til, And to sustene[n], if he might, And kepe forth, by kindes right, His owne lyknesse and semblable, 4855 For bicause al is corumpable, And faile shulde successioun, Ne were ther generacioun Our sectis strene for to save. Whan fader or moder arn in grave, 4860 Hir children shulde, whan they ben deede, Ful diligent ben, in hir steede, To use that werke on such a wyse, That oon may thurgh another ryse. Therfore set Kinde therin delyt, 4865 For men therin shulde hem delyte, And of that dede be not erke, But ofte sythes haunt that werke. For noon wolde drawe therof a draught Ne were delyt, which hath him caught. 4870 This hadde sotil dame Nature; For noon goth right, I thee ensure, Ne hath entent hool ne parfyt; For hir desir is for delyt, The which fortened crece and eke 4875 The pley of love for-ofte seke, And thralle hem-silf, they be so nyce, Unto the prince of every vyce. For of ech sinne it is the rote, Unlefulle lust, though it be sote, 4880 And of al yvel the racyne, As Tullius can determyne, Which in his tyme was ful sage, In a boke he made of Age, Wher that more he preyseth Elde, 4885 Though he be croked and unwelde, And more of commendacioun, Than Youthe in his discripcioun. For Youthe set bothe man and wyf In al perel of soule and lyf; 4890 And perel is, but men have grace, The [tyme] of youthe for to pace, Withoute any deth or distresse, It is so ful of wildenesse; So ofte it doth shame or damage 4895 To him or to his linage. It ledith man now up, now doun, In mochel dissolucioun, And makith him love yvel company, And lede his lyf disrewlily, 4900 And halt him payed with noon estate. Within him-silf is such debate, He chaungith purpos and entent, And yalt [him] into som covent, To liven aftir her empryse, 4905 And lesith fredom and fraunchyse, That Nature in him hadde set, The which ageyn he may not get, If he there make his mansioun For to abyde professioun. 4910 Though for a tyme his herte absente, It may not fayle, he shal repente, And eke abyde thilke day To leve his abit, and goon his way, And lesith his worship and his name, 4915 And dar not come ageyn for shame; But al his lyf he doth so mourne, Bicause he dar not hoom retourne. Fredom of kinde so lost hath he That never may recured be, 4920 But-if that god him graunte grace That he may, er he hennes pace, Conteyne undir obedience Thurgh the vertu of pacience. For Youthe set man in al folye, 4925 In unthrift and in ribaudye, In leccherye, and in outrage, So ofte it chaungith of corage. Youthe ginneth ofte sich bargeyn, That may not ende withouten peyn. 4930 In gret perel is set youth-hede, Delyt so doth his bridil lede. Delyt thus hangith, drede thee nought, Bothe mannis body and his thought, Only thurgh Youthe, his chamberere, 4935 That to don yvel is customere, And of nought elles taketh hede But only folkes for to lede Into disporte and wildenesse, So is [she] froward from sadnesse. 4940 'But Elde drawith hem therfro; Who wot it nought, he may wel go [Demand] of hem that now arn olde, That whylom Youthe hadde in holde, Which yit remembre of tendir age, 4945 How it hem brought in many a rage, And many a foly therin wrought. But now that Elde hath hem thurghsought, They repente hem of her folye, That Youthe hem putte in Iupardye, 4950 In perel and in muche wo, And made hem ofte amis to do, And suen yvel companye, Riot and avouterye. 'But Elde [can] ageyn restreyne 4955 From suche foly, and refreyne, And set men, by hir ordinaunce, In good reule and in governaunce. But yvel she spendith hir servyse, For no man wol hir love, ne pryse; 4960 She is hated, this wot I wele. Hir acqueyntaunce wolde no man fele, Ne han of Elde companye, Men hate to be of hir alye. For no man wolde bicomen olde, 4965 Ne dye, whan he is yong and bolde. And Elde merveilith right gretly, Whan they remembre hem inwardly Of many a perelous empryse, Whiche that they wrought in sondry wyse, 4970 How ever they might, withoute blame, Escape awey withoute shame, In youthe, withoute[n] damage Or repreef of her linage, Losse of membre, sheding of blode, 4975 Perel of deth, or losse of good. 'Wost thou nought where Youthe abit, That men so preisen in her wit? With Delyt she halt soiour, For bothe they dwellen in oo tour. 4980 As longe as Youthe is in sesoun, They dwellen in oon mansioun. Delyt of Youthe wol have servyse To do what so he wol devyse; And Youthe is redy evermore 4985 For to obey, for smerte of sore, Unto Delyt, and him to yive Hir servise, whyl that she may live. 'Where Elde abit, I wol thee telle Shortly, and no whyle dwelle, 4990 For thider bihoveth thee to go. If Deth in youthe thee not slo, Of this journey thou maist not faile. With hir Labour and Travaile Logged been, with Sorwe and Wo, 4995 That never out of hir courte go. Peyne and Distresse, Syknesse and Ire, And Malencoly, that angry sire, Ben of hir paleys senatours; Groning and Grucching, hir herbergeours, 5000 The day and night, hir to turment, With cruel Deth they hir present, And tellen hir, erliche and late, That Deth stant armed at hir gate. Than bringe they to hir remembraunce 5005 The foly dedis of hir infaunce, Which causen hir to mourne in wo That Youthe hath hir bigiled so, Which sodeynly awey is hasted. She wepeth the tyme that she hath wasted, 5010 Compleyning of the preterit, And the present, that not abit, And of hir olde vanitee, That, but aforn hir she may see In the future som socour, 5015 To leggen hir of hir dolour, To graunt hir tyme of repentaunce, For hir sinnes to do penaunce, And at the laste so hir governe To winne the Ioy that is eterne, 5020 Fro which go bakward Youthe [hir] made, In vanitee to droune and wade. For present tyme abidith nought, It is more swift than any thought; So litel whyle it doth endure 5025 That ther nis compte ne mesure. 'But how that ever the game go, Who list [have] Ioye and mirth also Of love, be it he or she, High or lowe, who[so] it be, 5030 In fruyt they shulde hem delyte; Her part they may not elles quyte, To save hem-silf in honestee. And yit ful many oon I see Of wimmen, sothly for to seyne, 5035 That [ay] desire and wolde fayne The pley of love, they be so wilde, And not coveite to go with childe. And if with child they be perchaunce, They wole it holde a gret mischaunce; 5040 But what-som-ever wo they fele, They wol not pleyne, but concele; But-if it be any fool or nyce, In whom that shame hath no Iustyce. For to delyt echon they drawe, 5045 That haunte this werk, bothe high and lawe, Save sich that ar[e]n worth right nought, That for money wol be bought. Such love I preise in no wyse, Whan it is given for coveitise. 5050 I preise no womman, though [she] be wood, That yeveth hir-silf for any good. For litel shulde a man telle Of hir, that wol hir body selle, Be she mayde, be she wyf, 5055 That quik wol selle hir, by hir lyf. How faire chere that ever she make, He is a wrecche, I undirtake, That loveth such one, for swete or sour, Though she him calle hir paramour, 5060 And laugheth on him, and makith him feeste. For certeynly no suche [a] beeste To be loved is not worthy, Or bere the name of druery. Noon shulde hir please, but he were wood, 5065 That wol dispoile him of his good. Yit nevertheles, I wol not sey [But] she, for solace and for pley, May a Iewel or other thing Take of her loves free yeving; 5070 But that she aske it in no wyse, For drede of shame of coveityse. And she of hirs may him, certeyn, Withoute sclaundre, yeven ageyn, And ioyne her hertes togidre so 5075 In love, and take and yeve also. Trowe not that I wolde hem twinne, Whan in her love ther is no sinne; I wol that they togedre go, And doon al that they han ado, 5080 As curteis shulde and debonaire, And in her love beren hem faire, Withoute vyce, bothe he and she; So that alwey, in honestee, Fro foly love [they] kepe hem clere 5085 That brenneth hertis with his fere; And that her love, in any wyse, Be devoid of coveityse. Good love shulde engendrid be Of trewe herte, iust, and secree, 5090 And not of such as sette her thought To have her lust, and ellis nought, So are they caught in Loves lace, Truly, for bodily solace. Fleshly delyt is so present 5095 With thee, that sette al thyn entent, Withoute more (what shulde I glose?) For to gete and have the Rose; Which makith thee so mate and wood That thou desirest noon other good. 5100 But thou art not an inche the nerre, But ever abydest in sorwe and werre, As in thy face it is sene; It makith thee bothe pale and lene; Thy might, thy vertu goth away. 5105 A sory gest, in goode fay, Thou [herberedest than] in thyn inne, The God of Love whan thou let inne! Wherfore I rede, thou shette him out, Or he shal greve thee, out of doute; 5110 For to thy profit it wol turne, If he nomore with thee soiourne. In gret mischeef and sorwe sonken Ben hertis, that of love arn dronken, As thou peraventure knowen shal, 5115 Whan thou hast lost [thy] tyme al, And spent [thy youthe] in ydilnesse, In waste, and woful lustinesse; If thou maist live the tyme to see Of love for to delivered be, 5120 Thy tyme thou shall biwepe sore The whiche never thou maist restore. (For tyme lost, as men may see, For no-thing may recured be). And if thou scape yit, atte laste, 5125 Fro Love, that hath thee so faste Knit and bounden in his lace, Certeyn, I holde it but a grace. For many oon, as it is seyn, Have lost, and spent also in veyn, 5130 In his servyse, withoute socour, Body and soule, good, and tresour, Wit, and strengthe, and eek richesse, Of which they hadde never redresse.' Thus taught and preched hath Resoun, 5135 But Love spilte hir sermoun, That was so imped in my thought, That hir doctrine I sette at nought. And yit ne seide she never a dele, That I ne understode it wele, 5140 Word by word, the mater al. But unto Love I was so thral, Which callith over-al his pray, He chasith so my thought [alway], And holdith myn herte undir his sele, 5145 As trust and trew as any stele; So that no devocioun Ne hadde I in the sermoun Of dame Resoun, ne of hir rede; It toke no soiour in myn hede. 5150 For alle yede out at oon ere That in that other she dide lere; Fully on me she lost hir lore, Hir speche me greved wondir sore. [Than] unto hir for ire I seide, 5155 For anger, as I dide abraide: Dame, and is it your wille algate, That I not love, but that I hate Alle men, as ye me teche? For if I do aftir your speche, 5160 Sith that ye seyn love is not good, Than must I nedis say with mood, If I it leve, in hatrede ay Liven, and voide love away From me, [and been] a sinful wrecche, 5165 Hated of all that [love that] tecche. I may not go noon other gate, For either must I love or hate. And if I hate men of-newe More than love, it wol me rewe, 5170 As by your preching semeth me, For Love no-thing ne preisith thee. Ye yeve good counseil, sikirly, That prechith me al-day, that I Shulde not Loves lore alowe; 5175 He were a fool, wolde you not trowe! In speche also ye han me taught Another love, that knowen is naught, Which I have herd you not repreve, To love ech other; by your leve, 5180 If ye wolde diffyne it me, I wolde gladly here, to see, At the leest, if I may lere Of sondry loves the manere.' _Raison._ 'Certis, freend, a fool art thou 5185 Whan that thou no-thing wolt allowe That I [thee] for thy profit say. Yit wol I sey thee more, in fay; For I am redy, at the leste, To accomplisshe thy requeste, 5190 But I not wher it wol avayle; In veyne, perauntre, I shal travayle. Love ther is in sondry wyse, As I shal thee here devyse. For som love leful is and good; 5195 I mene not that which makith thee wood, And bringith thee in many a fit, And ravisshith fro thee al thy wit, It is so merveilous and queynt; With such love be no more aqueynt. 5200 COMMENT RAISOUN DIFFINIST AMISTIE. 'Love of Frendshipe also ther is, Which makith no man doon amis, Of wille knit bitwixe two, That wol not breke for wele ne wo; Which long is lykly to contune, 5205 Whan wille and goodis ben in comune; Grounded by goddis ordinaunce, Hool, withoute discordaunce; With hem holding comuntee Of al her goode in charitee, 5210 That ther be noon excepcioun Thurgh chaunging of entencioun; That ech helpe other at hir neede, And wysly hele bothe word and dede; Trewe of mening, devoid of slouthe, 5215 For wit is nought withoute trouthe; So that the ton dar al his thought Seyn to his freend, and spare nought, As to him-silf, without dreding To be discovered by wreying. 5220 For glad is that coniunccioun, Whan ther is noon suspecioun [Ne lak in hem], whom they wolde prove That trew and parfit weren in love. For no man may be amiable, 5225 But-if he be so ferme and stable, That fortune chaunge him not, ne blinde, But that his freend alwey him finde, Bothe pore and riche, in oon [e]state. For if his freend, thurgh any gate, 5230 Wol compleyne of his povertee, He shulde not byde so long, til he Of his helping him requere; For good deed, done [but] thurgh prayere, Is sold, and bought to dere, y-wis, 5235 To hert that of gret valour is. For hert fulfilled of gentilnesse Can yvel demene his distresse. And man that worthy is of name To asken often hath gret shame. 5240 A good man brenneth in his thought For shame, whan he axeth ought. He hath gret thought, and dredith ay For his disese, whan he shal pray His freend, lest that he warned be, 5245 Til that he preve his stabiltee. But whan that he hath founden oon That trusty is and trew as stone, And [hath] assayed him at al, And found him stedefast as a wal, 5250 And of his freendship be certeyne, He shal him shewe bothe Ioye and peyne, And al that [he] dar thinke or sey, Withoute shame, as he wel may. For how shulde he ashamed be 5255 Of sich oon as I tolde thee? For whan he woot his secree thought, The thridde shal knowe ther-of right nought; For tweyn in nombre is bet than three In every counsel and secree. 5260 Repreve he dredeth never a del, Who that biset his wordis wel; For every wys man, out of drede, Can kepe his tunge til he see nede; And fooles can not holde hir tunge; 5265 A fooles belle is sone runge. Yit shal a trewe freend do more To helpe his felowe of his sore, And socoure him, whan he hath nede, In al that he may doon in dede; 5270 And gladder [be] that he him plesith Than [is] his felowe that he esith. And if he do not his requeste, He shal as mochel him moleste As his felow, for that he 5275 May not fulfille his voluntee [As] fully as he hath requered. If bothe the hertis Love hath fered, Joy and wo they shul depart, And take evenly ech his part. 5280 Half his anoy he shal have ay, And comfort [him] what that he may; And of his blisse parte shal he, If love wol departed be. 'And whilom of this [amitee] 5285 Spak Tullius in a ditee; ["A man] shulde maken his request Unto his freend, that is honest; And he goodly shulde it fulfille, But it the more were out of skile, 5290 And otherwise not graunt therto, Except only in [cases] two: If men his freend to deth wolde dryve, Lat him be bisy to save his lyve. Also if men wolen him assayle, 5295 Of his wurship to make him faile, And hindren him of his renoun, Lat him, with ful entencioun, His dever doon in ech degree That his freend ne shamed be, 5300 In this two [cases] with his might, Taking no kepe to skile nor right, As ferre as love may him excuse; This oughte no man to refuse." This love that I have told to thee 5305 Is no-thing contrarie to me; This wol I that thou folowe wel, And leve the tother everydel. This love to vertu al attendith, The tothir fooles blent and shendith. 5310 'Another love also there is, That is contrarie unto this, Which desyre is so constreyned That [it] is but wille feyned; Awey fro trouthe it doth so varie, 5315 That to good love it is contrarie; For it maymeth, in many wyse, Syke hertis with coveityse; Al in winning and in profyt Sich love settith his delyt. 5320 This love so hangeth in balaunce That, if it lese his hope, perchaunce, Of lucre, that he is set upon, It wol faile, and quenche anon; For no man may be amorous, 5325 Ne in his living vertuous, But-[if] he love more, in mood, Men for hem-silf than for hir good. For love that profit doth abyde Is fals, and bit not in no tyde. 5330 [This] love cometh of dame Fortune, That litel whyle wol contune; For it shal chaungen wonder sone, And take eclips right as the mone, Whan she is from us [y]-let 5335 Thurgh erthe, that bitwixe is set The sonne and hir, as it may falle, Be it in party, or in alle; The shadowe maketh her bemis merke, And hir hornes to shewe derke, 5340 That part where she hath lost hir lyght Of Phebus fully, and the sight; Til, whan the shadowe is overpast, She is enlumined ageyn as faste, Thurgh brightnesse of the sonne bemes 5345 That yeveth to hir ageyn hir lemes. That love is right of sich nature; Now is [it] fair, and now obscure. Now bright, now clipsy of manere, And whylom dim, and whylom clere. 5350 As sone as Poverte ginneth take, With mantel and [with] wedis blake [It] hidith of Love the light awey, That into night it turneth day; It may not see Richesse shyne 5355 Til the blakke shadowes fyne. For, whan Richesse shyneth bright, Love recovereth ageyn his light; And whan it failith, he wol flit, And as she [groweth, so groweth] it. 5360 'Of this love, here what I sey:-- The riche men are loved ay, And namely tho that sparand bene, That wol not wasshe hir hertes clene Of the filthe, nor of the vyce 5365 Of gredy brenning avaryce. The riche man ful fond is, y-wis, That weneth that he loved is. If that his herte it undirstood, It is not he, it is his good; 5370 He may wel witen in his thought, His good is loved, and he right nought. For if he be a nigard eke, Men wole not sette by him a leke, But haten him; this is the soth. 5375 Lo, what profit his catel doth! Of every man that may him see, It geteth him nought but enmitee. But he amende him of that vyce, And knowe him-silf, he is not wys. 5380 'Certis, he shulde ay freendly be, To gete him love also ben free, Or ellis he is not wyse ne sage No more than is a gote ramage. That he not loveth, his dede proveth, 5385 Whan he his richesse so wel loveth, That he wol hyde it ay and spare, His pore freendis seen forfare; To kepe [it ay is] his purpose, Til for drede his eyen close, 5390 And til a wikked deth him take; Him hadde lever asondre shake, And late his limes a sondre ryve, Than leve his richesse in his lyve. He thenkith parte it with no man; 5395 Certayn, no love is in him than. How shulde love within him be, Whan in his herte is no pite? That he trespasseth, wel I wat, For ech man knowith his estat; 5400 For wel him oughte be reproved That loveth nought, ne is not loved. 'But sith we arn to Fortune comen, And [han] our sermoun of hir nomen, A wondir wil I telle thee now, 5405 Thou herdist never sich oon, I trow. I not wher thou me leven shal, Though sothfastnesse it be [in] al, As it is writen, and is sooth, That unto men more profit doth 5410 The froward Fortune and contraire, Than the swote and debonaire: And if thee thinke it is doutable, It is thurgh argument provable. For the debonaire and softe 5415 Falsith and bigylith ofte; For liche a moder she can cherishe And milken as doth a norys; And of hir goode to hem deles, And yeveth hem part of her loweles, 5420 With grete richesse and dignitee; And hem she hoteth stabilitee In a state that is not stable, But chaunging ay and variable; And fedith hem with glorie veyne, 5425 And worldly blisse noncerteyne. Whan she hem settith on hir whele, Than wene they to be right wele, And in so stable state withalle, That never they wene for to falle. 5430 And whan they set so highe be, They wene to have in certeintee Of hertly frendis [so] gret noumbre, That no-thing mighte her stat encombre; They truste hem so on every syde, 5435 Wening with hem they wolde abyde In every perel and mischaunce, Withoute chaunge or variaunce, Bothe of catel and of good; And also for to spende hir blood 5440 And alle hir membris for to spille, Only to fulfille hir wille. They maken it hole in many wyse, And hoten hem hir ful servyse, How sore that it do hem smerte, 5445 Into hir very naked sherte! Herte and al, so hole they yeve, For the tyme that they may live, So that, with her flaterye, They maken foolis glorifye 5450 Of hir wordis [greet] speking, And han [there]-of a reioysing, And trowe hem as the Evangyle; And it is al falsheed and gyle, As they shal afterwardes see, 5455 Whan they arn falle in povertee, And been of good and catel bare; Than shulde they seen who freendis ware. For of an hundred, certeynly, Nor of a thousand ful scarsly, 5460 Ne shal they fynde unnethis oon, Whan povertee is comen upon. For [this] Fortune that I of telle, With men whan hir lust to dwelle, Makith hem to lese hir conisaunce, 5465 And nourishith hem in ignoraunce. 'But froward Fortune and perverse, Whan high estatis she doth reverse, And maketh hem to tumble doun Of hir whele, with sodeyn tourn, 5470 And from hir richesse doth hem flee, And plongeth hem in povertee, As a stepmoder envyous, And leyeth a plastre dolorous Unto her hertis, wounded egre, 5475 Which is not tempred with vinegre, But with poverte and indigence, For to shewe, by experience, That she is Fortune verely In whom no man shulde affy, 5480 Nor in hir yeftis have fiaunce, She is so ful of variaunce. Thus can she maken high and lowe, Whan they from richesse ar[e]n throwe, Fully to knowen, withouten were, 5485 Freend of effect, and freend of chere; And which in love weren trew and stable, And whiche also weren variable, After Fortune, hir goddesse, In poverte, outher in richesse; 5490 For al [she] yeveth, out of drede, Unhappe bereveth it in dede; For Infortune lat not oon Of freendis, whan Fortune is goon; I mene tho freendis that wol flee 5495 Anoon as entreth povertee. And yit they wol not leve hem so, But in ech place where they go They calle hem "wrecche," scorne and blame, And of hir mishappe hem diffame, 5500 And, namely, siche as in richesse Pretendith most of stablenesse, Whan that they sawe him set onlofte, And weren of him socoured ofte, And most y-holpe in al hir nede: 5505 But now they take no maner hede, But seyn, in voice of flaterye, That now apperith hir folye, Over-al where-so they fare, And singe, "Go, farewel feldefare." 5510 Alle suche freendis I beshrewe, For of [the] trewe ther be to fewe; But sothfast freendis, what so bityde, In every fortune wolen abyde; They han hir hertis in suche noblesse 5515 That they nil love for no richesse; Nor, for that Fortune may hem sende, They wolen hem socoure and defende; And chaunge for softe ne for sore, For who is freend, loveth evermore. 5520 Though men drawe swerd his freend to slo, He may not hewe hir love a-two. But, in [the] case that I shal sey, For pride and ire lese it he may, And for reprove by nycetee, 5525 And discovering of privitee, With tonge wounding, as feloun, Thurgh venemous detraccioun. Frend in this case wol gon his way, For no-thing greve him more ne may; 5530 And for nought ellis wol he flee, If that he love in stabilitee. And certeyn, he is wel bigoon Among a thousand that fyndith oon. For ther may be no richesse, 5535 Ageyns frendship, of worthinesse; For it ne may so high atteigne As may the valoure, sooth to seyne, Of him that loveth trew and wel; Frendship is more than is catel. 5540 For freend in court ay better is Than peny in [his] purs, certis; And Fortune, mishapping, Whan upon men she is [falling], Thurgh misturning of hir chaunce, 5545 And casteth hem oute of balaunce, She makith, thurgh hir adversitee, Men ful cleerly for to see Him that is freend in existence From him that is by apparence. 5550 For Infortune makith anoon To knowe thy freendis fro thy foon, By experience, right as it is; The which is more to preyse, y-wis, Than [is] miche richesse and tresour; 5555 For more [doth] profit and valour Poverte, and such adversitee, Bifore than doth prosperitee; For the toon yeveth conisaunce, And the tother ignoraunce. 5560 'And thus in poverte is in dede Trouthe declared fro falsehede; For feynte frendis it wol declare, And trewe also, what wey they fare. For whan he was in his richesse, 5565 These freendis, ful of doublenesse, Offrid him in many wyse Hert and body, and servyse. What wolde he than ha [yeve] to ha bought To knowen openly her thought, 5570 That he now hath so clerly seen? The lasse bigyled he sholde have been And he hadde than perceyved it, But richesse nold not late him wit. Wel more avauntage doth him than, 5575 Sith that it makith him a wys man, The greet mischeef that he [receyveth], Than doth richesse that him deceyveth. Richesse riche ne makith nought Him that on tresour set his thought; 5580 For richesse stont in suffisaunce And no-thing in habundaunce; For suffisaunce al-only Makith men to live richely. For he that hath [but] miches tweyne, 5585 Ne [more] value in his demeigne, Liveth more at ese, and more is riche, Than doth he that is [so] chiche, And in his bern hath, soth to seyn, An hundred [muwis] of whete greyn, 5590 Though he be chapman or marchaunt, And have of golde many besaunt. For in the geting he hath such wo, And in the keping drede also, And set evermore his bisynesse 5595 For to encrese, and not to lesse, For to augment and multiply. And though on hepis [it] lye him by, Yit never shal make his richesse Asseth unto his gredinesse. 5600 But the povre that recchith nought, Save of his lyflode, in his thought, Which that he getith with his travaile, He dredith nought that it shal faile, Though he have lytel worldis good, 5605 Mete and drinke, and esy food, Upon his travel and living, And also suffisaunt clothing. Or if in syknesse that he falle, And lothe mete and drink withalle, 5610 Though he have nought, his mete to by, He shal bithinke him hastely, To putte him out of al daunger, That he of mete hath no mister; Or that he may with litel eke 5615 Be founden, whyl that he is seke; Or that men shul him bere in hast, To live, til his syknesse be past, To somme maysondewe bisyde; He cast nought what shal him bityde. 5620 He thenkith nought that ever he shal Into any syknesse falle. 'And though it falle, as it may be, That al betyme spare shal he As mochel as shal to him suffyce, 5625 Whyl he is syke in any wyse, He doth [it], for that he wol be Content with his povertee Withoute nede of any man. So miche in litel have he can, 5630 He is apayed with his fortune; And for he nil be importune Unto no wight, ne onerous, Nor of hir goodes coveitous; Therfore he spareth, it may wel been, 5635 His pore estat for to sustene. 'Or if him lust not for to spare, But suffrith forth, as nought ne ware, Atte last it hapneth, as it may, Right unto his laste day, 5640 And taketh the world as it wolde be; For ever in herte thenkith he, The soner that [the] deeth him slo, To paradys the soner go He shal, there for to live in blisse, 5645 Where that he shal no good misse. Thider he hopith god shal him sende Aftir his wrecchid lyves ende. Pictagoras himsilf reherses, In a book that the Golden verses 5650 Is clepid, for the nobilitee Of the honourable ditee:-- "Than, whan thou gost thy body fro, Free in the eir thou shalt up go, And leven al humanitee, 5655 And purely live in deitee."-- He is a fool, withouten were, That trowith have his countre here. "In erthe is not our countree," That may these clerkis seyn and see 5660 In Boece of Consolacioun, Where it is maked mencioun Of our countree pleyn at the eye, By teching of philosophye, Where lewid men might lere wit, 5665 Who-so that wolde translaten it. If he be sich that can wel live Aftir his rente may him yive, And not desyreth more to have, That may fro povertee him save: 5670 A wys man seide, as we may seen, Is no man wrecched, but he it wene, Be he king, knight, or ribaud. And many a ribaud is mery and baud, That swinkith, and berith, bothe day and night, 5675 Many a burthen of gret might, The whiche doth him lasse offense, For he suffrith in pacience. They laugh and daunce, trippe and singe, And ley not up for her living, 5680 But in the tavern al dispendith The winning that god hem sendith. Than goth he, fardels for to bere, With as good chere as he dide ere; To swinke and traveile he not feynith, 5685 For for to robben he disdeynith; But right anoon, aftir his swinke, He goth to tavern for to drinke. Alle these ar riche in abundaunce, That can thus have suffisaunce 5690 Wel more than can an usurere, As god wel knowith, withoute were. For an usurer, so god me see, Shal never for richesse riche bee, But evermore pore and indigent, 5695 Scarce, and gredy in his entent. 'For soth it is, whom it displese, Ther may no marchaunt live at ese, His herte in sich a were is set, That it quik brenneth [more] to get, 5700 Ne never shal [enough have] geten; Though he have gold in gerners yeten, For to be nedy he dredith sore. Wherfore to geten more and more He set his herte and his desire; 5705 So hote he brennith in the fire Of coveitise, that makith him wood To purchase other mennes good. He undirfongith a gret peyne, That undirtakith to drinke up Seyne; 5710 For the more he drinkith, ay The more he leveth, the soth to say. [This is the] thurst of fals geting, That last ever in coveiting, And the anguisshe and distresse 5715 With the fire of gredinesse. She fighteth with him ay, and stryveth, That his herte asondre ryveth; Such gredinesse him assaylith, That whan he most hath, most he faylith. 5720 Phisiciens and advocates Gon right by the same yates; They selle hir science for winning, And haunte hir crafte for greet geting. Hir winning is of such swetnesse, 5725 That if a man falle in sikenesse, They are ful glad, for hir encrese; For by hir wille, withoute lees, Everiche man shulde be seke, And though they dye, they set not a leke. 5730 After, whan they the gold have take, Ful litel care for hem they make. They wolde that fourty were seke at onis, Ye, two hundred, in flesh and bonis, And yit two thousand, as I gesse, 5735 For to encresen her richesse. They wol not worchen, in no wyse, But for lucre and coveityse; For fysyk ginneth first by _fy_, The fysycien also sothely; 5740 And sithen it goth fro _fy_ to _sy_; To truste on hem, it is foly; For they nil, in no maner gree, Do right nought for charitee. 'Eke in the same secte are set 5745 Alle tho that prechen for to get Worshipes, honour, and richesse. Her hertis arn in greet distresse, That folk [ne] live not holily. But aboven al, specialy, 5750 Sich as prechen [for] veynglorie, And toward god have no memorie, But forth as ypocrites trace, And to her soules deth purchace, And outward [shewen] holynesse, 5755 Though they be fulle of cursidnesse. Not liche to the apostles twelve, They deceyve other and hem-selve; Bigyled is the gyler than. For preching of a cursed man, 5760 Though [it] to other may profyte, Himsilf availeth not a myte; For oft good predicacioun Cometh of evel entencioun. To him not vailith his preching, 5765 Al helpe he other with his teching; For where they good ensaumple take, There is he with veynglorie shake. 'But lat us leven these prechoures, And speke of hem that in her toures 5770 Hepe up her gold, and faste shette, And sore theron her herte sette. They neither love god, ne drede; They kepe more than it is nede, And in her bagges sore it binde, 5775 Out of the sonne, and of the winde; They putte up more than nede ware, Whan they seen pore folk forfare, For hunger dye, and for cold quake; God can wel vengeaunce therof take. 5780 [Thre] gret mischeves hem assailith, And thus in gadring ay travaylith; With moche peyne they winne richesse; And drede hem holdith in distresse, To kepe that they gadre faste; 5785 With sorwe they leve it at the laste; With sorwe they bothe dye and live, That to richesse her hertis yive, And in defaute of love it is, As it shewith ful wel, y-wis. 5790 For if these gredy, the sothe to seyn, Loveden, and were loved ageyn, And good love regned over-alle, Such wikkidnesse ne shulde falle; But he shulde yeve that most good had 5795 To hem that weren in nede bistad, And live withoute fals usure, For charitee ful clene and pure. If they hem yeve to goodnesse, Defending hem from ydelnesse, 5800 In al this world than pore noon We shulde finde, I trowe, not oon. But chaunged is this world unstable; For love is over-al vendable. We see that no man loveth now 5805 But for winning and for prow; And love is thralled in servage Whan it is sold for avauntage; Yit wommen wol hir bodies selle; Suche soules goth to the devel of helle.' 5810 [_Here ends_ l. 5170 _of the_ F. text. _A great gap follows. The next line answers to_ l. 10717 _of the same_.] 1711. Th. thystels; G. thesteles. 1713. Ful] _Both_ For. Th. moche; G. mych. 1721. G. botheum; Th. bothum; _read_ botoun. 1727. Th. shotte. 1728. G. me nye (!) 1732. _Both_ Sithen; Th. chyuered. 1733. _I supply_ that. 1736. _I supply_ ther; F. _iluec_. 1743. Th. drey; G. drie. 1749. Th. yet; G. atte. 1750. Th. whiche; G. which it. 1757. G. to do; Th. do. 1758. _Both_ two (!). 1761. _Both_ bothum. 1766. _Both_ certis euenly. 1771. a] _Both_ his. 1779. _I supply_ myn. 1786. _Both_ bothom; _so in_ 1790. 1791. _Both_ were to haue. 1797, 8. Th. fyne, pyne; G. feyne, peyne. 1806. Th. of; G. on. 1808. _Both_ drawe. 1811. Th. stycked; G. stikith. 1814. felte] _both_ lefte (!). 1845. _Both_ bothom. 1848. _Both_ mighte it. 1851. _Both_ sene I hadde. 1853, 4. _Both_ thore, more; _see_ l. 1857. 1856. G. thens; Th. thence. 1860. G. Castith; Th. Casteth. 1863. G. which. 1873. Th. dethe; G. deth. 1874. G. Whader; Th. Whether. 1879. _I supply_ ful. 1892. _So_ Th.; G. (_in late hand_) That he hadde the body hole made. 1895. _Both_ without. _Transpose_ 1913, 4? 1922. Th. hem; G. hym. 1924. _Both_ softyng; _see_ 1925. 1925. _Both_ prikkith. 1929. Th. iape. 1933. Th. hastely; G. hastly. 1934. _I supply_ the. 1946. _Both_ al. 1965. _Both_ loue (!). 1971. _Both_ Without. 1982. G. _om._ me. 1984. Th. Sens. 1994. _Supply_ to; _see_ 2126. 1999. Th. sythe; G. sith; _read_ sithen. 2002. _For_ of _read_ to? 2006. G. must. _Both_ kysse. 2012. _Both_ without. 2018. _Both_ gonfenoun. 2022. _I supply_ so. 2030. G. thens; Th. thence. 2033. _Both_ without. 2038. _Perhaps_ quoynt. 2044. _Perhaps_ tan (_for_ taken). 2046. _Both_ Disteyned (F. _deceus_). 2049. _Both ins._ her _after_ through. 2066. G. wole; Th. wot (F. _savez_). 2067. _Both_ susprised. 2068. _Perhaps_ tan (_for_ taken). 2074. _I supply_ it. 2076. G. disese; Th. desese (F. _dessaisir_). 2085. Th. tresore; G. tresour. 2099. _I supply_ al. 2105. Th. at; G. atte. 2109. _Om._ But? 2116. _Read_ gree? 2132. G. compleysshen; Th. accomplysshen. 2141. _I supply_ sinne. 2142. Th. entierly. 2150. G. Whanne that; Th. Whan. 2154. _Both_ bigynneth to amende. 2167. Th. he; G. ye. 2176. G. say; Th. saye. 2178. G. ageyns; Th. ayenst. 2183. G. withouten; Th. without. 2185. G. resseyue; Th. receyue. _Both_ vnto (_for_ to). 2191. _I supply_ that. 2195. _Both_ in (_for_ a). 2208. G. yong; Th. yonge. 2215. G. more; Th. mare. 2218. Th. hem; G. him. 2219, 20. _Both_ somme, domme. 2224. Th. rybaudye; G. rebaudrye. 2234. Th. sette; G. _om._ 2247. _Both_ trewly. 2249, 2251, 2254. _Both_ Without. 2261. _I supply_ hem; _both_ best. 2264. G. streght. _Both_ on (_for_ upon). 2268. G. ruyde; Th. rude (F. _cil vilain_). 2271. G. streit. Th. aumere; G. awmere; _see_ 2087. 2278. Th. Whit-; G. wis-. 2279. _Both_ costneth (F. _couste_). 2285. _Both_ Farce. 2294. G. knowith (!); _so_ Th. 2302. _Both_ pleyneth (!). 2305. _I supply_ som. 2309. _I supply_ best. 2316. Th. tyl; G. to. 2318. G. _om._ no. 2327. _Both_ meuen. 2336. _Both_ londes; _read_ Loues. 2341. G. this swiffte (_so_ Th.; F. _si riche don_). _Both_ it is; _om._ it. 2344, 9. _I supply_ that. 2347. _Both_ better. 2355. G. that heere; Th. _om._ that. 2362. _I supply_ eek. 2365. _Both_ and (_for_ in). 2367, 8. _Both_ departe, parte. 2371, 2. _So_ Th.; G. sitte, flitte. 2383. _I supply_ wol. 2384. G. _om._ is. 2388. _I supply_ al. 2395-2442. _Not in_ G.; _from_ Th. 2401. _I supply_ yit. 2403, 4. Th. fal, al. 2405. Th. holy. 2413. As] Th. A. 2427. Th. sene (F. _envoier_). 2432. Th. gone and visyten. 2437, 8. Th. sene, bene. 2443. G. _begins again_. 2446. _Both_ thou dost; _om._ thou. 2454. _For_ wolt _read_ nilt? 2466. _Om._ of? 2472. _I supply_ the. 2473. _For_ Thought _read_ That swete? 2477. _I supply_ thou. 2492. _Both_ do_m_me. 2494, 2521. Th. faste; G. fast. 2499. G. yitt; Th. yet (_for_ yif). 2532. _I supply_ thy; F. _ta raison_. Th. durste; G. derst. 2541. a] Th. o. 2550. Th. batell; G. batelle. 2563, 4. Th. a-brede, forwerede; G. abrode, forweriede; _see_ 3251. 2569. seme] _Both_ se. 2576. Th. slombrest. 2578. G. _om._ a. 2610. Th. Withouten; G. Without. Th. kesse; G. kysse. 2617. _Both_ I wote not; _read_ I noot. 2619. _Both_ better. 2621. _Both_ on hir I caste. 2622. _Both_ That (_for_ Than). 2628. _Both_ liggen. 2649. Th. shalt; G. shalle. 2650. _Both_ whider (!). 2655, 6. Th. aferde, vnsperde; G. afeerd, unspered. 2660. Th. shore. 2664. Th. thy; G. the. 2668. _Both_ without. 2669. _Both om._ a. 2675. Th. whan; G. whanne; _read_ wham _or_ whom; F. _De qui tu ne pues avoir aise_. 2676. _Corrupt_; F. _Au departir la porte baise_. Th. awey; G. away. 2683. Th. _ins._ any (G. ony) _bef._ wene. 2687. Th. selfe; G. silf. 2688. Th. assayed; G. assaid. 2690. _Both_ for to (_for_ to). 2693. Th. ofte; G. of. 2697. Th. dothe; G. doith. 2700. _I supply_ hir. 2709, 2710. _Both_ more, fore; _read_ mare, fare. _I supply_ thee. 2712. _Perhaps omit_ to. 2729. Th. Aye; G. A-yee. 2746. _I supply_ may. 2748. Th. great; G. greet. 2752. _For_ that _read_ yet? 2755, 6. Th. sete, ete; G. sett, ete. 2760. _Both_ yeue. 2763. _I supply_ his. Th. trust; G. trist. 2774. _Both_ aftirward. 2775. _I supply_ to. 2777. _Both_ yeue. 2786. _Both_ endure. 2789, 90. Th. solace, lace. G. Doith. 2791. _Both_ first. 2796. G. Thenkyng; Th. Thynkyng; _see_ 2804. 2798. _Both_ and in peyne. 2801. _Both ins._ to _bef._ have. 2824. _Both_ not ben; F. _tu seroies_. 2831. _Both_ myght. 2833. _Both_ me (_for_ hem); _see_ 2845. 2845. _I supply_ my; _see_ 2833. 2846. G. sittith; Th. sytteth. 2854. Th. him; G. hem. Th. apayde; G. apaied; _see_ l. 2891. 2895. G. and of; Th. _om._ of. 2897. G. which. 2912. _I supply_ yit. 2916. _I supply_ it. Th. conuoye G. conueye. 2917. they] _Both_ thou. 2921, 2. _Both_ sene, clene; _supply_ he. 2934. _I supply_ that. 2935. _Both_ declared thee. 2946. Th. sufferaunce; G. suffraunce. 2950. _Both_ yeue. 2954. Th. vanysshed; G. vanyshide. 2960, 2973. _Both_ bothom; _read_ botoun. 2970. G. bisiede; Th. besyed. 2971. Th. haye; G. hay. 2981. Th. gladde; G. glad. 2984. F. _Bel-Acueil_. 2987. G. outter; Th. vtter. 2990. Th. fresshe; G. fresh. 2992. _Both_ warrans; _I supply_ I be; F. _Ge vous i puis bien garantir_. 3000. Th. hertely; G. hertly. 3001. _I supply_ I. 3009, 3013. _Both_ bothom; _read_ botoun. 3010. Th: fresshe; G. fresh. Th. spronge; G. sprange. 3012. _Both_ myght. 3020. Th. grasse; G. gras. 3029. _I insert_ no. 3035. _Both_ Brought; _I supply_ On lyve (i. e. to life). Th. ylke; G. ilk. 3038. Th. so vgly; G. so oughlye; _om._ so. 3045. _Both_ bothoms; _read_ botouns. Th. las; G. lasse. 3046. Th. sondrie; G. sondre. 3047. Th. wyste; G. wist. 3050, 3064. _Both_ Bothoms. 3052. _Both_ Venus hath flemed. 3058. G. _om._ is. 3071, 6, 8. _Both_ bothom. 3079. _I supply_ me; F. _me fis_. 3083. G. waxe; Th. wext. 3109. _Both_ bothom. 3115. _Both_ arise; _read_ ryse. 3125. _Both_ And late (lette) it growe. 3127, 8. _Both_ were, bere. 3136. G. _om._ Th. His eyes reed sparclyng as the fyre-glowe (_too long_); F. _S'ot les yex rouges comme feus._ 3037. _Both_ kirked. 3150. I] G. it; Th. he; F. _ge_. 3154. Th. agayne; G. ageyns. 3164. Th. he; G. it. 3179. _I supply_ wot. 3186. Th. brast; G. barste. 3188. G. That was; Th. _m._ That. Th. through; G. thurgh. 3191. Th. highe; G. high. 3195. _Both_ without. 3201. on] G. in (!). 3207. _Both_ For nature; _I omit_ For. 3209. _Both_ but if the. 3213. Th. seignorie; G. seignurie. 3219,20. G. freende, sheende; Th. frende, shende. 3221. Th. the; G. ye. 3227. G. didest (!). 3228. Th. had; G. hadde; _read_ haddest. 3230. _I supply_ ward. 3231,2. _Both_ wene, sene; _I supply_ thee. 3248. G. _om._ nat. 3251. Th. werrey; G. werye. 3264. _Both_ seyne; feyne _seems better_. 3266. _I supply_ it. 3274. _Both_ he be a; _I omit_ a. 3279. G. _om._ of. 3282. Th. moche; G. mych. 3292. G. arrage (!). 3301. _After_ gete, Th. _ins._ the, _and_ G. thee. 3315. Th. counsayle; G. counsele. 3320. _Both_ thought; _read_ taughte. 3331. _Both_ Who that; _I omit_ that. 3337. _Both_ cherisaunce; F. _chevissance_. 3340. _Both_ myght. 3344. _Both_ fast. 3350. _Both_ witholde. 3355. Th. whiche; G. which. 3356. G. _om._ have. Th. meymed. 3364. Th. fresshe; G. fresh. _Both_ bothom. 3372. Th. fiers. 3379. Th. meke; G. make. 3385. _I supply_ him. 3399. Th. forbode; G. fobede; _read_ forbad. 3406. _I supply_ sir. 3408. _Both_ amenden. 3414. G. _om._ I. 3418. G. you shulde. 3429. G. doon elles well_e_; Th. done al wel; F. _Toutes vos autres volentes Ferai_. 3433. Th. suche; G. sichen; F. _puis-qu'il me siet_. 3447. _Both_ where that the; _I omit_ that. 3448. _I supply_ thou; F. _tu_. 3454. Th. tale; G. talle. 3455. Th. affayre; G. affere. 3462. _Both_ good mes (_sic_); F. _en bon point_; _see_ l. 1453. 3464. _Both_ -come. 3468. G. _om._ me. 3473. _Both_ bothom. 3482. Morris _supplies_ hard. 3490. _Both_ That he had. 3491. G. Thanne; Th. Than; _read_ That; F. _Qu'Amors_. 3498. G. Thou; Th. Tho. _Both_ and me (_for_ and). 3502. _Both_ bothom. 3508. _I supply_ word. 3510. Th. moche; G. mych. 3522. _Both_ ye (_for_ he); F. _Que il_. 3525. _Both_ it is. 3534. G. to beye; Th. to bey. 3548. _Both_ This; F. _C'est_; This = This is. 3552. Th. he; G. ye. 3554. _Both_ Vpon (_for_ On). 3560. _Read_ mis (_for_ amis). 3563. Th. moste; G. most. 3590. G. lette; Th. let. 3591. Th. hye; G. high. 3595-3690. _Not in_ G.; _from_ Th. 3599, 3600. Th. please, ease. 3604. Th. dare (_for_ thar), _wrongly_. Th. aferde. 3615. Th. without. 3619. Th. hadde. 3620. Th. leaue. 3622. Th. hel. 3626. Th. eftres. 3633. Th. spannysshinge. 3641. Th. without. 3642. Th. sene. 3643. Th. the god of blesse; F. _Diex la beneie_. 3646. Th. marueyle. 3656. Th. leysar. 3660. Th. That so swetely. 3663. Th. cosse. 3667. Th. sayd. 3670, 1. Th. dare. 3674. Th. ywisse. 3676. Th. lyfe; _read_ live. 3679. Th. best. 3687. Th. first. 3688. Th. fel downe. 3690. Th. grapes be ripe; _om._ be. 3691. G. _begins again_. 3694. _Both_ Though. 3697. _Both_ rennyng (_for_ rewing). 3698. _Both_ come (_absurdly_); _see_ l. 3700; _read_ to me. 3699. Th. werryeth; G. werieth; F. _guerroie_. 3707. Th. flame. 3709. _Both_ hette. 3710. G. herte is; Th. hert is; _read_ hertis = hertes. _Both_ sette. 3716. G. nell_e_; Th. nyl. 3718. _Both_ neithir (_for_ nor). 3723. G. pruyde. 3730. Th. warne; G. worne. 3742. G. outterly; Th. vtterly. 3745. _Both_ pleyne (playne). 3746. _Both_ -nysse. 3748. G. thenkith. 3749. Th. warne; G. worne. 3751. _Both_ ye helpe; _read_ to helpe. 3755. Th. with his hete. 3756. _Both ins._ me _after_ bad. 3757. G. Grauntede; Th. Graunt. 3761. Thar] Th. There nede. 3763. _Both_ Stroke. 3774. G. it wille; Th. at wyl. 3779. Th. selde; G. yelde. 3790. G. strong; Th. stronge. 3803, 3811. _Both_ bare. 3805. G. gret; Th. great. 3807. _Both_ myght. 3808. G. report. 3812. _Both_ square. 3832. Th. regarde. 3834. Th. thus; G. this. 3845. _I supply_ not. 3846. _I supply_ to. 3848. G. thenkith. 3852. _I supply_ Ne. _Both_ verge; _see_ 3234. G. hadde; Th. had. 3862. Th. wende; G. wente. 3864. Th. vayle; G. bayle. Th. stede; G. stide. 3877. _Both_ first. 3880. G. fals. _Both_ lye. 3885. G. such. 3889. G. vylonye. 3891. M. _supplies_ for. 3895. _Both_ trechours. 3897. _I supply_ wel. 3902. _Both_ herte I crye. 3907. _Both_ lowe. 3912. G. yhe; Th. eye. 3915. _I supply_ yit. 3917. Th. werreyed; G. werried. 3928. Th. Counsayle. _Both_ must; _read_ mot, _and supply_ take. 3942. _Both_ Do; _read_ To. _Both_ fortresse; F. _forteresce_. 3943. _Both_ Thanne (Than) close; F. _Qui les Roses clorra entor_. 3954. Th. blende; G. blynde. 3955. _I supply_ for. 3967. _I supply_ Til. _Both_ last. 3971. _Both_ ferre. 3973. _I supply_ so. 3974. _I supply_ do. 3977. Th. haue. 3979. _Both_ shamed. 3982. G. withoute; Th. without. 3985, 6. G. _om._ he. 3994. Th. vilanously; G. vilaynesly. 4000. _Both_ right. _I supply_ bothe a-. 4009, 4016. G. doist. 4011. _Both_ bothoms. 4015. _Both_ Stoute, porte. 4021. G. an high; Th. an hye; _read_ in hy. 4026. _Both_ To make. 4036. _Both_ sittith (-eth). 4044. _I supply_ not. 4059. Th. sothe; G. sooth. G. knowe. 4063. as] G. a. 4065. G. _om._ he. 4072. G. gardyne. 4073. _a-fere,_ i. e. on fire. 4089. _Both put_ it _after_ I. 4096. _Both_ me (_for_ me_n_). 4098. _Both_ myght. 4110. Th. quake; C. quoke. 4111. _Both_ bothom. _I supply_ that. 4114. Th. moche; G. mych. 4120. Th. fresshe; G. fresh. 4158. G. Aboute; Th. About. 4159. G. fademe. 4175. M. _supplies_ ne. 4177. _Supply_ For (F. _Car_). _Both_ temprure. 4181. _Both_ of; _read_ as. 4188. _Both_ Roses; _read_ Rosers; F. _rosiers_. 4191. G. and bows; Th. bowes and. 4194. whiche] _Both_ who. 4207. _I supply_ eek. 4208. G. _om._ kepte. 4220. Th. lefte; G. lyft. 4222. M. _supplies_ hir. 4142. Th. Ofter; G. Ofte. 4246. G. wole. 4254. M. _supplies_ ne. 4264. Th. eye; G. ighe. 4269. Th. deserte; G. disseit. 4272. _Both_ walketh (!). 4283. _Both_ lyue. 4285. _Both_ Which (_for_ Ther); _giving no sense_. 4288. Th. whiche; G. which. 4289. _I supply_ muche. 4291. _Both_ except. 4293. _I supply_ loveres. 4294. _I supply_ the. 4308. _Both_ bothoms. 4314. G. _om._ of. 4322. _Both_ wente aboute (a = have). 4337. _Both_ make. 4339. G. tiliers; Th. tyllers. 4344. Th. nyl; G. nel. 4352. _Both_ wente; aboven to haue. 4355. Th. folke; G. folk. 4356. G. glowmbe; Th. glombe. 4357. M. _supplies_ thou. 4358. _I supply_ in. Th. tourneth; G. tourne. 4361. Th. areyse; G. arise. 4363. Th. hyest. _Both_ but; _read_ al. _Both_ lust. 4364. _Both_ trust. 4365. am] _Both_ is. 4366. _Both_ charge. 4372. wal] G. wole; Th. wol. 4394. _Both_ maist. 4401. _I supply_ is. 4403. _Both_ ought. 4404. _I supply_ ther. 4407. _I supply_ man. 4413. _Both_ Owe. 4414. Th. false; G. fals 4425. _Both_ good. 4432. _Both_ falle. 4440. G. reles; Th. relees. 4441. G. baalis; Th. bales. 4448. Th. vtterly. 4452. Th. traueyle. 4460. Th. put; G. putte. 4465. Th. nathelesse; G. neuertheles; _after which_ G. _has_ yit (Th. yet). 4467. _Both_ her (_for_ his). 4472. G. no; Th. ne. 4476. _Both_ preise; _read_ pryse. 4477. Th. a-sondre; G. asundry. 4478. _I supply_ me have; F. _Avoir me lest tant de contraires_. 4483. G. Dre (!). 4486. G. putte. 4492. G. sonner. 4495. _Both_ ferre. 4509. _I supply_ The. 4510. _Both_ symply; _read_ simpilly? 4511. _I supply_ may. 4513, 4. Th. dout, out; G. doute, oute. 4528. G. verger. 4537. G. Sheo. 4541. G. assayde; G. _om._ not. 4549. Th. engyns; G. engynnes. 4550. _Both_ Loue; _read_ lorde. 4556. Th. moche that it; G. mych that. 4557. _Both_ lete = leet. 4561. _Both_ yeue good wille; F. _se Diex plaist_. 4567, 4573, 4584. G. thenke. 4574. _Both_ take. G. att; Th. at. 4587. _Om._ ne? 4614. G. _om._ Or. 4615. Rubrie _in both_. 4617. _For_ not _read_ nist? 4621. G. wijs. 4623. _Both_ right. 4628. Th. came; G. come. 4634. _Both_ the. _I insert_ pyned. Th. suche. 4638. _Both_ myght. 4647. _Both_ liege. 4657. G. I lovede; Th. I loued; _read_ han loved. 4659. (_ends at_ parde); _misnumbered 4660 in_ M. Th. Ye; G. Yhe. 4660. Th. Yes; G. Yhis. 4667. _misnumbered 4670 in_ M. 4672. G. a state. 4680. G. Yhe. 4683. _Both_ knowe. 4684. G. ony. 4689. _I supply_ here lerne; _both_ withouten. 4690. _Both_ withouten. 4700. G. knette; Th. knytte. 4705. _Both_ And through the; _read_ A trouthe. _Both_ frette. 4709. G. vode (_for_ wood); Th. voyde. 4710. G. perelle. 4712. Th. weare. 4713. G. karibdous; Th. Carybdes; F. _Caribdis_. 4721. Th. lyke; G. like; _read_ sike. Th. sickenesse; G. sekenesse. 4722. G. trust; Th. truste; (thrust = thirst). _Both_ and (_for_ in). 4723. _Both_ And. G. helth. 4725. _Both_ And. G. anger; Th. angre (!). 4728. _Both_ dreried. 4731. _Both_ Sen. 4732. _Supply_ with. 4736. _Supply_ stat; F. _Estat trop fers et trop muable_. 4755. _Both_ by (_for_ be). 4758. M _supplies_ is. 4762. G. mychel; _see_ 4757. 4764. _Both_ That; _read_ But. 4771, 2. _Both_ bene, flene. 4793. _I supply_ I. _Both_ euer; _read_ er. 4796. _Both_ al by partuere. 4799. _Both_ greven. 4802. Th. lewdest. 4804. Th. lacke; G. lak. 4807. _Both_ diffyned here. 4811. G. kned; Th. knedde. _Both_ bitwixt. 4812. _Both_ With. 4813. _Both_ frely that; _I omit_ that. G. nylle. 4823. _Both_ engendrure; _see_ 6114. 4830. G. _om._ at. 4834. _Both_ swerne. 4837. _Both_ han her lust. 4839. Th. _om._ they. 4846. who] _Both_ what. 4856. G. _omits_; _from_ Th. 4858. _Both_ their; _read_ ther. 4865. _Both_ sette. 4873. G. parfight; T. parfyte. 4875. Th. crease. 4878. Th. vyce; G. wise. 4882. Th. Tullyus; G. Tulius. 4889. _Both_ sette. 4892. G. p_er_ell; Th. parel; _read_ tyme. Th. youthe; G. yougth. 4904. _Both_ yalte. _I supply_ him. 4921. _Both_ But that if. 4926. G. _om._ in. 4931. Th. youth-hede; G. youthede. 4933. thus] _Both_ this. 4935. _Both_ youthes chambre (chambere); _read_ Youthe his chamberere; F. _Par Ionesce sa chamberiere_. 4936. G. custommere. 4940. _Supply_ she. 4943. _Both_ And mo of (!). 4945. _Both_ remembreth. 4948. _Both_ him; _read_ hem. 4950. Th. ieopardye. 4951. Th. moche; G. mych. 4954. G. avoutrie; Th. avoutrye. 4955. can] _Both_ gan. 4956. Th. suche; G. sich. 4960. _Both_ neither preise. 4996. Th. courte; G. court. 5000. Th. herbegeours; G. herbeiours. 5004. Th. stondeth; G. stondith. 5010. _Both_ weped. 5021. _Both_ he (_for_ hir). 5028. _Both_ list to loue. 5030. _Supply_ so. 5036. _Supply_ ay. 5050. _Both_ gouen. 5051. _Both_ so; _read_ she (_or_ sho). 5059. _Both_ loued. 5062. Th. suche; G. such; _I supply_ a. 5064. Th. Drury; G. drurie. 5068. But] _Both_ That; _cf._ 4764. 5085. they] _Both_ to. 5099. G. _om._ thee. 5107. G. herberest hem; Th. herborest. 5111. G. profi[gh]t. 5116. thy] _Both_ the; F. _ton_. 5117. _Both_ by thought; F. _ta Ionesce_. 5124. Th. recouered. 5144. alway] G. ay; Th. aye. 5155. _Both_ That; F. _Lors_. 5162. (say = assay?) 5165. _I supply_ and been. 5166. _I supply_ love that. 5168. Th. eyther; G. other. 5187. _I supply_ thee. 5223. _I supply_ Ne ... hem. 5229. _Both_ oo state; _read_ oon estate; _see_ 5400. 5234, 49, 53. _Supply_ but, hath, he. 5259. Th. in; G. of. 5261. G. dreded. 5271, 72, 82, 5314, 27. _Supply_ be, is, him, it, if. 5277, 8. _Supply_ As. Th. requyred, fyred. _Perhaps om._ the. 5283. his] _Both_ this. 5285. _Both_ vnyte. 5286. Th. Tullius; G. Tulius. 5287. A man] _Both_ And. 5292. Th. causes; G. cause; _see_ 5301, 5523. 5301. G. caas; Th. case. 5304. _Both_ ought. 5325. G. amerous. 5330. Th. bydeth; G. bit. 5331, 48, 52, 53. _Supply_ This, it, with, It. 5335. _Both_ he; _read_ she; _see_ 5337, 5341. 5345. _Both_ Thurgh the; _I omit_ the. 5356. Th. blacke; G. blak. 5360. _Both_ greueth so greueth. 5367. Th. fonde; G. fonned. 5375. _Both_ sothe. 5376. Th. his; G. this. 5379. _Both_ him silf (selfe) of. 5389. _Both_ kepen ay his; _see_ 5387. 5390. Th. eyne; G. iyen. 5393. G. alle hise lymes; Th. al his lymmes; _I omit_ alle. 5399. Th. wate; G. wote. 5400, 1. _Both_ estate; ought to be. 5403. Th. sithe; G. se. 5404. _Both_ hath. 5408. in] G. it; Th. _om._ 5419, 20, 25, 27, 36. _Both_ hym (!); F. _les_. 5425. G. glorie and veyne. 5431. _Both_ high. 5433. so] _Both_ to. 5446. G. _om._ very. 5451. _I supply_ greet. 5452. Th. chere (_for_ there); G. cheer (!). 5455. G. aftirward; Th. afterwarde. 5463. _Both_ thus. 5465. Th. hem; G. men. 5470. Th. Of; G. Or with. 5478. _Read_ She sheweth, by experience. 5485. _Both_ without. 5486. _Both_ affect; _see_ note. 5489. Th. goddesse; G. goddes. 5491. _Both_ For al that yeueth here out of drede. 5493. Th. lette; G. late. 5503. Th. they; G. the. 5505. Th. yholpe; G. I hope. 5510. G. feldfare. 5512. _I supply_ the. 5523, 42, 85, 86, 88. _Supply_ the, his, but, more, so. 5544. _Both_ fablyng; F. _cheans_. 5546. _Both_ caste. 5555. _Both_ in; _read_ is. 5556. _Both_ depe (_for_ doth). 5569. Th. haue you to haue; G. ha yow to ha. 5577. _Both_ perceyueth. 5590. G. mavis; Th. mauys. 5597. G. aument. 5598. it] _Both_ that. 5611, 38. G. not; Th. nat. 5612. G. hastly. 5617. _Both_ berne. 5627, 43. _Supply_ it, the. 5633. Th. wyght; G. witte. G. honerous. 5640. Th. laste; G. last. 5641. _Both_ take. 5649. G. Pictigoras; Th. Pythagoras. 5661. G. Boice. 5668. _Both_ rent; yeue. 5675. G. wynkith (!). 5683. G. fardeles. 5685. G. feyntith. 5686. G. disdeyntith. 5699. _Both_ where; F. _guerre_. 5700. _I supply_ more; F. _plus_. 5701. _Both_ shal thogh he hath geten (!). 5713. _Both_ Thus is thurst. 5727. G. ther; Th. her (=hir). 5734. G. Yhe. 5740. G. phicicien; _read_ fysycien. 5741. G. fy; Th. fye (_for_ sy); _see_ note. 5742. G. _om._ it. 5749, 51. _Supply_ ne, for. 5755. _Both_ shewing. 5761. _Supply_ it, _wh. follows_ Himself _in_ 5762. 5763. _Both_ ofte. 5771. G. fast. 5781. _Both_ The; F. _Trois_. 5783. G. mych. 5788. _Both_ vnto. 5791. Th. these; G. this. 5793. G. goode. FRAGMENT C. Whan Love had told hem his entente, The baronage to councel wente; In many sentences they fille, And dyversly they seide hir wille: But aftir discord they accorded, 5815 And hir accord to Love recorded. Sir,' seiden they, 'we been at oon, By even accord of everichoon, Out-take Richesse al-only, That sworen hath ful hauteynly, 5820 That she the castel nil assaile, Ne smyte a stroke in this bataile, With dart, ne mace, spere, ne knyf, For man that speketh or bereth the lyf, And blameth your empryse, y-wis, 5825 And from our hoost departed is, (At leeste wey, as in this plyte,) So hath she this man in dispyte; For she seith he ne loved hir never, And therfor she wol hate him ever. 5830 For he wol gadre no tresore, He hath hir wrath for evermore. He agilte hir never in other caas, Lo, here al hoolly his trespas! She seith wel, that this other day 5835 He asked hir leve to goon the way That is clepid To-moche-Yeving, And spak ful faire in his praying; But whan he prayde hir, pore was he, Therfore she warned him the entree. 5840 Ne yit is he not thriven so That he hath geten a peny or two, That quitly is his owne in hold. Thus hath Richesse us alle told; And whan Richesse us this recorded, 5845 Withouten hir we been accorded. 'And we finde in our accordaunce, That False-Semblant and Abstinaunce, With alle the folk of hir bataile, Shulle at the hinder gate assayle, 5850 That Wikkid-Tunge hath in keping, With his Normans, fulle of langling. And with hem Curtesie and Largesse, That shulle shewe hir hardinesse To the olde wyf that [kepeth] so harde 5855 Fair-Welcoming within her warde. Than shal Delyte and Wel-Helinge Fonde Shame adoun to bringe; With al hir hoost, erly and late, They shulle assailen [thilke] gate. 5860 Agaynes Drede shal Hardinesse Assayle, and also Sikernesse, With al the folk of hir leding, That never wist what was fleing. 'Fraunchyse shal fighte, and eek Pitee, 5865 With Daunger ful of crueltee. Thus is your hoost ordeyned wel; Doun shal the castel every del, If everiche do his entente, So that Venus be presente, 5870 Your modir, ful of vassalage, That can y-nough of such usage; Withouten hir may no wight spede This werk, neither for word ne dede. Therfore is good ye for hir sende, 5875 For thurgh hir may this werk amende.' _Amour._ 'Lordinges, my modir, the goddesse, That is my lady, and my maistresse, Nis not [at] al at my willing, Ne doth not al my desyring. 5880 Yit can she som-tyme doon labour, Whan that hir lust, in my socour, [Al my nedis] for to acheve, But now I thenke hir not to greve. My modir is she, and of childhede 5885 I bothe worshipe hir, and eek drede; For who that dredith sire ne dame Shal it abye in body or name. And, natheles, yit cunne we Sende aftir hir, if nede be; 5890 And were she nigh, she comen wolde, I trowe that no-thing might hir holde. 'My modir is of greet prowesse; She hath tan many a forteresse, That cost hath many a pound er this, 5895 Ther I nas not present, y-wis; And yit men seide it was my dede; But I come never in that stede; Ne me ne lykith, so mote I thee, Such toures take withoute me. 5900 For-why me thenketh that, in no wyse, It may ben cleped but marchandise. 'Go bye a courser, blak or whyte, And pay therfor; than art thou quyte. The marchaunt oweth thee right nought, 5905 Ne thou him, whan thou [hast] it bought. I wol not selling clepe yeving, For selling axeth no guerdoning; Here lyth no thank, ne no meryte, That oon goth from that other al quyte. 5910 But this selling is not semblable; For, whan his hors is in the stable, He may it selle ageyn, pardee, And winne on it, such hap may be; Al may the man not lese, y-wis, 5915 For at the leest the skin is his. Or elles, if it so bityde That he wol kepe his hors to ryde, Yit is he lord ay of his hors. But thilke chaffare is wel wors, 5920 There Venus entremeteth nought; For who-so such chaffare hath bought, He shal not worchen so wysly, That he ne shal lese al outerly Bothe his money and his chaffare; 5925 But the seller of the ware The prys and profit have shal. Certeyn, the byer shal lese al; For he ne can so dere it bye To have lordship and ful maistrye, 5930 Ne have power to make letting Neither for yift ne for preching, That of his chaffare, maugre his, Another shal have as moche, y-wis, If he wol yeve as moche as he, 5935 Of what contrey so that he be; Or for right nought, so happe may, If he can flater hir to hir pay. Ben than suche marchaunts wyse? No, but fooles in every wyse, 5940 Whan they bye such thing wilfully, Ther-as they lese her good [fully]. But natheles, this dar I saye, My modir is not wont to paye, For she is neither so fool ne nyce, 5945 To entremete hir of sich vyce. But truste wel, he shal paye al, That repente of his bargeyn shal, Whan Poverte put him in distresse, Al were he scoler to Richesse, 5950 That is for me in gret yerning, Whan she assenteth to my willing. 'But, [by] my modir seint Venus, And by hir fader Saturnus, That hir engendrid by his lyf, 5955 But not upon his weddid wyf! Yit wol I more unto you swere, To make this thing the seurere; Now by that feith, and that leautee I owe to alle my brethren free, 5960 Of which ther nis wight under heven That can her fadris names neven, So dyvers and so many ther be That with my modir have be privee! Yit wolde I swere, for sikirnesse, 5965 The pole of helle to my witnesse, Now drinke I not this yeer clarree, If that I lye, or forsworn be! (For of the goddes the usage is, That who-so him forswereth amis, 5970 Shal that yeer drinke no clarree). Now have I sworn y-nough, pardee; If I forswere me, than am I lorn, But I wol never be forsworn. Sith Richesse hath me failed here, 5975 She shal abye that trespas dere, At leeste wey, but [she] hir arme With swerd, or sparth, or gisarme. For certes, sith she loveth not me, Fro thilke tyme that she may see 5980 The castel and the tour to-shake, In sory tyme she shal awake. If I may grype a riche man, I shal so pulle him, if I can, That he shal, in a fewe stoundes, 5985 Lese alle his markes and his poundes. I shal him make his pens outslinge, But-[if] they in his gerner springe; Our maydens shal eek plukke him so, That him shal neden fetheres mo, 5990 And make him selle his lond to spende, But he the bet cunne him defende. 'Pore men han maad hir lord of me; Although they not so mighty be, That they may fede me in delyt, 5995 I wol not have hem in despyt. No good man hateth hem, as I gesse, For chinche and feloun is Richesse, That so can chase hem and dispyse, And hem defoule in sondry wyse. 6000 They loven ful bet, so god me spede, Than doth the riche, chinchy grede, And been, in good feith, more stable And trewer, and more serviable; And therfore it suffysith me 6005 Hir goode herte, and hir leautee. They han on me set al hir thought, And therfore I forgete hem nought. I wolde hem bringe in greet noblesse, If that I were god of Richesse, 6010 As I am god of Love, sothly, Such routhe upon hir pleynt have I. Therfore I must his socour be, That peyneth him to serven me; For if he deyde for love of this, 6015 Than semeth in me no love ther is.' 'Sir,' seide they, 'sooth is, every del, That ye reherce, and we wot wel Thilk oth to holde is resonable; For it is good and covenable, 6020 That ye on riche men han sworn. For, sir, this wot we wel biforn; If riche men doon you homage, That is as fooles doon outrage; But ye shul not forsworen be, 6025 Ne let therfore to drinke clarree, Or piment maked fresh and newe. Ladyes shulle hem such pepir brewe, If that they falle into hir laas, That they for we mowe seyn "Allas!" 6030 Ladyes shuln ever so curteis be, That they shal quyte your oth al free. Ne seketh never other vicaire, For they shal speke with hem so faire That ye shal holde you payed ful wel, 6035 Though ye you medle never a del. Lat ladies worche with hir thinges, They shal hem telle so fele tydinges, And moeve hem eke so many requestis By flatery, that not honest is, 6040 And therto yeve hem such thankinges, What with kissing, and with talkinges, That certes, if they trowed be, Shal never leve hem loud ne fee That it nil as the moeble fare, 6045 Of which they first delivered are. Now may ye telle us al your wille, And we your hestes shal fulfille. 'But Fals-Semblant dar not, for drede Of you, sir, medle him of this dede, 6050 For he seith that ye been his fo; He not, if ye wol worche him wo. Wherfore we pray you alle, beausire, That ye forgive him now your ire, And that he may dwelle, as your man, 6055 With Abstinence, his dere lemman; This our accord and our wil now.' 'Parfay,' seide Love, 'I graunte it yow; I wol wel holde him for my man; Now lat him come:' and he forth ran. 6060 Fals-Semblant,' quod Love, 'in this wyse I take thee here to my servyse, That thou our freendis helpe alway, And hindre hem neithir night ne day, But do thy might hem to releve, 6065 And eek our enemies that thou greve. Thyn be this might, I graunt it thee, My king of harlotes shalt thou be; We wol that thou have such honour. Certeyn, thou art a fals traitour, 6070 And eek a theef; sith thou were born, A thousand tyme thou art forsworn. But, natheles, in our hering, To putte our folk out of douting, I bid thee teche hem, wostow how? 6075 By somme general signe now, In what place thou shalt founden be, If that men had mister of thee; And how men shal thee best espye, For thee to knowe is greet maistrye; 6080 Tel in what place is thyn haunting.' _F. Sem._ 'Sir, I have fele dyvers woning, That I kepe not rehersed be, So that ye wolde respyten me. For if that I telle you the sothe, 6085 I may have harm and shame bothe. If that my felowes wisten it, My tales shulden me be quit; For certeyn, they wolde hate me, If ever I knewe hir cruelte; 6090 For they wolde over-al holde hem stille Of trouthe that is ageyn hir wille; Suche tales kepen they not here. I might eftsone bye it ful dere, If I seide of hem any thing, 6095 That ought displeseth to hir hering. For what word that hem prikke or byteth, In that word noon of hem delyteth, Al were it gospel, the evangyle, That wolde reprove hem of hir gyle, 6100 For they are cruel and hauteyn. And this thing wot I wel, certeyn, If I speke ought to peire hir loos, Your court shal not so wel be cloos, That they ne shal wite it atte last. 6105 Of good men am I nought agast, For they wol taken on hem nothing, Whan that they knowe al my mening; But he that wol it on him take, He wol himself suspecious make, 6110 That he his lyf let covertly, In Gyle and in Ipocrisy, That me engendred and yaf fostring.' 'They made a ful good engendring,' Quod Love, 'for who-so soothly telle, 6115 They engendred the devel of helle! 'But nedely, how-so-ever it be,' Quod Love, 'I wol and charge thee, To telle anoon thy woning-places, Hering ech wight that in this place is: 6120 And what lyf that thou livest also, Hyde it no lenger now; wherto? Thou most discover al thy wurching, How thou servest, and of what thing, Though that thou shuldest for thy soth-sawe 6125 Ben al to-beten and to-drawe; And yit art thou not wont, pardee. But natheles, though thou beten be, Thou shalt not be the first, that so Hath for soth-sawe suffred wo.' 6130 _F. Sem._ 'Sir, sith that it may lyken you, Though that I shulde be slayn right now, I shal don your comaundement, For therto have I gret talent.' Withouten wordes mo, right than, 6135 Fals-Semblant his sermon bigan, And seide hem thus in audience:-- Barouns, tak hede of my sentence! That wight that list to have knowing Of Fals-Semblant, ful of flatering, 6140 He must in worldly folk him seke, And, certes, in the cloistres eke; I wone no-where but in hem tweye; But not lyk even, sooth to seye; Shortly, I wol herberwe me 6145 There I hope best to hulstred be; And certeynly, sikerest hyding Is undirneth humblest clothing. 'Religious folk ben ful covert; Seculer folk ben more appert. 6150 But natheles, I wol not blame Religious folk, ne hem diffame, In what habit that ever they go: Religioun humble, and trewe also, Wol I not blame, ne dispyse, 6155 But I nil love it, in no wyse. I mene of fals religious, That stoute ben, and malicious; That wolen in an abit go, And setten not hir herte therto. 6160 'Religious folk ben al pitous; Thou shalt not seen oon dispitous. They loven no pryde, ne no stryf, But humbly they wol lede hir lyf; With swich folk wol I never be. 6165 And if I dwelle, I feyne me I may wel in her abit go; But me were lever my nekke atwo, Than lete a purpose that I take, What covenaunt that ever I make. 6170 I dwelle with hem that proude be, And fulle of wyles and subtelte; That worship of this world coveyten, And grete nedes cunne espleyten; And goon and gadren greet pitaunces, 6175 And purchace hem the acqueyntaunces Of men that mighty lyf may leden; And feyne hem pore, and hem-self feden With gode morcels delicious, And drinken good wyn precious, 6180 And preche us povert and distresse, And fisshen hem-self greet richesse With wyly nettis that they caste: It wol come foul out at the laste. They ben fro clene religioun went; 6185 They make the world an argument That hath a foul conclusioun. "I have a robe of religioun, Than am I al religious:" This argument is al roignous; 6190 It is not worth a croked brere; Habit ne maketh monk ne frere, But clene lyf and devocioun Maketh gode men of religioun. Nathelesse, ther can noon answere, 6195 How high that ever his heed he shere With rasour whetted never so kene, That Gyle in braunches cut thrittene; Ther can no wight distincte it so, That he dar sey a word therto. 6200 'But what herberwe that ever I take, Or what semblant that ever I make, I mene but gyle, and folowe that; For right no mo than Gibbe our cat [Fro myce and rattes went his wyle], 6205 Ne entende I [not] but to begyle; Ne no wight may, by my clothing, Wite with what folk is my dwelling; Ne by my wordis yet, pardee, So softe and so plesaunt they be. 6210 Bihold the dedis that I do; But thou be blind, thou oughtest so; For, varie hir wordis fro hir dede, They thenke on gyle, withouten drede, What maner clothing that they were, 6215 Or what estat that ever they bere, Lered or lewd, lord or lady, Knight, squier, burgeis, or bayly.' Right thus whyl Fals-Semblant sermoneth, Eftsones Love him aresoneth, 6220 And brak his tale in the speking As though he had him told lesing; And seide: 'What, devel, is that I here? What folk hast thou us nempned here? May men finde religioun 6225 In worldly habitacioun?' _F. Sem._ 'Ye, sir; it foloweth not that they Shulde lede a wikked lyf, parfey, Ne not therfore her soules lese, That hem to worldly clothes chese; 6230 For, certis, it were gret pitee. Men may in seculer clothes see Florisshen holy religioun. Ful many a seynt in feeld and toun, With many a virgin glorious, 6235 Devout, and ful religious, Had deyed, that comun clothe ay beren, Yit seyntes never-the-les they weren. I coude reken you many a ten; Ye, wel nigh alle these holy wimmen, 6240 That men in chirchis herie and seke, Bothe maydens, and these wyves eke, That baren many a fair child here, Wered alwey clothis seculere, And in the same dyden they, 6245 That seyntes weren, and been alwey. The eleven thousand maydens dere, That beren in heven hir ciergis clere, Of which men rede in chirche, and singe, Were take in seculer clothing, 6250 Whan they resseyved martirdom, And wonnen heven unto her hoom. Good herte makith the gode thought; The clothing yeveth ne reveth nought. The gode thought and the worching, 6255 That maketh religioun flowring, Ther lyth the good religioun Aftir the right entencioun. 'Who-so toke a wethers skin, And wrapped a gredy wolf therin, 6260 For he shulde go with lambis whyte, Wenest thou not he wolde hem byte? Yis! never-the-las, as he were wood, He wolde hem wery, and drinke the blood; And wel the rather hem disceyve, 6265 For, sith they coude not perceyve His treget and his crueltee, They wolde him folowe, al wolde he flee. 'If ther be wolves of sich hewe Amonges these apostlis newe, 6270 Thou, holy chirche, thou mayst be wayled! Sith that thy citee is assayled Thourgh knightis of thyn owne table, God wot thy lordship is doutable! If they enforce [hem] it to winne, 6275 That shulde defende it fro withinne, Who might defence ayens hem make? Withouten stroke it mot be take Of trepeget or mangonel; Without displaying of pensel. 6280 And if god nil don it socour, But lat [hem] renne in this colour, Thou moost thyn heestis laten be. Than is ther nought, but yelde thee, Or yeve hem tribute, doutelees, 6285 And holde it of hem to have pees: But gretter harm bityde thee, That they al maister of it be. Wel conne they scorne thee withal; By day stuffen they the wal, 6290 And al the night they mynen there. Nay, thou most planten elleswhere Thyn impes, if thou wolt fruyt have; Abyd not there thy-self to save. 'But now pees! here I turne ageyn; 6295 I wol no more of this thing seyn, If I may passen me herby; I mighte maken you wery. But I wol heten you alway To helpe your freendis what I may, 6300 So they wollen my company; For they be shent al-outerly But-if so falle, that I be Oft with hem, and they with me. And eek my lemman mot they serve, 6305 Or they shul not my love deserve. Forsothe, I am a fals traitour; God iugged me for a theef trichour; Forsworn I am, but wel nygh non Wot of my gyle, til it be don. 6310 'Thourgh me hath many oon deth resseyved, That my treget never aperceyved; And yit resseyveth, and shal resseyve, That my falsnesse never aperceyve: But who-so doth, if he wys be, 6315 Him is right good be war of me. But so sligh is the [deceyving That to hard is the] aperceyving. For Protheus, that coude him chaunge In every shap, hoomly and straunge, 6320 Coude never sich gyle ne tresoun As I; for I com never in toun Ther-as I mighte knowen be, Though men me bothe might here and see. Ful wel I can my clothis chaunge, 6325 Take oon, and make another straunge. Now am I knight, now chasteleyn; Now prelat, and now chapeleyn; Now prest, now clerk, and now forstere; Now am I maister, now scolere; 6330 Now monk, now chanoun, now baily; What-ever mister man am I. Now am I prince, now am I page, And can by herte every langage. Som-tyme am I hoor and old; 6335 Now am I yong, [and] stout, and bold; Now am I Robert, now Robyn; Now frere Menour, now Iacobyn; And with me folweth my loteby, To don me solas and company, 6340 That hight dame Abstinence-Streyned, In many a queynt array [y]-feyned. Right as it cometh to hir lyking, I fulfille al hir desiring. Somtyme a wommans cloth take I; 6345 Now am I mayde, now lady. Somtyme I am religious; Now lyk an anker in an hous. Somtyme am I prioresse, And now a nonne, and now abbesse; 6350 And go thurgh alle regiouns, Seking alle religiouns. But to what ordre that I am sworn, I take the strawe, and lete the corn; To [blynde] folk [ther] I enhabite, 6355 I axe no-more but hir abite. What wol ye more? in every wyse, Right as me list, I me disgyse. Wel can I bere me under weed; Unlyk is my word to my deed. 6360 Thus make I in my trappis falle, Thurgh my pryvileges, alle That ben in Cristendom alyve. I may assoile, and I may shryve, That no prelat may lette me, 6365 Al folk, wher-ever they founde be: I noot no prelat may don so, But it the pope be, and no mo, That made thilk establisshing. Now is not this a propre thing? 6370 But, were my sleightis aperceyved, [Ne shulde I more been receyved] As I was wont; and wostow why? For I dide hem a tregetry; But therof yeve I litel tale, 6375 I have the silver and the male; So have I preched and eek shriven, So have I take, so have [me] yiven, Thurgh hir foly, husbond and wyf, That I lede right a Ioly lyf, 6380 Thurgh simplesse of the prelacye; They know not al my tregetrye. 'But for as moche as man and wyf Shuld shewe hir paroche-prest hir lyf Ones a yeer, as seith the book, 6385 Er any wight his housel took, Than have I pryvilegis large, That may of moche thing discharge; For he may seye right thus, pardee:-- "Sir Preest, in shrift I telle it thee, 6390 That he, to whom that I am shriven, Hath me assoiled, and me yiven Penaunce soothly, for my sinne, Which that I fond me gilty inne; Ne I ne have never entencioun 6395 To make double confessioun, Ne reherce eft my shrift to thee; O shrift is right y-nough to me. This oughte thee suffyce wel, Ne be not rebel never-a-del; 6400 For certis, though thou haddest it sworn, I wot no prest ne prelat born That may to shrift eft me constreyne. And if they don, I wol me pleyne; For I wot where to pleyne wel. 6405 Thou shall not streyne me a del, Ne enforce me, ne [yit] me trouble, To make my confessioun double. Ne I have none affeccioun To have double absolucioun. 6410 The firste is right y-nough to me; This latter assoiling quyte I thee. I am unbounde; what mayst thou finde More of my sinnes me to unbinde? For he, that might hath in his hond, 6415 Of alle my sinnes me unbond. And if thou wolt me thus constreyne, That me mot nedis on thee pleyne, There shal no Iugge imperial, Ne bisshop, ne official, 6420 Don Iugement on me; for I Shal gon and pleyne me openly Unto my shrift-fadir newe, (That hight not Frere Wolf untrewe!) And he shal chevise him for me, 6425 For I trowe he can hampre thee. But, lord! he wolde be wrooth withalle, If men him wolde Frere Wolf calle! For he wolde have no pacience, But don al cruel vengeaunce! 6430 He wolde his might don at the leest, [Ne] no-thing spare for goddis heest. And, god so wis be my socour, But thou yeve me my Saviour At Ester, whan it lyketh me, 6435 Withoute presing more on thee, I wol forth, and to him goon, And he shal housel me anoon, For I am out of thy grucching; I kepe not dele with thee nothing." 6440 Thus may he shryve him, that forsaketh His paroche-prest, and to me taketh. And if the prest wol him refuse, I am ful redy him to accuse, And him punisshe and hampre so, 6445 That he his chirche shal forgo. 'But who-so hath in his feling The consequence of such shryving, Shal seen that prest may never have might To knowe the conscience aright 6450 Of him that is under his cure. And this ageyns holy scripture, That biddeth every herde honeste Have verry knowing of his beste. But pore folk that goon by strete, 6455 That have no gold, ne sommes grete, Hem wolde I lete to her prelates, Or lete hir prestis knowe hir states, For to me right nought yeve they.' _Amour._ 'And why is it?' _F. Sem._ 'For they ne may. 6460 They ben so bare, I take no keep; But I wol have the fatte sheep;-- Lat parish prestis have the lene, I yeve not of hir harm a bene! And if that prelats grucchen it, 6465 That oughten wroth be in hir wit, To lese her fatte bestes so, I shal yeve hem a stroke or two, That they shal lesen with [the] force, Ye, bothe hir mytre and hir croce. 6470 Thus Iape I hem, and have do longe, My priveleges been so stronge.' Fals-Semblant wolde have stinted here, But Love ne made him no such chere That he was wery of his sawe; 6475 But for to make him glad and fawe, He seide:--'Tel on more specialy, How that thou servest untrewly. Tel forth, and shame thee never a del; For as thyn abit shewith wel, 6480 Thou [semest] an holy heremyte.' _F. Sem._ 'Soth is, but I am an ypocryte.' _Amour._ 'Thou gost and prechest povertee?' _F. Sem._ 'Ye, sir; but richesse hath poustee.' _Amour._ 'Thou prechest abstinence also?' 6485 _F. Sem._ 'Sir, I wol fillen, so mote I go, My paunche of gode mete and wyne, As shulde a maister of divyne; For how that I me pover feyne, Yit alle pore folk I disdeyne. 6490 'I love bet the acqueyntaunce Ten tymes, of the king of Fraunce, Than of pore man of mylde mode, Though that his soule be also gode. For whan I see beggers quaking, 6495 Naked on mixens al stinking, For hungre crye, and eek for care, I entremete not of hir fare. They been so pore, and ful of pyne, They might not ones yeve me dyne, 6500 For they have no-thing but hir lyf; What shulde he yeve that likketh his knyf? It is but foly to entremete, To seke in houndes nest fat mete. Let bere hem to the spitel anoon, 6505 But, for me, comfort gete they noon. But a riche sike usurere Wolde I visyte and drawe nere; Him wol I comforte and rehete, For I hope of his gold to gete. 6510 And if that wikked deth him have, I wol go with him to his grave. And if ther any reprove me, Why that I lete the pore be, Wostow how I [mot] ascape? 6515 I sey, and swere him ful rape, That riche men han more tecches Of sinne, than han pore wrecches, And han of counseil more mister; And therfore I wol drawe hem ner. 6520 But as gret hurt, it may so be, Hath soule in right gret poverte, As soul in gret richesse, forsothe, Al-be-it that they hurten bothe. For richesse and mendicitees 6525 Ben cleped two extremitees; The mene is cleped suffisaunce, Ther lyth of vertu the aboundaunce. For Salamon, ful wel I woot, In his Parables us wroot, 6530 As it is knowe of many a wight, In his [thrittethe] chapitre right: "God, thou me kepe, for thy poustee, Fro richesse and mendicitee; For if a riche man him dresse 6535 To thenke to moche on [his] richesse, His herte on that so fer is set, That he his creatour foryet; And him, that [begging] wol ay greve, How shulde I by his word him leve? 6540 Unnethe that he nis a micher, Forsworn, or elles [god is] lyer." Thus seith Salamones sawes; Ne we finde writen in no lawes, And namely in our Cristen lay-- 6545 (Who seith "ye," I dar sey "nay")-- That Crist, ne his apostlis dere, Whyl that they walkede in erthe here, Were never seen her bred begging, For they nolde beggen for nothing. 6550 And right thus were men wont to teche; And in this wyse wolde it preche The maistres of divinitee Somtyme in Paris the citee. 'And if men wolde ther-geyn appose 6555 The naked text, and lete the glose, It mighte sone assoiled be; For men may wel the sothe see, That, parde, they mighte axe a thing Pleynly forth, without begging. 6560 For they weren goddis herdis dere, And cure of soules hadden here, They nolde no-thing begge hir fode; For aftir Crist was don on rode, With [hir] propre hondis they wrought, 6565 And with travel, and elles nought, They wonnen al hir sustenaunce, And liveden forth in hir penaunce, And the remenaunt [yeve] awey To other pore folk alwey. 6570 They neither bilden tour ne halle, But [leye] in houses smale withalle. A mighty man, that can and may, Shulde with his honde and body alway Winne him his food in laboring, 6575 If he ne have rent or sich a thing, Although he be religious, And god to serven curious. Thus mote he don, or do trespas, But-if it be in certeyn cas, 6580 That I can reherce, if mister be, Right wel, whan the tyme I see. 'Seke the book of Seynt Austin, Be it in paper or perchemin, There-as he writ of these worchinges, 6585 Thou shalt seen that non excusinges A parfit man ne shulde seke By wordis, ne by dedis eke, Although he be religious, And god to serven curious, 6590 That he ne shal, so mote I go, With propre hondis and body also, Gete his food in laboring, If he ne have propretee of thing. Yit shulde he selle al his substaunce, 6595 And with his swink have sustenaunce, If he be parfit in bountee. Thus han tho bookes tolde me: For he that wol gon ydilly, And useth it ay besily 6600 To haunten other mennes table, He is a trechour, ful of fable; Ne he ne may, by gode resoun, Excuse him by his orisoun. For men bihoveth, in som gyse, 6605 Som-tyme [leven] goddes servyse To gon and purchasen her nede. Men mote eten, that is no drede, And slepe, and eek do other thing; So longe may they leve praying. 6610 So may they eek hir prayer blinne, While that they werke, hir mete to winne. Seynt Austin wol therto accorde, In thilke book that I recorde. Justinian eek, that made lawes, 6615 Hath thus forboden, by olde dawes, "No man, up peyne to be deed, Mighty of body, to begge his breed, If he may swinke, it for to gete; Men shulde him rather mayme or bete, 6620 Or doon of him apert Iustice, Than suffren him in such malice." They don not wel, so mote I go, That taken such almesse so, But if they have som privelege, 6625 That of the peyne hem wol allege. But how that is, can I not see, But-if the prince disseyved be; Ne I ne wene not, sikerly, That they may have it rightfully. 6630 But I wol not determyne Of princes power, ne defyne, Ne by my word comprende, y-wis, If it so fer may strecche in this. I wol not entremete a del; 6635 But I trowe that the book seith wel, Who that taketh almesses, that be Dewe to folk that men may see Lame, feble, wery, and bare, Pore, or in such maner care, 6640 (That conne winne hem nevermo, For they have no power therto), He eteth his owne dampning, But-if he lye, that made al thing. And if ye such a truaunt finde, 6645 Chastise him wel, if ye be kinde. But they wolde hate you, percas, And, if ye fillen in hir laas, They wolde eftsones do you scathe, If that they mighte, late or rathe; 6650 For they be not ful pacient, That han the world thus foule blent. And witeth wel, [wher] that god bad The good man selle al that he had, And folowe him, and to pore it yive, 6655 He wolde not therfore that he live To serven him in mendience, For it was never his sentence; But he bad wirken whan that nede is, And folwe him in goode dedis. 6660 Seynt Poule, that loved al holy chirche, He bade thapostles for to wirche, And winnen hir lyflode in that wyse, And hem defended truaundyse, And seide, "Wirketh with your honden;" 6665 Thus shulde the thing be undirstonden. He nolde, y-wis, bidde hem begging, Ne sellen gospel, ne preching, Lest they berafte, with hir asking, Folk of hir catel or of hir thing. 6670 For in this world is many a man That yeveth his good, for he ne can Werne it for shame, or elles he Wolde of the asker delivered be; And, for he him encombreth so, 6675 He yeveth him good to late him go: But it can him no-thing profyte, They lese the yift and the meryte. The goode folk, that Poule to preched, Profred him ofte, whan he hem teched, 6680 Som of hir good in charite; But therof right no-thing took he; But of his hondwerk wolde he gete Clothes to wryen him, and his mete." _Amour._ 'Tel me than how a man may liven, 6685 That al his good to pore hath yiven, And wol but only bidde his bedis, And never with honde laboure his nedis: May he do so?' _F. Sem._ 'Ye, sir.' _Amour._ 'And how?' _F. Sem._ 'Sir, I wol gladly telle yow:-- 6690 Seynt Austin seith, a man may be In houses that han propretee, As templers and hospitelers, And as these chanouns regulers, Or whyte monkes, or these blake-- 6695 (I wole no mo ensamplis make)-- And take therof his sustening, For therinne lyth no begging; But other-weyes not, y-wis, [If] Austin gabbeth not of this. 6700 And yit ful many a monk laboureth, That god in holy chirche honoureth; For whan hir swinking is agoon, They rede and singe in chirche anoon. 'And for ther hath ben greet discord, 6705 As many a wight may bere record, Upon the estate of mendience, I wol shortly, in your presence, Telle how a man may begge at nede, That hath not wherwith him to fede, 6710 Maugre his felones Iangelinges, For sothfastnesse wol non hidinges; And yit, percas, I may abey, That I to yow sothly thus sey. 'Lo, here the caas especial: 6715 If a man be so bestial That he of no craft hath science, And nought desyreth ignorence, Than may he go a-begging yerne, Til he som maner craft can lerne, 6720 Thurgh which, withoute truaunding, He may in trouthe have his living. Or if he may don no labour, For elde, or syknesse, or langour, Or for his tendre age also, 6725 Than may he yit a-begging go. 'Or if he have, peraventure, Thurgh usage of his noriture, Lived over deliciously, Than oughten good folk comunly 6730 Han of his mischeef som pitee, And suffren him also, that he May gon aboute and begge his breed, That he be not for hungur deed. Or if he have of craft cunning, 6735 And strengthe also, and desiring To wirken, as he hadde what, But he finde neither this ne that, Than may he begge, til that he Have geten his necessitee. 6740 'Or if his winning be so lyte, That his labour wol not acquyte Sufficiantly al his living, Yit may he go his breed begging; Fro dore to dore he may go trace, 6745 Til he the remenaunt may purchace. Or if a man wolde undirtake Any empryse for to make, In the rescous of our lay, And it defenden as he may, 6750 Be it with armes or lettrure, Or other covenable cure, If it be so he pore be, Than may he begge, til that he May finde in trouthe for to swinke, 6755 And gete him clothes, mete, and drinke. Swinke he with hondis corporel, And not with hondis espirituel. 'In al thise caas, and in semblables, If that ther ben mo resonables, 6760 He may begge, as I telle you here, And elles nought, in no manere; As William Seynt Amour wolde preche, And ofte wolde dispute and teche Of this matere alle openly 6765 At Paris ful solempnely. And al-so god my soule blesse, As he had, in this stedfastnesse, The accord of the universitee, And of the puple, as semeth me. 6770 'No good man oughte it to refuse, Ne oughte him therof to excuse, Be wrooth or blythe who-so be; For I wol speke, and telle it thee, Al shulde I dye, and be put doun, 6775 As was seynt Poul, in derk prisoun; Or be exiled in this caas With wrong, as maister William was, That my moder Ypocrisye Banisshed for hir greet envye. 6780 'My moder flemed him, Seynt Amour: This noble dide such labour To susteyne ever the loyaltee, That he to moche agilte me. He made a book, and leet it wryte, 6785 Wherin his lyf he dide al wryte, And wolde ich reneyed begging, And lived by my traveyling, If I ne had rent ne other good. What? wened he that I were wood? 6790 For labour might me never plese, I have more wil to been at ese; And have wel lever, sooth to sey, Bifore the puple patre and prey, And wrye me in my foxerye 6795 Under a cope of papelardye.' Quod Love, 'What devel is this I here? What wordis tellest thou me here?' _F. Sem._ 'What, sir?' _Amour._ 'Falsnesse, that apert is; Than dredist thou not god?' _F. Sem._ 'No, certis: 6800 For selde in greet thing shal he spede In this world, that god wol drede. For folk that hem to vertu yiven, And truly on her owne liven, And hem in goodnesse ay contene, 6805 On hem is litel thrift y-sene; Such folk drinken gret misese; That lyf [ne] may me never plese. But see what gold han usurers, And silver eek in [hir] garners, 6810 Taylagiers, and these monyours, Bailifs, bedels, provost, countours; These liven wel nygh by ravyne; The smale puple hem mote enclyne, And they as wolves wol hem eten. 6815 Upon the pore folk they geten Ful moche of that they spende or kepe; Nis none of hem that he nil strepe, And wryen him-self wel atte fulle; Withoute scalding they hem pulle. 6820 The stronge the feble overgoth; But I, that were my simple cloth, Robbe bothe robbed and robbours, And gyle gyled and gylours. By my treget, I gadre and threste 6825 The greet tresour into my cheste, That lyth with me so faste bounde. Myn highe paleys do I founde, And my delytes I fulfille With wyne at feestes at my wille, 6830 And tables fulle of entremees; I wol no lyf, but ese and pees, And winne gold to spende also. For whan the grete bagge is go, It cometh right with my Iapes. 6835 Make I not wel tumble myn apes? To winne is alwey myn entent; My purchas is better than my rent; For though I shulde beten be, Over-al I entremete me; 6840 Withoute me may no wight dure. I walke soules for to cure. Of al the worlde cure have I In brede and lengthe; boldely I wol bothe preche and eek counceilen; 6845 With hondis wille I not traveilen, For of the pope I have the bulle; I ne holde not my wittes dulle. I wol not stinten, in my lyve, These emperouris for to shryve, 6850 Or kyngis, dukis, and lordis grete; But pore folk al quyte I lete. I love no such shryving, pardee, But it for other cause be. I rekke not of pore men, 6855 Hir astate is not worth an hen. Where fyndest thou a swinker of labour Have me unto his confessour? But emperesses, and duchesses, Thise quenes, and eek [thise] countesses, 6860 Thise abbesses, and eek Bigyns, These grete ladyes palasyns, These Ioly knightes, and baillyves, Thise nonnes, and thise burgeis wyves, That riche been, and eek plesing, 6865 And thise maidens welfaring, Wher-so they clad or naked be, Uncounceiled goth ther noon fro me. And, for her soules savetee, At lord and lady, and hir meynee, 6870 I axe, whan they hem to me shryve, The propretee of al hir lyve, And make hem trowe, bothe meest and leest, Hir paroch-prest nis but a beest Ayens me and my company, 6875 That shrewis been as greet as I; For whiche I wol not hyde in hold No privetee that me is told, That I by word or signe, y-wis, [Nil] make hem knowe what it is, 6880 And they wolen also tellen me; They hele fro me no privitee. And for to make yow hem perceyven, That usen folk thus to disceyven, I wol you seyn, withouten drede, 6885 What men may in the gospel rede Of Seynt Mathew, the gospelere, That seith, as I shal you sey here. 'Upon the chaire of Moyses-- Thus is it glosed, douteles: 6890 That is the olde testament, For therby is the chaire ment-- Sitte Scribes and Pharisen;-- That is to seyn, the cursid men Whiche that we ypocritis calle-- 6895 Doth that they preche, I rede you alle, But doth not as they don a del, That been not wery to seye wel, But to do wel, no wille have they; And they wolde binde on folk alwey, 6900 That ben to [be] begyled able, Burdens that ben importable; On folkes shuldres thinges they couchen That they nil with her fingres touchen.' _Amour._ 'And why wol they not touche it?' _F. Sem._ 'Why? 6905 For hem ne list not, sikirly; For sadde burdens that men taken Make folkes shuldres aken. And if they do ought that good be, That is for folk it shulde see: 6910 Her burdens larger maken they, And make hir hemmes wyde alwey, And loven setes at the table, The firste and most honourable; And for to han the first chaieris 6915 In synagoges, to hem ful dere is; And willen that folk hem loute and grete, Whan that they passen thurgh the strete, And wolen be cleped "Maister" also. But they ne shulde not willen so; 6920 The gospel is ther-ageyns, I gesse: That sheweth wel hir wikkidnesse. 'Another custom use we:-- Of hem that wol ayens us be, We hate hem deedly everichoon, 6925 And we wol werrey hem, as oon. Him that oon hatith, hate we alle, And coniecte how to doon him falle. And if we seen him winne honour, Richesse or preys, thurgh his valour, 6930 Provende, rent, or dignitee, Ful fast, y-wis, compassen we By what ladder he is clomben so; And for to maken him doun to go, With traisoun we wole him defame, 6935 And doon him lese his gode name. Thus from his ladder we him take, And thus his freendis foes we make; But word ne wite shal he noon, Til alle his freendis been his foon. 6940 For if we dide it openly, We might have blame redily; For hadde he wist of our malyce, He hadde him kept, but he were nyce. 'Another is this, that, if so falle 6945 That ther be oon among us alle That doth a good turn, out of drede, We seyn it is our alder dede. Ye, sikerly, though he it feyned, Or that him list, or that him deyned 6950 A man thurgh him avaunced be; Therof alle parceners be we, And tellen folk, wher-so we go, That man thurgh us is sprongen so. And for to have of men preysing, 6955 We purchace, thurgh our flatering, Of riche men, of gret poustee, Lettres, to witnesse our bountee; So that man weneth, that may us see, That alle vertu in us be. 6960 And alwey pore we us feyne; But how so that we begge or pleyne, We ben the folk, without lesing, That al thing have without having. Thus be we dred of the puple, y-wis. 6965 And gladly my purpos is this:-- I dele with no wight, but he Have gold and tresour gret plentee; Hir acqueyntaunce wel love I; This is moche my desyr, shortly. 6970 I entremete me of brocages, I make pees and mariages, I am gladly executour, And many tymes procuratour; I am somtyme messager; 6975 That falleth not to my mister. And many tymes I make enquestes; For me that office not honest is; To dele with other mennes thing, That is to me a gret lyking. 6980 And if that ye have ought to do In place that I repeire to, I shal it speden thurgh my wit, As sone as ye have told me it. So that ye serve me to pay, 6985 My servyse shal be your alway. But who-so wol chastyse me, Anoon my love lost hath he; For I love no man in no gyse, That wol me repreve or chastyse; 6990 But I wolde al folk undirtake, And of no wight no teching take; For I, that other folk chastye, Wol not be taught fro my folye. 'I love noon hermitage more; 6995 Alle desertes, and holtes hore, And grete wodes everichoon, I lete hem to the Baptist Iohan. I quethe him quyte, and him relesse Of Egipt al the wildirnesse; 7000 To fer were alle my mansiouns Fro alle citees and goode tounes. My paleis and myn hous make I There men may renne in openly, And sey that I the world forsake. 7005 But al amidde I bilde and make My hous, and swimme and pley therinne Bet than a fish doth with his finne. 'Of Antecristes men am I, Of whiche that Crist seith openly, 7010 They have abit of holinesse, And liven in such wikkednesse. Outward, lambren semen we, Fulle of goodnesse and of pitee, And inward we, withouten fable, 7015 Ben gredy wolves ravisable. We enviroune bothe londe and see; With al the world werreyen we; We wol ordeyne of alle thing, Of folkes good, and her living. 7020 'If ther be castel or citee Wherin that any bougerons be, Although that they of Milayne were, For ther-of ben they blamed there: Or if a wight, out of mesure, 7025 Wolde lene his gold, and take usure, For that he is so coveitous: Or if he be to leccherous, Or [thefe, or] haunte simonye; Or provost, ful of trecherye, 7030 Or prelat, living Iolily, Or prest that halt his quene him by; Or olde hores hostilers, Or other bawdes or bordillers, Or elles blamed of any vyce, 7035 Of whiche men shulden doon Iustyce: By alle the seyntes that we pray, But they defende hem with lamprey, With luce, with elis, with samons, With tendre gees, and with capons, 7040 With tartes, or with cheses fat, With deynte flawnes, brode and flat, With caleweys, or with pullaille, With coninges, or with fyn vitaille, That we, undir our clothes wyde, 7045 Maken thurgh our golet glyde: Or but he wol do come in haste Roo-venisoun, [y]-bake in paste: Whether so that he loure or groine, He shal have of a corde a loigne, 7050 With whiche men shal him binde and lede, To brenne him for his sinful dede, That men shulle here him crye and rore A myle-wey aboute, and more. Or elles he shal in prisoun dye, 7055 But-if he wol [our] frendship bye, Or smerten that that he hath do, More than his gilt amounteth to. But, and he couthe thurgh his sleight Do maken up a tour of height, 7060 Nought roughte I whether of stone or tree, Or erthe, or turves though it be, Though it were of no vounde stone, Wrought with squyre and scantilone, So that the tour were stuffed wel 7065 With alle richesse temporel; And thanne, that he wolde updresse Engyns, bothe more and lesse, To caste at us, by every syde-- To bere his goode name wyde-- 7070 Such sleightes [as] I shal yow nevene, Barelles of wyne, by sixe or sevene, Or gold in sakkes gret plente, He shulde sone delivered be. And if he have noon sich pitaunces, 7075 Late him study in equipolences, And lete lyes and fallaces, If that he wolde deserve our graces; Or we shal bere him such witnesse Of sinne, and of his wrecchidnesse, 7080 And doon his loos so wyde renne, That al quik we shulde him brenne, Or elles yeve him suche penaunce, That is wel wors than the pitaunce. 'For thou shalt never, for nothing, 7085 Con knowen aright by her clothing The traitours fulle of trecherye, But thou her werkis can aspye. And ne hadde the good keping be Whylom of the universitee, 7090 That kepeth the key of Cristendome, [They] had been turmented, alle and some. Suche been the stinking [fals] prophetis; Nis non of hem, that good prophete is; For they, thurgh wikked entencioun, 7095 The yeer of the incarnacioun A thousand and two hundred yeer, Fyve and fifty, ferther ne ner, Broughten a book, with sory grace, To yeven ensample in comune place, 7100 That seide thus, though it were fable:-- "This is the Gospel Perdurable, That fro the Holy Goost is sent." Wel were it worth to ben [y]-brent. Entitled was in such manere 7105 This book, of which I telle here. Ther nas no wight in al Parys, Biforn Our Lady, at parvys, That [he] ne mighte bye the book, To copy, if him talent took. 7110 Ther might he see, by greet tresoun, Ful many fais comparisoun:-- "As moche as, thurgh his grete might, Be it of hete, or of light, The sunne sourmounteth the mone, 7115 That troubler is, and chaungeth sone, And the note-kernel the shelle-- (I scorne nat that I yow telle)-- Right so, withouten any gyle, Sourmounteth this noble Evangyle 7120 The word of any evangelist." And to her title they token Christ; And many such comparisoun, Of which I make no mencioun, Might men in that boke finde, 7125 Who-so coude of hem have minde. 'The universitee, that tho was aslepe, Gan for to braide, and taken kepe; And at the noys the heed up-caste, Ne never sithen slepte it faste, 7130 But up it sterte, and armes took Ayens this fals horrible book, Al redy bateil for to make, And to the Iuge the book to take. But they that broughten the book there 7135 Hente it anoon awey, for fere; They nolde shewe it more a del, But thenne it kepte, and kepen wil, Til such a tyme that they may see That they so stronge woxen be, 7140 That no wight may hem wel withstonde; For by that book they durst not stonde. Away they gonne it for to bere, For they ne durste not answere By exposicioun ne glose 7145 To that that clerkis wole appose Ayens the cursednesse, y-wis, That in that boke writen is. Now wot I not, ne I can not see What maner ende that there shal be 7150 Of al this [boke] that they hyde; But yit algate they shal abyde Til that they may it bet defende; This trowe I best, wol be hir ende. 'Thus Antecrist abyden we, 7155 For we ben alle of his meynee; And what man that wol not be so, Right sone he shal his lyf forgo. We wol a puple on him areyse, And thurgh our gyle doon him seise, 7160 And him on sharpe speris ryve, Or other-weyes bringe him fro lyve, But-if that he wol folowe, y-wis, That in our boke writen is. Thus moche wol our book signifye, 7165 That whyl [that] Peter hath maistrye, May never lohan shewe wel his might. 'Now have I you declared right The mening of the bark and rinde That makith the entenciouns blinde. 7170 But now at erst I wol biginne To expowne you the pith withinne:-- [And first, by Peter, as I wene, The Pope himself we wolden mene] And [eek] the seculers comprehende, 7175 That Cristes lawe wol defende, And shulde it kepen and mayntenen Ayeines hem that al sustenen, And falsly to the puple techen. [And] Iohan bitokeneth hem [that] prechen, 7180 That ther nis lawe covenable But thilke Gospel Perdurable, That fro the Holy Gost was sent To turne folk that been miswent. The strengthe of Iohan they undirstonde 7185 The grace in which, they seye, they stonde, That doth the sinful folk converte, And hem to Iesus Crist reverte. 'Ful many another horriblete May men in that boke see, 7190 That ben comaunded, douteles, Ayens the lawe of Rome expres; And alle with Antecrist they holden, As men may in the book biholden. And than comaunden they to sleen 7195 Alle tho that with Peter been; But they shal nevere have that might, And, god toforn, for stryf to fight, That they ne shal y-nough [men] finde That Peters lawe shal have in minde, 7200 And ever holde, and so mayntene, That at the last it shal be sene That they shal alle come therto, For ought that they can speke or do. And thilke lawe shal not stonde, 7205 That they by Iohan have undirstonde; But, maugre hem, it shal adoun, And been brought to confusioun. But I wol stinte of this matere, For it is wonder long to here; 7210 But hadde that ilke book endured, Of better estate I were ensured; And freendis have I yit, pardee, That han me set in greet degree. 'Of all this world is emperour 7215 Gyle my fader, the trechour, And emperesse my moder is, Maugre the Holy Gost, y-wis. Our mighty linage and our route Regneth in every regne aboute; 7220 And wel is worth we [maistres] be, For al this world governe we, And can the folk so wel disceyve, That noon our gyle can perceyve; And though they doon, they dar not saye; 7225 The sothe dar no wight biwreye. But he in Cristis wrath him ledeth, That more than Crist my bretheren dredeth. He nis no ful good champioun, That dredith such similacioun; 7230 Nor that for peyne wole refusen Us to correcten and accusen. He wol not entremete by right, Ne have god in his eye-sight, And therfore god shal him punyce; 7235 But me ne rekketh of no vyce, Sithen men us loven comunably, And holden us for so worthy, That we may folk repreve echoon, And we nil have repref of noon. 7240 Whom shulden folk worshipen so But us, that stinten never mo To patren whyl that folk us see, Though it not so bihinde hem be? 'And where is more wood folye, 7245 Than to enhaunce chivalrye, And love noble men and gay, That Ioly clothis weren alway? If they be sich folk as they semen, So clene, as men her clothis demen, 7250 And that her wordis folowe her dede, It is gret pite, out of drede, For they wol be noon ypocritis! Of hem, me thinketh [it] gret spiteis; I can not love hem on no syde. 7255 But Beggers with these hodes wyde, With sleighe and pale faces lene, And greye clothis not ful clene, But fretted ful of tatarwagges, And highe shoes, knopped with dagges, 7260 That frouncen lyke a quaile-pype, Or botes riveling as a gype; To such folk as I you devyse Shuld princes and these lordes wyse Take alle her londes and her thinges, 7265 Bothe werre and pees, in governinges; To such folk shulde a prince him yive, That wolde his lyf in honour live. And if they be not as they seme, That serven thus the world to queme, 7270 There wolde I dwelle, to disceyve The folk, for they shal not perceyve. 'But I ne speke in no such wyse, That men shulde humble abit dispyse, So that no pryde ther-under be. 7275 No man shulde hate, as thinketh me, The pore man in sich clothing. But god ne preiseth him no-thing, That seith he hath the world forsake, And hath to worldly glorie him take, 7280 And wol of siche delyces use; Who may that Begger wel excuse? That papelard, that him yeldeth so, And wol to worldly ese go, And seith that he the world hath left, 7285 And gredily it grypeth eft, He is the hound, shame is to seyn, That to his casting goth ageyn. 'But unto you dar I not lye: But mighte I felen or aspye, 7290 That ye perceyved it no-thing, Ye shulden have a stark lesing Right in your hond thus, to biginne, I nolde it lette for no sinne.' The god lough at the wonder tho, 7295 And every wight gan laughe also, And seide:--'Lo here a man aright For to be trusty to every wight!' 'Fals Semblant,' quod Love, 'sey to me, Sith I thus have avaunced thee, 7300 That in my court is thy dwelling, And of ribaudes shall be my king, Wolt thou wel holden my forwardis?' _F. Sem._ 'Ye, sir, from hennes forewardis; Hadde never your fader herebiforn 7305 Servaunt so trewe, sith he was born.' _Amour._ 'That is ayeines al nature.' _F. Sem._ 'Sir, put you in that aventure; For though ye borowes take of me, The sikerer shal ye never be 7310 For ostages, ne sikirnesse, Or chartres, for to bere witnesse. I take your-self to record here, That men ne may, in no manere, Teren the wolf out of his hyde, 7315 Til he be [flayn], bak and syde, Though men him bete and al defyle; What? wene ye that I wole bigyle? For I am clothed mekely, Ther-under is al my trechery; 7320 Myn herte chaungeth never the mo For noon abit, in which I go. Though I have chere of simplenesse, I am not weary of shrewednesse. My lemman, Streyned-Abstinence, 7325 Hath mister of my purveaunce; She hadde ful longe ago be deed, Nere my councel and my reed; Lete hir allone, and you and me.' And Love answerde, 'I truste thee 7330 Withoute borowe, for I wol noon.' And Fals-Semblant, the theef, anoon, Right in that ilke same place, That hadde of tresoun al his face Right blak withinne, and whyt withoute, 7335 Thanketh him, gan on his knees loute. Than was ther nought, but 'Every man Now to assaut, that sailen can,' Quod Love, 'and that ful hardily.' Than armed they hem communly 7340 Of sich armour as to hem fel. Whan they were armed, fers and fel, They wente hem forth, alle in a route, And set the castel al aboute; They wil nought away, for no drede, 7345 Til it so be that they ben dede, Or til they have the castel take. And foure batels they gan make, And parted hem in foure anoon, And toke her way, and forth they goon, 7350 The foure gates for to assaile, Of whiche the kepers wol not faile; For they ben neither syke ne dede, But hardy folk, and stronge in dede. Now wole I seyn the countenaunce 7355 Of Fals-Semblant, and Abstinaunce, That ben to Wikkid-Tonge went. But first they helde her parlement, Whether it to done were To maken hem be knowen there, 7360 Or elles walken forth disgysed. But at the laste they devysed, That they wold goon in tapinage, As it were in a pilgrimage, Lyk good and holy folk unfeyned. 7365 And Dame Abstinence-Streyned Took on a robe of camelyne, And gan hir graithe as a Begyne. A large coverchief of threde She wrapped al aboute hir hede, 7370 But she forgat not hir sautere; A peire of bedis eek she here Upon a lace, al of whyt threde, On which that she hir bedes bede; But she ne boughte hem never a del, 7375 For they were geven her, I wot wel, God wot, of a ful holy frere, That seide he was hir fader dere, To whom she hadde ofter went Than any frere of his covent. 7380 And he visyted hir also, And many a sermoun seide hir to; He nolde lette, for man on lyve, That he ne wolde hir ofte shryve. And with so gret devocion 7385 They maden her confession, That they had ofte, for the nones, Two hedes in one hood at ones. Of fair shape I devyse her thee, But pale of face somtyme was she; 7390 That false traitouresse untrewe Was lyk that salowe hors of hewe, That in the Apocalips is shewed, That signifyeth tho folk beshrewed, That been al ful of trecherye, 7395 And pale, thurgh hypocrisye; For on that hors no colour is, But only deed and pale, y-wis. Of suche a colour enlangoured Was Abstinence, y-wis, coloured; 7400 Of her estat she her repented, As her visage represented. She had a burdoun al of Thefte, That Gyle had yeve her of his yefte; And a scrippe of Fainte Distresse, 7405 That ful was of elengenesse, And forth she walked sobrely: And False-Semblant saynt, _ie vous die_, [Had], as it were for such mistere, Don on the cope of a frere, 7410 With chere simple, and ful pitous; His looking was not disdeinous, Ne proud, but meke and ful pesible. About his nekke he bar a bible, And squierly forth gan he gon; 7415 And, for to reste his limmes upon, He had of Treson a potente; As he were feble, his way he wente. But in his sleve he gan to thringe A rasour sharp, and wel bytinge, 7420 That was forged in a forge, Which that men clepen Coupegorge. So longe forth hir way they nomen, Til they to Wicked-Tonge comen, That at his gate was sitting, 7425 And saw folk in the way passing. The pilgrimes saw he faste by, That beren hem ful mekely, And humblely they with him mette. Dame Abstinence first him grette, 7430 And sith him False-Semblant salued, And he hem; but he not remued, For he ne dredde hem not a-del. For when he saw hir faces wel, Alway in herte him thoughte so, 7435 He shulde knowe hem bothe two; For wel he knew Dame Abstinaunce But he ne knew not Constreynaunce. He knew nat that she was constrayned, Ne of her theves lyfe feyned, 7440 But wende she com of wil al free; But she com in another degree; And if of good wil she began, That wil was failed her [as] than. And Fals-Semblant had he seyn als, 7445 But he knew nat that he was fals. Yet fals was he, but his falsnesse Ne coude he not espye, nor gesse; For semblant was so slye wrought, That falsnesse he ne espyed nought. 7450 But haddest thou knowen him beforn, Thou woldest on a boke have sworn, Whan thou him saugh in thilke aray That he, that whylom was so gay, And of the daunce Ioly Robin, 7455 Was tho become a Iacobin. But sothely, what so men him calle, Freres Prechours been good men alle; Hir order wickedly they beren, Suche minstrelles if [that] they weren. 7460 So been Augustins and Cordileres, And Carmes, and eek Sakked Freres, And alle freres, shodde and bare, (Though some of hem ben grete and square) Ful holy men, as I hem deme; 7465 Everich of hem wolde good man seme. But shalt thou never of apparence Seen conclude good consequence In none argument, y-wis, If existence al failed is. 7470 For men may finde alway sophyme The consequence to envenyme, Who-so that hath the subteltee The double sentence for to see. Whan the pilgrymes commen were 7475 To Wicked-Tonge, that dwelled there, Hir harneis nigh hem was algate; By Wicked-Tonge adoun they sate, That bad hem ner him for to come, And of tydinges telle him some, 7480 And sayde hem:--'What cas maketh yow To come into this place now?' Sir,' seyde Strained-Abstinaunce, We, for to drye our penaunce, With hertes pitous and devoute, 7485 Are commen, as pilgrimes gon aboute; Wel nigh on fote alway we go; Ful dusty been our heles two; And thus bothe we ben sent Thurghout this world that is miswent, 7490 To yeve ensample, and preche also. To fisshen sinful men we go, For other fisshing ne fisshe we. And, sir, for that charitee, As we be wont, herberwe we crave, 7495 Your lyf to amende; Crist it save! And, so it shulde you nat displese, We wolden, if it were your ese, A short sermoun unto you seyn.' And Wikked-Tonge answerde ageyn, 7500 The hous,' quod he, 'such as ye see, Shal nat be warned you for me, Sey what you list, and I wol here.' Graunt mercy, swete sire dere!' Quod alderfirst Dame Abstinence, 7505 And thus began she hir sentence: _Const. Abstinence._ 'Sir, the first vertue, certeyn, The gretest, and most sovereyn That may be founde in any man, For having, or for wit he can, 7510 That is, his tonge to refreyne; Therto ought every wight him peyne. For it is better stille be Than for to speken harm, pardee! And he that herkeneth it gladly, 7515 He is no good man, sikerly. And, sir, aboven al other sinne, In that art thou most gilty inne. Thou spake a Iape not long ago, (And, sir, that was right yvel do) 7520 Of a yong man that here repaired, And never yet this place apaired. Thou seydest he awaited nothing But to disceyve Fair-Welcoming. Ye seyde nothing sooth of that; 7525 But, sir, ye lye; I tell you plat; He ne cometh no more, ne goth, pardee! I trow ye shal him never see. Fair-Welcoming in prison is, That ofte hath pleyed with you, er this, 7530 The fairest games that he coude, Withoute filthe, stille or loude; Now dar [he] nat [him]self solace. Ye han also the man do chace, That he dar neither come ne go. 7535 What meveth you to hate him so But properly your wikked thought, That many a fals lesing hath thought? That meveth your foole eloquence, That iangleth ever in audience, 7540 And on the folk areyseth blame, And doth hem dishonour and shame, For thing that may have no preving, But lyklinesse, and contriving. For I dar seyn, that Reson demeth, 7545 It is not al sooth thing that semeth, And it is sinne to controve Thing that is [for] to reprove; This wot ye wel; and, sir, therefore Ye arn to blame [wel] the more. 7550 And, nathelesse, he rekketh lyte; He yeveth nat now thereof a myte; For if he thoughte harm, parfay, He wolde come and gon al day; He coude him-selfe nat abstene. 7555 Now cometh he nat, and that is sene, For he ne taketh of it no cure, But-if it be through aventure, And lasse than other folk, algate. And thou here watchest at the gate, 7560 With spere in thyne arest alway; There muse, musard, al the day. Thou wakest night and day for thought; Y-wis, thy traveyl is for nought. And Ielousye, withouten faile, 7565 Shal never quyte thee thy travaile. And scathe is, that Fair-Welcoming, Withouten any trespassing, Shal wrongfully in prison be, Ther wepeth and languissheth he. 7570 And though thou never yet, y-wis, Agiltest man no more but this, (Take not a-greef) it were worthy To putte thee out of this baily, And afterward in prison lye, 7575 And fettre thee til that thou dye; For thou shalt for this sinne dwelle Right in the devils ers of helle, But-if that thou repente thee.' 'Ma fay, thou lyest falsly!' quod he. 7580 What? welcome with mischaunce now! Have I therfore herbered you To seye me shame, and eek reprove? With sory happe, to your bihove, Am I to-day your herbergere! 7585 Go, herber you elleswhere than here, That han a lyer called me! Two tregetours art thou and he, That in myn hous do me this shame, And for my soth-sawe ye me blame. 7590 Is this the sermoun that ye make? To alle the develles I me take, Or elles, god, thou me confounde! But er men diden this castel founde, It passeth not ten dayes or twelve, 7595 But it was told right to my-selve, And as they seide, right so tolde I, He kiste the Rose privily! Thus seide I now, and have seid yore; I not wher he dide any more. 7600 Why shulde men sey me such a thing, If it hadde been gabbing? Right so seide I, and wol seye yit; I trowe, I lyed not of it; And with my bemes I wol blowe 7605 To alle neighboris a-rowe, How he hath bothe comen and gon.' Tho spak Fals-Semblant right anon, Al is not gospel, out of doute, That men seyn in the toune aboute; 7610 Ley no deef ere to my speking; I swere yow, sir, it is gabbing! I trowe ye wot wel certeynly, That no man loveth him tenderly That seith him harm, if he wot it, 7615 Al be he never so pore of wit. And sooth is also sikerly, (This knowe ye, sir, as wel as I), That lovers gladly wol visyten The places ther hir loves habyten. 7620 This man you loveth and eek honoureth; This man to serve you laboureth; And clepeth you his freend so dere, And this man maketh you good chere, And every-wher that [he] you meteth, 7625 He you saleweth, and he you greteth. He preseth not so ofte, that ye Ought of his come encombred be; Ther presen other folk on yow Ful ofter than [that] he doth now. 7630 And if his herte him streyned so Unto the Rose for to go, Ye shulde him seen so ofte nede, That ye shulde take him with the dede. He coude his coming not forbere, 7635 Though ye him thrilled with a spere; It nere not thanne as it is now. But trusteth wel, I swere it yow, That it is clene out of his thought. Sir, certes, he ne thenketh it nought; 7640 No more ne doth Fair-Welcoming, That sore abyeth al this thing. And if they were of oon assent, Ful sone were the Rose hent; The maugre youres wolde be. 7645 And sir, of o thing herkeneth me:-- Sith ye this man, that loveth yow, Han seid such harm and shame now, Witeth wel, if he gessed it, Ye may wel demen in your wit, 7650 He nolde no-thing love you so, Ne callen you his freend also, But night and day he [wolde] wake, The castel to destroye and take, If it were sooth as ye devyse; 7655 Or som man in som maner wyse Might it warne him everydel, Or by him-self perceyven wel; For sith he might not come and gon As he was whylom wont to don, 7660 He might it sone wite and see; But now al other-wyse [doth] he. Than have [ye], sir, al-outerly Deserved helle, and Iolyly The deth of helle douteles, 7665 That thrallen folk so gilteles.' Fals-Semblant proveth so this thing That he can noon answering, And seeth alwey such apparaunce, That nygh he fel in repentaunce, 7670 And seide him:--'Sir, it may wel be. Semblant, a good man semen ye; And, Abstinence, ful wyse ye seme; Of o talent you bothe I deme. What counceil wole ye to me yeven?' 7675 _F. Sem._ 'Right here anoon thou shalt be shriven, And sey thy sinne withoute more; Of this shall thou repente sore; For I am preest, and have poustee To shryve folk of most dignitee 7680 That been, as wyde as world may dure. Of al this world I have the cure, And that had never yit persoun, No vicarie of no maner toun. And, god wot, I have of thee 7685 A thousand tymes more pitee Than hath thy preest parochial, Though he thy freend be special. I have avauntage, in o wyse, That your prelates ben not so wyse 7690 Ne half so lettred as am I. I am licenced boldely In divinitee to rede, And to confessen, out of drede. If ye wol you now confesse, 7695 And leve your sinnes more and lesse, Without abood, knele doun anon, And you shal have absolucion.' 7698 EXPLICIT. 5814. Th. wyl; G. tille. 5820. _Both_ sworne. 5821. G. The (_for_ That). _Both_ nyl not. 5827. Th. leest; G. lest. 5831. G. tresoure. 5836. G. axide. 5855. _Both_ kepte; F. _qui mestrie_. 5859. G. oost. 5860. _Both_ that ilke. 5861. G. Agayns; Th. Agaynst. 5869, 70. _Both_ entent, present. 5871. _Both_ vesselage. 5879. _Supply_ at. 5883. _Both_ As my nede is. 5886. _Om._ eek? 5894. G. fortresse. 5900. _Both_ That such; _om._ That. _Both_ ben take; _om._ ben. 5906, 53. _Supply_ hast, by. 5920. G. thilk. 5935. G. myche. 5939. Th. marchauntes; G. marchauntz. 5942. _Both_ folyly. 5946. Th. vyce; G. wise. 5947. G. trust; pay. 5958. Th. surere. 5959. _Both_ beaute (!). 5960. _Both_ That I. 5976. _Both_ ful dere. 5977. _Both_ leest; _supply_ she. 5980. Th. thylke; G. thilk. 5983. Th. grype; G. grepe. 5988. _I supply_ if. 5997, 9. Th. hem; G. hym. 6002. _Read_ gnede. 6006. _Both_ good; beaute (_as in_ 5959). 6009. Th. wol; G. wole. 6025. G. shulle. _Both_ forsworne. 6026. G. lette. 6037. G. worthe. 6401. G. hym. 6048. G. heestes. 6057. This = This is. 6063. G. away. 6064. _Both_ hindreth. 6073. G. netheles; Th. nathelesse. 6143. _Both_ twey. 6144. G. sey; Th. say. 6165. _Both_ which; F. _tex_. 6169. _Both_ lette. 6172. G. subtilite. 6174. _Both_ nede; F. _besoignes_. 6183, 4. G. cast, last. 6187. G. _om._ hath. 6192. _Both_ neithir monk; _om._ neithir. 6195. Th. Na-; G. Ne-. 6197. Th. rasour; G. resoun. 6205. _I supply this line._ 6206. _Supply_ not. Th. begylen; G. bigilyng. 6214. _Both_ without. 6227. G. Yhe. 6237. Th. co_m_men; G. comyn; _read_ comun. 6240. G. Yhe; G. _om._ alle. 6243. _Both_ ful many; _om._ ful. 6245. G. dieden. 6247. _Both_ xi. 6253. G. hert; _both_ good. 6255. _Both_ good. 6256. _Both_ the religioun; _om._ the. 6259. G. took. 6263. G. Yhis; Th. Yes. 6271. G. biwailed (!). 6275, 82. _Supply_ hem. 6278. _Both_ Without. 6285. G. doutlees; Th. doutles. 6292. _Both_ planten most. 6296. _Both_ feyne; F. _dire_. 6314. _Both ins._ shal _bef._ never. 6316. G. warre; Th. ware. 6317, 8. _Words supplied by_ Kaluza. 6323. _Both_ myght. 6336. _I supply_ and. 6341. _Both_ and reyned (!) _for_ streyned; _see_ 7366. 6342. _I supply_ y-. 6346. _Both_ I a; _om._ a. 6354. G. bete; Th. beate (_for_ lete). 6355. _Both_ Ioly (_for_ blynde); _I supply_ ther. 6356. Th. habite. 6359. Th. beare; G. were. 6361. G. _om._ Thus _and_ I; _both_ in to (_for_ in). 6372. _Both omit; supplied as in_ Morris; F. _Si n'en sut mes si receus._ 6375. _Both_ I a.; _om._ a. 6377. G. shreuen. 6378. _Both_ I (_for_ me); _both_ yeuen. 6386. G. ony. 6388. G. mych. 6392. _Both_ yeuen. 6393. G. _ins._ For _bef._ Penaunce. 6399. _Both_ ought. 6407. _Both_ not; _read_ yit. 6425. G. cheueys; Th. chuse; F. _chevir_. 6426. Th. hamper. 6432. _I supply_ Ne. 6452. Th. this is ayenst. 6453. G. heerde. 6454. G. beeste. 6460. _Both_ it is; F. _Porquoi_. 6462, 7. G. fat. 6465. G. grucche; Th. grutche. 6466. _Both_ woth (!). 6469. _I supply_ the. 6470. G. Yhe. 6481. _Both_ seruest; F. _sembles_. 6482. _Both_ I am but an. 6484. G. Yhe. 6487. _Both_ good. 6491. _Both_ bettir; G. that queyntaunce. 6492. Th. tymes; G. tyme. 6493. _Both_ of a pore. 6496. G. myxnes; Th. myxins. 6500. _Both_ me a dyne. 6513. G. ony. 6515. _Both_ not. 6516. _Both_ swere. 6522. _Both_ Hath a soule. 6531. Th. of; G. to. 6532. G. thrittene; Th. thirtene; _read_ thrittethe. 6536. G. myche. 6539. _Both_ beggith (-eth). 6542. _Both_ goddis (-es). 6543. G. Salamon; Th. Salomon. 6546. G. yhe. 6550. _Both_ nolden. 6551. G. was. 6557. _Both_ myght. 6565. G. ther; Th. their. 6569. _Both_ yaf. 6570. _Both_ folkis (-es). 6572. _Both_ they; _read_ leye; F. _Ains gisoient._ 6581. _Perhaps om._ That. 6598. _Both_ tolde (_against grammar_). 6600. G. desily (!). 6601. Th. To; G. Go. 6606. _Both_ Ben somtyme in; _see_ 6610. 6616. G. old; Th. olde. 6650. _Both_ myght. 6653. _I supply_ wher; F. _la ou_. 6655. _Both_ yeue. 6667. _Both_ haue bidde; (_om._ haue). 6679. _Both_ good. 6682. Th. -of; G. -fore. 6684. _Both_ wryne. 6688. G. _omits_: Th. hondis. 6699. Th. -wayes; G. -weys. 6700. If] _Both_ Yit. 6707. _Both_ mendiciens (-ence); _see_ 6657. 6721. _Both_ without. 6728. Th. noriture; G. norture. 6737. _Both_ had. 6748. G. Ony. 6756. _Both_ clothe; _read_ clothes; _see_ 6684. 6759. _Both_ this. 6766. _Both_ solemply. 6782. Th. This; G. The. 6784. Th. agylte; G. agilt. 6786. _So_ Th.; G. Of thyngis that he beste myghte (_in late hand_). 6792. G. wille. 6797. _Both_ this that; _om._ that. 6803. _Both_ yeuen. 6806. G. sene. 6808, 10. _Supply_ ne, hir. 6819. _Both_ wrine. _Both_ hem, at. 6820. _Both_ Without. 6823, 4. _Both_ robbyng, gilyng. 6827. G. fast. 6828. _Both_ high. 6834. G. gret; Th. great. 6841. _Both_ Without. 6844. _Both_ boldly. 6850. _Both_ emperours. 6851. G. _om._ and. 6860, 6901. _Supply_ thise, be. 6862. G. gret; Th. great. 6880. Th. Ne wol; G. Wol; _read_ Nil. 6890. _Both_ doutles (-lees). 6902, 7, 11. _Both_ burdons. 6925, 6. _Both_ him; _read_ hem. 6936. _Both_ good. 6939. Th. wete. 6949. G. Yhe. 6952. Th. parceners; G. perseners. 6974. _Both_ tymes a; _om._ a. 6997. G. gret; Th. great. 7002. Th. al; G. _om._ 7012. _After this line, both in_ Th. _and_ G., _come_ ll. 7109-7158. 7018. G. werrien; Th. werryen. 7019. _Both_ al. 7022. Th. bougerons; G. begger. 7029. _Both_ these that; F. _lerres ou_. 7035. G. ony. 7037. we] G. me. 7038. hem] _Both_ them. 7041. G. cheffis; Th. cheffes; F. _fromages_. 7047. he] G. we. 7048. _Both_ bake. 7056. _Both_ his; _read_ our. 7059. G. sleght; Th. sleight. 7060. G. hight; Th. heyght. 7063. _Both_ vounde. 7070. _Both_ good. 7071. G. sleghtes. _I supply_ as. 7075. G. _om._ he have. 7092. Th. We had ben turmented al and 7093. _I supply_ fals. 7104. _Both_ brent. 7109. G. _has here_ l. 7110, _followed by a blank line_; Th. _has_ That they [_read_ he] ne might 7110. Th. To the copye, if hem talent toke; _after which_, Of the Euangelystes booke (_spurious_). 7113. G. gret; Th. great. 7119, 21. G. ony. 7123. G. many a such. 7125. Th. booke; G. book. 7127. _Perhaps omit_ that. 7133, 37, 42. G. _om._ for, it, they. 7143. Th. Awaye; G. Alwey. 7144. G. durst. 7145. _Both_ no. 7148. Th. booke; G. book. 7151. _Supply_ boke. 7159. _Both_ vpon. _Before this line_ G. _and_ Th. _wrongly insert_ ll. 7013-7110, 7209-7304. 7164. Th. booke; G. book. 7165. G. mych. 7166. _I supply_ that. 7173, 4. _Supplied by conjecture_; F. _Par Pierre voil le Pape entendre._ 7175, 99. _I supply_ eek, men. 7178. G. Ayens; Th. Ayenst. 7180. And] _Both_ That. that] _Both_ to. 7189. G. orribilite; Th. horriblete. 7190. Th. booke; G. book. 7196. G. Petre. 7200. G. Petres. 7205. G. thilk. 7209. _See note to_ l. 7159. 7217. Th. Empresse; G. Emperis. 7221. _Both_ worthy; _see_ 7104. _Both_ mynystres. 7234. G. iye. 7236. Th. recketh; G. rekke. 7243. _Both_ may us (_om._ may). 7244. G. _om._ hem. 7254. Th. hem; G. hym; _supply_ it. 7255. Th. hem; G. hym. 7257. G. steight (!). 7258. Th. graye; G. grey. 7260. G. high. 7262. Th. ryuelyng; G. reuelyng. 7263. G. dyuyse. 7272. The] G. To. 7292. _Both_ shulde. 7303. G. forwordis. 7304. G. Yhe. Th. hence; G. hens. 7307. Th. ayenst; G. ayens. 7316. _Both_ slayn; _see_ note. 7317. G. alto defyle. 7325. G. Myn; Th. My. G. streyneth (!). 7331. _Both_ Without. 7336. Th. Thankyng. 7355. G. countynaunce. 7358. G. heelde. 7362. Th. laste; G. last. 7368. G. gracche; Th. gratche. G. bygynne; Th. bygyne. 7371. Th. psaltere; G. sawter. 7380. G. ony. 7385-7576. _From_ Th.; _lost in_ G. 7386. Th. made. 7389. Th. shappe; denysed. 7394. tho] Th. to. 7409. Had] Th. And. 7429. Th. humbly. 7432. Th. remeued. 7435. Th. thought. 7444. _I supply_ as. 7458. Th. Frere. 7460. _Supply_ that. 7463. Th. al. 7464. Th. greet. 7471, 72. Th. sopheme, enueneme; F. _sophime_, _envenime_. 7473. Th. hath hadde the. 7488. Th. doughty (!); F. _poudreus_; _read_ dusty. 7494. Th. herborowe. 7504. Th. sir. 7513. Th. styll. 7532. Th. styl. 7533. Th. she nat herselfe. 7546. Th. sothe. 7548, 50. _I supply_ for, wel. 7553. Th. thought harme. 7560. Th. her. 7568. Th. Without. 7577. G. _begins again_. 7582. Th. herbered; G. herberd. 7585. _Both_ herbegere. 7590. _Both_ sothe. Th. sawe; G. saugh. 7600. _Both_ where. G. ony. 7625. _I supply_ he. 7626. G. saloweth. 7628. Th. comynge. 7630. _Supply_ that. 7637. G. I ner_er_ (!). 7653. G. wole; Th. wol: _read_ wolde. 7662. doth] F. _fait_; _both_ wot. 7663. Th. we (_for_ ye); G. _om._ 7666. _Both_ giltles. 7678. _Both_ repent. 7686. Th. tymes; G. tyme. 7693. _So_ Th. (_but with_ for to _for_ to); G. To reden in diuinite. 7694. G. And longe haue red (_wrongly_); _here_ G. _abruptly ends_. 7694-8. _From_ Th. 7697. Th. abode. COLOPHON. G. Explicit, _following_ And longe haue red (_see note to_ 7694); Th. Finis. Here endeth the Romaunt of the Rose. * * * * * THE MINOR POEMS. I. AN A. B. C. _Incipit carmen secundum ordinem literarum Alphabeti._ << Almighty and al merciable quene, To whom that al this world fleeth for socour, To have relees of sinne, sorwe and tene, Glorious virgine, of alle floures flour, To thee I flee, confounded in erreur! 5 Help and releve, thou mighty debonaire, Have mercy on my perilous langour! Venquisshed me hath my cruel adversaire. >> A toy du monde le refui, Vierge glorieuse, m'en fui Tout confus, ne puis miex faire; A toy me tien, a toy m'apuy. Relieve moy, abatu suy: Vaincu m'a mon aversaire. Puis qu'en toy ont tous repaire Bien me doy vers toy retraire Avant que j'aie plus d'annuy. N'est pas luite necessaire 10 A moy, se tu, debonnayre, Ne me sequeurs comme a autrui. << Bountee so fix hath in thyn herte his tente, That wel I wot thou wolt my socour be, 10 Thou canst not warne him that, with good entente, Axeth thyn help. Thyn herte is ay so free, Thou art largesse of pleyn felicitee, Haven of refut, of quiete and of reste. Lo, how that theves seven chasen me! 15 Help, lady bright, er that my ship to-breste! Comfort is noon, but in yow, lady dere, For lo, my sinne and my confusioun, Which oughten not in thy presence appere, Han take on me a grevous accioun 20 Of verrey right and desperacioun; And, as by right, they mighten wel sustene That I were worthy my dampnacioun, Nere mercy of you, blisful hevene quene. Doute is ther noon, thou queen of misericorde, 25 That thou nart cause of grace and mercy here; God vouched sauf thurgh thee with us tacorde. For certes, Cristes blisful moder dere, >> Bien voy que par toy confortes Sera mes cuers desconfortes, Quer tu es de salu porte. Se je me suis mal tresportez Par .vij. larrons, pechies mortez, Et erre par voie torte, Esperance me conforte Qui a toy hui me raporte 20 A ce que soie deportez. Ma povre arme je t'aporte: Sauve la: ne vaut que morte; En li sont tous biens avortez. Contre moy font une accion Ma vergoigne et confusion, Que devant toy ne doy venir Pour ma tres grant transgression. Rayson et desperacion Contre moy veulent maintenir; 30 Mes pour ce que veil plait fenir, Devant toy les fes convenir En faisant replicacion. C'est que je di appartenir A toy du tout et convenir Pitie et miseracion. Dame es de misericorde Par qui Diex bien se recorde A sa gent estre racorde. Par toy vint pes et concorde, 40 << Were now the bowe bent in swich manere, As it was first, of Iustice and of yre, 30 The rightful God nolde of no mercy here; But thurgh thee han we grace, as we desyre. Ever hath myn hope of refut been in thee, For heer-biforn ful ofte, in many a wyse, Hast thou to misericorde receyved me. 35 But mercy, lady, at the grete assyse, Whan we shul come bifore the hye Iustyse! So litel fruit shal thanne in me be founde, That, but thou er that day me wel chastyse, Of verrey right my werk me wol confounde. 40 Fleeing, I flee for socour to thy tente Me for to hyde from tempest ful of drede, Biseching you that ye you not absente, Though I be wikke. O help yit at this nede! >> Et fu pour oster discorde L'arc de justice descorde; Et pour ce me sui acorde Toi mercier et concorde, Pour ce que ostas la corde; Quar, ainsi com j'ay recorde, S'encore fust l'arc encorde Compare l'eust ma vie orde. En toy ay m'esperance eu Quant a merci m'as receu 50 Autre foys en mainte guise, Du bien qui ou ciel fu creu As ravive et repeu M'ame qui estoit occise. Las! mes quant la grant assise Sera, se n'y es assise Pour moy mal y seray veu. De bien n'ay nulle reprise. Las m'en clain quant bien m'avise, Souvent en doy dire heu! 60 Fuiant m'en viens a ta tente Moy mucier pour la tormente Qui ou monde me tempeste. Pour mon pechie ne t'absente, << Al have I been a beste in wille and dede, 45 Yit, lady, thou me clothe with thy grace. Thyn enemy and myn--lady, tak hede, Un-to my deth in poynt is me to chace. Glorious mayde and moder, which that never Were bitter, neither in erthe nor in see, 50 But ful of swetnesse and of mercy ever, Help that my fader be not wroth with me! Spek thou, for I ne dar not him y-see. So have I doon in erthe, allas ther-whyle! That certes, but-if thou my socour be, 55 To stink eterne he wol my gost exyle. He vouched sauf, tel him, as was his wille, Bicome a man, to have our alliaunce, And with his precious blood he wroot the bille Up-on the crois, as general acquitaunce, 60 To every penitent in ful creaunce; And therfor, lady bright, thou for us praye. Than shalt thou bothe stinte al his grevaunce, And make our foo to failen of his praye. >> A moy garder met t'entente, A mon besoing soiez preste. Se lonc temps j'ay este beste A ce, Vierge, je m'arreste Que de ta grace me sente. Si te fais aussi requeste 70 Que ta pitie nu me veste, Car je n'ay nulle autre rente. Glorieuse vierge mere Qui a nul onques amere Ne fus en terre ne en mer, Ta douceur ores m'apere Et ne sueffres que mon pere De devant li me jecte puer. Se devant li tout vuit j'apper, Et par moy ne puis eschapper 80 Que ma faute ne compere. Tu devant li pour moy te per En li moustrant que, s'a li per Ne sui, si est il mon frere. Homme voult par sa plaisance Devenir, pour aliance Avoir a humain lignage. Avec li crut des enfance Pitie dont j'ai esperance Avoir eu en mon usage. 90 Elle fu mise a forage Quant au cuer lui vint mesage Du cruel fer de la lance. Ne puet estre, se sui sage, Que je n'en aie avantage, Se tu veus et abondance. << I wot it wel, thou wolt ben our socour, 65 Thou art so ful of bountee, in certeyn. For, whan a soule falleth in errour, Thy pitee goth and haleth him ayeyn. Than makest thou his pees with his sovereyn, And bringest him out of the crooked strete. 70 Who-so thee loveth he shal not love in veyn, That shal he finde, as he the lyf shal lete. Kalenderes enlumined ben they That in this world ben lighted with thy name, And who-so goth to you the righte wey, 75 Him thar not drede in soule to be lame. Now, queen of comfort, sith thou art that same To whom I seche for my medicyne, Lat not my foo no more my wounde entame, Myn hele in-to thyn hand al I resigne. 80 Lady, thy sorwe can I not portreye Under the cros, ne his grevous penaunce. But, for your bothes peynes, I you preye, Lat not our alder foo make his bobaunce, >> Ie ne truis par nulle voie Ou mon salut si bien voie Com, apres Dieu, en toy le voy; Quar quant aucun se desvoie, 100 A ce que tost se ravoie, De ta pitie li fais convoy. Tu li fes lessier son desroy Et li refaiz sa pais au roy, Et remez en droite voie. Moult est donc cil en bon arroy, En bon atour, en bon conroy Que ta grace si conroie. Kalendier sont enlumine Et autre livre enterine 110 Quant ton non les enlumine. A tout meschief ont resine Ceus qui se sont achemine A toy pour leur medicine. A moy donc, virge, t'encline, Car a toy je m'achemine Pour estre bien medicine; Ne sueffre que de gainne Isse justice devine Par quoy je soye extermine. 120 La douceur de toy pourtraire Je ne puis, a qui retraire Doit ton filz de ton sanc estrait; Pour ce a toy m'ay volu traire << That he hath in his listes of mischaunce 85 Convict that ye bothe have bought so dere. As I seide erst, thou ground of our substaunce, Continue on us thy pitous eyen clere! Moises, that saugh the bush with flaumes rede Brenninge, of which ther never a stikke brende, 90 Was signe of thyn unwemmed maidenhede. Thou art the bush on which ther gan descende The Holy Gost, the which that Moises wende Had ben a-fyr; and this was in figure. Now lady, from the fyr thou us defende 95 Which that in helle eternally shal dure. Noble princesse, that never haddest pere, Certes, if any comfort in us be, That cometh of thee, thou Cristes moder dere, We han non other melodye or glee 100 Us to reioyse in our adversitee, Ne advocat noon that wol and dar so preye For us, and that for litel hyre as ye, That helpen for an Ave-Marie or tweye. >> Afin que contre moy traire Ne le sueuffres nul cruel trait. Je recongnois bien mon mesfait Et qu'au colier j'ai souvent trait Dont l'en me devroit detraire; Mez se tu veus tu as l'entrait 130 Par quoy tantost sera retrait Le mehain qui m'est contraire. Moyses vit en figure Que tu, vierge nete et pure, Jesu le filz Dieu conceus: Un bysson contre nature Vit qui ardoit sans arsure. C'es tu, n'en suis point deceus, Dex est li feus qu'en toy eus; Et tu, buisson des recreuz 140 Es, pour tremper leur ardure. A ce veoir, vierge, veus Soie par toy et receus, Oste chaussement d'ordure. Noble princesse du monde Qui n'as ne per ne seconde En royaume n'en enpire, De toy vient, de toy redonde Tout le bien qui nous abonde, N'avons autre tirelire. 150 En toy tout povre homme espire Et de toy son salu tire, Et en toy seule se fonde. Ne puet nul penser ne dire, Nul pourtraire ne escrire Ta bonte comme est parfonde. << O verrey light of eyen that ben blinde, 105 O verrey lust of labour and distresse, O tresorere of bountee to mankinde, Thee whom God chees to moder for humblesse! From his ancille he made thee maistresse Of hevene and erthe, our bille up for to bede. 110 This world awaiteth ever on thy goodnesse, For thou ne failest never wight at nede. Purpos I have sum tyme for tenquere, Wherfore and why the Holy Gost thee soughte, Whan Gabrielles vois cam to thyn ere. 115 He not to werre us swich a wonder wroughte, But for to save us that he sithen boughte. Than nedeth us no wepen us for to save, But only ther we did not, as us oughte, Do penitence, and mercy axe and have. 120 Queen of comfort, yit whan I me bithinke That I agilt have bothe, him and thee, And that my soule is worthy for to sinke, Allas, I, caitif, whider may I flee? >> O Lumiere des non voians Et vrai repos des recreans Et de tout bien tresoriere, A toy sont toutez gens beans 160 Qui en la foy sont bien creans Et en toy ont foy entiere; A nul onques ne fus fiere, Ains toy deis chamberiere Quant en toy vint li grans geans. Or es de Dieu chanceliere Et de graces aumosniere Et confort a tous recreans. Pris m'est volente d'enquerre Pour savoir que Diex vint querre 170 Quant en toy se vint enserrer; En toy devint vers de terre; Ne cuit pas que fust pour guerre Ne pour moy jus aterrer. Vierge, se ne me sens errer, D'armes ne me faut point ferrer Fors sans plus de li requerre. Quant pour moy se vint enterrer, Se il ne se veut desterrer Encor puis s'amour acquerre. 180 Quant pourpense apres me sui Qu'ay offendu et toy et lui, Et qu'a mal est m'ame duite, Que, fors pechie, en moi n'estui, << Who shal un-to thy sone my mene be? 125 Who, but thy-self, that art of pitee welle? Thou hast more reuthe on our adversitee Than in this world mighte any tunge telle. Redresse me, moder, and me chastyse, For, certeynly, my fadres chastisinge 130 That dar I nought abyden in no wyse: So hidous is his rightful rekeninge. Moder, of whom our mercy gan to springe, Beth ye my Iuge and eek my soules leche; For ever in you is pitee haboundinge 135 To ech that wol of pitee you biseche. Soth is, that God ne graunteth no pitee With-oute thee; for God, of his goodnesse, Foryiveth noon, but it lyke un-to thee. He hath thee maked vicaire and maistresse 140 >> Et que mal hyer et pis m'est hui, Tost apres si me ranvite, Vierge douce, se pren fuite, Se je fui a la poursuite, Ou fuiray, qu'a mon refui? S'a nul bien je ne m'affruite 190 Et mas sui avant que luite, Plus grief encore en est l'anuy. Reprens moy, mere, et chastie Quar mon pere n'ose mie Attendre a mon chastiement. Son chastoy si fiert a hie; Rien n'ataint que tout n'esmie Quant il veut prendre vengement. Mere, bien doi tel batement Douter, quar en empirement 200 A tous jours este ma vie. A toy dont soit le jugement, Car de pitie as l'oingnement, Mes que merci l'en te prie. Sans toy nul bien ne foysonne Et sans toy Diex riens ne donne, Quar de tout t'a fet maistresse. Quant tu veus trestout pardonne; << Of al the world, and eek governeresse Of hevene, and he represseth his Iustyse After thy wille, and therefore in witnesse He hath thee crouned in so ryal wyse. Temple devout, ther god hath his woninge. 145 Fro which these misbileved pryved been, To you my soule penitent I bringe. Receyve me! I can no ferther fleen! With thornes venimous, O hevene queen, For which the erthe acursed was ful yore, 150 I am so wounded, as ye may wel seen, That I am lost almost;--it smert so sore. Virgine, that art so noble of apparaile, And ledest us in-to the hye tour Of Paradys, thou me wisse and counsaile, 155 How I may have thy grace and thy socour; Al have I been in filthe and in errour. Lady, un-to that court thou me aiourne That cleped is thy bench, O fresshe flour! Ther-as that mercy ever shal soiourne. 160 >> Et par toy est mise bonne A justice la mairesse; 210 N'est royne ne princesse Pour qui nul ainsi se cesse Et de droit se dessaisonne. Du monde es gouverneresse, Et du ciel ordeneresse; Sans reson n'as pas couronne. Temple saint ou Dieu habite Dont prive sont li herite Et a tous jours desherite, A toy vieng, de toy me herite, 220 Recoif moy par ta merite Quar de toy n'ay point hesite. Et se je me sui herite Des espines d'iniquite Pour quoy terre fu maudite, Las m'en clain en verite, Car a ce fait m'a excite L'ame qui n'en est pas quite. Vierge de noble et haut atour, Qui au chastel et a la tour 230 De paradis nous atournes, Atourne moy ens et entour De tel atour que au retour De ta grace me retournes, Se vil sui, si me raournes. A toy vieng, ne te destournes, Quer au besoing es mon destour. Sequeur moy, point ne sejournes, Ou tu a la court m'ajournes, Ou ta pitie fait son sejour. 240 << Xristus, thy sone, that in this world alighte, Up-on the cros to suffre his passioun, And eek, that Longius his herte pighte, And made his herte blood to renne adoun; And al was this for my salvacioun; 165 And I to him am fals and eek unkinde, And yit he wol not my dampnacioun-- This thanke I you, socour of al mankinde. Ysaac was figure of his deeth, certeyn, That so fer-forth his fader wolde obeye 170 That him ne roughte no-thing to be slayn; Right so thy sone list, as a lamb, to deye. Now lady, ful of mercy, I you preye, Sith he his mercy mesured so large, Be ye not skant; for alle we singe and seye 175 That ye ben from vengeaunce ay our targe. Zacharie you clepeth the open welle To wasshe sinful soule out of his gilt. Therfore this lessoun oughte I wel to telle That, nere thy tender herte, we weren spilt. 180 >> Xristus, ton filz, qui descendi En terre et en la crois pendi, Ot pour moy le coste fendu. Sa grant rigour il destendi Quant pour moy l'esperit rendi, Son corps pendant et estendu; Pour moy son sanc fu espandu. Se ceci j'ai bien entendu A mon salut bien entendi, Et pour ce, se l'ay offendu 250 Et il ne le m'a pas rendu, Merci t'en rens, graces l'en di. Ysaac le prefigura Qui de sa mort rien ne cura En obeisant au pere. Comme .j. aignel tout endura; En endurant tout espura Par crueuse mort amere. O tres douce vierge mere, Par ce fait fai que se pere 260 Par plour l'ame qui cuer dura; Fai que grace si m'apere; Et n'en soiez pas avere Quar largement la mesura. Zacharie de mon somme Me exite, et si me somme D'en toy ma merci atendre; Fontaine patent te nomme << Now lady brighte, sith thou canst and wilt Ben to the seed of Adam merciable, So bring us to that palais that is bilt To penitents that ben to mercy able. Amen. 184 >> Pour laver pecheur homme: C'est lecon bonne a aprendre. 270 Se tu donc as le cuer tendre Et m'offense n'est pas mendre De cil qui menga la pomme, Moy laver veillez entendre, Moy garder et moy deffendre, Que justice ne m'asomme. _Explicit carmen._ _The_ MSS. _used to form this text are_: C. = MS. Ff. 5. 30 in the Camb. Univ. Library; Jo. = MS. G. 21, in St. John's College, Cambridge; Gl. = Glasgow MS. Q. 2. 25; L. = MS. Laud 740, in the Bodleian Library; Gg. = MS. Gg. 4. 27 in the Camb. Univ. Library; F. = MS. Fairfax 16, in the Bodleian Library; B = MS. Bodley 638; Sion = Sion Coll. MS. _The text closely follows the first of these; and all variations from it are recorded_ (_except sometimes_ i _for_ y, _and_ y _for_ i). 1. C. Almihty; queene. 3. L. B. sorwe; F. Jo. sorowe; _the rest insert_ of _before_ sorwe. 4. C. Gloriowse. 6. C. releeue; mihti. 8. Jo. Venquist; Gg. Venquyst. _Read_ m'hath. C. cruelle. 10. C. bee. 11. F. B. werne. 12. C. helpe. 14. C. Hauene; refute. 15. C. Loo; theeves sevene; mee. 16. C. briht. 17. C. ladi deere. 18. C. loo. 19. C. ouhten; thi; appeere. 20. C. greevous. 21. C. riht. 22. C. riht thei mihten; susteene. 23. C. wurthi. 24. C. queene. 25. C. Dowte. 26. C. merci heere. 27. C. Gl. Gg. saf; Jo. saff; L. F. saufe; B. sauf. C. thoruh; L. F. thurgh. Gl. F. B. tacorde; C. L. to accorde. 28. C. crystes; mooder deere. 29. C. maneere. 31. C. rihtful; heere. 32. C. thoruh; Jo. L. F. B. thurgh. 33. C. Euere. C. refuit; Gl. refuyt; Gg. refut; _rest_ refute. 35. C. resceyued. 36. C. merci ladi. 37. C. shule. 39. wel _is supplied from the_ Sion MS.; _nearly all the copies give this line corruptly_; _see_ note. 40. C. riht; wole. 41. C. Fleeinge; thi. 42. C. tempeste; dreede. 43. C. Biseeching yow. 44. C. Thouh; neede. 45. C. ben. Jo. wille; C. wil. 46. C. thi. 47. C. Thin; ladi; heede. 49. C. Gloriows; mooder; neuere. 50. C. eerthe. 51. C. euere. 54. C. eerthe. 55. C. bee. 56. C. wole. 57. C. saaf; F. B. sauf; L. saufe; Jo. saffe; Gl. Gg. saf. 58. C. Bicomen; oure. 59. C. wrot. 61. C. criaunce; Gg. cryaunce; _rest_ creaunce. 62. C. ladi briht. 63. C. Thanne. 64, 65: C. oure. 66: C. bowntee. 69: C. Thanne. 73: C. Kalendeeres enlumyned. 74: C. thi. 75: C. yow; rihte. 77: C. sithe. 78: C. seeche. 79: C. vntame; Sion, vntaame (_wrongly_); _rest_ entame.] 80: C. resyne; Gl. B. resigne. 81: C. kan. 82: C. greevous. 84: C. oure. 85. C. hise lystes. 86. C. bouht. 87. C. oure. 88. C. thi; cleere. 89. C. sauh; F. B. saugh. C. flawmes. 93. C. holigost. 94. C. a fyir. 95. C. fyir; Gl. fyr. C. deufende (_sic_). 96. C. eternalli. 97. C. neuere; peere. 98. C. bee. 99. C. mooder deere. 100. C. noon oother. 101. C. oure. 102. C. wole. 103. C. yee. 107. C. tresoreere. 108. F. chees; C. ches. C. mooder. 109. C. the. 110. C. eerthe; oure; beede. 111. C. euere; thi. 112. C. neuere; neede. 113. Gg. F. B. tenquere; C. to enquere. 114. C. whi; holi; souhte. 115. C. Sion, vn-to; _rest_ to. 116. C. wunder wrouhte. 117. C. bouhte. 118. C. Thanne needeth; wepene. 119. C. oonly. Jo. F. B. did; C. diden. C. ouhte. 120. C. Doo; merci. 123. C. wurthi. 125. C. thi; bee. 126. C. thi-. 128. C. miht. 129. C. mooder. 130. F. Fadres; B. fadrys; C. faderes; Jo. fader. 131. C. nouht. 132. Gg. F. B. is his; _rest_ it is. C. rihful (_sic_). 133. C. Mooder; merci. 135. C. euere. 136. C. eche; wole; biseeche. 137. C. granteth; F. graunteth. 140. C. vicair; Gg. F. vicaire; Gl. B. Sion, vicayre. 141. C. gou_er_nowresse; Gl. Gg. gouerneresse. 143. C. thi wil. 144. L. crowned; Gg. crou_n_nyd; C. Jo. F. corowned. C. rial. 146. C. misbileeued. Jo. L. pryued; _rest_ depriued. 148. C. Resceyve; ferthere. 149. C. venymous. 150. C. eerthe. 151. C. (_alone_) _om._ so. 156. C. thi (_twice_). 157. Gg. Al; B. C. All. C. ben. 158. C. Ladi. 159. Sion MS. fresshe; Gg. frosche (_sic_); _the rest wrongly omit the final_ e. 160. C. merci; euere. 161. C. X[=p]c (= Gk. [Greek: chrs]). 163. _All the MSS. insert_ suffred _after_ eek, _caught from the line above_; _see_ note. 167. C. wole. 171. C. rouhte. 172. C. Riht soo thi. C. lust; _rest_ list, liste. 173. C. ladi; merci; yow. 174. C. Sithe; merci. 177. C. yow; opene. 179. C. ouht. 180. C. thi. 181. C. ladi. Gg. bry[gh]t; _which the rest omit_. C. Gg. sithe; F. B. sith. Harl. 2251 _supplies_ bothe _after_ thou. 183. Sion MS. _alone supplies_ So; Jo. _supplies_ And. MS. Harl. 2251 _has_ un-to; _rest_ to. 184. Gl. penytentz; C. penitentes; Jo. Penitence (_for_ penitents). C. merci. * * * * * II. THE COMPLEYNTE UNTO PITE. Pite, that I have sought so yore ago, With herte sore, and ful of besy peyne, That in this world was never wight so wo With-oute dethe; and, if I shal not feyne, My purpos was, to Pite to compleyne 5 Upon the crueltee and tirannye Of Love, that for my trouthe doth me dye. And when that I, by lengthe of certeyn yeres, Had ever in oon a tyme sought to speke, To Pite ran I, al bespreynt with teres, 10 To preyen hir on Crueltee me awreke. But, er I might with any worde out-breke, Or tellen any of my peynes smerte, I fond hir deed, and buried in an herte. Adoun I fel, when that I saugh the herse, 15 Deed as a stoon, whyl that the swogh me laste; But up I roos, with colour ful diverse, And pitously on hir myn yen caste, And ner the corps I gan to presen faste, And for the soule I shoop me for to preye; 20 I nas but lorn; ther nas no more to seye. Thus am I slayn, sith that Pite is deed; Allas! that day! that ever hit shulde falle! What maner man dar now holde up his heed? To whom shal any sorwful herte calle? 25 Now Crueltee hath cast to sleen us alle, In ydel hope, folk redelees of peyne-- Sith she is deed--to whom shul we compleyne? But yet encreseth me this wonder newe, That no wight woot that she is deed, but I; 30 So many men as in hir tyme hir knewe, And yet she dyed not so sodeynly; For I have sought hir ever ful besily Sith first I hadde wit or mannes mynde; But she was deed, er that I coude hir fynde. 35 Aboute hir herse ther stoden lustily, Withouten any wo, as thoughte me, Bountee parfit, wel armed and richely, And fresshe Beautee, Lust, and Iolitee, Assured Maner, Youthe, and Honestee, 40 Wisdom, Estaat, [and] Dreed, and Governaunce, Confedred bothe by bonde and alliaunce. A compleynt hadde I, writen, in myn hond, For to have put to Pite as a bille, But whan I al this companye ther fond, 45 That rather wolden al my cause spille Than do me help, I held my pleynte stille; For to that folk, withouten any faile, Withoute Pite may no bille availe. Then leve I al thise virtues, sauf Pite, 50 Keping the corps, as ye have herd me seyn, Confedred alle by bonde of Crueltee, And been assented that I shal be sleyn. And I have put my compleynt up ageyn; For to my foos my bille I dar not shewe, 55 Theffect of which seith thus, in wordes fewe:-- _The Bille._ P. 'Humblest of herte, hyest of reverence, Benigne flour, coroune of vertues alle, Sheweth unto your rial excellence Your servaunt, if I durste me so calle, 60 His mortal harm, in which he is y-falle, And noght al only for his evel fare, But for your renoun, as he shal declare. Hit stondeth thus: your contraire, Crueltee, Allyed is ageynst your regalye 65 Under colour of womanly Beautee, For men [ne] shuld not knowe hir tirannye, With Bountee, Gentilesse, and Curtesye, And hath depryved you now of your place That hight "Beautee, apertenant to Grace." 70 For kyndly, by your heritage right, Ye been annexed ever unto Bountee; And verrayly ye oughte do your might To helpe Trouthe in his adversitee. Ye been also the coroune of Beautee; 75 And certes, if ye wanten in thise tweyne, The world is lore; ther nis no more to seyne. P. 'Eek what availeth Maner and Gentilesse Withoute you, benigne creature? Shal Crueltee be your governeresse? 80 Allas! what herte may hit longe endure? Wherfor, but ye the rather take cure To breke that perilous alliaunce, Ye sleen hem that ben in your obeisaunce. 'And further over, if ye suffre this, 85 Your renoun is fordo than in a throwe; Ther shal no man wite wel what Pite is. Allas! that your renoun shuld be so lowe! Ye be than fro your heritage y-throwe By Crueltee, that occupieth your place; 90 And we despeired, that seken to your grace. Have mercy on me, thou Herenus quene, That you have sought so tenderly and yore; Let som streem of your light on me be sene That love and drede you, ay lenger the more. 95 For, sothly for to seyne, I bere the sore, And, though I be not cunning for to pleyne, For goddes love, have mercy on my peyne! P. 'My peyne is this, that what so I desire That have I not, ne no-thing lyk therto; 100 And ever set Desire myn herte on fire; Eek on that other syde, wher-so I go, What maner thing that may encrese wo That have I redy, unsoght, everywhere; Me [ne] lakketh but my deth, and than my bere. 105 What nedeth to shewe parcel of my peyne? Sith every wo that herte may bethinke I suffre, and yet I dar not to you pleyne; For wel I woot, al-though I wake or winke, Ye rekke not whether I flete or sinke. 110 But natheles, my trouthe I shal sustene Unto my deth, and that shal wel be sene. This is to seyne, I wol be youres ever; Though ye me slee by Crueltee, your fo, Algate my spirit shal never dissever 115 Fro your servyse, for any peyne or wo. Sith ye be deed--allas! that hit is so!-- Thus for your deth I may wel wepe and pleyne With herte sore and ful of besy peyne.' 119 _Here endeth the exclamacion of the Deth of Pyte._ _The_ MSS. _are_: Tn. (Tanner 346); F. (Fairfax 16); B. (Bodley 638); Sh. (Shirley's MS., Harl. 78); Ff. (Ff. 1. 6, in Camb. Univ. Library); T., _here used for_ Trin. (Trin. Coll. Camb. R. 3. 19); _also_ Ha. (Harl. 7578). _I follow_ F. _mainly, noting all variations of importance._ TITLE; _in_ B. 1. F. agoo. 2. F. hert. 3. F. worlde; woo. 5. F. purpose. 8. F. be; B. Sh. T. by. F. certeyne. 9. Sh. Ha. a tyme sought; _rest_ sought a tyme (_badly_). 10. F. bespreynte. 11. F. prayen. Sh. Ha. wreke; _rest_ awreke. 14. F. fonde; dede. 15. F. Adovne. Ha. _alone supplies_ that. 16. F. Dede; stone; while. T. (_and_ Longleat) a; _rest om._ 17. F. roose; coloure. 18. F. petously; B. pitously. B. yen; F. eyen; _after which all but_ Sh. _and_ Ha. _insert_ I. 19. Sh. Ha. to; _which the rest omit_. 20. Sh. shoope; _rest_ shope. F. prey; Sh. preye. 21. _For_ nas, _the_ MSS. _wrongly have_ was; _in both places_. F. lorne; sey. 22. F. slayne; dede. 23. Tn. shulde; F. shuld. 24. F. hold; hede. 25. _All but_ Sh. _and_ Ha. _ins._ now _bef._ any. F. eny. 26. F. caste. Sh. Ha. sleen; F. slee. 27. F. folke redelesse. 30. F. dede. 31. F. mony. 32. F. B. _omit_ she; _the rest have it_. _Only_ Sh. _and_ T. _retain_ so. 33. F. besely. _For_ ever, Ten Brink _reads_ ay. 34. _Only_ Sh. _gives this line correctly; so_ Ha. (_but with_ any _for_ mannes). F. Sith I hadde firste witte or mynde. 35. F. dede. Sh. Ha. that; _rest omit_. 36. F. there; lustely. 38. F. Bounte. 39. F. beaute; iolyte. 40. F. honeste. 41. F. Wisdome. F. B. estaat; _rest_ estate; Ten Brink _rightly supplies_ and _after_ Estat (_sic_). F. drede. 43. Ha. hadde; Sh. hade; _rest_ had. F. honde. 44. Sh. Ha. For; _rest omit_. F. pittee. 45. F. when. F. fonde. 46. Sh. wolden; F. wolde. 47. F. helpe; helde. Sh. Ha. compleynt; T. cause; _rest_ pleynte _or_ pleynt. 48. F. folke. F. withoute; B. without; Ha. withouten. 49. F. pitee. Ha. may; Sh. ne may; _rest_ ther may. 50. Sh. Ha. thanne leve I alle thees vertues sauf pitee; F.B. Then leve we al vertues save oonly pite; Tn. Ff. T. Then leueall vertues save onely pite. 51. F. Kepynge; herde. 52. F. Cofedered (_sic_). Sh. alle by bonde of (Ha. _om._ alle); F. Tn. B. Ff. by bonde and by; T. by bound and. 53. Sh. that; _rest_ when. 54. F. complaynt. 55. F. Foes; Tn. foos. 57. F. highest. 59. F. youre rialle. 60. F. Youre; durst. 61. Sh. whiche he is Inne falle; _rest_ in which he is falle: Thynne _has_ yfal; _read_ y-falle. 62. F. oonly. 64. _The_ MSS. _insert_ that _after_ thus, _except_ Sh. _and_ Ha. Sh. contraire; _rest_ contrary. 65. Sh. ageynst; F. ayenst. 66. F. beaute. 67. _The_ MSS. _omit_ ne. F. shulde. 68. F. bounte. 69. Sh. nowe; _which the rest omit_. 70. Sh. heghte (_for_ highte); Ha. hight; Tn. is hye; F. B. T. is hygh. F. beaute apertenent. _The_ MSS. (_except_ Sh. _and_ Ha.) _insert_ your _after_ to. 71. F. kyndely; youre. 72. _Most_ MSS. be; Ha. been; _read_ been (_and in_ l. 75). 73. F. verrely; youre. 75. F. beaute. 76. Tn. Ff. Ha. wante; _rest_ want; _read_ wanten. F. these tweyn. 77. F. worlde. _For_ nis, _all have_ is. F. seyn. 78. F. Eke. 79. F. yow. 82. F. Wherfore. 86. F. fordoo. Sh. than; _rest omit_. 87. F. wete well; _rest omit_ well; Tn. wyte. 88. F. Tn. B. Ff. T. _insert_ euer _after_ that, _which_ Sh. _rightly omits_. Sh. Ha. shoulde be; _rest_ is falle. 89. Sh. thanne; _rest_ also. F. youre. 90. F. youre. 91. Sh. sechen to; B. sekyn to; Tn. Ff. T. seken; F. speken to (_for_ seken to). 92. Tn. F. B. Ff. herenus; T. herem_us_; Sh. vertuouse (!). 93. F. yow; tendirly. 94. B. som; F. som_m_e. F. streme. Sh. Ha. youre; _which the rest omit_. 95. Sh. ay; _rest_ euer. Sh. Ha. _om._ the. 96. F. sothely. Sh. the hevy sore; Ha. the sore; _rest_ so sore (_which gives no sense_). 97. F. kunnynge. 98. F. goddis. 100. F. lyke. 101. F. Sh. setteth; Ha. set; _rest_ settith; _see_ note. F. hert. 102. F. Eke. F. sydes; _rest_ side, syde. F. where so; goo. 103. Sh. Ha. we; _rest insert_ my _before_ wo. 104. F. vnsoghte. 105. _All omit_ ne; _see_ note. 107. F. woo. 109. F. wote. Sh. al-thaughe; _rest_ though, thogh. 110. F. B. where; _rest_ whether. 111. _All but_ Sh. _and_ Ha. _needlessly insert_ yet _before_ my. 114. F. soo; _rest_ foo, fo. 115. F. spirite. 116. F. youre; eny. 117. B. yet (_sic_) be ded; F. Tn. Ff. T. ye be yet ded (_which will not scan_); Sh. Ha. _have a diferent line_--Now pitee that I haue sought so yoore agoo. * * * * * III. THE BOOK OF THE DUCHESSE. _The Proem._ I have gret wonder, by this lighte, How that I live, for day ne nighte I may nat slepe wel nigh noght; I have so many an ydel thoght Purely for defaute of slepe, 5 That, by my trouthe, I take kepe Of no-thing, how hit cometh or goth, Ne me nis no-thing leef nor loth. Al is y-liche good to me-- Ioye or sorowe, wherso hit be-- 10 For I have feling in no-thing, But, as it were, a mased thing, Alway in point to falle a-doun; For [sory] imaginacioun Is alway hoolly in my minde. 15 And wel ye wite, agaynes kinde Hit were to liven in this wyse; For nature wolde nat suffyse To noon erthely creature Not longe tyme to endure 20 Withoute slepe, and been in sorwe; And I ne may, ne night ne morwe, Slepe; and thus melancolye, And dreed I have for to dye, Defaute of slepe, and hevinesse 25 Hath sleyn my spirit of quiknesse, That I have lost al lustihede. Suche fantasyes ben in myn hede So I not what is best to do. But men mighte axe me, why so 30 I may not slepe, and what me is? But natheles, who aske this Leseth his asking trewely. My-selven can not telle why The sooth; but trewely, as I gesse, 35 I holde hit be a siknesse That I have suffred this eight yere, And yet my bote is never the nere; For ther is phisicien but oon, That may me hele; but that is doon. 40 Passe we over until eft; That wil not be, moot nede be left; Our first matere is good to kepe. So whan I saw I might not slepe, Til now late, this other night, 45 Upon my bedde I sat upright, And bad oon reche me a book, A romaunce, and he hit me took To rede and dryve the night away; For me thoghte it better play 50 Then playen either at chesse or tables. And in this boke were writen fables That clerkes hadde, in olde tyme, And other poets, put in ryme To rede, and for to be in minde 55 Whyl men loved the lawe of kinde. This book ne spak but of such thinges, Of quenes lyves, and of kinges, And many othere thinges smale. Amonge al this I fond a tale 60 That me thoughte a wonder thing. This was the tale: Ther was a king That highte Seys, and hadde a wyf, The beste that mighte bere lyf; And this quene highte Alcyone. 65 So hit befel, therafter sone, This king wolde wenden over see. To tellen shortly, whan that he Was in the see, thus in this wyse, Soche a tempest gan to ryse 70 That brak hir mast, and made it falle, And clefte hir ship, and dreinte hem alle, That never was founden, as it telles, Bord ne man, ne nothing elles. Right thus this king Seys loste his lyf. 75 Now for to speken of his wyf:-- This lady, that was left at home, Hath wonder, that the king ne come Hoom, for hit was a longe terme. Anon her herte gan to erme; 80 And for that hir thoughte evermo Hit was not wel [he dwelte] so, She longed so after the king That certes, hit were a pitous thing To telle hir hertely sorwful lyf 85 That hadde, alas! this noble wyf; For him she loved alderbest. Anon she sente bothe eest and west To seke him, but they founde nought. 'Alas!' quoth she, 'that I was wrought! 90 And wher my lord, my love, be deed? Certes, I nil never ete breed, I make a-vowe to my god here, But I mowe of my lorde here!' Such sorwe this lady to her took 95 That trewely I, which made this book, Had swich pite and swich rowthe To rede hir sorwe, that, by my trowthe, I ferde the worse al the morwe After, to thenken on her sorwe. 100 So whan [she] coude here no word That no man mighte fynde hir lord, Ful oft she swouned, and seide 'alas!' For sorwe ful nigh wood she was, Ne she coude no reed but oon; 105 But doun on knees she sat anoon, And weep, that pite was to here. 'A! mercy! swete lady dere!' Quod she to Iuno, hir goddesse; 'Help me out of this distresse, 110 And yeve me grace my lord to see Sone, or wite wher-so he be, Or how he fareth, or in what wyse, And I shal make you sacrifyse, And hoolly youres become I shal 115 With good wil, body, herte, and al; And but thou wilt this, lady swete, Send me grace to slepe, and mete In my slepe som certeyn sweven, Wher-through that I may knowen even 120 Whether my lord be quik or deed.' With that word she heng doun the heed, And fil a-swown as cold as ston; Hir women caughte her up anon, And broghten hir in bed al naked, 125 And she, forweped and forwaked, Was wery, and thus the dede sleep Fil on her, or she toke keep, Through Iuno, that had herd hir bone, That made hir [for] to slepe sone; 130 For as she prayde, so was don, In dede; for Iuno, right anon, Called thus her messagere To do her erande, and he com nere. Whan he was come, she bad him thus: 135 Go bet,' quod Iuno, 'to Morpheus, Thou knowest him wel, the god of sleep; Now understond wel, and tak keep. Sey thus on my halfe, that he Go faste into the grete see, 140 And bid him that, on alle thing, He take up Seys body the king, That lyth ful pale and no-thing rody. Bid him crepe into the body, Aud do it goon to Alcyone 145 The quene, ther she lyth alone, And shewe hir shortly, hit is no nay, How hit was dreynt this other day; And do the body speke so Right as hit was wont to do, 150 The whyles that hit was on lyve. Go now faste, and hy thee blyve!' This messager took leve and wente Upon his wey, and never ne stente Til he com to the derke valeye 155 That stant bytwene roches tweye Ther never yet grew corn ne gras, Ne tree, ne nothing that ought was, Beste, ne man, ne nothing elles, Save ther were a fewe welles 160 Came renning fro the cliffes adoun, That made a deedly sleping soun, And ronnen doun right by a cave That was under a rokke y-grave Amid the valey, wonder depe. 165 Ther thise goddes laye and slepe, Morpheus, and Eclympasteyre, That was the god of slepes heyre, That slepe and did non other werk. This cave was also as derk 170 As helle pit over-al aboute; They had good leyser for to route To envye, who might slepe beste; Some henge hir chin upon hir breste And slepe upright, hir heed y-hed, 175 And some laye naked in hir bed, And slepe whyles the dayes laste. This messager com flying faste, And cryed, 'O ho! awak anon!' Hit was for noght; ther herde him non. 180 Awak!' quod he, 'who is, lyth there?' And blew his horn right in hir ere, And cryed 'awaketh!' wonder hye. This god of slepe, with his oon ye Cast up, axed, 'who clepeth there?' 185 Hit am I,' quod this messagere; Iuno bad thou shuldest goon'-- And tolde him what he shulde doon As I have told yow here-tofore; Hit is no need reherse hit more; 190 And wente his wey, whan he had sayd. Anon this god of slepe a-brayd Out of his slepe, and gan to goon, And did as he had bede him doon; Took up the dreynte body sone, 195 And bar hit forth to Alcyone, His wyf the quene, ther-as she lay, Right even a quarter before day, And stood right at hir beddes fete, And called hir, right as she hete, 200 By name, and seyde, 'my swete wyf, Awak! let be your sorwful lyf! For in your sorwe ther lyth no reed; For certes, swete, I nam but deed; Ye shul me never on lyve y-see. 205 But good swete herte, [look] that ye Bury my body, [at whiche] a tyde Ye mowe hit finde the see besyde; And far-wel, swete, my worldes blisse! I praye god your sorwe lisse; 210 To litel whyl our blisse lasteth!' With that hir eyen up she casteth, And saw noght; '[A]!' quod she, 'for sorwe!' And deyed within the thridde morwe. But what she sayde more in that swow 215 I may not telle yow as now, Hit were to longe for to dwelle; My first matere I wil yow telle, Wherfor I have told this thing Of Alcione and Seys the king. 220 For thus moche dar I saye wel, I had be dolven everydel, And deed, right through defaute of sleep, If I nad red and taken keep Of this tale next before: 225 And I wol telle yow wherfore; For I ne might, for bote ne bale, Slepe, or I had red this tale Of this dreynte Seys the king, And of the goddes of sleping. 230 Whan I had red this tale wel, And over-loked hit everydel, Me thoughte wonder if hit were so; For I had never herd speke, or tho, Of no goddes that coude make 235 Men [for] to slepe, ne for to wake; For I ne knew never god but oon. And in my game I sayde anoon-- And yet me list right evel to pleye-- 'Rather then that I shulde deye 240 Through defaute of sleping thus, I wolde yive thilke Morpheus, Or his goddesse, dame Iuno, Or som wight elles, I ne roghte who-- To make me slepe and have som reste-- 245 I wil yive him the alder-beste Yift that ever he abood his lyve, And here on warde, right now, as blyve; If he wol make me slepe a lyte, Of downe of pure dowves whyte 250 I wil yive him a fether-bed, Rayed with golde, and right wel cled In fyn blak satin doutremere, And many a pilow, and every bere Of clothe of Reynes, to slepe softe; 255 Him thar not nede to turnen ofte. And I wol yive him al that falles To a chambre; and al his halles I wol do peynte with pure golde, And tapite hem ful many folde 260 Of oo sute; this shal he have, If I wiste wher were his cave, If he can make me slepe sone, As did the goddesse Alcione. And thus this ilke god, Morpheus, 265 May winne of me mo fees thus Than ever he wan; and to Iuno, That is his goddesse, I shal so do, I trow that she shal holde her payd.' I hadde unneth that word y-sayd 270 Right thus as I have told hit yow, That sodeynly, I niste how, Swich a lust anoon me took To slepe, that right upon my book I fil aslepe, and therwith even 275 Me mette so inly swete a sweven, So wonderful, that never yit I trowe no man hadde the wit To conne wel my sweven rede; No, not Ioseph, withoute drede, 280 Of Egipte, he that redde so The kinges meting Pharao, No more than coude the leste of us; Ne nat scarsly Macrobeus, (He that wroot al thavisioun 285 That he mette, king Scipioun, The noble man, the Affrican-- Swiche mervayles fortuned than) I trowe, a-rede my dremes even. Lo, thus hit was, this was my sweven. 290 _The Dream._ Me thoughte thus:--that hit was May, And in the dawning ther I lay, Me mette thus, in my bed al naked:-- [I] loked forth, for I was waked With smale foules a gret hepe, 295 That had affrayed me out of slepe Through noyse and swetnesse of hir song; And, as me mette, they sate among, Upon my chambre-roof withoute, Upon the tyles, al a-boute, 300 And songen, everich in his wyse, The moste solempne servyse By note, that ever man, I trowe, Had herd; for som of hem song lowe, Som hye, and al of oon acorde. 305 To telle shortly, at oo worde, Was never y-herd so swete a steven, But hit had be a thing of heven;-- So mery a soun, so swete entunes, That certes, for the toune of Tewnes, 310 I nolde but I had herd hem singe, For al my chambre gan to ringe Through singing of hir armonye. For instrument nor melodye Was nowher herd yet half so swete, 315 Nor of acorde half so mete; For ther was noon of hem that feyned To singe, for ech of hem him peyned To finde out mery crafty notes; They ne spared not hir throtes. 320 And, sooth to seyn, my chambre was Ful wel depeynted, and with glas Were al the windowes wel y-glased, Ful clere, and nat an hole y-crased, That to beholde hit was gret Ioye. 325 For hoolly al the storie of Troye Was in the glasing y-wroght thus, Of Ector and king Priamus, Of Achilles and Lamedon, Of Medea and of Iason, 330 Of Paris, Eleyne, and Lavyne. And alle the walles with colours fyne Were peynted, bothe text and glose, [Of] al the Romaunce of the Rose. My windowes weren shet echon, 335 And through the glas the sunne shon Upon my bed with brighte bemes, With many glade gilden stremes; And eek the welken was so fair, Blew, bright, clere was the air, 340 And ful atempre, for sothe, hit was; For nother cold nor hoot hit nas, Ne in al the welken was a cloude. And as I lay thus, wonder loude Me thoughte I herde an hunte blowe 345 Tassaye his horn, and for to knowe Whether hit were clere or hors of soune. I herde goinge, up and doune, Men, hors, houndes, and other thing; And al men speken of hunting, 350 How they wolde slee the hert with strengthe, And how the hert had, upon lengthe, So moche embosed, I not now what. Anon-right, whan I herde that, How that they wolde on hunting goon, 355 I was right glad, and up anoon; [I] took my hors, and forth I wente Out of my chambre; I never stente Til I com to the feld withoute. Ther overtook I a gret route 360 Of huntes and eek of foresteres, With many relayes and lymeres, And hyed hem to the forest faste, And I with hem;--so at the laste I asked oon, ladde a lymere:-- 365 Say, felow, who shal hunten here Quod I; and he answerde ageyn, Sir, themperour Octovien,' Quod he, 'and is heer faste by.' 'A goddes halfe, in good tyme,' quod I, 370 Go we faste!' and gan to ryde. Whan we came to the forest-syde, Every man dide, right anoon, As to hunting fil to doon. The mayster-hunte anoon, fot-hoot, 375 With a gret horne blew three moot At the uncoupling of his houndes. Within a whyl the hert [y]-founde is, Y-halowed, and rechased faste Longe tyme; and at the laste, 380 This hert rused and stal away Fro alle the houndes a prevy way. The houndes had overshote hem alle, And were on a defaute y-falle; Therwith the hunte wonder faste 385 Blew a forloyn at the laste. I was go walked fro my tree, And as I wente, ther cam by me A whelp, that fauned me as I stood, That hadde y-folowed, and coude no good. 390 Hit com and creep to me as lowe, Right as hit hadde me y-knowe, Hild doun his heed and Ioyned his eres, And leyde al smothe doun his heres. I wolde han caught hit, and anoon 395 Hit fledde, and was fro me goon; And I him folwed, and hit forth wente Doun by a floury grene wente Ful thikke of gras, ful softe and swete, With floures fele, faire under fete, 400 And litel used, hit seemed thus; For bothe Flora and Zephirus, They two that make floures growe, Had mad hir dwelling ther, I trowe; For hit was, on to beholde, 405 As thogh the erthe envye wolde To be gayer than the heven, To have mo floures, swiche seven As in the welken sterres be. Hit had forgete the povertee 410 That winter, through his colde morwes, Had mad hit suffren, and his sorwes; Al was forgeten, and that was sene. For al the wode was waxen grene, Swetnesse of dewe had mad it waxe. 415 Hit is no need eek for to axe Wher ther were many grene greves, Or thikke of trees, so ful of leves; And every tree stood by him-selve Fro other wel ten foot or twelve. 420 So grete trees, so huge of strengthe, Of fourty or fifty fadme lengthe, Clene withoute bough or stikke, With croppes brode, and eek as thikke-- They were nat an inche a-sonder-- 425 That hit was shadwe over-al under; And many an hert and many an hinde Was both before me and bihinde. Of founes, soures, bukkes, does Was ful the wode, and many roes, 430 And many squirelles, that sete Ful hye upon the trees, and ete, And in hir maner made festes. Shortly, hit was so ful of bestes, That thogh Argus, the noble countour, 435 Sete to rekene in his countour, And rekened with his figures ten-- For by tho figures mowe al ken, If they be crafty, rekene and noumbre, And telle of every thing the noumbre-- 440 Yet shulde he fayle to rekene even The wondres, me mette in my sweven. But forth they romed wonder faste Doun the wode; so at the laste I was war of a man in blak, 445 That sat and had y-turned his bak To an oke, an huge tree. Lord,' thoghte I, 'who may that be? What ayleth him to sitten here?' Anoon-right I wente nere; 450 Than fond I sitte even upright A wonder wel-faringe knight-- By the maner me thoughte so-- Of good mochel, and yong therto, Of the age of four and twenty yeer. 455 Upon his berde but litel heer, And he was clothed al in blakke. I stalked even unto his bakke, And ther I stood as stille as ought, That, sooth to saye, he saw me nought, 460 For-why he heng his heed adoune. And with a deedly sorwful soune He made of ryme ten vers or twelve, Of a compleynt to him-selve, The moste pite, the moste rowthe, 465 That ever I herde; for, by my trowthe, Hit was gret wonder that nature Might suffren any creature To have swich sorwe, and be not deed. Ful pitous, pale, and nothing reed, 470 He sayde a lay, a maner song, Withoute note, withoute song, And hit was this; for wel I can Reherse hit; right thus hit began.-- P. 'I have of sorwe so gret woon, 475 That Ioye gete I never noon, Now that I see my lady bright, Which I have loved with al my might, Is fro me deed, and is a-goon. 479 P. Allas, [o] deeth! what ayleth thee, 481 That thou noldest have taken me, Whan that thou toke my lady swete? That was so fayr, so fresh, so free, So good, that men may wel [y]-see 485 Of al goodnesse she had no mete!'-- Whan he had mad thus his complaynte, His sorowful herte gan faste faynte, And his spirites wexen dede; The blood was fled, for pure drede, 490 Doun to his herte, to make him warm-- For wel hit feled the herte had harm-- To wite eek why hit was a-drad By kinde, and for to make hit glad; For hit is membre principal 495 Of the body; and that made al His hewe chaunge and wexe grene And pale, for no blood [was] sene In no maner lime of his. Anoon therwith whan I saw this, 500 He ferde thus evel ther he sete, I wente and stood right at his fete, And grette him, but he spak noght, But argued with his owne thoght, And in his witte disputed faste 505 Why and how his lyf might laste; Him thoughte his sorwes were so smerte And lay so colde upon his herte; So, through his sorwe and hevy thoght, Made him that he ne herde me noght; 510 For he had wel nigh lost his minde, Thogh Pan, that men clepe god of kinde, Were for his sorwes never so wrooth. But at the laste, to sayn right sooth, He was war of me, how I stood 515 Before him, and dide of myn hood, And [grette] him, as I best coude. Debonairly, and no-thing loude, He sayde, 'I prey thee, be not wrooth, I herde thee not, to sayn the sooth, 520 Ne I saw thee not, sir, trewely.' 'A! goode sir, no fors,' quod I, I am right sory if I have ought Destroubled yow out of your thought; For-yive me if I have mis-take.' 525 'Yis, thamendes is light to make,' Quod he, 'for ther lyth noon ther-to; Ther is no-thing missayd nor do.' Lo! how goodly spak this knight, As it had been another wight; 530 He made it nouther tough ne queynte And I saw that, and gan me aqueynte With him, and fond him so tretable, Right wonder skilful and resonable, As me thoghte, for al his bale. 535 Anoon-right I gan finde a tale To him, to loke wher I might ought Have more knowing of his thought. 'Sir,' quod I, 'this game is doon; I holde that this hert be goon; 540 Thise huntes conne him nowher see.' 'I do no fors therof,' quod he, My thought is ther-on never a del.' 'By our lord,' quod I, 'I trow yow wel, Right so me thinketh by your chere. 545 But, sir, oo thing wol ye here? Me thinketh, in gret sorwe I yow see; But certes, [good] sir, yif that ye Wolde ought discure me your wo, I wolde, as wis god helpe me so, 550 Amende hit, yif I can or may; Ye mowe preve hit by assay. For, by my trouthe, to make yow hool, I wol do al my power hool; And telleth me of your sorwes smerte, 555 Paraventure hit may ese your herte, That semeth ful seke under your syde.' With that he loked on me asyde, As who sayth, 'nay, that wol not be.' 'Graunt mercy, goode frend,' quod he, 560 I thanke thee that thou woldest so, But hit may never the rather be do. No man may my sorwe glade, That maketh my hewe to falle and fade, And hath myn understonding lorn, 565 That me is wo that I was born! May noght make my sorwes slyde, Nought the remedies of Ovyde; Ne Orpheus, god of melodye, Ne Dedalus, with playes slye; 570 Ne hele me may phisicien, Noght Ypocras, ne Galien; Me is wo that I live houres twelve; But who so wol assaye him-selve Whether his herte can have pite 575 Of any sorwe, lat him see me. I wrecche, that deeth hath mad al naked Of alle blisse that was ever maked, Y-worthe worste of alle wightes, That hate my dayes and my nightes; 580 My lyf, my lustes be me lothe, For al welfare and I be wrothe. The pure deeth is so my fo, [Thogh] I wolde deye, hit wolde not so; For whan I folwe hit, hit wol flee; 585 I wolde have [hit], hit nil not me. This is my peyne withoute reed, Alway deying, and be not deed, That Sesiphus, that lyth in helle, May not of more sorwe telle. 590 And who so wiste al, by my trouthe, My sorwe, but he hadde routhe And pite of my sorwes smerte, That man hath a feendly herte. For who so seeth me first on morwe 595 May seyn, he hath [y]-met with sorwe; For I am sorwe and sorwe is I. 'Allas! and I wol telle the why; My [song] is turned to pleyning, And al my laughter to weping, 600 My glade thoghtes to hevinesse, In travaile is myn ydelnesse And eek my reste; my wele is wo. My good is harm, and ever-mo In wrathe is turned my pleying, 605 And my delyt in-to sorwing. Myn hele is turned into seeknesse, In drede is al my sikernesse. To derke is turned al my light, My wit is foly, my day is night, 610 My love is hate, my sleep waking, My mirthe and meles is fasting, My countenaunce is nycete, And al abaved wher-so I be, My pees, in pleding and in werre; 615 Allas! how mighte I fare werre? 'My boldnesse is turned to shame, For fals Fortune hath pleyd a game Atte ches with me, allas! the whyle! The trayteresse fals and ful of gyle, 620 That al behoteth and no-thing halt, She goth upryght and yet she halt, That baggeth foule and loketh faire, The dispitouse debonaire, That scorneth many a creature! 625 An ydole of fals portraiture Is she, for she wil sone wryen; She is the monstres heed y-wryen, As filth over y-strawed with floures; Hir moste worship and hir [flour is] 630 To lyen, for that is hir nature; Withoute feyth, lawe, or mesure She is fals; and ever laughinge With oon eye, and that other wepinge. That is broght up, she set al doun. 635 I lykne hir to the scorpioun, That is a fals flatering beste; For with his hede he maketh feste, But al amid his flateringe With his tayle he wol stinge, 640 And envenyme; and so wol she. She is thenvyous charite That is ay fals, and semeth wele, So turneth she hir false whele Aboute, for it is no-thing stable, 645 Now by the fyre, now at table; Ful many oon hath she thus y-blent. She is pley of enchauntement, That semeth oon and is nat so, The false theef! what hath she do, 650 Trowest thou? by our lord, I wol thee seye. Atte ches with me she gan to pleye; With hir false draughtes divers She stal on me, and took my fers. And whan I saw my fers aweye, 655 Alas! I couthe no lenger pleye, But seyde, "farwel, swete, y-wis, And farwel al that ever ther is!" Therwith Fortune seyde "chek here!" And "mate!" in mid pointe of the chekkere 660 With a poune erraunt, allas! Ful craftier to pley she was Than Athalus, that made the game First of the ches: so was his name. But god wolde I had ones or twyes 665 Y-koud and knowe the Ieupardyes That coude the Grek Pithagores! I shulde have pleyd the bet at ches, And kept my fers the bet therby; And thogh wherto? for trewely 670 I hold that wish nat worth a stree! Hit had be never the bet for me. For Fortune can so many a wyle, Ther be but fewe can hir begyle, And eek she is the las to blame; 675 My-self I wolde have do the same, Before god, hadde I been as she; She oghte the more excused be. For this I say yet more therto, Hadde I be god and mighte have do 680 My wille, whan my fers she caughte, I wolde have drawe the same draughte. For, also wis god yive me reste, I dar wel swere she took the beste! 'But through that draughte I have lorn 685 My blisse; allas! that I was born! For evermore, I trowe trewly, For al my wil, my lust hoolly Is turned; but yet, what to done? By our lord, hit is to deye sone; 690 For no-thing I [ne] leve it noght, But live and deye right in this thoght. Ther nis planete in firmament, Ne in air, ne in erthe, noon element, That they ne yive me a yift echoon 695 Of weping, whan I am aloon. For whan that I avyse me wel, And bethenke me every-del, How that ther lyth in rekening, In my sorwe, for no-thing; 700 And how ther leveth no gladnesse May gladde me of my distresse, And how I have lost suffisance, And therto I have no plesance, Than may I say, I have right noght. 705 And whan al this falleth in my thoght, Allas! than am I overcome! For that is doon is not to come! I have more sorowe than Tantale.' And whan I herde him telle this tale 710 Thus pitously, as I yow telle, Unnethe mighte I lenger dwelle, Hit dide myn herte so moche wo. 'A! good sir!' quod I, 'say not so! Have som pite on your nature 715 That formed yow to creature, Remembre yow of Socrates; For he ne counted nat three strees Of noght that Fortune coude do.' 'No,' quod he, 'I can not so.' 720 'Why so? good sir! parde!' quod I; Ne say noght so, for trewely, Thogh ye had lost the ferses twelve, And ye for sorwe mordred your-selve, Ye sholde be dampned in this cas 725 By as good right as Medea was, That slow hir children for Iason; And Phyllis als for Demophon Heng hir-self, so weylaway! For he had broke his terme-day 730 To come to hir. Another rage Had Dydo, quene eek of Cartage, That slow hir-self, for Eneas Was fals; [a!] whiche a fool she was! And Ecquo dyed for Narcisus 735 Nolde nat love hir; and right thus Hath many another foly don. And for Dalida dyed Sampson, That slow him-self with a pilere. But ther is [noon] a-lyve here 740 Wolde for a fers make this wo!' 'Why so?' quod he; 'hit is nat so; Thou wost ful litel what thou menest; I have lost more than thou wenest.' 'Lo, [sir,] how may that be?' quod I; 745 Good sir, tel me al hoolly In what wyse, how, why, and wherfore That ye have thus your blisse lore.' 'Blythly,' quod he, 'com sit adoun; I telle thee up condicioun 750 That thou hoolly, with al thy wit, Do thyn entent to herkene hit.' Yis, sir.' 'Swere thy trouthe ther-to.' Gladly.' 'Do than holde her-to!' 'I shal right blythly, so god me save, 755 Hoolly, with al the witte I have, Here yow, as wel as I can.' 'A goddes half!' quod he, and began:-- Sir,' quod he, 'sith first I couthe Have any maner wit fro youthe, 760 Or kyndely understonding To comprehende, in any thing, What love was, in myn owne wit, Dredeles, I have ever yit Be tributary, and yiven rente 765 To love hoolly with goode entente, And through plesaunce become his thral, With good wil, body, herte, and al. Al this I putte in his servage, As to my lorde, and dide homage; 770 And ful devoutly prayde him to, He shulde besette myn herte so, That it plesaunce to him were, And worship to my lady dere. 'And this was longe, and many a yeer 775 Or that myn herte was set o-wher, That I did thus, and niste why; I trowe hit cam me kindely. Paraunter I was therto most able As a whyt wal or a table; 780 For hit is redy to cacche and take Al that men wil therin make, Wher-so men wol portreye or peynte, Be the werkes never so queynte. 'And thilke tyme I ferde so 785 I was able to have lerned tho, And to have coud as wel or better, Paraunter, other art or letter. But for love cam first in my thought, Therfore I forgat it nought. 790 I chees love to my firste craft, Therfor hit is with me [y]-laft. Forwhy I took hit of so yong age, That malice hadde my corage Nat that tyme turned to no-thing 795 Through to mochel knowleching. For that tyme youthe, my maistresse, Governed me in ydelnesse; For hit was in my firste youthe, And tho ful litel good I couthe; 800 For al my werkes were flittinge, And al my thoghtes varyinge; Al were to me y-liche good, That I knew tho; but thus hit stood. 'Hit happed that I cam on a day 805 Into a place, ther I say, Trewly, the fayrest companye Of ladies, that ever man with ye Had seen togedres in oo place. Shal I clepe hit hap other grace 810 That broghte me ther? nay, but Fortune, That is to lyen ful comune, The false trayteresse, pervers, God wolde I coude clepe hir wers! For now she worcheth me ful wo, 815 And I wol telle sone why so. 'Among thise ladies thus echoon, Soth to seyn, I saw [ther] oon That was lyk noon of [al] the route; For I dar swere, withoute doute, 820 That as the someres sonne bright Is fairer, clerer, and hath more light Than any planete, [is] in heven, The mone, or the sterres seven, For al the worlde, so had she 825 Surmounted hem alle of beaute, Of maner and of comlinesse, Of stature and wel set gladnesse, Of goodlihede so wel beseye-- Shortly, what shal I more seye? 830 By god, and by his halwes twelve, It was my swete, right as hir-selve! She had so stedfast countenaunce, So noble port and meyntenaunce. And Love, that had herd my bone, 835 Had espyed me thus sone, That she ful sone, in my thoght, As helpe me god, so was y-caught So sodenly, that I ne took No maner [reed] but at hir look 840 And at myn herte; for-why hir eyen So gladly, I trow, myn herte seyen, That purely tho myn owne thoght Seyde hit were [bet] serve hir for noght Than with another to be wel. 845 And hit was sooth, for, everydel, I wil anoon-right telle thee why. 'I saw hir daunce so comlily, Carole and singe so swetely, Laughe and pleye so womanly, 850 And loke so debonairly, So goodly speke and so frendly, That certes, I trow, that evermore Nas seyn so blisful a tresore. For every heer [up]on hir hede, 855 Soth to seyn, hit was not rede, Ne nouther yelw, ne broun hit nas; Me thoghte, most lyk gold hit was. And whiche eyen my lady hadde! Debonair, goode, glade, and sadde, 860 Simple, of good mochel, noght to wyde; Therto hir look nas not a-syde, Ne overthwert, but beset so wel, Hit drew and took up, everydel, Alle that on hir gan beholde. 865 Hir eyen semed anoon she wolde Have mercy; fooles wenden so; But hit was never the rather do. Hit nas no countrefeted thing, It was hir owne pure loking, 870 That the goddesse, dame Nature, Had made hem opene by mesure, And close; for, were she never so glad, Hir loking was not foly sprad, Ne wildely, thogh that she pleyde; 875 But ever, me thoghte, hir eyen seyde, "By god, my wrathe is al for-yive!" 'Therwith hir liste so wel to live, That dulnesse was of hir a-drad. She nas to sobre ne to glad; 880 In alle thinges more mesure Had never, I trowe, creature. But many oon with hir loke she herte, And that sat hir ful lyte at herte, For she knew no-thing of hir thoght; 885 But whether she knew, or knew hit noght Algate she ne roghte of hem a stree! To gete hir love no ner nas he That woned at home, than he in Inde; The formest was alway behinde. 890 But goode folk, over al other, She loved as man may do his brother; Of whiche love she was wonder large, In skilful places that bere charge. 'Which a visage had she ther-to! 895 Allas! myn herte is wonder wo That I ne can discryven hit! Me lakketh bothe English and wit For to undo hit at the fulle; And eek my spirits be so dulle 900 So greet a thing for to devyse. I have no wit that can suffyse To comprehenden hir beaute; But thus moche dar I seyn, that she Was rody, fresh, and lyvely hewed; 905 And every day hir beaute newed. And negh hir face was alder-best; For certes, Nature had swich lest To make that fair, that trewly she Was hir cheef patron of beautee, 910 And cheef ensample of al hir werke, And moustre; for, be hit never so derke, Me thinketh I see hir ever-mo. And yet more-over, thogh alle tho That ever lived were now a-lyve, 915 [They] ne sholde have founde to discryve In al hir face a wikked signe; For hit was sad, simple, and benigne. 'And which a goodly softe speche Had that swete, my lyves leche! 920 So frendly, and so wel y-grounded, Up al resoun so wel y-founded, And so tretable to alle gode, That I dar swere by the rode, Of eloquence was never founde 925 So swete a sowninge facounde, Ne trewer tonged, ne scorned lasse, Ne bet coude hele; that, by the masse I durste swere, thogh the pope hit songe, That ther was never through hir tonge 930 Man ne woman gretly harmed; As for hir, [ther] was al harm hid; Ne lasse flatering in hir worde, That purely, hir simple recorde Was founde as trewe as any bonde, 935 Or trouthe of any mannes honde. Ne chyde she coude never a del, That knoweth al the world ful wel. 'But swich a fairnesse of a nekke Had that swete, that boon nor brekke 940 Nas ther non sene, that mis-sat. Hit was whyt, smothe, streght, and flat, Withouten hole; [and] canel-boon, As by seming, had she noon. Hir throte, as I have now memoire, 945 Semed a round tour of yvoire, Of good gretnesse, and noght to grete. 'And gode faire WHYTE she hete, That was my lady name right. She was bothe fair and bright, 950 She hadde not hir name wrong. Right faire shuldres, and body long She hadde, and armes, every lith Fattish, flesshy, not greet therwith; Right whyte handes, and nayles rede, 955 Rounde brestes; and of good brede Hir hippes were, a streight flat bak. I knew on hir non other lak That al hir limmes nere sewing, In as fer as I had knowing. 960 'Therto she coude so wel pleye, Whan that hir liste, that I dar seye, That she was lyk to torche bright, That every man may take of light Ynogh, and hit hath never the lesse. 965 'Of maner and of comlinesse Right so ferde my lady dere; For every wight of hir manere Might cacche ynogh, if that he wolde, If he had eyen hir to beholde. 970 For I dar sweren, if that she Had among ten thousand be, She wolde have be, at the leste, A cheef mirour of al the feste, Thogh they had stonden in a rowe, 975 To mennes eyen that coude have knowe. For wher-so men had pleyd or waked, Me thoghte the felawship as naked Withouten hir, that saw I ones, As a coroune withoute stones. 980 Trewely she was, to myn ye, The soleyn fenix of Arabye, For ther liveth never but oon; Ne swich as she ne knew I noon. 'To speke of goodnesse; trewly she 985 Had as moche debonairte As ever had Hester in the bible, And more, if more were possible. And, soth to seyne, therwith-al She had a wit so general, 990 So hool enclyned to alle gode, That al hir wit was set, by the rode, Withoute malice, upon gladnesse; Therto I saw never yet a lesse Harmful, than she was in doing. 995 I sey nat that she ne had knowing What was harm; or elles she Had coud no good, so thinketh me. 'And trewly, for to speke of trouthe, But she had had, hit had be routhe. 1000 Therof she had so moche hir del-- And I dar seyn and swere hit wel-- That Trouthe him-self, over al and al, Had chose his maner principal In hir, that was his resting-place. 1005 Ther-to she hadde the moste grace, To have stedfast perseveraunce, And esy, atempre governaunce, That ever I knew or wiste yit; So pure suffraunt was hir wit. 1010 And reson gladly she understood, Hit folowed wel she coude good. She used gladly to do wel; These were hir maners every-del. 'Therwith she loved so wel right, 1015 She wrong do wolde to no wight; No wight might do hir no shame, She loved so wel hir owne name. Hir luste to holde no wight in honde; Ne, be thou siker, she nolde fonde 1020 To holde no wight in balaunce, By half word ne by countenaunce, But-if men wolde upon hir lye; Ne sende men in-to Walakye, To Pruyse and in-to Tartarye, 1025 To Alisaundre, ne in-to Turkye, And bidde him faste, anoon that he Go hoodles to the drye see, And come hoom by the Carrenare; And seye, "Sir, be now right ware 1030 That I may of yow here seyn Worship, or that ye come ageyn!" She ne used no suche knakkes smale. 'But wherfor that I telle my tale? Right on this same, as I have seyd, 1035 Was hoolly al my love leyd; For certes, she was, that swete wyf, My suffisaunce, my lust, my lyf, Myn hap, myn hele, and al my blisse, My worldes welfare and my [lisse], 1040 And I hirs hoolly, everydel.' 'By our lord,' quod I, 'I trowe yow wel! Hardely, your love was wel beset, I not how ye mighte have do bet.' 'Bet? ne no wight so wel!' quod he. 1045 I trowe hit, sir,' quod I, 'parde!' Nay, leve hit wel!' 'Sir, so do I; I leve yow wel, that trewely Yow thoghte, that she was the beste, And to beholde the alderfaireste, 1050 Who so had loked with your eyen.' 'With myn? nay, alle that hir seyen Seyde, and sworen hit was so. And thogh they ne hadde, I wolde tho Have loved best my lady fre, 1055 Thogh I had had al the beautee That ever had Alcipyades, And al the strengthe of Ercules, And therto had the worthinesse Of Alisaundre, and al the richesse 1060 That ever was in Babiloyne, In Cartage, or in Macedoyne, Or in Rome, or in Ninive; And therto al-so hardy be As was Ector, so have I Ioye, 1065 That Achilles slow at Troye-- And therfor was he slayn also In a temple, for bothe two Were slayn, he and Antilegius, And so seyth Dares Frigius, 1070 For love of [hir] Polixena-- Or ben as wys as Minerva, I wolde ever, withoute drede, Have loved hir, for I moste nede! "Nede!" nay, I gabbe now, 1075 Noght "nede," and I wol telle how, For of good wille myn herte hit wolde, And eek to love hir I was holde As for the fairest and the beste. 'She was as good, so have I reste, 1080 As ever was Penelope of Grece, Or as the noble wyf Lucrece, That was the beste--he telleth thus, The Romain Tytus Livius-- She was as good, and no-thing lyke, 1085 Thogh hir stories be autentyke; Algate she was as trewe as she. 'But wherfor that I telle thee Whan I first my lady sey? I was right yong, [the] sooth to sey, 1090 And ful gret need I hadde to lerne; Whan my herte wolde yerne To love, it was a greet empryse. But as my wit coude best suffyse, After my yonge childly wit, 1095 Withoute drede, I besette hit To love hir in my beste wyse, To do hir worship and servyse That I tho coude, by my trouthe, Withoute feyning outher slouthe; 1100 For wonder fayn I wolde hir see. So mochel hit amended me, That, whan I saw hir first a-morwe, I was warished of al my sorwe Of al day after, til hit were eve; 1105 Me thoghte no-thing mighte me greve, Were my sorwes never so smerte. And yit she sit so in myn herte, That, by my trouthe, I nolde noght, For al this worlde, out of my thoght 1110 Leve my lady; no, trewly!' 'Now, by my trouthe, sir,' quod I, Me thinketh ye have such a chaunce As shrift withoute repentaunce.' 'Repentaunce! nay fy,' quod he; 1115 Shulde I now repente me To love? nay, certes, than were I wel Wers than was Achitofel, Or Anthenor, so have I Ioye, The traytour that betraysed Troye, 1120 Or the false Genelon, He that purchased the treson Of Rowland and of Olivere. Nay, whyl I am a-lyve here I nil foryete hir never-mo.' 1125 'Now, goode sir,' quod I [right] tho, Ye han wel told me her-before. It is no need reherse hit more How ye sawe hir first, and where; But wolde ye telle me the manere, 1130 To hir which was your firste speche-- Therof I wolde yow be-seche-- And how she knewe first your thoght, Whether ye loved hir or noght, And telleth me eek what ye have lore; 1135 I herde yow telle her-before.' 'Ye,' seyde he, 'thou nost what thou menest; I have lost more than thou wenest.' 'What los is that, [sir]?' quod I tho; 'Nil she not love yow? is hit so? 1140 Or have ye oght [y-]doon amis, That she hath left yow? is hit this? For goddes love, tel me al.' 'Before god,' quod he, 'and I shal. I saye right as I have seyd, 1145 On hir was al my love leyd; And yet she niste hit never a del Noght longe tyme, leve hit wel. For be right siker, I durste noght For al this worlde telle hir my thoght, 1150 Ne I wolde have wratthed hir, trewly. For wostow why? she was lady Of the body; she had the herte, And who hath that, may not asterte. 'But, for to kepe me fro ydelnesse, 1155 Trewly I did my besinesse To make songes, as I best coude, And ofte tyme I song hem loude; And made songes a gret del, Al-thogh I coude not make so wel 1160 Songes, ne knowe the art al, As coude Lamekes sone Tubal, That fond out first the art of songe; For, as his brothers hamers ronge Upon his anvelt up and doun, 1165 Therof he took the firste soun; But Grekes seyn, Pictagoras, That he the firste finder was Of the art; Aurora telleth so, But therof no fors, of hem two. 1170 Algates songes thus I made Of my feling, myn herte to glade; And lo! this was [the] alther-firste, I not wher [that] hit were the werste.-- P. "Lord, hit maketh myn herte light, 1175 Whan I thenke on that swete wight That is so semely on to see; And wisshe to god hit might so be, That she wolde holde me for hir knight, My lady, that is so fair and bright!"-- 1180 'Now have I told thee, sooth to saye, My firste song. Upon a daye I bethoghte me what wo And sorwe that I suffred tho For hir, and yet she wiste hit noght, 1185 Ne telle hir durste I nat my thoght. "Allas!" thoghte I, "I can no reed; And, but I telle hir, I nam but deed; And if I telle hir, to seye sooth, I am a-dred she wol be wrooth; 1190 Allas! what shal I thanne do?" 'In this debat I was so wo, Me thoghte myn herte braste a-tweyn! So atte laste, soth to seyn, I me bethoghte that nature 1195 Ne formed never in creature So moche beaute, trewely, And bounte, withouten mercy. 'In hope of that, my tale I tolde With sorwe, as that I never sholde, 1200 For nedes; and, maugree my heed, I moste have told hir or be deed. I not wel how that I began, Ful evel rehersen hit I can; And eek, as helpe me god with-al, 1205 I trowe hit was in the dismal, That was the ten woundes of Egipte; For many a word I over-skipte In my tale, for pure fere Lest my wordes mis-set were. 1210 With sorweful herte, and woundes dede, Softe and quaking for pure drede And shame, and stinting in my tale For ferde, and myn hewe al pale, Ful ofte I wex bothe pale and reed; 1215 Bowing to hir, I heng the heed; I durste nat ones loke hir on, For wit, manere, and al was gon. I seyde "mercy!" and no more; Hit nas no game, hit sat me sore. 1220 'So atte laste, sooth to seyn, Whan that myn herte was come ageyn, To telle shortly al my speche, With hool herte I gan hir beseche That she wolde be my lady swete; 1225 And swor, and gan hir hertely hete Ever to be stedfast and trewe, And love hir alwey freshly newe, And never other lady have, And al hir worship for to save 1230 As I best coude; I swor hir this-- "For youres is al that ever ther is For evermore, myn herte swete! And never false yow, but I mete, I nil, as wis god helpe me so!" 1235 'And whan I had my tale y-do, God wot, she acounted nat a stree Of al my tale, so thoghte me. To telle shortly as hit is, Trewly hir answere, hit was this; 1240 I can not now wel counterfete Hir wordes, but this was the grete Of hir answere; she sayde, "nay" Al-outerly. Allas! that day The sorwe I suffred, and the wo! 1245 That trewly Cassandra, that so Bewayled the destruccioun Of Troye and of Ilioun, Had never swich sorwe as I tho. I durste no more say therto 1250 For pure fere, but stal away; And thus I lived ful many a day. That trewely, I hadde no need Ferther than my beddes heed Never a day to seche sorwe; 1255 I fond hit redy every morwe, For-why I loved hir in no gere. 'So hit befel, another yere, I thoughte ones I wolde fonde To do hir knowe and understonde 1260 My wo; and she wel understood That I ne wilned thing but good, And worship, and to kepe hir name Over al thing, and drede hir shame, And was so besy hir to serve;-- 1265 And pite were I shulde sterve, Sith that I wilned noon harm, y-wis. So whan my lady knew al this, My lady yaf me al hoolly The noble yift of hir mercy, 1270 Saving hir worship, by al weyes; Dredles, I mene noon other weyes. And therwith she yaf me a ring; I trowe hit was the firste thing; But if myn herte was y-waxe 1275 Glad, that is no need to axe! As helpe me god, I was as blyve, Reysed, as fro dethe to lyve, Of alle happes the alder-beste, The gladdest and the moste at reste. 1280 For trewely, that swete wight, Whan I had wrong and she the right, She wolde alwey so goodely For-yeve me so debonairly. In alle my youthe, in alle chaunce, 1285 She took me in hir governaunce. 'Therwith she was alway so trewe, Our Ioye was ever y-liche newe; Our hertes wern so even a payre, That never nas that oon contrayre 1290 To that other, for no wo. For sothe, y-liche they suffred tho Oo blisse and eek oo sorwe bothe; Y-liche they were bothe gladde and wrothe; Al was us oon, withoute were. 1295 And thus we lived ful many a yere So wel, I can nat telle how.' 'Sir,' quod I, 'wher is she now?' Now!' quod he, and stinte anoon. Therwith he wex as deed as stoon, 1300 And seyde, 'allas! that I was bore! That was the los, that her-before I tolde thee, that I had lorn. Bethenk how I seyde her-beforn, "Thou wost ful litel what thou menest; 1305 I have lost more than thou wenest"-- God wot, allas! right that was she!' 'Allas! sir, how? what may that be?' She is deed!' 'Nay!' 'Yis, by my trouthe!' 'Is that your los? by god, hit is routhe!' 1310 And with that worde, right anoon, They gan to strake forth; al was doon, For that tyme, the hert-hunting. With that, me thoghte, that this king Gan [quikly] hoomward for to ryde 1315 Unto a place ther besyde, Which was from us but a lyte, A long castel with walles whyte, By seynt Iohan! on a riche hil, As me mette; but thus it fil. 1320 Right thus me mette, as I yow telle, That in the castel was a belle, As hit had smiten houres twelve.-- Therwith I awook my-selve, And fond me lying in my bed; 1325 And the book that I had red, Of Alcyone and Seys the king, And of the goddes of sleping, I fond it in myn honde ful even. Thoghte I, 'this is so queynt a sweven, 1330 That I wol, by processe of tyme, Fonde to putte this sweven in ryme As I can best'; and that anoon.-- This was my sweven; now hit is doon. 1334 EXPLICIT THE BOKE OF THE DUCHESSE. _The_ MSS. _are_: F. (Fairfax 16); Tn. (Tanner 346); B. (Bodley 638); _the fourth authority is_ Th. (Thynne's edition of 1532). _I follow_ F. _mainly, and note all but very trifling variations from it_. B. _usually agrees with_ F. TITLE: _in_ F. 1. Tn. gret; F. grete. Th. by; F. Tn. be. 5. Tn. Th. defaute; F. defaulte. 6. _All_ take no kepe. 8. Tn. Th. lefe (_read_ leef); F. leve. 9. Tn. Th. good; F. goode. 10. Tn. Ioye; F. Ioy. 11, 12. F. no thynge, thynge. 14. _All_ sorwful (_badly_); _read_ sory. 15. F. hooly. 16. F. woote; Th. B. wote; Tn. wotte; _read_ wite. 19. _For_ To _perhaps read_ Unto. F. ertherly (_miswritten_). 21. _All_ be. 22. Th. Tn. B. ne (_2nd time_); F. no. 23. _All_ this. 24. _All_ drede. 25. Th. Tn. Defaute; F. Defaulte. 26. Th. slayne; Tn. slain; F. _omits_. 27. F. loste. Tn. _omits_ ll. 31-96; F. _has them in a later hand_ (_the spelling of which I amend_). 32. F. nathles whoe 33. F. trewly. 34. F. tell. 35. Th. sothe; F. southe (!) F. trewly. 36. F. hold it; Th. holde it; _read_ hold-e hit. F. sicknes. 38. F. boote. 39. Th. F. For ther. (phisicien = fizishen). F. one. 40. F. heale; done. 41. F. vntill efte. 42. F. mote. Th. nede; F. nedes. F. lefte. 43. F. mater. 44. Th. So whan; F. Soe when. F. sawe. 45. Th. Tyl nowe late: F. Til now late; _but probably corrupt_. 46. F. sate. 47. F. bade one. F. booke. 48. F. it; Th. he it. F. toke. 50. F. thought; beter. 51. F. play; Ten Brink _reads_ playen. 52. F. written. 53. F. had. 56. F. While. Th. of; F. in (_copied from line above_). 57. F. boke. Th. spake; F. speake (_read_ spak). 58. F. kings. 59. Th. smale: F. smalle. 60. Th. al; F. all. F. fonde. 61. F. thought. 62. F. There. 63. F. hight. Th. Seys; F. Seyes. F. had. F. wife. 64. Th. beste; F. best. F. might beare lyfe. 65. F. hight. 66. F. Soe it befill thereafter. 67. F. woll; Th. wol. 70. _Perhaps read_ gan aryse. 71. F. brake. (hir=_their_). F. maste; fal. 72. Th. her; F. ther (_see line above_). F. dreint; all. 73. Th. F. founde (_error for_ founden). 74. F. Borde. 75. Th. Seys; F. Seyes. F. life. 76. Th. F. Now for to speke of Alcyone his wyfe; _read_: Now for to speken of his wyf. F. wife. 79. Th. F. Home; it. 80. Th. Anon; F. Anone. Th. F. began (_error for_ gan). Th. F. yerne (_error for_ erme); see note. 81. F. thought. 82. F. It; wele; thought soe. _Both_ her thought so, _caught from l._ 81; _read_ he dwelte (delayed). 83. F. soe. 84. F. it. 85. F. tell. Th. hertely; F. hartely. F. life. 86. Th. F. she had; _I omit_ she, _and supply_ alas _from l._ 87. 87. Th. _and_ F. _insert_ alas _after_ him. 88. F. Anone; sent. 91. F. where. 92. Th. nyl; F. will. F. eate breede. 94. Th. lorde; F. Lord. 95. F. toke. 96. F. trewly; booke. 97. _The older hand recommences in_ F. F. had; Tn. I Had. F. suche (_twice_). F. pittee. 100. F. And aftir; _but_ Th. Tn. B. _omit_ And. 101. _All_ this lady (_for_ she; _badly_). 102. F. myght; lorde. 103. F. ofte; sayed. 104. F. woode. 105. F. rede. 106. F. doune; sate. 107. _All_ wepte (_read_ weep). F. pittee. 109. Th. to; _which_ F. Tn. _omit_. 110. F. Helpe; B. Help. 112. F. Soone. Tn. B. wite; F. Th. wete. 114. F. yowe. 116. Th. Tn. B. good wyl; F. good wille (wil _is here a monosyllable_). 117. F. wilte. 118. Tn. Send; Th. F. Sende. 119. Th. som; F. som_m_e. 120. Th. through; F. thorgh. F. knowe. 121. F. lorde; quyke; ded. 122. F. worde; henge; hed. 123. Th. Tn. fel; F. felle (_see_ l. 128). F. A swowne, Tn. a swowe (_for_ a-swowen = a-swown); Th. in a swowne. F. colde; Tn. cold. 124. F. kaught; anoon. 127. Tn. dede; F. ded. _All_ slepe. 128. F. tooke. _All_ kepe. 129. Th. Through; F. Throgh. F. herde. 130. _I supply_ for. 131. Th. Tn. prayde; F. prayede; _after which all insert_ right (_but see next line_). 134. F. come. 137, 138. _All_ slepe, kepe. F. vnderstonde; take. 141. Tn. B. all_e_; F. al. 142. Th. He; F. Tn. That he. F. kynge. 144. Tn. B. Bid; F. Bud. 145. Th. Alcyone; F. Tn. Alchione. 146. Th. alone; F. allone. 149. _After_ speke _all insert_ right (_see next line_). 150. _All_ woned. 151. Tn. on; F. a. 152. F. hye the. 153. F. toke; went. 154. Th. he (_for_ ne). F. stent. 155. Tn. com; F. come. F. valey. 156. Th. bytwene; F. betwex; Tn. betwix. F. twey. 157. F. corne. 158, 159. _All_ noght (_for_ nothing). F. oughte. 162. F. dedely; Th. deedly; Tn. dedli. 166. F. There these; lay. 167. Th. F. B. Eclympasteyre (_as in text_); Tn. Etlympasteyre (_with_ t _for_ c). 168. Tn. heir_e_; F. eyre. 169, 170. F. werke, derke. 171. Tn. pit; F. pitte. 173. F. To envye; Tn. Th. vie. 175. Tn. slepte; F. slept; _see_ 177. Th. heed; F. hed. B. Tn. I-hid; Th. yhed; F. yhedde. 176. _All_ lay. F. Tn. bedde. 177. F. slepe; Th. Tn. slepte. 178. F. com. Tn. flyyng; F. fleynge; Th. rennyng. 179. F. Tn. O how; Th. ho ho. F. awake. 180. F. there. 181. F. Awake; lythe. 182. F. horne. Tn. B. ere; F. heere. 184. Tn. oon; F. on. F. ye; Th. eye; Tn. ei[gh]e. 185. Th. Tn. Cast; F. Caste. _All ins._ and _after_ up. 191. Th. wente; F. went. F. sayede; Tn. seide. 192. F. a-brayede; Tn. abraied. 195. F. Tooke; dreynt; _see_ Cant. Ta. B. 69. 196. F. bare. Th. Alcione; F. Tn. Alchione. 197. F. wife. 199. Th. her; F. Tn. hys. F. fete; _see_ note. 200. _All_ hete. 201. F. sayede; wyfe. 202. F. Awake; lyfe. 203. F. there; rede. 204. _I put_ nam; _all have_ am. F. dede. 206. _I supply_ look, _for the sake of sense and metre_; _read_--But good swet' hert-e, look that ye. 207. _All_ for suche; _read_ at whiche. 210. F. pray; youre. 211. F. while oure. 213. _All_ allas (_for_ A). 214. F. deyede; Tn. deid. 215. F. sayede. Tn. swow; Th. B. swowe; F. sorowe (!). 216. F. nowe. 219. Tn. told; F. tolde. F. thynge. 220. Th. Alcione; F. Tn. Alchione. F. kynge. 221. _All_ say. Tn. wel; F. welle. 222. Tn. eueridel; F. euerydelle. 223. F. thorgh. Tn. defaute; F. defaulte. _All_ slepe. 224. Th. F. ne had (_read_ nad); Tn. hade. Tn. red; F. redde. _All_ take kepe. 226. F. _omits_ I (_by mistake_). 228. F. redde. 229. F. kynge. 230. Th. goddes; F. Tn. goddis. 231. Tn. red; F. redde. 233. F. thoght. 234. Tn. herd; F. herde. 235. F. goddis. 236. _I supply the former_ for. 237. I ne = I n'. 238. F. sayede. 239. F. pley. 240. F. dey. 241. F. Thorgh defaulte. Tn. sleping; F. slepynge. 244. Tn. sum; F. som_m_e. F. ellis. F. roght; Th. Tn. rought. 245. Tn. som; F. some. 247. F. Yifte. F. abode. 248. B. on warde; _rest_ onwarde. 251. F. yif (_see_ l. 246). Tn. fethirbed; F. feder bedde. 252. Tn. cled; F. cledde. 253. Tn. fyn; F. fyne. Th. doutremere; Tn. dout_er_mere; F. de owter mere. 254. Tn. pilow; F. pelowe. 257, 8. F. fallys, hallys. 264. _All ins._ quene _after_ goddesse. Th. Alcione; F. Tn. Alchione. 267. _All_ wanne (!). 269. F. payede. 270. Tn. woord; F. worde. F. y-sayede. 271. Th. Tn. B. as; _which_ F. _omits_. Tn. told; F. tolde. 273. Tn. lust; F. luste. F. tooke. 274. F. booke. 275. F. evene. 276. F. swevene. 277. Tn. [gh]it; F. yitte. 278. Th. trowe; F. trow; Tn. trov. 281. Th. Tn. B. he; F. ho. F. red; Th. Tn. rad (_but read_ redde _or_ radde). 282. F. metynge. 283. B. leste; F. lest. 285. Tn. wrot; F. wrote. 286. F. kynge. 288. Th. Suche meruayles fortuned than; F. Tn. B. _omit this line_. 291. F. thoght. 292. F. dawnynge. Th. there; _rest om._ 294. _All_ And (_for_ I). 295. Tn. gret; F. grete. 296. _All insert_ my _before_ slepe; _it is not wanted_. 297. F. Thorgh; swettenesse; songe. 298. Th. as; F. Tn. B. al (_badly_). F. amonge. 299. F. roofe. 300. _All_ ouer al; _but omit_ ouer. 301. _All_ songe, song. 304. F. herde. Tn. B. som; F. so_m_me. Tn. song; F. songe (_it can be singular_). 305. Tn. Som; F. Som_m_e. F. high. 306. F. att. 307. F. harde; Tn. I-herd. 308. F. thynge. 309. F. soune. Th. Th. entunes; F. entewnes. 310. F. tewnes; Th. Tewnes; Tn. twnes. 311. F. herde. 313. F. Thorgh syngynge. 315. F. nowhere herde; halfe. 316. F. halfe. 318. Tn. ich; _rest_ eche. 319. F. _wrongly inserts_ of _after_ out. F. notys. 320. F. throtys. 321. F. soothe. 323. F. y-glasyd. 324. F. hoole y-crasyd. 326. Tn. hoolly; F. holy. Tn. storie; F. story. 327. F. glasynge. 328. _All_ and of king. 329. _All repeat_ of king _before_ Lamedon; _the words were caught from_ l. 328. 330. _All insert_ And eke _before_ Of Medea. 331. _All_ and of (_for_ and). 332. Tn. colours; F. colouris. 334. _All_ And; _read_ Of. 335. Th. weren; F. were. Tn. shet; F. shette. 336. F. throgh. 337. F. bryght. 338. F. gilde; Th. B. gyldy; Tn. gilti; _read_ gilden. 339. F. eke. F. welken; Th. Tn. welkyn. _All_ faire. 340. F. ayre. 341. Th. atempre; F. Tn. attempre. 342. _All ins._ to _bef._ cold. F. colde; hoote. Th. nas; F. Tn. was. 343. F. welkene; Th. welkyn; Tn. walkyn. 345. F. thoght. 346. F. Tassay; horne. 347. Tn. B. hors; Th. F. horse. 348. _All insert_ And _at the beginning of the line_; _but read_ I herd-e. F. Th. goynge; Tn. goyng; _after which all insert_ bothe (_which is not wanted_). 350. F. Th. speke; Tn. spake; _but read_ speken. 355. F. huntynge. 357. _I supply_ I. F. Tooke; forthe; went. 358. F. stent. 359. F. come; felde. 360. F. ouertoke; grete. 361. F. eke; foresterys. 362. F. lymerys. 364. Th. I; _which_ F. Tn. _omit_. _For_ at the _perhaps read_ atte. 366. F. felowe whoo. _All_ hunte (_read_ hunten). 367. _All_ answered (-id). 369. F. here fast. 370. _Read_ goddes _as_ god's. 373. F. didde. 374. F. huntynge fille. 375. F. fote hote. 376. F. blewe; mote. 377. F. vncoupylynge; Th. vncouplynge. 378. F. Withynne; while; herte. Th. F. founde; Tn. found; _read_ y-founde. 380. _All_ and so; _om._ so. 381. F. Tn. B. rused; Th. roused. F. staale. 383. Th. ouer-shot; F. ouershette; Tn. ouershet. Tn. hem; F. hym (_wrongly_). 384. Tn. on; F. vpon. Tn. defaute; F. defaulte. 386. F. Blewe. Th. Tn. forloyn; F. forleygne. _Perhaps read_ atte _for_ at the. 388. F. went; came. 389. F. whelpe. Th. fawned; F. Favned. F. stoode. 390. F. goode. 391. F. come. _All have_ crepte (_wrongly_); _read_ creep. 392. Tn. hade; F. had. 393. B. Hild; F. Hylde; Tn. Held. Th. heed; Tn. hed; F. hede. F. erys. 394. F. herys. 395. _All_ haue; _read_ han. 396. Tn. fledde; F. fled. 397. F. forthe went. 398. F. went. 399. _All_ swete (_correctly_). 400. _All_ fete; _see_ 199. 402. Tn. bothe; F. both. 404. _All_ made; _read_ mad _or_ maad. F dwellynge. 406. F. therthe; Th. the erthe. 408. F. moo; swche (_sic_). 409. Th. welken; F. walkene. F. sterris. 411. F. thorgh. 412. _All_ suffre. 414. F. woode. 415. _All_ made. 416. _All_ nede eke. 417. F. Where there. 419. F. stoode. 420. Tn. ten; F. tene. Th. foote; F. fete; Tn. _om._ Th. or; F. Tn. fro other (_repeated_). 422. Th. Tn. B. Of; F. Or. Th. or; _rest om._ F. fedme; Th. fedome; Tn. fedim; _read_ fadme. 424. Th. brode; F. Tn. bothe (_wrongly_). F. eke. 426. Tn. B. shadwe; F. shadewe. 427. Tn. hert; F. herte. 429. Th. fawnes; F. Tn. fovnes. F. Tn. sowres; Th. sowers. 430. Tn. wode; F. woode. 429, 430. B. doys, roys. 431. Th. squyrrels; F. sqwirels; Tn. squirels; B. squyrellys (_three syllables_). 432. F. high. 433. F. festys. 434. F. bestys. 435. Th. Tn. countour; F. counter (_and so in_ l. 436). 437. F. Tn. rekene; Th. reken (_caught from above_); _read_ rekened. F. figuris. 438. F. figuris. F. mowe; B. mow; Th. Tn. newe (_reading doubtful_). _All have_ al ken; _see_ note. 440. B. tell_e_; _rest_ tel. F. thinge. 441. F. evene. 442. F. swevene. 443. _All ins._ right _bef._ wonder. 444. F. Doune; woode. 446. Th. sate; F. Tn. sete. Tn. Iturned; F. turned. 447. F. ooke. 448. Th. Tn. thought; F. thogh (!). 450. F. went. 451. Tn. fond; F. founde. 452. F. farynge. 454. _All but_ B. _insert_ ryght _before_ yong. Tn. [gh]ung; F. Th. yonge. 455. _All_ yere; _read_ yeer. 456. _All_ heere, here; _read_ heer. 457. Th. blacke; F. blake. 458. Tn. bakke; F. bake. 459. F. stoode. 460. F. sawe. 461. Tn. heng; F. henge. Th. heed; Tn. hed; F. hede. 462. Tn. dedly; F. dedely. 463. Th. Tn. twelue; F. twelfe. 464. Th. Tn. selue; F. selfe. 465. Tn. pite; F. pitee. 468. _All_ suffre; _read_ suffren. 469. F. suche. Th. deed; F. Tn. ded. 470. Tn. pitous; B. pitouse; F. petuose. Tn. nothing; F. no thynge. Th. reed; F. Tn. red. 471. F. sayed; Tn. said. 471, 2. Tn. song; F. songe. 473. B. _alone supplies_ it (=hit); _all insert_ ful _before_ wel. 475. F. grete; Tn. gret. _All_ wone; _read_ woon. 476. F. Ioy; none. 477, 8. _Read_ brighte, mighte? 479. Th. deed; F. ded. _After_ l. 479 Thynne _inserts_ And thus in sorowe lefte me alone; _it is spurious_; _see_ note. [Hence there is no l. 480.] 481. Koch _supplies_ o. Tn. deth; F. dethe. 483. Tn. that; _which_ F. Tn. _omit_. 484. F. faire. F. freshe; Tn. fressh. 485. _All_ se; _but read_ y-see. 486. F. goodenesse. 487. _All_ made. Th. B. complaynte; F. complaynt. 488. F. sorwful. Th. herte; F. hert. Th. B. faynte; F. faynt. 489. F. spiritis. 490. Tn. blood; F. bloode. 491. Th. herte; F. hert. _All_ warme. 492. Th. herte; F. hert. _All_ harme. 493. B. wite; F. wete. _All_ eke. 498. _All insert_ ther _before_ no. F. noo bloode. _All_ is; _but read_ was. 499. Th. lymme; B. Tn. lyme; F. hym(!). 500. B. saw; F. saugh. 501. F. Th. there; Tn. for. _All_ sete (fete _is dat. pl._). 502. F. went; stoode. 503. _All_ spake (_wrongly_). 504. Th. Tn. owne; F. ovne. 506. F. Th. lyfe; Tn. life. 507. F. thought. 509. F. throgh. B. sorwe; Tn. sorov; F. sorwes. 511. Tn. lost; F. loste. 512. F. _inserts_ the _before_ god; Th. Tn. _omit_. 513. F. wrothe. 514. Th. laste; F. last. F. sothe. 515. F. stoode. 516. _All_ did. F. hoode. 517. _All_ had ygret; Lange _proposes_ grette (_e_ unelided). 519. F. wrothe. 520. F. sothe. 521. B. saw; F. sawgh. F. trewly. 522. Tn. goode; F. good. 523, 4. F. oughte, thoughte. 526. F. thamendys. 527. F. lyeth; Tn. lith. 528. F. There. _All_ myssayde. 529. Th. goodly; F. goodely. _All_ spake (!). Th. knyght; F. knyghte. 530. B. ben; _rest_ be. 531. F. towgh. 532. F. sawe; aqueynt. 533. F. fonde. 535. F. thoght. 537. F. oughte. 538. F. knowynge; thoughte. 541. F. These huntys konne. 543. F. there on; dele (Tn. del). 544. Tn. Bi; Th. By; F. Be. F. oure lorde; wele (Tn. wel). 545. B. thinketh; F. thenketh. 547. F. grete. 548. _Ins._ good; see 714, 721. Th. Tn. if; F. yif. 550. F. wys; Th. wyse; Tn. wisse. 554. Th. al; F. alle; Tn. _om._ 556. B. ese; F. ease. 560. Tn. frend; F. frende. 564. _All_ fal. 565. F. vnderstondynge lorne. 566. F. borne. 568. F. Th. _ins._ al (Tn. of) _before_ the. 570. _All ins._ his _after_ with. 571. _All ins._ no _after_ may. 573. Th. Tn. houres; F. oures. 574. _All_ assay. 575. B. Th. herte; F. Tn. hert. 577. F. wrechch; Tn. wrecch; Tn. wretche (_for_ wrecche). _All_ made. 578. F. al; Th. Tn. al the; B. all_e_ (_read_ al-le). 579. B. all_e_; _rest_ al. 581. _All_ lyfe. F. loothe. 582. F. wroothe (_it is plural_). 583. _All ins._ ful _after_ so. F. foo. 584. _All_ That; _read_ Thogh. F. soo. 586. _For the former_ hit, _all have_ him; _but see line above_. 587. Th. reed; F. rede. 588. F. deynge. Th. deed; F. dede. 589. F. B. Thesiphus; Tn. Tesiphus; Th. Tesyphus. (_The two latter are miswritten for_ Cesiphus = Sesiphus). Tn. lithe; F. Th. lyeth. 591. Th. Tn. al; F. alle. Th. by; F. Tn. be. 592. Tn. hade; F. had. 594. Tn. feenli (_sic_); Th. F. fendely. 596. Tn. met; Th. F. mette (!); _read_ y-met. 598. B. tell_e_; _rest_ tel. 599. _For_ song, F. Th. _have_ sorowe, _and_ Tn. _has_ sorov, _which are absurd; the reading is obviously_ song, _the_ ng _being altered to_ rowe _by influence of_ l. 597, _which the scribes glanced at_. Tn. pleyny_n_g; F. pleynynge. 600. Tn. laughter; F. lawghtre. Tn. weping; F. wepynge. 601. F. thoghtys. 603. _All_ eke. 604. Th. Tn. good; F. goode. _All_ harme. 605. Th. playeng; F. pleynge. 606. F. sorwynge. 607. Tn. sekenes; F. sekeenesse (_sic_). 609. Tn. li[gh]t; F. lyghte; Th. syght. 610. Tn. wit; F. wytte. Th. Tn. nyght; F. nyghte. 611. _All_ slepe. Tn. waking; F. wakynge. 612. Tn. fasting; F. fastynge. 614. Tn. abaved (_sic_); Th. F. abawed. _All_ where so. 617. Tn. boldnes; Th. F. boldenesse. (_Perhaps read_ y-turned.) 618. F. pleyde; Th. played; Tn. pleied. 619. F. Atte the (_wrongly_); Th. Tn. At the. Tn. ches; Th. F. chesse. 621. Tn. halt; F. Th. halte (!). 622. Tn. goth; Th. gothe; F. gethe (!). Th. halte; Tn. is halt; F. is halte. 627. Th. wrien; _rest_ varien (!). 628. Th. Tn. monstres; F. Mowstres. Th. heed; F. Tn. hed. 629. B. filth; _rest_ fylthe. Th. Tn. ystrowed. 630. F. worshippe. Th. Tn. floures; F. B. flourys; _read_ flour is. 632. Tn. feith; F. feythe. 633. F. lawghynge. 634. Tn. oon; Th. F. one. Th. eye; Tn. ei[gh]; F. yghe; B. ye. F. wepynge. 635. Th. set; F. sette. 637. F. flateyrynge; Tn. flateryng. 639. Th. Tn. amyd; F. amydde. 640. Th. he; F. hyt; Tn. it. 642. F. thenvyouse; Tn. thenvious; Th. the enuyous. 644. Th. false; F. Tn. fals. 645. F. no thynge. 647. Th. Ful; _rest_ For. F. thus she; Tn. Th. she thus. 649. Th. nat; F. Tn. not. 650. Th. false; F. Tn. fals. Th. F. thefe; Tn. knaue. 651. F. oure lorde; the sey. 652. _All_ At the; Atte _is better_. Tn. ches; Th. F. chesse. F. pley. 653. Th. Tn. false; F. fals. 654. F. staale; toke. F. Tn. fers; Th. feers. 655. F. sawgh. B. a-waye; _rest_ away. 656. B. pleye; Th. F. play; Tn. pley. 657. _All_ farewel (farewell); _and in_ l. 658. 660. _All insert_ the _after_ in (_badly_). 661. F. povne; Tn. pou_n_; Th. paune. Tn. erraunt; F. errante. 663. Tn. Athalaus. 664. Tn. ches; Th. F. chesse. 666. B. I-koude; Th. Tn. Iconde (!); F. y-konde (!); _see_ l. 667. 667. Tn. Grek; F. Greke. Th. Pithagores; F. Tn. Pictagoras. 668. Tn. pleyd; F. pleyde. 670. Tn. thogh; Th. thoughe; F. thoght (_sic_). F. trewly. 671. F. holde; wysshe. 675. _All_ eke. B. las; F. lasse; Tn. lesse. 676. F. -selfe. 677. Th. had I ben; F. as I be (_wrongly_). 678. F. oght. 681. _All_ she my fers; _read_ my fers she (Koch). _All_ kaught, _read_ caughte; _and_ dranghte _in_ ll. 682, 685. 683. Tn. wis; F. wys. 684. Th. she; F. Tn. B. he. F. tooke. 685. F. throgh; draught; lorne. 686. F. borne. 689. F. doone. 690. F. Be oure lorde; soone. 691. F. -thynge. _I supply_ ne. 693. _All_ For there (ther); _but omit_ For. 694. F. ayre. 695. F. yifte. 696. F. wepynge. 699. Tn. lyth; F. lyeth. F. rekenynge. 700. Th. Tn. In; F. Inne. 701. F. levyth noe. 702. B. Tn. glade; F. glad; _read_ gladde. 703. Th. lost; F. loste. 710. Tn. telle; F. tel. 711. Th. Tn. Thus; F. This. 712. F. myght; duelle. 713. Tn. dide, herte; F. dyd, hert. 714. Th. good; F. goode. 715. Tn. som; F. so_m_me. 721. _All insert_ yis (_or_ yes) _before_ parde; _which spoils both sense and metre_. 722. Th. say; _rest om._ F. trewly. 723. Th. lost; F. loste. 726. Th. good; F. goode. 727. Tn. slowe; F. slowgh. 728. _All_ also; _read_ als. 729. F. Henge. 732. _All_ the quene; _omit_ the. _All_ eke. 733. Tn. slow; F. slough. F. selfe. 734. _I supply former_ a. F. foole. 735. _All_ Ecquo. 739. Tn. slow; F. slough. F. hym-selfe. 740. _All_ no man; _but read_ noon. 741. _Perhaps read_ maken. 743. F. woste; menyst. 744. Th, lost; F. loste. F. thow wenyst. 745. F. Tn. Loo she that may be; Th. Howe that may be; _here_ she _is an error for_ sir, _and_ Howe that may be _for_ how may that be; (_ed. 1550 has_ Howe may that be). 746. _All_ sir. F. Tn. telle; Th. tel. F. hooly. 749. F. come. Tn. sit; F. sytte. 750. F. _inserts_ hyt _after_ telle; _which_ Th. Tn. _omit_. Th. Tn. vpon a; F. vp a; _but_ vp _is right_. 751. _All ins._ shalt _after_ thou; _omit it_ (Koch). F. hooly. Tn. wit; Th. wyt; F. wytte. 752. Tn. hit; F. hitte (!). 754. F. Tn. here lo; Th. here to. _Accent_ ther- _and_ her-. 755. _Perhaps_ right _should be omitted_. 756. F. Hooly. 758. B. half; F. halfe; (goddes = god's). 760. Tn. wit; F. wytte. 761. F. vnderstondynge. 763. Tn. wit; F. wytte. 764. Tn. yit; F. yitte. 765. Tn. youen; F. yive. 766. F. hooly. 767, 768. Th. thral, al; F. thralle, alle. Th. wyl; F. wille. 771. _All_ deuoutely. _All insert_ I _before_ prayde. Th. prayde; F. prayed. 772. Th. Tn. herte; F. hert. 773. F. plesance; _see_ l. 767. 774. F. worshippe. 775, 6. _All_ yere, owhere. 778. Tn. cam; F. came. 779. F. Perauenture; _see_ l. 788. _All insert_ moste _before_ able. 780. F. white walle. 781. F. cachche. 783. F. Tn. Whethir; Th. Whether; _read_ Wher (_contracted form_). F. portrey or peynt; Tn. purtrey or paynte. 784. Tn. queynte; F. queynt. 785. _All insert_ ryght _before_ so. 787. Th. Tn. conde (_for_ coude); F. kende (_for_ kenned). 788. _All_ arte. 789. Tn. kam; F. came. 790. _All_ forgate. 791. Th. chees; Tn. chese; F. ches. Tn. fyrste; F. first. _All_ crafte (_but it will not rime_). 792. _All_ lafte (_wrongly_); _read_ y-laft. 793. _All_ For-why; _read_ For? _All_ toke. _All_ yonge. 795. F. no thynge. 796. F. Thorgh. Tn. knowlechynge; F. knowlachynge. 799. Tn. firste; F. first. 800. F. goode; Th. good. 801. F. Tn. flyttynge. 802. _All ins._ That tyme (_see_ l. 797) _bef._ And. Tn. thoughte_n_; _rest_ thoght. F. Tn. varyinge. 804. F. knewe; stoode. 805. F. came. _Perhaps_ on (_or_ a) _should be omitted_. 806. _All_ ther that I; _om._ that. 808. F. euere. F. Tn. ye; Th. eye. 810. Tn. hap; F. happe. 811. F. broght; Tn. broghte. _All_ there. 813. Tn. false; F. fals. 816. Tn. tell_e_; F. tel. 817. F. Amonge these. 818. _I supply_ ther. 819. _All_ lyke (like). _I supply_ al. 821. Tn. bryght; F. bryghte. 822. Th. lyght; F. lyghte. 823. _All_ any other planete in; _see_ note. F. hevene. 824. F. sevene. 826. Th. Tn. Surmounted; F. Surmountede. Tn. B. all_e_; F. al. 828. _All ins._ of _after_ and. F. _ins._ so _before_ wel; _which_ Th. Tn. _omit_. Th. Tn. set; F. sette. 829. Th. goodlyhede; F. godelyhede. _All ins._ and _before_ so, _probably caught from the line above_. B. beseye; _rest_ besey. 830. Th. _supplies_ more; F. Tn. _omit_. _All_ sey. 831. Th. Tn. his; F. _omits_. 832. Tn. as; Th. F. al. 833. Th. stedfast; F. stedfaste. 835. F. Tn. had wel herd; _om._ wel. 838. F. y-kaught; Th. I cought; Tn. I caughte. 839. _All_ toke. 840. _All_ counseyl; _I propose_ reed. _All_ loke. 841. Th. And; F. Tn. But (_caught from_ l. 840). Th. Tn. herte; F. hest (_wrongly_). _All_ for why; _read_ for? 842. F. hert; Th. Tn. herte. 843. F. ovne; _read_ owne. 844. F. beter; Th. better; Tn. bettyr; _read_ bet. 846. Tn. B. soth; F. Th. sothe. 848. Tn. saw; F. sawgh. F. comelely; Th. comely; Tn. comly. 850. F. Lawghe; pley. 852. Th. goodly; F. goodely. 854. Tn. seyn; F. seyne. 855. _All_ on; _read_ upon. 856. Tn. seyn; F. seyne. (_For_ was _probably read_ nas.) 857. F. yelowe; broune. 858. F. Tn. thoght. Th. F. lyke; Tn. likely. Th. golde; _which_ F. Tn. _absurdly omit_. 861. F. goode. 862. F. looke. 863. F. ouertwert; Tn. ouyrthwerte; Th. ouertwhart (_sic_). Th. beset; Tn. biset; F. besette. 864. F. Tn. drewh. F. tooke. _All_ enerydele. 865. Tn. B. All_e_; F. Th. Al. 867. F. foolys; B. folys. 869. F. thynge. 870. F. lokynge. 873. Th. close; Tn. clos; F. cloos. 874. F. lokynge. Th. folyche. 876. Tn. thoghte; F. thoght. 877. Th. By; F. Tn. Be. 882. Th. trowe; F. Tn. trow. 883. Th. herte; Tn. hyrte; F. hert. 884. _All_ sate. B. lyte; Tn. lite; F. litel. Th. Tn. herte; F. hert. 885. Tn. knew; F. knowe (_sic_). F. no thynge. 886. _This line is in_ Th. _only;_ Th. _has_ knewe _(twice)._ 887. Tn. roghte; Th. F. rought. 888. Tn. ner; F. nerre. F. was; Th. Tn. nas. 889. Th. than; Tn. then; F. that. 891. Tn. gode; Th. F. good. _All_ folke. 893. F. wounder. 894. F. placis. 895. _All_ But which; _omit_ But. 898. Th. bothe; F. both. 900. _All_ eke. B. spyritz; F. spiritis. 901. _All_ grete a thynge. 902. Th. wyt; Tn. F. witte. 903. Th. F. comprehende; Tn. comprehend; _read_ comprehenden. 904. Tn. seyn; F. sayn. 905. _All insert_ white _after_ Was, _which spoils metre and story_ (_see_ l. 948). F. fressh. 908. Th. Tn. certes; F. certys. 909. _All_ faire _or_ fayre. 910, 911. B. chief; _rest_ chefe. Th. Tn. patron; F. patrone. 913. F. thynkyth. 914. Tn. B. all_e_; Th. F. al (_it is plural_). 916. _I supply_ They; Th. Ne wolde haue; Tn. Ne sholde haue; F. Ne sholde ha. _The right reading is_ They ne sholde have (They ne _being read as_ They n'). 919. Th. goodly; F. goodely. 921. Th. frendly; F. frendely. 922. F. B. Vp; Th. Tn. Vpon; _see_ l. 750. 923. Tn. B. all_e_; F. al. Tn. gode; F. goode. 924. _After_ swere _all insert_ wel (_needlessly_). Tn. rode; F. roode. 929. Th. Tn. pope; F. Pape. 930. _All ins._ yet _after_ never. Th. through; F. throgh. 931. F. gretely. 932. Th. Tn. her; F. hit (_sic_). _I supply_ ther (_cf._ l. 930); _perhaps omitted, because_ her _also ended in_ her. _All_ harme. 933. F. flaterynge; word. 937. _All_ dele. 938. _All_ worlde; wele. 939. _All_ fairenesse (fayrenes). 941. Th. Tn. B. sene; F. seen. Th. F. myssatte; Tn. missate. 942. _All badly insert_ pure (_dissyllabic_) _before_ flat; _but_ smothe _has two syllables_. Tn. flat; Th. F. flatte. 943. _All_ or; _I read_ and. 944. Th. by; _rest_ be. 946. _All_ rounde. Th. tour; F. Tn. toure. 947. Th. good; E. goode. F. gretenesse; grete. 948. B. het; _rest_ hete. 949. Th. right; F. ryghte. 950. _All_ faire. Th. bright; F. bryghte. 951. _All_ had (_but it is emphatic_). _All_ wronge. 952. _All_ longe. 953. _All_ had. 954. Th. great; F. Tn. grete. 957. Tn. bak; F. bakke. 958. B. knyw; _rest_ knewe. _All_ noon other; _perhaps read_ no maner. Tn. lak; F. lakke. 959. _All insert_ pure (_dissyllabic_) _after_ nere; _but_ limmes _is dissyllabic_. 960. Tn. fer; F. ferre. F. knowynge. 961. Th. playe; F. pley. 962. Tn. liste; F. list. Th. saye; F. sey. 963. _All_ lyke. 965. F. hathe. 969. Tn. cacche; F. cachche. Th. Tn. if; F. yif (_and in_ l. 970). 971. _All_ swere wel; _read_ sweren (_omitting the expletive_ wel). 972. _All_ thousande. 973. F. lest. 974. B. chieff; _rest_ chefe. Th. Tn. myrrour; F. meroure. Th. Tn. feste; F. fest. 975. Th. F. stonde; _read_ stonden. 976. Th. that; _which_ Tn. F. _omit_. 977. Tn. B. pleyd; F. pleyed. 978. F. thoght. Th. felaushyp; Tn. feliship; F. felysshyppe. 979. Tn. saw; F. sawgh. 981. Th. F. Trewly; Tn. Truly. B. ye; Th. F. eye (_note the rime_). 982. Th. Tn. soleyn; F. soleyne. 983. Th. lyueth; F. levyth. 984. Tn. knew; _rest_ knowe. 985. Th. goodnesse; F. godenesse. 988. Th. Tn. if; F. yif. 989. Tn. F. seyn; Th. sayne. F. alle. 990. Tn. wit; F. wytte. Th. general; F. generalle. 991. F. hoole. 992. _All_ wytte. 994. _All_ And thereto; _but_ And _is needless_. F. sawgh. 995. Th. Harmful; F. Harmeful. 996. _For_ ne had _perhaps read_ nad. 997. _I transpose_; _all have_ What harme was (_but_ harm _is monosyllabic, and the line is then bad_). 998. Tn. F. coude. Th. thynketh; F. thenketh. 1000. F. had hadde hyt hadde. 1001. _All_ dele. 1002. _All_ wele. 1003. F. al and alle. 1004. Th. principal; F. principalle. 1007. F. stedefaste. 1008. Th. Tn. B. attempre; F. atempry. 1009. Tn. knew; F. knewe. Tn. yit; F. yitte. 1010. Tn. wit; F. wytte. 1011. F. vnderstoode. 1012. F. goode. 1016. _All_ wronge. 1019. Tn. luste; F. lust 1020. _All_ wolde not; _an error for_ nolde (Koch). 1022. _All_ halfe worde. 1025. Th. F. pruyse; Tn. pruse; B. sprewse. 1027. Th. bydde; F. bid. 1028. Th. hoodlesse; F. hoodeles. _All_ in-to; _read_ to. 1029. B. hom; _rest_ home. Tn. Carrynare. 1030. F. Tn. sey; Th. _omits_. 1032. F. Worshyppe. 1034. F. wherfore. Tn. telle; F. tel. 1035. _All_ seyde (sayde). 1036. F. hooly. _All_ leyde (layde). 1037. _All_ wyfe (wife). 1038. _All_ luste. _All_ lyfe (life). 1039. Tn. F. happe; Th. hope. 1040. F. worldys. _I substitute_ lisse _for_ goddesse; _see_ note. 1041. F. hooly hires and; Th. Tn. holy hers and; B. hooly hyres. 1042. F. oure. 1043. Th. beset; F. besette; Tn. yset. 1044. F. myght haue doo bette. 1045. Th. Tn. Bet; F. Bette. F. wele. 1046. F. hit wel sir; Th. Tn. _om._ hit wel. 1047. F. sire. 1048. _All_ trewly. 1049. Th. Tn. beste; F. best. 1050. Tn. fayreste; F. fayrest. 1051. _All ins_. her _after_ loked. 1052. Tn. B. all_e_; F. al. 1053. _All_ swore; _read_ sworen. 1054. _Perhaps read_ nadde. 1056. F. had hadde (_better_ hadde had). 1057. _All_ Alcipyades. 1060. Th. Tn. Alisaundre; F. Alisaunder. ? _omit_ al _or_ the. 1064. Th. therto; F. Tn. to (_see_ 1059). Th. Tn. al so; F. also as. 1066. Tn. slow; F. slough. 1067. Tn. therfor; F. ther fore. 1069. Tn. slayn; F. slayne. Th. Tn. Antilegius; F. Antylegyus. 1071. _I supply_ hir. 1074. Tn. moste; F. most. 1075. _All insert_ trewly _after_ nay; _we must omit it_. 1075, 6. F. nowe, howe. 1077. Th. good; F. goode. F. hert. 1078. _All_ eke. 1081. _All ins._ was _after_ ever. Th. Penelope; F. Penelopee; Tn. penelapie; _read_ Penelop'. 1082. _All_ wyfe (wife). 1083: Th. beste; F. best. 1084: Tn. romayn; F. Romayne. 1088: _All_ wherfore. 1089: F. firste. Th. sey; F. say. 1090: _All_ yonge. _I supply_ the. 1091: F. grete nede. 1093: F. grete. 1094: _All_ wytte. Tn. best; F. beste. 1095: _All_ yonge. F. childely wytte. 1097: B. beste; _rest_ best. 1098: F. worshippe. Th. F. _insert_ the _before_ servyse; _but_ Tn. _omits_. 1099: _All_ coude tho; _read_ tho coude. Tn. by; F. be. 1100: F. Feynynge. 1101: Tn. fayn; F. feyne. 1103: Tn. saw; F. sawgh. 1104: Th. warysshed; F. Tn. warshed. 1106: F. thoght. 1108: Tn. sit; Th. syt; F. sytte. Th. Tn. in; F. _om._ 1110: Th. out; Tn. F. oute. 1111: _All_ trewly. 1114. _All_ shrifte (shryfte). 1117. Tn. certes; F. certis. 1118. Tn. Achitofell; F. Achetofel. 1120. Tn. traytour; F. traytore. Tn. F. B. betraysed; Th. betrayed. 1121. Th. false; F. fals. _All_ Genellon. 1123. Tn. rowland; F. Rowlande. 1124. _All_ while (whyle). 1126. F. good; Tn. gode. _I supply_ right. 1127. _All_ tolde. B. her-; F. here-. 1128. _All_ nede. F. Th. Tn. _insert_ to _after_ need; B. _omits it_. Tn. hit; Th. it; F. _om._ 1129. Tn. sawe; F. sawgh. Th. first; F. firste. 1130. Tn. telle; F. tel. 1131. Tn. her; F. hire. B. firste; _rest_ first. 1133. _All_ knewe (_subjunctive_). 1135. _All_ eke. 1136. Tn. her-; F. here-. 1137. Tn. seyde he; F. he seyde. F. menyst. 1138. F. wenyst. 1139. Tn. los; F. losse. _I supply_ sir. 1141. F. doon; Tn. Th. done (_read_ y-doon). 1142. F. bathe lefte. 1143. Th. tel; F. telle. Th. al; F. alle. 1144. Th. shal; F. shalle. 1145. _All_ say. Tn. seyd; F. seyde. 1146. Tn. leyd; F. leyde. 1147. _All needlessly insert_ not (_or_ nat) _after_ hit. 1150. F. tel. 1153. Tn. herte; F. hert. 1154. Th. asterte; F. astert. 1155. _Omit_ But for? F. _ins._ so _before_ fro; Tn. Th. _omit_. 1158. _All_ songe. 1159. F. Th. Tn. _ins._ this (B. thus) _before_ a. F. grete dele. 1160. _All_ wele. 1161. Th. Tn. ne; B. to; F. the (!). F. knowe (_infin._); Tn. know; Th. knewe (_wrongly_). _All_ the arte; _perhaps read_ that art. 1162. Th. Lamekes; F. lamekys. Th. Tubal; F. Tuballe; Tn. B. Tuballe. 1163. B. fonde; _rest_ founde. Th. first; F. firste. _All_ songe. 1164. Tn. brothers; F. brothres. 1165. Th. anuelt; Tn. anuelte; F. Anuelet. Tn. doun; F. doon. 1166. F. tooke. B. fyrste; _rest_ first. Tn. soune; F. soon. 1167. Th. of Pithagoras. 1168. Tn. fyrste; F. first. 1169. _All_ arte. 1171. F. Algatis. 1172. F. felynge; hert 1173. Th. this; F. Tn. thus. _I supply_ the. Tn. firste; F. first. 1174. Th. werst; Tn. F. _repeat_ first. _I supply_ that. 1175. _All_ Lorde. Tn. herte; F. hert. 1178. _All_ myght (might). 1180. _All_ faire (fayre). 1181. _All_ tolde. Tn. soth; F. sothe. _All_ say. 1182. Tn. firste; F. first. _All_ songe; _all_ day. 1183. Tn. bethoghte; F. bethoght. 1185. F. wyst. 1186. Tn. tell_e_; F. tel. _All_ durst. 1187. Tn. thoghte; F. thoght. F. rede. 1188. _All_ am; _grammar requires_ nam. F. dede. 1189. Tn. if; F. yif. _All_ sey (say), _after which ryght is needlessly inserted; I omit it_. Tn. soth; F. sothe. 1190. Tn. wroth; F. wrothe. 1192. _All_ debate. 1193. Tn. thoghte; F. thoght. F. brast; Th. Tn. braste (_subj._). Tn. a tweyn; F. a tweyne. 1194. _All_ at the; _read_ atte. Tn. seyn; F. sayne. 1195. _All_ bethoght (bethought) me. 1197. _All_ trewly _or_ truly. 1198. F. wyth oute; _read_ withouten. 1201. F. nedys; Mawgree. Th. heed; F. hede. 1202. Tn. moste; F. most. _All_ tolde. Th. deed; F. dede. 1203. Th. began; F. beganne (!). 1204. _All_ reherse _or_ reherce; _but read_ rehersen. 1205, 6. _All_ eke. Th. -al, dismal; F. Tn. -alle, dismalle. 1208. _All_ worde. 1210. F. wordys. Tn. mysset; F. mys sette. 1212. F. quakynge. 1213. F. styntynge. 1215. Tn. wex; F. wexe. Th. reed; F. rede. 1216. F. Bowynge. Th. heed; F. hede. 1218. Tn. wit; F. witte. _All_ maner. 1220. _All_ sate (!). 1221. _All_ at the; _read_ atte. Tn. soth; F. sothe. Tn. seyn; F. seyne. 1222. Tn. herte; F. hert. Tn. agayn; F. ageyne. 1223. Th. shortly; F. shortely. Th. al; Tn. B. all_e_; F. at (!). 1226. _All_ swore (!). 1228. F. fresshly. 1230. F. worshippe. 1231. _All_ swore _or_ swere(!). 1232. Th. al; F. alle. 1234. _All ins._ to _before_ false. 1235. Tn. wisse; F. wysse; B. wys. 1237. _All_ wote (!). 1238. Tn. thoghte; F. thoght. 1239. _All ins._ ryght _before_ as. 1242. F. wordys. 1244. Th. Al; F. Alle. 1248. Th. Troye; F. Troy. 1250. Tn. durste; F. durst. 1251. F. stale. 1253. _All_ trewly. _All_ nede. 1254. _All_ hede. 1256. _All_ fonde _or_ founde. 1261. F. vnderstode. 1262. Th. thyng; F. Tn. B. no thynge; _but_ no _is not required by idiom or metre_. _All_ goode, gode. 1263. F. worshippe. 1264. _All_ al (_or_ alle) thynges; _but_ al thing _is the right idiom_. Th. drede; Tn. to drede; F. dred. 1266. _For_ And _read_ That (Lange). 1267. _All_ harme. 1268. Tn. knew; F. knewe. 1269. F. hooly. 1270. F. yifte. 1271. F. Savynge hir worshippe. 1273. _All_ rynge (!). 1274. Tn. firste; F. first. Th. thyng; F. thynge. 1275. Tn. if; F. yif. Tn. herte; F. hert. 1276. Tn. Glad; F. Gladde. _All_ nede. 1279. Tn. all_e_; F. al. 1281. _All_ trewly (treuly). 1282. Th. Tn. B. the; _which_ F. _omits_. 1284. Th. debonairly; F. debonairely. 1285. Tn. B. all_e_ (_first time_); _the rest_ al. B. all_e_ (_second time_); _rest_ al. 1286. F. tooke. 1289. F. Oure. Th. F. werne; Tn. weren. Th. euen; F. evene. 1290. Th. Tn. contrayre; F. contrarye. 1293. _All_ eke. 1294. _All_ glad. 1300. Tn. B. wex; F. waxe; Th. woxe. Th. deed; F. dede. 1302. Tn. los; F. losse. 1303. F. hadde; _rest_ had. _All_ lorne (!). 1304. F. Bethenke. F. herebeforne. 1305. F. menyst. 1306. F. wenyst. 1307. F. wote. 1309. Th. deed; F. ded. Tn. bi; F. be. 1310. F. youre. Tn. los; F. losse. Th. by; F. be. 1312. _Read rather_ They gonne forth straken (_or_ striken). 1313. Th. hart; F. Tn. herte (!). 1314. F. thoght; kynge. 1315. _I supply_ quikly; _the line is too short_. 1316. _All insert_ was _after_ place. 1318. _All_ longe. F. wallys. 1319. Th. Tn. By; F. Be. Th. hyl; F. Tn. hille. 1320. Th. fyl; F. Tn. fille (!). 1322. F. castell. _All ins._ ther _before_ was. 1323. Th. smytte; F. Tn. smyte; _read_ smiten (_pp._). Th. houres; F. oures. 1324. F. awooke. 1325. _All_ fonde _or_ founde. F. lyinge. Tn. bed; F. bedde. 1326. F. booke. Tn. had red; F. hadde redde. 1327. Th. Alcyone; F. Alchione. F. kynge. 1328. F. goddys of slepynge. 1329. Tn. euyn; F. evene. 1330. Tn. Thoghte; F. Thoght. Tn. sweuyn; F. sweuene. 1331. Th. by; F. be. 1332. _All_ put. Tn. sweuyn; F. sweuene. 1334. Tn. sweuyn; F. sweuene. COLOPHON; _so in_ F. B. * * * * * IV. THE COMPLEYNT OF MARS. _The Proem._ Gladeth, ye foules, of the morow gray, Lo! Venus risen among yon rowes rede! And floures fresshe, honoureth ye this day; For when the sonne uprist, then wol ye sprede. But ye lovers, that lye in any drede, 5 Fleeth, lest wikked tonges yow espye; Lo! yond the sonne, the candel of Ielosye! With teres blewe, and with a wounded herte Taketh your leve; and, with seynt Iohn to borow, Apeseth somwhat of your sorowes smerte, 10 Tyme cometh eft, that cese shal your sorow; The glade night is worth an hevy morow!'-- (Seynte Valentyne! a foul thus herde I singe Upon thy day, er sonne gan up-springe).-- Yet sang this foul--'I rede yow al a-wake, 15 And ye, that han not chosen in humble wyse, Without repenting cheseth yow your make. And ye, that han ful chosen as I devyse, Yet at the leste renoveleth your servyse; Confermeth it perpetuely to dure, 20 And paciently taketh your aventure. And for the worship of this hye feste, Yet wol I, in my briddes wyse, singe The sentence of the compleynt, at the leste, That woful Mars made atte departinge 35 Fro fresshe Venus in a morweninge, Whan Phebus, with his fyry torches rede, Ransaked every lover in his drede. _The Story._ P. Whylom the thridde hevenes lord above, As wel by hevenish revolucioun 30 As by desert, hath wonne Venus his love, And she hath take him in subieccioun, And as a maistresse taught him his lessoun, Comaunding him that never, in hir servyse, He nere so bold no lover to despyse. 35 For she forbad him Ielosye at alle, And cruelte, and bost, and tirannye; She made him at hir lust so humble and talle, That when hir deyned caste on him her ye, He took in pacience to live or dye; 40 And thus she brydeleth him in hir manere, With no-thing but with scourging of hir chere. Who regneth now in blisse but Venus, That hath this worthy knight in governaunce? Who singeth now but Mars, that serveth thus 45 The faire Venus, causer of plesaunce? He bynt him to perpetual obeisaunce, And she bynt hir to loven him for ever, But so be that his trespas hit dissever. Thus be they knit, and regnen as in heven 50 By loking most; til hit fil, on a tyde, That by hir bothe assent was set a steven, That Mars shal entre, as faste as he may glyde, Into hir nexte paleys, to abyde, Walking his cours til she had him a-take, 55 And he preyde hir to haste hir for his sake. Then seyde he thus--"myn hertes lady swete, Ye knowe wel my mischef in that place; For sikerly, til that I with yow mete, My lyf stant ther in aventure and grace; 60 But when I see the beaute of your face, Ther is no dreed of deth may do me smerte, For al your lust is ese to myn herte." She hath so gret compassion of hir knight, That dwelleth in solitude til she come; 65 For hit stood so, that ilke tyme, no wight Counseyled him, ne seyde to him welcome, That nigh hir wit for wo was overcome; Wherfore she spedde hir as faste in hir weye, Almost in oon day, as he dide in tweye. 70 The grete Ioye that was betwix hem two, Whan they be met, ther may no tunge telle, Ther is no more, but unto bed they go, And thus in Ioye and blisse I let hem dwelle; This worthy Mars, that is of knighthod welle, 75 The flour of fairnes lappeth in his armes, And Venus kisseth Mars, the god of armes. Soiourned hath this Mars, of which I rede, In chambre amid the paleys prively A certeyn tyme, til him fel a drede, 80 Through Phebus, that was comen hastely Within the paleys-yates sturdely, With torche in honde, of which the stremes brighte On Venus chambre knokkeden ful lighte. The chambre, ther as lay this fresshe quene, 85 Depeynted was with whyte boles grete, And by the light she knew, that shoon so shene, That Phebus cam to brenne hem with his hete; This sely Venus, dreynt in teres wete, Enbraceth Mars, and seyde, "alas! I dye! 90 The torch is come, that al this world wol wrye." Up sterte Mars, him liste not to slepe, Whan he his lady herde so compleyne; But, for his nature was not for to wepe, In stede of teres, fro his eyen tweyne 95 The fyry sparkes brosten out for peyne; And hente his hauberk, that lay him besyde; Flee wolde he not, ne mighte him-selven hyde. He throweth on his helm of huge wighte, And girt him with his swerde; and in his honde 100 His mighty spere, as he was wont to fighte, He shaketh so that almost it to-wonde; Ful hevy he was to walken over londe; He may not holde with Venus companye, But bad hir fleen, lest Phebus hir espye. 105 O woful Mars! alas! what mayst thou seyn, That in the paleys of thy disturbaunce Art left behinde, in peril to be sleyn? And yet ther-to is double thy penaunce, For she, that hath thyn herte in governaunce, 110 Is passed halfe the stremes of thyn yen; That thou nere swift, wel mayst thou wepe and cryen. Now fleeth Venus un-to Cylenius tour, With voide cours, for fere of Phebus light. Alas! and ther ne hath she no socour, 115 For she ne fond ne saw no maner wight; And eek as ther she had but litil might; Wher-for, hir-selven for to hyde and save, Within the gate she fledde into a cave. Derk was this cave, and smoking as the helle, 120 Not but two pas within the gate hit stood; A naturel day in derk I lete hir dwelle. Now wol I speke of Mars, furious and wood; For sorow he wolde have seen his herte blood; Sith that he mighte hir don no companye, 125 He ne roghte not a myte for to dye. So feble he wex, for hete and for his wo, That nigh he swelt, he mighte unnethe endure; He passeth but oo steyre in dayes two, But ner the les, for al his hevy armure, 130 He foloweth hir that is his lyves cure; For whos departing he took gretter yre Thanne for al his brenning in the fyre. After he walketh softely a pas, Compleyning, that hit pite was to here. 135 He seyde, "O lady bright, Venus! alas! That ever so wyde a compas is my spere! Alas! whan shal I mete yow, herte dere, This twelfte day of April I endure, Through Ielous Phebus, this misaventure." 140 Now god helpe sely Venus allone! But, as god wolde, hit happed for to be, That, whyl that Venus weping made hir mone, Cylenius, ryding in his chevauche, Fro Venus valance mighte his paleys see, 145 And Venus he salueth, and maketh chere, And hir receyveth as his frend ful dere. Mars dwelleth forth in his adversite, Compleyning ever on hir departinge; And what his compleynt was, remembreth me; 150 And therfore, in this lusty morweninge, As I best can, I wol hit seyn and singe, And after that I wol my leve take; And God yeve every wight Ioye of his make! The compleynt of Mars. _The Proem of the Compleynt._ P. The ordre of compleynt requireth skilfully, 155 That if a wight shal pleyne pitously, There mot be cause wherfor that men pleyne; Or men may deme he pleyneth folily And causeles; alas! that am not I! Wherfor the ground and cause of al my peyne, 160 So as my troubled wit may hit ateyne, I wol reherse; not for to have redresse, But to declare my ground of hevinesse. _Devotion._ P. The firste tyme, alas! that I was wroght, And for certeyn effectes hider broght 165 By him that lordeth ech intelligence, I yaf my trewe servise and my thoght, For evermore--how dere I have hit boght!-- To hir, that is of so gret excellence, That what wight that first sheweth his presence, 170 When she is wroth and taketh of him no cure, He may not longe in Ioye of love endure. This is no feyned mater that I telle; My lady is the verrey sours and welle Of beaute, lust, fredom, and gentilnesse, 175 Of riche aray--how dere men hit selle!-- Of al disport in which men frendly dwelle, Of love and pley, and of benigne humblesse, Of soune of instruments of al swetnesse; And therto so wel fortuned and thewed, 180 That through the world hir goodnesse is y-shewed. What wonder is then, thogh that I besette My servise on suche oon, that may me knette To wele or wo, sith hit lyth in hir might? Therfor my herte for ever I to hir hette; 185 Ne trewly, for my dethe, I shal not lette To ben hir trewest servaunt and hir knight. I flater noght, that may wite every wight; For this day in hir servise shal I dye; But grace be, I see hir never with ye. 190 _A Lady in fear and woe._ P. To whom shal I than pleyne of my distresse? Who may me helpe, who may my harm redresse? Shal I compleyne unto my lady free? Nay, certes! for she hath such hevinesse, For fere and eek for wo, that, as I gesse, 195 In litil tyme hit wol hir bane be. But were she sauf, hit wer no fors of me. Alas! that ever lovers mote endure, For love, so many a perilous aventure! For thogh so be that lovers be as trewe 200 As any metal that is forged newe, In many a cas hem tydeth ofte sorowe. Somtyme hir ladies will not on hem rewe, Somtyme, yif that Ielosye hit knewe, They mighten lightly leye hir heed to borowe; 205 Somtyme envyous folke with tunges horowe Depraven hem; alas! whom may they plese? But he be fals, no lover hath his ese. But what availeth suche a long sermoun Of aventures of love, up and doun? 210 I wol returne and speken of my peyne; The point is this of my destruccioun, My righte lady, my salvacioun, Is in affray, and not to whom to pleyne. O herte swete, O lady sovereyne! 215 For your disese, wel oghte I swoune and swelte, Thogh I non other harm ne drede felte. _Instability of Happiness._ P. To what fyn made the god that sit so hye, Benethen him, love other companye, And streyneth folk to love, malgre hir hede? 220 And then hir Ioye, for oght I can espye, Ne lasteth not the twinkeling of an ye, And somme han never Ioye til they be dede. What meneth this? what is this mistihede? Wherto constreyneth he his folk so faste 225 Thing to desyre, but hit shulde laste? And thogh he made a lover love a thing, And maketh hit seme stedfast and during, Yet putteth he in hit such misaventure, That reste nis ther noon in his yeving. 230 And that is wonder, that so Iust a king Doth such hardnesse to his creature. Thus, whether love breke or elles dure, Algates he that hath with love to done Hath ofter wo then changed is the mone. 235 Hit semeth he hath to lovers enmite, And lyk a fissher, as men alday may see, Baiteth his angle-hook with som plesaunce, Til mony a fish is wood til that he be Sesed ther-with; and then at erst hath he 240 Al his desyr, and ther-with al mischaunce; And thogh the lyne breke, he hath penaunce; For with the hoke he wounded is so sore, That he his wages hath for ever-more. _The Brooch of Thebes._ P. The broche of Thebes was of suche a kinde, 245 So ful of rubies and of stones Inde, That every wight, that sette on hit an ye, He wende anon to worthe out of his minde; So sore the beaute wolde his herte binde, Til he hit hadde, him thoghte he moste dye; 250 And whan that hit was his, than shulde he drye Such wo for drede, ay whyl that he hit hadde, That welnigh for the fere he shulde madde. And whan hit was fro his possessioun, Than had he double wo and passioun 255 For he so fair a tresor had forgo; But yet this broche, as in conclusioun, Was not the cause of this confusioun; But he that wroghte hit enfortuned hit so, That every wight that had hit shuld have wo; 260 And therfor in the worcher was the vyce, And in the covetour that was so nyce. So fareth hit by lovers and by me; For thogh my lady have so gret beaute, That I was mad til I had gete hir grace, 265 She was not cause of myn adversite, But he that wroghte hir, also mot I thee, That putte suche a beaute in hir face, That made me to covete and purchace Myn owne deth; him wyte I that I dye, 270 And myn unwit, that ever I clomb so hye. _An Appeal for Sympathy._ P. But to yow, hardy knightes of renoun, Sin that ye be of my divisioun, Al be I not worthy to so grete a name, Yet, seyn these clerkes, I am your patroun; 275 Ther-for ye oghte have som compassioun Of my disese, and take it noght a-game. The proudest of yow may be mad ful tame; Wherfor I prey yow, of your gentilesse, That ye compleyne for myn hevinesse. 280 And ye, my ladies, that ben trewe and stable, By way of kinde, ye oghten to be able To have pite of folk that be in peyne: Now have ye cause to clothe yow in sable; Sith that your emperice, the honorable, 285 Is desolat, wel oghte ye to pleyne; Now shuld your holy teres falle and reyne. Alas! your honour and your emperice, Nigh deed for drede, ne can hir not chevise. Compleyneth eek, ye lovers, al in-fere, 290 For hir that, with unfeyned humble chere, Was ever redy to do yow socour; Compleyneth hir that ever hath had yow dere; Compleyneth beaute, fredom, and manere; Compleyneth hir that endeth your labour; 295 Compleyneth thilke ensample of al honour, That never dide but al gentilesse; Kytheth therfor on hir som kindenesse.' 298 1. Ar. foules; Ju. fowles; T. fooles (!); Harl. floures (_see_ l. 3); F. Tn. lovers (_wrongly_). F. Harl. on; Tn. in; _rest_ of. 2. Ar. the; F. Harl. yow; Tn. Ju. you; T. your (_wrongly_; Thynne (1532) _has_ yon, _which, after all, is clearly right_). 3. T. Ar. honoureth: F. Tn. honouren. F. the (!); _rest_ ye. F. Tn. T. day; Ju. Harl. Ar. may (!) 4. F. Harl. sunne; _rest_ sonne. Ar. vp risith. Ju. T. Ar. ye; F. they (!); Tn. the (!); Harl. he (!!). 5. Ar. any; F. eny. 7. F. Loo yonde; sunne; Ialosye. 8. F. blew; hert. 9. F. sent; Ar. seynt. 10. F. sum-; smert. 11. Ar. eft; Th. efte; T. efft; F. ofte. 12. Tn. Th. glade; F. glad. 13. F. foule; herd. 14. F. your; Ar. the; _rest_ thy. F. sunne. 15. F. sange; foule. 17-19. _in wrong order in_ F. Tn. 17. T. you; Ar. [gh]ow; Ju. ye; _rest om._ 19. F. this fest; _rest_ the leste (lest, leest). 22. F. high_e_; Tn. high; _rest_ hye. F. fest. 24. F. lest. 25. F. departyng; _see_ l. 149. 26. F. morwnyng (_see_ Kn. Tale, 204). 28. F. _ins._ hath _bef._ every; Tn. hat; Ju. had; _rest om._ 29. T. thridde; F. thrid. 35. Ju. Ar. nere; F. T. ner. F. bolde; dispise. 38. F. (_only_) _om._ him. F. calle (_for_ talle); Harl. talle; Ju. Ar. tall; T. tal. 39. F. to cast; Ju. T. _rightly omit_ to. 40. F. toke. 41. F. maner. 42. Ju. scourgyng; T. skowrging_e_; Ar. scurgeing; Tn. schouryng (_sic_); F. stering; Th. scornyng, _and ed._ 1561 scorni_n_g (_probably a substitution_). F. cher. 46. F. fair. 48. T. Ar. loven; _rest_ loue. 49. Tn. trespas; F. trespace. T. Ar. disseuer; F. deseuer. 51. T. Ju. Tn. By; F. Be. 53. F. fast. 54. Tn. nexte; F. next. 55. Ar. our_e_-take. 56. T. preyde; F. preiede. F. faste (!); Harl. hasten; _rest_ haste. 57. F. hertis; suete. 58. F. myschefe. 59. F. sikirly. 60. F. lyfe. 62. F. smert. 63. F. alle; hert. 64. F. grete. F. on; _rest_ of. 66. F. stode. 67. Jn. Harl. T. Ar. _ins._ there _after 1st_ him. 68. F. nyghe; witte. F. sorowe; Tn. sorow; _rest_ wo, woo. 69. T. spedde; F. sped. T. Ar. als; _rest_ as. F. fast; wey. 70. F. dyd; twey. 71. Ar. betuix; F. betwex; _rest_ bytwene. 72. F. When; mette; tel. 74. F. duel. 75. F. knyghthode wel. 76. F. feyrenesse. 81. F. Throgh. 82. F. (_alone_) _inserts_ ful _before_ sturdely. 83. F. bryght. 84. Ju. Th. knockeden; Harl. knokkid_e_; Tn. knokked; F. knokken (_wrongly; a copy in_ MS. Pepys 2006 _rightly has_ knokkeden). 87. F. shone. 88. Tn. T. brenne; F. bren. 89. F. cely (_for_ sely); Tn. Ju. sely. MSS. nygh dreynt; _omit_ nygh. 92. Tn. sterte; F. stert. Tn. liste; F. lust. 95. Tn. stede; F. stid. F. twyne. 97. F. hent; hauberke; ley. 98. F. wold; myght. 99. Tn. Ju. T. throweth; F. thrwe (_badly_). F. helme; wyght. 101. F. fyght. 102. Ar. to-wound; Harl. to-wond; _rest_ to-wonde. 103. Ar. he was; _rest_ was he. 108. F. (_alone_) _inserts_ thou _after_ Art. 110. F. hert. 112. Tn. Ju. Th. nere; F. ner. 113. F. Tn. in to; Harl. to _rest_ vn to. Ju. Cylenius; Harl. Cylenyus; Ar. Cilenius; T. Celenius; Tn. cilinius; F. cilinios. F. toure. 115. Harl. T. ne; Ar. so; _rest om._ 116. F. founde; saugh. 117. F. eke. 119. Harl. T. fledde; Tn. Ju. Ar. fled; F. fel. 120. F. Derke; hel. 121. F. pales; _rest_ pas (pace). F. stode. 122. F. let; duel. 123. _So all._ F. wode. 124. F. wold; sene; hert blode. 125. F. myght. Harl. done hir; Ju. doo her; T. Ar. do hir; F. Tn. haue done her; _read_ hir don. 126. Tn. roghte; Ju. Harl. Ar. rought; F. thoght (!). 128. F. myght. 129. Harl. o; T. oon; Ju. one; _rest_ a. Tn. Ju. Harl. steyre; T. stayre; F. sterre (!). 130. F. lesse. 132. F. toke. 133. Harl. T. Thanne; F. Then. 134. F. paas. 135. F. heree. 137. F. speree. 138. F. hert. 139. T. twelfft (_but read_ twelfte); Ju. twelfth; Harl. Ar. twelf (_wrongly_); F. Tn. xij. F. dayes; Tn. days; _rest_ day (_rightly_). 140. F. Throgh Ielouse. 141. _Read_ helpe god (Koch). 143. F. while. 144. Ju. Cylenius; F. Cilinius. Tn. Lt. cheuauche; F. cheuache. 145. F. Ju. Fro; Ar. From; Tn. Harl. T. For. Ar. valance; Tn. valauns; F. Valaunses; Th. (ed. 1532) Valanus (_for_ Valauns?); Ju. balance; Harl. T. balaunce. 147. F. frende. 151. F. morwnynge. 154. Ju. Th. yeue; F. yif. F. Ioy. TITLE. _In_ F. Ar. Ju.; T. Complaint of mars. 156. F. pleyn. 157. F. wherfore; pleyn. 158. F. Other; _rest_ Or. Ju. Ar. folily; F. folely. 160. F. grounde; peyn. 161. F. witte; ateyn. 163. F. grounde. 164. F. first. 166. Tn. By; F. Be. 167. F. trwe; Tn. trewe. 169. F. That (_by mistake_); _rest_ To. F. excelence. 171. F. wrothe. 175. F. fredam. 179. F. Instrumentes. 181. F. thorow; worlde. 182. _All but_ Tn. Th. _om._ that. T. besette; F. beset. 183. T. oone; Tn. Ar. one; F. on (_twice_). F. knet; Ar. knett; _rest_ knette. 184. F. lythe. 185. F. Therfore. F. hert. Ju. Th. hette; Ar. het; F. T. hight; Tn. set; (Longleat MS. _has_ hette). 186. F. truly. Tn. Ju. T. shal I. F. let. 187. F. truest; Tn. Ar. trewest. 188. Tn. wite; F. wete; T. wit; Ju. knowe. 191. T. thane (_for_ than); _rest omit_. 192. F. harme. 193. F. compleyn. 195. F. eke. 197. Ju. Ar. sauf; T. sauff; F. Tn. safe. 200. Tn. thogh; F. tho. 201. Tn. any; F. eny. 202. Tn. many; F. mony. T. Ar. cas; F. case. 203. F. Somme; _rest_ Somtyme. Ju. T. Ar. lady. 204. Ar. gif; _rest_ if, yf; _read_ yif. 205. F. ley; hede. 207. Ju. T. Th. Deprauen; Ar. Depeynen; F. Tn. Dep_ar_ten. 209. F. longe. 210. _Read_ lov-e (e _unelided_). F. dovne. 213. Tn. righte; F. right. F. sauacyou_n_; _rest_ saluacioun. 214. F. pleyn. 215. F. hert suete. F. Tn. o; Ar. and; T. and my; Ju. _om._ 216. F. I oght wel; Tn. I oghte wel; Ju. T. Ar. wel ought I. Ju. swowne; Ar. suoun; T. swoone; Tn. swone; F. sowne. F. swelt. 217. F. none; harme; felt. 218. Ju. fyn; _rest_ fyne. F. sitte; T. sit. 219. T. Tn. Ju. him; Ar. thame; F. _om._ F. other (= or); Tn. othyr (= or); Ju. T. or. 220. F. folke. 221. F. Ioy. 222. Tn. ye; _rest_ eye. 223. F. Ioy. 225. F. folke; fast. 226. F. shuld last. 228. F. stidfast. 229. Ju. put; Ar. puttis. 230. Tn. T. reste; F. rest. T. noon; Ar. non; Ju. none; F. _om._ 231. F. Iuste. 236. Tn. enmyte; F. enemyte. 237. F. lyke. 238. Tn. Ju. Bayteth; F. Bateth. Ju. hook; F. hoke. Tn. som; F. summe. 239. F. fissch; wode. F. to; _rest_ til. 241. F. desire. 244. F. hathe. 245. F. such. 246. F. Tn. Ar. stones of; Jn. T. _om._ of; _see_ Rom. Rose, 67. 247. T. Th. sette; Ar. sett; _rest_ set. 248. Tn. wende; F. wend. 249. F. wold; hert. 250. T. hade; _rest_ had. F. thoght. Tn. moste; F. must. 251. F. Ju. _om._ that. F. (_only_) _om._ his. F. shuld. 252. Ju. T. hadde; F. had. 253. Ju. sholde madde; F. shuld mad. 256. F. feir; tresore (Tn. Iuel). 259. F. wroght. Tn. Th. enfortuned; T. enfortund; F. enfortune (!). 261. F. therfore. 267. F. wroght. Ju. Ar. also; T. als; F. Tn. as. 268. F. Tn. Ju. Ar. put (_for_ putte); T. list to putte. Tn. Ju. a; F. T. Ar. _om._ 269. T. Ar. to; _rest om._ F. coueten; Tn. Ju. coueyten; (_but_ to covete _is better_). 270. F. ovne; Th. owne; Ju. T. Ar. owen. F. dethe. 271. F. ovne witte; Tn. _and rest_ vnwit. F. clombe. 273. F. deuisioun. 274. _Perhaps omit_ to (_as_ T.). 276. F. Therefore; oght; somme. 278. Tn. proudest; F. pruddest. Ar. maid; _rest_ made (_for_ mad, _pp._). 279. F. Wherfore. 280. F. Tn. compleyn; Ju. Ar. compleyne; T. compleynen. 281. Ar. trewe; F. true. 282. Ar. By; F. Be. 283. F. folke; peyn. 285. Tn. emperice; F. emperise (_and in_ l. 288). 286. Tn. oghte; F. oght; Ar. aughten. 289. F. Negh ded. 290. F. eke. 293. Tn. Compleyneth; F. Comple_n_ (_by mistake_); _see next line_. 297. Tn. dide; Ju. dyde; _rest_ did. T. al; Ju. all; Ar. alway; F. Tn. _om._ 298. Ar. sum; F. summe. * * * * * V. THE PARLEMENT OF FOULES. _The Proem._ The lyf so short, the craft so long to lerne, Thassay so hard, so sharp the conquering, The dredful Ioy, that alwey slit so yerne, Al this mene I by love, that my feling Astonyeth with his wonderful worching 5 So sore y-wis, that whan I on him thinke, Nat wot I wel wher that I wake or winke. For al be that I knowe not love in dede, Ne wot how that he quyteth folk hir hyre, Yet happeth me ful ofte in bokes rede 10 Of his miracles, and his cruel yre; Ther rede I wel he wol be lord and syre, I dar not seyn, his strokes been so sore, But God save swich a lord! I can no more. Of usage, what for luste what for lore, 15 On bokes rede I ofte, as I yow tolde. But wherfor that I speke al this? not yore Agon, hit happed me for to beholde Upon a boke, was write with lettres olde; And ther-upon, a certeyn thing to lerne, 20 The longe day ful faste I radde and yerne. For out of olde feldes, as men seith, Cometh al this newe corn fro yeer to yere; And out of olde bokes, in good feith, Cometh al this newe science that men lere. 25 But now to purpos as of this matere-- To rede forth hit gan me so delyte, That al the day me thoughte but a lyte. This book of which I make mencioun, Entitled was al thus, as I shal telle, 30 Tullius of the dreme of Scipioun'; Chapitres seven hit hadde, of hevene and helle, And erthe, and soules that therinne dwelle, Of whiche, as shortly as I can hit trete, Of his sentence I wol you seyn the grete. 35 First telleth hit, whan Scipioun was come In Afrik, how he mette Massinisse, That him for Ioye in armes hath y nome. Than telleth [hit] hir speche and al the blisse That was betwix hem, til the day gan misse; 40 And how his auncestre, African so dere, Gan in his slepe that night to him appere. Than telleth hit that, fro a sterry place, How African hath him Cartage shewed, And warned him before of al his grace, 45 And seyde him, what man, lered other lewed, That loveth comun profit, wel y-thewed, He shal unto a blisful place wende, Ther as Ioye is that last withouten ende. Than asked he, if folk that heer be dede 50 Have lyf and dwelling in another place; And African seyde, 'ye, withoute drede,' And that our present worldes lyves space Nis but a maner deth, what wey we trace, And rightful folk shal go, after they dye, 55 To heven; and shewed him the galaxye. Than shewed he him the litel erthe, that heer is, At regard of the hevenes quantite; And after shewed he him the nyne speres, And after that the melodye herde he 60 That cometh of thilke speres thryes three, That welle is of musyke and melodye In this world heer, and cause of armonye. Than bad he him, sin erthe was so lyte, And ful of torment and of harde grace, 65 That he ne shulde him in the world delyte. Than tolde he him, in certeyn yeres space, That every sterre shulde come into his place Ther hit was first; and al shulde out of minde That in this worlde is don of al mankinde. 70 Than prayde him Scipioun to telle him al The wey to come un-to that hevene blisse; And he seyde, 'know thy-self first immortal, And loke ay besily thou werke and wisse To comun profit, and thou shalt nat misse 75 To comen swiftly to that place dere, That ful of blisse is and of soules clere. But brekers of the lawe, soth to seyne, And lecherous folk, after that they be dede, Shul alwey whirle aboute therthe in peyne, 80 Til many a world be passed, out of drede, And than, for-yeven alle hir wikked dede, Than shul they come unto that blisful place, To which to comen god thee sende his grace!'-- The day gan failen, and the derke night, 85 That reveth bestes from hir besinesse, Berafte me my book for lakke of light, And to my bedde I gan me for to dresse, Fulfild of thought and besy hevinesse; For bothe I hadde thing which that I nolde, 90 And eek I ne hadde that thing that I wolde. But fynally my spirit, at the laste, For-wery of my labour al the day, Took rest, that made me to slepe faste, And in my slepe I mette, as I lay, 95 How African, right in that selfe aray That Scipioun him saw before that tyde, Was comen, and stood right at my beddes syde. The wery hunter, slepinge in his bed, To wode ayein his minde goth anoon; 100 The Iuge dremeth how his plees ben sped; The carter dremeth how his cartes goon; The riche, of gold; the knight fight with his foon, The seke met he drinketh of the tonne; The lover met he hath his lady wonne. 105 Can I nat seyn if that the cause were For I had red of African beforn, That made me to mete that he stood there; But thus seyde he, 'thou hast thee so wel born In loking of myn olde book to-torn, 110 Of which Macrobie roghte nat a lyte, That somdel of thy labour wolde I quyte!'-- Citherea! thou blisful lady swete, That with thy fyr-brand dauntest whom thee lest, And madest me this sweven for to mete, 115 Be thou my help in this, for thou mayst best; As wisly as I saw thee north-north-west, When I began my sweven for to wryte, So yif me might to ryme hit and endyte! _The Story._ This forseid African me hente anoon, 120 And forth with him unto a gate broghte Right of a parke, walled with grene stoon; And over the gate, with lettres large y-wroghte, Ther weren vers y-writen, as me thoghte, On eyther halfe, of ful gret difference, 125 Of which I shal yow sey the pleyn sentence. Thorgh me men goon in-to that blisful place Of hertes hele and dedly woundes cure; Thorgh me men goon unto the welle of Grace, Ther grene and lusty May shal ever endure; 130 This is the wey to al good aventure; Be glad, thou reder, and thy sorwe of-caste, Al open am I; passe in, and hy the faste!' Thorgh me men goon,' than spak that other syde, 'Unto the mortal strokes of the spere, 135 Of which Disdayn and Daunger is the gyde, Ther tree shal never fruyt ne leves bere. This streem you ledeth to the sorwful were, Ther as the fish in prison is al drye; Theschewing is only the remedye.' 140 Thise vers of gold and blak y-writen were, The whiche I gan a stounde to beholde, For with that oon encresed ay my fere, And with that other gan myn herte bolde; That oon me hette, that other did me colde, 145 No wit had I, for errour, for to chese, To entre or flee, or me to save or lese. Right as, betwixen adamauntes two Of even might, a pece of iren y-set, That hath no might to meve to ne fro-- 150 For what that on may hale, that other let-- Ferde I, that niste whether me was bet, To entre or leve, til African my gyde Me hente, and shoof in at the gates wyde, And seyde, 'hit stondeth writen in thy face, 155 Thyn errour, though thou telle it not to me; But dred thee nat to come in-to this place, For this wryting is no-thing ment by thee, Ne by noon, but he Loves servant be; For thou of love hast lost thy tast, I gesse, 160 As seek man hath of swete and bitternesse. But natheles, al-though that thou be dulle, Yit that thou canst not do, yit mayst thou see; For many a man that may not stonde a pulle, Yit lyketh him at the wrastling for to be, 165 And demeth yit wher he do bet or he; And if thou haddest cunning for tendyte, I shal thee shewen mater of to wryte.' With that my hond in his he took anoon, Of which I comfort caughte, and wente in faste; 170 But lord! so I was glad and wel begoon! For over-al, wher that I myn eyen caste, Were trees clad with leves that ay shal laste, Eche in his kinde, of colour fresh and grene As emeraude, that Ioye was to sene. 175 The bilder ook, and eek the hardy asshe; The piler elm, the cofre unto careyne; The boxtree piper; holm to whippes lasshe; The sayling firr; the cipres, deth to pleyne; The sheter ew, the asp for shaftes pleyne; 180 The olyve of pees, and eek the drunken vyne, The victor palm, the laurer to devyne. A garden saw I, ful of blosmy bowes, Upon a river, in a grene mede, Ther as that swetnesse evermore y-now is, 185 With floures whyte, blewe, yelowe, and rede; And colde welle-stremes, no-thing dede, That swommen ful of smale fisshes lighte, With finnes rede and scales silver-brighte. On every bough the briddes herde I singe, 190 With voys of aungel in hir armonye, Som besyed hem hir briddes forth to bringe; The litel conyes to hir pley gunne hye, And further al aboute I gan espye The dredful roo, the buk, the hert and hinde, 195 Squerels, and bestes smale of gentil kinde. Of instruments of strenges in acord Herde I so pleye a ravisshing swetnesse, That god, that maker is of al and lord, Ne herde never better, as I gesse; 200 Therwith a wind, unnethe hit might be lesse, Made in the leves grene a noise softe Acordant to the foules songe on-lofte. The air of that place so attempre was That never was grevaunce of hoot ne cold; 205 Ther wex eek every holsom spyce and gras, Ne no man may ther wexe seek ne old; Yet was ther Ioye more a thousand fold Then man can telle; ne never wolde it nighte, But ay cleer day to any mannes sighte. 210 Under a tree, besyde a welle, I say Cupyde our lord his arwes forge and fyle; And at his fete his bowe al redy lay, And wel his doghter tempred al the whyle The hedes in the welle, and with hir wyle 215 She couched hem after as they shulde serve, Som for to slee, and som to wounde and kerve. Tho was I war of Plesaunce anon-right, And of Aray, and Lust, and Curtesye; And of the Craft that can and hath the might 220 To doon by force a wight to do folye-- Disfigurat was she, I nil not lye; And by him-self, under an oke, I gesse, Sawe I Delyt, that stood with Gentilnesse. I saw Beautee, withouten any atyr, 225 And Youthe, ful of game and Iolyte, Fool-hardinesse, Flatery, and Desyr, Messagerye, and Mede, and other three-- Hir names shul noght here be told for me-- And upon pilers grete of Iasper longe 230 I saw a temple of bras y-founded stronge. Aboute the temple daunceden alway Wommen y-nowe, of whiche somme ther were Faire of hem-self, and somme of hem were gay; In kirtels, al disshevele, wente they there-- 235 That was hir office alwey, yeer by yere-- And on the temple, of doves whyte and faire Saw I sittinge many a hundred paire. Before the temple-dore ful soberly Dame Pees sat, with a curteyn in hir hond: 240 And hir besyde, wonder discretly, Dame Pacience sitting ther I fond With face pale, upon an hille of sond; And alder-next, within and eek with-oute, Behest and Art, and of hir folke a route. 245 Within the temple, of syghes hote as fyr I herde a swogh that gan aboute renne; Which syghes were engendred with desyr, That maden every auter for to brenne Of newe flaume; and wel aspyed I thenne 250 That al the cause of sorwes that they drye Com of the bitter goddesse Ialousye. The god Priapus saw I, as I wente, Within the temple, in soverayn place stonde, In swich aray as whan the asse him shente 255 With crye by night, and with his ceptre in honde; Ful besily men gunne assaye and fonde Upon his hede to sette, of sondry hewe, Garlondes ful of fresshe floures newe. And in a privee corner, in disporte, 260 Fond I Venus and hir porter Richesse, That was ful noble and hauteyn of hir porte; Derk was that place, but afterward lightnesse I saw a lyte, unnethe hit might be lesse, And on a bed of golde she lay to reste, 265 Til that the hote sonne gan to weste. Hir gilte heres with a golden threde Y-bounden were, untressed as she lay, And naked fro the breste unto the hede Men might hir see; and, sothly for to say, 270 The remenant wel kevered to my pay Right with a subtil kerchef of Valence, Ther was no thikker cloth of no defence. The place yaf a thousand savours swote, And Bachus, god of wyn, sat hir besyde, 275 And Ceres next, that doth of hunger bote; And, as I seide, amiddes lay Cipryde, To whom on knees two yonge folkes cryde To ben hir help; but thus I leet hir lye, And ferther in the temple I gan espye 280 That, in dispyte of Diane the chaste, Ful many a bowe y-broke heng on the wal Of maydens, suche as gunne hir tymes waste In hir servyse; and peynted over al Of many a story, of which I touche shal 285 A fewe, as of Calixte and Athalaunte, And many a mayde, of which the name I wante; Semyramus, Candace, and Ercules, Biblis, Dido, Tisbe and Piramus, Tristram, Isoude, Paris, and Achilles, 290 Eleyne, Cleopatre, and Troilus, Silla, and eek the moder of Romulus-- Alle these were peynted on that other syde, And al hir love, and in what plyte they dyde. Whan I was come ayen into the place 295 That I of spak, that was so swote and grene, Forth welk I tho, my-selven to solace. Tho was I war wher that ther sat a quene That, as of light the somer-sonne shene Passeth the sterre, right so over mesure 300 She fairer was than any creature. And in a launde, upon an hille of floures, Was set this noble goddesse Nature; Of braunches were hir halles and hir boures, Y-wrought after hir craft and hir mesure; 305 Ne ther nas foul that cometh of engendrure, That they ne were prest in hir presence, To take hir doom and yeve hir audience. For this was on seynt Valentynes day, Whan every foul cometh ther to chese his make, 310 Of every kinde, that men thenke may; And that so huge a noyse gan they make, That erthe and see, and tree, and every lake So ful was, that unnethe was ther space For me to stonde, so ful was al the place. 315 And right as Aleyn, in the Pleynt of Kinde, Devyseth Nature of aray and face, In swich aray men mighten hir ther finde. This noble emperesse, ful of grace, Bad every foul to take his owne place, 320 As they were wont alwey fro yeer to yere, Seynt Valentynes day, to stonden there. That is to sey, the foules of ravyne Were hyest set; and than the foules smale, That eten as hem nature wolde enclyne, 325 As worm, or thing of whiche I telle no tale; But water-foul sat lowest in the dale; And foul that liveth by seed sat on the grene, And that so fele, that wonder was to sene. Ther mighte men the royal egle finde, 330 That with his sharpe look perceth the sonne; And other egles of a lower kinde, Of which that clerkes wel devysen conne. Ther was the tyraunt with his fethres donne And greye, I mene the goshauk, that doth pyne 335 To briddes for his outrageous ravyne. The gentil faucon, that with his feet distreyneth The kinges hond; the hardy sperhauk eke, The quayles foo; the merlion that peyneth Him-self ful ofte, the larke for to seke; 340 Ther was the douve, with hir eyen meke; The Ialous swan, ayens his deth that singeth; The oule eek, that of dethe the bode bringeth; The crane the geaunt, with his trompes soune; The theef, the chogh; and eek the Iangling pye; 345 The scorning Iay; the eles foo, the heroune; The false lapwing, ful of trecherye; The stare, that the counseyl can bewrye; The tame ruddok; and the coward kyte; The cok, that orloge is of thorpes lyte; 350 The sparow, Venus sone; the nightingale, That clepeth forth the fresshe leves newe; The swalow, mordrer of the flyes smale That maken hony of floures fresshe of hewe; The wedded turtel, with hir herte trewe; 355 The pecok, with his aungels fethres brighte; The fesaunt, scorner of the cok by nighte; The waker goos; the cukkow ever unkinde; The popiniay, ful of delicasye; The drake, stroyer of his owne kinde; 360 The stork, the wreker of avouterye; The hote cormeraunt of glotonye; The raven wys, the crow with vois of care; The throstel olde; the frosty feldefare. What shulde I seyn? of foules every kinde 365 That in this worlde han fethres and stature, Men mighten in that place assembled finde Before the noble goddesse Nature. And everich of hem did his besy cure Benignely to chese or for to take, 370 By hir acord, his formel or his make. But to the poynt--Nature held on hir honde A formel egle, of shap the gentileste That ever she among hir werkes fonde, The most benigne and the goodlieste; 375 In hir was every vertu at his reste, So ferforth, that Nature hir-self had blisse To loke on hir, and ofte hir bek to kisse. Nature, the vicaire of thalmyghty lorde, That hoot, cold, hevy, light, [and] moist and dreye 380 Hath knit by even noumbre of acorde, In esy vois began to speke and seye, Foules, tak hede of my sentence, I preye, And, for your ese, in furthering of your nede, As faste as I may speke, I wol me spede. 385 Ye know wel how, seynt Valentynes day, By my statut and through my governaunce, Ye come for to chese--and flee your way-- Your makes, as I prik yow with plesaunce. But natheles, my rightful ordenaunce 390 May I not lete, for al this world to winne, That he that most is worthy shal beginne. The tercel egle, as that ye knowen wel, The foul royal above yow in degree, The wyse and worthy, secree, trewe as stel, 395 The which I formed have, as ye may see, In every part as hit best lyketh me, Hit nedeth noght his shap yow to devyse, He shal first chese and speken in his gyse. And after him, by order shul ye chese, 400 After your kinde, everich as yow lyketh, And, as your hap is, shul ye winne or lese; But which of yow that love most entryketh, God sende him hir that sorest for him syketh.' And therwith-al the tercel gan she calle, 405 And seyde, 'my sone, the choys is to thee falle. But natheles, in this condicioun Mot be the choys of everich that is here, That she agree to his eleccioun, Who-so he be that shulde been hir fere; 410 This is our usage alwey, fro yeer to yere; And who so may at this time have his grace, In blisful tyme he com in-to this place.' With hed enclyned and with ful humble chere This royal tercel spak and taried nought; 415 Unto my sovereyn lady, and noght my fere, I chese, and chese with wille and herte and thought, The formel on your hond so wel y-wrought, Whos I am al and ever wol hir serve, Do what hir list, to do me live or sterve. 420 Beseching hir of mercy and of grace, As she that is my lady sovereyne; Or let me dye present in this place. For certes, long may I not live in peyne; For in myn herte is corven every veyne; 425 Having reward only to my trouthe, My dere herte, have on my wo som routhe. And if that I to hir be founde untrewe, Disobeysaunt, or wilful negligent, Avauntour, or in proces love a newe, 430 I pray to you this be my Iugement, That with these foules I be al to-rent, That ilke day that ever she me finde To hir untrewe, or in my gilte unkinde. And sin that noon loveth hir so wel as I, 435 Al be she never of love me behette, Than oghte she be myn thourgh hir mercy, For other bond can I noon on hir knette. For never, for no wo, ne shal I lette To serven hir, how fer so that she wende; 440 Sey what yow list, my tale is at an ende.' Right as the fresshe, rede rose newe Ayen the somer-sonne coloured is, Right so for shame al wexen gan the hewe Of this formel, whan she herde al this; 445 She neyther answerde 'wel,' ne seyde amis, So sore abasshed was she, til that Nature Seyde, 'doghter, drede yow noght, I yow assure.' Another tercel egle spak anoon Of lower kinde, and seyde, 'that shal not be; 450 I love hir bet than ye do, by seynt Iohn, Or atte leste I love hir as wel as ye; And lenger have served hir, in my degree, And if she shulde have loved for long loving, To me allone had been the guerdoning. 455 I dar eek seye, if she me finde fals, Unkinde, Iangler, or rebel any wyse, Or Ialous, do me hongen by the hals! And but I bere me in hir servyse As wel as that my wit can me suffyse, 460 Fro poynt to poynt, hir honour for to save, Tak she my lyf, and al the good I have.' The thridde tercel egle answerde tho, Now, sirs, ye seen the litel leyser here; For every foul cryeth out to been a-go 465 Forth with his make, or with his lady dere; And eek Nature hir-self ne wol nought here, For tarying here, noght half that I wolde seye; And but I speke, I mot for sorwe deye. Of long servyse avaunte I me no-thing, 470 But as possible is me to dye to-day For wo, as he that hath ben languisshing Thise twenty winter, and wel happen may A man may serven bet and more to pay In half a yere, al-though hit were no more, 475 Than som man doth that hath served ful yore. I ne say not this by me, for I ne can Do no servyse that may my lady plese; But I dar seyn, I am hir trewest man As to my dome, and feynest wolde hir ese; 480 At shorte wordes, til that deth me sese, I wol ben hires, whether I wake or winke, And trewe in al that herte may bethinke.' Of al my lyf, sin that day I was born, So gentil plee in love or other thing 485 Ne herde never no man me beforn, Who-[so] that hadde leyser and cunning For to reherse hir chere and hir speking; And from the morwe gan this speche laste Til dounward drow the sonne wonder faste. 490 The noyse of foules for to ben delivered So loude rong, 'have doon and let us wende!' That wel wende I the wode had al to-shivered. Come of!' they cryde, 'allas! ye wil us shende! Whan shal your cursed pleding have an ende? 495 How shulde a Iuge eyther party leve, For yee or nay, with-outen any preve?' The goos, the cokkow, and the doke also So cryden 'kek, kek!' 'kukkow!' 'quek, quek!' hye, That thorgh myn eres the noyse wente tho. 500 The goos seyde, 'al this nis not worth a flye! But I can shape hereof a remedye, And I wol sey my verdit faire and swythe For water-foul, who-so be wrooth or blythe.' 'And I for worm-foul,' seyde the fool cukkow, 505 For I wol, of myn owne auctorite, For comune spede, take the charge now, For to delivere us is gret charite.' Ye may abyde a whyle yet, parde!' Seide the turtel, 'if hit be your wille 510 A wight may speke, him were as good be stille. I am a seed-foul, oon the unworthieste, That wot I wel, and litel of kunninge; But bet is that a wightes tonge reste Than entremeten him of such doinge 515 Of which he neyther rede can nor singe. And who-so doth, ful foule himself acloyeth, For office uncommitted ofte anoyeth.' Nature, which that alway had an ere To murmour of the lewednes behinde, 520 With facound voys seide, 'hold your tonges there! And I shal sone, I hope, a counseyl finde You to delivere, and fro this noyse unbinde; I Iuge, of every folk men shal oon calle To seyn the verdit for you foules alle.' 525 Assented were to this conclusioun The briddes alle; and foules of ravyne Han chosen first, by pleyn eleccioun, The tercelet of the faucon, to diffyne Al hir sentence, and as him list, termyne; 530 And to Nature him gonnen to presente, And she accepteth him with glad entente. The tercelet seide than in this manere: Ful hard were hit to preve hit by resoun Who loveth best this gentil formel here; 535 For everich hath swich replicacioun, That noon by skilles may be broght a-doun; I can not seen that arguments avayle; Than semeth hit ther moste be batayle.' 'Al redy!' quod these egles tercels tho. 540 Nay, sirs!' quod he, 'if that I dorste it seye, Ye doon me wrong, my tale is not y-do! For sirs, ne taketh noght a-gref, I preye, It may noght gon, as ye wolde, in this weye; Oure is the voys that han the charge in honde, 545 And to the Iuges dome ye moten stonde; And therfor pees! I seye, as to my wit, Me wolde thinke how that the worthieste Of knighthode, and lengest hath used hit, Moste of estat, of blode the gentileste, 550 Were sittingest for hir, if that hir leste; And of these three she wot hir-self, I trowe, Which that he be, for hit is light to knowe.' The water-foules han her hedes leyd Togeder, and of short avysement, 555 Whan everich had his large golee seyd, They seyden sothly, al by oon assent, How that 'the goos, with hir facounde gent, That so desyreth to pronounce our nede, Shal telle our tale,' and preyde 'god hir spede.' 560 And for these water-foules tho began The goos to speke, and in hir cakelinge She seyde, 'pees! now tak kepe every man, And herkeneth which a reson I shal bringe; My wit is sharp, I love no taryinge; 565 I seye, I rede him, though he were my brother, But she wol love him, lat him love another!' Lo here! a parfit reson of a goos!' Quod the sperhauk; 'never mot she thee! Lo, swich hit is to have a tonge loos! 570 Now parde, fool, yet were hit bet for thee Have holde thy pees, than shewed thy nycete! Hit lyth not in his wit nor in his wille, But sooth is seyd, "a fool can noght be stille."' The laughter aroos of gentil foules alle, 575 And right anoon the seed-foul chosen hadde The turtel trewe, and gunne hir to hem calle, And preyden hir to seye the sothe sadde Of this matere, and asked what she radde; And she answerde, that pleynly hir entente 580 She wolde shewe, and sothly what she mente. Nay, god forbede a lover shulde chaunge!' The turtel seyde, and wex for shame al reed; Thogh that his lady ever-more be straunge, Yet let him serve hir ever, til he be deed; 585 For sothe, I preyse noght the gooses reed; For thogh she deyed, I wolde non other make, I wol ben hires, til that the deth me take.' Wel bourded!' quod the doke, 'by my hat! That men shulde alwey loven, causeles, 590 Who can a reson finde or wit in that? Daunceth he mury that is mirtheles? Who shulde recche of that is reccheles? Ye, quek!' yit quod the doke, ful wel and faire, 'There been mo sterres, god wot, than a paire!' 595 Now fy, cherl!' quod the gentil tercelet, Out of the dunghil com that word ful right, Thou canst noght see which thing is wel be-set: Thou farest by love as oules doon by light, The day hem blent, ful wel they see by night; 600 Thy kind is of so lowe a wrechednesse, That what love is, thou canst nat see ne gesse.' Tho gan the cukkow putte him forth in prees For foul that eteth worm, and seide blyve, 'So I,' quod he, 'may have my make in pees, 605 I recche not how longe that ye stryve; Lat ech of hem be soleyn al hir lyve, This is my reed, sin they may not acorde; This shorte lesson nedeth noght recorde.' 'Ye! have the glotoun fild ynogh his paunche, 610 Than are we wel!' seyde the merlioun; Thou mordrer of the heysugge on the braunche That broghte thee forth, thou [rewthelees] glotoun! Live thou soleyn, wormes corrupcioun! For no fors is of lakke of thy nature; 615 Go, lewed be thou, whyl the world may dure!' Now pees,' quod Nature, 'I comaunde here; For I have herd al your opinioun, And in effect yet be we never the nere; But fynally, this is my conclusioun, 620 That she hir-self shal han the eleccioun Of whom hir list, who-so be wrooth or blythe, Him that she cheest, he shal hir have as swythe. For sith hit may not here discussed be Who loveth hir best, as seide the tercelet, 625 Than wol I doon hir this favour, that she Shal have right him on whom hir herte is set, And he hir that his herte hath on hir knet. This Iuge I, Nature, for I may not lye; To noon estat I have non other ye. 630 But as for counseyl for to chese a make, If hit were reson, certes, than wolde I Counseyle yow the royal tercel take, As seide the tercelet ful skilfully, As for the gentilest and most worthy, 635 Which I have wroght so wel to my plesaunce; That to yow oghte been a suffisaunce.' With dredful vois the formel hir answerde, My rightful lady, goddesse of Nature, Soth is that I am ever under your yerde, 640 Lyk as is everiche other creature, And moot be youres whyl my lyf may dure; And therfor graunteth me my firste bone, And myn entente I wol yow sey right sone.' 'I graunte it you,' quod she; and right anoon 645 This formel egle spak in this degree, Almighty quene, unto this yeer be doon I aske respit for to avysen me. And after that to have my choys al free; This al and som, that I wolde speke and seye; 650 Ye gete no more, al-though ye do me deye. I wol noght serven Venus ne Cupyde For sothe as yet, by no manere wey.' Now sin it may non other wyse betyde,' Quod tho Nature, 'here is no more to sey; 655 Than wolde I that these foules were a-wey Ech with his make, for tarying lenger here'-- And seyde hem thus, as ye shul after here. To you speke I, ye tercelets,' quod Nature, 'Beth of good herte and serveth, alle three; 660 A yeer is not so longe to endure, And ech of yow peyne him, in his degree, For to do wel; for, god wot, quit is she Fro yow this yeer; what after so befalle, This entremes is dressed for you alle.' 665 And whan this werk al broght was to an ende, To every foule Nature yaf his make By even acorde, and on hir wey they wende. A! lord! the blisse and Ioye that they make! For ech of hem gan other in winges take, 670 And with hir nekkes ech gan other winde, Thanking alwey the noble goddesse of kinde. But first were chosen foules for to singe, As yeer by yere was alwey hir usaunce To singe a roundel at hir departinge, 675 To do Nature honour and plesaunce. The note, I trowe, maked was in Fraunce; The wordes wer swich as ye may heer finde, The nexte vers, as I now have in minde. _Qui bien aime a tard oublie._ 'Now welcom somer, with thy sonne softe, 680 That hast this wintres weders over-shake, And driven awey the longe nightes blake! Seynt Valentyn, that art ful hy on-lofte;-- Thus singen smale foules for thy sake-- _Now welcom somer, with thy sonne softe,_ 685 _That hast this wintres weders over-shake._ Wel han they cause for to gladen ofte, Sith ech of hem recovered hath his make; Ful blisful may they singen whan they wake; _Now welcom somer, with thy sonne softe,_ 690 _That hast this wintres weders over-shake,_ _And driven awey the longe nightes blake_.' And with the showting, whan hir song was do, That foules maden at hir flight a-way, I wook, and other bokes took me to 695 To rede upon, and yet I rede alway; I hope, y-wis, to rede so som day That I shal mete som thing for to fare The bet; and thus to rede I nil not spare. 699 EXPLICIT TRACTATUS DE CONGREGACIONE VOLUCRUM DIE SANCTI VALENTINI. _The authorities are_: F. (Fairfax 16); Gg. (Gg. 4. 27, Cambridge Univ. Library); Trin. (Trinity Coll. Camb. R. 3. 19); Cx. (Caxton's edition); Harl. (Harleian 7333); O. (St. John's Coll. Oxford); Ff. (Ff. I. 6, Cambridge Univ. Library); _occasionally_ Tn. (Tanner 346); D. (Digby 181); _and others_. _I follow_ F. _mainly, corrected by_ Gg. _(and others); and note all variations from_ F. _of any consequence._ TITLE; Gg. _has_--Here begynyth the parlement of Foulys; D. The _par_lement of Fowlis. 2. _So_ F. Harl. Tn.; _some transpose_ hard _and_ sharp. 3. Gg. _and others_ dredful; F. slyder. Gg. O. slit; Cx. flit (_for_ slit); Ff. slydeth (_om._ so); F. slyd; Trin. fleeth. 5. Gg. (_and others_) with his wondyrful; F. soo with a dredeful. 7. F. Tn. wake or wynke; _rest_ flete or synke; _see_ 482. 9. Gg. Trin. Harl. that; _which the rest omit_. 10. Gg. Trin. Cx. Harl. Ff. ful ofte in bokis; F. in bookes ofte to. 11. F. _ins._ of _after_ and; Gg. _om._ 13. F. Dar I; Gg. _and others_ I dar. 14. F. suche; Gg. swich. 17. F. Tn. D. why; _rest_ wherfore (wherfor). 21. Gg. faste; F. fast. Harl. radde; F. rad; Gg. redde. 22. F. seyth; Gg. sey. 24. F. feythe; Gg. fey. 26. Gg. O. as of this; Trin. Cx. Harl. Ff. of this; F. of my firste. 28. Gg. Ff. me thou[gh]te; Trin. Cx. Harl. me thought hit; F. thought me. 30. Gg. Cx. thus; F. Trin. Harl. there. Gg. _and rest_ as I schal; F. I shal yow. 31. F. _inserts_ the _after_ dreme of; _the rest omit_. Trin. Harl. O. Scipio_u_n; F. Cipio_u_n; Gg. sothion (!). 32. F. hyt had vij; Gg. _and the rest_ seuene It hadde. 33. Ff. therInn_e_; F. _and the rest_ theryn (_wrongly_). 34. Gg. it; O. of; _the rest omit_. 35. Gg. seyn; F. tel; _the rest_ sey (say). 37. F. In-to; _rest_ In. F. Aufryke; Gg. Affrik. 39. _For_ hit _all wrongly have_ he; see ll. 36, 43. 40. Harl. betwix; F. betwixt. 41. Gg. Affrican; F. Aufrikan. 42. F. on; _rest_ in. 43. F. tolde he hym; Gg. Trin. Cx. Harl. tellith it; O. Ff. tellithe he. 44. Gg. Affrycan; F. Aufrikan. F. y-shewed; _rest_ schewid, shewyd, &c. 46. Gg. other; Th. eyther; _rest_ or. 49. Gg. There as Ioye is that last with outy_n_; F. There Ioy is that lasteth with-out. 50. F. _inserts_ the _after_ if; _rest omit_. 52. Gg. Affrican; F. Aufrikan. 53. Gg. Ff. that; Trin. Cx. Harl. how; F. _om._ 54. Cx. Nis; Gg. Nys; F. Trin. Harl. Ff. Meneth. 55. Gg. _and rest_ after; F. whan. Gg. Ff. gon; Harl. O. gone. 56. Cx. galaxye; F. Ff. galoxye; O. galoxie. i. watlynstrete; Harl. galorye; Trin. galry (!); Gg. galylye (!). 58. Gg. _and rest_ the; Harl. tho; F. _om._ 62. T. Cx. Harl. O. That welles of musyk be (ben). 64. Gg. Ff. Tha_n_ bad he hy_m_ syn erthe was so lyte; F. Than bad he hym see the erthe that is so lite (_wrongly_). 65. Cx. Trin. Harl. O. ful of torment and; F. was somedel fulle; Gg. was su_m_del disseyuable and ful (!). 69. Gg. _and rest_ schulde (schuld, shuld); F. shal. 70. F. was; _rest_ is. 71. F. O. he; _rest_ him. Gg. _and rest_ to; F. _om._ 72. Gg. Trin. Harl. O. into that; Cx. unto that; F. to (_om._ that). 73. Gg. inmortal; O. Th. immortall_e_; F. _and rest_ mortalle(!). 75. Gg. _and rest_ not (nat, noght); F. never. 76. Gg. comyn: Cx. comen; F. come. Gg. O. to; _rest_ into, vnto. 77. Trin. Cx. Harl. Ff. _retain_ of _after_ and; F. Gg. O. _omit_. 78. F. _ins._ for _before_ to (_but_ lawe _is dissyllabic_); _rest om._ 80. Gg. _wrongly puts_ there _for_ therthe; Harl. O. Ff. _place_ alwey _before_ in peyne; _the rest are bad_. 82. F. _ins._ hem _before_ alle. Gg. And that for-[gh]euy_n_ is his weked dede (_but_ dede _is plural_). 84. Gg. comy_n_; _rest_ come, com. Cx. Harl. the sende his; O. sende the his; Gg. synde us; Ff. send vs; F. sende ech lover (!). 85. Harl. faylen; Cx. fayllen; F. faile; Gg. folwy_n_ (!). 87. F. Berefte; _rest_ Berafte, Beraft. 90. F. had; Gg. hadde. 91. Harl. O. _give 1st_ that; Trin. Cx. the; F. Ff. Gg. _om._ 95. _After_ as, Gg. Trin. Harl. O. _insert_ that; _it is hardly needed_. 96. Gg. Affrican; F. Aufrikan. 102. Gg. Ft carte is; O. cart is; _rest_ cartes _or_ cartis. 104, 5. Gg. Harl. O. met; F. Trin. Cx. meteth. 106. Gg. Cx. O. Ff. I nat; F. not I. 107. F. redde had; Gg. hadde red; _rest_ had red (rad). Gg. affrican; F. Aufrican. 108. F. _omits_ made; _the rest have it_. 110. to-torn] F. al to torne. 111. F. roght noght; Gg. roughte nat; Cx. roght not. 112. F. Cx. _ins._ the _after_ I; _rest omit_. 114. Trin. Cx. fyrebronde; Gg. ferbrond; F. firy bronde. 119. Gg. [gh]if; F. yeve. Trin. Cx. Harl. O. hit and; Ff. eke and; Gg. & ek; F. and to. 120. Gg. Affrican; F. Aufrikan. 122. F. _and rest_ with; Gg. of. 124. _Read_ weren; _all_ were (weer). Gg. I-wrete; Th. ywritten; F. writen. 133. F. Ff. hye; _the rest_ spede (sped). 135. F. stroke; _rest_ strokes (strokis). 137. Cx. Harl. O. Ff. neuer tree shal. Cx. fruyt; Harl. O. fruyte; Trin. F. frute. 138. F. unto; _rest_ to. 139. _All_ is (ys). 140. O. Theschewing; Cx. Theschewyng; Harl. The eschuyng; F. Thescwynge (_sic_). 142. Trin. Cx. Harl. O. The; F. Gg. Of; Ff. On. F. Cx. a stounde (_which I think is correct_); Ff. astonde; (_alt. to_) Gg. a-stonyd; Trin. astonyed; Harl. O. astoned. 144. F. Cx. O. Ff. _insert_ to _before_ bolde (_wrongly_); Gg. Trin. Harl. _om._ 148. Gg. be-twixsyn; F. betwix. 149. F. y-sette; Gg. set. 150. F. That; Ff. _om._; _rest_ Ne (_which would be elided_). F. nor; _rest_ ne (_better_). 152. Gg. _and rest_ nyste; F. I ne wiste. Gg. _and rest_ whether; F. wher that (_perhaps rightly_). 153. F. Affrikan. 156. Gg. Cx. O. to; _rest omit_. 158. Trin. Cx. by; Gg. bi; F. be. 159. Gg. Trin. Cx. by; F. be. 160. Gg. stat (!); _for_ tast (taste). 162. F. Ff. _om._ that. 163. Gg. Harl. O. _supply_ Yit; Cx. Yf; _rest om._ F. yet thou maist hyt; O. mayst thowe; _rest_ yit mayst (may) thou. 165. F. Ff. _om._ for. 166. Gg. wher; _rest_ whether. 167. Gg. Cx. tendite; F. Trin. to endite. 169. F. And with; _rest om._ And. 170. Gg. confort. Gg. that as; _rest_ went in. 172. F. _om._ that (_but_ over-al=ov'r-al). 173. F. Weren; _rest_ Were. 174. Gg. O. Ff. of; F. Cx. with (_from line above_). 175. F. Emerawde. Gg. sothe (_for_ Ioye, _wrongly_). 177. Cx. O. piler; Gg. pilere; Trin. pylor; F. Harl. peler. 178. F. box pipe tre; Gg. _and rest_ box tre pipere (_or_ piper). Trin. the holyn; Cx. holin; Ff. holye; Gg. O. holm; F. Harl. holme. 180. Gg. Ew; _rest_ ewe. 183. Harl. O. blosmy; Gg. blospemy (_for_ blossemy); Cx. blossome; Trin. blossom; F. Ff. blossomed. 185. O. that; Gg. ther; _rest omit_. Gg. Ff. I-now; O. I-nowe; F. ynowh. 188. Ff. That swommen; Harl. That swommyn; Gg. That swemyn; Trin. That swymen; Cx. O. That swymmen; F. And swymmynge. 192. F. That; Gg. Ff. So (_error for_ So_m_); _rest_ Som, Some, Som_m_e. 193. Gg. gunne; F. gunnen; _rest_ gan, cane. 194. F. Trin. _om._ al. 196. Cx. Squerels; F. Squerel; _rest_ Squyrelis (Squyrell_is_, Squerellis). 197. F. Cx. On; _rest_ Of. Gg. Cx. O. strengis; Trin. stryngys; F. strynge. Gg. a-cord; _rest_ accorde, acorde. 198. F. _om._ so. F. Gg. and (_for_ a, _wrongly_); Ff. _om._; _rest_ a. 201. F. _om._ be; _rest have it_. 203. Gg. bryddis; _rest_ foules. 205. F. ther of; _rest_ of. 206. Gg. wex; Ff. waxed; F. growen; _rest_ was (_error for_ wex). 207. Trin. Cx. Harl. Ne; _rest omit_. 208. F. more Ioye; _rest_ Ioye more. 209. F. No; _rest_ Then (_or_ Than). F. _om._ ne; _rest_ (_except_ Ff.) _retain it_. Trin. was (_for_ wolde). 214. Gg. Th. wel; F. O. wille; Cx. Trin. wylle; Harl. whill_e_; _see_ note. 215. Gg. _and rest_ hire (hir, hyr); F. harde. F. fyle; Trin. vyle (_for_ fyle) Harl. wyel; _rest_ wile. 216. F. shul; _rest_ shuld, shulde. 217. F. _om._ for. 221. O. doon by force; Trin. Cx. do by force; Harl. done be force; Gg. don be fore (_sic_); F. goo before. 222. F. Ff. Disfigured. Gg. Harl. nyl; Cx. Trin. Ff. wil; O. woll_e_; F. shal. 225. Gg. saw; F. sawgh. Gg. with outyn; Cx. Ff. with outen; F. with oute. 228. F. Ff. Trin. _omit 1st_ and. 229. F. Ff. Trin. _omit_ here. 230. F. pelers; _rest_ pilers (pileris, pylors). 231. F. sawgh. F. glas; _rest_ (_except_ Ff.) bras _or_ brasse. Gg. Harl. O. I-founded; Trin. enfoundyd; F. founded. 232. Gg. daunsedy_n_; F. daunced. 233. F. O. _om._ ther. 234. F. _om._ were; _rest retain_. 236. Gg. [gh]er be [gh]eere; Trin. Cx. Harl. yere by yere; F. fro yere to yere. 237. Trin. O. of douys; Gg. of dowis; Cx. of duues; Harl. of dofes; Ff. of dowfs; F. saugh I (_sic_). 238. F. Of dowves white (_sic_); Ff. Saw I sitte; _rest_ Saw I syttynge. Trin. Cx. Harl. O. thousand (_for_ hundred). 240. F. _om._ with. 241. Gg. _and rest_ by hire syde (_for_ hir besyde). 244. F. _om._ eek; _rest retain_. 246. Gg. sykys. 248. Gg. sikis. 250. Trin. Cx. flame. F. _om._ wel; _rest retain it_. 252. Gg. Cam; O. Com; F. Come; Cx. Comen; Trin. Harl. Ff. Cometh. Gg. Trin. Cx. goddesse; Harl. goddes (i. e. _goddess_); F. O. goddys. 253. F. sawgh. 255. Gg. swich; F. suche. 256. Trin. Cx. Ff. by; _rest_ be. 260. Gg. priue; F. prevy. 264. F. saugh. 267. Gg. goldene; Ff. golden; F. _and rest_ golde _or_ gold. 271. Cx. wel couerd; Harl. wel couered; Gg. was wel keuerede; Trin. was well_e_ coueryd; F. keuered wel. 272. Harl. Trin. Ff. sotil. Trin. O. kerchyff; F. keuerchefe; Gg. couercheif; Cx. couerchef. 273. Gg. nas (_for_ was). Gg. Harl. _alone insert 2nd_ no (_but it is wanted_). 275. Trin. Cx. Bachus; _rest_ Bacus. Gg. wyn; F. wyne. 277. F. Gg. Harl. Cipride (_rightly_); _the rest_ Cupide (!); _see_ l. 279. 278. Gg. Cx. O. two; Ff. to; F. the; Trin. Harl. _om._ Gg. O. Ff. folk ther (_for_ folkes). 279. Gg. Trin. let; O. lat; Ff. lett; F. B. Cx. Harl. lete. 283. Gg. Harl. gunne; F. gonne; _rest_ gan, can. 285. Gg. Cx. Ff. Ful (_for_ Of). 288. Cx. O. Semiramis; Ff. Semiriamis; _rest_ Semiramus (_as in_ Leg. Good Women, _Tisbe_, l. 2). Gg. Hercules. 289. Trin. Harl. Tysbe; F. Cx. Tesbe; Gg. Thisbe. 295. F. Cx. comen; _rest_ come. F. Ff. that; _rest_ the. 298. Gg. that; _which rest omit_ (_though wanted_). 303. F. O. _wrongly insert_ of _before_ Nature. 307. Gg. Trin. Cx. Ff. they; F. Harl. O. there. _After_ were (_dissyllabic_) Gg. _inserts_ al; _needlessly_. 308. Gg. dom; _rest_ dome. 310. Gg. bryd (_for_ foul); Cx. birde. 311. F. On; _rest_ Of. Ff. thenke; _rest_ thynke (_not so well_). 313. Gg. Ff. eyr (_for_ see). 316. F. Alayne; Trin. Alen; _rest_ Aleyn. 317. Gg. in (_for_ of). _All but_ Gg. Ff. _needlessly insert_ suche _before_ aray (_caught from line below_). 318. Gg. swich; F. suche. MSS. myghte, myght; _but read_ mighten. 320. Gg. Ff. his; _rest_ her, hir (_wrongly_). Cx. owen; Gg. owene; F. ovne; _rest_ owne. 325. Gg. Cx. hem; Ff. them; O. _om._; _rest_ that. 327. Trin. vale (_for_ dale). 330. Gg. ryal; Cx. Harl. O. rial. 338. F. _om._ hardy. _All_ eke (_for_ eek); _exceptionally_. 343. Trin. bood; Cx. bodword; _rest_ bode (_dissyllabic_). 344. Gg. Ff. _om._ the. 345. Trin. chowgh; F. choghe; Cx. choughe; Harl. chowhe; Gg. O. Ff. crow (_wrongly_). 346. Harl. Ff. eles; Gg. O. elis; Trin. elys; F. Cx. egles (!). Trin. Harl. O. _insert_ the _before_ heroun; _rest omit_. 347. Gg. false; F. fals. Trin. Cx. lapwynk; O. lappewynk. 348. Gg. starlyng; _rest_ stare. Gg. bewreye (_but note the rime_). 349. Gg. rodok. 350. Gg. orloge; F. orlogge. Gg. thorpis; F. thropes. 352. Gg. Cx. Ff. grene (_for_ fresshe). 353. Trin. Th. flyes; Ff. bryddis; Gg. O. foulis; _rest_ foules (fowles). _But_ flyes _is right_; see Cant. Ta. I. 468, Boeth. iii. met. 7. 355. F. his; O. _om._; _rest_ hire, hir, her. 356. Gg. clothis (_for_ fethers). 357. F. be (_for_ by). 359. F. papiay; Gg. popyniay. 361. F. Cx. Ff. _om._ the. 363. Gg. The rauen wys, the crowe wit voice of care; Ff. _same_ (_omitting_ wys); F. _and rest_ The rauenes and the crowes with her voys of care (_badly_). 367. Gg. myghtyn; F. myghte. 368. F. that; Ff. this; Harl. _om._; _rest_ the. _All but_ Gg. Ff. _ins._ of _bef._ Nature. 369. Gg. eueriche; O. Ff. euery; F. eche (_badly_). 370. Gg. Benygnely; F. Benyngly (_sic_). 374. fonde _is pt. t. subjunctive_. 375. Gg. Cx. the (_after_ and); Ff. moste; _rest om._ 378. Gg. bek; F. beke. 379. Ff. Cx. vicair_e_; F. vyker. 380. _I insert_ and _after_ light. Gg. Cx. dreye; _rest_ drye. 381. Trin. Cx. by; F. be; Gg. with. 383. Cx. Ff. kepe (_for_ bede). 384. Gg. ese; F. ease. 385. Gg. Ff. [gh]ow; Cx. you (_for_ me). 386. F. Cx. Harl. _insert_ that _after_ how. 387. Gg. By; F. Be. 389. F. Trin. Cx. Harl. O. _insert_ With _before_ Your; Gg. Ff. _rightly omit_. 390. Gg. Cx. Ff. ordenaunce; _rest_ gouernaunce (_see_ l. 387). 391. F. Trin. Harl. O. let (i. e. _let go_); Gg. breke; Ff. suffre; Cx. lette. 393. Gg. terslet (_for_ tercel). Gg. ful wel; F. wele. 394. Gg. ryal. 395. Gg. stel; F. stele. 396. _All_ have formed. 411. Cx. yere by yere (_for_ fro yeer to yere). 413. Gg. cam. 414. Gg. O. Ff. _om._ ful; _rest retain_. 415. Trin. Ff. Royall_e_; F. real; Gg. ryal. 424. Gg. I may. 426. _Read_ al-only? 428. Gg. And if that I to hyre be founde; F. And yf I be founde to hir. 436. F. As though; _rest_ Al be. 438. F. knette; Gg. areete; _rest_ knytte, knyt. 439. Gg. Cx. O. Ne (_for_ For). 445. _So all._ _Read_ whan that she? 446. Gg. She neythir; Cx. Harl. O. Ff. She neyther; F. Trin. Neyther she. 450. Gg. O. Ff. shal; _rest_ shulde, shuld. 460. Gg. that; _rest omit_. 462. Gg. the; Trin. Harl. ye; _rest_ she. 463. Gg. thredde; Trin. Ff. thryd; F. thirdde. 467. F. _om._ Nature. 473. Gg. yeer and as (_for_ winter and). 476. F. _om._ ful. 479. Gg. seyn; F. say. 480. Gg. Ff. ese; _rest_ plese. 481. Gg. shorte; F. short. 482. Ff. hyres; F. hirse (!). 487. _I supply_ so. Gg. hadde; F. had. 488. F. rehersen; _rest_ reherse (reherce). 490. Gg. drow; Cx. wente; _rest_ went (_badly_). 494. Cx. Harl. wil; F. wol. 495. Gg. pletynge; Trin. Cx. Harl. pletyng. 498. _So_ Gg.; _rest_ The goos, the duk, and the cukkowe also (_wrongly; see next line_). 501. F. seyde tho; _rest omit_ tho. Gg. Ff. nys not; Trin. O. ys nat; Cx. is not; F. Harl. _om._ not. 503. Gg. Cx. I; _rest om._ 507. Gg. O. profit; _rest_ spede. Trin. For comon spede, take the charge now. F. Cx. Harl. O. _ins._ on me _bef._ the; Ff. _ins._ vpon me. Gg. tak on no (!) _for_ take the. 510. Trin. Seyde; Cx. Said; _rest_ Quod. 511. F. good; Cx. better (_for_ as good); _rest_ fayr. 514. Gg. bet; _rest_ better. 515. Gg. entirmety_n_; F. entremete. 517. _All but_ Gg. Cx. _ins._ hyt (it, yt) _bef._ doth. 518. Ff. vncom_m_aundet; O. vnconveyid; Gg. onquit (!); _rest_ vncommytted. 520. Gg. _om._ behynde; Trin. Harl. blynde; Cx. by kynde; _rest_ behynde. 523. F. O. Ff. for to (_for_ to). F. delyueren; _rest_ delyuere (deliver). F. Gg. Harl. from; _rest_ fro. 524. Cx. charge (_for_ Iuge). 527. _Most_ MSS. _insert_ the _before_ foules; _which_ Gg. Th. _and_ Longleat MS. _omit_. 530. _All but_ Cx. Ff. _ins._ to _after_ list. 534. Trin. Th. preue; Gg. proue; F. preven. 536. Gg. swich; F. suche. 537. Gg. non by skillis; F. _and rest_ by skilles may non (_badly_). 540. Cx. terselis egles. 543. Gg. ne; _rest omit_. 544. F. _om._ gon. 545. Gg. Cx. Oure; _rest_ Oures, Ours. 549. Gg. O. hath; _rest_ had. 551. Gg. sittyngest; _rest_ sittynge. 553. Cx. Harl. ethe (_for_ light). 556. Gg. O. gole; Ff. goler; Cx. golye; Ff. golee; Trin. Harl. wyltee. 558. Gg. facounde so; Ff. facounde; Cx. faconde; F. faucond. 560. F. Cx. Ff. _needlessly insert_ to _after_ preyd-e. 564. _All but_ Gg. _insert_ forth _before_ bringe. 569. _For_ Quod _read_ Seyde? 570. Gg. sich (_for_ swich); F. suche. 575. F. laughtre. 576. F. Harl. Ff. foules; Trin. fowle; Cx. fowl; O. foule; Gg. ful (!). 577. Gg. gunne; Ff. gonne; _rest_ gan. 588. Harl. hires; Gg. hire; Cx. hers; _rest_ hirs. Trin. Harl. _om._ that (_perhaps rightly_). 589. Gg. Cx. Ff. doke; F. duk. 590. F. Ff. shulden. 592. F. Gg. murye; _rest_ mery. 594. Gg. O. yit; Ff. yet; _rest om._ 599. Gg. by; F. be (_1st time_). 602. Gg. Th. nat; F. neyther. 603. F. put; Gg. putte. 606. Cx. Ff. recche; F. Gg. Harl, reche; Trin. O. rek. 611. Gg. Merlioun; Trin. O. Merlyon; Cx. merlion; F. Ff. Emerlyon. 612. F. _om. 1st_ the. Harl. heysugge; O. heysugg; Cx. heysug; Ff. haysugge; F. haysogge; Gg. heysoge; Trin. heysoke. 613. Gg. reufulles (!); Pepys rowthfull; _rest_ rewful (!). 621. Gg. han; _rest_ haue. Gg. Cx. the; _rest_ hir, hyr. 623. F. cheest; Gg. chesith; Trin. cheseth; Harl. chesithe. F. han hir; Gg. hire han; Trin. hyr hafe; Cx. Harl. Ff. her haue. 626. Gg. hire this fauour; Trin. Harl. to hyr thys fauour; F. _and rest_ thys fauour to hir. 630. Ff. ye; Harl. yee; Trin. ey; _rest_ eye. 632. F. Gg. I (_for_ hit). Gg. certis; _rest omit_. 637. _All but_ Gg. Cx. _insert_ hit (_or_ it) _after_ That _or_ yow. Th. ben; Cx. haue ben; _rest_ to ben (be). 641. Gg. As is a-nothir lyuis creature. O. _alone ins._ Like _bef._ As. 642. Gg. mot; _rest_ moste (muste). 643. Gg. grau_n_tyth; _rest_ graunte, graunt (_badly_). 644. Trin. Cx. Harl. I wyll yow; O. I woll [gh]ewe; F. Ff. yow wol I. 652. F. Cipride; Harl. Cypride; Ff. Sypryde; _rest_ Cupide (_cf._ ll. 212, 277). 654. F. other weyes; Cx. other wayes; O. othir wey (_perhaps best_); Gg. othirwise; Ff. other-wyse; Trin. Harl. other (_sic_). 655. Gg. Harl. tho; _rest om._ 659. F. terceletys; Th. tercelets. 660. F. al; Gg. alle. 665. F. O. entremesse; Ff. entremeese; Th. entremes; Gg. entyrmes; Harl. entermes. 666. F. wroght; _rest_ brought, broght. 669. F. A; Gg. But; _rest_ And. Gg. Ioye; F. Ioy. 672. Gg. Thankynge; F. Thonkyng. Gg. queen; _rest_ goddesse, goddes. 678. Gg. sweche (_for_ swiche); F. suche. Th. _Qui_; miswritten _Que_ in F. Cx.; _Qe_ in Trin.; rest omit. _aime_; F. ayme. _tard_; F. tarde. _Lines_ 680-692 _only occur in_ Gg. Th. _and_ Digby 181; _lines_ 683, 684, 687-9 _in_ O. _I follow_ Digby 181 _mainly_. 680. Digb. Nowe welcome. 681. Gg. wintres wedres; Digb. wynter wedirs. 682. Gg. And; Digb. Hast. Digb. drevyn; Gg. dreuyne. Digb. nyghtis; Gg. nyghtes. 684. Digb. syngen; Fowlis. 687. Gg. O. Wele. 688. Gg. O. hem; Digb. them. 689. Digb. Full_e_ blisfully they synge and endles ioy thei make (_wrongly_); Gg. Ful blisseful mowe they ben when they wake; O. Th. Ful blesfull may they synge when they wake (Th. awake). 693. F. showtynge. 694. Gg. mady_n_; Ff. maden; F. made. 698. Trin. fynde (_for_ mete). 699. Ff. nyl; Gg. nele; F. O. wol; Trin. wyll_e_; Cx. wil. COLOPHON. _So in_ F; Gg. _has_--Explicit parliamentum Auium in die sancti Valentini tentum, secundum Galfridum Chaucer; Ff. _has_--Explicit Parliamentum Auium; MS. Arch. Seld. B. 24 _has_--Here endis the parliament of foulis; Quod Galfride Chaucere; _the_ Longleat MS. _has_--Here endith the Parlement of foules. * * * * * VI. A COMPLEINT TO HIS LADY. I. (_In seven-line stanzas._) The longe night, whan every creature Shulde have hir rest in somwhat, as by kinde, Or elles ne may hir lyf nat long endure, Hit falleth most in-to my woful minde How I so fer have broght my-self behinde, 5 That, sauf the deeth, ther may no-thing me lisse, So desespaired I am from alle blisse. This same thoght me lasteth til the morwe, And from the morwe forth til hit be eve; Ther nedeth me no care for to borwe, 10 For bothe I have good leyser and good leve; Ther is no wight that wol me wo bereve To wepe y-nogh, and wailen al my fille; The sore spark of peyne doth me spille. II. (_In Terza Rima; imperfect._) [The sore spark of peyne doth me spille;] 15 This Love hath [eek] me set in swich a place That my desyr [he] never wol fulfille; For neither pitee, mercy, neither grace Can I nat finde; and [fro] my sorwful herte, For to be deed, I can hit nat arace. 20 The more I love, the more she doth me smerte; Through which I see, with-oute remedye, That from the deeth I may no wyse asterte; [For this day in hir servise shal I dye]. III. (_In Terza Rima; imperfect._) [Thus am I slain, with sorwes ful dyverse; 25 Ful longe agoon I oghte have taken hede]. Now sothly, what she hight I wol reherse; Hir name is Bountee, set in womanhede, Sadnesse in youthe, and Beautee prydelees, And Plesaunce, under governaunce and drede; 30 Hir surname eek is Faire Rewthelees, The Wyse, y-knit un-to Good Aventure, That, for I love hir, sleeth me giltelees. Hir love I best, and shal, whyl I may dure, Bet than my-self an hundred thousand deel, 35 Than al this worldes richesse or creature. Now hath nat Love me bestowed weel To love, ther I never shal have part? Allas! right thus is turned me the wheel, Thus am I slayn with loves fyry dart. 40 I can but love hir best, my swete fo; Love hath me taught no more of his art But serve alwey, and stinte for no wo. IV. (_In ten-line stanzas._) [With]-in my trewe careful herte ther is So moche wo, and [eek] so litel blis, 45 That wo is me that ever I was bore; For al that thing which I desyre I mis, And al that ever I wolde nat, I-wis, That finde I redy to me evermore; And of al this I not to whom me pleyne. 50 For she that mighte me out of this bringe Ne reccheth nat whether I wepe or singe; So litel rewthe hath she upon my peyne. Allas! whan sleping-time is, than I wake, Whan I shulde daunce, for fere than I quake; 55 [Yow rekketh never wher I flete or sinke;] This hevy lyf I lede for your sake, Thogh ye ther-of in no wyse hede take, [For on my wo yow deyneth not to thinke.] My hertes lady, and hool my lyves quene! 60 For trewly dorste I seye, as that I fele, Me semeth that your swete herte of stele Is whetted now ageynes me to kene. My dere herte, and best beloved fo, Why lyketh yow to do me al this wo, 65 What have I doon that greveth yow, or sayd, But for I serve and love yow and no mo? And whylst I live, I wol do ever so; And therfor, swete, ne beth nat evil apayd. For so good and so fair as [that] ye be, 70 Hit were [a] right gret wonder but ye hadde Of alle servants, bothe goode and badde; And leest worthy of alle hem, I am he. But never-the-les, my righte lady swete, Thogh that I be unconning and unmete 75 To serve as I best coude ay your hynesse. Yit is ther fayner noon, that wolde I hete, Than I, to do yow ese, or elles bete What-so I wiste were to [yow distresse]. And hadde I might as good as I have wille, 80 Than shulde ye fele wher it wer so or noon; For in this worlde living is ther noon That fayner wolde your hertes wil fulfille. For bothe I love, and eek dreed yow so sore, And algates moot, and have doon yow, ful yore, 85 That bet loved is noon, ne never shal; And yit I wolde beseche yow of no more But leveth wel, and be nat wrooth ther-fore, And lat me serve yow forth; lo! this is al. For I am nat so hardy ne so wood 90 For to desire that ye shulde love me; For wel I wot, allas! that may nat be; I am so litel worthy, and ye so good. For ye be oon the worthiest on-lyve, And I the most unlykly for to thryve; 95 Yit, for al this, [now] witeth ye right wele, That ye ne shul me from your service dryve That I nil ay, with alle my wittes fyve, Serve yow trewly, what wo so that I fele. For I am set on yow in swich manere 100 That, thogh ye never wil upon me rewe, I moste yow love, and ever been as trewe As any can or may on-lyve [here]. The more that I love yow, goodly free, The lasse fynde I that ye loven me; 105 Allas! whan shal that harde wit amende? Wher is now al your wommanly pitee, Your gentilesse and your debonairtee, Wil ye no thing ther-of upon me spende? And so hool, swete, as I am youres al, 110 And so gret wil as I have yow to serve, Now, certes, and ye lete me thus sterve, Yit have ye wonne ther-on but a smal. For, at my knowing, I do no-thing why, And this I wol beseche yow hertely, 115 That, ther ever ye finde, whyl ye live, A trewer servant to yow than am I, Leveth [me] thanne, and sleeth me hardely, And I my deeth to you wol al forgive. And if ye finde no trewer [man than me], 120 [Why] will ye suffre than that I thus spille, And for no maner gilt but my good wille? As good wer thanne untrewe as trewe to be. But I, my lyf and deeth, to yow obeye, And with right buxom herte hoolly I preye, 125 As [is] your moste plesure, so doth by me; Wel lever is me lyken yow and deye Than for to any thing or thinke or seye That mighte yow offende in any tyme. And therfor, swete, rewe on my peynes smerte, 130 And of your grace granteth me som drope; For elles may me laste ne blis ne hope, Ne dwellen in my trouble careful herte. 1. Sh. nightes; _see_ l. 8. 2, 3. hir] Sh. theyre. 7. Ed. (1561) dispaired. 12. Sh. me; Ed. my. 14. _All insert_ now _before_ doth. 15. _It seems necessary to repeat this line in order to start the series of rimes._ 16. Sh. This loue that hathe me set; _I omit_ that, _and supply_ eek. 17. _I supply_ he (i. e. Love). 19. Sh. and yit my; _I omit_ yit, _and supply_ fro. 24. _Supplied to complete the rime from_ Compl. Mars, 189. 25. _Supplied from_ Compl. Pite, 22, 17. 26. _Supplied from_ Anelida, 307. 31. Sh. is eek. 32. Sh. The wyse eknytte; Ph. The wise I-knyt (_corrupt?_) 33. Sh. hir she; _I omit_ she. 36. _Corrupt? Perhaps read_ richest creature. 40. Sh. fury. 42. _Read_ of alle his? 44. Sh. In; _I read_ With-in. 45. _I supply_ eek. 50. _So in_ Anelida, 237. 54. Sh. _ins._ lo _after_ is. 55. Sh. _ins._ lo _after_ fere. 56, 59. _Both lines are missing; supplied from_ Anelida, 181, 182. 57. Sh. _ins._ lo _after_ lede. 68. Sh. euer do. 70. _I supply_ that. 71. _I supply_ a. 72. Sh. _ins._ of _after_ bothe. 76. Sh. koude best; Ph. _om._ best. 77. Sh. noon fayner. 78. Sh. youre; _read_ yow. 79. Sh. wist that were; _om._ that. Sh. your hyenesse (_repeated from_ l. 76; _wrongly_); _read_ yow distresse. 82. Sh. _ins._ thane _before_ is. 83. Sh. wille; Ph. Ed. wil. 86. Sh. better. 88. Sh. leuethe; Ph. lovith. 96. _I supply_ now. 98. Sh. ne wil (_for_ nil). 100. Ed. (1561) _has_ set so hy vpon your whele. 102. Sh. beon euer. 103. Sh. man can; _I omit_ man. _I supply_ here; _the line is imperfect_. 104. Sh. But the; _I omit_ But. 113. Ed. _om._ a. 114. Sh. nought; _read_ nothing. 116. Sh. whyles. 118. _I supply_ me. 120. Sh. no trewer so verrayly; Ed. no trewer verely (_false rime_). 121. _I supply_ Why. 124-133. _Unique stanza, in_ Ph. _only._ 126. _I supply_ is. 127. Ph. For wele; _omit_ For. 129. Ph. That yow myght offenden. 132. Ph. no blisse. 133. Ph. dwelle withyn. _Colophon._ Ph. Explicit Pyte: dan Chaucer Lauteire (?). * * * * * VII. ANELIDA AND ARCITE. THE COMPLEYNT OF FEIRE ANELIDA AND FALS ARCITE. _Proem._ Thou ferse god of armes, Mars the rede, That in the frosty country called Trace, Within thy grisly temple ful of drede Honoured art, as patroun of that place! With thy Bellona, Pallas, ful of grace, 5 Be present, and my song continue and gye; At my beginning thus to thee I crye. For hit ful depe is sonken in my minde, With pitous herte in English for tendyte This olde storie, in Latin which I finde, 10 Of quene Anelida and fals Arcite, That elde, which that al can frete and byte, As hit hath freten mony a noble storie, Hath nigh devoured out of our memorie. Be favorable eek, thou Polymnia, 15 On Parnaso that, with thy sustres glade, By Elicon, not fer from Cirrea, Singest with vois memorial in the shade, Under the laurer which that may not fade, And do that I my ship to haven winne; First folow I Stace, and after him Corinne. _The Story._ _Iamque domos patrias, &c._; Statii Thebais, xii. 519. Whan Theseus, with werres longe and grete, The aspre folk of Cithe had over-come, With laurer crouned, in his char gold-bete, Hoom to his contre-houses is y-come;-- 25 For which the peple blisful, al and somme, So cryden, that unto the sterres hit wente, And him to honouren dide al hir entente;-- Beforn this duk, in signe of hy victorie, The trompes come, and in his baner large 30 The image of Mars; and, in token of glorie, Men mighten seen of tresor many a charge, Many a bright helm, and many a spere and targe, Many a fresh knight, and many a blisful route, On hors, on fote, in al the felde aboute. 35 Ipolita his wyf, the hardy quene Of Cithia, that he conquered hadde, With Emelye, hir yonge suster shene, Faire in a char of golde he with him ladde, That al the ground aboute hir char she spradde 40 With brightnesse of the beautee in hir face, Fulfild of largesse and of alle grace. With his triumphe and laurer crouned thus, In al the floure of fortunes yevinge, Lete I this noble prince Theseus 45 Toward Athenes in his wey rydinge, And founde I wol in shortly for to bringe The slye wey of that I gan to wryte, Of quene Anelida and fals Arcite. Mars, which that through his furious course of yre, 50 The olde wrath of Iuno to fulfille, Hath set the peples hertes bothe on fyre Of Thebes and Grece, everich other to kille With blody speres, ne rested never stille, But throng now her, now ther, among hem bothe, 55 That everich other slough, so wer they wrothe. For whan Amphiorax and Tydeus, Ipomedon, Parthonopee also Were dede, and slayn [was] proud Campaneus, And whan the wrecches Thebans, bretheren two, 60 Were slayn, and king Adrastus hoom a-go, So desolat stood Thebes and so bare, That no wight coude remedie of his care. And whan the olde Creon gan espye How that the blood roial was broght adoun, 65 He held the cite by his tirannye, And did the gentils of that regioun To been his frendes, and dwellen in the toun. So what for love of him, and what for awe, The noble folk wer to the toune y-drawe. 70 Among al these, Anelida the quene Of Ermony was in that toun dwellinge, That fairer was then is the sonne shene; Through-out the world so gan hir name springe, That hir to seen had every wight lykinge; 75 For, as of trouthe, is ther noon hir liche, Of al the women in this worlde riche. Yong was this quene, of twenty yeer of elde, Of midel stature, and of swich fairnesse, That nature had a Ioye hir to behelde; 80 And for to speken of hir stedfastnesse, She passed hath Penelope and Lucresse, And shortly, if she shal be comprehended, In hir ne mighte no-thing been amended. This Theban knight [Arcite] eek, sooth to seyn, 85 Was yong, and ther-with-al a lusty knight, But he was double in love and no-thing pleyn, And subtil in that crafte over any wight, And with his cunning wan this lady bright; For so ferforth he gan hir trouthe assure, 90 That she him [trust] over any creature. What shuld I seyn? she loved Arcite so, That, whan that he was absent any throwe, Anon hir thoghte hir herte brast a-two; For in hir sight to hir he bar him lowe, 95 So that she wende have al his herte y-knowe; But he was fals; it nas but feyned chere, As nedeth not to men such craft to lere. But never-the-les ful mikel besinesse Had he, er that he mighte his lady winne, 100 And swoor he wolde dyen for distresse, Or from his wit he seyde he wolde twinne. Alas, the whyle! for hit was routhe and sinne, That she upon his sorowes wolde rewe, But no-thing thenketh the fals as doth the trewe. 105 Hir fredom fond Arcite in swich manere, That al was his that she hath, moche or lyte, Ne to no creature made she chere Ferther than that hit lyked to Arcite; Ther was no lak with which he mighte hir wyte, 110 She was so ferforth yeven him to plese, That al that lyked him, hit did hir ese. Ther nas to hir no maner lettre y-sent That touched love, from any maner wight, That she ne shewed hit him, er hit was brent; 115 So pleyn she was, and did hir fulle might, That she nil hyden nothing from hir knight, Lest he of any untrouthe hir upbreyde; Withouten bode his heste she obeyde. And eek he made him Ielous over here, 120 That, what that any man had to hir seyd, Anoon he wolde preyen hir to swere What was that word, or make him evel apayd; Than wende she out of hir wit have brayd; But al this nas but sleight and flaterye, 125 Withouten love he feyned Ielosye. And al this took she so debonerly, That al his wille, hir thoghte hit skilful thing, And ever the lenger loved him tenderly, And did him honour as he were a king. 130 Hir herte was wedded to him with a ring; So ferforth upon trouthe is hir entente, That wher he goth, hir herte with him wente. Whan she shal ete, on him is so hir thoght, That wel unnethe of mete took she keep; 135 And whan that she was to hir reste broght, On him she thoghte alwey til that she sleep; Whan he was absent, prevely she weep; Thus liveth fair Anelida the quene For fals Arcite, that did hir al this tene. 140 This fals Arcite, of his new-fangelnesse, For she to him so lowly was and trewe, Took lesse deyntee for hir stedfastnesse, And saw another lady, proud and newe, And right anon he cladde him in hir hewe-- 145 Wot I not whether in whyte, rede, or grene-- And falsed fair Anelida the quene. But never-the-les, gret wonder was hit noon Thogh he wer fals, for hit is kinde of man, Sith Lamek was, that is so longe agoon, 150 To been in love as fals as ever he can; He was the firste fader that began To loven two, and was in bigamye; And he found tentes first, but-if men lye. This fals Arcite sumwhat moste he feyne, 155 Whan he wex fals, to covere his traitorye, Right as an hors, that can both byte and pleyne; For he bar hir on honde of trecherye, And swoor he coude hir doublenesse espye, And al was falsnes that she to him mente; 160 Thus swoor this theef, and forth his way he wente. Alas! what herte might enduren hit, For routhe or wo, hir sorow for to telle? Or what man hath the cunning or the wit? Or what man might with-in the chambre dwelle, 165 If I to him rehersen shal the helle, That suffreth fair Anelida the quene For fals Arcite, that did hir al this tene? She wepeth, waileth, swowneth pitously, To grounde deed she falleth as a stoon; 170 Al crampissheth hir limes crokedly, She speketh as hir wit were al agoon; Other colour then asshen hath she noon, Noon other word she speketh moche or lyte, But 'mercy, cruel herte myn, Arcite!' 175 And thus endureth, til that she was so mate That she ne hath foot on which she may sustene; But forth languisshing ever in this estate, Of which Arcite hath nother routhe ne tene; His herte was elles-where, newe and grene, 180 That on hir wo ne deyneth him not to thinke, Him rekketh never wher she flete or sinke. His newe lady holdeth him so narowe Up by the brydel, at the staves ende, That every word, he dradde hit as an arowe; 185 Hir daunger made him bothe bowe and bende, And as hir liste, made him turne or wende; For she ne graunted him in hir livinge No grace, why that he hath lust to singe; But drof him forth, unnethe liste hir knowe 190 That he was servaunt to hir ladyshippe, But lest that he wer proude, she held him lowe; Thus serveth he, withouten fee or shipe, She sent him now to londe, now to shippe; And for she yaf him daunger al his fille, 195 Therfor she had him at hir owne wille. Ensample of this, ye thrifty wimmen alle, Take here Anelida and fals Arcite, That for hir liste him 'dere herte' calle, And was so meek, therfor he loved hir lyte; 200 The kinde of mannes herte is to delyte In thing that straunge is, also god me save! For what he may not gete, that wolde he have. Now turne we to Anelida ageyn, That pyneth day by day in languisshing; 205 But whan she saw that hir ne gat no geyn, Upon a day, ful sorowfully weping, She caste hir for to make a compleyning, And with hir owne honde she gan hit wryte; And sente hit to hir Theban knight Arcite. 210 THE COMPLEYNT OF ANELIDA THE QUENE UPON FALS ARCITE. _Proem._ So thirleth with the poynt of remembraunce, The swerd of sorowe, y-whet with fals plesaunce, Myn herte, bare of blis and blak of hewe, That turned is in quaking al my daunce, My suretee in a-whaped countenaunce; 215 Sith hit availeth not for to ben trewe; For who-so trewest is, hit shal hir rewe, That serveth love and doth hir observaunce Alwey to oon, and chaungeth for no newe. (_Strophe._) 1. I wot my-self as wel as any wight; 220 For I loved oon with al my herte and might More then my-self, an hundred thousand sythe, And called him my hertes lyf, my knight, And was al his, as fer as hit was right; And whan that he was glad, than was I blythe, 225 And his disese was my deeth as swythe; And he ayein his trouthe me had plight For ever-more, his lady me to kythe. 2. Now is he fals, alas! and causeles, And of my wo he is so routheles, 230 That with a worde him list not ones deyne To bring ayein my sorowful herte in pees, For he is caught up in a-nother lees. Right as him list, he laugheth at my peyne, And I ne can myn herte not restreyne, 235 That I ne love him alwey, never-the-les; And of al this I not to whom me pleyne. 3. And shal I pleyne--alas! the harde stounde-- Un-to my foo that yaf my herte a wounde, And yet desyreth that myn harm be more? 240 Nay, certes! ferther wol I never founde Non other help, my sores for to sounde. My desteny hath shapen it ful yore; I wil non other medecyne ne lore; I wil ben ay ther I was ones bounde, 245 That I have seid, be seid for ever-more! 4. Alas! wher is become your gentilesse! Your wordes ful of plesaunce and humblesse? Your observaunces in so low manere, And your awayting and your besinesse 250 Upon me, that ye calden your maistresse, Your sovereyn lady in this worlde here? Alas! and is ther nother word ne chere Ye vouchesauf upon myn hevinesse? Alas! your love, I bye hit al to dere. 255 5. Now certes, swete, thogh that ye Thus causeles the cause be Of my dedly adversitee, Your manly reson oghte it to respyte To slee your frend, and namely me, 260 That never yet in no degree Offended yow, as wisly he, That al wot, out of wo my soule quyte! P. But for I shewed yow, Arcite, Al that men wolde to me wryte, 265 And was so besy, yow to delyte-- My honour save--meke, kinde, and free, Therfor ye putte on me the wyte, And of me recche not a myte, Thogh that the swerd of sorow byte 270 My woful herte through your crueltee. 6. My swete foo, why do ye so, for shame? And thenke ye that furthered be your name, To love a newe, and been untrewe? nay! And putte yow in sclaunder now and blame, 275 And do to me adversitee and grame, That love yow most, god, wel thou wost! alway? Yet turn ayeyn, and be al pleyn som day, And than shal this that now is mis be game, And al for-yive, whyl that I live may. 280 (_Antistrophe._) 1. Lo! herte myn, al this is for to seyne, As whether shal I preye or elles pleyne? Whiche is the wey to doon yow to be trewe? For either mot I have yow in my cheyne, Or with the dethe ye mot departe us tweyne; 285 Ther ben non other mene weyes newe; For god so wisly on my soule rewe, As verily ye sleen me with the peyne; That may ye see unfeyned of myn hewe. 2. For thus ferforth have I my deth [y]-soght, 290 My-self I mordre with my prevy thoght; For sorow and routhe of your unkindenesse I wepe, I wake, I faste; al helpeth noght; I weyve Ioy that is to speke of oght, I voyde companye, I flee gladnesse; 295 Who may avaunte hir bet of hevinesse Then I? and to this plyte have ye me broght, Withoute gilt; me nedeth no witnesse. 3. And sholde I preye, and weyve womanhede? Nay! rather deth then do so foul a dede, 300 And axe mercy gilteles! what nede? And if I pleyne what lyf that I lede, Yow rekketh not; that know I, out of drede; And if I unto yow myn othes bede For myn excuse, a scorn shal be my mede; 305 Your chere floureth, but hit wol not sede; Ful longe agoon I oghte have take hede. 4. For thogh I hadde yow to-morow ageyn, I might as wel holde Averill fro reyn, As holde yow, to make yow stedfast. 310 Almighty god, of trouthe sovereyn, Wher is the trouthe of man? who hath hit sleyn? Who that hem loveth shal hem fynde as fast As in a tempest is a roten mast. Is that a tame best that is ay feyn 315 To renne away, when he is leest agast? 5. Now mercy, swete, if I misseye, Have I seyd oght amis, I preye? I not; my wit is al aweye. I fare as doth the song of _Chaunte-pleure_. 320 For now I pleyne, and now I pleye, I am so mased that I deye, Arcite hath born awey the keye Of al my worlde, and my good aventure! P. For in this worlde nis creature 325 Wakinge, in more discomfiture Then I, ne more sorow endure; And if I slepe a furlong wey or tweye, Than thinketh me, that your figure Before me stant, clad in asure, 330 To profren eft a newe assure For to be trewe, and mercy me to preye. 6. The longe night this wonder sight I drye, And on the day for this afray I dye, And of al this right noght, y-wis, ye recche. 335 Ne never mo myn yen two be drye, And to your routhe and to your trouthe I crye. But welawey! to fer be they to fecche; Thus holdeth me my destinee a wrecche. But me to rede out of this drede or gye 340 Ne may my wit, so weyk is hit, not strecche. _Conclusion._ Than ende I thus, sith I may do no more, I yeve hit up for now and ever-more; For I shal never eft putten in balaunce My sekernes, ne lerne of love the lore. 345 But as the swan, I have herd seyd ful yore, Ayeins his deth shal singe in his penaunce, So singe I here my destiny or chaunce, How that Arcite Anelida so sore Hath thirled with the poynt of remembraunce! 350 _The story continued._ Whan that Anelida this woful quene Hath of hir hande writen in this wyse, With face deed, betwixe pale and grene, She fel a-swowe; and sith she gan to ryse, And unto Mars avoweth sacrifyse 355 With-in the temple, with a sorowful chere, That shapen was as ye shal after here. 357 (_Unfinished._) _The chief authorities are_: Harl. (Harl. 7333); F. (Fairfax 16); Tn. (Tanner 346); D. (Digby 181); Cx.(Caxton's edition); B. (Bodley 638); Lt. (Longleat MS.). Th. = Thynne's ed. 1532. _I follow_ F. _mainly, correcting the spelling; and give_ selected _variations._ _Title from_ F.; B. _has_ boke _for_ compleynt. 1. Tn. ferse; F. fers. 3. Harl. D. Cx. temple; _rest_ temples. 6. F. songe. F. contynew; D. contynue. F. guye; Tn. gye. 7. F. I to the; Harl. Tn. D. to the I. 9. Cx. for tendyte; Harl. for to endite; _rest_ to endyte. 11. F. Analida; Cx. Anelida; Tn. D. Annelida. 12. Harl. that; Cx. that (_for_ which); _rest om._ 15. F. eke. Harl. Polymea; _rest_ Polymya, Polymia; Th. Polymnia. 16. Harl. Cx. with; _rest_ hath (!). Harl. Cx. sustren. 17. F. B. Cx. Cirrea; D. Cirea; Tn. Circa (_wrongly_). 20. Tn. ship; F. shippe. _After_ l. 21, 3 Latin lines are quoted from Statius (see note). 23. F. folke. Cx. Cithye. 24. Harl. D. Cx. Lt. With; F. The (_caught from_ l. 23). D. crowned; F. corovned. 25. _All_ Home. Tn. ycome; F. he come. 27. Cx. cryeden; _but rest_ cryden, criden. Harl. unto; _rest_ to. Tn. wente; F. went. 28. Tn. entente; F. entent. 29. F. Harl. Beforne; Cx. Biforn; Tn. D. B. Lt. Before. Harl. duk; F. duke. Harl. _inserts_ hie (= hy); Addit. 16165 _has_ his; _the rest wrongly omit_; _accent_ o _in_ victorie. 31. Cx. tokening. Harl. and tokenyng of his glorie. 32. F. sene; Harl. seen. 33. Tn. many; F. mony (_5 times_). 35. on] Harl. Cx. and. 36. Tn. Ypolita. F. wife. 37. Harl. D. Cithea. D. hadde; Lt. hade; _rest_ had. 39. F. chare. D. ladde; Lt. lade; _rest_ lad. 40. Harl. ground; F. grounde. D. spradde; _rest_ sprad. 41. Harl. Cx. the; _rest omit_. 42. F. Fulfilled; al. 43. D. Cx. Lt. crowned; _rest_ corouned. 44. F. yevyng; Tn. gifeynge. 45. F. B. Let; _rest_ Lete. 46. F. ryding; Tn. ridinge. 47. F. bring; Tn. brynge. 48. D. slye (_rightly_); Tn. sly; F. sley. 50. F. thro. Harl. Tn. D. furious; F. furiouse. 51. Harl. Tn. wrath; F. wrethe. 52. F. hertis. 53. F. B. Tn. _insert_ and _after_ Grece; _which_ D. Lt. Harl. Cx. _omit_. Harl. yche othir for to kylle (_a good reading_). Cf. l. 56. F. eueriche. 55. D. among; F. amonge. D. bothe; F. both (_but_ wrothe _in_ l. 56). 56. F. eueriche. 58. Harl. Parthonopee; Cx. Parthonope; D. Partonope; Tn. Partinope; F. B. Prothonolope(!). 59. Harl. Tn. dede; F. ded. _I supply_ was, _which sense and metre require_; Cx. _supplies_ and. F. proude. 60. _So_ F. Tn. B. Lt.; Harl. D. Cx. _put_ wrechid (wrecchid) _for_ wrecches. 61. Cx. hom; _rest_ home. 62. F. stode. 66. F. helde. 70. F. folke. 72. Tn. dwellynge; F. duellyng. 73. F. sunne; Harl. Tn. D. Cx. sonne. 74. D. Through; F. Thorogh. Tn. sprynge; F. spring. 75. Tn. likynge; F. likyng. 77. Harl. Tn. D. Cx. the; F. thes. 78. twenty _is written_ xxti _in the_ MSS. D. olde; Cx. olde; Lt. of olde; Harl. eld; _rest_ of elde. 79. Tn. mydell_e_; F. mydil. F. suche. 80. F. Ioy. 81. D. stedfastnesse; F. stidfastnesse. 82. F. B. both; _rest_ hath. Harl. Th. penelope; F. _and others_ penolope. 84. Harl. ne; _rest om._ Tn. myghte; F. myght. 85. _I supply_ Arcite; _line too short._ F. seyne. 86. Harl. yong; F. yonge. Harl. there with all_e_ (_so_ D. Cx. Lt.); _rest_ therto with al. 87. F. pleyne. 88. Harl. any; F. eny. 89. D. Lt. Cx. wan; F. whan (!). 90. F. ferforthe. F. can; _rest_ gan. 91. Th. Tn. Harl. trusteth; _rest_ trusted; _read_ trust. D. any; F. eny. 93. F. eny throw. 94. F. thoght; hert. 95. F. bare. 96. F. hert. 101. Harl. Tn. D.B. swore (_for_ swoor); Cx. sware; F. sworne. 105. Tn. thenketh; F. thinketh. 106. F. fonde; suche. 107. F. B. _wrongly insert_ both _before_ moche; _rest omit_. F. B. and; _rest_ or. 109. Harl. Cx. that; _rest omit_. 110. F. wiche; myght. 111. Tn. yeuen; F. yevin. 112. F. dyd her hert an ese; Harl. Cx. _omit_ hert an; _others vary_. 114, 118. D. any; F. eny. 116. Tn. D. B. fulle; _rest_ ful. 119. (_See_ 126.) Harl. Cx. heste; _rest_ herte, hert. 120. F. eke. Tn. Ielous; F. Ielouse. D. Cx. here (_for the rime_); F. her. 121. Harl. any; F. eny. F. seyde. 123. F. worde. Harl. Tn. apayde; F. apaied; D. B. apaid. 124. F. wend. Cx. brayd; Tn. breyde; F. breyed. 125. Harl. Cx. this nas; _rest_ was. D. sleight; Cx. sleyght; F. sleght. 126. Harl. Withouten; F. With out; (_and so in_ 119). 127. F. toke. F. B. as; _rest_ so. 128. Harl. Tn. wille; F. wil. F. thoght. Koch _proposes to omit_ hit. 129. _All ins._ she _after_ lenger; _it is not wanted_. 131. F. ringe. 132. Harl. Cx. So; _rest_ For so. Harl. Tn. entente; F. entent. 133. Tn. herte; F. hert. Harl. Tn. wente; F. went. 135. F. toke; kepe. 136. Harl. Cx. that; _rest omit_. Harl. D. Cx. reste; F. rest. 137. Tn. thoghte; F. thoght. Harl. Tn. Cx. alwey; F. ay. F. slepe. 138. F. wepe. 139. Cx. fayr; F. feire. 141. D. newfangilnesse; Tn. newfangulnes; F. new fanglesse 143. F. Toke. D. sted-; F. stid-. 144. F. proude. 145. Harl. D. cladde; F. clad. 146. F. whethir. 148. F. lesse grete. 149. Harl. Cx. _omit_ the, _which_ F. _and others insert after_ is. 152. Harl. Tn. firste; F. first. 154. F. founde. 156. Harl. Tn. D. couer; Cx. couere; F. coueren. 157. F. Tn. pleyn. 159, 161. _All_ swore. 160. Harl. Tn. mente; F. ment. 161. D. Cx. theef; F. thefe. Harl. Tn. wente; F. went. 162. Tn. herte; F. hert. Cx. enduren; _rest_ endure. 167. F. feir. 169. Cx. swowneth; D. sownyth; F. swoneth. 170. Harl. Tn. D. grounde; F. ground. F. dede; ston. 171. Harl. Al; _rest om._ Cx. Crampissheth; Lt. Crampuissheth; Tn. Crampicheth; F. cravmpysshe. 172. F. agon. 174. Harl. Noon; Cx. None; _the rest insert_ Ne _before_ Noon. _For_ she speketh, _all the_ MSS. _have_ speketh she. 175. F. mercie; hert. 178. F. B. for; _rest_ forth. 179. Tn. D. nothir; F. nouther. 180. F. wher; _rest_ where. 182. Harl. nought; Cx. not (_for_ never). Harl. D. Cx. whether; _but_ wher _is short for_ whether. Cf. Compt. unto Pite, 110; _see note_. 183. _All but_ Harl. Cx. Th. _insert_ up _before_ so; _see next line_. 184. F. bridil. 185. F. worde. B. D. Lt. dredith; F. Tn. dred hit; Harl. Cx. drad; _read_ dradde hit. 187. Tn. Cx. liste; Harl. lyste; F. lust. 190. Harl. Cx. vnnethe; F. vnneth. F. list. 191. _All_ un-to; _read_ to. 192. Cx. proud; F. proude. Harl. Cx. held; F. helde. 193. Harl. withouten; F. with out. Harl. Cx. mete; _rest_ fee. F. B. Lt. shippe; D. ship_e_; Cx. sype; Harl. shepe (!); Tn. shep (!). 195. D. yaf; F. yafe. 196. Harl. owne; F. ovne. 197. Harl Tn. D. thrifty; F. thrifte. 198. B. here; F. her (i. e. _here_); Tn. D. here of; Cx. Lt. hede of. 199. Tn. Cx. liste (_pt. t._); F. list. Harl. Cx. dere herte; F. her der hert. 200. _All_ meke. 201. _All_ kynde (kinde). F. hert. 203. Harl. Cx. he (_twice_); F. _and others wrongly have_ they _the 2nd time_. 205. F. Tn. be; _rest_ by. 206. F. sawe. 208. Harl. Tn. caste; F. cast. 209. Harl. owne; F. ovne. 210. Th. sente; D. Cx. sende; _rest_ sent. F. B. _omit_ hit; _rest retain_. 211. Harl. thirllethe; Cx. thirleth; F. B. thirled (!). 212. B. swerd; F. suerde. F. y-whet; B. I-whet; _rest_ whet. 213. Tn. herte; F. hert. Harl. Tn. D. blak; F. blake. 214. Harl. Cx. in. _rest_ to; _see_ 215. 215. Tn. B. Lt. surete; F. suerte. F. B. in to; _rest_ in. D. Cx. a whaped; Harl. a whaaped; F. a waped. 216. Harl. for; _rest om._ 217. Harl. trewest; F. truest. Harl. hir; Cx. her; F. _and others_ him (_but see_ l. 218). 218. F. dothe. 220. Harl. any; F. eny. 221. F. hert. 223. F. B. cleped; _rest_ called. F. hertis life. 227. Harl. D. Cx. B. plight; F. I-plyght. 229. _So_ Tn. Harl. Cx. D; F. B. Alas now hath he left me causeles. 232. Tn. herte, pees; F. hert, pes. 233. B. caught; F. caght. Tn. D. Cx. lees; F. les. 234. F. B. me (!); _rest_ him. 235. F. hert. 238. F. pleyn. Harl. Tn. harde; F. hard. 239. F. yafe; hert. 240. F. harme. 241. F. certis. _All_ be founde; _but_ be _is copied in from the line above; see_ l. 47. 242. F. helpe. 243. Tn. desteny; F. destany. F. B. _om._ ful. 246. F. seide (_twice_.) 252. F. souereigne. 253. _I supply_ and _from_ Cx.; Harl. _has_ And is there nowe neyther. 254. Lt. vouchesauf; Cx. vouchen sauf; F. vouchesafe. 256. F. certis. 257. F. B. causer (_for_ caus-e); _rest_ cause. 258. F. dedely. 259. F. oght. 260. Harl. Lt. slee; Tn. D. Cx. sle; F. slene. F. frende. 263. Harl. wot; F. wote. 264, 265. Harl. Cx. But for I was so pleyne, Arcyte, In all_e_ my werkes, much and lyte; _and omit_ was _in_ l. 266. 267. F. honor. Tn. saue; F. D. safe; Harl. Cx. sauf. 268. F. put. 269. Harl. Tn. recche; F. rek. 270. F. B. _om._ that. F. suerde. 271. Tn. herte; F. hert. F. thro. 272. F. suete. 274. Harl. Tn. vntrewe; F. vntrew. 275. Harl. putte; F. put. 278. Tn. D. Ff. Lt. turne; _rest_ come. 279. Tn. Harl. Cx. D. Lt. And then shall this that now is mis ben (be); F. B. And turne al this that hath be mys to. 280. F. foryeve; Tn. foryife; Harl. 372, foryiue (_rightly_). 281. F. hert. Harl. seyne (_gerund_); F. seyn. 282. F. wheder; prey; pleyn. 284, 5, 8. F. cheyn, tweyn, peyn. 287. D. Cx. on; Harl. of; F. Tn. B. vpon. 288. D. verily; F. verrely. 290. Harl. Cx. _omit this stanza_. F. dethe (_wrongly_); _rest_ deth. _All_ soght, sought; _read_ y-soght. 291. D. B. mordre; F. mo_ur_dre. 292. F. vnkyndnesse. 293. Tn. D. faste; F. fast. 296. F. avaunt. Tn. B. Lt. bet; F. bet_er_. 298. Tn. Lt. With oute; F. With out. 299. _Some of the_ final rimes _in this stanza are_ forced _ones_. F. B. shal; _rest_ sholde (shulde). F. prey. 300. F. dethe; Harl. Cx. dye. F. foule. 301. F. mercie. Tn. gilteles; F. giltles. 302. Harl. pleyne; F. pleyn. F. lyfe. Harl. Cx. _ins._ that; F. _and others omit_. 304. Tn. D. unto; F. to. 305. F. skorne. 306. F. B. _om._ hit. 307. F. _and others insert_ to _before_ have; Tn. D. Lt. Cx. _omit_. 308. D. hadde; F. had. 309. F. Apprile; Harl. Aueryll. 310. F. B. yow be; _rest om._ be. F. stidfast. 311. F. souereigne. 312. F. slayn. 313. Tn. D. Lt. She; Harl. Sheo; _rest_ Who. F. B. _insert_ she _before_ shal. 314. F. _om. 1st_ a. 315. Is] F. this (!) 316. Harl. fleen; Cx. fle (_for_ renne). F. lest. 317. Harl. Cx. But; _rest_ Now. F. mercie. F. myssey (_omitting_ e _in_-eye _throughout, wrongly_); Harl. myssaye, &c. 318. _So_ F. B.; _rest_ Have I ought seyd out of the weye. F. seyde. 319. Harl. Cx. half (_for_ al). 320. F. dothe; songe. F. chaunt plure; Harl. Chaunte pleure. 321. F. pleyn. 323. F. borne. 325. Harl. Cx. nys; F. B. D. ther is no; Tn. ther nis no (_too many syllables_). 328. F. furlonge. F. B. other (_for_ or); _rest_ or. 329. F. thenketh; Tn. thynketh. 330. Tn. stant; F. stont. 331. Harl. Cx. To profren efte; D. Tn. Lt. Efte to profre; F. B. To suere yet. Tn. D. Cx. Lt. assure; F. asure. 332. F. trew; mercie. Harl. and love me til I dye; Cx. and love me til he deye. 334. F. B. this; D. Tn. suche; Harl. Cx. thilke. 335. F. reche; Tn. D. recche; _and so with_ feche, &c. 339. F. destany; Tn. destyne (_for the rime_). 341. F. weyke. 343. Harl. D. Cx. yeve; F. yf; Tn. gife. 344. F. efte. Tn. Cx. putten; F. put. 347. Tn. deth; F. dethe. Tn. D. Lt. Ff. _insert_ in; _rest om._ 348. Harl. Tn. destenye; D. destynye; F. destany. 349. F. Analida. F. B. to; _rest_ so. 351. _This stanza only occurs in_ Tn. D. Lt. Ff. Th.; _I follow_ Tn. _mainly_. Tn. Annelida; wofull. 352. Tn. Lt. Ff. of; D. with. 353. D. Th. deed; _rest_ dede. D. betwixe; Th. betwyxe; Ff. bitwixte; Tn. Lt. betwix. 354. Tn. felle; Th. fel. Ff. a swowe; Tn. a swow. 355. Lt. Th. avoweth; D. avowith; Tn. avoyth. 356. Tn. With-Inne; _rest_ With-in. Tn. sorofulle. 357. Tn. shapyn; aftyr. shal after] Lt. Th. may plainly. * * * * * VIII. CHAUCERS WORDES UNTO ADAM, HIS OWNE SCRIVEYN. Adam scriveyn, if ever it thee bifalle Boece or Troilus to wryten newe, Under thy lokkes thou most have the scalle, But after my making thou wryte trewe. So ofte a daye I mot thy werk renewe, 5 Hit to correcte and eek to rubbe and scrape; And al is through thy negligence and rape. _From_ T. (= MS. R. 3. 20 _in_ Trin. Coll. Library, Cambridge). _It also occurs in_ Stowe's edition (1561). TITLE; T. _has_--Chauciers wordes .a. Geffrey vn-to Adame his owen scryveyne; Stowe _has_--Chaucers woordes vnto his owne Scriuener. 1. T. scryveyne; byfalle. 2. T. Troylus for to; nuwe. 3. T. thy long lokkes (_see_ note); thowe. 4. T. affter; makyng thowe wryte more truwe (_see_ note). 5. T. offt; renuwe. 6. T. It; corect; Stowe _has_ correcte. T. eke. 7. T. thorugh; neclygence. * * * * * IX. THE FORMER AGE. A blisful lyf, a paisible and a swete Ledden the peples in the former age; They helde hem payed of fruites, that they ete, Which that the feldes yave hem by usage; They ne were nat forpampred with outrage; 5 Unknowen was the quern and eek the melle; They eten mast, hawes, and swich pounage, And dronken water of the colde welle. Yit nas the ground nat wounded with the plough, But corn up-sprong, unsowe of mannes hond, 10 The which they gniden, and eete nat half y-nough No man yit knew the forwes of his lond; No man the fyr out of the flint yit fond; Un-korven and un-grobbed lay the vyne; No man yit in the morter spyces grond 15 To clarre, ne to sause of galantyne. No mader, welde, or wood no litestere Ne knew; the flees was of his former hewe; No flesh ne wiste offence of egge or spere; No coyn ne knew man which was fals or trewe; 20 No ship yit karf the wawes grene and blewe; No marchaunt yit ne fette outlandish ware; No trompes for the werres folk ne knewe, No toures heye, and walles rounde or square. What sholde it han avayled to werreye? 25 Ther lay no profit, ther was no richesse, But cursed was the tyme, I dar wel seye, That men first dide hir swety bysinesse To grobbe up metal, lurkinge in darknesse, And in the riveres first gemmes soghte. 30 Allas! than sprong up al the cursednesse Of covetyse, that first our sorwe broghte! Thise tyraunts putte hem gladly nat in pres, No wildnesse, ne no busshes for to winne Ther poverte is, as seith Diogenes, 35 Ther as vitaile is eek so skars and thinne That noght but mast or apples is ther-inne. But, ther as bagges been and fat vitaile, Ther wol they gon, and spare for no sinne With al hir ost the cite for tassaile. 40 Yit were no paleis-chaumbres, ne non halles; In caves and [in] wodes softe and swete Slepten this blissed folk with-oute walles, On gras or leves in parfit quiete. No doun of fetheres, ne no bleched shete 45 Was kid to hem, but in seurtee they slepte; Hir hertes were al oon, with-oute galles, Everich of hem his feith to other kepte. Unforged was the hauberk and the plate; The lambish peple, voyd of alle vyce, 50 Hadden no fantasye to debate, But ech of hem wolde other wel cheryce; No pryde, non envye, non avaryce, No lord, no taylage by no tyrannye; Humblesse and pees, good feith, the emperice, 55 [Fulfilled erthe of olde curtesye.] Yit was not Iupiter the likerous, That first was fader of delicacye, Come in this world; ne Nembrot, desirous To reynen, had nat maad his toures hye. 60 Allas, allas! now may men wepe and crye! For in our dayes nis but covetyse [And] doublenesse, and tresoun and envye, Poysoun, manslauhtre, and mordre in sondry wyse. 64 FINIT ETAS PRIMA. CHAUCERS. 1. I. Blysful; paysyble. 2. I. poeples; Hh. peplis. 3. I. paied of the; Hh. paied with the (_but omit_ the). I. fructes; Hh. frutes. 4. I. Whiche. 5. I. weere; Hh. were. I. Hh. owtrage. 6. I. Onknowyn. I. quyerne; Hh. qwerne. I. ek. 7. I. swych pownage. 9. I. grownd; wownded; plowh. 11. I. gnodded; Hh. knoddyd; _read_ gniden; _see_ note. I. I-nowh. 12. I. knewe; Hh. knew. 13. I, owt; flynt; fonde. 15. I. spices. 16. I. sawse; Hh. sause. I. galentyne; Hh. galantine. 17. I. madyr; Hh. madder. Hh. wellyd (_wrongly_), I. wod; Hh. woode. 18. I. knewh. I. fles; Hh. flese (_for_ flees). I. is (_for_ his); Hh. hys. 19. I. flessh; wyste. 20. I. knewh. Hh. was; I. is. 22. I. owt-. 23. I. _inserts_ batails (Hh. batayllys) _after_ No. 24. I. towres; rownde. 26. I. profyt; rychesse. 27. I. corsed; Hh. cursyd. 28. I. fyrst; Hh. first. I. dede; bysynesse. 29. I. lurkynge. Hh. derknesse; I. dirkenesse. 30. I. Ryuerys fyrst gemmys sowhte. 31. I. cursydnesse. 32. Hh. couetyse; I. coueytyse. I. fyrst owr; browhte. 33. I. Thyse tyrau_n_tz. _Both_ put. 34. I. _inserts_ places (Hh. place of) _after_ No. I. wynne. 36. I. vitayle; ek. 37. I nat (_for_ noght); Hh. nowt. 39. I. synne. 40. I. Cyte. I. forto asayle; Hh. for to asayle. 41. Hh. were; I. was. 42. I. kanes. I. Hh. _om. 2nd_ in; _which I supply_. 43. I. Sleptin; blyssed; with-owte. 44. Hh. On; I. Or. I. parfyt Ioye reste and quiete (!); Hh. parfite Ioy and quiete (!). 45. I. down. 46. I. kyd. I. surte; Hh. surt. 47. I. weere; on; -owte. 48. I. Euerych; oother. 49. I. hawberke. 50. I. lambyssh. I. poeple; Hh. pepyl. Hh. voyd; I. voyded. Hh. vice; I. vyse. 51. I. fantesye. 52. I. eche; oother. 53. I. pride. 54. I. tyranye. 55. Hh. Humblesse; I. Vmblesse. I. pes. 56. _Not in the_ MSS.; _I supply it._ Koch _suggests_--Yit hadden in this worlde the maistrye. 57. I. Iuppiter; Hh. Iupiter. I. lykerous. 58. I. fyrst; fadyr; delicasie. 59. I. desyrous. 60. I. regne; towres. 61. Hh. men; _which_ I. _omits_. 62. I. owre. 63. I. Hh. _omit first_ And, _which I supply_. I. Hh. Dowblenesse. 64. I. Poyson and manslawtre; Hh. Poysonne manslawtyr. _Finit, &c.; in_ Hh. _only._ * * * * * X. FORTUNE. _Balades de visage sanz peinture._ I. LE PLEINTIF COUNTRE FORTUNE. This wrecched worldes transmutacioun, As wele or wo, now povre and now honour, With-outen ordre or wys discrecioun Governed is by Fortunes errour; But natheles, the lak of hir favour 5 Ne may nat don me singen, though I dye, _Iay tout perdu mon temps et mon labour_:' For fynally, Fortune, I thee defye! Yit is me left the light of my resoun, To knowen frend fro fo in thy mirour. 10 So muche hath yit thy whirling up and doun Y-taught me for to knowen in an hour. But trewely, no force of thy reddour To him that over him-self hath the maystrye! My suffisaunce shal be my socour: 15 For fynally, Fortune, I thee defye! O Socrates, thou stedfast champioun, She never mighte be thy tormentour; Thou never dreddest hir oppressioun, Ne in hir chere founde thou no savour. 20 Thou knewe wel deceit of hir colour, And that hir moste worshipe is to lye. I knowe hir eek a fals dissimulour: For fynally, Fortune, I thee defye! II. LA RESPOUNSE DE FORTUNE AU PLEINTIF. No man is wrecched, but him-self hit wene, 25 And he that hath him-self hath suffisaunce. Why seystow thanne I am to thee so kene, That hast thy-self out of my governaunce? Sey thus: 'Graunt mercy of thyn haboundaunce That thou hast lent or this.' Why wolt thou stryve? 30 What wostow yit, how I thee wol avaunce? And eek thou hast thy beste frend alyve! I have thee taught divisioun bi-twene Frend of effect, and frend of countenaunce; Thee nedeth nat the galle of noon hyene, 35 That cureth eyen derke fro hir penaunce; Now seestow cleer, that were in ignoraunce. Yit halt thyn ancre, and yit thou mayst arryve Ther bountee berth the keye of my substaunce: And eek thou hast thy beste frend alyve. 40 How many have I refused to sustene, Sin I thee fostred have in thy plesaunce! Woltow than make a statut on thy quene That I shal been ay at thyn ordinaunce? Thou born art in my regne of variaunce, 45 Aboute the wheel with other most thou dryve. My lore is bet than wikke is thy grevaunce, And eek thou hast thy beste frend alyve. III. LA RESPOUNSE DU PLEINTIF COUNTRE FORTUNE. Thy lore I dampne, hit is adversitee. My frend maystow nat reven, blind goddesse! 50 That I thy frendes knowe, I thanke hit thee. Tak hem agayn, lat hem go lye on presse! The negardye in keping hir richesse Prenostik is thou wolt hir tour assayle; Wikke appetyt comth ay before seknesse: 55 In general, this reule may nat fayle. LA RESPOUNSE DE FORTUNE COUNTRE LE PLEINTIF. Thou pinchest at my mutabilitee, For I thee lente a drope of my richesse, And now me lyketh to with-drawe me. Why sholdestow my realtee oppresse? 60 The see may ebbe and flowen more or lesse; The welkne hath might to shyne, reyne, or hayle; Right so mot I kythen my brotelnesse. In general, this reule may nat fayle. Lo, thexecucion of the magestee 65 That al purveyeth of his rightwisnesse, That same thing 'Fortune' clepen ye, Ye blinde bestes, ful of lewednesse! The hevene hath propretee of sikernesse, This world hath ever resteles travayle; 70 Thy laste day is ende of myn intresse: In general, this reule may nat fayle. Lenvoy de Fortune. Princes, I prey you of your gentilesse, Lat nat this man on me thus crye and pleyne, And I shal quyte you your bisinesse 75 At my requeste, as three of you or tweyne; And, but you list releve him of his peyne, Preyeth his beste frend, of his noblesse, That to som beter estat he may atteyne. 79 _Explicit._ The spelling is conformed to that of the preceding poems; the alterations though numerous are slight; as _y_ for _i_, _au_ for _aw_, &c. The text mainly follows MS. I. (= Ii. 3. 21, Camb. Univ. Library). Other MSS. are A. (Ashmole 59); T. (Trin. Coll. Camb.); F. (Fairfax 16); B. (Bodley 638); H. (Harl. 2251). 2: F. pouerte; _rest_ poure (poore, pore, poeere). 8, 16: I. fynaly; deffye. 11: I. mochel; _the rest_ muche, moche. 13: I. fors; thi reddowr. 17: I. stidfast chaumpyoun. 18: I. myht; thi tormentowr. 20: I. fownde thow. 21. I. the deseyte; A. T. H. _om._ the. 22. I. most. 23. I. knew; _rest_ knowe. I. ek. 24. I. fynaly; the deffye. 27. H. seystow; I. seysthow. I. (_only_) _om._ to. 30. _So_ I.; _rest_ Thou shall not stryue. 31. I. woost thow; B. wostow; A. T. wostowe. 36. I. derkyd; _rest_ derke (derk). T. from hir; H. from ther; A. frome theire; F. B. fro; I. for. 37. H. seestow; A. T. seestowe; I. _partly erased_. 43. I. Wolthow; B. Woltow. 46. I. most thow; H. thow must; _the rest_ maystow, maisthow, maistow. 49: I. dempne; F. B. H. dampne. 50: I. maysthow; B. maistou; H. maystow. 51: I. thanke to; F. thanke yt; B. thanke it; H. thank it nat: (Lansdowne _and_ Pepys _also have_ thank it). 60: I. apresse; _rest_ oppresse. 61: I. A. or; _rest_ and. 62: I. welkne; A. B. H. welkin; F. welkene; T. sky. 63: I. brutelnesse; T. brutilnesse; F. B. H. brotelnesse; A. brittelnesse. _After_ l. 64, _a new rubric is wrongly inserted, thus_: I. Le pleintif; F. B. H. Le pleintif encontre Fortune; A. The Pleyntyff ageinst Fortune; T. Thaunswer of the Lover ayenst Fortune; _see_ note. 65: A. F. thexecucion; B. thexecucyon; I. excussyoun. I. maieste; _rest_ magestee (mageste). 71: I. intersse (_sic_); (Lansd. _and_ Pepys intresse); T. F. B. interesse; A. H. encresse. 73. I. gentilesses; _the rest_ gentilesse. 76. _In_ I. _only; the rest omit this line._ 77. A. F. B. H. And; I. T. That. I. lest; _rest_ list (liste). _At end_--B. Explicit. * * * * * XI. MERCILES BEAUTE: A TRIPLE ROUNDEL. I. _Captivity._ Your yen two wol slee me sodenly, I may the beaute of hem not sustene, So woundeth hit through-out my herte kene. And but your word wol helen hastily My hertes wounde, whyl that hit is grene, 5 _Your yen two wol slee me sodenly,_ _I may the beaute of hem not sustene_. Upon my trouthe I sey yow feithfully, That ye ben of my lyf and deeth the quene; For with my deeth the trouthe shal be sene. 10 _Your yen two wol slee me sodenly,_ _I may the beaute of hem not sustene,_ _So woundeth hit through-out my herte kene._ II. _Rejection._ So hath your beaute fro your herte chaced Pitee, that me ne availeth not to pleyne; 15 For Daunger halt your mercy in his cheyne. Giltles my deeth thus han ye me purchaced; I sey yow sooth, me nedeth not to feyne; _So hath your beaute fro your herte chaced_ _Pitee, that me ne availeth not to pleyne_. 20 Allas! that nature hath in yow compassed So greet beaute, that no man may atteyne To mercy, though he sterve for the peyne. _So hath your beaute fro your herte chaced_ _Pitee, that me ne availeth not to pleyne;_ 25 _For Daunger halt your mercy in his cheyne._ III. _Escape._ Sin I fro Love escaped am so fat, I never thenk to ben in his prison lene; Sin I am free, I counte him not a bene. He may answere, and seye this or that; 30 I do no fors, I speke right as I mene. _Sin I fro Love escaped am so fat,_ _I never thenk to ben in his prison lene._ Love hath my name y-strike out of his sclat, And he is strike out of my bokes clene 35 For ever-mo; [ther] is non other mene. _Sin I fro Love escaped am so fat,_ _I never thenk to ben in his prison lene;_ _Sin I am free, I counte him not a bene._ 39 _Explicit._ _This excellent text is from_ P. (MS. Pepys 2006, p. 390). _I note all variations from the_ MS.] 1. P. Yowre two yen; _but read_ Your yen two; _for in_ ll., 6, II, _the_ MS. _has_ Your yen, &c. P. wolle sle. 2. them; _read_ hem. 3. wondeth it thorowout (out _in the margin_). 4. wille. 5. Mi hertis wound while; it. 6, 7. Yo_ur_ yen, &c. 8. trouth. 9. liffe; deth. 10. deth; trouth. 11-13. Yo_ur_ yen, &c. 14. yowre. 15. nauailleth; pleyn. 16. danger. 17. deth. 18. soth; fayn. 19, 20. So hath yo_ur_, &c. 21. compased. 22. grete; atteyn. 23. peyn. 24-26. So hath yo_ur_ beaute, &c. 28. neu_er_e. 29. fre. 30. answer_e_ & sey. 32, 33. Syn I fro loue, &c. 34. I strike. 36. this is (_read_ ther is). 37-39. Syn I fro loue, &c. * * * * * XII. TO ROSEMOUNDE. A BALADE. Madame, ye ben of al beaute shryne As fer as cercled is the mappemounde; For as the cristal glorious ye shyne, And lyke ruby ben your chekes rounde. Therwith ye ben so mery and so iocounde, 5 That at a revel whan that I see you daunce, It is an oynement unto my wounde, Thogh ye to me ne do no daliaunce. For thogh I wepe of teres ful a tyne, Yet may that wo myn herte nat confounde; 10 Your seemly voys that ye so smal out-twyne Maketh my thoght in Ioye and blis habounde. So curteisly I go, with love bounde, That to my-self I sey, in my penaunce, Suffyseth me to love you, Rosemounde, 15 Thogh ye to me ne do no daliaunce. Nas never pyk walwed in galauntyne As I in love am walwed and y-wounde; For which ful ofte I of my-self divyne That I am trewe Tristan the secounde. 20 My love may not refreyd be nor afounde; I brenne ay in an amorous plesaunce. Do what you list, I wil your thral be founde, Thoghe ye to me ne do no daliaunce. 24 TREGENTIL. CHAUCER. _From_ MS. Rawl. Poet. 163, leaf 114. _No title in the_ MS. _Readings._ 2. mapamonde. 3. cristall. 4. chekys. 5. ioconde. 6. Reuell; se; dance. 8. Thoght (_see_ 16); daliance. 11. semy (_sic_); _read_ seemly; fynall, _for_ final(_misreading of_ fmal). 12. Makyth; ioy; blys. 13. curtaysly. 18. I wounde. 19. deuyne. 20. trew. 21. refreyde (_with_ be _above the line, just before it_); affounde. 22. amorouse. 23. lyst; wyl. 24. daliance. * * * * * XIII. TRUTH. BALADE DE BON CONSEYL. Flee fro the prees, and dwelle with sothfastnesse, Suffyce unto thy good, though hit be smal; For hord hath hate, and climbing tikelnesse, Prees hath envye, and wele blent overal; Savour no more than thee bihove shal; 5 Werk wel thy-self, that other folk canst rede; And trouthe shal delivere, hit is no drede. Tempest thee noght al croked to redresse, In trust of hir that turneth as a bal: Gret reste stant in litel besinesse; 10 And eek be war to sporne ageyn an al; Stryve noght, as doth the crokke with the wal. Daunte thy-self, that dauntest otheres dede; And trouthe shal delivere, hit is no drede. That thee is sent, receyve in buxumnesse, 15 The wrastling for this worlde axeth a fal. Her nis non hoom, her nis but wildernesse: Forth, pilgrim, forth! Forth, beste, out of thy stal! Know thy contree, look up, thank God of al; Hold the hye wey, and lat thy gost thee lede: 20 And trouthe shal delivere, hit is no drede. ENVOY. Therfore, thou vache, leve thyn old wrecchednesse Unto the worlde; leve now to be thral; Crye him mercy, that of his hy goodnesse Made thee of noght, and in especial 25 Draw unto him, and pray in general For thee, and eek for other, hevenlich mede; And trouthe shal delivere, hit is no drede. 28 EXPLICIT LE BON COUNSEILL DE G. CHAUCER. TITLE. Gg. _has_--Balade de bone conseyl; F. _has_--Balade. _The_ MSS. _are_ At. (Addit. 10340, Brit. Museum); Gg. (Camb. Univ. Library, Gg. 4. 27); E. (Ellesmere MS.); Ct. (Cotton, Cleop. D. 7); T. (Trin. Coll. Camb. R. 3. 20); F. (Fairfax 16); _and others_. _The text is founded on_ E. 2. E. Suffise. E. good; T. goode; At. Ct. thing; Gg. thyng. 4. At. blent; T. blentethe; Gg. blyndyth; E. blyndeth; Ct. blindeth; _see_ note. 5. E. the. 7. T. _inserts_ thee _before_ shal. 8. Tempest] Harl. F. T. Peyne. 9. E. trist; _the rest_ trust. 10. Gg. Gret reste; T. Gret rest; E. For gret reste; Ct. For greet rest; At. Mych wele. E. bisynesse; _rest_ besynesse. 11. E. ek; agayn. 13. E. Ct. Daunt; _the rest_ Daunte. 14. T. _inserts_ thee _before_ shal. 15. E. the; boxomnesse. 19. Know thy contree] Harl. F. T. Loke vp on hie. E. lok; _the rest_ loke, looke. 20. _For_ Hold the hye wey, Harl. F. _and others have_ Weyve thy lust. E. the (_for_ thee). 21. T. _inserts_ thee _before_ shal. 22-28. _This stanza is in_ At. _only._ 22. At. thine olde wrechedenesse. 23. At. world. 24. At. Crie hym; hys hie. 25. At. the; nou[gh]t. 26. At. Drawe; hym. 27. At. the; eke; heuenelyche. 28. At. schal delyuere. COLOPHON: _so in_ F. * * * * * XIV. GENTILESSE. MORAL BALADE OF CHAUCER. The firste stok, fader of gentilesse-- What man that claymeth gentil for to be, Must folowe his trace, and alle his wittes dresse Vertu to sewe, and vyces for to flee. For unto vertu longeth dignitee, 5 And noght the revers, saufly dar I deme, Al were he mytre, croune, or diademe. This firste stok was ful of rightwisnesse, Trewe of his word, sobre, pitous, and free, Clene of his goste, and loved besinesse, 10 Ageinst the vyce of slouthe, in honestee; And, but his heir love vertu, as dide he, He is noght gentil, thogh he riche seme, Al were he mytre, croune, or diademe. Vyce may wel be heir to old richesse; 15 But ther may no man, as men may wel see, Bequethe his heir his vertuous noblesse; That is appropred unto no degree, But to the firste fader in magestee, That maketh him his heir, that can him queme, 20 Al were he mytre, croune, or diademe. 1. Cx. first; Harl. ffirste; Ct. firste. T. gentilesse; _rest_ gentilnesse. 3. Cx. _om._ alle. 4. A. T. suwe; Harl. shew (_for_ sewe); Cx. folowe (!). 5. Cx. vertue; dignyte. 6. Cx. not; _rest_ nou[gh]t, nought, no[gh]te. 7. Cx. mytor; A. T. Harl. Add. mytre. Cx. crowne; dyademe. 8. Cx. rightwisnes. 9. A. Ct. Ha. pitous; Cx. pyetous. 10. Cx. besynes. 11. A. Ageinst; T. Ageynst; Cx. Agayn. Cx. _om._ the. Cx. honeste. 12. Cx. eyer; _rest_ heire, heyre, eyre. 13. Cx. not; Ct. Ha. nought. Cx. though; Add. thogh. 14. Cx. mytor; crowne. 15. Cx. _omits_ heir. Cx. holde; _rest_ olde; _but read_ old. 16. Cx. al; _rest_ as. 17. Cx. eyer. 18. Cx. degre. 19. Cx. first; mageste. 20. Ct. That maketh his heires hem that hym queme (_omitting_ can); A. That mathe his heyre him that wol him qweme; T. That makethe heos heyres hem that wol him qweeme; Add. That maketh his eires hem that can him queme; Cx. That makes hem eyres that can hem queme; _with other variations_. _I follow_ Cx., _supplying_ his, _and putting_ him _and_ heir _in the singular_; _cf._ he _in_ l. 21. 21. Cx. crowne mytor. * * * * * XV. LAK OF STEDFASTNESSE. BALADE. Som tyme this world was so stedfast and stable That mannes word was obligacioun, And now hit is so fals and deceivable, That word and deed, as in conclusioun, Ben no-thing lyk, for turned up so doun 5 Is al this world for mede and wilfulnesse, That al is lost for lak of stedfastnesse. What maketh this world to be so variable But lust that folk have in dissensioun? Among us now a man is holde unable, 10 But-if he can, by som collusioun, Don his neighbour wrong or oppressioun. What causeth this, but wilful wrecchednesse, That al is lost, for lak of stedfastnesse? Trouthe is put doun, resoun is holden fable; 15 Vertu hath now no dominacioun, Pitee exyled, no man is merciable. Through covetyse is blent discrecioun; The world hath mad a permutacioun Fro right to wrong, fro trouthe to fikelnesse, 20 That al is lost, for lak of stedfastnesse. Lenvoy to King Richard. O prince, desyre to be honourable, Cherish thy folk and hate extorcioun! Suffre no thing, that may be reprevable To thyn estat, don in thy regioun. 25 Shew forth thy swerd of castigacioun, Dred God, do law, love trouthe and worthinesse, And wed thy folk agein to stedfastnesse. 28 _Explicit._ _The_ MSS _are_: Harl. (Harl. 7333); T. (Trin. Coll. R. 3. 20); Ct. (Cotton, Cleop. D. 7); F. (Fairfax 16); Add. (Addit. 22139); Bann. (Bannatyne); _and others_. Th. = Thynne (1532). _I follow_ Ct. _chiefly. The title_ Balade _is in_ F. 1. Ct. Sumtyme. Ct. F. the; Harl. T. Add. this. Ct. worlde. 2. Ct. worde. 3. Ct. nowe it; false; deseiuable. 4. Ct. worde; dede. 5. Harl. T. Beon; Add. Ar; Ct. Is; F. Ys. Ct. lyke. 6. Ct. all; worlde. 8. Ct. worlde; veriable. 9. Ct. folke; discension. 10. _The_ MSS. _have_ For among vs now, _or_ For nowe a dayes; _but_ Bann. _omits_ For, _which is not wanted_. 11. Bann. Harl. T. Th. collusion; Ct. F. Add. conclusioun (_but see_ l. 4). 12. Ct. Do; neyghburgh. 15. Ct. putte. 17. Ct. Pite. 18. Ct. Thorugh. 19. Ct. worlde. T. F. Add. Th. a; Bann. ane; Ct. _om._ 20. Ct. trought; F. trouthe. TITLE. T. Lenvoye to Kyng Richard; F. Harl. Th. Lenvoy. 22. Ct. honurable. 23. Ct. Cherice thi. 25. Ct. thine estaat doen; thi. 26. Ct. Shewe; swerde. 27. Ct. Drede; truthe. 28. Ct. thi; ayen. Ct. Th. add _Explicit_. * * * * * XVI. LENVOY DE CHAUCER A SCOGAN. To-broken been the statuts hye in hevene That creat were eternally to dure, Sith that I see the brighte goddes sevene Mow wepe and wayle, and passioun endure, As may in erthe a mortal creature. 5 Allas, fro whennes may this thing procede? Of whiche errour I deye almost for drede. By worde eterne whylom was hit shape That fro the fifte cercle, in no manere, Ne mighte a drope of teres doun escape. 10 But now so wepeth Venus in hir spere, That with hir teres she wol drenche us here. Allas, Scogan! this is for thyn offence! Thou causest this deluge of pestilence. Hast thou not seyd, in blaspheme of this goddes, 15 Through pryde, or through thy grete rakelnesse, Swich thing as in the lawe of love forbode is? That, for thy lady saw nat thy distresse, Therfor thou yave hir up at Michelmesse! Allas, Scogan! of olde folk ne yonge 20 Was never erst Scogan blamed for his tonge! Thou drowe in scorn Cupyde eek to record Of thilke rebel word that thou hast spoken, For which he wol no lenger be thy lord. And, Scogan, thogh his bowe be nat broken, 25 He wol nat with his arwes been y-wroken On thee, ne me, ne noon of our figure; We shul of him have neyther hurt ne cure. Now certes, frend, I drede of thyn unhappe, Lest for thy gilt the wreche of Love procede 30 On alle hem that ben hore and rounde of shape, That ben so lykly folk in love to spede. Than shul we for our labour han no mede; But wel I wot, thou wilt answere and seye: 'Lo! olde Grisel list to ryme and pleye!' 35 Nay, Scogan, sey not so, for I mexcuse, God help me so! in no rym, doutelees, Ne thinke I never of slepe wak my muse, That rusteth in my shethe stille in pees. Whyl I was yong, I putte hir forth in prees, 40 But al shal passe that men prose or ryme; Take every man his turn, as for his tyme. ENVOY. Scogan, that knelest at the stremes heed Of grace, of alle honour and worthinesse, In thende of which streme I am dul as deed, 45 Forgete in solitarie wildernesse; Yet, Scogan, thenke on Tullius kindenesse, Minne thy frend, ther it may fructifye! Far-wel, and lok thou never est Love defye! 49 TITLE: _so in_ F. _and_ P.; Gg. _has_--Litera directa de Scogon per G. C. _The_ MSS. _are_: Gg. (Camb. Univ. Library, Gg. 4. 27); F. (Fairfax 16); P. (Pepys 2006). Th. = Thynne (1532). _I follow_ F. _mainly_. 1. F. statutez. 2. F. weren eternaly. 3. F. bryght goddis. 4. F. Mowe. 5. F. Mortale. 6. F. thys thinge. 8. F. whilome. F. yshape; Gg. it schape; P. Th. it shape. 9. F. fyfte sercle; maner. 10. F. myght; teeres; eschape. 11. F. wepith. 12. F. teeres. 14. F. cawsest; diluge. 15. Gg. Hast thu; F. Hauesthow. F. this goddis; Gg. the goddis; P. Th. the goddes. 16. F. Thurgh; thrugh. F. they (_wrongly_); Gg. thyn; P. thi. F. rekelnesse; P. Th. reklesnesse; Gg. rechelesnesse; _see_ note. 17. F. P. forbede; Gg. forbodyn; Th. forbode. 18. Gg. saw; F. sawgh. 19. F. Therfore thow. Gg. Mychel-; F. Mighel-. 20. F. folke. 22. F. skorne; eke; recorde. 23. F. worde; thow. 24. F. lorde. 25. F. thow; P. Th. though. F. thy (_for_ his, _wrongly_); Gg. P. his. 27. F. the. Th. our; Gg. oure; P. owre; F. youre. 28. F. hurte. Gg. P. Th. ne; F. nor. 29. F. dreed. 30. F. gilte. 31. Gg. P. hore; F. hoor. F. shappe; P. shape; Gg. schap. 32. F. folke. 33. P. shull; F. Gg. shal. Gg. P. han; F. haue. F. noo. 34. F. thow. F. wolt; Gg. wilt. 35. Gg. P. Lo olde; F. Loo tholde. F. lyste. 36. F. say; Gg. P. sey. F. soo. 37. P. help; Gg. F. helpe. F. soo. F. ryme dowteles. 38. F. Gg. to wake; P. Th. _om._ to. 40. F. While; yonge. Gg. putte; F. put. P. Th. her; F. hyt; Gg. it. 41. F. alle. 42. F. hys turne. 43. F. hede; Gg. hed. 45. F. dede; Gg. P. ded. 48. F. Mynne; there. 49. F. Fare; loke thow; dyffye. N.B. _All have_--.i. a Windesore, _and_--.i. a Grenewich _opposite_ ll. 43, 45. * * * * * XVII. LENVOY DE CHAUCER A BUKTON. THE COUNSEIL OF CHAUCER TOUCHING MARIAGE, WHICH WAS SENT TO BUKTON. My maister Bukton, whan of Criste our kinge Was axed, what is trouthe or sothfastnesse, He nat a word answerde to that axinge, As who saith: 'no man is al trewe,' I gesse. And therfor, thogh I highte to expresse 5 The sorwe and wo that is in mariage, I dar not wryte of hit no wikkednesse, Lest I my-self falle eft in swich dotage. I wol nat seyn, how that hit is the cheyne Of Sathanas, on which he gnaweth ever, 10 But I dar seyn, were he out of his peyne, As by his wille, he wolde be bounde never. But thilke doted fool that est hath lever Y-cheyned be than out of prisoun crepe, God lete him never fro his wo dissever, 15 Ne no man him bewayle, though he wepe. But yit, lest thou do worse, tak a wyf; Bet is to wedde, than brenne in worse wyse. But thou shalt have sorwe on thy flesh, thy lyf, And been thy wyves thral, as seyn these wyse, 20 And if that holy writ may nat suffyse, Experience shal thee teche, so may happe, That thee were lever to be take in Fryse Than eft to falle of wedding in the trappe. ENVOY. This litel writ, proverbes, or figure 25 I sende you, tak kepe of hit, I rede: Unwys is he that can no wele endure. If thou be siker, put thee nat in drede. The Wyf of Bathe I pray you that ye rede Of this matere that we have on honde. 30 God graunte you your lyf frely to lede In fredom; for ful hard is to be bonde. 32 _Explicit._ TITLE: _so in_ MS. Fairfax 16. Second Title _from_ Ju. _The authorities are_: F. (Fairfax 16); Th. (Thynne's edition, 1532); _and a printed copy by_ Julian Notary (Ju.). _I follow_ F. _mainly._ 2. F. ys; sothefastnesse. 3. F. worde. 4. F. noo. Ju. Th. trewe; F. trew. 5. F. therfore though; hight (Ju. hyghte). 6. F. woo. 7. F. writen; hyt noo. 8. Ju. Lest; F. Leste. 9. F. hyt. 10. F. euere. 11. F. oute. 12. F. neuere. 13. F. foole. Th. efte; F. ofte; Ju. oft. F. leuere. 15. F. woo disseuere. 16. F. noo. 17. F. yet; thow doo; take; wyfe. 19. F. thow; flessh; lyfe. 20. F. ben. F. wifes; Ju. Th. wynes. 21. F. yf; hooly writte. 22. F. the. 23. F. the. 24. F. Ju. _om._ to; _which_ Th. _inserts_. 25. F. writte; Th. writ; Ju. wryt. 26. F. yow take; hyt. 27. F. Vnwise; kan noo. 28. F. thow; the. 29. F. wyfe; yow. 31. F. yow; lyfe. 32. F. fredam. F. harde it is; Ju. hard is; Th. foule is (_omitting_ ful). _All add_ Explicit. * * * * * XVIII. THE COMPLEYNT OF VENUS. << I. (_The Lover's worthiness._) Ther nis so hy comfort to my plesaunce, Whan that I am in any hevinesse, As for to have leyser of remembraunce Upon the manhod and the worthinesse, Upon the trouthe, and on the stedfastnesse 5 Of him whos I am al, whyl I may dure; Ther oghte blame me no creature, For every wight preiseth his gentilesse. In him is bountee, wisdom, governaunce Wel more then any mannes wit can gesse; 10 For grace hath wold so ferforth him avaunce That of knighthode he is parfit richesse. >> I. Il n'est confort que tant de biens me face, Quant je ne puis a ma dame parler, Comme d'avoir temps, loisir et espace De longuement en sa valour penser, Et [de] ses doulz fais femenins recorder 5 Dedens mon cuer. C'est ma vie, par m'ame, Ne je ne truis nul homme qui me blasme, Car chascun a joye de li loer. Il a en li bonte, beaute et grace, Plus que nulz homs ne saroit deviser. 10 C'est grant eur quant en si pou de place Dieux a voulu tous les biens assembler. << Honour honoureth him for his noblesse; Therto so wel hath formed him Nature, That I am his for ever, I him assure, 15 For every wight preiseth his gentilesse. And not-withstanding al his suffisaunce, His gentil herte is of so greet humblesse To me in worde, in werke, in contenaunce, And me to serve is al his besinesse, 20 That I am set in verrey sikernesse. Thus oghte I blesse wel myn aventure, Sith that him list me serven and honoure; For every wight preiseth his gentilesse. II. (_Disquietude caused by Jealousy._) Now certes, Love, hit is right covenable 25 That men ful dere bye thy noble thing, As wake a-bedde, and fasten at the table, Weping to laughe, and singe in compleyning, >> Honneur la vuelt sur toutes honnorer. Oncques ne vi si [douce et] plaisant dame De toutes gens avoir si noble femme; 15 Car chascun a joye de li loer. Ou qu'elle soit, bien fait et mal efface. Moult bien li siet le rire et le jouer. Son cuer esbat et les autres soulace Si liement qu'on ne l'en doit blasmer. 20 De li veoir ne se puet nulz lasser. Son regart vault tous les biens d'un royaume. Il semble bien qu'elle est tres noble femme, Car chascun a joye de li loer. II. Certes, Amours, c'est chose convenable 25 Que voz grans biens [vous] faciez comparer: Veillier ou lit et jeuner a la table, Rire plourant et en plaignant chanter, << And doun to caste visage and loking, Often to chaungen hewe and contenaunce, 30 Pleyne in sleping, and dremen at the daunce, Al the revers of any glad feling. Ialousye be hanged by a cable! She wolde al knowe through hir espying; Ther doth no wight no-thing so resonable, 35 That al nis harm in hir imagening. Thus dere abought is love in yeving, Which ofte he yiveth with-outen ordinaunce, As sorow ynogh, and litel of plesaunce, Al the revers of any glad feling. 40 A litel tyme his yift is agreable, But ful encomberous is the using; For sotel Ialousye, the deceyvable, Ful often-tyme causeth destourbing. >> Baissier les yeux quant on doit regarder, Souvent changier couleur et contenance, 30 Plaindre en dormant et songier a la dance Tout a rebours de ce qu'on vuelt trouver. Jalousie, c'est l'amer du deable; Elle vuelt tout veoir et escouter, Ne nulz ne fait chose si raisonnable 35 Que tout a mal ne le vueille tourner. Amours, ainsi fault voz dons acheter, Et vous donnez souvent sanz ordonnance Assez douleur et petit de plaisance, Tout a rebours de ce qu'on vuelt trouver. 40 Pour un court temps le gieu est agreable; Mais trop par est encombreux a user. Et, ja soit il a dames honnorable, A leurs amis est trop grief a porter. << Thus be we ever in drede and suffering, 45 In nouncerteyn we languisshe in penaunce, And han ful often many an hard meschaunce, Al the revers of any glad feling. III. (_Satisfaction in Constancy._) But certes, Love, I sey nat in such wyse That for tescape out of your lace I mente; 50 For I so longe have been in your servyse That for to lete of wol I never assente; No force thogh Ialousye me tormente; Suffyceth me to see him whan I may, And therfore certes, to myn ending-day 55 To love him best ne shal I never repente. And certes, Love, whan I me wel avyse On any estat that man may represente, Than have ye maked me, through your franchyse, Chese the best that ever on erthe wente. 60 >> Toudiz convient souffrir et endurer, 45 Sans nul certain languir en esperance, Et recevoir mainte male meschance, Tout a rebours de ce qu'on vuelt trouver. III. Amours, sachiez que pas ne le vueil dire Pour moy getter hors des amoureux las; 50 Car j'ay porte si long temps mon martire Que mon vivant ne le guerpiray pas. Il me souffist d'avoir tant de soulas Que veoir puisse la [belle et] gracieuse; Combien qu'el est [en]vers moy dangereuse, 55 De li servir ne serai jamaiz las. Certes, Amours, quant bien droit [je] remire Les haulx estas, les moyens et les bas, Vous m'avez fait de tous les bons eslire, A mon avis, le meilleur, en tous cas. 60 << Now love wel, herte, and look thou never stente; And let the Ielous putte hit in assay That, for no peyne wol I nat sey nay; To love him best ne shal I never repente. Herte, to thee hit oghte y-nogh suffyse 65 That Love so hy a grace to thee sente, To chese the worthiest in alle wyse And most agreable unto myn entente. Seche no ferther, neyther wey ne wente, Sith I have suffisaunce unto my pay. 70 Thus wol I ende this compleynt or lay; To love him best ne shal I never repente. Lenvoy. Princess, receyveth this compleynt in gree, Unto your excellent benignitee Direct after my litel suffisaunce. 75 For eld, that in my spirit dulleth me, Hath of endyting al the soteltee Wel ny bereft out of my remembraunce; And eek to me hit is a greet penaunce, Sith rym in English hath swich scarsitee, 80 To folowe word by word the curiositee Of Graunson, flour of hem that make in Fraunce. >> Or aime, cuer, ainsy que tu pourras; Car ja n'aras paine si doulereuse, Pour ma dame, que ne me soit joieuse; De li servir ne seray jamaiz las. Cuer, il te doit assez plus que souffire 65 D'avoir choisy ce[lle] que choisi as. Ne quiers [or] plus royaume ne empire, Car si bonne jamaiz ne trouveras, Ne si belle par mes yeux ne verras: C'est jeunesce sachant et savoureuse. 70 Ja soit elle de m'amour desdaigneuse, De li servir ne seray jamaiz las. TITLE: _so in_ F. Ff. Ar.; _see_ Notes. _The_ MSS. _are_: T. (Trin. Coll. Cambridge, R. 3. 20); A. (Ashmole 59); Tn. (MS. Tanner 346); F. (Fairfax 16); Ff. (MS. Ff. I. 6. Camb. Univ. Library); Ar. (Arch. Seld. P. 24); P. (Pepys 2006); etc. Th.=Thynne (1532). _I follow_ F. _mainly._ 1. F. high; T. A. hye (hy _is better_). 2. F. When; eny. 4. F. manhod; _the rest have final_ e. 5. F. stidfastnesse. 6. F. whiles; A. whilest; _rest_ while. 7. F. oght; Tn. oghte to. 9. F. ys bounte. F. T. A. Th. _insert_ and _after_ wisdom; _but the rest omit it_. 10. F. eny manes witte. 11. F. wolde (_wrongly_); Ff. wold. F. fersorthe. 12. F. p_ar_fite. 14. F. well. 16. F. preysith. 18. F. hert; grete. 19. F. werk. 21. F. sikirnesse. 22. F. oght. 25. F. certis. 26. T. A. Tn. Th. thy; F. Ff. the. 27. F. a-bed; T. A. a-bedde. 28. F. Wepinge; laugh; sing; compleynynge. 29. F. cast; _the rest_ caste. F. lokynge. 30. F. chaunge visage (_wrongly_); change hewe _in_ MS. Arch. Selden, B. 24; T. A. chaunge huwe. 31. MSS. Pley, Pleye; _read_ Pleyne (F. _Plaindre_). F. dreme; T. Tn. Ff. Th. dremen. 32. F. reuerse; eny. 33. Ff. T. Ialousye; F. Ielosie. Ff. P. be; F. Th. he (!). Ialousye be] T. thaughe Ialousye wer. T. Tn. Th. by; F. be; Ff. with. 34. F. wold; thro; espyinge. 35. F. dothe. 36. F. nys harme; ymagenynge. 37. F. yevynge. 38. F. yifeth. Ff. withouten; _rest_ withoute. 40. F. reuerse; felynge. 42. T. Ff. encomberous; F. encombrouse. F. vsynge. 43. Tn. sotell; F. subtil. F. Ielosie. 44. T. destourbing; F. derturbynge (_sic_). 45. F. suffrynge; P. sufferyng; T. souffering. 46. F. Ff. noun-certeyn; T. noun-certaine; A. nouncerteine. F. langvisshen. 47. F. harde. F. _wrongly repeats_ penaunce; T. A. meschaunce. 48. F. reuerse; ony; felynge. 49. F. certys; not. 50. F. youre; ment. 51. F. be; _the rest_ ben _or_ been. 52. F. wil; T. A. Ff. wol. F. assent. 53. F. fors; turment. 55. F. certys. 56. F. _om._ ne, _which_ T. A. P. _insert_; Ar. _has_ that. Tn. _inserts_ me _before_ never. 57. F. certis; when. 58. F. eny estate; represent. 59. F. Tn. Then; _rest_ Than, Thanne, Thane. T. Ff. P. maked; _rest_ made. F. thro. 60. F. went. 61. F. hert; loke; stent. 62. P. Ielous; A. Ialous; T. Ialouse; F. Ielousie. A. putte; F. put. 63. F. peyn wille I not. 64. F. yow (_for_ him); T. A. Tn. Ar. him (_see_ l. 56). 65. F. Hert; the; ought ynogh. 66. F. highe; T. A. hye. T. A. Ff. Ar. thee; F. yow; Tn. you. F. sent. 67. F. al. 68. F. entent. 69. F. went. 70. F. Sithe. F. Tn. ye (_for_ I); _rest_ I. 71. _All but_ Ju. (Julian Notary's edition) _repeat_ this _before_ lay. 72. _See_ l. 56. 73. T. A. Pryncesse; _rest_ Princes. F. resseyueth. 74. F. excelent benignite. 75. F. Directe aftir. 76. F. elde. 77. Tn. soteltee; F. subtilite. 78. F. nighe. 79. F. eke; grete. 80. F. ryme; englissh hat (_sic_) such skarsete. 81. F. worde by worde; curiosite. 82. F. floure; maken. * * * * * XIX. THE COMPLEINT OF CHAUCER TO HIS EMPTY PURSE. To you, my purse, and to non other wight Compleyne I, for ye be my lady dere! I am so sory, now that ye be light; For certes, but ye make me hevy chere, Me were as leef be leyd up-on my bere; 5 For whiche un-to your mercy thus I crye: Beth hevy ageyn, or elles mot I dye! Now voucheth sauf this day, or hit be night, That I of you the blisful soun may here, Or see your colour lyk the sonne bright, 10 That of yelownesse hadde never pere. Ye be my lyf, ye be myn hertes stere, Quene of comfort and of good companye: Beth hevy ageyn, or elles mot I dye! Now purs, that be to me my lyves light, 15 And saveour, as doun in this worlde here, Out of this toune help me through your might, Sin that ye wole nat been my tresorere; For I am shave as nye as any frere. But yit I pray un-to your curtesye: 20 Beth hevy ageyn, or elles mot I dye! LENVOY DE CHAUCER. O conquerour of Brutes Albioun! Which that by lyne and free eleccioun Ben verray king, this song to you I sende; And ye, that mowen al our harm amende, 25 Have minde up-on my supplicacioun! _The_ MSS. _are_: F. (Fairfax 16); Harl (Harl. 7333); Ff. (Camb. Univ. Library, Ff. I.6): P. (Pepys 2006); Add. (Addit. 22139); _also_ Cx. (Caxton's edition); Th. (Thynne, 1532). _I follow_ F. _mainly._ TITLE. _So in_ Cx. (_but with_ Un-to _for_ to); F. _om._ empty; P. La compleint de Chaucer a sa Bourse Voide. 1. F. yow. 2. F. Complayn; Harl. P. Compleyne. 3. Harl. be; F. been. 4. Add. That; P. But; _rest_ For. P. Add. but ye; F. Harl. but yf ye; Ff. but yif ye; Cx. Th. ye now. 5. Add. leyd; F. layde. 7. F. Beeth; ageyne; mote. 8. F. hyt; nyght. 9. F. yow; sovne. 10. F. lyke; bryght. 11. _Read_ That of yel-ownes-se. 12. F. lyfe; hertys. 14. F. ageyne; moote. 15. P. Cx. purs; F. Add. purse. F. ben. 17. F. Oute; helpe; thurgh. 18. F. bene. 19. Harl. P. Th. any; Add. eny; Cx. ony; F. is a. 21. F. Bethe; ayen; moote. F. Lenvoy de Chaucer; Harl. P. Lenvoye; Cx. Thenuoye of Chaucer vnto the kynge. 23. F. Whiche. F. lygne; Harl. Cx. Ff. P. lyne. 24. F. Been; kynge; yow. 25. F. alle myn harme; Ff. all_e_ oure harmes; Harl. all oure harmous; P. Cx. all_e_ harmes. * * * * * XX. Proverbs. PROVERBE OF CHAUCER. I. What shul thise clothes many-fold, Lo! this hote somers day?-- After greet heet cometh cold; No man caste his pilche away. II. Of al this world the wyde compas 5 Hit wol not in myn armes tweyne.-- Who-so mochel wol embrace Litel therof he shal distreyne. _The_ MSS. _are_: F. (Fairfax 16); Ha. (Harl. 7578); Ad. (Addit. 16165). _I follow_ F. _mainly._ TITLE; _in_ F. Ha.; Ad. Prouerbe. 1. Ad. thees; F. Ha. these. _All needlessly insert_ thus _after_ clothes_._ F. many-folde. 2. F. Loo; hoote. 3. F. grete hete; Ha. greet hete; Ad. heet. F. colde. 4. Ha. pilche; F. pilch. 5. F. all; worlde. Ad. wyde; F. Ha. large. Ad. Ha. compas; F. compace. 6. Ad. Hit; F. Yt. Ad. wol; F. Ha. wil. Ad. myn; F. Ha. my. 7. F. Whoo-so. * * * * * APPENDIX. [_The following Poems are also probably genuine; but are placed here for lack of external evidence_.] XXI. AGAINST WOMEN UNCONSTANT. BALADE. Madame, for your newe-fangelnesse, Many a servaunt have ye put out of grace, I take my leve of your unstedfastnesse, For wel I wot, whyl ye have lyves space, Ye can not love ful half yeer in a place; 5 To newe thing your lust is ever kene; In stede of blew, thus may ye were al grene. Right as a mirour nothing may enpresse, But, lightly as it cometh, so mot it pace, So fareth your love, your werkes bereth witnesse. 10 Ther is no feith that may your herte enbrace; But, as a wedercok, that turneth his face With every wind, ye fare, and that is sene; In stede of blew, thus may ye were al grene. Ye might be shryned, for your brotelnesse, 15 Bet than Dalyda, Creseide or Candace; For ever in chaunging stant your sikernesse, That tache may no wight fro your herte arace; If ye lese oon, ye can wel tweyn purchace; Al light for somer, ye woot wel what I mene, 20 In stede of blew, thus may ye were al grene. _Explicit._ TITLE. _None in_ Ct.; Balade _in_ F.; ed. 1561 _has_--A Balade which Chaucer made agaynst woman unconstaunt. _The text is from_ Ct. (Cotton, Cleopatra D. 7); _that in_ ed. 1561 _is much the same, except in spelling. Another copy in_ F. (Fairfax 16). _A third in_ Ha. (Harl. 7578); _of less value_. 2. Ct. Manie; F. many. Ct. F. of youre; Ha. _om._ youre. 4. Ct. wote while. F. have lyves; Ct. to lyve haue. 5. Ct. kunnought; F. Ha. kan not. 6. F. thing; Ct. Ha. thinges. Ct. _inserts_ so _before_ kene; ed. (1561) _omits_ so; F. _has_ ay so. 7. Ct. sted; F. stede. Ct. Blue; F. blew. 8. Ct. Mirro_ur_; ed. mirour. Ct. Ha. ed. _ins._ that _bef._ nothing; F. _om._ 11. Ct. F. hert; Ha. ed. herte. 12. Ha. _om._ a. Ha. wethirkoc. 14. Ct. _om._ al; F. Ha. ed. _retain it_. 15. Ct. _om._ your; F. Ha. ed. _retain it_. 16. Ct. Bettir; F. Ha. ed. Better; _read_ Bet. F. Dalyda; Ct. Dalide. Ct. Cresside; F. Creseyde. 17. Ct. Changeng; F. chaungyng. _All_ stondeth; _read_ stant. 18. F. tache; Ct. tacche: ed. tatche. F. Ha. herte; Ct. ed. hert. 19. Ct. Ha. lese; F. ed. lose. Ct. kunne; F. kan; ed. can; Ha. kanne. Ct. ed. tweine; F. tweyn. 20. Ct. All; ed. Al. Ct. F. wote; Ha. woote; ed. wot; _cf._ Cant. Ta. A 740, 829. 21. Ct. _om._ al; F. ed. _retain it_. Ct. _adds_ Explicit. * * * * * XXII. AN AMOROUS COMPLEINT. (COMPLEINT DAMOURS.) AN AMOROUS COMPLEINT, MADE AT WINDSOR. I, which that am the sorwefulleste man That in this world was ever yit livinge, And leest recoverer of him-selven can, Beginne thus my deadly compleininge On hir, that may to lyf and deeth me bringe, 5 Which hath on me no mercy ne no rewthe That love hir best, but sleeth me for my trewthe. Can I noght doon ne seye that may yow lyke, [For] certes, now, allas! allas! the whyle! Your plesaunce is to laughen whan I syke, 10 And thus ye me from al my blisse exyle. Ye han me cast in thilke spitous yle Ther never man on lyve mighte asterte; This have I for I love you, swete herte! Sooth is, that wel I woot, by lyklinesse, 15 If that it were thing possible to do Tacompte youre beutee and goodnesse, I have no wonder thogh ye do me wo; Sith I, thunworthiest that may ryde or go, Durste ever thinken in so hy a place, 20 What wonder is, thogh ye do me no grace? Allas! thus is my lyf brought to an ende, My deeth, I see, is my conclusioun; I may wel singe, 'in sory tyme I spende My lyf;' that song may have confusioun! 25 For mercy, pitee, and deep affeccioun, I sey for me, for al my deedly chere, Alle thise diden, in that, me love yow dere. And in this wyse and in dispayre I live In love; nay, but in dispayre I dye! 30 But shal I thus [to] yow my deeth for-give, That causeles doth me this sorow drye? Ye, certes, I! For she of my folye Hath nought to done, although she do me sterve; Hit is nat with hir wil that I hir serve! 35 Than sith I am of my sorowe the cause And sith that I have this, withoute hir reed, Than may I seyn, right shortly in a clause, It is no blame unto hir womanheed Though swich a wrecche as I be for hir deed; 40 [And] yet alwey two thinges doon me dye, That is to seyn, hir beutee and myn ye. So that, algates, she is the verray rote Of my disese, and of my dethe also; For with oon word she mighte be my bote, 45 If that she vouched sauf for to do so. But [why] than is hir gladnesse at my wo? It is hir wone plesaunce for to take, To seen hir servaunts dyen for hir sake! But certes, than is al my wonderinge, 50 Sithen she is the fayrest creature As to my dome, that ever was livinge, The benignest and beste eek that nature Hath wrought or shal, whyl that the world may dure, Why that she lefte pite so behinde? 55 It was, y-wis, a greet defaute in kinde. Yit is al this no lak to hir, pardee, But god or nature sore wolde I blame; For, though she shewe no pite unto me, Sithen that she doth othere men the same, 60 I ne oughte to despyse my ladies game; It is hir pley to laughen whan men syketh, And I assente, al that hir list and lyketh! Yit wolde I, as I dar, with sorweful herte Biseche un-to your meke womanhede 65 That I now dorste my sharpe sorwes smerte Shewe by worde, that ye wolde ones rede The pleynte of me, the which ful sore drede That I have seid here, through myn unconninge, In any worde to your displesinge. 70 Lothest of anything that ever was loth Were me, as wisly god my soule save! To seyn a thing through which ye might be wroth; And, to that day that I be leyd in grave, A trewer servaunt shulle ye never have; 75 And, though that I on yow have pleyned here, Forgiveth it me, myn owne lady dere! Ever have I been, and shal, how-so I wende, Outher to live or dye, your humble trewe; Ye been to me my ginning and myn ende, 80 Sonne of the sterre bright and clere of hewe, Alwey in oon to love yow freshly newe, By god and by my trouthe, is myn entente; To live or dye, I wol it never repente! This compleynt on seint Valentynes day, 85 Whan every foul [ther] chesen shal his make, To hir, whos I am hool, and shal alwey, This woful song and this compleynt I make, That never yit wolde me to mercy take; And yit wol I [for] evermore her serve 90 And love hir best, although she do me sterve. _Explicit._ _In_ MS. Harl. 7333, fol. 133 b and 134. _Title_--And next folowyng begynnith an amerowse compleynte made at wyndesore in the laste May tofore Novembre (_sic_). _Also in_ F. (Fairfax) _and_ B. (Bodley 638); _entitled_ Complaynt Damours. N. B. Unmarked _readings are from_ Harl. 1. sorowfullest. 2. worlde; leving (F. lyvinge). 3. F. lest; Harl. B. leste. B. rekeuerer. 4. Begynne right thus; _so_ F. B.; _I omit_ right. 5. lyff; dethe. 6. Whiche hathe; rought (_for_ rewthe). 7. beste; sleethe. 8. F. Kan I noght doon to seyn; B. Kan I nought don to seyn; Harl. Cane I nought ne saye. 9. _All_ Ne; _read_ For. 10. Youre. 11. frome. 12. Yee. F. B. han; Harl. haue. caste. F. B. thilke; Harl. that. _All_ spitouse. 13. Harl. ne (_after_ lyve); F. B. _om._ 14. beste (_after_ you); F. B. _om._ 15. Soothe; weele. 16. F. B. that; Harl. _om._ F. B. a thing; Harl. _om._ a. thinge; doo. 17. F. B. Tacompte youre; Harl. For to acounte your. 18. noo wondre; yee; woo. 19. Sithe; goo. 20. F. neuer; B. euyr; Harl. euer. hie. 21. wondir; doo; noo. 22. Ellas; Eonde. F. myshefe; B. myschef (_for_ my lyf). 23. dethe; concluciou_n_. 24. wele. F. sing; B. singe; Harl. say. Harl. sorye. 25. B. ys my (_for_ may have). Confuciou_n_. 26. B. my saluaciou_n_ (_for_ deep affeccioun). 27, 28. B. I sey for me I haue nou_n_ [neu_er_?] felte All_e_ thes diden me in despeire to melte. 27. fo (? _for_ for). 28. All_e_ this; yowe deere. 29. Harl. _om. 2nd_ in. 30. F. B. nay; Harl. nay nay. 31. _I supply_ to; yowe; dethe for-geve. 32. dothe. 33. certe (!); sheo. 34. Hathe; Al-thoughe sheo. 35. nought (_for_ nat). 36. Thane sithe. 37. sitthe; rede. 38. seyne. 39. noo; womanhede. 40. Thaugh suche; dede. 41. Yette; _I supply_ And; twoo; doone. 42. seyne; beaute; eye. 43. Harl. _om._ that. F. B. _om._ the. verraye Roote. 44. diseese; alsoo. 45. worde sheo myght; boote. 46. sheo wovched saufe; soo. 47. _I supply_ why; woo. 48. wonne; _all ins._ to _after_ wonne. 49. seon; sarvauntes; B. seruaunte. 50. thanne; all_e_; wondering. 51. sheo. 53. eke. 54. Hathe; shall_e_; Harl. _om._ that; worlde. 55. Whi; sheo lefe pitte; byhinde. Harl. so; F. alle; B. all. 56. ewisse; grete. 57. Yitte; noo. F. B. _om._ al. 58. Harl. _ins._ hem _before_ soore (_sic_); F. B. hem (_but om._ sore). 59. thowe (_for_ though); sheo; pette. 60. sheo doothe. 61. ought. 62. Harl. _om._ hir; pleye; lawhe when that men sikith. 63. liste; likethe. 64. B. Yit; F. Yet; Harl. Yeo (_sic_); _see_ 57. dare; sorowfull. 65. F. B. meke; Harl. mekly. 66. F. sorwes; B. sorwys; Harl. shoures. 67. Harl. and; F. B. that, yee; onys. 68. compleynte (_for_ pleynte); which I Fulle. 69. saide; thorowe. B. vnkonnynge; F. vnkunnynge; Harl. vnknowynge. F. B. _om._ here _and_ myn. 70. yowre. 71. Loothest; loothe. 72. als; sowle safe. 73. seyne; thorughe; yee; wrothe. 74. leyde. 75. sarvaunt ne shulde yee. F. shul; B. shall; Harl. shulde. 76. thaughe. F. B. on yow haue pleyned; Harl. haue playned vnto yow. 77. For-gyvethe yt me, myne oune lady so dere. 78. howe. 79. youre. 80. Yee ben; gynnynge. 81. Harl. of; F. ouer; B. ovyr. F. B. _om._ and clere. Sterre so bright; huwe. 82. Harl. And I ay oon; F. B. Alwey in oon. fresshely. 84. wolle. 85. Conpleynte; valantines. 86. foughel cheesen shall; _I supply_ ther _from_ Parl. Foules, 310. 87. was (F. B. whos); hole; shall. 88. wofull_e_ songe; conplaynte. 90. wolle; _I supply_ for. 91. all_e_-thowhe sheo. F. B. Explicit; Harl. _om._ * * * * * XXIII. A BALADE OF COMPLEYNT. Compleyne ne coude, ne might myn herte never My peynes halve, ne what torment I have, Though that I sholde in your presence ben ever, My hertes lady, as wisly he me save That bountee made, and beutee list to grave 5 In your persone, and bad hem bothe in-fere Ever tawayte, and ay be wher ye were. As wisly he gye alle my Ioyes here As I am youres, and to yow sad and trewe, And ye, my lyf and cause of my good chere, 10 And deeth also, whan ye my peynes newe, My worldes Ioye, whom I wol serve and sewe, My heven hool, and al my suffisaunce, Whom for to serve is set al my plesaunce. Beseching yow in my most humble wyse 15 Taccepte in worth this litel povre dyte, And for my trouthe my service nat despyse, Myn observaunce eek have nat in despyte, Ne yit to long to suffren in this plyte, I yow beseche, myn hertes lady dere, 20 Sith I yow serve, and so wil yeer by yere. _In_ MS. Addit. 16165, fol. 256, back; _headed_ Balade of compleynte. 1. koude; h_er_t. 2. turment. 3. Thaughe; shoulde; youre. 4. wissely. 5. beaute liste. 6. youre; bade; in-feere. 7. beo. 8. wissely. 9. yowe sadde; truwe. 10. lyff; gode. 11. dethe; whane; reewe, _altered by the scribe to_ newe. 12. whome; suwe. 13. hole; souffisaunce. 14. sette. 15. yowe; moste. 16. Taccept; worthe; pore. 17. not despice. 18. eke; not. 19. longe; suffre. 20. here (_error for_ dere; _see_ XXII. 77). 21. yowe; yere by yere. * * * * * NOTES TO THE ROMAUNT OF THE ROSE. The French text, a portion of which is given in the lower part of pp. 93-164, is reprinted from Le Roman de la Rose, ed. Meon, Paris, 1814. 1. Scan:--Many | men seyn | that in | swev'ning-es ||. So, in the next line, read:--lesing-es. In l. 3, read:--swev'nes. In l. 4, read 'hard-e-ly' as _three_ syllables, and 'fals-e' as two; and, in general, throughout ll. 1-1705, apply the usual rules of Chaucerian pronunciation. _sweveninges_, dreamings; see l. 3; cf. A.S. _swefen_, a dream, pl. _swefnu_; _swefnian_, v., to dream. The translation should be compared with the original F. text, as given below it. On the subject of dreams, cf. Hous of Fame, ll. 1-52, and the notes to ll. 1, 7. 5. _apparaunte_, apparent, as coming true. 6. 'To warrant this, I may cite an author named Macrobius.' Macrobius, the commentator on Cicero's Somnium Scipionis (as here said); see notes to Parl. of Foules, 31; Book Duch. 284. 8-10. _halt_, holds, considers; _lees_, deceptive. 'But explains to us the vision that king Scipio formerly dreamt.' 22. _taketh his corage_, assumes fresh confidence from the support of the young, is encouraged by the young, receives their tribute. The O.F. _paage_ is the mod. F. _peage_, toll, lit. 'footing.' 24. Cf. 'Right ther as I was wont to done'; Ho. Fame, 113. 27. Read--'That hit me lyked wonder wel.' _wonder wel_, wonderfully well. This use of _wonder_ is common; see Cant. Ta., G 751, 1035. At a later time, _wonder_, when thus used adverbially, received the adverbial suffix _-s_; hence Th. has '_wonders_ wel' here. So also '_wonders_ dere' in the Test. of Love; see _Wondrous_ in my Etym. Dict. 38. _hote_, be called; a less ambiguous spelling than _hatte_, as in Thynne; cf. Cant. Ta. D 144. _rede you here_, advise you to hear. 44. _she._ These and similar allusions are merely translated, and have therefore no special significance. 49. 'Me thoghte thus; that hit was May'; Book Duch. 291. 56. _wreen_, cover; A. S. _wr[=e]on_. Cf. _wrye_, I cover, Cant. Ta. D 1827. 59. Read:--And th'erth-e. Cf. Book Duch. 410-5; Good Wom. 125. 61. _Forget_, i. e. forgetteth; pres. tense. So in Ayenb. of Inwyt, p. 18, l. 9, we find the form _uoryet_. I supply _al_. 67. _inde_, azure; see Cursor Mundi, 9920. _pers_; see Prol. 439. 73. _grille_, keen, rough. '_Grym_, gryl, and horryble'; Prompt. Parv. 81. _chelaundre_, (cf. l. 663), a kind of lark; O. F. _calandre_, _caladre_, Lat. _caradrius_, Gk. [Greek: charadrios]. Cf. Land of Cockaigne, l. 97. _papingay_, parrot; Sir Topas, B 1957. 98. _aguiler_, needle-case. It occurs nowhere else. The rime _drow_, _y-now_ occurs in Leg. Good Women, 1458. 118. _Seine_, the river of Paris. In the next line, _wel away straighter_ means 'a good deal broader' or more expanded (F. text, _plus espandue_), though less in volume. _Wel away_, in this sense, occurs in P. Plowman, B. xii. 263, xvii. 42. 129. _Beet_, beat, struck, i. e. bordered closely; a translation of F. _batoit_. 131. So also 'And ful atempre'; Book Duch. 341. 147. The descriptions of allegorical personages in this poem are clearly imitated from similar descriptions in Latin poets. Compare the celebrated description of Envy in Ovid, Metam. ii. 775, and the like. MS. G. absurdly reads _a hate_ for _Hate_. 149. The reading must, of course, be _moveresse_, as in the Fr. text; Speght corrected it in 1598; it means a mover or stirrer up of strife. 196. Read _miscounting_ (Kaluza); F. text, _mesconter_. 197. _maketh_; pronounced _mak'th_. Note, once for all, that _'th_ for final _-eth_ is extremely common throughout all parts of this poem. 206. _thing_, pl. goods (A. S. _thing_, pl.). Cf. l. 387. 207. _Avarice_, i. e. Penuriousness, as distinct from _Coveitise_, i. e. Covetousness of the wealth of others. Compare the description of Avarice in Piers Plowman, B. v. 188. 220. _courtepy_, short coat, cape; see Prol. 290. 225. _perche_, a horizontal pole, on which clothes were sometimes hung. 226. _burnet_, a cloth of dyed wool, orig. of a dark brown colour. Gowns were nearly always trimmed with fur, but in this case only a common lambskin fur was used, instead of a costly fur such as _miniver_. 240. I supply _doun_, down. Cf. 'heng ... doun'; Cant. Ta. G 574. 247. _Envy._ Cf. Ovid, Met. ii. 775; P. Plowman, B. v. 76. 273. _maltalent_, ill-will; see 330. Cf. _talent_, Cant. Ta. C 540. 276. Read _melt'th_. _for pure wood_, as if entirely mad. The simple phrase _for wood_, as if mad, occurs in Ho. Fame, 1747; Leg. of Good Women, 2420 (unless _For-wood_ is there a compound adjective). 292. _baggingly_, askant, sideways; cf. _baggeth_, looks askant, Book Duch. 623. 311. _fade_, withered. 'Thi faire hewe is al _fade_'; Will. of Palerne, 891. Compare the description of Sorrow in Sackville's 'Induction'; see my Specimens of Eng. Literature, iii. 286. 360. _dwyned_, dwindled, wasted; cf. _for-dwyned_, 366. 361. _forwelked_, much wrinkled; cf. _welked_, Cant. Ta. C 738. 368. _potente_, a crutch, staff; cf. Cant. Ta. D 1776. 369, 381. With these lines cf. Cant. Tales, B 20-24. 380. F. _trois tens_, three moments. It is here asserted that no one can think of the present moment; for while he tries to do so, three moments have fled. 387. _fret_, for _freteth_, devours. 'Tempus edax rerum'; Ovid, Met. xv. 234. _and shal_, and will ever do so. _thing_ is pl., as in 206. 396. Bell and Morris here print _elde_ with a capital letter, shewing that they did not make out the sense. But it is here a _verb_, as in 391, 392. The sense is:--'Time ... had made her grow so extremely old that, as far as I knew, she could in no wise help herself.' 401. _inwith_, for _within_, is common in Chaucer; the occurrence of _pith_, just before, probably caused the scribe to omit _with_. 413. _doon ther write_, caused to be written (or described) there. 415. _Pope-holy_; properly an adjective, meaning 'holy as a pope,' hence, hypocritical. Here used as a sb., as equivalent to 'hypocrite,' to translate F. _Papelardie_. Used as an adj. in P. Plowman, C. vii. 37; see my note, which gives references to Dyce's Skelton, i. 209, 216, 240, 386; Barclay, Ship of Fools, ed. Jamieson, i. 154; and Polit. Poems, ed. Wright, ii. 251. 429. 'Devoted to a religious life,' viz. by having joined one of the religious orders. See note to P. Plowman, C. xi. 88. 438. _haire_, hair-shirt; the F. text has _la haire_, borrowed from O. H. G. _h[=a]rr[=a]_, with the same sense. The A. S. word is _h[=ae]re_, a derivative from _h[=ae]r_, hair. See _Haar_ in Kluge. See Cant. Ta., G 133; P. Plowman, C. vii. 6, and the note. 442. The reading _ay_ possibly stands for _a[gh]_, i. e. _agh_ or _ogh_. _Ogh_ (A. S. _[=a]h_) is the (obsolete) pres. t. of _ought_, which takes its place in mod. E. Cf. _ye owen_, in Melibeus, B 2691. See _ah_ in Stratmann. 'From her the gate of Paradise ought to be kept.' But it is simpler to read _shal_ (F. text, _ert_ = Lat. _erit_). 445. Alluding to Matt. vi. 16. For _grace_, read _face_ (l. 444). 454. Cf. 'like a worm'; Clerkes Ta. E 880. 464. _halke_, corner; Can. Yem. Ta. G 311. 482. _shepherd-e_, is trisyllabic; cf. _herd-e_, in Prol. 603. 490. _daungerous_, stingy; contrasted with _riche_ (l. 492). 501. It is impossible to make sense without reading _nolde_ for _wolde_. The Fr. text clearly shews that _nolde_ is meant:--'Que _n_'en preisse _pas_ ... Que ge _n_'entrasse.' The scribe stumbled over the double negative. 505. G. has:--'Thassemble, god kepe it fro care Of briddis, whiche therynne ware'; and Th. has the same reading. It cannot be right, because _care_ and _were_ give a false rime. Even the scribe has seen this, and has altered _were_ to _ware_, to give a rime to the eye. Perhaps such a rime may have passed in Northern English, but certainly not in Midland. I have no hesitation in restoring the reading, which must have been 'God _it kepe and were_,' or something very near it. It is obvious that _were_ is the original word in this passage, because it is the precise etymological equivalent of _garisse_ in the French text; and it is further obvious that the reason for expelling it from the text, was to avoid the apparent repetition of _were_ in the rime; a repetition which the scribe too hastily assumed to be a defect, though examples of it are familiar to the student of Chaucer; cf. Prol. 17, 18. Chaucer has _were_, to defend, riming with _spere_, Cant. Ta. A 2550; and _were_ (were) also riming with _spere_, Ho. Fame, 1047. He would therefore have had no hesitation in riming these words together; and we cannot doubt that he here did so. Cf. ll. 515, 516 below. 516. _where_ would mean 'by which'; read _o-where_, i. e. anywhere. 520. The spelling _angwishis_ is a false spelling of _anguissous_, i. e. full of anguish. For this form, see Pers. Tale, I 304. 535. Read _oft_; F. text, 'par maintes fois.' 562. _orfrays_, gold embroidered work, cloth-of-gold; cf. ll. 869, 1076. 'The golden bands fastened to, or embroidered on chasubles, copes, and vestments ... Fringes or laces appended to the garments, as well as the embroidered work upon them, were so termed'; Fairholt, Costume in England. See Way's note on _Orfrey_ in the Prompt. Parvulorum. Cotgrave has: '_Orfrais_, m. Broad welts, or gards of gold or silver imbroidery laid on Copes, and other Church-vestments'; &c. There is a long note upon it, with quotations, in Thynne's Animadversions on Speght's Chaucer, ed. Furnivall, pp. 33-35; he says it is 'frised or perled cloothe of gold,' or 'a weued clothe of gold.' Here it seems to mean a gold-embroidered band, worn as a chaplet. 568. _tressour_; so spelt in Gawain and the Grene Knight, 1739, where a lady is described as having precious stones, in clusters of twenty, 'trased aboute hir _tressour_.' Roquefort also gives the O. F. forms _tressour_, _tressoir_, _tresson_, 'ornement de tete pour les femmes, ruban pour attacher les cheveux.' It differs from the heraldic term _tressure_ (Lat. _tricatura_) in the form of the suffix. _Tressour_ can rime with _mirrour_, whilst _tressure_ (strictly) cannot do so. Her hair was entwined with gilt ribbons or threads. 574. _Gaunt_, Ghent; see Cant. Ta. A 448. 579, 580. _Iournee_, day's work. _wel bigoon_, might mean richly adorned; cf. 'With perle and gold so wel begoon'; Gower, C. A. ii. 45. But it is here equivalent to _mery_; see l. 693. 584. _graythe hir_, dress or adorn herself. _uncouthly_, strikingly, in an unusual way. 593. This is 'the porter Ydlenesse' of the Knightes Tale; A 1940. 602. _Alexandryn_, of Alexandria; for _of_ may well be omitted. It means that many trees have been imported from the east by way of Alexandria. Many MSS. of the Fr. text read 'de la terre Alexandrins.' The damson, for example, came from Damascus. 603. I put _be hider_ for _hider be_; but _be_, after all, is better omitted. _Made hider fet_ is a correct idiom; see note to Cant. Ta. E 1098. 610. The images and pictures on the outside of the wall were made repellent, to keep strangers aloof. 624. _oon_, one; i. e. a place. _intil Inde_, as far as India. 656. The rime is only a single one, in _-ing_. 658. _Alpes_, bullfinches; also called _an awp_, or, corruptly, _a nope_. 'Alp, or _Nope_, a bulfinch. I first took notice of this word in _Suffolk_, but find since that it is used in other counties, almost generally all over England'; Ray's Collection of South and E. Country Words (1691). _wodewales_, witwalls. In the Prompt. Parvulorum, the _wodewale_ is identified with the _wodehake_, woodpecker; whilst Hexham explains Du. _Weduwael_ as 'a kinde of a yellow bird.' There is often great confusion in such names. The true _witwall_ is the Green Woodpecker (_Gecinus viridis_). We may omit _and_, and even _were_ in l. 657. 662. _laverokkes_, larks. The A. S. _l[=a]werce_, _l[=a]ferce_, became _laverk_; then the final _k_ was exchanged for the diminutive suffix _-ok_. 663. _Chalaundres_; see note to l. 81 above. 664. _wery_, weary (F. _lassees_); _nigh forsongen_, nearly tired out with singing. 665. _thrustles_, throstles, thrushes; see Parl. Foules, 364. _terins_; F. _tarin_, which, Littre says, is the _Fringilla spinus_. Cotgrave has: '_Tarin_, a little singing bird, having a yellowish body, and an ash-coloured head'; by which (says Prof. Newton) he means the siskin, otherwise called the aberdevine. _mavys_, mavises, song-thrushes. If we take the _mavis_ to be the song-thrush, _Turdus musicus_, then the throstle may be distinguished as the missel-thrush, _Turdus viscivorus_. But the mavis is also called throstle. In Cambridge, the name is pronounced _mavish_ (romic mei.vish). 672. 'As spiritual angels do.' 676. 'Of man liable to death'; by mortal man. 684. _sereyns_, i. e. Sirens. Cotgrave has: '_Sereine_, f. a Mermaid.' Chaucer takes no notice of G. de Lorris' notable etymology, by which he derives _Seraines_ from the adj. _seri_. Cotgrave gives (marked as obsolete): '_Seri_, m. _ie_, f. Quiet, mild, calm, still; fair, clear.' 693. _wel bigo_, the opposite of 'woe begone'; as in l. 580. Cf. 'glad and wel begoon'; Parl. Foules, 171. 700. _leten_, pp. of _leten_, to let; 'and had let me in.' 705. Morris reads _Withoute_, which improves the line:--'Without-e fabl' I wol descryve.' 714. _sete_, sat; A. S. _s[=ae]ton_, pt. t. pl. (The correct form). 716. _Iargoning_, chattering; cf. E. _jargon_. 720. Read _reverdye_ (see footnote). It means 'rejoicing'; from the renewal of green things in spring. 731. _mentes_, mints; Th. has _myntes_. 735. 'Where he abode, to amuse himself.' 744. _carole_, a dance; orig. a dance in a ring, accompanied with song. Hence, in l. 745, the verb _carolen_, to sing, in accompaniment to a dance of this character. In Rob. of Brunne's Handlyng Synne, 9138, there is a description of a company carolling 'hand in hand.' And see below, ll. 759-765, 781; Book Duch. 849. 746. I insert _the_ (as Urry does) before _blisful_; cf. l. 797. 749. The line--'And couthe make in song swich refreininge' is obviously too long. The word _couthe_ is needlessly repeated from l. 747, and must be omitted. The Fr. text shews that _refreininge_ means the singing of a refrain at the end of each verse. 768. _in this contree._ This is an adaptation; the original Fr. says 'in _any_ country.' Warton calmly observes: 'there is not a syllable of these songs and singers of Lorraine in the French.' But he consulted a defective copy. 769. _timbestere_, a female player on a timbrel. Tyrwhitt confuses the matter by quoting Lye, who mixed up this word with _tombestere_, a female tumbler; for which see Cant. Ta. C 477. They are quite unconnected, but are formed with the same fem. suffix, viz. that which appears also in the mod. E. _spin-ster_, and in the old words _webb-estere_, _bak-estere_, whence the surnames Webster, Baxter. In l. 772, _timbres_ simply mean timbrels, and tambourine-players may still be performing the easy trick of throwing up a tambourine and catching it, spinning, on a finger-point. There is therefore no reason for explaining _timbre_ as a basin. Nevertheless, such a mistake arose, and Junius quotes (s.v. _Timbestere_) some lines from an edition of Le Roman de la Rose, printed in 1529, in which the following lines here occur:-- 'Apres y eut farces joyeuses, Et batelleurs et batelleuses, Qui de passe passe jouoyent, Et en l'air _ung bassin_ ruoyent, Puis le scavoyent bien recueillir Sur ung doy, sans point y faillir.' It is tolerably certain that this is a corrupt form of the passage, and only makes the matter darker. All it proves is, that _timbre_ was, by some, supposed to mean a basin! No doubt it had that sense (see Cotgrave), but not here. _Timbestere_ is a mere English form of the O.F. _tymberesse_, a player on a _timbre_. Diez, in his Dictionary, cites a passage from a commentary on the Psalms, given in Roquefort, Poes. franc, p. 127, to this effect:--'li _tymbres_ est uns estrumenz de musique qui est couverz d'un cuir sec de bestes'; i. e. it is the Lat. _tympanum_. So also, in Wright's Vocab. col. 616, l. 28, we have:--'_Timpanum_, a taber, or a tymbre.' In Allit. Poems, ed. Morris, ii. 1414, we read of the sound of '_tymbres_ and _tabornes_,' and of '_symbales_,' i. e. cymbals. In King Alisaunder, ed. Weber, 191, we again have _tymbres_ meaning 'timbrels.' Wyclif, in his tr. of Isaiah, v. 12, has '_tymbre_ and trumpe,' to translate 'tympanum et tibia'; and the word is well preserved in the mod. E. dimin. _timbr-el_. 770. _saylours_, dancers; from O. F. _saillir_, Lat. _salere_; cf. '_Salyyn_, salio'; Prompt. Parv. The M. E. _sailen_, to dance, occurs in P. Plowman, C xvi. 208 (see my note); and in Rob. of Glouc. l. 5633 (or p. 278, ed. Hearne). 791. _Ne bede I._ The Fr. text means--'I would never seek to go away.' As _e_ and _o_ are constantly confused, I change _bode_ (which gives no sense) into _bede_; i. e. 'I would never pray.' _Bede_ is the pt. t. subj. of _bidden_, to pray. Gower uses _ne bede_ in the same sense; 'That I ne bede never awake'; Conf. Am. ii. 99. 826. _girdilstede_, the _stead_ or place of the girdle, i. e. the waist. 836. _samyt_, samite, a very rich silk; see Halliwell and my Etym. Dict. 840. _to-slitered_, very much 'slashed' with small cuts. It is well known that slashed or snipped sleeves, shewing the colour of the lining beneath them, were common in the Tudor period; and it here appears that they were in vogue much earlier. _Sliteren_ is the frequentative form of _sliten_, to slit. 843. _decoped_, cut, slashed. The shoes were slashed like the dress; the Fr. text has here _decopes_, which, only just above, is translated by _to-slitered_. Cf. the expression 'galoches _y-couped_' in P. Plowman, C. xxi. 12, and see my note on that passage. Halliwell is quite wrong in confusing _decoped_ with _coppid_, i. e. peaked. See note to Mill. Ta. A 3318. 860. The readings _pleye_, _pley_ are evidently false; the scribe has omitted the stroke for _n_ above the vowel. The right reading is obviously _playn_, i. e. plain, smooth; it translates F. _poli_, just as _frounceles_ translates _sans fronce_, without a wrinkle. 865. If the reader prefers to keep _eleven_ (or _twelve_) syllables in this line, I am sorry for him. 869. _orfrays_, gold embroidery; see note to l. 562. In this case, the gold seems to have been embroidered on silk; see l. 872. 886. _quistroun_, a kitchen-boy, scullion. Godefroy gives the forms _coistron_, _coitron_, _coisteron_, _quistron_, _coestron_, with the sense 'marmiton.' His examples include the expressions '_coitron_ de la cuisine,' and 'un _quistroun_ de sa quisyne.' The addition of _de la (sa) cuisine_ shew that the word meant no more than 'boy' or 'lad'; such a lad as was often employed in the kitchen. 'Ther nas knave, ne _quystron_, That he ne hadde god waryson'; King Alisaunder, ed. Weber, 2511. 892. _amorettes_, (probably) love-knots. Such seems also to be the meaning in the passage in the Kingis Quair, st. 47, which was probably imitated from the present one. But both passages are sufficiently obscure. The word occurs again, below, in l. 4755, where the meaning is different, viz. young girls, sweethearts; but we must remember that it is there employed by a different translator. In the present passage, the Fr. text is obscure, and it is possible that _par fines amoretes_ means 'by beautiful girls.' The note in Bell's Chaucer says accordingly:--'these flowers were painted by amorous young ladies;' and adds that '_with_ here means _by_.' But this will hardly serve. We have no proof that Chaucer so understood the French; and if '_with_ means _by_' here, it must have the same sense in l. 894, which would mean that birds, leopards, and lions all lent a hand in painting. On the whole, the sense 'love-knots' seems the safest. 893. _losenges and scochouns_, lozenges (or diamond-shaped figures) and escutcheons. 911. _felden_, caused to fall, knocked off. 914. _chalaundre_; see note to l. 81. _wodewale_; see note to l. 658. 915. _archaungel_, supposed to mean 'a titmouse,' answering to F. _mesange_. But no other example of this use is known. 923. This line is too long; I omit _ful wel devysed_, which is not in the original. 933. _thwiten_, cut, shaped; pp. of _thwyten_, to cut (see Hous of Fame, 1938); cf. _thwitel_ in the Reves Ta. A 3933, and E. _whittle_. 938. _gadeling_, vagabond; see Gamelyn, 102, 106. 971. The idea of the two sets of arrows is taken from Ovid, Met. i. 468-471. 998. William de Lorris did not live to fulfil this promise. 1008. I. e. Beauty was also the name of an arrow; see l. 952. The allegory is rather of a mixed kind. 1014. _byrde_, i. e. bride (though the words are different); Fr. _espousee_. _bour_, bower; the usual name for a lady's chamber. 1018. I alter the _wintred_ of the old copies to _windred_, to make the form agree with that in l. 1020. To _windre_ is evidently a form suggested by the Fr. _guignier_. There are two verbs of this form; the more common is _guigner_, to wink (see Cotgrave); the other is given by Godefroy as _guignier_, _guigner_, _guingnier_, _guinier_, _gignier_, with the senses 'parer, farder,' i. e. to trick out. Note the original line: 'Ne fu fardee ne guignie'; and again in l. 2180: 'Mais ne te farde ne guigne.' The sense, in the present passage, is evidently 'to trim,' with reference to the eyebrows. 'Her eyebrows were not artificially embellished.' _Poppen_, in l. 1019, has much the same sense, and is evidently allied to F. _popin_, 'spruce, neat, briske, trimme, fine,' in Cotgrave. 1031. I read _Wys_ for want of a better word; it answers to one sense of Lat. _sapidus_, whence the F. _sade_ is derived. However, Cotgrave explains _sade_ by 'pretty, neat, spruce, fine, compt, minion, quaint.' Perhap _Queint_ or _Fine_ would do better. 1049. _in hir daungere_, under her control; see Prol. A 663, and the note. And see l. 1470. 1050. _losengere_, deceiver, flatterer; see Non. Pr. Ta. B 4516; Legend of Good Women, 352. Cf. ll. 1056, 1064 below. 1057. 'And thus anoint the world with (oily) words.' 1058. I cannot find that there is any such word as _prill_ (as in Th.) or _prile_ (as in G.) in any suitable sense; the word required is clearly _prikke_. As it was usual to write _kk_ like _lk_, the word probably looked, to the eye, like _prilke_, out of which _prille_ may have been evolved. Numerous mistakes have thus arisen, such as _rolke_ for _rokke_ (a rock) in Gawain Douglas, and many more of the same kind. M. Michel here quotes an O. F. proverb--'Poignez vilain, il vous oindra: Oignez vilain, il vous poindra.' 1068. Read _aryved_, for the Fr. text has _arives_; cf. Ho. Fame, 1047. 1079. _bend_, band, strip; as used in heraldry. 1080. Read _ameled_, as in Speght; of which _enameled_ is a lengthened form, with the prefix _en-_. It signifies 'enamelled.' Palsgrave gives a good example. 'I _ammell_, as a goldesmyth dothe his worke, _Iesmaille_. Your broche is very well amelled: _vostre deuise est fort bien esmaillee_.' See _Ameled_ in the New Eng. Dict. See also the long note in Warton (sect. xiii, where this passage is quoted) on enamelling in the middle ages. He cites the Latin forms _amelitam_ and _amelita_ in the sense 'enamelled,' and shews that the art flourished, in particular, at Limoges in France. 1081. _of gentil entaile_, of a fine shape, referring to her neck, apparently; or it may refer to the collar. Halliwell quotes from MS. Douce 291 'the hors of gode _entaile_,' i. e. of a good shape. Cf. _entaile_, to shape, in l. 609 above; and see l. 3711. 1082. _shet_, shut, i. e. clasped, fastened. _Chevesaile_, a collar; properly, the neckband of the robe, as explained in the New E. Dict. Though it does not here occur in the Fr. text, it occurs below in a passage which Chaucer does not exactly translate, though it answers to the 'colere' of l. 1190, q.v. There seems to be no sufficient reason for explaining it by 'necklace' or 'gorget,' as if it were a separable article of attire. It answers to a Lat. type _capitiale_, from _capitium_, the opening in a tunic through which the head passed; which explains how the word arose. 1089. The right word is _thurte_, which the scribe, not understanding, has turned into _durst_; both here, and in l. 1324 below. _Thurte him_ means 'he needed,' the exact sense required. The use of the dative _him_ is a clear trace of the use of this phrase. The idea that a gem would repel venom was common; see P. Plowman, B. ii. 14, and my note. 1093. _and Fryse_, and Friesland. Not in the original, and merely added for the rime. 1094. _mourdaunt_, mordant, chape, tag. Halliwell explains it 'the tongue of a buckle,' which is probably a guess; it is often mentioned as if it were quite distinct from it. It was probably 'the metal chape or tag fixed to the end of a girdle or strap,' viz. to the end _remote_ from the buckle; see Fairholt's 'Costume.' Godefroy explains it in the same way; it terminated the dependent end of the girdle; and this explains how it could be made of a stone. Warton, in a note on this passage (sect. xiii.), quotes from a wardrobe roll, in which there is mention of one hundred garters 'cum boucles, barris, et pendentibus de argento.' 1103. _barres_, bars; fixed transversely to the satin tissue of the girdle, and perforated to receive the tongue of the buckle. See note to Prol. A 329. 1106. 'In each bar was a bezant-weight of gold.' A _bezant_ was a gold coin, originally struck at Byzantium, whence the name. It 'varied in weight between the English sovereign and half-sovereign, or less'; New E. Dict. 1117. The false reading _ragounces_ is easily corrected by the original. In Lydgate's Chorle and Bird, st. 34, we find:--'There is a stone which called is _iagounce_.' Warton rather hastily identifies it with the jacinth. Godefroy says that some make it to be a jacinth, but others, a garnet. Warnke explains _iagunce_ (in Marie de France, Le Fraisne, 130) by 'ruby.' 1120. _carboucle_, carbuncle; see notes to Ho. Fame, 1352, 1363. 1137. That is, he would have expected to be accused of a crime equal to theft or murder, if he had kept in his stable such a horse as a hackney. The F. text has _roucin_, whence Chaucer's _rouncy_, in Prol. A 390. 1148. I. e. as if his wealth had been poured into a garner, like so much wheat. _daungere_ here means 'parsimony.' 1152. I. e. Alexander was noted for his liberality. 1163. _to hir baundon_, (so as to be) at her disposal. 1182. _adamaunt_, lodestone; _leyd therby_, laid beside it. 1188. The form _sarlynysh_ (in G.) evidently arose from the common mistake of reading a long _s_ as an _l_. The right reading is, of course, _Sarsinesshe_, i. e., Saracenic, or coloured by an Eastern dye. Compare the mod. E. _sarsnet_, a derivative from the same source. 1190. Her neck-band was thrown open, because she had given away the brooch, with which she used to fasten it. 1199. The knight is said to be _sib_, i. e., akin, to king Arthur, because of the great celebrity of that flower of chivalry. 1201. The reading _gousfaucoun_ is a queer mistake; the scribe seems to have thought that it meant a goshawk! But the sense is war-banner.' See _Gonfanon_ in my Etym. Dict. 1215. _at poynt devys_, with great exactness, with great regularity; cf. l. 830. The same expression occurs in the Ho. of Fame, 917. 1216. _tretys_, long and well-shaped; hence this epithet, as applied to the nose of the Prioress; see Prol. A 152. See ll. 932, 1016. 1227. _bistad_, bestead; i. e. hard beset. 1232. _sukkenye_, an E. adaptation of the O.F. _sorquanie_. Cotgrave has: '_Souquenie_, f. a canvas Jacket, frock, or Gaberdine; such a one as our Porters wear.' Mod. F. _souquenille_, a smock-frock. It was therefore a loose frock, probably made, in this case, of fine linen. For a note in the glossary to Meon's edition says that linen was sometimes the material used for it; and we are expressly told, in the text, that it was _not_ made of hempen hards. Cf. Russ. _sukno_, cloth. 1235. _rideled_, 'gathered,' or pleated; F. _coillie_. Not 'pierced like a riddle,' as suggested in Bell's Chaucer, but gathered in folds like a curtain or a modern surplice; from O.F. _ridel_ (F. _rideau_), a curtain. Cf. 'filettis, and wymplis, and _rydelid_ gownes and rokettis, colers, lacis,' &c.; Reliquiae Antiquae, i. 41. Hence, in ll. 1236, 7, the statement that every point was in its right place; because it was so evenly gathered. 1240. 'A _roket_, or _rochet_, is a loose linen frock synonymous with _sukkenye_. The name is now appropriated to the short surplice worn by bishops over their cassocks.'--Bell. 1249, 50. _Al hadde he be_, even if he had been. As the French copy consulted by Warton here omitted two lines of the original, Warton made the singular mistake of supposing that, in l. 1250, Chaucer intended 'a compliment to some of his patrons.' But William de Lorris died in 1260, so that the _seignor de Gundesores_ was 'Henry of Windsor,' as he was sometimes termed[287], i. e. no other than Henry III; and the reference was probably suggested by the birth of prince Edward in 1239, unless these two lines were added somewhat later. 1263. _avenant_, comely, graceful; see the New E. Dict. 1282. The absolutely necessary correction in this line was suggested by Ten Brink, in his Chaucer Studien, p. 30. 1284. _volage_, flighty, giddy; see Manc. Ta. H 239. 1294. I should like to read--'They ne made force of privetee'; pronounced _They n' mad-e_, &c. But _no fors_ is usual. 1321. _his thankes_, willingly; see Kn. Ta. A 1626, 2107. 1324. _durst_ is an error for _thurte_; see note to l. 1089. 1334. For _hadde_ (which gives no sense), read _bad_; confusion of _b_ and _h_ is not uncommon. And for _bent_, read _bende it_; see l. 1336. 1341. Some mending of the text is absolutely necessary, because _shette_ is altogether a false form; the pp. of _sheten_, to shoot, is _shoten_. The suggested emendation satisfies the conditions, and makes better sense. So, in l. 1343, read _wol me greven_. 1348. In ll. 1461, 1582, the F. _vergier_ is translated by _yerde_. So here, and in l. 1447 (as Dr. Kaluza suggests) we must read _yerde in_, to make sense. The scribe easily turned _yerde in_ into _gardin_, but ruined the sense by it. So in l. 1366, _yerde_ would be better than _gardin_. 1359. _greet foisoun_, a great abundance (of them). 1361. _notemygge_ is the form given in the Prompt. Parv. In Sir Topas, 1953, _notemuge_ occurs in all the seven MSS. See note to the same, B 1950, which explains _clow-gelofre_, i. e. clove, and _setewale_, i. e., zedoary. 1363. The form _alemandres_ is justified by the Fr. text, which has _Alemandiers_. The O. F. for 'almond' was at first _alemande_, before it was shortened to _almande_; see _Almond_ in the New E. Dict. The sense is 'almond-trees.' 1369. _parys_ or _paris_ is a stupid blunder for _paradys_, as the Fr. text shews. It was a well-known term. Cotgrave has '_Graine de paradis_, the spice called Grains.' Philips explains _Paradisi grana_ as 'cardamum-seed.' Compare the quotation from Langham in the New E. Dict., s. v. _Cardamom_. _Canelle_ (in l. 1370) is 'cinnamon.' 1374. _coyn_ is the word which has been twisted into _quin_; and the pl. _quins_ has become the sing. _quince_. 1377. _aleys._ 'Aley [adapted from O. Fr. _alie_, _alye_ (also _alis_), mod. Fr. _alise_, _alize_, from O. H. G. _eliza_, mod. G. _else_(_beere_); the suppression of the _s_ in the O. Fr. is anomalous.] The fruit of the Wild-Service tree'; New E. Dict. No other example of the word is known in English. _bolas_, bullace; the rime is only a _single_ one. 1379. _lorer_, laurel; miswritten _lorey_ in G.; cf. l. 1313 above, where _loreres_ is miswritten _loreyes_. 1384. Compare the tree-lists in Parl. Foules, 176, and in the Kn. Ta. A 2921. 1385. I should read _Pyn, ew_, instead of _Fyn ew_; only we have had _pyn_ already, in l. 1379. 1391. Imitated in the Book Duch. 419; again, l. 1401 is imitated in the same, 429. 1397, 8. The rimed words must needs be _knet_, _set_, as in the Parl. Foules, 627, 628. 1405. _claperes_, burrows. '_Clapier_, m. A clapper of conies, a heap of stones, &c., whereinto they retire themselves'; Cotgrave. See _Clapper_ in the New E. Dict. 1414. _condys_, conduits; Fr. text, _conduis_. Godefroy gives numerous examples of _conduis_ as the pl. of O. F. _conduit_, in the sense of safe-conduct, &c. So, in the Ayenbite of Inwyt, p. 91, we find:--'Thise uif wytes byeth ase uif _condwys_,' i. e. these five wits (senses) are as five channels. _by devys_, by contrivances (l. 1413). 1420. _vel-u-et_ is here a trisyllabic word; and the _u_ is a vowel, as in A. F. _veluet_. The mod. E. _velvet_ arose from misreading the _u_ as a _v_. The Prompt. Parv. has also the form _velwet_. So in Lydgate, Compl. of the Black Knight, l. 80: 'And soft as vel-u-et,' &c. 1426. _as mister was_, as was need, as was necessary. 1447. As _garden_ makes no sense here, Kaluza reads _yerde in_; see note to l. 1348. 1448. _estres_ (F. text, _l'estre_), inner parts; see Rev. Ta. A 4295, and the note. 1453. _at good mes_, to advantage, from a favourable position; Fr. _en_ _bel leu_. In l. 3462, the phrase translates F. _en bon point_. _Mes_ (_Lat. missum_) is an old Anglo-French hunting-term, answering (nearly) to mod. E. _shot_. Thus, in Marie de France, Guigemar, 87:--'Traire voleit, si _mes_ eust,' he wished to shoot, if he could get a good shot. See Ducange, ed. 1887, ix. 270, for two more examples. 1458. _Pepyn_; the F. text says 'Charles, the son of Pepin.' Charles the Great, who died in 814, was the son of Pepin Le Bref, king of the Franks, who died in 768. 1469. This story of Narcissus is from Ovid, Met. iii. 346. 1470. _in his daungere_, within his control; in l. 1492, _daungerous_ means 'disdainful.' See note to l. 1049. 1498. The right spelling is _vilaynsly_; it occurs in the Pers. Tale, I 279; and the adj. _vilayns_ in the same, I 627, 715, 854. 1517, 18. The right spellings are _sene_, adj., visible, and _shene_, adj., showy, bright. 1525. _bere_, bore; but it is in the subjunctive mood; A. S. _b[=ae]re_. 1537. _warisoun_, reward; F. _guerredon_. But this is not the usual sense; it commonly means healing, cure, or remedy; see _Guarison_ in Cotgrave. However, it also means provision, store, assistance; whence it is no great step to the sense of 'reward.' To 'winne a warisun' is to obtain a reward; Will. of Palerne, 2253, 2259. Cf. note to l. 886. 1550. _scatheles_, without harm. There is actually a touch of humour here; the poet ran no risk of falling in love with such a face as his own. 1561. _welmeth up_, boils up, bubbles up; from A. S. _wylm_, a spring. 1564. _For moiste_, because it was moist, because of its moisture. The adj. has almost the force of a sb. Cf. note to l. 276. 1591. _entrees_ is, of course, a blunder for _estres_, as the F. text shews. See l. 1448 above, where _estres_ rightly occurs, to represent F. _l'estre_. _accuseth_, reveals, shews; see the New Eng. Dict. 1604. 'That made him afterwards lie on his back,' i. e. lie dead (F. _mors_). The alteration of _lye_ to _ligge_ in MS. G. is a clear example of the substitution of a Northern form. 1608. Here _laughyng_ is a very queer travesty of _loving_, owing to a similarity in the sound. But the F. text has _d'amer_, which settles it. 1621. _panteres_, nets; see Leg. of Good Women, 131, and the note. 1624. _lacche_, trap. The usual sense is 'the latch of a door'; but the sense here given is clearly caught from the related verb _lacchen_, which sometimes meant to catch birds. Thus in P. Plowman, B. v. 355, we find 'forto lacche foules,' i. e. to catch birds. We must not confuse _lacche_, as here used, with _lace_, a snare. 1641. We must read _syked_, not _sighede_, in order to rime with _entryked_. Observe that _syketh_ rimes with _entryketh_ in the Parl. of Foules, 404. Further, as the rime is a double one, the word _have_ must be inserted, to fill up the line. It is in the Fr. text, 'tant en _ai_ puis souspire.' 1652. _enclos_, enclosed; a French form, used for the rime. Cf. _clos_, in the same sense; The Pearl, l. 2. 1663. Speght made the obvious correction of _be_, for _me_. 1666. _My thankes_, with my goodwill; cf. _his thankes_, l. 1321. 1673. _gret woon_, a great quantity. 1674. _roon_ (in place of _Rone_); F. text, _sous ciaus_, 'under the skies.' Bell suggests that there is a reference to the river Rhone, and to the roses of Provence. But the prep. _in_ must mean 'in' or 'upon'; and as roses do not grow on a river, but upon bushes, perhaps _roon_ answers to Lowland Scotch _rone_, a bush; see Jamieson. Thus Henrysoun, Prol. to Moral Fables, l. 15, has:--'The roisis reid arrayit on _rone_ and ryce'; and G. Douglas has _ronnis_, bushes. _In Roon_ might mean 'in Rouen'; spelt _Roan_ in Shakespeare. 1677. _moysoun_, size; Cotgrave has: '_Moyson_, size, bignesse, quantity'; from Lat. _mensionem_, a measuring. See P. Plowman, C. xii. 120, and my note. Not connected with _moisson_, harvest, as suggested in Bell. 1701. 'The stalk was as upright as a rush.' 1705. Here ends Chaucer's portion of the translation, in the middle of an incomplete sentence, without any verb. It may have been continued thus (where _dide fulfild_ = caused to be filled):-- The swote smelle sprong so wyde, That it dide al the place aboute _Fulfild of baume, withouten doute_. We can easily understand that the original MS. ended here suddenly, the rest being torn away or lost. An attempt was made to join on another version, without observing the incompleteness of the sentence. Moreover, the rime is a false one, since _swote_ and _aboute_ have different vowel-sounds. Hence the point of junction becomes visible enough. Dr. Max Kaluza was the first to observe the change of authorship at this point, though he made Chaucer's portion end at l. 1704. He remarked, very acutely, that Chaucer translates the F. _bouton_ by the word _knoppe_; see ll. 1675, 1683, 1685, 1691, 1702, whereas the other translator merely keeps the word _botoun_; see ll. 1721, 1761, 1770. It is easily seen that ll. 1706-5810 are by a second and less skilful hand. This portion abounds with non-Chaucerian rimes, as explained in the Introduction, and is not by any means remarkable for accuracy. Some of the false rimes are noted below. As the remaining portion is of less interest and value, I only draw attention, in the notes, to the most important points. I here denote the second portion (ll. 1706-5810) by the name of Section B. 1713. _muche_, in Sect. B, is usually dissyllabic; perhaps the original had _mikel_. 1721. In sect. B, the word _botoun_ is invariably misspelt _bothum_ or _bothom_. That this ridiculous form is wrong, is proved by the occurrence of places where the pl. _botouns_ rimes with _sesouns_ (4011) and with _glotouns_ (4308). I therefore restore the form _botoun_ throughout. 1776. Sect. B is strongly marked by the frequent use of _withouten wene_, _withouten were_, _withouten drede_, and the like tags. 1820. A common proverb, in many languages. 'Chien eschaude craint l'eau froide, the scaulded dog fears even cold water;' Cotgrave. 'Brend child fur dredeth' is one of the Proverbs of Hending, l. 184. The Fr. text has: 'Qu'eschaudes doit iaue douter.' See Cant. Ta. G 1407. At this point, the translation somewhat varies from the Fr. text, as usually printed. The _third_ arrow is here called Curtesye (1802, cf. 957) instead of Fraunchise (955). 1853, 4. Both _thore, more_, evidently for _thar, mar_; see ll. 1857, 8. 1871. _allegeaunce_, alleviation; F. text, _aleiance_. Cf. _aleggement_, 1890; F. text, _alegement_; and see l. 1923. 1906. Both texts have _Rokyng_. A better spelling is either _rouking_ or _rukking_. It means--'crouching down very closely on account of the pain.' See Kn. Ta. A 1308. (Not in the French text.) 1909. The other four arrows are Beauty (1750), Simplesse (1774), Curtesye (1802, and note to l. 1820), and Companye (1862). But the names, even in the F. text, are not exactly the same as in a former passage; see ll. 952-963 above. 2002. 'For I do not vouchsafe to churls, that they shall ever come near it.' For _of_ (suggested by _sauf_) we should read _to_. 2017. _Lord_ seems to be dissyllabic; read (perhaps) _laverd_. 2037. As in l. 4681, there is here an allusion to the mode of doing homage, wherein the kneeling vassal places his joined hands between those of his lord. This is still the attitude of one who receives a degree at Cambridge from the Vice-chancellor. 2044. For _taken_ read _tan_, the Northern form. So again in l. 2068. 2046. _Disteyned_ is, of course, a blunder for _Disceyued_. 2051. 'If I get them into my power.' 2063. _For-why_, i. e. why; F. 'por quoi.' 2076. _disseise_, oust you from possessing it. _Disseisin_ is the opposite of _seisin_, a putting in possession of a thing. 2087. _aumener_, purse, lit. bag for alms; F. _aumoniere_. 2092. I take _iowell_ (with a bar through the _ll_) to be the usual (Northern) contraction for _Iowellis_, jewels; F. text, _joiau_, pl. I can find no authority for making it a collective noun, as Bell suggests. 2099. _spered_, for _sperred_, fastened; F. _ferma_. See l. 3320. 2141. I supply _sinne_; perhaps the exact word is _erre_, as suggested by Urry; F. 'Tost porroie _issir de la voie_.' 2154. Read _ginn'th_; only one syllable is wanted here. Cf. l. 2168. 2161. _poyntith ille_, punctuates badly. This is a remarkable statement. As the old MSS. had no punctuation at all, the responsibility in this respect fell entirely on the reader. Ll. 2157-62 are not in the French. 2170. _Romaunce_, the Romance language, Old French. 2190. This important passage is parallel to one in the Wife of Bath's Tale, D 1109. Ll. 2185-2202 are not in the French; so they may have been suggested by Chaucer's Tale. 2203. 'Gravis est culpa, tacenda loqui'; Ovid, Ars Amat. ii. 604. 2206. _Keye_, Sir Kay, one of the knights of the Round Table, who was noted for his discourtesy. For his rough treatment of Sir Beaumains, see Sir T. Malory's Morte d'Arthur, bk. vii. c. 1. On the other hand, Sir Gawain was famed for his courtesy; see Squi. Ta. F 95. 2271. The word _aumenere_ is here used, as in l. 2087 above, to translate the F. _aumosniere_ or _aumoniere_. In Th., it is miswritten _aumere_, and in G. it appears as _awmere_. Hence _awmere_ has gained a place in the New E. Dict., to which it is certainly not entitled. It is not a 'contraction for _awmenere_,' as is there said, but a mere blunder. 2278. _Of Whitsonday_, suitable for Whitsunday, a time of great festivity; F. text--'a Penthecouste.' 2279. Both texts have _costneth_, which makes the line halt. _Cost_ (short for _costeth_) has the same sense, and suits much better; the F. text has simply _couste_. 2280-4. Copied from Ovid, Ars Amat. i. 515-9. 2285. It is clear that _Fard_, not _Farce_, is the right reading. _Farce_ would mean 'stuff' or 'cram'; see Prol. A 233. The F. text has--'Mais ne te _farde_ ne ne guigne.' Among the additions by Halliwell and Wright to Nares' Glossary will be found: '_Fard_, to paint the face'; with three examples. Cotgrave also has: '_Farde_, Farded, coloured, painted.' 2294. _knowith_ is a strange error for _lowhith_, or _lauhwith_, forms of _laugheth_; F. text, _rit_. 2296. _meynd_, mingled; see Kn. Ta. A 2170. 2301-4. Not in the F. text. I alter _pleyneth_ in l. 2302 to _pleyeth_, to suit the context more closely. 2309. _sitting_, becoming; cf. _sit_, Clk. Ta. E 460. 2318. 'Make no great excuse'; F. _essoine_. From Ovid, Ars Am. i. 595. 2327. For _meuen_ I read _meve hem_, move them. Ll. 2325-8 are not in the French text. 2336. Read _Loves_. 'Whoever would live in Love's teaching must be always ready to give.' F. text, 'Se nus se vuelt _d'amors_ pener.' 2341. Cf. F. text:--'Doit bien, apres si riche don.' See ll. 2381. 2354. _alosed_, praised (for liberality); see _Alose_ in the New E. Dict. 2365. 'Against treachery, in all security.' _For_ is here used for 'against.' F. text, 'Tous entiers sans tricherie.' 2386. _maugre his_, in spite of himself; against the giver's will. 2463. 'That thou wouldst never willingly leave off.' 2471. _fere_, fire; spelt _fyr_ in l. 2467. But _desyr_ rimes with _nere_, l. 2441. 2473. Obscure. The French text helps but little; it means--'whenever thou comest nearer _her_.' Hence _Thought_ should be _That swete_, or some such phrase. 2522. 'To conceal (it) closely'; F. de soi celer. 2561. 'Now groveling on your face, and now on your back.' 2564. 'Like a man that should be defeated in war.' To get a rime to _abrede_ or _abreed_, abroad, read _forwerreyd_; see l. 3251. 2573. 'Thou shalt imagine delightful visions.' The 'castles in Spain' are romantic fictions. Cf. Gower, Conf. Am. ii. 99. 2617, 2624. In both lines, _wher_ is short for 'whether.' 2628. _To liggen_, to lie, is a Northern form; I alter _liggen_ to _ly_, which occurs in the next line. 2641. _contene_, contain (thyself). But the F. text has _te contendras_, which perhaps means 'shalt struggle.' 2650. _What whider_ gives no sense; read _What weder_, i. e. whatever weather it be; see next line. 2660. _score_, (perhaps) cut, i. e. crack; F. text, fendeure. 2669. I supply _a_, i. e. by; or we may supply _al_. 2676. There is something wrong here; the F. text has:-- 'Si te dirai que tu dois faire Por l'amour de la debonnaire [_or,_ du haut seintueire] De qui tu ne pues avoir aise; Au departir la porte baise.' The lover is here directed to kiss the door! 2684-6. From Ovid, Ars Amat. i. 729, 733. 2695. All from Ovid, Ars Amat. ii. 251-260. 2710. Read _fare_, short for _faren_, gone; cf. Ovid, Ars Am. ii. 357-8. A note in Bell says--'_fore_ means absent, from the Lat. _foris_, abroad.' This is a cool invention. 2775. _Hope_, do thou hope; imperative mood. 2824. The reading _not ben_ ruins sense and metre. 'Et se tu l'autre refusoies, Qui n'est mie mains doucerens, Tu seroies moult dangereus.' 2883. Such was the duty of sworn brethren; See Kn. Ta. A 1132. 2888. The trilled _r_ in _darst_ perhaps constitutes a syllable. 2951. 'When the God of Love had all day taught me.' 2971. _hay(e)_, hedge; F. _haie_. Perhaps not _hay-e_; see l. 2987. 2984. _Bial-Acoil_, another spelling of _Bel-Acueil_, i. e. 'a graceful address'; which would be useful in propitiating the lady. 3105. _doth me drye_, makes me suffer; Scotch 'gars me dree.' 3132. _chere_, face; _kid_, manifested, displayed. 3137. _kirked_, probably 'crooked,' as Morris suggests. It may be a mere dialectal form of 'crooked,' or it may be miswritten for _kroked_, the usual old spelling. Halliwell gives, '_kirked_, turning upwards,' on the authority of Skinner; but a reference to Skinner shows that his reason for giving the word this sense was solely owing to a notion of deriving it from A. S. _cerran_, to turn, which is out of the question. On the strength of this Wright, in his Provincial Dictionary, makes up the verb: '_Kirk_, to turn upwards.' This is how glossaries are frequently written. The F. text merely has: 'Le nes froncie.' 3144. _maugree_, disfavour, ill will. 3185. _with the anger_, against the pain. 3231. _trasshed_, betrayed; F. trai. _Trasshen_ is from the stem _traiss-_. 3234. _verger_, orchard; F. vergier; Lat. _uiridiarium_; so in ll. 3618, 3831. 3249. _to garisoun_, to protection, to safety; here, to your cure. 'Je ne voi mie ta sante, Ne ta garison autrement.' 3251. _thee to werrey_, to war against thee; F. guerroier. 3256. _musarde_, sluggard; one who delays; F. musarde; see l. 4034. 3264. G. has _seyne_; Th. _sayne_. I prefer _feyne_. Not in the F. text. 3277. _passioun_, suffering, trouble; F. _poine_ pain. 3284. _but in happe_, only in chance, i. e. a matter of chance. 3292. _a rage_, as in Th.; G. _arrage_. Cf. l. 3400. 3303. _leve_, believe; for the F. text has _croit_. 3326. _in the peine_, under torture; see Kn. Ta. A 1133. 3337. _chevisaunce_, resource, remedy. Both G. and Th., and all old editions, have _cherisaunce_, explained by Speght to mean 'comfort,' though the word is fictitious. Hence Kersey, by a misprint, gives '_cherisaunei_, comfort'; which Chatterton adopted. 3346. The F. text has 'Amis ot non'; so that 'Freend' is here a proper name. 3356. _meygned_, maimed. This word takes numerous forms both in M. E. and in Anglo-French. 3462. _at good mes_, at a favourable time (en bon point); see note to l. 1453. 3501. 'And Pity, (coming) with her, filled the Rosebud with gracious favour.' _of_ = with. 3508. Supply _word_; F. La parole a premiere prise. 3539. Cf. 'Regia, crede mihi, res est succurrere lapsis'; Ovid, Ex Ponto, Ep. lib. ii. ix. 11. 3548. _This_, put for _This is_; as in Parl. Foules, 411. 3579. _moneste_, short for _amoneste_, i. e. admonish. 3604. 'You need be no more afraid.' Here Thynne has turned _thar_ into _dare_; see l. 3761, and note to l. 1089. 3633. _to spanisshing_, to its (full) expansion. F. text, _espanie_, expanded, pp. fem. of _espanir_, which Cotgrave explains by 'To grow or spread, as a blooming rose.' 3645, 6. _vermayle_, ruddy, lit. vermilion. _abawed_, dismayed; variant of _abaved_, Book Duch. 614; cf. l. 4041 below. 3699. _werreyeth_, makes war upon; cf. Knight Ta. A 2235, 6. The corrections here made in the text are necessary to the sense. 3715. I. e. she did not belong to a religious order. 3718. _attour_; better _atour_; F. text _ator_; array, dress. 3740. _chasteleyne_, mistress of a castle; F. chastelaine. 3751. The reading is easily put right, by help of the French:-- 'Car tant cum vous plus atendrez, Tant plus, sachies, de tens perdrez.' 3774. Read _it nil_, it will not; F. Qu'el ne soit troble (l. 3505). 3811. The F. text has _une vielle irese_, and M. Meon explains _irese_ by angry, or full of ire. Hence, a note in Bell suggests that _irish_ here means 'full of ire.' But I think M. Meon is wrong; for the O.F. for 'full of ire' is _irous_, whence M.E. _irous_; and M. Michel prints _Irese_ with a capital letter, and explains it by 'Irlandaise.' Besides, there is no point in speaking of 'an old angry woman'; whereas G. de Lorris clearly meant something disrespectful in speaking of 'an old Irishwoman.' M. Michel explains, in a note, that the Irish character was formerly much detested in France. I therefore believe that _Irish_ has here its usual sense. 3826. Where _Amyas_ is, is of no consequence; for the name is wrongly given. The F. text has 'a Estampes ou a Miaus,' i. e. at Etampes or at Meaux. Neither place is very far from Paris. _Reynes_ means Rennes in Brittany; see note to Book Duch. 255. 3827. _foot-hoot_, foot-hot, immediately; see note to Cant. Ta. B 438. 3832. _reward_, regard; as in Parl. Foules, 426. 3845. Insert _not_, because the F. text has 'Si _ne_ s'est _mie_.' 3855. We should probably insert _him_ after _hid_. 3856. _took_, i. e. caught; see l. 3858. 3880. Read _leye_, lay; both for rime and sense. 3882. _loigne_, leash for a hawk. Cotgrave gives: '_Longe_,... a hawks lune or leash.' This is the mod. F. _longe_, a tether, quite a different word from _longe_, the loin. _Longe_, a tether, was sometimes spelt _loigne_ in O.F. (see Godefroy), which accounts for the form here used. It answers to Low Lat. _longia_, a tether, a derivative of _longus_, long. Perhaps _lune_ is only a variant of the same word. The expression 'to have a long loigne' means 'to have too much liberty.' 3895. Read _trecherous_, i. e. treacherous people, for the sake of the metre and the rime. _Trechours_ means 'traitors.' 3907. Read _loude_; for _loude and stille_ is an old phrase; see Barbour's Bruce, iii. 745. It means, 'whether loudly or silently,' i. e. under all circumstances. 3912. _blered is myn ye_, I am made a fool of; see Cant. Ta. G 730. 3917. Read _werreyed_, warred against; see note to l. 3699. 3928. I. e. 'I must (have) fresh counsel.' 3938. 'And come to watch how to cause me shame.' 3940-3. The F. text has:-- 'Il ne me sera ja peresce Que ne face une forteresce Qui les Roses clorra entor.' 3954. 'And to blind him with their imposture.' 3962. Perhaps read _he durste_. 3987. _purpryse_, enclosure; F. porprise, fem. Cotgrave has _pourpris_, m., in the same sense. See l. 4171. 4021. Read _in hy_, in haste, a common phrase; see l. 3591. 4032. 'No man, by taming it, can make a sparrow-hawk of a buzzard.' A buzzard was useless for falconry, but a sparrow-hawk was excellent. The F. text gives this as a proverb. Two similar proverbs are given in Cotgrave, s.v. _Esparvier_. 4034. _musarde_, a sluggish, and hence a useless person; see l. 3256. 4038. _recreaundyse_, recreant conduct; F. _recreantise_. 4073. _goth afere_, goes on fire, is inflamed. 4096. _me_ sometimes occurs in M. E. as a shorter form of _men_, in the sense of 'one'; but it is better to read _men_ at once, as it receives the accent. If written 'm[=e],' it might easily be copied as 'me.' 4126. 'Unless Love consent, at another time.' 4149. _querrour_, a quarrier, stone-cutter; see _quarrieur_ in Cotgrave. 4176. _ginne_, war-engine, _skaffaut_, scaffold; a wooden shed on wheels, to protect besiegers. See the description of one, called 'a sow,' employed at the siege of Berwick in 1319, in Barbour's Bruce, xvii. 597-600; together with other sundry 'scaffatis' in the same, l. 601. 4191. _Springoldes_ (F. _perrieres_, from Lat. _petrariae_), engines for casting-stones; spelt _spryngaldis_ in Barbour's Bruce, xvii. 247. From O. F. _espringale_, a catapult; from G. _springen_, to spring. 4195. _kernels_, battlements; F. text, _creniaus_. Cf. P. Plowm. C., viii. 235; B. v. 597. 4196. _arblasters_ (answering to Lat. _arcuballistra_), a variant form of _arblasts_ or _arbalests_ (answering to Lat. _arcuballista_), huge cross-bows, for discharging missiles. See _Arbalest_ in the New E. Dict. 4229. _for stelinge_, i. e. to prevent stealing. 4248. _distoned_, made different in tone, out of tune. Cotgrave gives: '_Destonner_, to change or alter a tune, to take it higher or lower.' 4249. _Controve_, compose or invent tunes, _foule fayle_, fail miserably. 4250. _horn-pypes_, pipes made of horn; but the F. text has _estives_, pipes made of straw. _Cornewayle_ is doubtful; some take it to mean Cornwall; but it was more probably the name of a place in Brittany. A note in Meon's edition of Le Roman de la Rose, iii. 300, suggests 'la ville de _Cornouaille_, aujourd'hui _Quimper-Corentin_, qui est en basse Bretagne.' The F. text has _Cornoaille_. 4286. _vekke_, an old woman; as in l. 4495. Cf. Ital. _vecchia_, the same; but it is difficult to see how we came by the Ital. form. 4291. Some late editions read _expert_, which is clearly right; _except_ gives no sense. _Expt_, with a stroke through the _p_, may have been misread as _except_. 4300. F. 'Qu'el scet toute la vielle dance'; see Prol. A 476. 4322. The old reading gives no sense; the corrected reading is due to Dr. Kaluza. It means 'I weened to have bought it very knowingly'; F. Ges cuidoie avoir achetes, I weened to have bought them. _Ges = Ge les_, i. e. _les biens_, the property. See note to l. 4352. 4333. For _also_ perhaps read _als_, or _so_. 4352. _wend,_ for _wende_, weened, supposed; F. cuidoie. 4372. For _wol_ read _wal_; F. 'Qui est entre les _murs_ enclose.' 4389. M. Meon here quotes a Latin proverb:--'Qui plus castigat, plus amore ligat.' 4432. G. de Lorris here ended his portion of the poem (containing 4070 lines), which he did not live to complete. His last line is:-- 'A poi que ne m'en desespoir.' When Jean de Meun, more than forty years later, began his continuation, he caught up the last word, commencing thus:-- 'Desespoir, las! ge non ferai, Ja ne m'en desespererai.' 4464. _a-slope_, on the slope, i. e. insecure, slippery. 4472. Perhaps _stounde_ should be _wounde_. F. 'S'ele ne me fait desdoloir.' _Stounde_ arose from repeating the _st_ in _staunche_. 4499. _enforced_, made stronger, i. e. increased. 4510. Read _simpilly_; this trisyllabic form is Northern, occurring in Barbour's Bruce, i. 331, xvii. 134. Cf. l. 3861. 4525. 'Who was to blame?' Cf. l. 4529. 4532. _for to lowe_, to appraise; hence, to be valued at. F. 'De la value d'une pome.' See _Allow_ in the New E. Dict. 4549. _The develles engins_, the contrivances of the devil. 4556. _yolden_, requited; cf. Somp. Ta. D 2177. 4559. 'Ought I to shew him ill-will for it?' 4568. 'And lie awake when I ought to sleep.' 4574. _taken atte gree_, receive with favour. 4617, 8. _not_, know not; _nist_ (knew not) would suit better; see l. 4626. _eche_, eke out, assist. 4634. I insert _pyned_, punished; F. 'N'as tu mie eu mal asses?' 4646. 'Thou didst act not at all like a wise man.' 4668. 'See, there's a fine knowledge.' _Noble_ is ironical, as in 4639. 4681. _with myn honde_; see note to l. 2037 above. 4689, 90. 'Si sauras tantost, sans science, Et congnoistras, sans congnoissance.' 4697-4700. To him who flees love, its nature is explicable; to you, who are still under its influence, it remains a riddle. 4705. In Tyrwhitt's Gloss., s.v. _Fret_, he well remarks:--'In Rom. Rose, l. 4705, _And through the_ fret full, read _A trouthe_ fret full.' In fact, the F. text has: 'C'est loiautes la desloiaus.' _Fret full_ is adorned or furnished, so as to be full; from A. S. _fraetwian_, to adorn; cf. _fretted full_, Leg. of Good Women, 1117; and see Matzner. Cf. l. 7259. On the whole, I do not think it is an error for _bret-ful_, i. e. brimful. 4712. This line is not in the F. text; it seems to mean--'a wave, harmful in wearing away the shore.' 4713. _Caribdis_, Charybdis, the whirlpool; cf. Horace, Carm. i. 27. 19. 4720. _Havoir_, property; usually spelt _avoir_. 4722. 'A thirst drowned in drunkenness'; F. 'C'est la soif qui tous jors est ivre.' 4728. _drerihed_, sadness; F. 'tristor'; cf. G. _Traurigkeit_. 4732. F. 'De pechies pardon entechies.' _without_, on the outside. 4747. _Pryme temps_, spring-time; F. 'Printems.' 4751. _a slowe_, a moth; F. taigne (Lat. tinea). But I know of no other example. Hence _were_, in the next line, must mean to wear away, to fret; cf. note to 4712. 4755. 'And sweethearts are as good in black mourning as when adorned in shining robes.' Cotgrave, s. v. _Amourette_, quotes a proverb: 'Aussi bien sont amourettes Soubs bureau, que soubs brunettes; Love bides in cottages, as well as in courts.' A _burnet_ was a cloth of a superior quality; see note to l. 226. 4764. For _That_ read _But_, answering to the F. _Qui ... ne_. 4768. _Genius_ is one of the characters in a later part of the F. text, l. 16497 (ed. Meon). 4790. _avaunt_, forward; F. 'Ge n'en sai pas plus que devant.' 4793. For _ever_ read _er_, i. e. ere, before; for the rime. 4796. _can_, know. _parcuere_, by heart; F. 'par cuer.' 4831. 'For paramours only feign.' But the original has: 'Mes _par Amors_ amer ne daignent,' i. e. 'But they do not deign to love like true lovers'; unless it is a mere exclamation, 'I swear by Love.' 4859. 'To save the progeny (or strain) of our species'; cf. Cl. Ta. E 157. 4875, 6. Not in the original. It seems to mean--'who very often seek after destroyed increase (abortion) and the play of love.' Cf. _tenen_, to harm. But no other instance of _for-tened_ is known, nor yet of _crece_ as short for _increes_ (increase). However, the verb _cresen_, to increase, is used by Wyclif; see _cresce_ in Stratmann, ed. Bradley. 4882-4. Alluding to Cicero's treatise De Senectute. 4901. 'And considers himself satisfied with no situation.' 4904. _Yalt him_, yields himself, goes; F. 'se rent.' 4910. I. e. to remain till he professes himself, his year of probation being over. So, in l. 4914, _leve his abit_, to give up his friar's dress. 4923. _Conteyne_, contain or keep himself; F. 'le tiegne.' 4943. _And mo_ seems a mistake for _Demand_, i. e. 'he may go and ask them.' F. 'Ou le demant as anciens.' 5014. This sentence is incomplete; the translator has missed the line--'Et qu'ele a sa vie perdue.' And he missed it thus. He began: 'That, but [i. e. unless] aforn hir,' &c., and was going to introduce, further on, 'She findeth she hath lost hir lyf,' or something of that kind. But by the time he came to 'wade' at the end of l. 5022, where this line should have come in, he had lost the thread of the sentence, and so left it out! 5028. _Who list have Ioye_; F. 'Qui ... veut joir.' 5047. _arn_, with the trilled _r_, is dissyllabic; see l. 5484. 5051. _so_, clearly an error for _sho_, Northern form of _she_. 5064. _druery_, courtship; but here, apparently, improperly used in the sense of 'mistress,' answering to 'amie' in the F. text. 5080. _ado_, short for _at do_, i. e. to do; _at_ = to, is Northern. 5085. Read _they_; F. 'Mes de la fole Amor se gardent.' 5107. Read _herberedest_; see Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, ii. 14. Pronounce it as _herb'redest_. F. 'hostelas,' from the verb _hosteler_. 5123, 4. As these lines are not in the original, the writer may have taken them from Chaucer's Hous of Fame, ll. 1257, 8. The converse seems to me unlikely; however, they are not remarkable for originality. Cf. note to l. 5486. 5124. _recured_, recovered; see examples in Halliwell. 5137. _That_ refers to _love_, not to the _sermon_; and _hir_ refers to Reason. 5162. The sense is doubtful; perhaps--'Then must I needs, if I leave it (i. e. Love), boldly essay to live always in hatred, and put away love from me, and be a sinful wretch, hated by all who love that fault.' Ll. 5165, 6 are both deficient, and require filling up. 5176. 'He who would not believe you would be a fool.' The omission of the relative is common; it appears (as _qui_) in the F. text. The line is ironical. Cf. ll. 5185-7. 5186. 'When that thou wilt approve of nothing.' 5191. 'But I know not whether it will profit.' 5223. I supply _Ne lak_ (defect) _in hem_, to make some sense; the F. text does not help here. Half the line is lost; the rest means--'whom they, that ought to be true and perfect in love, would wish to prove.' 5266. A proverbial phrase; not in the F. text. 5274. _him_ is here reflexive, and means 'himself.' 5278, 9, _fered_, fired, inflamed. _depart_, part, share. 5285. Read _amitee_; F. 'amitie.' 5286. Alluding to Cicero, De Amicitia: capp. xiii, xvii. 5292. The sense is; one friend must help another in every reasonable request; if the request seem unjust, he need not do so, except in two cases, viz. when his friend's life is in danger, or his honour is attacked: 'in quibus eorum aut caput agatur aut fama.' Read _in cases two_; F. 'en deux cas.' 5330. _bit not_, abides not, at any time; _bit_ = _bideth_. 5341. For _hir_ read _the_. 5353. The original reading would be _It hit_, i. e. it hideth; then _It_ was dropped, and _hit_ became _hidith_. 5384. _gote_, goat; but the F. text has _cers_, i. e. stag, _ramage_, wild. 5443. Obscure. The F. text has: 'Et que por seignors ne les tiengnent' Perhaps it means: 'They perform it (their will) wholly'; see l. 5447. 5452. Here _chere of_ is for _there of_, with the common mistake of _c_ for _t_. 5470. _Of_, i. e. off, off from. 5484. _arn_, with trilled _r_, is dissyllabic; as in l. 5047. 5486. 'Friend from affection (_affect_), and friend in appearance.' Chaucer, in his Balade on Fortune, l. 34, has 'Frend of _effect_ [i. e. in reality], and frend of countenance.' And as the passage is not in the French, but is probably borrowed from Chaucer, we see that _effect_ (not _affect_) is the right reading here; see l. 5549. 5491. The reading of Th. and G. is clearly wrong. The F. text helps but little. I read _al she_, i. e. all that she. 5507. _flaterye_ is very inappropriate; we should expect _iaperye_, i. e. mockery. F. text, 'a vois jolie.' 5510. I. e. 'Begone, and let us be rid of you.' See Troilus, iii. 861, and note. (Probably borrowed from Chaucer.) 5513. From Prov. xvii. 17. 5523-9. 'This appears to be taken from Ecclus. xxii. 26.'--Bell. This reference is to the Vulgate; in the A.V., it is Ecclus. xxii. 22. Compare ll. 5521-2 with the preceding verse. With l. 5534 cf. Eccles. vii. 28. 5538. _valoure_, value; F. text, 'valor.' See 5556. 5541. So in Shakespeare; 2 Hen. IV. v. 1. 34. Michel cites: 'Verus amicus omni praestantior auro.' 5569. F. text; 'Que vosist-il acheter lores'; &c. 5585, 6. I fill up the lines so as to make sense. _miches_, F. 'miches.' A _miche_ is a loaf of fine manchet bread, of good quality; see Cotgrave. _chiche_ (l. 5588) is 'niggardly.' 5590. _mauis_, (as in G. and Th.) is clearly an error for _muwis_, or, _muis_, bushels. The F. text has _muis_, i. e. bushels (from Lat. _modius_). For the M.E. form _muwe_ or _mue_, cf. M.E. _puwe_ or _pue_ (Lat. _podium_). The A.F. form _muy_ occurs in the Liber Custumarum, ed. Riley, i. 62. 5598. _that_, perhaps 'that gold'; see l. 5592. 'And though that (gold) lie beside him in heaps.' It is better to read _it_. 5600. _Asseth_, a sufficiency, enough; see note to P. Plowman, C. xx. 203; and the note to Catholicon Anglicum, p. 13, n. 6. 5619. _maysondewe_, hospital, lit. 'house of God.' See Halliwell. 5649. _Pictagoras_, Pythagoras; the usual form, as in Book Duch. 1167. He died about B. C. 510. He was a Greek philosopher, who taught the doctrine of the transmigration of souls, and he is here said to have taught the principle of the absorption of the soul into the supreme divinity. None of his works are extant. Hierocles of Alexandria, in the fifth century, wrote a commentary on the Golden Verses, which professed to give a summary of the views of Pythagoras. 5661. From Boethius, de Consolatione Philosophiae, lib. i. pr. 5; lib. v. pr. 1. See notes to the Balade of Truth, ll. 17, 19. 5668. 'According as his income may afford him means.' 5673. _ribaud_, here used in the sense of 'a labouring man.' In the F. text he is spoken of as carrying 'sas de charbon,' i. e. sacks of coal. 5683. It is quite possible that Shakespeare caught up the phrase 'who would fardels bear,' &c., from this line in a black-letter edition of Chaucer. His next line--'To grunt and sweat under a weary life'--resembles ll. 5675-6; and 'The undiscovered country' may be from ll. 5658-5664. And see note to l. 5541. (But it is proper to add that Shakespearian scholars in general do not accept this as a possibility.) 5699. Read 'in sich a were'; F. 'en tel guerre.' 5700. Insert 'more'; F. 'Qu'il art tous jors de _plus_ acquerre.' 5702. _yeten_, poured; a false form; correctly, _yoten_, pp. of _yeten_, to pour (A. S. _g[=e]otan_, pp. _goten_). 5710. _Seyne_; F. 'Saine'; the river Seine (at Paris). 5739-5744. Not in the F. text, but inserted as a translation of some lines by Guiot de Provins, beginning: 'Fisicien sont apele Sanz _fi_ ne sont-il pas nomme.' See La Bible Guiot de Provins, v. 2582, in Fabliaux et Contes, edit. de Meon, tom. ii. p. 390. We must spell the words _fysyk_ and _fysycien_ as here written. A mild joke is intended. These words begin with _fy_, which (like E. _fie!_) means 'out upon it'; and go on with _sy_ (= _si_), which means 'if,' and expresses the precariousness of trusting to doctors. Cf. Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, ii. 222. 5749. 'Because people do not live in a holy manner.' This is ironical. The word 'Her' refers to 'tho that prechen,' i. e. the clergy; F. 'devins.' But the F. text has--'_Cil_ [i. e. the preachers] ne vivent pas loiaument.' See ll. 5750-1. 5759. Proverbial. F. 'Deceus est tex decevierres.' See Reves Ta. A 4321; P. Plowman, C. xxi. 166, and the note. 5799. _yeve_, gave, i. e. were to give; past pl. subjunctive. 5810. This answers to l. 5170 of the original; after which there is a gap of some 6000 lines, which are entirely lost in the translation. L. 5811 answers to l. 10717 of the F. text. The last portion, or part C, of the E. text (ll. 5811-7698) may be by a _third_ hand. Part C is considerably better than Part B, and approaches very much nearer to Chaucer's style; indeed, Dr. Kaluza accepts it as genuine, but I am not myself (as yet) fully convinced upon this point. See further in the Introduction. 5811. At l. 10715 of the original, we have the lines:-- 'Ainsinc Amors a eus parole, Qui bien recurent sa parole. _Quant il ot sa raison fenie,_ _Conseilla soi la baronnie._' Ll. 5811-2 of the E. text answer to the two last of these. 5824. _lyf_ answers to F. _ame_; but the F. text has _arme_, a weapon. 5837. _To-moche-yeving_; F. 'Trop-Donner.' 5855, 6. _To_, i. e. against; F. 'Contre.' _Fair-Welcoming_; F. 'Bel-Acueil'; called _Bialacoil_ in Fragment B of the translation. 5857. _Wel-Helinge_, good concealment; F. 'Bien-Celer.' 5894. _tan_, taken; common in the Northern dialect. So, perhaps, in l. 5900. 5931. _letting_, hindrance; F. 'puisse empeeschier.' He cannot prevent another from having what he has himself paid for. 5953. According to one account, Aphrodite was the daughter of Cronos and Euonyme; and the Romans identified Aphrodite with Venus, and Cronos with Saturnus. The wife of Cronos was Rhea. 5962. Two of the fathers were Mars and Anchises; and there are several other legends about the loves of Venus. 5966. _pole_, pool; F. 'la palu d'enfer.' 5978. Here _sparth_, with trilled _r_, appears to be dissyllabic; cf. ll. 3962, 5047, 5484, 6025. Or supply _with_ before _gisarme_. 5984. _pulle_, pluck; as in Prol. A 652, &c. 5988. 'Unless they continue to increase (F. sourdent) in his garner.' 6002. _chinchy_, niggardly. For _grede_ read _gnede,_ i. e. stingy (person); A. S. _gn[=e]dh_. 6006. _beautee_; F. 'volonte'; read _leautee_; see l. 5959. 6009. For _wol_ read _wolde_; F. 'Tous les meisse." 6017. _they_; i. e. a number of barons; see l. 5812. 6024. 'They act like fools who are outrageous,' i. e. they act foolishly. F. 'Il ne feront mie que sage'; which seems to mean just the contrary. 6025. _forsworn_, with trilled _r_, seems to be trisyllabic; see note to l. 5978. But it is better to read _forsworen_. 6026. _Ne lette_, nor cease. Cf. l. 5967. But read _let_, pp. prevented. 6027. _piment_ is much the same as _clarree_; in fact, in l. 5967, where the E. has _clarree_, the F. text has _piment_. Tyrwhitt says, s. v. _clarre_; 'wine mixed with honey and spices, and afterwards strained till it is clear. It is otherwise called _Piment_, as appears from the title of the following receipt, in the _Medulla Cirurgiae Rolandi_, MS. Bodl. 761, fol. 86: Claretum bonum, sive Pigmentum,' &c., shewing that _piment_ is spiced wine, with a third part of honey; see _Piment_ in Halliwell. 6033. _vicaire_, deputy. In Meon's edition, the F. text has: 'Ja n'i queres autres victaires'; but Kaluza quotes five MSS. that read _vicaires_. 6037. _Lat ladies worche_, let ladies deal. 6044. 'Shall there never remain to them' (F. demorra). 6057. _This_, a common contraction for _This is_; cf. E. _'tis_; see 3548. 6068. _King of harlots_; F. 'rois des ribaus.' The sense is 'king of rascals.' There is a note on the subject in Meon's edition. It quotes Fauchet, Origine des Dignites, who says that the _roi des ribauds_ was an officer of the king's palace, whose duty it was to clear out of it the men of bad character who had no business to be there. M. Meon quotes an extract from an order of the household of king Philippe, A.D. 1290:--'_Le Roy des Ribaus_, vi. d. de gages, une provende de xl. s. pour robbe pour tout l'an, et mengera a court et n'aura point de livraison.' It further appears that the title of _Roi des ribaus_ was often jocularly conferred on any conspicuous vagabond; as e.g. on the chief of a gang of strolling minstrels. See the note at p. 369 of Political Songs, ed. T. Wright, where it is shewn that the _ribaldi_ were usually 'the lowest class of retainers, who had no other mode of living than following the courts of the Barons, and who were employed on all kinds of disgraceful and wicked actions.' The word _harlot_ had, in Middle English, a similar sense. 6078. _mister_, need, use; F. 'mestier.' 6083. 'Which I do not care should be mentioned'; cf. l. 6093, which means--'They do not care to hear such tales.' 6103. 'If I say anything to impair (or lessen) their fame.' 6111. _Let_, short for _ledeth_: 'that he leads his life secretly.' 6120. 'Whilst every one here hears.' 6146. _to hulstred be_, to be concealed; cf. A. S. _heolstor_, a hiding-place. 6149. Remember that the speaker is Fals-Semblant, who often speaks ironically; he explains that he has nothing to do with _truly_ religious people, but he dotes upon hypocrites. See l. 6171. 6169. _lete_, let alone, abandon; _lette_ gives no sense. 6186. 'They offer the world an argument.' 6192. 'Cucullus non facit monachum'; a proverb. 'Non tonsura facit monachum, nec horrida uestis, Sed uirtus animi, perpetuusque rigor'; &c. Alex. de Neckam (Michel). 6198. _cut_, for _cutteth_, cuts; F. trenche. 'Whom Guile cuts into thirteen branches.' I. e. Guile makes thirteen tonsured men at once; because the usual number in a convent was thirteen, viz. a prior and twelve friars. 6204. _Gibbe_, Gib (Gilbert); a common name for a tom-cat. Shak. has _gib-cat_, 1 Hen. IV. i. 2. 83. The F. text has _Tibers_, whence E. _Tibert_, _Tybalt_. 6205. A blank line in G.; Th. has--'That awayteth mice and rattes to killen,' which will not rime, and is spurious. I supply a line which, at any rate, rimes; _went his wyle_ means 'turns aside his wiliness.' F. text--'Ne tent qu'a soris et a ras.' 6220. _aresoneth_, addresses him, talks to him. 6223. _what, devel_; i. e. what the devil. 6247. The legend of St. Ursula and the eleven thousand virgins, who were martyred by the Huns at Cologne in the middle of the fifth century, is mentioned by Alban Butler under the date of Oct. 21, and is told in the Legenda Aurea. The _ciergis_ (in l. 6248) are wax-candles. 6256. Read _mak'th_, and (in 6255) _the god-e_. 6260. _wolf_; F. Sire Isangrin; such is the name given to the wolf in the Roman de Renard. 6264. _wery_, worry. Thynne has _wirry_. In P. Plowman, C. x. 226, we find the pl. _wyryeth_, with the various readings _wirieth_, _werien_, _werrieth_, _wery_. See _wur[gh]en_ in Stratmann. 6267. _treget_, trickery; cf. Frank. Ta. F 1141, 1143. 6279. _trepeget_, a machine for casting stones; see _trepeget_ in Halliwell, and my note to P. Plowman, A. xii. 91. A _mangonel_ is a similar machine. 6280. _pensel_, banner; cf. P. Plowm. C. xix. 189. Short for _penoncel_. 6290. _stuffen_, furnish the wall with defenders. 6305. _my lemman_, my sweetheart (Abstinence); see l. 6341. 6317-8. Kaluza supplies the words within square brackets: G. has only 'But so sligh is the aperceyuyng,' followed by a blank line, in place of which Th. has the spurious line--'That al to late cometh knowyng.' F. text; 'Mes tant est fort la decevance Que trop est grief l'apercevance.' 6332. 'I am a man of every trade.' 6337. Sir Robert was a knight's name; Robin, that of a common man, as Robin Hood. 6338. _Menour._ The Friars Minors were the Franciscan, or Grey Friars; the Jacobins were the Dominicans, or Black Friars. 6339. _loteby_, wench; see P. Plowman, B. iii. 150, and note. 6341. Elsewhere called 'Streyned-Abstinence,' as in ll. 7325, 7366; F. 'Astenance-Contrainte,' i. e. Compulsory-Abstinence. 6345. I. e. 'Sometimes I wear women's clothes.' 6352. 'Trying all the religious orders.' 6354. All the copies wrongly have _bete_ or _beate_ for _lete_, i. e. leave. Some fancy the text is wrong, because Meon's edition has 'G'en pren le grain et laiz la paille.' But (says Kaluza) three MSS. have--'Je les le grain et pren la paille'; which better suits the context. 6355. _To blynde_, to hoodwink; F. 'avugler.' For _blynde_, G. and Th. actually have _Ioly_! I supply _ther_, i. e. where; for sense and metre. 6359. _bere me_, behave; _were me_, defend myself. The F. text varies. 6365. _lette_, hinder. The friars had power of absolution, independently of the bishop; and it was a bitter grievance. 6374. _tregetry_, a piece of trickery; see l. 6267. 6379. 'Through their folly, whether man or woman.' 6385. I. e. at Easter; see Pers. Tale, I 1027. See l. 6435. 6390. Note that the penitent is here supposed to address his own parish-priest. Thus _he_ in l. 6391 means the friar. 6398. This is like the argument in the Somn. Ta. D 2095. 6418. _I_, for _me_, would be better grammar. As it stands, _me_ is governed by _pleyne_, and _I_ is understood. The F. text has: 'Si que _ge m_'en aille complaindre.' 6423. That is, the penitent will again apply to the friar. 6424. 'Whose name is not.' This means; such is his right name, but he does not answer to it; see l. 6428. 6425. 'He will occupy himself for me,' i. e. will take my part; see _Chevise_ in the New E. Dict., sect. 4b. 6434. 'Unless you admit me to communion.' 6449. _may never have might_, will never be able. If the priest is not confessed to, he will not understand the sins of his flock. 6452. _this_, i. e. this is; see notes to ll. 3548, 6057. 6454. See Prov. xxvii. 23; and cf. John, x. 14. 6464. 'I care not a bean for the harm they can do me.' 6469. 'Shall lose, by the force of the blow.' The rime is a bad one. 6491. Read _the acqueyntance_, as in Th.; F. 'l'acointance.' 6500. _yeve me dyne_, give me something to dine off. 6532. Read _thrittethe_, i. e. thirtieth. See Prov. xxx. 8, 9. 6541, 2. _Unnethe that he nis_, it is hard if he is not; i. e. he probably is. _micher_, a petty thief, a purloiner; F. 'lierres.' See the examples of _mich_ in Halliwell. For _goddis_, read _god is_; F. 'ou Diex est mentieres.' See Prov. xxx. 9. 6556. 'The simple text, and neglect the commentary.' 6571. _bilden_ is here used as a pt. tense; 'built.' In the next line, read _leye_, lay, lodged. There is an allusion to the splendid houses built by the friars. 6584. Not in the F. text. 6585. _writ_, writeth. Alluding to St. Augustine's work De Opere Monachorum, shewing how monks ought to exercise manual labour. His arguments are here made to suit the friars. 6615. '_De Mendicantibus validis_; Codex Justin. xi. 25. Justinian, whose celebrated code (called the Pandects) forms the basis of the Civil and Canon Law, was emperor of the Eastern Empire in 527.'--Bell. 6636. 'The allusion seems to be to Matt. xxiii. 14.'--Bell. 6645-52. Not in the F. text, ed. Meon; but found in some MSS. 6653. See Matt. xix. 21. 6665. Alluding, probably, to Eph. iv. 28. 6682. Alluding to Acts xx. 33-35. 6691. Alluding to St. Augustine's treatise De Opere Monachorum ad Aurelium episc. Carthaginensem. Of course he does not mention the Templars, &c.; these are only noticed by way of example. 6693. _templers_; 'the Knights Templars were founded in 1119 by Hugh de Paganis. Their habit was a white garment with a red cross on the breast. See Fuller, Holy Warre, ii. 16, v. 2.'--Bell. The Knights Hospitallers are described in the same work, ii. 4. The Knights of Malta belonged to this order. 6694. _chanouns regulers_, Canons living under a certain rule; see the Chan. Yemannes Tale. 6695. 'The White Monks were Cistercians, a reformed order of Benedictines; the Black, the unreformed.'--Bell. 6713. _I may abey_, 'I may suffer for it'; see Cant. Ta. C 100. The F. text varies. 6749. 'In the rescue of our law (of faith)'; i. e. of Christianity. 6763. William of Saint-Amour, a doctor of the Sorbonne, and a canon of Beauvais, about A.D. 1260, wrote a book against the friars, entitled De Periculis nouissimorum Temporum. He was answered by St. Bonaventure and St. Thomas Aquinas, his book was condemned by Pope Alexander IV, and he was banished from France (see l. 6777). See the note in Meon's edition of Le Roman. 6782. _This noble_, this brave man; F. 'Le vaillant homme.' 6787. _ich reneyed_, that I should renounce. 6796. _papelardye_, hypocrisy; see note to l. 415. 6810. _garners_; i. e. their garners contain things of value. 6811. _Taylagiers_ (not in F. text), tax gatherers. Cf. _taillage_, tax, tribute; P. Plowm. C. xxii. 37. 6814. 'The poor people must bow down to them.' 6819. _wryen himself_, cover himself, clothe himself. 6820. _pulle_, strip them, skin them. A butcher scalds a hog to make the hair come off more easily (Bell). 6824. 'And beguile both deceived men and deceivers.' 6831. _entremees._ Cotgrave has: '_Entremets_, certain choice dishes served in between the courses at a feast.' 6834. 'For, when the great bag (of treasure) is empty, it comes right again (i. e. is filled again) by my tricks.' 6838. Quoted in the Freres Tale, D 1451. 6861. _Bigyns_, Beguines; these were members of certain lay sisterhoods in the Low Countries, from the twelfth century onwards. 6862. _palasyns_ (F. dames palasines), ladies connected with the court. Allied to F. _palais_, palace; cf. E. _palatine_. 6875. _Ayens me_, in comparison with me. 6887-6922. See Matt. xxiii. 1-8. 6911. _burdens_, repeated from ll. 6902, 6907, is clearly wrong. Perhaps read _borders_; F. 'philateres.' 6912. _hemmes_, borders of their garments, on which were phylacteries. 6948. _our alder dede_, the action of us all. 6952. _parceners_, partners; see _Partner_ in my Etym. Dict. 6964. See 2 Cor. vi. 10. 6971. 'I intermeddle with match-makings.' See my note to P. Plowman, C. iii. 92 (B. ii. 87); and cf. Ch. Prol. A 212. 6976. I. e. 'yet it is no real business of mine.' 7000. The friars did not seek retirement, like the monks. 7016. _ravisable_ (F. ravissables), ravenous, ravening; Matt. vii. 15. 7017. Imitated from Matt. xxiii. 15. 7018. _werreyen_, war; F. 'avons pris guerre.' 7022. _bougerons_, sodomites; see Godefroy; F. 'bogres.' This long sentence goes on to l. 7058; _if_ (7021) is answered by _He shal_ (7050). 7029. In G. and Th., _thefe_ has become _these_, by confusion of _f_ with long _s_; hence also _or_ has become _that_. But the F. text has--'Ou lerres ou simoniaus.' 7038. _But_, unless; unless the sinners bribe the friars. 7043. _caleweys_, sweet pears of Cailloux in Burgundy. See my note to P. Plowman, B. xvi. 69. _pullaille_, poultry. 7044. _coninges_, conies, rabbits; F. 'connis.' 7049. _groine_, murmur; see note to Kn. Ta. A 2460. 7050. _loigne_, a length, long piece; see l. 3882. 7057. _smerten_, smart for; F. 'sera pugni.' 7063. _vounde_ (so in G. and Th.), if a genuine word, can only be another form of _founde_, pp. of the strong verb _finden_, to find. I suppose 'found stone' to mean good building-stone, _found_ in sufficient quantities in the neighbourhood of a site for a castle. The context shews that it here means stone of the first quality, such as could be wrought with the _squire_ (mason's square) and to any required _scantilone_ (scantling, pattern). The general sense clearly is, that the friars oppress the weak, but not the strong. If a man is master of a castle, they let him off easily, even if the castle be not built of freestone of the first quality, wrought by first-rate workmen. (Or read _founded_.) 7071. _sleightes_, missiles. The translator could think of no better word, because the context is jocular. If the lord of the castle pelted the friars, not exactly with stones, but with barrels of wine and other acceptable things, then the friars took his part. 7076. _equipolences_, equivocations. The next line suggests that he should refrain from coarse and downright lies (_lete_ = let alone). 7089. 'And if it had not been for the good keeping (or watchfulness) of the University of Paris.' Alluding to William de St. Amour and his friends; see ll. 6554, 6766. 7092. See the footnote. We must either read _They had been turmented_ (as I give it) or else _We had turmented_ (as in Bell). I prefer _They_, because it is a closer translation, and suits better with _Such_ in the next line. 7093. I insert _fals_, for the metre; it is countenanced by _traitours_ in l. 7087. The reference is to the supporters of the book mentioned below. 7102. The book here spoken of really emanated from the friars, but was too audacious to succeed, and hence Fals-Semblant, for decency's sake, is made to denounce it. We may note how the keen satire of Jean de Meun contrives to bring in a mention of this work, under the guise of a violent yet half-hearted condemnation of it by a representative of the friars. The book appeared in 1255 (as stated in the text), and was called Euangelium Eternum, siue Euangelium Spiritus Sancti. It was compiled by some Dominican and Franciscan friars, from notes made by an abbot named Joachim, and from the visions of one Cyril, a Carmelite. It is thus explained in Southey's Book of the Church, chap. xi. 'The opinion which they started was ... that there should be _three_ Dispensations, one from each Person. That of the Father had terminated when the Law was abolished by the Gospel; ... the uses of the Gospel were obsolete; and in its place, they produced a book, in the name of the Holy Ghost, under the title of the Eternal Gospel.... In this, however, they went too far: the minds of men were not yet subdued to this. The Eternal Gospel was condemned by the church; and the Mendicants were fain to content themselves with disfiguring the religion which they were not allowed to set aside.' 7108. 'In the porch before the cathedral of Notre Dame, at Paris.' A school was for some time held in this porch; and books could be bought there, or near it. Any one could there buy this book, 'to copy it, if the desire took him.' 7113. This is a quotation from the Eternal Gospel. L. 7118 means: 'I am not mocking you in saying this; the quotation is a true one.' 7116. _troubler_, dimmer; F. 'plus troble.' 7152. This shews that Fals-Semblaunt does not _really_ condemn the book; he only says it is best to suppress it _for the present_, till Antichrist comes to strengthen the friars' cause. The satire is of the keenest. Note that, in l. 7164, Fals-Semblaunt shamelessly calls the Eternal Gospel '_our_ book.' See also ll. 7211-2. 7173. I am obliged to supply two lines by guess here, to make out the sense. The F. text has:-- 'Par Pierre voil le Pape entendre, Et les clers seculiers comprendre Qui la loi Iesu-Crist tendront,' &c. I. e. By Peter I wish you to understand the pope, and to include also the secular clerks, &c. John represents the friars (l. 7185). 7178. I. e. 'against those friars who maintain all (this book), and falsely teach the people; and John betokens those (the friars) who preach, to the effect that there is no law so suitable as that Eternal Gospel, sent by the Holy Ghost to convert such as have gone astray.' The notion is, that the teaching of John (the type of the law of love, as expounded by the friars) is to supersede the teaching of Peter (the type of the pope and other obsolete secular teachers). Such was the 'Eternal Gospel'; no wonder that the Pope condemned it as being too advanced. 7197-7204. Obscure; and not fully in the F. text. 7217. The mother of Faux-Semblaunt was Hypocrisy (l. 6779). 7227. 'But he who dreads my brethren more than Christ subjects himself to Christ's wrath.' 7243. _patren_, to repeat Pater-nosters; see Plowm. Crede, 6. 7256. _Beggers_ is here used as a proper name, answering to F. _Beguins_. The _Beguins_, members of certain lay brotherhoods which arose in the Low Countries in the beginning of the thirteenth century, were also called _Beguards_ or _Begards_, which in E. became _Beggars_. There can be now no doubt that the mod. E. _beggar_ is the same word, and the verb _to beg_ was merely evolved from it. See the articles on _Beg_, _Beggar_, _Beghard_, and _Beguine_ in the New E. Dict. All these names were derived from a certain Lambert Begue. The Beguins were condemned at the council of Cologne in 1261, and at the general council of Vienne, in 1311. It seems probable that the term _Beggars_ (_Beguins_) is here used derisively; the people really described seem to be the Franciscan friars, also called Gray friars; see l. 7258. 7259. _fretted_, ornamented, decked; from A. S. _fraetwian_, to adorn; cf. l. 4705, and Leg. of Good Women, 1117; here ironical. _tatarwagges_, ragged shreds, i. e. patches coarsely sewn on. See _tatter_ in my Etym. Dict. The ending _-wagges_ is allied to _wag_. The F. text has: 'Toutes fretelees de crotes,' which means all bedaubed with dirt; see _frestele_ in Godefroy. The translation freely varies from the original, in a score of places. See next line. 7260. _knopped_, knobbed, _dagges_, clouts, patches. A more usual sense of _dagge_ is a strip of cloth; see _dagge_ in Stratmann. 7261. _frouncen_, shew wrinkles; cf. ll. 155, 3137. The comparison to a quail-pipe seems like a guess; in the F. text, we have _Hosiaus froncis_, wrinkled hose, and 'large boots like a _borce a caillier_,' said (in Meon) to mean a net for quails. Any way, the translation is sufficiently inaccurate. 7262. _riveling_, shewing wrinkles; _gype_, a frock or cassock; cf. _gipoun_ in Prol. A 75. 7265. _Take_, betake, offer. 7282. Here again, _Beggar_ answers to F. _Beguin_; see l. 7256. 7283. _papelard_, hypocrite; see l. 6796 and note to l. 415. 7288. _casting_, vomit; see 2 Pet. ii. 22. 7302. See note to l. 6068. 7316. 'Read _flayn_ for _slayn_; F. Tant qu'il soit escorchies.'--Kaluza. 7325. _Streyned_, constrained; F. 'Contrainte-Astenance.' 7348. _batels_, battalions, squadrons; see Gloss. to Barbour's Bruce. 7363. _in tapinage_, in secret. Cotgrave has: '_Tapinois_, _en tapinois_, Crooching, lurking ... also, covertly, secretly.' Also: '_Tapineux_, lurking, secret'; '_Tapi_, hidden'; '_Tapir_, to hide; _se tapir_, to lurk.' 7367. _camelyne_, a stuff made of camel's hair, or resembling it. 7372. _peire of bedis_, set of beads, rosary; see Prol. A 159. 7374. _bede_, might bid; pt. s. subjunctive. 7388. I. e. they often kissed each other. 7392. _that salowe horse_, that pale horse; Rev. vi. 8. 7403. _burdoun_, staff; F. 'bordon'; see ll. 3401, 4092. 7406. _elengeness_, cheerlessness; F. 'soussi,' i. e. _souci_, care, anxiety. See Wyf of B. Ta. D 1199. 7408. _saynt_, probably 'girt,' i. e. with a girdle on him like that of a Cordelier (Franciscan). The F. has 'qui bien se ratorne,' who attires himself well. (The epithet 'saint' is weak.) A better spelling would be _ceint_, but no other example of the word occurs. We find, however, the sb. _ceint_, a girdle, in the Prol. A 329, spelt _seint_ in MS. Ln., and _seynt_ in MSS. Cm. and Hl. _ie vous dy_, I tell you, occurs in the Somn. Ta. D 1832. 7422. _Coupe-Gorge_, Cut-throat; F. 'Cope-gorge.' 7455. _Joly Robin_, Jolly Robin, a character in a rustic dance; see Troil. v. 1174, and note. 7456. _Jacobin_, a Jacobin or Dominican friar. They were also called Black Friars and Friars Preachers (as in l. 7458). Their black robes gave them a melancholy appearance. 7459. 'They would but wickedly sustain (the fame of) their order, if they became jolly minstrels.' 7461. _Augustins_, Austin Friars; _Cordileres_, Cordeliers, Franciscan Friars; _Carmes_, Carmelites, or White Friars; _Sakked Friars_, Friars of the Sack. The orders of friars were generally counted as _four_; see note to Prol. A 210. These were the Dominican, Austin, Franciscan, and Carmelite Friars, all of whom had numerous houses in England. There were also Croutched Friars and Friars de Penitentia or de Sacco. The last had houses at Cambridge, Leicester, Lincoln, London, Lynne, Newcastle, Norwich, Oxford, and Worcester; see Godwin, Archaeologist's Handbook, p. 178. 7467. 'But you will never, in any argument, see that a good result can be concluded from the mere outward appearance, when the inward substance has wholly failed.' Cf. Hous of Fame, 265-6. 7492. _fisshen_, fish for; see Somn. Ta. D 1820. Cf. Matt. iv. 19. 7520. We are here referred back to ll. 3815-3818, where Wicked-Tongue reports evil about the author (here called the 'young man') and Bialacoil (here called Fair-Welcoming). 7534. 'You have also caused the man to be chased.' 7538. The repetition of _thought_ (in the rime) is correct; the F. text repeats _pensee_. 7562. 'Meditate there, you sluggard, all day.' 7573. 'Take it not amiss; it were a good deed.' 7578. F. text--'Vous en irez ou puis [pit] d'enfer.' And, for _puis_, some MSS. have _cul_; a fact which at once sets aside the argument in Lounsbury's Studies in Chaucer, ii. 119. 7581. 'What? you are anything but welcome.' 7588. _tregetours_, deceivers; cf. _treget_ above, l. 6267. 7605. _bemes_, trumpets; see Ho. Fame, 1240. 7628. _come_, coming; see _cume_ in Stratmann. 7633. 'You would necessarily see him so often.' 7645. 'The blame (lit. the ill will) would be yours.' For the use of _maugre_ as a sb., compare l. 4399. 7664. _Iolyly_, especially; a curious use; F. 'bien.' 7680. 1. 'To shrive folk that are of the highest dignity, as long as the world lasts.' So in the F. text. 7682. I. e. the Mendicant friars had license to shrive in any parish whatever. 7693. 'To read (i. e. give lectures) in divinity'; a privilege reserved for doctors of divinity. 7694. Here G. merely has a wrong half-line:--'And longe haue red'; with which it abruptly ends, the rest of the page being blank, except that _explicit_ is written, lower down, on the same page. The last four lines in the F. text are:-- 'Se vous voles ci confessier, Et ce pechie sans plus lessier Sans faire en james mencion, Vous aurez m'asolucion.' The last of these lines is l. 12564 in Meon's edition. The last line in the whole poem is l. 22052; leaving 9488 lines untranslated, in addition to the gap of 5546 lines of the F. text at the end of Fragment B. Thus the three fragments of the translation make up less than a third of the original. The fact that Thynne gives the last six lines correctly shews that his print was _not_ made from the Glasgow MS. Indeed, it frequently preserves words which that MS. omits. * * * * * NOTES TO THE MINOR POEMS. I. AN A B C. This poem is a rather free translation of a similar poem by Guillaume de Deguileville, as pointed out in the Preface, p. 60. The original is quoted beneath the English text. Explanations of the harder words should, in general, be sought for in the Glossarial Index, though a few are discussed in the Notes. The language of this translation is, for the most part, so simple, that but few passages call for remark. I notice, however, a few points. Chaucer has not adhered to the complex metre of the original, but uses a stanza of eight lines of five accents in place of de Deguileville's stanza of twelve lines of four accents. 3. Dr. Koch calls attention to the insertion of a second _of_, in most of the MSS., before _sorwe_. Many little words are often thus wrongly inserted into the texts of nearly all the Minor Poems, simply because, when the final _e_ ceased to be sounded, the scribes regarded some lines as imperfect. Here, for example, if _sinne_ be regarded as monosyllabic, a word seems required after it; but when we know that Chaucer regarded it as a dissyllabic word, we at once see that MSS. Gg. and Jo. (which omit this second _of_) are quite correct. We know that _sinne_ is properly a dissyllabic word in Chaucer, because he rimes it with the infinitives _biginne_ (Cant. Ta. C 941) and _winne_ (same, D 1421), and never with such monosyllables as _kin_ or _tin_. This is easily tested by consulting Mr. Cromie's very useful Rime-index to the Canterbury Tales. The above remark is important, on account of its wide application. The needless insertions of little words in many of the 15th-century MSS. are easily detected. 4. Scan the line by reading--Glorious virgin', of all-e flour-es flour. Cf. l. 49. 6. _Debonaire_, gracious lady; used as a sb. Compare the original, l. 11. 8. Answers to l. 6 of the original--'Vaincu m'a mon aversaire.' Perhaps _Venquisht_ is here the right form; similarly, in the Squieres Tale, F 342, the word _vanisshed_ is to be read as _vanish'd_, with the accent on the second syllable, and elision of e. See Ten Brink, Chaucers Sprache, s. 257. Otherwise, read _Venquis-shed m'hath_; cf. _mexcuse_, XVI. 37 (p. 397). 11. _Warne_, reject, refuse to hear. So in P. Plowman, C. xxiii. 12, 'whanne men hym _werneth_' means 'when men refuse to give him what he asks for.' 12. _Free_, liberal, bounteous. So in Shak. Troilus, iv. 5. 100--'His heart and hand both open and both _free_.' It may be remarked, once for all, that readers frequently entirely misunderstand passages in our older authors, merely because they forget what great changes may take place in the sense of words in the course of centuries. 13. _Largesse_, i. e. the personification of liberality; 'thou bestowest perfect happiness.' 14. Cf. original, l. 15--'Quer [_for_] tu es de salu porte.' Scan by reading--Hav'n of refut. But in l. 33, we have _refut_. 15. _Theves seven_, seven robbers, viz. the seven deadly sins. We could easily guess that this is the meaning, but it is needless; for the original has--'Par sept larrons, pechies mortez,' l. 17; and a note in the Sion Coll. MS. has--'i. seven dedly synnes.' The theme of the Seven Deadly Sins is one of the commonest in our old authors; it is treated of at great length in Chaucer's Persones Tale, and in Piers Plowman. 16. 'Ere my ship go to pieces'; this graphic touch is not in the original. 17. _Yow_, you. In addressing a superior, it was customary to use the words _ye_ and _you_, as a mark of respect; but, in prayer, the words _thou_ and _thee_ were usual. Hence, Chaucer has mixed the two usages in a very remarkable way, and alternates them suddenly. Thus, we have _thee_ in l. 5, _thou_ in l. 6, &c., but _yow_ in l. 17, _thy_ in l. 19, _you_ in l. 24; and so on. We even find the plural verbs _helpen_, l. 104; _Beth_, l. 134; and _ben_, l. 176. 20. _Accioun_, action, is here used in the legal sense; 'my sin and confusion have brought an action (i. e. plead) against me.' It is too close a copy of the original, l. 25--'Contre moy font une accion.' 21. I. e. 'founded upon rigid justice and a sense of the desperate nature of my condition.' Cf. 'Rayson et desperacion Contre moy veulent maintenir'; orig. l. 29. _Maintenir_, to maintain an action, is a legal term. So, in l. 22, _sustene_ means 'sustain the plea.' 24. 'If it were not for the mercy (to be obtained) from you.' 25. Literally--'There is no doubt that thou art not the cause'; meaning, 'Without doubt, thou art the cause.' _Misericorde_ is adopted from the original. According to the usual rule, viz. that the syllable _er_ is usually slurred over in Chaucer when a vowel follows, the word is to be read as _mis'ricord-e_. So also _sov'reyn_, l. 69. 27. _Vouched sauf_, vouchsafed. _Tacorde_, to accord; cf. _talyghte_, _tamende_, &c. in the Cant. Tales. 29. Cf. 'S'encore fust l'arc encorde'; orig, l. 47; and 'l'arc de justice,' l. 42. The French expression is probably borrowed (as suggested in Bell's Chaucer) from Ps. vii. 13--'arcum suum tetendit.' Hence the phrase _of Iustice and of yre_ refers to _the bowe_. 30. _First_, at first, before the Incarnation. 36. For examples of the use of _great assize_, or _last assize_, to signify the Last Judgment, see the New E. Dict., s. v. _Assize_. 39. Most MSS. read here--'That but thou er [_or_ or] that day correcte me'; this cannot be right, because it destroys the rime. However, the Bedford MS., instead of _correcte me_, has _Me chastice_; and in MS. C _me chastyse_ is written over an erasure (doubtless of the words _correcte me_). Even thus, the line is imperfect, but is completed by help of the Sion MS., which reads _me weel chastyce_. 40. _Of verrey right_, in strict justice; not quite as in l. 21. 41. Rather close to the original--'Fuiant m'en viens a ta tente Moy mucier pour la tormente Qui ou monde me tempeste,' &c. _Mucier_ means 'to hide,' and _ou_ means 'in the,' F. _au_. 45. _Al have I_, although I have. So in l. 157. 49. MS. Gg. has _Gracyouse_; but the French has _Glorieuse_. 50. _Bitter_; Fr. text 'amere.' The allusion is to the name _Maria_, Gk. [Greek: Maria], [Greek: Mariam], the same as _Miriam_, which is explained to mean 'bitterness,' as being connected with _Marah_, i. e. bitterness; see Exod. xv. 23 (Gesenius). Scan the line by reading: _neith'r in erth-e nor_. 55. _But-if_, except, unless (common). 56. _Stink_ is oddly altered to _sinke_ in some editions. 57, 58. Closely copied from the French, ll. 85-87. But the rest of the stanza is nearly all Chaucer's own. Cf. Col. ii. 14. 67. The French means, literally--'For, when any one goes out of his way, thou, out of pity, becomest his guide, in order that he may soon regain his way.' 70. The French means--'And thou bringest him back into the right road.' This Chaucer turns into--'bringest him out of the wrong road'; which is all that is meant by _the crooked strete_. 71. In the ending _-eth_ of the third pers. sing. present, the _e_ is commonly suppressed. Read _lov'th_. So also _com'th_ in l. 99. 73. The French means--'Calendars are illumined, and other books are confirmed (or authenticated), when thy name illumines them.' Chaucer has 'illuminated calendars, in this world, are those that are brightened by thy name.' 'An allusion to the custom of writing the high festivals of the Church in the Calendar with red, or illuminated, letters'; note in Bell's Chaucer. The name of Mary appears several times in old calendars; thus the Purification of Mary is on Feb. 2; the Annunciation, on Mar. 25; the Visitation, on July 2; the Assumption, on Aug. 15; the Nativity, on Sept. 8; the Presentation, on Nov. 21; the Conception, on Dec. 8. Our books of Common Prayer retain all of these except the Assumption and the Presentation. _Kalenderes_ probably has four syllables; and so has _enlumined_. Otherwise, read Kalender's (Koch). 76. _Him thar_, i. e. it needs not for him to dread, he need not dread. It occurs again in the Cant. Tales, A 4320, D 329, 336, 1365, &c. 80. _Resigne_ goes back to l. 112 of the original, where _resine_ (= _resigne_) occurs. 81. Here the French (l. 121) has _douceur_; Koch says it is clear that Chaucer's copy had _douleur_; which refers to the _Mater dolorosa_. 86. This line runs badly in the MSS., but is the same in nearly all. Read _both' hav-e_. I should prefer _hav' both-e_, where _bothe_ is dissyllabic; see ll. 63, 122. This runs more evenly. The sense of ll. 84-6 seems to be--'Let not the foe of us all boast that he has, by his wiles (_listes_), unluckily convicted (of guilt) that (soul) which ye both,' &c. 88. Slur over the last syllable of _Continue_, and accent _us_. 89. The French text refers to Exod. iii. 2. Cf. The Prioresses Tale, C. T. Group B, l. 1658. 97. Koch points out that _per-e_ is here dissyllabic; as in the Compleint to His Purse, l. 11. The French has _per_, l. 146. Read--Noble princesse, &c. 100. _Melodye or glee_; here Koch remarks that Chaucer 'evidently mistook _tirelire_ for _turelure_.' The Fr. _tirelire_ means a money-box, and the sense of l. 150 of the original is--'We have no other place in which to secure what we possess.' See l. 107 of Chaucer's translation below. But Chaucer's mistake was easily made; he was thinking, not of the mod. Fr. _turelure_ (which, after all, does not mean a 'melody,' but the refrain of a song, like the Eng. _tooral looral_) but of the O. F. _tirelire_. This word (as Cotgrave explains) not only meant 'a box having a cleft on the lid for mony to enter it,' but 'also the warble, or song of a lark.' Hence Shakespeare speaks of 'the lark, that _tirra-lyra_ chants,' Wint. Tale, iv. 3. 9. 102. Read _N'advocat noon_. That the M. E. _advocat_ was sometimes accented on the _o_, is proved by the fact that it was sometimes cut down to _vocat_; see P. Plowman, B. ii. 60; C. iii. 61. 109. Cf. Luke, i. 38--'Ecce _ancilla_ Domini.' 110. _Oure bille_, &c., i. e. 'to bring forward (or offer) a petition on our behalf.' For the old expression 'to put up (or forth) a bill,' see my note to P. Plowman, C. v. 45. Compare also Compleynte unto Pite, l. 44 (p. 273). 113. Read _tym-e_. _Tenquere_, for _to enquere_; cf. note to l. 27. Cf. the French _d'enquerre_, l. 169. 116. _To werre_; F. 'pour guerre,' l. 173; i. e. 'by way of attack.' _Us_ may be taken with _wroughte_, i. e. 'wrought for us such a wonder.' _Werre_ is not a verb; the verb is _werreyen_, as in Squi. Ta. l. 10. 119. _Ther_, where, inasmuch as. 'We had no salvation, inasmuch as we did not repent; if we repent, we shall receive it.' But the sentence is awkward. Cf. Mark i. 4; Matt. vii. 7. 122. Pause after _both-e_; the _e_ is not elided. 125. _Mene_, mediator; lit. mean (intermediate) person. So in P. Plowman, B. vii. 196--'And Marie his moder be owre _mene_ bitwene.' 132. Koch thinks that the false reading _it_ in some MSS. arose from a reading _hit_ (= hitteth) as a translation of F. _fiert_, l. 196. Anyway, the reading _is_ seems best. Surely, 'his reckoning hits so hideous' would be a most clumsy expression. 136. _Of pitee_, for pity; the usual idiom. Cf. _of al_, XIII. 19 (p. 391). 140. _Vicaire_, deputed ruler; not in the original. See note to Parliament of Foules, l. 379. 141. _Governeresse_; copied from the French text, l. 214. This rare word occurs, as the last word, in a poem beginning 'Mother of norture, printed in the Aldine Edition of Chaucer's Poems, vi. 275. Chaucer himself uses it again in the Complaint to Pity, l. 80 (p. 275). 144. Compare the expressions _Regina Celi, Veni coronaberis_, 'Heil crowned queene,' and the like; Polit., Religious, and Love Poems, ed. Furnivall, p. 147; Hymns to the Virgin, ed. Furnivall, pp. 1, 4. Suggested by Rev. xii. 1. 146. Koch notes that the reading _depriued_ arose from its substitution for the less familiar form _priued_. 150. The reference is, obviously, to Gen. iii. 18; but thorns here mean sins. Cf. 'Des espines d'iniquite'; F. text, l. 224. 158. Copied from the French, l. 239--'Ou tu a la court m'ajournes.' It means 'fix a day for me to appear at thy court,' cite me to thy court. 159. Not in the original. Chaucer was thinking of the courts of the Common Bench and King's Bench, as mentioned, for example, in Wyclif's Works, ed. Arnold, iii. 215. 161. The word _Xristus_, i. e. _Christus_, is written Xpc (with a mark of contraction) in MSS. C., Gl., Gg., and Xp[=u]s in F. Xpc is copied from the French; but it is very common, being the usual contracted form of the Gk. [Greek: Christos], or, in capital letters, XPICTOC, obtained by taking the two first and the last letters. The old Greek _sigma_ was written C; as above. De Deguileville could think of no French word beginning with X; so he substituted for it the Greek _chi_, which resembled it in form. 163, 164. These lines answer to ll. 243, 247 of the French; 'For me He had His side pierced; for me His blood was shed.' Observe that the word _Christus_ has no verb following it; it is practically an objective case, governed by _thanke_ in l. 168. 'I thank thee because of Christ and for what He has done for me.' In l. 163, the word _suffre_ is understood from the line above, and need not be repeated. Unfortunately, all the scribes _have_ repeated it, to the ruin of the metre; for the line then contains two syllables too many. However, it is better omitted. _Longius_ is trisyllabic, and _herte_ (as in the next line) is dissyllabic. The sense is--'to suffer His passion on the cross, and also (to suffer) that Longius should pierce His heart, and make,' &c. _Pighte_, _made_, are in the subjunctive. The difficulty really resides in the word _that_ in l. 161. If Chaucer had written _eek_ instead of it, the whole could be parsed. Koch reads '_Dreygh_ eek' for 'And eek,' in l. 163, where 'Dreygh' means 'endured.' But I do not think _Dreygh_ could be used in this connection, with the word _that_ following it. The story of Longius is very common; hence Chaucer readily introduced an allusion to it, though his original has no hint of it. The name is spelt _Longeus_ in Piers Plowman, C. xxi. 82 (and is also spelt _Longinus_). My note on that passage says--'This story is from the Legenda Aurea, cap. xlvii. Longinus was a blind centurion, who pierced the side of Christ; when drops of the Sacred Blood cured his infirmity. The day of St. Longinus is Mar. 15; see Chambers, Book of Days. The name _Longinus_ is most likely derived from [Greek: lonche], a lance, the word used in John xix. 34; and the legend was easily developed from St. John's narrative. The name Longinus first appears in the Apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus.' See also the Chester Plays, ed. Wright; Cursor Mundi, p. 962; Coventry Mysteries, ed. Halliwell, p. 334; York Mystery Plays, p. 368; Lamentation of Mary Magdalen, st. 26; &c. 164. _Herte_ is the true M. E. genitive, from the A. S. gen. _heortan_. _Herte blood_ occurs again in the Pardoneres Tale, C 902. 169-171. Close to the French, ll. 253-5; and l. 174 is close to l. 264 of the same. Cf. Heb. xi. 19; Jo. i. 29; Isaiah, liii. 7. 176. This line can best be scanned by taking _That_ as standing _alone_, in the first foot. See note to Compl. to Pite, l. 16. Koch suggests that _our-e_ is dissyllabic; but this would make an unpleasing line; 'That ye | ben from | veng'aunce | ay ou | re targe ||.' I hope this was not intended; 'from | veng'aun | ce ay | our' would be better. 177. The words of Zechariah (xiii. 1) are usually applied to the blood of Christ, as in Rev. i. 5. Chaucer omits ll. 266-7 of the French. 180. 'That were it not (for) thy tender heart, we should be destroyed.' 181. Koch, following Gg, reads--'Now lady bright, siththe thou canst and wilt.' I prefer 'bright-e, sith'; _brighte_ is a vocative. 184. _To mercy able_, fit to obtain mercy; cf. Cant. Ta. Prol. 167. II. THE COMPLEYNTE UNTO PITE. TITLE. In MS. B., the poem is entitled, 'The Complaynte vnto Pyte,' which is right. In MS. Trin., there is a colophon--'Here endeth the exclamacioun of the Deth of Pyte'; see p. 276. In MS. Sh. (in Shirley's handwriting) the poem is introduced with the following words--'And nowe here filowing [_following_] begynnethe a complaint of Pitee, made by Geffray Chaucier the aureat Poete that euer was fonde in oure vulgare to-fore hees [_for_ thees?] dayes.' The first stanza may be considered as forming a Proem; stanzas 2-8, the Story; and the rest, the Bill of Complaint. The title 'A complaint of Pitee' is not necessarily incorrect; for _of_ may be taken in the sense of 'concerning,' precisely as in the case of 'The Vision of Piers the Plowman.' As to the connection of this poem with the Thebaid of Statius, see notes to ll. 57 and 92. 1. I do not follow Ten Brink in putting a comma after _so_. He says: 'That _so_ refers to the verb [_sought_] and not to _yore ago_, is evident from l. 3. Compare the somewhat different l. 93.' I hope it shews no disrespect to a great critic if I say that I am not at all confident that the above criticism is correct; l. 93 rather tells against it. Observe the reading of l. 117 in MS. Sh. (in the footnotes, p. 276). 4. _With-oute dethe_, i. e. without actually dying. _Shal not_, am not to. 7. _Doth me dye_, makes me die. 9. _Ever in oon_, continually, constantly, always in the same way; cf. Cant. Tales, E 602, 677, F 417. 11. _Me awreke._ 'The _e_ of _me_ is elided'; Ten Brink. He compares also Cant. Ta. Prol. 148; (the correct reading of which is, probably-- 'But sore weep sche if oon of hem were deed'; the _e_ of _sche_ being slurred over before _i_ in _if_). He also refers to the Prioresses Tale (B 1660), where _thalighte_ = _thee alighte_; and to the Second Nonnes Tale (G 32), where _do me endyte_ is to be read as _do mendyte_. Cf. note to A B C, l. 8. 14. The notion of Pity being '_buried in_ a heart' is awkward, and introduces an element of confusion. If Pity could have been buried _out of_ the heart, and thus _separated_ from it, the whole would have been a great deal clearer. This caution is worth paying heed to; for it will really be found, further on, that the language becomes confused in consequence of this very thing. In the very next line, for example, the hearse of Pity appears, and in l. 19 the corpse of Pity; in fact, Pity is never fairly buried out of sight throughout the poem. 15. _Herse_, hearse; cf. l. 36 below. It should be remembered that the old _herse_ was a very different thing from the modern _hearse_. What Chaucer refers to is what we should now call 'a lying in state'; with especial reference to the array of lighted torches which illuminated the bier. See the whole of Way's note in Prompt. Parvulorum, pp. 236, 237, part of which is quoted in my Etym. Dict., s. v. _hearse_. The word _hearse_ (F. _herce_) originally denoted a harrow; next, a frame with spikes for holding lights in a church service; thirdly, a frame for lights at a funeral pageant or 'lying in state'; fourthly, the funeral pageant itself; fifthly, a frame on which a body was laid, and so on. 'Chaucer,' says Way, 'appears to use the term _herse_ to denote the decorated bier, or funeral pageant, and not exclusively the illumination, which was a part thereof; and, towards the sixteenth century, it had such a general signification alone.' In ll. 36-42, Chaucer describes a company of persons who stood round about the hearse. Cf. Brand's Popular Antiquities, ed. Ellis, ii. 236-7; Eng. Gilds, ed. Toulmin Smith, p. 176. 'The _hearse_ was usually a four-square frame of timber, which was hung with black cloth, and garnished with flags and scutcheons and lights'; Strutt, Manners and Customs of the English, iii. 159. See the whole passage, which describes the funeral of Henry VII. 16. In most MSS., _Deed_ stands alone in the first foot. In which case, scan--Deed | as stoon | whyl that | the swogh | me laste. Cf. A B C, l. 176, and the note. However, two MSS. insert _a_, as in the text. 27. Cf. _Deth of Blaunche_, l. 587--'This is my peyne withoute reed'; Ten Brink. See p. 297. 33. Ten Brink reads _ay_ for _ever_, on the ground that _ever_ and _never_, when followed by a consonant, are dissyllabic in Chaucer. But see Book of the Duchesse, l. 73 (p. 279). 34. _Hadde_, dissyllabic; it occasionally is so; mostly when it is used by itself, as here. Cf. Book of the Duch. l. 951 (p. 309). 37. 'Without displaying any sorrow.' He now practically identifies Pity with the fair one in whose heart it was said (in l. 14) to be buried. This fair one was attended by Bounty, Beauty, and all the rest; they are called a _folk_ in l. 48. 41. Insert _and_ after _Estaat_ or _Estat_, for this word has no final _-e_ in Chaucer; see Prol. A 522; Squi. Tale, F 26; &c. 44. 'To have offered to Pity, as a petition'; see note to A B C, 110. 47. 'I kept my complaint quiet,' i. e. withheld it; see l. 54. 50. MS. Sh. is right. The scribe of the original of MSS. Tn. Ff. T. left out _I_ and _these_, and then put in _only_; then another scribe, seeing that a pronoun was wanted, put in _we_, as shewn by MSS. F. B. (Ten Brink). Here, and in l. 52, the _e_ of _alle_ is either very lightly sounded after the caesural pause, or (more likely) is dropped altogether, as elsewhere. 53. _And been assented_, and (who) are all agreed. 54. _Put up_, put by. Cf. 'to _put up_ that letter'; K. Lear, i. 2. 28: &c. 57. He here addresses his fair one's Pity, whom he personifies, and addresses as a mistress. By comparison of this passage with l. 92, it becomes clear that Chaucer took his notion of personifying _Pity_ from Statius, who personifies _Pietas_ in his Thebaid, xi. 457-496. I explained this at length in a letter to The Academy, Jan. 7, 1888, p. 9. In the present line, we find a hint of the original; for Statius describes _Pietas_ in the words 'pudibundaque longe Ora reducentem' (l. 493), which expresses her _humility_; whilst the _reverence_ due to her is expressed by _reuerentia_ (l. 467). 59. _Sheweth ... Your servaunt_, Your servant sheweth. _Sheweth_ is the word used in petitions, and _servant_ commonly means 'lover.' 63. Accented _renoun_, as in the Ho. of Fame, 1406. Cf. l. 86. 64. _Crueltee_, Cruelty, here corresponds to the Fury Tisiphone, who is introduced by Statius (_Theb._ xi. 483) to suppress the peaceful feelings excited by Pietas, who had been created by Jupiter to control the passions even of the gods (l. 465). At the siege of Thebes, Pietas was for once overruled by Tisiphone; and Chaucer complains here that she is again being controlled; see ll. 80, 89-91. Very similar is the character of _Daungere_ or Danger (F. _Dangier_) in the Romaunt of the Rose; in l. 3549 of the English Version (l. 3301 of the original), we find Pity saying-- 'Wherefore I pray you, Sir Daungere, For to mayntene no lenger here Such cruel werre agayn your man.' We may also compare Machault's poem entitled Le Dit du Vergier, where we find such lines as-- 'Einssi encontre Cruaute Deffent l'amant douce Pite.' 66. _Under colour_, beneath the outward appearance. 67. 'In order that people should not observe her tyranny.' 70. _Hight_, is (rightly) named. The final _-e_, though required by grammar, is suppressed; the word being conformed to other examples of the third person singular of the _present_ tense, whilst _hight-e_ is commonly used as the _past_ tense. Pity's right name is here said to be 'Beauty, such as belongs to Favour.' The poet is really thinking of his mistress rather than his personified Pity. It is very difficult to keep up the allegory. 71. '_Heritage_, of course, stands in the gen. case'; Ten Brink. 76. _Wanten_, are lacking, are missing, are not found in, fall short. 'If you, Pity, are missing from Bounty and Beauty.' There are several similar examples of this use of _want_ in Shakespeare; e.g. 'there _wants_ no junkets at the feast'; Tam. Shrew, iii. 2. 250. 78. This _Bille_, or Petition, may be divided into three sets of 'terns,' or groups of three stanzas. I mark this by inserting a paragraph-mark (P. ) at the beginning of each tern. They are marked off by the rimes; the first tern ends with _seyne_, l. 77; the next with the riming word _peyne_, l. 98; and again with _peyne_, l. 119. 83. _Perilous_ is here accented on the _i_. 87. Ten Brink omits _wel_, with most of the MSS.; but the _e_ in _wite_ seems to be suppressed, as in Book of the Duch. 112. It will hardly bear a strong accent. Mr. Sweet retains _wel_, as I do. 91. Pronounce the third word as _despeir'd_. 'Compare 1 Kings x. 24: And all the earth _sought to_ Solomon'; Ten Brink. 92. _Herenus_ has not hitherto been explained. It occurs in four MSS., Tn. F. B. Ff.; a fifth (T.) has 'herem_us_'; the Longleat MS. has 'heremus' or 'herenius'; Sh. substitutes 'vertuouse,' and MS. Harl. 7578 has 'Vertoues'; but it is highly improbable that _vertuouse_ is original, for no one would ever have altered it so unintelligibly. Ten Brink and Mr. Sweet adopt this reading _vertuouse_, which they make four syllables, as being a vocative case; and of course this is an easy way of _evading_ the difficulty. Dr. Furnivall once suggested _hevenus_, which I presume is meant for 'heaven's'; but this word could not possibly be accented as _hevenus_. The strange forms which proper names assume in Chaucer are notorious; and the fact is, that _Herenus_ is a mere error for _Herines_ or _Herynes_. _Herynes_ (accented on _y_), occurs in St. 4 of Bk. iv of Troilus and Criscide, and is used as the plural of _Erinnys_, being applied to the three Furies:--'O ye _Herynes_, nightes doughtren thre.' Pity may be said to be the _queen_ of the Furies, in the sense that pity (or mercy) can alone control the vindictiveness of vengeance. Shakespeare tells us that mercy 'is mightiest in the mightiest,' and is 'above this sceptred sway'; Merch. Ven. iv. 1. 188. Chaucer probably found this name precisely where he found his personification of Pity, viz. in Statius, who has the sing. _Erinnys_ (Theb. xi. 383), and the pl. _Erinnyas_ (345). Cf. Aeneid, ii. 337, 573. In a poem called The Remedy of Love, in Chaucer's Works, ed. 1561, fol. 322, back, the twelfth stanza begins with--'Come hither, thou Hermes, and ye furies all,' &c., where it is plain that 'thou Hermes' is a substitution for 'Herines.' 95. The sense is--'the longer I love and dread you, the more I do so.' If we read _ever_ instead of _ay_, then the _e_ in _the_ must be suppressed. 'In _ever lenger the moore, never the moore, never the lesse_, Chaucer not unfrequently drops the _e_ in _the_, pronouncing _lengerth_, _neverth_'; cf. Clerkes Tale, E 687; Man of Lawes Tale, B 982; Ten Brink. 96. Most MSS. read _so sore_, giving no sense. Ten Brink has--'For sooth to seyne, I bere the hevy soore'; following MS. Sh. It is simpler to correct _so_ to _the_, as suggested by Harl. 7578, which has--'For soith [_error for_ sothly] for to saye I bere the sore.' 101. _Set_, short for _setteth_, like _bit_ for _biddeth_, Cant. Tales, Prol. 187, &c. Ten Brink quotes from the Sompnoures Tale (D 1982)--'With which the devel _set_ your herte a-fyre,' where _set_ = sets, present tense. 105. Ten Brink inserts _ne_, though it is not in the MSS. His note is: '_Ne_ is a necessary complement to _but_ = "only," as _but_ properly means "except"; and a collation of the best MSS. of the Cant. Tales shows that Chaucer never omitted the negative in this case. (The same observation was made already by Prof. Child in his excellent paper on the language of Chaucer and Gower; see Ellis, _Early Eng. Pronunciation_, p. 374.) _Me ne_ forms but one syllable, pronounced _meen_ [i. e. as mod. E. _main_]. In the same manner _I ne_ = _iin_ [pron. as mod. E. _een_] occurs, Cant. Tales, Prol. 764 (from MS. Harl. 7334)-- "I _ne_ saugh this yeer so mery a companye"; and in the Man of Lawes Tale (Group B, 1139)-- "_I ne_ seye but for this ende this sentence." Compare Middle High German _in_ (= _ich ne_), e.g. _in kan dir nicht_, Walter v. d. Vogelweide, ed. Lachmann, 101. 33. In early French and Provencal _me_, _te_, _se_, &c., when preceded by a vowel, often became _m_, _t_, _s_, &c.; in Italian we have _cen_ for _ce ne_, &c.' Cf. _They n' wer-e_ in The Former Age, l. 5; and Book of the Duch. 244 (note). 110. See Anelida, 182; and the note. 119. Observe that this last line is a repetition of l. 2. III. THE BOOK OF THE DUCHESSE. I may remark here that the metre is sometimes difficult to follow; chiefly owing to the fact that the line sometimes begins with an accented syllable, just as, in Milton's L'Allegro, we meet with lines like 'Zephyr, with Aurora playing.' The accented syllables are sometimes indistinctly marked, and hence arises a difficulty in immediately detecting the right flow of a line. A clear instance of a line beginning with an accented syllable is seen in l. 23--'Slep', and thus melancolye.' 1. The opening lines of this poem were subsequently copied (in 1384) by Froissart, in his Paradis d'Amour-- 'Je sui de moi en grant merveille Comment je vifs, quant tant je veille, Et on ne porrait en veillant Trouver de moi plus travaillant: Car bien sacies que pour veiller Me viennent souvent travailler Pensees et melancolies,' etc. Furnivall; Trial Forewords, p. 51. Chaucer frequently makes words like _have_ (l. 1), _live_ (l. 2), especially in the present indicative, mere monosyllables. As examples of the fully sounded final _e_, we may notice the dative _light-e_ (l. 1), the dative (or adverbial) _night-e_ (l. 2), the infinitive _slep-e_ (3), the adverb _ylich-e_ (9), the dative _mind-e_ (15), &c. On the other hand, _hav-e_ is dissyllabic in l. 24. The _e_ is elided before a following vowel in _defaute_ (5), _trouthe_ (6), _falle_ (13), _wite_ (16), &c. We may also notice that _com'th_ is a monosyllable (7), whereas _trewely_ (33) has three syllables, though in l. 35 it makes but two. It is clear that Chaucer chose to make _some_ words of variable length; and he does this to a much greater extent in the present poem and in the House of Fame than in more finished productions, such as the Canterbury Tales. But it must be observed, on the other hand, that the number of these variable words is _limited_; in a far larger number of words, the number of syllables never varies at all, except by regular elision before a vowel. 14. The reading _For sorwful ymaginacioun_ (in F., Tn., Th.) cannot be right. Lange proposes to omit _For_, which hardly helps us. It is clearly _sorwful_ that is wrong. I propose to replace it by _sory_. Koch remarks that _sorwful_ has only two syllables (l. 85); but the line only admits of one, or of one and a very light syllable. 15. Observe how frequently, in this poem and in the House of Fame, Chaucer concludes a sentence with the _former_ of two lines of a couplet. Other examples occur at ll. 29, 43, 51, 59, 67, 75, 79, 87, 89; i. e. at least ten times in the course of the first hundred lines. The same arrangement occasionally occurs in the existing translation of the Romaunt of the Rose, but with such less frequency as, in itself, to form a presumption against Chaucer's having written the whole of it. Similar examples in Milton, though he was an admirer of Chaucer, are remarkably rare; compare, however, Comus, 97, 101, 127, 133, 137. The metrical effect of this pause is very good. 23. The texts read _this_. Ten Brink suggests _thus_ (Ch. Sprache, s. 320); which I adopt. 31. _What me is_, what is the matter with me. _Me_ is here in the dative case. This throws some light on the common use of _me_ in Shakespeare in such cases as 'Heat _me_ these irons hot,' K. John, iv. 1. 1; &c. 31-96. These lines are omitted in the Tanner MS. 346; also in MS. Bodley 638 (which even omits ll. 24-30). In the Fairfax MS. they are added in a much later hand. Consequently, Thynne's edition is here our only satisfactory authority; though the late copy in the Fairfax MS. is worth consulting. 32. _Aske_, may ask; subjunctive mood. 33. _Trewely_ is here three syllables, which is the normal form; cf. Prologue, 761; Kn. Ta. A 1267. In l. 35, the second _e_ is hardly sounded. 36. We must here read 'hold-e,' _without_ elision of final _e_, which is preserved by the caesura. 37. 'The most obvious interpretation of these lines seems to be that they contain the confession of a hopeless passion, which has lasted for eight years--a confession which certainly seems to come more appropriately and more naturally from an unmarried than a married man. 'For eight years,'--he says--'I have loved, and loved in vain--and yet my cure is never the nearer. There is but one physician that can heal me--but all that is ended and done with. Let us pass on into fresh fields; what cannot be obtained must needs be left'; Ward, Life of Chaucer, p. 53. Dr. Furnivall supposes that the relentless fair one was the one to whom his Complaint unto Pite was addressed; and chronology would require that Chaucer fell in love with her in 1361. There is no proof that Chaucer was married before 1374, though he may have been married not long after his first passion was 'done.' 43. 'It is good to regard our first subject'; and therefore to return to it. This first subject was his sleeplessness. 45. _Til now late_ follows _I sat upryght_, as regards construction. The reading _Now of late_, in some printed editions, is no better. 48. This 'Romaunce' turns out to have been a copy of Ovid's Metamorphoses, a book of which Chaucer was so fond that he calls it his 'own book'; Ho. of Fame, 712. Probably he really had a copy of his own, as he constantly quotes it. Private libraries were very small indeed. 49. _Dryve away_, pass away; the usual phrase. Cf. 'And dryuen forth the longe day'; P. Plowman, B. prol. 224. 56. 'As long as men should love the law of nature,' i. e. should continue to be swayed by the natural promptings of passion; in other words, for ever. Certainly, Ovid's book has lasted well. In l. 57, _such thinges_ means 'such love-stories.' 62. 'Alcyone, or Halcyone: A daughter of Aeolus and Enarete or Aegiale. She was married to Ceyx, and lived so happy with him, that they were presumptuous enough to call each other Zeus and Hera, for which Zeus metamorphosed them into birds, _alku[=o]n_ (a king-fisher) and _k[=e][=u]ks_ (a greedy sea-bird, Liddell and Scott; a kind of sea-gull; Apollod. i. 7. s. 3, &c.; Hygin. Fab. 65). Hyginus relates that Ceyx perished in a shipwreck, that Alcyone for grief threw herself into the sea, and that the gods, out of compassion, changed the two into birds. It was fabled that, during the seven days before, and as many after the shortest day of the year, while the bird _alku[=o]n_ was breeding, there always prevailed calms at sea. An embellished form of the story is given by Ovid, Met. xi. 410, &c.; compare Virgil, Georg. i. 399.'--Smith's Dictionary. Hence the expression 'halcyon days'; see Holland's Pliny, b. x. c. 32, quoted in my Etym. Dict. s. v. _Halcyon_. M. Sandras asserts that the history of Ceyx and Alcyone is borrowed from the Dit de la Fontaine Amoureuse, by Machault, whereas it is evident that Chaucer took care to consult his favourite Ovid, though he _also_ copied several expressions from Machault's poem. Consult Max Lange, as well as Furnivall's Trial Forewords to Chaucer's Minor Poems, p. 43. Surely, Chaucer himself may be permitted to know; his description of the book, viz. in ll. 57-59, applies to Ovid, rather than to Machault's Poems. But the fact is that we have further evidence; Chaucer himself, elsewhere, plainly _names_ Ovid as his authority. See Cant. Tales, Group B, l. 53 (as printed in vol. v.), where he says-- 'For he [Chaucer] hath told of loveres up and doun Mo than _Ovyde_ made of mencioun In his Epistelles, that been ful olde. What sholde I tellen hem, sin they ben tolde? In youthe he made of _Ceys and Alcion_;' &c. It is true that Chaucer here mentions Ovid's Heroides rather than the Metamorphoses; but that is only because he goes on to speak of _other_ stories, which he took from the Heroides; see the whole context. It is plain that he wishes us to know that he took the present story chiefly from Ovid; yet there are some expressions which he owes to Machault, as will be shown below. It is worth notice, that the whole story is also in Gower's Confessio Amantis, bk. iv. (ed. Pauli, ii. 100); where it is plainly copied from Ovid throughout. Ten Brink (Studien, p. 10) points out one very clear indication of Chaucer's having consulted Ovid. In l. 68, he uses the expression _to tellen shortly_, and then proceeds to allude to the shipwreck of Ceyx, which is told in Ovid at great length (Met. xi. 472-572). Of this shipwreck Machault says never a word; he merely says that Ceyx died in the sea. There is a chapter _De Alcione_ in Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Naturale, bk. xvi. c. 26; made up from Ambrosius, Aristotle, Pliny (bk. 10), and the Liber de Natura Rerum. 66. Instead of quoting Ovid, I shall quote from Golding's translation of his Metamorphoses, as being more interesting to the English reader. (The whole story is also told by Dryden, whose version is easily accessible.) As the tale is told at great length, I quote only a few of the lines that most closely correspond to Chaucer. Compare-- 'But fully bent He [_Ceyx_] seemed neither for to leaue the iourney which he ment To take by sea, nor yet to giue Alcyone leaue as tho Companion of his perlous course by water for to go.... When toward night the wallowing waues began to waxen white, And eke the heady eastern wind did blow with greater might.... And all the heauen with clouds as blacke as pitch was ouercast, That neuer night was halfe so darke. There came a flaw [_gust_] at last, That with his violence brake the Maste, and strake the Sterne away.... Behold, euen full vpon the waue a flake of water blacke Did breake, and vnderneathe the sea the head of Ceyx stracke.' fol. 137-9. See further in the note to l. 136. 67. Koch would read _wolde_ for _wol_; I adopt his suggestion. 76. Alcyone (in the MSS.) was introduced as a gloss. 78. _Come_ (dissyllabic) is meant to be in the pt. t. subjunctive. 80. Of the restoration of this line, I should have had some reason to be proud; but I find that Ten Brink (who seems to miss nothing) has anticipated me; see his Chaucers Sprache, ss. 48, 329. We have here, as our guides, only the edition of Thynne (1532), and the late insertion in MS. Fairfax 16. Both of these read--'Anon her herte began to yerne'; whereas it of course ought to be--'Anon her herte gan to erme.' The substitution of _began_ for _gan_ arose from forgetting that _herte_ (A.S. _heorte_) is dissyllabic in Chaucer, in countless places. The substitution of _yerne_ for _erme_ arose from the fact that the old word _ermen_, to grieve, was supplanted by _earn_, to desire, to grieve, in the sixteenth century, and afterwards by the form _yearn_. This I have already shewn at such length in my note to the Pardoner's Prologue (Cant. Ta. C. 312), in my edition of the Man of Lawes Tale, pp. 39, 142, and yet again in my Etym. Dict., s. v. _Yearn_ (2), that it is needless to repeat it all over again. Chaucer was quite incapable of such a mere assonance as that of _terme_ with _yerne_; in fact, it is precisely the word _terme_ that is rimed with _erme_ in his Pardoner's Prologue. Mr. Cromie's index shews that, in the Cant. Tales, the rime _erme_, _terme_, occurs only once, and there is no third word riming with either. There is, however, a rime of _conferme_ with _ferme_, Troil. ii. 1525, and with _afferme_ in the same, 1588. There is, in Chaucer, no _sixth_ riming word in _-erme_ at all, and none in either _-irme_ or _-yrme_. Both in the present passage and in the Pardoner's Prologue the verb to _erme_ is used with the same sb., viz. _herte_; which clinches the matter. By way of example, compare 'The bysschop weop for '_ermyng_'; King Alisaunder, ed. Weber, l. 1525. 86, 87. L. 86 is too short. In l. 87 I delete _alas_ after _him_, which makes the line a whole foot too long, and is not required. Koch ingeniously suggests, for l. 86: 'That hadde, alas! this noble wyf.' This transference of _alas_ mends both lines at once. 91. _Wher_, short for _whether_ (very common). 93. _Avowe_ is all one word, though its component parts were often written apart. Thus, in P. Plowman, B. v. 457, we find _And made avowe_, where the other texts have _a-vou_, _a-vowe_; see _Avow_ in the New E. Dict. See my note to Cant. Tales, Group C, 695. 97. Here the gap in the MSS. ceases, and we again have their authority for the text. For _Had_ we should, perhaps, read _Hadde_. 105. Doubtless, we ought to read:--'Ne coude she.' 106. This phrase is not uncommon. 'And on knes she sat adoun'; Lay le Freine, l. 159; in Weber's Met. Romances, i. 363. Cf. 'This Troilus ful sone on knees him sette'; Troilus, iii. 953. 107. _Weep_ (not _wepte_) is Chaucer's word; see Cant. Tales, B 606, 1052, 3852, E 545, F 496, G 371. 120. For _knowe_ (as in F. Tn. Th.) read _knowen_, to avoid hiatus. 126. 'And she, exhausted with weeping and watching.' Gower (Confes. Amantis, ed. Pauli, i. 160) speaks of a ship that is _forstormed and forblowe_, i. e. excessively driven about by storm and wind. 130. Or read: 'That made her to slepe sone'; without elision of _e_ in _made_ (Koch). 136. _Go bet_, go quickly, hasten, lit. go better, i. e. faster. See note to Group C, 667. Cf. _Go now faste_, l. 152. _Morpheus_ is dissyllabic, i. e. _Morph'us_; cf. _Morph'us_ in l. 167. I here add another illustration from Golding's Ovid, fol. 139:-- 'Alcyone of so great mischaunce not knowing ought as yit, Did keepe a reckoning of the nights that in the while did flit, And hasted garments both for him and for her selfe likewise To weare at his homecomming which she vainely did surmize. To all the Gods deuoutly she did offer frankincense: But most aboue them all the Church of Iuno she did sence. And for her husband (who as then was none) she kneeld before The Altar, wishing health and soone arriuall at the shore. And that none other woman might before her be preferd, Of all her prayers this one peece effectually was herd. For Iuno could not finde in heart entreated for to bee For him that was already dead. But to th'intent that shee From Dame Alcyons deadly hands might keepe her Altars free She sayd: most faithfull messenger of my commandements, O Thou Rainebow to the sluggish house of slumber swiftly go, And bid him send a dreame in shape of Ceyx to his wife Alcyone, for to shew her plaine the loosing of his life. Dame Iris takes her pall wherein a thousand colours were, And bowing like a stringed bow vpon the cloudie sphere, Immediately descended to the drowzye house of Sleepe, Whose court the cloudes continually do closely ouerdreepe. Among the darke Cimmerians is a holow mountaine found And in the hill a Caue that farre doth run within the ground, The C[h]amber and the dwelling place where slouthfull sleepe doth couch. The light of Phoebus golden beames this place can never touch.... No boughs are stird with blasts of winde, no noise of tatling toong Of man or woman euer yet within that bower roong. Dumbe quiet dwelleth there. Yet from the rockes foote doth go The riuer of forgetfulnesse, which runneth trickling so Upon the litle peeble stones which in the channell ly, That vnto sleepe a great deale more it doth prouoke thereby.... Amid the Caue of Ebonye a bedsted standeth hie, And on the same a bed of downe with couering blacke doth lie: In which the drowzie God of sleepe his lither limbes doth rest. About him forging sundry shapes as many dreams lie prest As eares of corne do stand in fields in haruest time, or leaues Doe grow on trees, or sea to shoore of sandie cinder heaues. Assoone as Iris came within this house, and with her hand Had put aside the dazeling dreames that in her way did stand, The brightnesse of her robe through all the sacret house did shine. The God of sleepe scarce able for to raise his heauie eine, A three or foure times at the least did fall againe to rest, And with his nodding head did knock his chinne against his brest. At length he waking of himselfe, vpon his elbowe leande. And though he knew for what she came: he askt her what she meand': &c. 139. The first accent falls on _Sey_; the _e_ in _halfe_ seems to be suppressed. 154. _His wey._ Chaucer substitutes a male messenger for Iris; see ll. 134, 155, 180-2. 155. Imitated from Machault's Dit de la Fontaine:-- '_Que venue est en une grant valee,_ _De deus grans mons entour environnee,_ Et d'un russel qui par my la contree,' &c. See Ten Brink, Studien, p. 200; Furnivall, Trial Forewords, p. 44. It is worth notice that the visit of Iris to Somnus is also fully described by Statius, Theb. x. 81-136; but Chaucer does not seem to have copied him. 158, 159. Two bad lines in the MSS. Both can be mended by changing _nought_ into _nothing_, as suggested by Ten Brink, Chaucers Sprache, s. 299. 160. See a very similar passage in Spenser, F. Q. i. 1. 39, 40, 41, 42, 43. And cf. Ho. of Fame, 70. 167. _Eclympasteyre._ 'I hold this to be a name of Chaucer's own invention. In Ovid occurs a son of Morpheus who has two different names: "Hunc _Icelon_ superi, mortale _Phobetora_ vulgus Nominat;" _Met._ xi. 640. _Phobetora_ may have been altered into _Pastora_: _Icelonpastora_ (the two names linked together) would give _Eclympasteyre_.'--Ten Brink, Studien, p. 11, as quoted in Furnivall's Trial Forewords, p. 116. At any rate, we may feel sure that _Eclym-_ is precisely Ovid's _Icelon_. And perhaps _Phobetora_ comes nearer to _-pasteyre_ than does _Phantasos_, the name of another son of Morpheus, whom Ovid mentions immediately below. Gower (ed. Pauli, ii. 103) calls them _Ithecus_ and _Panthasas_; and the fact that he here actually turns _Icelon_ into _Ithecus_ is a striking example of the strange corruption of proper names in medieval times. Prof. Hales suggests that _Eclympasteyre_ represents _Icelon plastora_, where _plastora_ is the acc. of Gk. [Greek: plastor], i. e. moulder or modeller, a suitable epithet for a god of dreams; compare the expressions used by Ovid in ll. 626 and 634 of this passage. _Icelon_ is the acc. of Gk. [Greek: ikelos], or [Greek: eikelos], like, resembling. For my own part, I would rather take the form _plastera_, acc. of [Greek: plaster], a form actually given by Liddell and Scott, and also nearer to the form in Chaucer. Perhaps Chaucer had seen a MS. of Ovid in which _Icelon_ was explained by _plastora_ or _plastera_, written beside or over it as a gloss, or by way of explanation. This would explain the whole matter. Mr. Fleay thinks the original reading was _Morpheus_, _Ecelon_, _Phantastere_; but this is impossible, because Morpheus had but _one_ heir (l. 168). Froissart has the word _Enclimpostair_ as the name of a son of the god of sleep, in his poem called Paradis d'Amour. But _as he is merely copying this precise passage_, it does not at all help us. For the remarks by Prof. Hales, see the Athenaeum, 1882, i. 444; for those by Mr. Fleay, see the same, p. 568. Other suggestions have been made, but are not worth recording. 173. To _envye_; to be read as _Tenvy-e_. The phrase is merely an adaptation of the F. _a l'envi_, or of the vb. _envier_. Cotgrave gives: '_a l'envy l'vn de l'autre_, one to despight the other, or in emulation one of the other'; also '_envier_ (au _ieu_), to vie.' Hence E. _vie_; see _Vie_ in my Etym. Dict. It is etymologically connected with Lat. _inuitare_, not with Lat. _inuidia_. See l. 406, below. 175. Read _slepe_, as in ll. 169, 177; A.S. _slaepon_, pt. t. pl. _Upright_, i. e. on their backs; see The Babees Book, p. 245. 181. _Who is_, i. e. who is it that. 183. _Awaketh_ is here repeated in the plural form. 184. _Oon ye_, one eye. This is from Machault, who has: 'ouvri l'un de ses yeux.' Ovid has the pl. _oculos_. 185. _Cast_ is the pp., as pointed out by Ten Brink, who corrects the line; Chaucers Sprache, s. 320. 192. _Abrayd_, and not _abrayde_, is the right form; for it is a strong verb (A. S. _abregdan_, pt. t. _abraegd_). So also in the Ho. of Fame, 110 However, _brayde_ (as if weak) also occurs; Ho. of Fame, 1678. 195. _Dreynt-e_ is here used as an adj., with the weak declension in _-e_. So also in Cant. Tales, B 69. Cf. also Ho. of Fame, 1783. 199. _Fet-e_ is dat. pl.; see l. 400, and Cant. Ta., B 1104. 206. The word _look_ must be supplied. MS. B. even omits _herte_; which would give--'But good-e swet-e, [look] that ye'; where _good-e_ and _swet-e_ are vocatives. 213. I adopt Ten Brink's suggestion (Chaucers Sprache, s. 300), viz. to change _allas_ into _A_. Lange omits _quod she_; but see l. 215. 218. _My first matere_, my first subject; i. e. sleeplessness, as in l. 43. 219. _Wherfor_ seems to be accented on the former syllable. MS. B. inserts _you_ after _told_; perhaps it is not wanted. If it is, it had better come before _told_ rather than after it. 222. _I had be_, I should have been. _Deed and dolven_, dead and buried; as in Cursor Mundi, 5494. Chaucer's _dolven and deed_ is odd. 244. _I ne roghte who_, to be read _In' roght-e who_; i. e. I should not care who; see note to Compl. to Pite, 105. _Roghte_ is subjunctive. 247. _His lyve_, during his life. 248. The readings are _here onwarde_, Th. F.; _here onward_, Tn.; _here on warde_, B. I do not think _here onward_ can be meant, nor yet _hereon-ward_; I know of no examples of such meaningless expressions. I read _here on warde_, and explain it: 'I will give him the very best gift that he ever expected (to get) in his life; and (I will give it) here, in his custody, even now, as soon as possible,' &c. _Ward_ = custody, occurs in the dat. _warde_ in William of Palerne, 376--'How that child from here _warde_ was went for evermore.' 250. Here Chaucer again takes a hint from Machault's Dit de la Fontaine, where we find the poet promising the god a hat and a soft bed of gerfalcon's feathers. See Ten Brink, Studien, p. 204. 'Et por ce au dieu qui moult sout (?) et moult vault Por mielx dormir un chapeau de pavaut Et un mol lit de plume de gerfaut Promes et doing.' See also Our English Home, p. 106. 255. _Reynes_, i. e. Rennes, in Brittany; spelt _Raynes_ in the Paston Letters, ed. Gairdner, iii. 358. Linen is still made there; and by 'clothe of Reynes' some kind of linen, rather than of woollen cloth, is meant. It is here to be used for pillow-cases. It was also used for sheets. 'Your shetes shall be of clothe of _Rayne_'; Squyr of Lowe Degre, l. 842 (in Ritson, Met. Rom. iii. 180). 'A peyre schetes of _Reynes_, with the heued shete [head-sheet] of the same'; Earliest Eng. Wills, ed. Furnivall, p. 4, l. 16. 'A towaile of Raynes'; Babees Book, p. 130, l. 213; and see note on p. 208 of the same. 'It [the head-sheet] was more frequently made of the fine white linen of Reynes'; Our Eng. Home, p. 109. 'Hede-shetes of Rennes' are noticed among the effects of Hen. V; see Rot. Parl. iv. p. 228; footnote on the same page. Skelton mentions rochets 'of fyne Raynes'; Colin Clout, 316. The mention of this feather-bed may have been suggested to Machault by Ovid's line about the couch of Morpheus (Metam. xi. 611)--'Plumeus, unicolor, pullo velamine tectus.' 264. We must delete _quene_; it is only an explanatory gloss. 279. 'To be well able to interpret my dream.' 282. The modern construction is--'The dream of King Pharaoh.' See this idiom explained in my note to the Prioresses Tale, Group F, l. 209. Cf. Gen. xli. 25. 284. As to Macrobius, see note to the Parl. of Foules, 31. And cf. Ho. of Fame, 513-7. We must never forget how frequent are Chaucer's imitations of Le Roman de la Rose. Here, for example, he is thinking of ll. 7-10 of that poem:-- 'Ung acteur qui ot non Macrobes.... Ancois escrist la vision Qui avint au roi Cipion.' After _Macrobeus_ understand _coude_ (from l. 283), which governs the infin. _arede_ in l. 289. 286. _Mett-e_ occupies the second foot in the line. Koch proposes _him_ for _he_; but it is needless; see Cant. Tales, B 3930. In l. 288, read _fortuned_. 288. This line, found in Thynne only, is perhaps not genuine, but interpolated. Perhaps _Whiche_ is better than _Swiche_. 292. Cf. Rom. de la Rose, 45-47:-- 'Avis m'iere qu'il estoit mains.... En Mai estoie, ce songoie.' And again, cf. ll. 295, &c. with the same, ll. 67-74. See pp. 95, 96. 301. Read _songen_, not _songe_, to avoid the hiatus. 304. Chaucer uses _som_ as a singular in such cases as the present. A clear case occurs in '_Som_ in _his_ bed'; Kn. Tale, 2173. (C. T. A 3031.) Hence _song_ is the sing. verb. 309. _Entunes_, tunes. Cf. _entuned_, pp.; C. T. Prol. 123. 310. _Tewnes_, Tunis; vaguely put for some distant and wealthy town; see ll. 1061-4, below. Its name was probably suggested by the preceding word _entunes_, which required a rime. Gower mentions _Kaire_ (Cairo) just as vaguely:-- 'That me were lever her love winne Than Kaire and al that is therinne'; Conf. Amant, ed. Pauli, ii. 57. The sense is--'that certainly, even to gain Tunis, I would not have (done other) than heard them sing.' Lange thinks these lines corrupt; but I believe the idiom is correct. 323. As stained glass windows were then rare and expensive, it is worth while observing that these gorgeous windows were not real ones, but only seen in a dream. This passage is imitated in the late poem called the Court of Love, st. 33, where we are told that 'The temple shone with windows al of glasse,' and that in the glass were portrayed the stories of Dido and Annelida. These windows, it may be observed, were equally imaginary. 328. The caesural pause comes after _Ector_, which might allow the intrusion of the word _of_ before _king_. But Mr. Sweet omits _of_, and I follow him. The words _of king_ are again inserted before _Lamedon_ in l. 329, being caught from l. 328 above. _Lamedon_ is Laomedon, father of King Priam of Troy. _Ector_ is Chaucer's spelling of Hector; Man of Lawes Tale, B 198. He here cites the usual examples of love-stories, such as those of Medea and Jason, and Paris and Helen. _Lavyne_ is Lavinia, the second wife of Aeneas; Vergil, Aen. bk. vii; Rom. Rose, 21087; cf. Ho. of Fame, 458. Observe his pronunciation of _Medea_, as in Ho. of Fame, 401; Cant. Ta., B 72. 332. 'There is reason to believe that Chaucer copied these imageries from the romance of _Guigemar_, one of the Lays of Marie de France; in which the walls of a chamber are painted with Venus and the _Art of Love_ from Ovid. Perhaps Chaucer might not look further than the temples of Boccaccio's _Theseid_ for these ornaments'; Warton, Hist. E. Poetry, 1871, iii. 63. Cf. Rom. of the Rose, ll. 139-146; see p. 99. 333. _Bothe text and glose_, i. e. both in the principal panels and in the margin. He likens the walls to the page of a book, in which the _glose_, or commentary, was often written in the margin. Mr. Sweet inserts _with_ before _text_, and changes _And_ into _Of_ in the next line; I do not think the former change is necessary, but I adopt the latter. 334. It had all sorts of scenes from the Romance of the Rose on it. Chaucer again mentions this Romance by name in his Merchant's Tale; C. T., E 2032; and he tells us that he himself translated it; Prol. to Legend, 329. The celebrated Roman de la Rose was begun by Guillaume de Lorris, who wrote ll. 1-4070, and completed about forty years afterwards (in a very different and much more satirical style) by Jean de Meung (or Meun), surnamed (like his father) Clopinel, i. e. the Cripple, who wrote ll. 4071-22074; it was finished about the year 1305. The story is that of a young man who succeeded in plucking a rose in a walled garden, after overcoming extraordinary difficulties; allegorically, it means that he succeeded in obtaining the object of his love. See further above, pp. 16-19. The E. version is invariably called the Romaunt of the Rose, and we find the title Rommant de la Rose in the original, l. 20082; cf. our _romant-ic_. But Burguy explains that _romant_ is a false form, due to confusion with words rightly ending in _-ant_. The right O. F. form is _romans_, originally an adverb; from the phrase _parler romans_, i. e. loqui Romanice. In the Six-text edition of the Cant. Tales, E 2032, four MSS. have _romance_, one has _romans_, and one _romauns_. For examples of walls or ceilings being painted with various subjects, see Warton's Hist. of E. Poetry, ed. Hazlitt, ii. 131, 275; iii. 63. 340. The first accent is on _Blew_, not on _bright_. Cf. Rom. de la Rose, 124, 125 (see p. 98, above):-- 'Clere et serie et bele estoit La matinee, et atrempee.' 343. _Ne in_ is to be read as _Nin_; we find it written _nin_ in the Squieres Tale, F 35. See l. 694. 347. _Whether_ is to be read as _Wher_; it is often so spelt. 348. The line, as it stands in the authorities, viz. 'And I herde goyng, bothe vp and doune'--cannot be right. Mr. Sweet omits _bothe_, which throws the accent upon _I_, and reduces _herde_ to _herd_' (unaccented!). To remedy this, I also omit _And_. Perhaps _speke_ (better _speken_) is an infinitive in l. 350, but it may also be the pt. t. plural (A. S. _spraecon_); and it is more convenient to take it so. 352. _Upon lengthe_, after a great length of course, after a long run. M. Sandras points out some _very_ slight resemblances between this passage and some lines in a French poem in the Collection Mouchet, vol. ii. fol. 106; see the passage cited in Furnivall's Trial Forewords to the Minor Poems, p. 51. Most likely Chaucer wrote independently of this French poem, as even M. Sandras seems inclined to admit. 353. _Embosed_, embossed. This is a technical term, used in various senses, for which see the New Eng. Dict. Here it means 'so far plunged into the thicket'; from O. F. _bos_ (F. _bois_), a wood. In later authors, it came to mean 'driven to extremity, like a hunted animal'; then 'exhausted by running,' and lastly, 'foaming at the mouth,' as a result of exhaustion. 362. A _relay_ was a fresh set of dogs; see _Relay_ in my Etym. Dict. 'When the howndys are set an hert for to mete, And other hym chasen and folowyn to take, Then all the _Relais_ thow may vppon hem make.' Book of St. Alban's, fol. e 8, back. A _lymere_ was a dog held in a _liam_, _lime_, or leash, to be let loose when required; from O.F. _liem_ (F. _lien_, Lat. _ligamen_), a leash. In the Book of St. Alban's, fol. e 4, we are told that the beasts which should be 'reride with the _lymer_,' i. e. roused and pursued by the dog so called, are 'the hert and the bucke and the boore.' 365. _Oon, ladde_, i. e. one who led. This omission of the relative is common. 368. 'The emperor Octovien' is the emperor seen by Chaucer in his dream. In l. 1314, he is called _this king_, by whom Edward III. is plainly intended. He was 'a favourite character of Carolingian legend, and pleasantly revived under this aspect by the modern romanticist Ludwig Tieck--probably [here] a flattering allegory for the King'; Ward's Life of Chaucer, p. 69. The English romance of Octouian Imperator is to be found in Weber's Metrical Romances, iii. 157; it extends to 1962 lines. He was an emperor of Rome, and married Floraunce, daughter of Dagabers [Dagobert], king of France. The adventures of Floraunce somewhat resemble those of Constance in the Man of Lawes Tale. 'The Romance of the Emperor Octavian' was also edited by Halliwell for the Percy Society, in 1844. The name originally referred to the emperor Augustus. 370. The exclamation 'A goddes halfe' was pronounced like 'A god's half'; see l. 758. See note to l. 544. 374. _Fil to doon_, fell to do, i. e. was fitting to do. 375. _Fot-hoot_, foot-hot, immediately; see my note to Man of Lawes Tale, B 438. 376. _Moot_, notes upon a horn, here used as a plural. See Glossary. 'How shall we blowe whan ye han sen the hert? I shal blowe after one _mote_, ij _motes_ [i. e. 3 motes in all]; and if myn howndes come not hastily to me as I wolde, I shall blowe iiij. _motes_'; Venery de Twety, in Reliquiae Antiquae, i. 152. Cf. a passage in the Chace du Cerf, quoted from the Collection Mouchet, i. 166, in Furnivall's Trial Forewords, p. 51 (though Chaucer probably wrote his account quite independently of it):-- 'Et puis si corneras apel .iij. lons _mots_, pour les chiens avoir.' 379. _Rechased_, headed back. Men were posted at certain places, to keep the hart within certain bounds. See next note. 386. _A forloyn_, a recall (as I suppose; for it was blown when the hounds were all a long way off their object of pursuit). It is thus explained in the Book of St. Alban's, fol. f I:-- 'Yit mayster, wolde I fayn thus at yow leere, What is a _forloyng_, for that is goode to here. That shall I say the, quod he, the soth at lest. When thy houndes in the wode sechyn any beest, And the beest is stoll away owt of the fryth, Or the houndes that thou hast meten therwith, And any other houndes before than may with hem mete, Thees oder houndes are then _forloyned_, I the hete. For the beste and the houndes arn so fer before, And the houndes behynde be weer[i]e and soore, So that they may not at the best cum at ther will, The houndes before _forloyne_ [distance] hem, and that is the skyll. They be ay so fere before, to me iff thou will trust; And thys is the _forloyne_; lere hit, iff thou lust.' The 'chace of the forloyne' is explained (very obscurely) in the Venery de Twety; see Reliquiae Antiquae, i. 152. But the following passage from the same gives some light upon _rechased_: 'Another chace ther is whan a man hath set up archerys and greyhoundes, and the best be founde, and passe out the boundys, and myne houndes after; then shall y blowe on this maner a mote, and aftirward the _rechace_ upon my houndys that be past the boundys.' 387. _Go_, gone. The sense is--'I had gone (away having) walked from my tree.' The idiom is curious. _My tree_, the tree at which I had been posted. Chaucer dreamt that he was one of the men posted to watch which way the hart went, and to keep the bounds. 396. The final _e_ in _fled-de_ is not elided, owing to the pause after it. See note to l. 685. 398. _Wente_, path. Chaucer often rimes words that are pronounced alike, if their meanings be different. See ll. 439, 440; and cf. ll. 627-630. The very same pair of rimes occurs again in the Ho. of Fame, 181, 182; and in Troil. ii. 62, 813; iii. 785, v. 603, 1192. 402. Read--_For both-e Flor-a_, &c. The _-a_ in _Flora_ comes at the caesural pause; cf. ll. 413, 414. Once more, this is from Le Roman de la Rose, ll. 8449-51:-- 'Zephirus et Flora, sa fame, Qui des flors est deesse et dame, Cil dui font les floretes nestre.' Cf. also ll. 5962-5:-- 'Les floretes i fait parair, E _cum estoiles_ flamboier, Et les herbetes verdoier _Zephirus_, quant sur mer chevauche.' 405. The first accent is on _For_; not happily. 408. 'To have more flowers than the heaven (has stars, so as even to rival) seven such planets as there are in the sky.' Rather involved, and probably all suggested by the necessity for a rime to _heven_. See l. 824. Moreover, it is copied from Le Roman de la Rose, 8465-8:-- 'Qu'il vous fust avis que la terre Vosist emprendre estrif et guerre Au ciel d'estre miex estelee, Tant iert par ses flors revelee.' 410-412. From Le Roman de la Rose, 55-58 (see p. 95, above):-- 'La terre ... Et oblie la poverte Ou ele a tot l'yver este.' 419. Imitated from Le Roman de la Rose, 1373-1391; in particular:-- 'Li ung [_arbre_] fu loing de l'autre assis Plus de cinq toises, ou de sis,' &c. Chaucer has treated a _toise_ as if it were equal to two feet; it was really about six. In his own translation of the Romaunt, l. 1393, he translates _toise_ by _fadome_. See p. 151 (above). 429. According to the Book of St. Albans, fol. e 4, the buck was called _a fawne_ in his first year, _a preket_ in the second, _a sowrell_ in the third, _a sowre_ in the fourth, _a bucke of the fyrst hede_ in the fifth, and _a bucke_ (simply) in the sixth year. Also _a roo_ is the female of the _roobucke_. 435. _Argus_ is put for _Algus_, the old French name for the inventor of the Arabic numerals; it occurs in l. 16373 of the Roman de la Rose, which mentions him in company with Euclid and Ptolemy-- '_Algus_, Euclides, Tholomees.' This name was obviously confused with that of the hundred-eyed Argus. This name _Algus_ was evolved out of the O.F. _algorisme_, which, as Dr. Murray says, is a French adaptation 'from the Arab. _al-Khow[=a]razm[=i]_, the _native of Khw[=a]razm_ (_Khiva_), surname of the Arab mathematician Abu Ja'far Mohammed Ben Musa, who flourished early in the 9th century, and through the translation of whose work on Algebra, the Arabic numerals became generally known in Europe. Cf. _Euclid_ = plane geometry.' He was truly 'a noble countour,' to whom we all owe a debt of gratitude. That _Algus_ was sometimes called _Argus_, also appears from the Roman de la Rose, ll. 12994, &c., which is clearly the very passage which Chaucer here copies:-- 'Se mestre _Argus_ li bien contens I vosist bien metre ses cures, E venist _o ses dix figures_, Par quoi tout certefie et nombre, Si ne peust-il pas le nombre Des grans contens certefier, Tant seust bien monteplier.' Here _o_ means 'with'; so that Chaucer has copied the very phrase 'with his figures ten.' But still more curiously, Jean de Meun here rimes _nombre_, pres. sing. indic., with _nombre_, sb.; and Chaucer rimes _noumbre_, infin., with _noumbre_, sb. likewise. _Countour_ in l. 435 means 'arithmetician'; in the next line it means an abacus or counting-board, for assisting arithmetical operations. 437. _His figures ten_; the ten Arabic numerals, i. e. from 1 to 9, and the cipher 0. 438. _Al ken_, all kin, i. e. mankind, all men. This substitution of _ken_ for _kin_ (A.S. _cyn_) seems to have been due to the exigencies of rime, as Chaucer uses _kin_ elsewhere. However, Gower has the same form--'And of what _ken_ that she was come'; Conf. Am. b. viii; ed. Pauli, iii. 332. So also in Will. of Palerne, 722--'Miself knowe ich nou[gh]t mi _ken_'; and five times at least in the Ayenbite of Inwyt, as it is a Kentish form. It was, doubtless, a permissible variant. 442. The strong accent on _me_ is very forced. 445. _A man in blak_; John of Gaunt, in mourning for the loss of his wife Blaunche. Imitated by Lydgate, in his Complaint of the Black Knight, l. 130, and by Spenser, in his Daphnaida:-- 'I did espie Where towards me a sory wight did cost Clad all in black, that mourning did bewray.' 452. _Wel-faring-e_; four syllables. 455. John of Gaunt, born in June, 1340, was 29 years old in 1369. I do not know why a poet is _never to make a mistake_; nor why critics should lay down such a singular law. But if we are to lay the error on the scribes, Mr. Brock's suggestion is excellent. He remarks that _nine and twenty_ was usually written xxviiij.; and if the _v_ were omitted, it would appear as .xxiiij., i. e. _four and twenty_. The existing MSS. write 'foure and twenty' at length; but such is not the usual practice of earlier scribes. It may also be added that .xxiiij. was at that time always read as _four and twenty_, never as _twenty-four_; so that no ambiguity could arise as to the mode of reading it. See Richard the Redeless, iii. 260. There is a precisely similiar confusion in Cant. Ta. Group B, l. 5, where _eightetethe_ is denoted by 'xviijthe' in the Hengwrt MS., whilst the Harl. MS. omits the _v_, and reads _threttenthe_, and again the Ellesmere MS. inserts an _x_, and gives us _eighte and twentithe_. The presumption is, that Chaucer knew his patron's age, and that we ought to read _nine_ for _four_; but even if he inadvertently wrote _four_, there is no crime in it. 475. The knight's lay falls into two stanzas, one of five, and one of six lines, as marked. In order to make them more alike, Thynne inserted an additional line--And thus in sorowe lefte me alone--after l. 479. This additional line is numbered 480 in the editions; so I omit l. 480 in the numbering. The line is probably spurious. It is not grammatical; grammar would require that _has_ (not _is_, as in l. 479) should be understood before the pp. _left_; or if we take _left-e_ as a past tense, then the line will not scan. But it is also unmetrical, as the arrangement of lines should be the same as in ll. 481-6, if the two stanzas are to be made alike. Chaucer says the lay consisted of 'ten verses or twelve' in l. 463, which is a sufficiently close description of a lay of eleven lines. Had he said _twelve_ without any mention of _ten_, the case would have been different. 479. Lange proposes: 'Is deed, and is fro me agoon.' F. Tn. Th. agree as to the reading given; I see nothing against it. 481. If we must needs complete the line, we must read 'Allas! o deth!' inserting _o_; or 'Allas! the deth,' inserting _the_. The latter is proposed by Ten Brink, Sprache, &c. s. 346. 490. _Pure_, very; cf. 'pure fettres,' Kn. Tale, A 1279. And see l. 583, below. 491. Cf. 'Why does my blood thus muster to my heart?' Meas. for Meas. ii. 4. 20. 501. The MSS. have _seet_, sat, a false form for _sat_ (A.S. _saet_); due to the plural form _seet-e_ or _s[=e]t-e_ (A.S. _saet-on_). We certainly find _seet_ for _sat_ in the Kn. Tale, A 2075. Read _sete_, as the pt. t. subj. (A.S. _s[=ae]te_); and _fete_ as dative pl. form, as in Cant. Ta. B 1104. 510. _Made_, i. e. they made; idiomatic. 521. _Ne I_, nor I; to be read _N'I_; cf. note to l. 343. 526. 'Yes; the amends is (are) easily made.' 532. _Me acqueynte_ = _m'acqueynt-e_, acquaint myself. 544. _By our Lord_, to be read as _by'r Lord_. Cf. _by'r lakin_, Temp. iii. 3. 1. So again, in ll. 651, 690, 1042. 547. _Me thinketh_ (= _me think'th_), it seems to me. 550. _Wis_, certainly: 'As certainly (as I hope that) God may help me.' So in Nonne Prestes Tale, 587 (B 4598); and cf. Kn. Tale, 1928 (B 2786); Squ. Ta. F 469, &c. And see l. 683, below. 556. _Paraventure_, pronounced as _Paraunter_; Thynne so has it. Compare this passage with the long dialogue between Troilus and Pandarus, in the latter part of the first book of Troilus. 568. Alluding to Ovid's Remedia Amoris. Accent _remedies_ on the second syllable. 569. The story of Orpheus is in Ovid's Metamorphoses, bk. x. The allusion is to the harp of Orpheus, at the sound of which the tortured had rest. Cf. Ho. of Fame, 1202:-- 'To tyre on Titius growing hart the gredy Grype forbeares: The shunning water Tantalus endeuereth not to drink; And Danaus daughters ceast to fil their tubs that haue no brink. Ixions wheel stood still: and downe sate Sisyphus vpon His rolling stone.'--GOLDING'S Ovid, fol. 120. 570. Cf. Ho. of Fame, 919; Rom. Rose, 21633. Daedalus represents the mechanician. No mechanical contrivances can help the mourner. 572. Cf. 'Par Hipocras, ne Galien, Tant fussent bon phisicien.' Roman de la Rose, 16161. Hippocrates and Galen are meant; see note to Cant. Tales, C 306. 579. _Y-worthe_, (who am) become; pp. of _worthen_. 582. 'For all good fortune and I are foes,' lit. angry (with each other). Hence _wroth-e_ is a plural form. 589. _S_ and _C_ were so constantly interchanged before _e_ that _Sesiphus_ could be written _Cesiphus_; and _C_ and _T_ were so often mistaken that _Cesiphus_ easily became _Tesiphus_, the form in the Tanner MS. Further, initial _T_ was sometimes replaced by _Th_; and this would give the _Thesiphus_ of MS. F. _Sesiphus_, i. e. Sisyphus, is of course intended; it was in the author's mind in connection with the story of Orpheus just above; see note to l. 569. In the Roman de la Rose, we have the usual allusions to _Yxion_ (l. 19479), _Tentalus_, i. e. Tantalus (l. 19482), _Ticius_, i. e. Tityus (l. 19506), and _Sisifus_ (l. 19499). But whilst I thus hold that Chaucer probably wrote _Sesiphus_, I have no doubt that he really meant _Tityus_, as is shewn by the expression _lyth_, i. e. lies extended. See Troil. i. 786, where Bell's edition has _Siciphus_, but the Campsall MS. has _Ticyus_; whilst in ed. 1532 we find _Tesiphus_. 599. With this string of contrarieties compare the Eng. version of the Roman de la Rose, 4706-4753. See p. 212, above. 614. _Abaved_, confounded, disconcerted. See Glossary. 618. Imitated from the Roman de la Rose, from l. 6644 onwards-- 'Vez cum fortune le servi ... N'est ce donc chose bien provable Que sa roe n'est pas tenable?' ... Jean de Meun goes on to say that Charles of Anjou killed Manfred, king of Sicily, in the first battle with him [A.D. 1266]-- 'En la premeraine bataille L'assailli por li desconfire, _Eschec_ et _mat_ li ala dire Desus son destrier auferrant, Du trait d'un paonnet errant Ou milieu de son eschiquier.' He next speaks of Conradin, whose death was likewise caused by Charles in 1268, so that these two (Manfred and Conradin) lost all their pieces at chess-- 'Cil dui, comme folz garconnes, Roz et fierges et paonnes, Et chevaliers as gieus perdirent, Et hors de l'eschiquier saillirent.' And further, of the inventor of chess (l. 6715)-- 'Car ainsinc le dist Athalus Qui des eschez controva l'us, Quant il traitoit d'arismetique.' He talks of the queen being taken (at chess), l. 6735-- 'Car la fierche avoit este prise Au gieu de la premiere assise.' He cannot recount all Fortune's tricks (l. 6879)-- 'De fortune la semilleuse Et de sa roe perilleuse Tous les tors conter ne porroie.' 629. Cf. 'whited sepulchres'; Matt. xxiii. 27; Rom. de la Rose, 8946. 630. The MSS. and Thynne have _floures_, _flourys_. This gives no sense; we must therefore read _flour is_. For a similar rime see that of _nones_, _noon is_, in the Prologue, 523, 524. Strictly, grammar requires _ben_ rather than _is_; but when two nominatives express much the same sense, the singular verb may be used, as in Lenvoy to Bukton, 6. The sense is--'her chief glory and her prime vigour is (i. e. consists in) lying.' 634. The parallel passage is one in the Remede de Fortune, by G. de Machault:-- '_D'un oeil rit, de l'autre lerme_; C'est l'orgueilleuse humilite, _C'est l'envieuse charite_ [l. 642] ... La peinture d'une vipere Qu'est mortable; En riens a li ne se compere.' See Furnivall's Trial Forewords, p. 47; and compare the remarkable and elaborate description of Fortune in the Anticlaudian of Alanus de Insulis (Distinctio 8, cap. I), in Wright's Anglo-Latin Satirists, vol. ii. pp. 399, 400. 636. Chaucer seems to have rewritten the whole passage at a later period:-- 'O sodeyn hap, o thou fortune instable, Lyk to the scorpioun so deceivable, That flaterest with thyn heed when thou wolt stinge; Thy tayl is deeth, thurgh thyn enveniminge. O brotil Ioye, o swete venim queynte, O monstre, that so subtilly canst peynte Thy giftes under hewe of stedfastnesse, That thou deceyvest bothe more and lesse,' &c. Cant. Tales, 9931 (E 2057). Compare also Man of Lawes Tale, B 361, 404. 'The scorpiun is ones cunnes wurm thet haueth neb, ase me seith, sumdel iliche ase wummon, and is neddre bihinden; maketh feir semblaunt and fiketh mit te heaued, and stingeth mid te teile'; Ancren Riwle, p. 206. Vincent of Beauvais, in his Speculum Naturale, bk. xx. c. 160, quotes from the Liber de Naturis Rerum--'Scorpio blandum et quasi virgineum dicitur vultum habere, sed habet in cauda nodosa venenatum aculeum, quo pungit et inficit proximantem.' 642. A translated line; see note to l. 634. 651. Read--_Trow'st thou? by'r lord_; see note to l. 544. 653. _Draught_ is a move at chess; see ll. 682, 685. Thus in Caxton's Game of the Chesse--'the alphyn [bishop] goeth in vj. _draughtes_ al the tablier [board] rounde about.' So in The Tale of Beryn, 1779, 1812. It translates the F. _trait_; see note to l. 618 (second quotation). 654. '_Fers_, the piece at chess next to the king, which we and other European nations call the _queen_; though very improperly, as Hyde has observed. _Pherz_, or _Pherzan_, which is the Persian name for the same piece, signifies the King's _Chief Counsellor_, or _General_--Hist. Shahilud. [_shahi-ludii_, chess-play], pp. 88, 89.'--Tyrwhitt's Glossary. Chaucer follows Rom. Rose, where the word appears as _fierge_, l. 6688, and _fierche_, l. 6735; see note to l. 618 above. (For another use of _fers_, see note to l. 723 below.) Godefroy gives the O. F. spellings _fierce_, _fierche_, _fierge_, _firge_, and quotes two lines, which give the O. F. names of all the pieces at chess:-- 'Roy, roc, chevalier, et alphin, Fierge, et peon.'-- Caxton calls them _kyng_, _quene_, _alphyn_, _knyght_, _rook_, _pawn_. Richardson's Pers. Dict. p. 1080, gives the Pers. name of the queen as _farz[=i]_ or _farz[=i]n_, and explains _fars[=i]n_ by 'the queen at chess, a learned man'; compare Tyrwhitt's remark above. In fact, the orig. Skt. name for this piece was _mantri_, i. e. the adviser or counsellor. He also gives the Pers. _farz_, learned; _farz_ or _firz_, the queen at chess. I suppose it is a mere chance that the somewhat similar Arab. _faras_ means 'a horse, and the knight at chess'; Richardson (as above). Oddly enough, the _latter_ word has also some connection with Chaucer, as it is the Arabic name of the 'wedge' of an astrolabe; see Chaucer's Astrolabe, Part i. s. 14 (footnote), in vol. iii. 655. When a chess-player, by an oversight, loses his queen for nothing, he may, in general, as well as give up the game. Beryn was 'in hevy plyghte,' when he only lost a rook for nothing; Tale of Beryn, 1812. 660. The word _the_ before _mid_ must of course be omitted. The lines are to be scanned thus:-- 'Therwith | fortun | e seid | e chek | here And mate | in mid | pointe of | the chek | kere.' The rime is a feminine one. Lines 660 and 661 are copied from the Rom. Rose; see note to l. 618, above. To be checkmated by an 'errant' pawn in the very middle of the board is a most ignominious way of losing the game. Cf. _check-mate_ in Troil. ii. 754. 663. _Athalus_; see note to l. 618, above. Jean de Meun follows John of Salisbury (bishop of Chartres, died 1180) in attributing the invention of chess to Attalus. 'Attalus Asiaticus, si Gentilium creditur historiis, hanc ludendi lasciuiam dicitur inuenisse ab exercitio numerorum, paululum deflexa materia;' Joan. Saresburiensis Policraticus, lib. i. c. 5. Warton (Hist. E. Poet. 1871, iii. 91) says the person meant is Attalus Philometor, king of Pergamus; who is mentioned by Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 3, xxviii. 2. It is needless to explain here how chess was developed out of the old Indian game for four persons called _chaturanga_, i. e. consisting of four members or parts (Benfey's Skt. Dict. p. 6). I must refer the reader to Forbes's History of Chess, or the article on _Chess_ in the English Cyclopaedia. See also the E. version of the Gesta Romanorum, ed. Herrtage, p. 70; A. Neckam, De Naturis Rerum, ed. Wright, p. 324; and Sir F. Madden's article in the Archaeologia, xxiv. 203. 666. _Ieupardyes_, hazards, critical positions, problems; see note on Cant. Tales, Group G, 743. 667. _Pithagores_, put for Pythagoras; for the rime. Pythagoras of Samos, born about B.C. 570, considered that all things were founded upon numerical relations; various discoveries in mathematics, music, and astronomy, were attributed to him. 682. 'I would have made the same move'; i. e. had I had the power, I would have taken her _fers_ from her, just as she took mine. 684. _She_, i. e. Fortune; so in Thynne. The MSS. have _He_, i. e. God, which can hardly be meant. 685. The caesural pause preserves _e_ in _draughte_ from elision. It rimes with _caughte_ (l. 682). Similar examples of 'hiatus' are not common: Ten Brink (Sprache, s. 270) instances Cant. Tales, Group C, 599, 772 (Pard. Tale). 694. _Ne in_ is to be read as _nin_ (twice); see note to l. 343. 700. 'There lies in reckoning (i. e. is debited to me in the account), as regards sorrow, for no amount at all.' In his account with Sorrow he is owed nothing, having received payment in full. There is no real difficulty here. 705. 'I have nothing'; for (1) Sorrow has paid in full, and so owes me nothing; (2) I have no gladness left; (3) I have lost my true wealth; (4) and I have no pleasure. 708. 'What is past is not yet to come.' 709. _Tantale_, Tantalus. He has already referred to _Sisyphus_; see note to l. 589. In the Roman de la Rose, we find _Yxion_, l. 19479; _Tentalus_, l. 19482; and _Sisifus_, l. 19499; as I have already remarked. 717. Again from the Rom. de la Rose, l. 5869-- 'Et ne priseras une prune Toute la roe de fortune. A _Socrates_ seras semblables, Qui tant fu fers et tant estables, Qu'il n'ert lies en prosperites, Ne tristes en aversites.' Chaucer's _three strees_ (i. e. straws) is Jean de Meun's _prune_. 723. By _the ferses twelve_ I understand all the pieces except the king, which could not be taken. The guess in Bell's Chaucer says 'all the pieces except the pawns'; but as a player only has _seven_ pieces beside the pawns and king, we must then say that the knight exaggerates. My own reckoning is thus: pawns, _eight_; queen, bishop, rook, knight, _four_; total, _twelve_. The fact that each player has _two_ of three of these, viz. of the _bishop_, _rook_, and _knight_, arose from the conversion of _chatura[.n]ga_, in which each of four persons had a king, bishop, knight, rook [to keep to modern names] and four pawns, into chess, in which each of two persons had two kings (afterwards king and queen), two bishops, knights, and rooks, and eight pawns. The bishop, knight, and rook, were thus duplicated, and so count but one apiece, which makes _three_ (sorts of) pieces; and the queen is a _fourth_, for the king cannot be taken. The case of the pawns was different, for each pawn had an individuality of its own, no two being made alike (except in inferior sets). Caxton's Game of the Chesse shews this clearly; he describes each of the eight pawns separately, and gives a different figure to each. According to him, the pawns were (beginning from the King's Rook's Pawn) the Labourer, Smyth, Clerke (or Notary), Marchaunt, Physicien, Tauerner, Garde, and Ribauld. They denoted 'all sorts and conditions of men'; and this is why our common saying of 'tinker, tailor, soldier, sailor, gentleman, apothecary, ploughboy, thief' enumerates _eight_ conditions[288]. As the word _fers_ originally meant counsellor or monitor of the king, it could be applied to any of the pieces. There was a special reason for its application to each of the pawns; for a pawn, on arriving at its last square, could not be exchanged (as now) for any piece at pleasure, but only for a queen, i. e. the fers _par excellence_. For, as Caxton says again, 'he [the pawn] may not goo on neyther side till he hath been in the fardest ligne of theschequer, & that he hath taken the nature of the draughtes of the quene, & than he is a _fiers_, and than may he goo on al sides cornerwyse fro poynt to poynt onely as the quene'; &c. 726. These stock examples all come together in the Rom. de la Rose; viz. _Jason_ and _Medee_, at l. 13433; _Philis_ and _Demophon_, at l. 13415; '_Dido_, roine de Cartage,' at l. 13379. The story of Echo and Narcissus is told fully, in an earlier passage (see ll. 1469-1545 of the English version, at p. 154); also that of 'Dalida' and 'Sanson' in a later passage, at l. 16879. See also the Legends of Dido, Medea, and Phillis in the Legend of Good Women; and the story of Sampson in the Monkes Tale, B 3205:-- 'Ne Narcissus, the faire,' &c.; Kn. Tale, 1083 (A 1941). 'And dye he moste, he seyde, as dide Ekko For Narcisus'; C. T. 11263 (Frank. Tale, F 951). 779. M. Sandras points out the resemblance to a passage in G. de Machault's Remede de Fortune:-- 'Car le droit estat d'innocence Ressemblent (?) proprement la table _Blanche_, polie, _qui est able_ _A recevoir_, sans nul contraire, Ce qu'on y veut peindre ou portraire.' The rime of _table_ and _able_ settles the point. Mr. Brock points out a parallel passage in Boethius, which Chaucer thus translates:--'the soule hadde ben naked of it-self, as a mirour or a clene parchemin.... Right as we ben wont som tyme by a swifte pointel to ficchen lettres emprented in the smothenesse or in the pleinnesse of the table of wex, or in parchemin that ne hath no figure ne note in it'; bk. v. met. 4. But I doubt if Chaucer knew much of Boethius in 1369; and in the present passage he clearly refers to a prepared white surface, not to a tablet of wax. 'Youth and white paper take any impression'; Ray's Proverbs. 791. An allusion to the old proverb which is given in Hending in the form--'Whose yong lerneth, olt [old] he ne leseth'; Hending's Prov. l. 45. Kemble gives the medieval Latin--'Quod puer adsuescit, leviter dimittere nescit'; Gartner, Dicteria, p. 24 b. Cf. Horace, Epist. i. 2. 69; also Rom. de la Rose, 13094. 799. John of Gaunt married Blaunche at the age of nineteen. 805. Imitated from Machault's Dit du Vergier and Fontaine Amoureuse. 'Car il m'est vis que je veoie, Au joli prael ou j'estoie, La plus tres belle compaignie Qu'oncques fust veue ne oie:' Dit du Vergier, ed. Tarbe, p. 14. 'Tant qu'il avint, qu'en une compagnie Ou il avait mainte dame jolie Juene, gentil, joieuse et envoisie _Vis_, par Fortune, (Qui de mentir a tous est trop commune), _Entre les autres l'une_ Qui, tout aussi _com li solaus la lune_ _Veint de clarte,_ _Avait-elle les autres sormonte_ _De pris, d'onneur, de grace, de biaute;' &c._ Fontaine Amoureuse (in Trial Forewords, p. 47). These are, no doubt, the lines to which Tyrwhitt refers in his remarks on the present passage in a note to the last paragraph of the Persones Tale. Observe also how closely the fifth line of the latter passage answers to l. 812. 823. _Is_, which is; as usual. I propose this reading. That of the MSS. is very bad, viz. 'Than any other planete in heven.' 824. 'The seven stars' generally mean the planets; but, as the sun and moon and planets have just been mentioned, the reference may be to the well-known seven stars in Ursa Major commonly called Charles's Wain. In later English, the _seven stars_ sometimes mean the Pleiades; see _Pleiade_ in Cotgrave's French Dictionary, and G. Douglas, ed. Small, i. 69. 23, iii. 147. 15. The phrase is, in fact, ambiguous; see note to P. Plowman, C. xviii. 98. 831. Referring to Christ and His twelve apostles. 835-7. Resembles Le Roman de la Rose, 1689-91 (see p. 164)-- 'Li Diex d'Amors, qui, l'arc tendu, Avoit toute jor atendu A moi porsivre et espier.' 840. Koch proposes to omit _maner_, and read--'No counseyl, but at hir loke.' It is more likely that _counseyl_ has slipped in, as a gloss upon _reed_, and was afterwards substituted for it. 849. _Carole_, dance round, accompanying the dance with a song. The word occurs in the Rom. de la Rose several times; thus at l. 747, we have:-- 'Lors veissies _carole_ aler, Et gens mignotement baler.' (See p. 125, above.) Cf. Chaucer's version, ll. 759, 810; also 744. Dante uses the pl. _carole_ (Parad. xxiv. 16) to express swift circular movements; and Cary quotes a comment upon it to the effect that '_carolae_ dicuntur tripudium quoddam quod fit saliendo, ut Napolitani faciunt et dicunt.' He also quotes the expression 'grans danses et grans _karolles_' from Froissart, ed. 1559, vol. i. cap. 219. That it meant singing as well as dancing appears from the Rom. de la Rose, l. 731. 858. Chaucer gives Virginia golden hair; Doct. Tale, C 38. Compare the whole description of the maiden in the E. version of the Rom. of the Rose, ll. 539-561 (p. 116, above). 861. _Of good mochel_, of an excellent size; _mochel_ = size, occurs in P. Plowman, B. xvi. 182. Scan the line-- 'Simpl' of | good moch | el noght | to wyde.' 894. 'In reasonable cases, that involve responsibility.' 908. Somewhat similar are ll. 9-18 of the Doctoures Tale. 916. Scan by reading--They n' shold' hav' found-e, &c. 917. _A wikked signe_, a sign, or mark, of wickedness. 919. Imitated from Machault's Remede de Fortune (see Trial Forewords, p. 48):-- '_Et sa gracieuse parole_, Qui n'estoit diverse ne folle, Etrange, _ne mal ordenee_, Hautaine, mes bien affrenee, Cueillie a point et de saison, _Fondee sur toute raison_, Tant plaisant et _douce a oir_, Que chascun faisoit resjoir'; &c. Line 922 is taken from this word for word. 927-8. 'Nor that scorned less, nor that could better heal,' &c. 943. _Canel-boon_, collar-bone; lit. channel-bone, i. e. bone with a channel behind it. See Three Metrical Romances (Camden Soc.), p. 19; Gloss. to Babees Book, ed. Furnivall; and the Percy Folio MS., i. 387. I put _and_ for _or_; the sense requires a conjunction. 948. Here _Whyte_, representing the lady's name, is plainly a translation of _Blaunche_. The insertion of _whyte_ in l. 905, in the existing authorities, is surely a blunder, and I therefore have omitted it. It anticipates the climax of the description, besides ruining the scansion of the line. 950. There is here some resemblance to some lines in G. Machault's Remede de Fortune (see Trial Forewords, p. 49):-- --'ma Dame, qui est clamee De tous, sur toutes belle et bonne, _Chascun por droit ce nom li donne_.' 957. For _hippes_, Bell prints _lippes_; a comic reading. 958. This reading means--'I knew in her no other defect'; which, as _no_ defect has been mentioned, seems inconsistent. Perhaps we should read _no maner lak_, i. e. no 'sort of defect in her (to cause) that all her limbs should not be proportionate.' 964. A common illustration. See Rom. de la Rose, 7448; Alexander and Dindimus, ll. 233-5. Duke Francesco Maria had, for one of his badges, a lighted candle by which others are lighted; with the motto _Non degener addam_, i. e. I will give without loss; see Mrs. Palliser's Historic Devices, p. 263. And cf. Cant. Ta. D 333-5. 973. The accents seem to fall on _She_ and _have_, the _e_ in _wold-e_ being elided. Otherwise, read: She wold-e hav' be. 982. Liddell and Scott explain Gk. [Greek: phoinix] as 'the fabulous Egyptian bird phoenix, first in Hesiod, Fragment 50. 4; then in Herodotus, ii. 73.' Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Naturale, bk. 16. c. 74, refers us to Isidore, Ambrosius (lib. 5), Solinus, Pliny (lib. 10), and Liber de Naturis Rerum; see Solinus, Polyhistor. c. 33. 11; A. Neckam, De Naturis Rerum, c. 34. Philip de Thaun describes it in his Bestiaire, l. 1089; see Popular Treatises on Science, ed. Wright, p. 113. 'The Phoenix of Arabia passes all others. Howbeit, I cannot tell what to make of him; and first of all, whether it be a tale or no, that there is neuer but one of them in all the world, and the same not commonly seen'; Holland, tr. of Pliny, bk. 10. c. 2. 'Tous jors est-il ung seul _Fenis_'; &c. Rom. de la Rose, 16179. 'Una est, quae reparet, seque ipsa reseminet, ales; Assyrii phoenica uocant.'--Ovid, Met. xv. 392. Scan: Th' soleyn | fenix | of A | rabye ||. Cf. 'Com la fenix souleine est au sejour En Arabie': Gower, Balade 35. 987. Chaucer refers to Esther again; e.g. in his Merchant's Tale (E 1371, 1744); Leg. of G. Women, prol. 250; and in the Tale of Melibee (B 2291). 997. Cf. Vergil, Aen. i. 630: 'Haud ignara mali.' 1021. _In balaunce_, i. e. in a state of suspense. F. _en balance_; Rom. de la Rose, 13871, 16770. 1024. This sending of lovers on expeditions, by way of proving them, was in accordance with the manners of the time. Gower explains the whole matter, in his Conf. Amant, lib. 4 (ed. Pauli, ii. 56):-- 'Forthy who secheth loves grace, Where that these worthy women are, He may nought than him-selve spare Upon his travail for to serve, Wherof that he may thank deserve,... So that by londe and ek by ship He mot travaile for worship And make many hastif rodes, Somtime in _Pruse_, somtime in Rodes, And somtime into _Tartarie_, So that these heralds on him crie "Vailant! vailant! lo, where he goth!"' &c. Chaucer's Knight (in the Prologue) sought for renown in _Pruce_, _Alisaundre_, and _Turkye_. There is a similar passage in Le Rom. de la Rose, 18499-18526. The first part of Machault's Dit du Lion (doubtless the Book of the Lion of which Chaucer's translation is now lost) is likewise taken up with the account of lovers who undertook feats, in order that the news of their deeds might reach their ladies. Among the places to which they used to go are mentioned _Alexandres_, Alemaigne, Osteriche, Behaigne, Honguerie, Danemarche, _Prusse_, Poulaine, Cracoe, _Tartarie_, &c. Some even went 'jusqu'a l'Arbre sec, Ou li oisel pendent au bec.' This alludes to the famous _Arbre sec_ or Dry Tree, to reach which was a feat indeed; see Yule's edition of Marco Polo, i. 119; Maundeville, ed. Halliwell, p. 68; Matzner, Sprachproben, ii. 185. As a specimen of the modes of expression then prevalent, Warton draws attention to a passage in Froissart, c. 81, where Sir Walter Manny prefaces a gallant charge upon the enemy with the words--'May I never be embraced by my mistress and dear friend, if I enter castle or fortress before I have unhorsed one of these gallopers.' 1028. _Go hoodles_, travel without even the protection of a hood; by way of bravado. Warton, Hist. Eng. Poet. s. 18 (ed. Hazlitt, iii. 4), says of a society called the Fraternity of the Penitents of Love--'Their object was to prove the excess of their love, by shewing with an invincible fortitude and consistency of conduct ... that they could bear extremes of heat and cold.... It was a crime to wear fur on a day of the most piercing cold; or to appear _with a hood_, cloak, gloves or muff.' See the long account of this in the Knight de la Tour Landry, ed. Wright, p. 169; and cf. The Squyer of Low Degree, 171-200. What is meant by _the drye se_ (dry sea) is disputed; but it matters little, for the general idea is clear. Mr. Brae, in the Appendix to his edition of Chaucer's Astrolabe (p. 101), has a long note on the present passage. Relying on the above quotation from Warton, he supposes _hoodless_ to have reference to a practice of going unprotected in winter, and says that 'dry sea' may refer to any _frozen_ sea. But it may equally refer to going unprotected in summer, in which case he offers us an alternative suggestion, that 'any arid sandy desert might be metaphorically called a dry sea.' The latter is almost a sufficient explanation; but if we must be particular, Mr. Brae has yet more to tell us. He says that, at p. 1044 (Basle edition) of Sebastian Munster's Cosmographie, there is a description of a large lake which was dry in summer. 'It is said that there is a lake near the city of Labac, adjoining the plain of Zircknitz [Czirknitz], which in winter-time becomes of great extent.... But in summer the water drains away, the fish expire, the bed of the lake is ploughed up, corn grows to maturity, and, after the harvest is over, the waters return, &c. The Augspourg merchants have assured me of this, and it has been since confirmed to me by Vergier, the bishop of Cappodistria' [Capo d'Istria]. The lake still exists, and is no fable. It is the variable lake of _Czirknitz_, which sometimes covers sixty-three square miles, and is sometimes dry. It is situate in the province of Krain, or Carniola; _Labac_ is the modern Laybach or Laibach, N.E. of Trieste. See the articles _Krain_, _Czirknitz_ in the Engl. Cyclopaedia, and the account of the lake in The Student, Sept. 1869. That Chaucer really referred to this very lake becomes almost certain, if we are to accept Mr. Brae's explanation of the next line. See the next note. 1029. _Carrenare._ Mr. Brae suggests that the reference is to the 'gulf of the _Carnaro_ or _Quarnaro_ in the Adriatic,' to which Dante alludes in the Inferno, ix. 113, as being noted for its perils. Cary's translation runs thus:-- 'As where Rhone stagnates on the plains of Arles, Or as at Pola, near _Quarnaro's_ gulf, That closes Italy and laves her bounds, The place is all _thick spread with sepulchres_.' It is called in Black's Atlas the Channel of Quarnerolo, and is the gulf which separates Istria from Croatia. The head of the gulf runs up towards the province of Carniola, and approaches within forty miles (at the outside) of the lake of Czirknitz (see note above). I suppose that _Quarnaro_ may be connected with _Carn-iola_ and the _Carn-ic_ Alps, but popular etymology interpreted it to mean 'charnel-house,' from its evil reputation. This appears from the quotations cited by Mr. Brae; he says that the Abbe Fortis quotes a Paduan writer, Palladio Negro, as saying--'E regione Istriae, sinu Palatico, quem nautae _carnarium_ vocitant'; and again, Sebastian Munster, in his Cosmographie, p. 1044 (Basle edition) quotes a description by Vergier, Bishop of Capo d'Istria--'par deca le gouffre enrage lequel on appelle vulgairement _Carnarie_, d'autantque le plus souvent on le voit agite de tempestes horribles; et la s'engloutissent beaucoup de navires et se perdent plusieurs hommes.' In other words, the true name _Quarnaro_ or _Carnaro_ was turned by the sailors into _Carnario_, which means in Italian 'the shambles'; see Florio's Dict., ed. 1598. This _Carnario_ might become _Careynaire_ or _Carenare_ in Chaucer's English, by association with the M.E. _careyne_ or _caroigne_, carrion. This word is used by Chaucer in the Kn. Tale, 1155 (Six-text, A 2013), where the Ellesmere MS. has _careyne_, and the Cambridge and Petworth MSS. have _careyn_. For myself, I am well satisfied with the above explanation. It is probable, and it suffices; and stories about this _dry sea_ may easily have been spread by Venetian sailors. I may add that Maundeville mentions 'a gravely see' in the land of Prestre John, 'that is alle gravele and sonde, with-outen any drope of watre; and it ebbethe and flowethe in grete wawes, as other sees don': ed. Halliwell, p. 272. This curious passage was pointed out by Prof. Hales, in a letter in the Academy, Jan. 28, 1882, p. 65. We certainly ought to reject the explanation given with great assurance in the Saturday Review, July, 1870, p. 143, col. 1, that the allusion is to the chain of mountains called the _Carena_ or _Charenal_, a continuation of the Atlas Mountains in Africa. The writer says--'Leonardo Dati (A.D. 1470), speaking of Africa, mentions a chain of mountains in continuation of the Atlas, 300 miles long, "commonly called Charenal." In the fine chart of Africa by Juan de la Coxa (1500), this chain is made to stretch as far as Egypt, and bears the name of Carena. La Salle, who was born in 1398, lays down the same chain, which corresponds, says Santarem (Histoire de la Cosmographie, iii. 456), to the [Greek: Karene] of Ptolemy. These allusions place it beyond doubt [?] that the _drie see_ of Chaucer was the Great Sahara, the return from whence [_sic_] homewards would be by the chain of the Atlas or [_sic_] Carena.' On the writer's own shewing, the Carena was _not_ the Atlas, but a chain stretching thence towards Egypt; not an obvious way of returning home! Whereas, if the 'dry sea' were the lake of Czirknitz, the obvious way of getting away from it would be to take ship in the neighbouring gulf of Quarnaro. And how could Chaucer come to hear of this remote chain of mountains? 1034. 'But why do I tell you my story?' I. e. let me go on with it, and tell you the result. 1037. Again imitated from Machault's Remede de Fortune:-- 'Car c'est mes cuers, c'est ma creance, C'est _mes desirs_, c'est _m'esperaunce_, C'est _ma sante_.... C'est _toute ma bonne eurte_, C'est ce qui me soustient en vie,' &c. Line 1039 is closely translated. See Furnivall's Trial Forewords, p. 48. 1040. I here substitute _lisse_ for _goddesse_, as in the authorities. The blunder is obvious; _goddesse_ clogs the line with an extra syllable, and gives a false rime such as Chaucer never makes[289]. He rimes _blisse_ with _kisse_, _lisse_, _misse_, and _wisse_. Thus in the Frankelein's Tale, F 1237-- 'What for his labour and his hope of blisse, His woful herte of penaunce hadde a lisse.' _Lisse_ is alleviation, solace, comfort; and l. 1040 as emended, fairly corresponds to Machault's 'C'est ce qui me soustient en vie,' i. e. it is she who sustains my life. The word _goddesse_ was probably substituted for _lisse_, because the latter was obsolescent. 1041. I change _hoolly hirs_ into _hirs hoolly_, and omit the following _and_. In the next line we have--By'r lord; as before (ll. 544, 651, 690). 1047. _Leve_ (i. e. believe) is here much stronger than _trowe_, which merely expresses general assent. 1050. Read--'And to | behold | e th'alder | fayrest | e.' After _beholde_ comes the caesural pause, so that the final _e_ in _beholde_ does not count. Koch proposes to omit _alder-_. But how came it there? 1057. The spelling _Alcipiades_ occurs in the Roman de la Rose, 8981, where he is mentioned as a type of beauty--'qui de biaute avoit ades'--on the authority of 'Boece.' The ultimate reference is to Boethius, Cons. Phil. b. iii. pr. 8. l. 32--'the body of Alcibiades that was ful fayr.' 1058. Hercules is also mentioned in Le Rom. de la Rose, 9223, 9240. See also Ho. Fame, 1413. 1060. Koch proposes to omit _al_; I would rather omit _the_. But we may read _al th_.' 1061. See note to l. 310. 1067. _He_, i. e. Achilles himself; see next note. 1069. _Antilegius_, a corruption of _Antilochus_; and again, _Antilochus_ is a mistake for _Archilochus_, owing to the usual medieval confusion in the forms of proper names. For the story, see next note. 1070. _Dares Frigius_, i. e. Dares Phrygius, or Dares of Phrygia. Chaucer again refers to him near the end of Troilus, and in Ho. Fame, 1467 (on which see the note). The works of Dares and Dictys are probably spurious. The reference is really to the very singular, yet popular, medieval version of the story of the Trojan war which was written by Guido of Colonna, and is entitled 'Historia destructionis Troie, per iudicem Guidonem de Columpna Messaniensem.' Guido's work was derived from the Roman de Troie, written by Benoit de Sainte-Maure; of which romance there is a late edition by M. Joly. In Mr. Panton's introduction to his edition of the Gest Historiale of the Destruction of Troy (Early Eng. Text Society), p. ix., we read--'From the exhaustive reasonings and proofs of Mons. Joly as to the person and age and country of his author, it is sufficiently manifest that the _Roman du Troie_ appeared between the years 1175 and 1185. The translation, or version, of the _Roman_ by Guido de Colonna was finished, as he tells us at the end of his _Historia Trioana_, in 1287. From one or other, or both, of these works, the various Histories, Chronicles, Romances, Gestes, and Plays of _The Destruction of Troy_, _The_ _Prowess and Death of Hector_, _The Treason of the Greeks_, &c., were translated, adapted, or amplified, in almost every language of Europe.' The fact is, that the western nations of Europe claimed connexion, through Aeneas and his followers, with the Trojans, and repudiated Homer as favouring the Greeks. They therefore rewrote the story of the Trojan war after a manner of their own; and, in order to give it authority, pretended that it was derived from two authors named Dares Phrygius (or Dares of Phrygia) and Dictys Cretensis (or Dictys of Crete). Dares and Dictys were real names, as they were cited in the time of Aelian (A.D. 230); and it was said that Dares was a Trojan who was killed by Ulysses. See further in Mr. Panton's introduction, as above; Morley's English Writers, vi. 118; and Warton, Hist. Eng. Poetry, ed. Hazlitt, ii. 127 (sect. 3). But Warton does not seem to have known that Guido mainly followed Benoit de Sainte-Maure. The story about the death of Achilles is taken, accordingly, not from Homer but from Guido de Colonna and his predecessor Benoit. It may be found in the alliterative Geste Hystoriale, above referred to (ed. Panton and Donaldson, p. 342); or in Lydgate's Siege of Troye, bk. iv. c. 32. Hecuba invites Achilles and Archilochus to meet her in the temple of Apollo. When they arrive, they are attacked by Paris and a band of men and soon killed, though Achilles first slays seven of his foes with his own hand. 'There kyld was the _kyng_, and the _knight_ bothe, And by treason _in the temple_ tirnyt to dethe.' Here 'the kyng' is Achilles, and 'the knyght' is Archilochus. It may be added that Achilles was lured to the temple by the expectation that he would there meet Polyxena, and be wedded to her; as Chaucer says in the next line. Polyxena was a daughter of Priam and Hecuba; she is alluded to in Shakespeare's Troilus, iii. 3. 208. According to Ovid, Metam. xiii. 448, she was sacrificed on the tomb of Achilles. Lydgate employs the forms _Archylogus_ and _Anthylogus_. 1071. I supply _hir_; Koch would supply _queen_. I do not find that she _was_ a queen. 1075. _Trewely_ is properly (though not always) trisyllabic. It was inserted after _nay_, because _nede_ and _gabbe_ were thought to be monosyllables. Even so, the 'amended' line is bad. It is all right if _trewly_ be omitted; and I omit it accordingly. 1081. _Penelope_ is accented on the first _e_ and on _o_, as in French. Chaucer copies this form from the Roman de la Rose, l. 8694, as appears from his coupling it with _Lucrece_, whilst at the same time he borrows a pair of rimes. The French has:-- 'Si n'est-il mes nule _Lucrece_, Ne _Penelope_ nule _en Grece_.' In the same passage, the story of Lucretia is told in full, on the authority of Livy, as here. The French has: 'ce dit Titus Livius'; l. 8654. In the prologue to the Legend of Good Women, Chaucer alludes again to Penelope (l. 252), Lucrece of Rome (l. 257), and Polixene (l. 258); and he gives the Legend of Lucrece in full. He again alludes to Lucrece and Penelope in the lines preceding the Man of Lawes Prologue (B 63, 75); and in the Frankelein's Tale (F 1405, 1443). 1085. This seems to mean--'she (Blaunche) was as good (as they), and (there was) nothing like (her), though their stories are authentic (enough).' But the expression 'nothing lyke' is extremely awkward, and seems wrong. _Nothing_ also means 'not at all'; but this does not help us. In l. 1086, _stories_ should perhaps be _storie_; then _her storie_ would be the story of Lucrece; cf. l. 1087. 1087. 'Any way, she (Blaunche) was as true as she (Lucrece).' 1089, 1090. Read _seye_, subjunctive, and _seye_, gerund. Cf. _knewe_, subj., 1133. _Yong_ is properly monosyllabic. Read--'I was right yong, the sooth to sey.' In. l. 1095, _yong-e_ is the _definite_ form. 1096. Accent _besette_ (= besett') on the prefix. Else, we must read _Without_' and _besette_. We should expect _Without-e_, as in 1100. _Without_ is rare; but see IV. 17. 1108. _Yit_, still. _Sit_, sittteth; pres, tense. 1113. I. e. you are like one who confesses, but does not repent. 1118. _Achitofel_, Ahitophel; see 2 Sam. xvii. 1119. According to the Historia Troiana of Guido (see note to l. 1070) it was Antenor (also written Anthenor) who took away the Palladium and sent it to Ulysses, thus betraying Troy. See the Geste Hystoriale, p. 379; or see the extract from Caxton in my Specimens of English from 1394 to 1579, p. 89. Or see Chaucer's Troilus, bk. iv. l. 204. 1121. _Genelon_; also _Genilon_, as in the Monkes Tale, B 3579. He is mentioned again in the Nonne Preestes Tale, B 4417 (C. T. 15233), and in the Shipmannes Tale, B 1384 (C. T. 13124), where he is called 'Geniloun of France.' Tyrwhitt's note on _Genelon_ in his Glossary is as follows: 'One of Charlemaigne's officers, who, by his treachery, was the cause of the defeat at Roncevaux, the death of Roland, &c., for which he was torn to pieces by horses. This at least is the account of the author who calls himself Archbishop Turpin, and of the Romancers who followed him; upon whose credit the name of _Genelon_ or _Ganelon_ was for several centuries a synonymous expression for _the worst of traitors_.' See the Chanson de Roland, ed. Gautier; Dante, Inf. xxxii. 122, where he is called _Ganellone_; and Wheeler's Noted Names of Fiction. Cf. also the Roman de la Rose, l. 7902-4:-- 'Qu'onques Karles n'ot por Rolant, Quant en Ronceval mort recut Par _Guenelon_ qui les decut.' 1123. _Rowland and Olivere_, the two most celebrated of Charlemagne's Twelve Peers of France; see _Roland_ in Wheeler's Noted Names of Fiction, and Ellis's Specimens of Early Eng. Metrical Romances, especially the account of the Romance of Sir Otuel. 1126. I supply _right_. We find _right tho_ in C. T. 6398, 8420 (D 816, E 544). 1133. _Knew-e_, might know; subjunctive mood. See note to l. 1089. 1137. Accent _thou_. This and the next line are repeated, nearly, from ll. 743, 744. See also ll. 1305-6. 1139. I here insert the word _sir_, as in most of the other places where the poet addresses the stranger. 1152-3. Cf. Rom. de la Rose, 2006-7:-- 'Il est asses _sires du cors_ _Qui a le cuer_ en sa commande.' 1159. For _this_, B. has _thus_. Neither _this_ nor _thus_ seems wanted; I therefore pay no regard to them. The squire Dorigen, in the Frankelein's Tale, consoled himself in the same way (F 947):-- 'Of swich matere made he manye layes, Songes, compleintes, roundels, virelayes.' 1162. _Tubal_; an error for _Jubal_; see Gen. iv. 21. But the error is Chaucer's own, and is common. See Higden's Polychronicon, lib. iii. c. 11, ed. Lumby, iii. 202; Higden cites the following from Isidorus, lib. ii. c. 24:--'Quamvis _Tubal_ de stirpe Cayn ante diluvium legatur fuisse musicae inventor, ... tamen apud Graecos _Pythagoras_ legitur ex malleorum sonitu et chordarum extensione musicam reperisse.' In Genesis, it is Jubal who 'was the father of all such as handle the harp and organ'; and Tubal-cain who was 'an instructor of every artificer in brass and iron.' The notion of the discovery of music by the former from the observation of the sounds struck upon the anvil of the latter is borrowed from the usual fable about Pythagoras. This fable is also given by Higden, who copies it from Macrobius. It will be found in the Commentary by Macrobius on the Somnium Scipionis, lib. ii. c. 1; and is to the effect that Pythagoras, observing some smiths at work, found that the tones struck upon their anvils varied according to the weights of the hammers used by them; and, by weighing these hammers, he discovered the relations to each other of the various notes in the gamut. The story is open to the objection that the facts are not so; the sound varies according to variations in the anvil or the thing struck, not according to the variation in the striking implement. However, Pythagoras is further said to have made experiments with stretched strings of varying length; which would have given him right results. See Mrs. Somerville's Connection of the Physical Sciences, sect. 16 and 17. 1169. _Aurora._ The note in Tyrwhitt's Glossary, s. v. _Aurora_, runs thus:--'The title of a Latin metrical version of several parts of the Bible by _Petrus de Riga_, Canon of Rheims, in the twelfth century. Leyser, in his _Hist. Poet. Med. Aevi_, pp. 692-736, has given large extracts from this work, and among others the passage which Chaucer seems to have had in his eye (p. 728):-- 'Aure Jubal varios ferramenti notat ictus. Pondera librat in his. Consona quaeque facit. Hoc inventa modo prius est ars musica, quamvis Pythagoram dicant hanc docuisse prius.' Warton speaks of 'Petrus de Riga, canon of Rheims, whose _Aurora_, or the _History of the Bible allegorised_, in Latin verses ... was never printed entire.'--Hist. E. Poet. 1871, iii. 136. 1175. A song in six lines; compare the eleven-line song above, at l. 475. Lines 1175-6 rime with lines 1179-80. 1198. Koch scans: And | bounte | without' | mercy ||. This is no better than the reading in the text. 1200. 'With (tones of) sorrow and by compulsion, yet as though I never ought to have done so.' Perhaps read _wolde_, wished (to do). 1206. _Dismal._ In this particular passage the phrase _in the dismal_ means 'on an unlucky day,' with reference to an etymology which connected _dismal_ with the Latin _dies malus_. Though we cannot derive _dismal_ immediately from the Lat. _dies malus_, it is now known that there was an Anglo-French phrase _dis mal_ (= Lat. _dies mali_, plural); whence the M. E. phrase _in the dismal_, 'in the evil days,' or (more loosely), 'on an evil day.' When the exact sense was lost, the suffix _-al_ seemed to be adjectival, and the word _dismal_ became at last an adjective. The A.F. form _dismal_, explained as _les mal jours_ (evil days), was discovered by M. Paul Meyer in a Glasgow MS. (marked Q. 9. 13, fol. 100, back), in a poem dated 1256; which settles the question. Dr. Chance notes that Chaucer probably took _dis-mal_ to be derived from O.F. _dis mal_, i. e. 'ten evils'; see l. 1207. We can now see the connexion with the next line. The whole sentence means: 'I think it must have been in the evil days (i. e. on an unlucky day), such as were the days of the ten plagues of Egypt'; and the allusion is clearly to the so-called _dies Aegyptiaci_, or unlucky days; and _woundes_ is merely a rather too literal translation of Lat. _plaga_, which we generally translate by _plague_. In Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Naturale, lib. xv. c. 83, we find:--'In quolibet mense sunt duo dies, qui dicuntur _Aegyptiaci_, quorum unus est a principio mensis, alter a fine.' He goes on to shew how they are calculated, and says that, in January, the Egyptian days are the 1st, and the 7th from the end, i. e. the 25th; and he expressly refers the name _Aegyptiaci_ to the plagues of Egypt, which (as some said) took place on Egyptian days; for it was asserted that there were minor plagues besides the ten. See also Brand's Pop. Antiquities, ed. Ellis, from which I extract the following. Barnabe Googe thus translates the remarks of Naogeorgus on this subject [of days]:-- 'But some of them Egyptian are, and full of jeopardee, And some again, beside the rest, both good and luckie bee.' Brand (as above), ii. 45. 'The Christian faith is violated when, so like a pagan and apostate, any man doth observe those days which are called _Aegyptiaci_,' &c.--Melton's Astrologaster, p. 56; in Brand, ii. 47. 'If his Journey began unawares _on the dismal day_, he feares a mischiefe'; Bp. Hall, Characters of Virtues and Vices; in Brand, ii. 48. 'Alle that take hede to _dysmal dayes_, or use nyce observaunces in the newe moone,' &c.; Dialogue of Dives and Pauper (1493); in Brand, i. 9. 'A _dismol_ day'; Tale of Beryn, 650. Compare also the following:-- 'Her _disemale daies_, and her fatal houres'; Lydgate, Storie of Thebes, pt. iii. (ed. 1561, fol. 370). In the Pistil of Swete Susan (Laing's Anc. Pop. Poetry of Scotland), l. 305, Daniel reproves one of the elders in these terms:-- 'Thou hast i-be presedent, the people to steere, Thou dotest now on thin olde tos, _in the dismale_.' In Langtoft's Chronicle, l. 477 (in Wright's Polit. Songs, p. 303), John Baliol is attacked in some derisive verses, which conclude with:--'Rede him at ride _in the dismale_'; i. e. advise him to ride on an unlucky day. Cf. The Academy, Nov. 28, 1891, p. 482; &c. The consequence of 'proposing' on an unlucky day was a refusal; see l. 1243. 1208. A priest who missed words in chanting a service was called an _overskipper_; see my note to P. Plowman, C. xiv. 123. 1219. Similarly, Troilus was reduced to saying-- 'Mercy, mercy, swete herte!'--Troil. iii. 98. 1234. 'Unless I am dreaming,' i. e. unintentionally. 1246. _Cassandra._ The prophetic lamentation of Cassandra over the impending fate of Troy is given in the alliterative Geste Hystoriale (E. E. T. S.), p. 88, and in Lydgate's Siege of Troye, bk. ii. c. 12, from Guido de Colonna; cf. Vergil, Aen. ii. 246. 1248. Chaucer treats _Ilion_ as if it were different from _Troye_; cf. Nonne Prestes Tale, B 4546 (C. T. 15362). He merely follows Guido de Colonna and others, who made _Ilion_ the name of the _citadel_ of Troy; see further in note to Ho. of Fame, l. 158. 1288. M. Sandras (Etude sur Chaucer, p. 95) says this is from Machault's Jugement du Bon Roi de Behaigne-- 'De nos deux cuers estoit si juste paire Qu'onques ne fu l'un a l'autre contraire. Tuit d'un accord, une pensee avoient. De volente, de desir se sambloient. Un bien, un mal, une joie sentoient. Conjointement. N'onques ne fu entre eux deux autrement.' 1305-6. Repeated from ll. 743, 744. Cf. ll. 1137-8. 1309. Imitated in Spenser's Daphnaida, 184. The Duchess Blaunche died Sept. 12, 1369. The third great pestilence lasted from July to September in that year. 1314. _King_, i. e. Edward III; see note to l. 368. 1318. Possibly the _long castel_ here meant is Windsor Castle; this seems likely when we remember that it was in Windsor Castle that Edward III. instituted the order of the Garter, April 23, 1349; and that he often resided there. _A riche hil_ in the next line appears to have no special significance. The suggestion, in Bell's Chaucer, that it refers to Richmond (which, after all, is not Windsor) is quite out of the question, because that town was then called Sheen, and did not receive the name of Richmond till the reign of Henry VII., who renamed it after Richmond in Yorkshire, whence his own title of Earl of Richmond had been derived. 1322. _Belle_, i. e. bell of a clock, which rang out the hour. This bell, half heard in the dream, seems to be meant to be real. If so, it struck midnight; and Chaucer's chamber must have been within reach of its sound. IV. THE COMPLAINT OF MARS. For general remarks on this poem, see p. 64, above. By consulting ll. 13 and 14, we see that the whole of this poem is supposed to be uttered by a bird on the 14th of February, before sunrise. Lines 1-28 form the proem; the rest give the story of Mars and Venus, followed by the Complaint of Mars at l. 155. The first 22 stanzas are in the ordinary 7-line stanza. The Complaint is very artificial, consisting of an Introductory Stanza, and five Terns, or sets of three stanzas, making sixteen stanzas of nine lines each, or 144 lines. Thus the whole poem has 298 lines. Each tern is occupied with a distinct subject, which I indicate by headings, viz. Devotion to his Love; Description of a Lady in an anxiety of fear and woe; the Instability of Happiness; the story of the Brooch of Thebes; and An Appeal for Sympathy. A correct appreciation of these various 'movements' of the Complaint makes the poem much more intelligible. 1. _Foules._ The false reading _lovers_ was caught from l. 5 below. But the poem opens with a call from a bird to all other birds, bidding them rejoice at the return of Saint Valentine's day. There is an obvious allusion in this line to the common proverb--'As fain as fowl of a fair morrow,' which is quoted in the Kn. Tale, 1579 (A 2437), in P. Plowman, B. x. 153, and is again alluded to in the Can. Yeom. Tale, G 1342. In l. 3, the bird addresses the _flowers_, and finally, in l. 5, the _lovers_. 2. Venus, the planet, supposed to appear as a morning-star, as it sometimes does. See note to Boethius, bk. i. met. 5. l. 9. _Rowes_, streaks or rays of light, lit. rows. In the Complaint of the Black Knight, l. 596, Lydgate uses the word of the streaks of light at eventide--'And while the twilight and the _rowes_ rede Of Phebus light,' &c. Also in Lydgate's Troy-Book, bk. i. c. 6, ed. 1555, fol. E 1, quoted by Warton, Hist. E. Poetry, 1871, iii. 84:--'Whan that the _rowes_ and the rayes rede Estward to us full early gonnen sprede.' Hence the verb _rowen_, to dawn; P. Plowm. C. ii. 114, xxi. 28; see my Notes to P. Plowman. Tyrwhitt's Glossary ignores the word. 3. For _day_, Bell's edition has _May_! The month is February. 4. _Uprist_, upriseth. But in Kn. Tale, 193 (A 1051), _uprist-e_ (with final _e_) is the dat. case of a sb. 7. The final _e_ in _sonn-e_ occurs at the caesural pause; _candle_ is pronounced nearly as _candl'_. The sun is here called the _candle of Ielosye_, i.e torch or light that discloses cause for jealousy, in allusion to the famous tale which is the foundation of the whole poem, viz. how Phoebus (the Sun) discovered the amour between Mars and Venus, and informed Vulcan of it, rousing him to jealousy; which Chaucer doubtless obtained from his favourite author Ovid (Metam. bk. iv). See the description of 'Phebus,' with his 'torche in honde,' in ll. 27, 81-84 below. Gower also, who quotes Ovid expressly, has the whole story; Conf. Amant. ed. Pauli, ii. 149. The story first occurs in Homer, Odys. viii. 266-358. And cf. Statius, Theb. iii. 263-316; Chaucer's Kn. Tale, 1525 (A 2383), &c. Cf. also Troilus, iii. 1457. 8. _Blewe_; 'there seems no propriety in this epithet; it is probably a corruption'; Bell. But it is quite right; in M. E., the word is often applied to the colour of a wale or stripe caused by a blow, as in the phrase 'beat black and _blue_'; also to the gray colour of burnt-out ashes, as in P. Plowman, B. iii. 97; also to the colour of lead; 'as blo as led,' Miracle-Plays, ed. Marriott, p. 148. 'Ashen-gray' or 'lead-coloured' is not a very bad epithet for tears:-- 'And round about her tear-distained eye _Blue_ circles streamed.' Shak. Lucrece, 1586. 9. _Taketh_, take ye. _With seynt Iohn_, with St. John for a surety; _borwe_ being in the dat. case; see note to Squi. Tale, F 596. It occurs also in the Kingis Quair, st. 23; Blind Harry's Wallace, bk. ix. l. 46; &c. 13. _Seynt Valentyne_; Feb. 14. See note to Sect. V. l. 309. 21. Cf. 'And everich of us take his aventure'; Kn. Tale, 328 (A 1186). 25. See note to line 7 above; and cf. Troilus, iii. 1450-70:--'O cruel day,' &c. 29. In the Proem to Troilus, bk. iii. st. 1, Chaucer places _Venus_ in the third heaven; that is, he begins to reckon from the earth outwards, the spheres being, successively, those of the Moon, Mercury, Venus, Sun, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn; see the description of the planets in Gower's Confessio Amantis, bk. vii. So also, in Troilus, v. 1809, by the _seventh_ sphere he means the outermost sphere of Saturn. But in other poems he adopts the more common ancient mode, of reckoning the spheres in the reverse order, taking Saturn _first_; in which case Mars comes third. In this he follows Macrobius, who, in his Commentary on the Somnium Scipionis, lib. i. c. 19, has:--'A sphaera Saturni, quae est _prima_ de septem,' &c.; see further on this borrowing from Macrobius in the note to l. 69. The same mode of reckoning places Venus in the _fifth_ sphere, as in Lenvoy to Scogan, l. 9. In the curious manual of astronomy called The Shepheards Kalendar (pr. in 1604) we find, in the account of Mars, the following: 'The planet of Mars is called the God of battel and of war, and he is the _third_ planet, for he raigneth next vnder the gentle planet of Jupiter.... And Mars goeth about the twelue signes _in two yeare_.' The account of Venus has:--'Next after the Sun raigneth the gentle planet _Venus_, ... and she is lady ouer all louers: ... and her two signes is _Taurus_ and Libra.... This planet Venus runneth _in twelue months_ ouer the xii. signes.' Also:--'Next under Venus is the faire planet Mercury ... and his principall signes be these: _Gemini_ is the first ... and the other signe is _Virgo_,' &c. See Furnivall's Trial Forewords, p. 121. Hence the 'third heaven's lord' is _Mars_; and Chaucer tells us, that by virtue of his motion in his orbit (as well as by desert) he had won Venus. That is, Venus and Mars were seen in the sky very near each other. We may explain _wonne_ by 'approached.' 36. _At alle_, in any and every case. There is a parallel passage to this stanza in Troilus, bk. iii. st. 4 of the Proem. 38. _Talle_, obedient, docile, obsequious. See the account of this difficult word in my Etym. Dictionary, s.v. _tall_. 42. _Scourging_, correction. Compare the phr. _under your yerde_; Parl. Foules, 640, and the note. I see no reason for suspecting the reading. 49. 'Unless it should be that his fault should sever their love.' 51. _Loking_, aspect; a translation of the Latin astrological term _aspectus_. They regard each other with a favourable aspect. 54. _Hir nexte paleys_, the next palace (or mansion), which belonged to Venus. In astrology, each planet was said to have two _mansions_, except the sun and moon, which had but one apiece. A _mansion_, or _house_, or _palace_, is that Zodiacal sign in which, for some imaginary reason, a planet was supposed to be peculiarly at home. (The whole system is fanciful and arbitrary.) The mansions of Venus were said to be Taurus and Libra; those of Mars, Aries and Scorpio; and those of Mercury, Gemini and Virgo. See the whole scheme in the introduction to Chaucer's Astrolabe. The sign here meant is _Taurus_ (cf. l. 86); and the arrangement was that Mars should 'glide' or pass out of the sign of Aries into that of Taurus, which came next, and belonged specially to Venus. 55. _A-take_, overtaken; because the apparent motion of Venus is swifter than that of Mars. This shews that Mars was, at first, further advanced than Venus along the Zodiac. 61. Actually repeated in the Nonne Prestes Tale, l. 340 (B 4350):--'For whan I see the beautee of your face.' Compare also l. 62 with the same, l. 342; and l. 63 with the same, l. 350. 65. _come_, may come; pres. subj. (Lounsbury says 'preterite'). 69. That is, the apparent motion of Venus was twice as great as that of Mars. Chaucer here follows Macrobius, Comment. in Somnium Scipionis, lib. i. ch. 19, who says:--'Rursus tantum a Iove sphaera Martis recedit, ut eundum cursum _biennio_ peragat. Venus autem tanto est regione Martis inferior, ut ei annus satis sit ad zodiacum peragrandum'; that is, Mars performs his orbit in _two_ years, but Venus in _one_; accordingly, she moves as much in _one day_ as Mars does in _two days_. Mars really performs his orbit in rather less than two years (about 687 days), and Venus in less than one (about 225 days), but Chaucer's statement is sufficiently near to facts, the apparent motion of the planets being variable. 71. This line resembles one in the Man of Lawes Tale, B 1075:--'And swich a blisse is ther bitwix hem two'; and ll. 71, 72 also resemble the same, ll. 1114, 1115:-- 'Who can the pitous Ioye tellen al Betwix hem three, sin they ben thus y-mette?' 81. Phebus here passes the palace-gates; in other words, the sun enters the sign of Taurus, and so comes into Venus' chamber, within her palace. Cf. note to l. 54. In Chaucer's time, the sun entered Taurus on the twelfth of April. This is actually mentioned below, in l. 139. 84. _Knokkeden_, knocked at the door, i. e. demanded admission. 86. That is, both Mars and Venus are now in Taurus. The entry of Venus is noticed in l. 72. 89. The latter syllable of _Venus_ comes at the caesural pause; but the scansion is best mended by omitting _nygh_; see footnote. 96. In the Shepheards Kalendar, Mars is said to be 'hot and dry'; and Venus to be 'moist and colde.' Thus Mars was supposed to cause heat, and Venus to bring rain. The power of Venus in causing rain is fully alluded to in Lenvoy to Scogan, st. 2. 100. _Girt_, short for _girdeth_; not _gerte_, pt. t. 104. Nearly repeated in Kn. Tale, 1091 (A 1949):--'Ne may with Venus holde champartye.' 105. _Bad her fleen_, bade her flee; because her motion in her orbit was faster than his. Cf. l. 112. 107. 'In the palace (Taurus) in which thou wast disturbed.' 111. _Stremes_, beams, rays; for the eyes of Mars emitted streams of fire (l. 95). Venus is already half past the distance to which Mars's beams extend. Obscure and fanciful. 113. _Cylenius_, Cyllenius, i. e. Mercury, who was born on Mount Cyllene in Arcadia; Vergil, Aen. viii. 139. _Tour_, tower; another word for _mansion_. The tower of Cyllenius, or mansion of Mercury, is the sign Gemini; see note to l. 29. Venus passes out of Taurus into the next sign Gemini. 'The sign _Gemini_ is also _domus Murcurii_, so that when Venus fled into "the tour" of Cyllenius, she simply slipped into the next door to her own house of _Taurus_, leaving poor Mars behind to halt after her as he best might'; A.E. Brae, in Notes and Queries, 1st Series, iii. 235. 114. _Voide_, solitary; Mars is left behind in Taurus. Besides (according to l. 116) there was no other planet in Gemini at that time. 117. _But litil myght._ A planet was supposed to exercise its greatest influence in the sign which was called its _exaltation_; and its least influence in that which was called its _depression_. The _exaltation_ of Venus was in Pisces; her _depression_, in Virgo. She was now in Gemini, and therefore halfway from her exaltation to her depression. So her influence was slight, and waning. 119. _A cave._ In l. 122 we are told that it stood only two paces within the gate, viz. of Gemini. The gate or entrance into Gemini is the point where the sign begins. By _paces_ we must understand _degrees_; for the F. word _pas_ evidently represents the Lat. _gradus_. Venus had therefore advanced to a point which stood only two degrees within (or from the beginning of) the sign. In plain words, she was now in the second degree of Gemini, and there fell into _a cave_, in which she remained for _a natural day_, that is (taking her year to be of nearly the same length as the earth's year) for the term during which she remained within that second degree. Venus remained in the cave as long as she was in that second degree of the sign; from the moment of entering it to the moment of leaving it. A _natural day_ means a period of twenty-four hours, as distinguished from the _artificial day_, which was the old technical name for the time from sunrise to sunset. This Chaucer says plainly, in his Treatise on the Astrolabe, pt. ii. s. 7, l. 12--'the _day natural_, that is to seyn 24 houris.' We thus see that the _cave_ here mentioned is a name for the _second degree_ of the sign Gemini. This being so, I have no doubt at all, that _cave_ is here merely a translation of the Latin technical astrological term _puteus_. In Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Naturale, lib. xv. c. 42, I find:--'Et _in signis_ sunt quidam _gradus_, qui dicuntur _putei_; cum fuerit planeta in aliquo istorum, dicitur esse _in puteo_, vt 6 gradus Arietis, et 11, etc.' There are certain degrees in the signs called _putei_; and when a planet is in one of these, it is said to be _in puteo_; such degrees, in Aries, are the 6th, 11th, &c. Here, unfortunately, Vincent's information ceases; he refers us, however, to Alcabitius. Alcabitius (usually Alchabitius), who should rather be called Abdel-Aziz, was an Arabian astrologer who lived towards the middle of the tenth century. His treatise on judicial astrology was translated into Latin by Johannes Hispalensis in the thirteenth century. This translation was printed at Venice, in quarto, in 1481, 1482, and 1502; see Didot, Nouv. Biograph. Universelle. I found a copy of the edition of 1482 in the Cambridge University Library, entitled Libellus ysagogic_us_ abdilazi .i. serui gloriosi dei. q_ui_ d_icitu_r alchabiti_us_ ad magisteriu_m_ iudicior_um_ astror_um_; i_n_terpretat_us_ a ioa_n_ne hispale_n_si. At sign. a 7, back, I found the passage quoted above from Vincent, and a _full list_ of the _putei_. The _putei_ in the sign of Gemini are the degrees numbered 2, 12, 17, 26, 30. After this striking confirmation of my conjecture, I think no more need be said. But I may add, that Chaucer expressly mentions 'Alkabucius' by name, and refers to him; Treat. on Astrolabe, i. 8. 9. The passage which he there quotes occurs in the same treatise, sign. a 1, back. 120. _Derk_, dark. I think it is sufficient to suppose that this word is used, in a purely astrological sense, to mean inauspicious; and the same is true of l. 122, where Venus remains under this sinister influence as long as she remained in the ill-omened second degree of Gemini. There is no need to suppose that the planet's light was really obscured. 129. The Fairfax MS. and some editions have the false reading _sterre_. As Mars was supposed to complete his orbit (360 degrees) in _two years_ (see note to l. 69), he would pass over one degree of it in about _two days_. Hence Mr. Brae's note upon this line, as printed in Furnivall's Trial Forewords, p. 121:--'The mention of _dayes two_ is so specific that it cannot but have a special meaning. Wherefore, either _sterre_ is a metonym for _degree_; or which is more probable, Chaucer's word was originally _steppe_ (_gradus_), and was miscopied _sterre_ by early scribes.' Here Mr. Brae was exceedingly near the right solution; we now see that _sterre_ was miswritten (not for _steppe_, but) for _steyre_, by the mere alteration of one letter. If the scribe was writing from dictation, the mistake was still more easily made, since _steyre_ and _sterre_ would sound very nearly alike, with the old pronunciation. As to _steyre_, it is the exact literal translation of Lat. _gradus_, which meant a degree or stair. Thus Minsheu's Dict. has:--'a _Staire_, Lat. _gradus_.' This difficulty, in fact, is entirely cleared up by accepting the reading of the majority of the MSS. 131. _He foloweth her_, i. e. the motions of Mars and Venus were in the same direction; neither of them had a 'retrograde' motion, but advanced along the signs in the direction of the sun's apparent motion. 133. _Brenning_, burning in the fire of the sun's heat. 137. 'Alas; that my orbit has so wide a compass'; because the orbit of Mars is so very much larger than that of Venus. Still larger was the orbit of Saturn; Kn. Tale, 1596 (A 2454). _Spere_ is sphere, orbit. 139. _Twelfte_, twelfth. The false reading _twelve_ arose from misreading the symbol '.xij.,' which was used as an abbreviation both for _twelfte_ and for _twelve_. See Furnivall, Trial Forewords, p. 88. As a fact, it was on the _12th day of April_ that the sun entered Taurus; see note to l. 81. 144. _Cylenius_, Mercury; as in l. 113. _Chevauche_, equestrian journey, ride. Used ludicrously to mean a feat of horsemanship in l. 50 of the Manciple's Prologue. The closely related word _chivachye_, in Prologue to C. T. 85, means a military (equestrian) expedition. In the present case it simply means 'swift course,' with reference to the rapid movement of Mercury, which completes its orbit in about 88 days. Thus the line means--'Mercury, advancing in his swift course.' 145. _Fro Venus valance._ This is the most difficult expression in the poem, but I explain it by reading _fallance_, which of course is only a _guess_. I must now give my reasons, as every preceding commentator has given up the passage as hopeless. The readings of the MSS. all point back to a form _valance_ (as in Ar.) or _valauns_ (as in Tn.); whence the other readings, such as _Valaunses_, _valanus_ (for _valauns_), _balance_, _balaunce_, are all deduced, by easy corruptions. But, as no assignable sense has been found for _valance_, I can only suppose that it is an error for _falance_ or _fallance_. I know of no instance of its use in English, but Godefroy gives examples of _fallance_ and _falence_ in O. French, though the usual spelling is _faillance_. The change from _faillance_ or _fallance_ to _vallance_ or _valance_ would easily be made by scribes, from the alliterative influence of the initial letter of the preceding word _Venus_. Moreover, we have _v_ for _f_ in E. _vixen_ (for _fixen_), and in Southern English generally. Even in a Chaucer MS., the curious spelling _vigour_ or _vigur_ for _figure_ occurs over and over again; viz. in the Cambridge MS. (Dd. 3. 53) of Chaucer's 'Astrolabe.' The sense of _fallance_ or _faillance_ is failure, defection. Cotgrave gives us: 'Faillance, f. a defection, failing, decaying.' The numerous examples in Godefroy shew that it was once a common word. It represents a Lat. fem. *_fallentia_. I hold it to be the exact literal translation into French of the Lat. technical (astrological) term _detrimentum_. In my edition of Chaucer's Astrolabe (E. E. T. S.), p. lxvii., I explained that every planet had either one or two _mansions_, and one or two _detrimenta_. The _detrimentum_ is the sign of the Zodiac opposite to the planet's mansion. The mansions of Venus were Taurus and Libra (see note to l. 54); and her _detrimenta_ were Scorpio and Aries. The latter is here intended; so that, after all, this apparently mysterious term 'Venus valance' is nothing but another name for _the sign Aries_, which, _from other considerations_, must necessarily be here intended. If the correction of _valance_ to _fallance_ be disallowed, I should plead that _valance_ might be short for _avalance_ (mod. E. _avalanche_, literally _descent_), just as every reader of our old literature knows that _vale_ is a common form instead of _avale_, to descend or lower, being the verb from which _avalance_ is derived. This _valance_ (= _avalance_) is a fair translation of the Lat. _occasus_, which was an alternative name for the sign called _detrimentum_; see my edition of the Astrolabe, as above. The result would then be just the same as before, and would bring us back to _the sign of Aries_ again. But we know that Aries is meant, from purely astronomical considerations. For the planet Mercury is always so near the sun that it can never have a greater elongation, or angular distance, from it than 29deg, which is just a little less than the length of a sign, which was 30deg. But, the sun being (as said) in the 1st degree of Taurus on the 12th of April, it is quite certain that Mercury was either in Taurus or in Aries. Again, as there was no mention of Mercury being in Taurus when Mars and Venus were there and were undisturbed (see note to l. 114), we can only infer that Mercury was then _in Aries_. Moreover, he continued his swift course, always approaching and tending to overtake the slower bodies that preceded him, viz. the Sun, Mars, and Venus. At last, he got so near that he was able to 'see' or get a glimpse of his mansion Gemini, which was not so very far ahead of him. This I take to mean that he was swiftly approaching the end of Aries. We can now tell the exact position of all the bodies on the 14th of April, two days after the sun had burst into Taurus, where he had found Mars and Venus at no great distance apart. By that time, Venus was in the second degree of Gemini, Mars was left behind in Taurus, the sun was in the third degree of Taurus, and Mercury near the end of Aries, sufficiently near to Venus to salute and cheer her with a kindly and favourable aspect. I will add that whilst the whole of the sign of Aries was called the _occasus_ or _detrimentum_ of Venus, it is somewhat curious that the last ten degrees of Aries (degrees 20 to 30) were called _the face of Venus_. Chaucer uses this astrological term _face_ elsewhere with reference to the _first_ ten degrees of Aries, which was 'the face of Mars' (see my note to Squieres Tale, F 47). Hence another possible reading is _Fro Venus face mighte_, &c. In any case, I think we are quite sufficiently near to Chaucer's meaning; especially as he is, after all, only speaking in allegory, and there is no need to strain his words to suit rigid astronomical calculations. I only give this as a guess, for what it is worth; I should not care to defend it. 150. _Remembreth me_, comes to my memory; the nom. case being the preceding part of the sentence. _Me_, by the way, refers to the extraordinary bird who is made responsible for the whole poem, with the sole exception of lines 13 and 14, and half of l. 15. The bird tells us he will say and sing the Complaint of Mars, and afterwards take his leave. 155. We now come to the part of the poem which exhibits great metrical skill. In order to shew the riming more clearly, I have 'set back' the 3rd, 6th, and 7th lines of each stanza. Each stanza exhibits the order of rimes _a a b a a b b c c_; i. e. the first rime belongs to lines 1, 2, 4, 5; the second rime to lines 3, 6, 7; and the last rime to lines 8 and 9. The first stanza forms an Introduction or Proem. The rest form five Terns, or sets of three stanzas, as has been already said. Each Tern has its own subject, quite separate from the rest. The first line can only be scanned by reading _The ordre_ as _Th'ordr'_ (monosyllable). 164. The first Tern expresses his Devotion to his love's service. I gave my love, he says, to her for ever; She is the very source of all beauty; and now I will never leave her, but will die in her service. 170. That is--who ever approaches her, but obtains from her no favour, loses all joy in love, and only feels its bitterness. 176. _Men_, people; _men hit selle_ = it is sold. This parenthetical ejaculation is an echo to that in l. 168. 185. _Hette_, promised (incorrectly). The M.E. _haten_, to promise, is a complicated verb; see the excellent examples in Matzner's Dictionary, and in Grein's A. S. Dict., s. v. _hatan_. It had two past tenses; the first _heet_, a strong form, meaning 'promised, commanded,' answering to A.S. _heht_ and Goth. _haihait_; and the second _hette_, _hatte_, a weak form, meaning 'I was named,' answering to A. S. _hatte_ (used both as a present and a past tense without change of form) and to the Goth. present passive _haitada_. Chaucer has here used the intransitive weak past tense with the sense of the transitive strong one; just as he uses _lernen_ with the sense of 'teach.' The confusion was easy and common. 190. _But grace be_, unless favour be shewn me. _See_, shall see; present as future. 191. Tern 2. Shall I complain to my lady? Not so; for she is in distress herself. Lovers may be as true as new metal, and yet suffer. To return: my lady is in distress, and I ought to mourn for her, even though I knew no other sorrow. 197. 'But if _she_ were safe, it would not matter about _me_.' 205. 'They might readily leave their head as a pledge,' i. e. might devote themselves to death. 206. _Horowe_, foul, unclean, filthy, scandalous; pl. of _horow_, an adj. formed from the A.S. sb. _horu_ (gen. _horwes_). filth; cf. A.S. _horweht_, filthy, from the same stem _horw-_. The M.E. adj. also takes the form _hori_, _hory_, from A.S. _horig_, an adj. formed from the closely related A.S. sb. _horh_, _horg_, filth. As the M.E. adj. is not common, I give some examples (from Matzner). 'Hit nis bote a _hori_ felle,' it is only a dirty skin; Early Eng. Poems, ed. Furnivall, p. 19, l. 13. 'Thy saule ... thorugh fulthe of synne Sone is mad wel _hory_ wythinne,' thy soul, by filth of sin, is soon made very foul within; Reliquiae Antiquae, ii. 243. 'Eny uncleene, whos touchynge is _hoory_,' any unclean person, whose touch is defiling; Wyclif, Levit. xxii. 5. 'Still used in Devon, pronounced _horry_'; Halliwell. 218. Tern 3. Why did the Creator institute love? The bliss of lovers is so unstable, that in every case lovers have more woes than the moon has changes. Many a fish is mad after the bait; but when he is hooked, he finds his penance, even though the line should break. 219. _Love other companye_, love or companionship. 229. Read _putt'th_; as a monosyllable. 245. Tern 4. The brooch of Thebes had this property, that every one who saw it desired to possess it; when he possessed it, he was haunted with constant dread; and when he lost it, he had a double sorrow in thinking that it was gone. This was due, however, not to the brooch itself, but to the cunning of the maker, who had contrived that all who possessed it should suffer. In the same way, my lady was as the brooch; yet it was not she who caused me wo, but it was He who endowed her with beauty. The story referred to occurs in the account of the war between Eteocles and Polynices for the possession of Thebes, as related in the Thebaid of Statius. In the second book of that poem, the story relates the marriage of Polynices and Tydeus to the two daughters of Adrastus, king of Argos. The marriage ceremony was marred by inauspicious omens, which was attributed to the fact that Argia, who was wedded to Polynices, wore at the wedding a magic bracelet (here called a brooch) which had belonged to Harmonia, _a daughter of Mars and Venus_, and wife of Cadmus. This ornament had been made by Vulcan, in order to bring an evil fate upon Harmonia, to whom it was first given, and upon all women who coveted it or wore it. See the whole story in Statius, Thebais, ii. 265; or in Lewis's translation of Statius, ii. 313. 246. It must be remembered that great and magical virtues were attributed to precious stones and gems. See further in the note to Ho. of Fame, l. 1352. 259. _Enfortuned hit so_, endued it with such virtues. 'He that wrought it' was Vulcan; see note to l. 245. 262. _Covetour_, the one who coveted it. _Nyce_, foolish. 270. 'For my death I blame Him, and my own folly for being so ambitious.' 272. Tern 5. I appeal for sympathy, first to the knights who say that I, Mars, am their patron; secondly, to the ladies who should compassionate Venus their empress; lastly, to all lovers who should sympathise with Venus, who was always so ready to aid them. 273. _Of my divisioun_, born under my influence. The same word is used in the same way in Kn. Tale, 1166 (A 2024). Of course Mars was the special patron of martial knights. 280. 'That ye lament for my sorrow.' 293. _Compleyneth hir_, lament for her. 298. 'Therefore display, on her behalf, some kindly feeling.' The Complaint of Venus which formerly used to be printed as a part of this poem, is really a distinct piece. See Sect. XVIII. V. THE PARLEMENT OF FOULES. TITLE. Gg. _has_ Here begynyth the p_ar_lement of Foulys; Harl. _has_ The Parlament of Foules; Tn. _has_ The Parlement of Briddis; Trin. _has_ Here foloweth the parlement of Byrdes reducyd to loue, &c. We also find, at the end of the poem, such notes as these: Gg. Explicit parliamentum Auium in die sancti Valentini tentum secundum Galfridum Chaucer; Ff. Explicit parliamentum Auium; Tn. Explicit tractatus de Congregacione volucrum die Sancti Valentini; and in MS. Arch. Seld. B. 24--Here endis the parliament of foulis Quod Galfride Chaucere. 1. Part of the first aphorism of Hippocrates is--[Greek: Ho bios brachus, he de techne makre]. This is often quoted in the Latin form--Ars longa, uita brevis. Longfellow, in his Psalm of Life, well renders it by--'Art is long, but life is fleeting.' 2. Several MSS. transpose _hard_ and _sharp_; it is of small consequence. 3. _Slit_, the contracted form of _slideth_, i. e. passes away; cf. 'it _slit_ awey so faste,' Can. Yeom. Tale; C. T., Group G, l. 682. The false reading _flit_ arose from mistaking a long _s_ for _f_. 4. _By_, with respect to. In l. 7, _wher_ = whether. 8. Evidently this disclaimer is a pretended one; the preceding stanza and ll. 13, 14 contradict it. So does l. 160. In this stanza we have an early example of Chaucer's humour, of which there are several instances below, as e. g. in ll. 567-570, 589, 599, 610, &c. Cf. Troilus, i. 15, where Chaucer again says he is no lover himself, but only serves Love's servants. 15. Cf. Prol. to Legend of Good Women, 29-39. 22. _Men_ is here a weakened form of _man_, and is used as a singular sb., with the same force as the F. _on_ or the G. _man_. Hence the vb. _seith_ is in the singular. This construction is extremely common in Middle English. In ll. 23 and 25 _com'th_ is monosyllabic. 31. _Tullius_, i. e. M. Tullius Cicero, who wrote a piece entitled Somnium Scipionis, which originally formed part of the sixth book of the De Republica. Warton (Hist. Eng. Poetry, ed. Hazlitt. iii. 65) remarks:--'Had this composition descended to posterity among Tully's six books _De Republica_, to the last of which it originally belonged, perhaps it would have been overlooked and neglected. But being preserved and illustrated with a prolix commentary by Macrobius, it quickly attracted the attention of readers who were fond of the marvellous, and with whom Macrobius was a more admired classic than Tully. It was printed [at Venice] subjoined to Tully's _Offices_, in [1470]. It was translated into Greek by Maximus Planudes, and is frequently [i. e. four times] quoted by Chaucer.... Nor is it improbable that not only the form, but the first idea, of Dante's _Inferno_ was suggested by this apologue.' The other allusions to it in Chaucer are in the Nonnes Prestes Tale, B 4314; Book of the Duchesse, 284; Ho. of Fame, 514. See also l. 111 below, where _Macrobie_ is expressly mentioned. In the E. version of the Romance of the Rose, l. 7, he is called _Macrobes_. Aurelius Theodosius Macrobius, about A.D. 400, not only preserved for us Cicero's Somnium Scipionis, but wrote a long commentary on it in two books, and a work called Saturnalia in seven books. The commentary is not very helpful, and discusses collateral questions rather than the dream itself. 32. Chaucer's MS. copy was, it appears, divided into seven chapters. A printed copy now before me is divided into nine chapters. As given in an edition of Macrobius printed in 1670, it is undivided. The treatise speaks, as Chaucer says, of heaven, hell, and earth, and men's souls. It recalls the tale of Er, in Plato's Republic, bk. x. 35. _The grete_, the substance. Accordingly, in the next seven stanzas, we have a fair summary of the general contents of the Somnium Scipionis. I quote below such passages as approach most closely to Chaucer's text. 36. _Scipioun_, i. e. P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus Minor, the hero of the third Punic War. He went to Africa in B.C. 150 to meet Masinissa, King of Numidia, who had received many favours from Scipio Africanus Major in return for his fidelity to the Romans. Hence Masinissa received the younger Africanus joyfully, and so much was said about the elder Africanus that the younger one dreamt about him after the protracted conversation was over, and all had retired to rest. The younger Africanus was the grandson, by adoption, of the elder. 'Cum in Africam venissem, ... nihil mihi potius fuit, quam ut Masinissam convenirem ... Ad quem ut veni, complexus me senex collacrymavit ... multisque verbis ... habitis, ille nobis consumptus est dies ... me ... somnus complexus est ... mihi ... Africanus se ostendit'; &c. 43. 'Ostendebat autem Carthaginem de excelso, et pleno stellarum ... loco ... tu eris unus, in quo nitatur civitatis salus, &c.... Omnibus qui patriam conservarint, adiuverint, auxerint, certum esse in caelo definitum locum, ubi beati aevo sempiterno fruantur.' 50. 'Quaesivi tamen, viveretne ipse et Paullus pater et alii, quos nos exstinctos arbitraremur. Immo vero, inquit, ii vivunt ... vestra vero, quae dicitur vita, mors est ... corpore laxati ilium incolunt locum, quem vides. Erat autem is splendissimo candore inter flammas circus elucens, quem vos, ut a Graiis accepistis, _orbem lacteum_ nuncupatis.' 56. _Galaxye_, milky way; see note to Ho. Fame, 936. 57. 'Stellarum autem globi terrae magnitudinem facile vincebant. Iam ipsa terra ita mihi parva visa est, &c.... Novem tibi orbibus, vel potius globis, connexa sunt omnia ... Hic, inquam, quis est, qui complet aures meas, tantus et tam dulcis sonus? ... impulsu et motu ipsorum orbium conficitur.' 59. The 'nine spheres' are the spheres of the seven planets (Moon, Mercury, Venus, Sun, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn), that of the fixed stars, and the _primum mobile_; see notes to the Treatise on the Astrolabe, part 1, s. 17, in vol. iii. 61. This is an allusion to the so-called 'harmony of the spheres.' Chaucer makes a mistake in attributing this harmony to _all_ of the nine spheres. Cicero plainly excludes the _primum mobile_, and says that, of the remaining eight spheres, two sound alike, so that there are but _seven_ tones made by their revolution. 'Ille autem _octo_ cursus, in quibus _eadem vis est duorum, septem_ efficiunt distinctos intervallis sonos.' He proceeds to notice the peculiar excellence of the number _seven_. By the two that sounded alike, the spheres of Saturn and the fixed stars must be meant; in fact, it is usual to ignore the sphere of fixed stars, and consider only those of the seven planets. Macrobius, in his Commentary, lib. ii. c. 4, quite misses this point, and clumsily gives the same note to Venus and Mercury. Each planetary sphere, in its revolution, gives out a different note of the gamut, so that all the notes of the gamut are sounded; and the result is, that the 'music of the spheres' cannot be heard at all, just as the dwellers by the cataract on the Nile fail to hear the sound of its fall. 'Hoc sonitu oppletae aures hominum obsurduerunt; nec est ullus hebetior sonus in vobis; sicut ubi Nilus ad illa, quae Catadupa [Greek: katadoupoi] nominantur, praecipitat ex altissimis montibus, ea gens, quae illum locum accolit, _propter magnitudinem sonitus_, sensu audiendi caret.' Macrobius tries to explain it all in his Commentary, lib. ii. c. 1-4. The fable arose from a supposed necessary connection between the number of the planets and the number of musical notes in the scale. It breaks down when we know that the number of the planets is _more_ than seven. Moreover, modern astronomy has exploded the singular notion of revolving hollow concentric spheres, to the surface of which each planet was immoveably nailed. These 'spheres' have disappeared, and their music with them, except in poetry. Shakespeare so extends the old fable as to give a voice to every star. See Merch. of Venice, v. 60:-- 'There's not the smallest orb which thou behold'st, But in his motion like an angel sings,' &c. The notion of the music of the spheres was attributed to Pythagoras. It is denied by Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Naturale, lib. xv. c. 32--Falsa opinio de concentu caeli. Vincent puts the old idea clearly--'Feruntur septem planetae, et hi septem orbes (vt dicitur) cum dulcissima harmonia mouentur, ac suauissimi concentus eorum circumitione efficiuntur. Qui sonus ad aures nostras ideo non peruenit, quia vltra aerem fit':--a sufficient reason. He attributes the notion to the Pythagoreans and the Jews, and notes the use of the phrase 'concentum caeli' in Job xxxviii. 37, where our version has 'the bottles of heaven,' which the Revised Version retains. Cf. also--'Cum me laudarent simul astra matutina'; Job xxxviii. 7. Near the end of Chaucer's Troilus, v. 1811, we have the singular passage:-- 'And ther he saugh with ful avysement The erratik sterres, herkening armonye With sounes fulle of hevenish melodye'; &c. This passage, by the way, is a translation from Boccaccio, Teseide, xi. 1. Cf. Rom. de la Rose, 17151-5. See also Longfellow's poem on the Occultation of Orion, where the poet (heretically but sensibly) gives the _lowest_ note to Saturn, and the _highest_ to the Moon; whereas Macrobius says the contrary; lib. ii. c. 4. A. Neckam (De Naturis Rerum, lib. i. c. 15) seems to say that the sound of an eighth sphere is required to make up the octave. 64. 'Sentio, inquit, te sedem etiam nunc hominum ac domum contemplari: quae si tibi parva, ut est, ita videtur, haec caelestia semper spectato; illa humana contemnito.... Cum autem ad idem, unde semel profecta sunt, cuncta astra redierint, eandemque totius anni descriptionem longis intervallis retulerint, tum ille vere vertens _annus_ appellari potest.... Sermo autem omnis ille ... obruitur hominum interitu, et oblivione posteritatis exstinguitur.' The great or mundane year, according to Macrobius, Comment, lib. 2. c. 11, contained 15,000 common years. In the Roman de la Rose, l. 17,018, Jeun de Meun makes it 36,000 years long; and in the Complaint of Scotland, ed. Murray, p. 33, it is said, on the authority of Socrates, to extend to 37,000 years. It is not worth discussion. 71. 'Ego vero, inquam, o Africane, siquidem bene mentis de patria quasi limes ad caeli aditum patet,' &c. 'Et ille, Tu vero enitere, et sic habeto, non esse te mortalem, sed corpus hoc.... Hanc [naturam] tu exerce in optimis rebus; sunt autem optimae curae de salute patriae: quibus agitatus et exercitatus animus velocius in hanc sedem et domum suam pervolabit.' 78. 'Nam eorum animi, qui se corporis voluptatibus dediderunt,... corporibus elapsi circum terram ipsam volutantur; nec hunc in locum, nisi multis exagitati saeculis, revertuntur.' We have here the idea of purgatory; compare Vergil, Aen. vi. 80. _Whirle aboute_, copied from _volutantur_ in Cicero; see last note. It is remarkable that Dante has copied the same passage, and has the word _voltando_; Inf. v. 31-8. Cf. 'blown with restless violence round about The pendent world'; Meas. for Meas. iii. 1. 125; and 'The sport of winds'; Milton, P.L. iii. 493. 85. Imitated from Dante, Inf. ii. 1-3 (with which cf. Aeneid, ix. 224). Cary's translation has-- 'Now was the day departing, and the air, Imbrowned with shadows, from their toils released All animals on earth.' 90. 'I had what I did not want,' i. e. care and heaviness. 'And I had not what I wanted,' i. e. my desires. Not a personal reference, but borrowed from Boethius, bk. iii. pr. 3; see vol. ii. p. 57, l. 24. Moreover, the same idea is repeated, but in clearer language, in the Complaint to his Lady, ll. 47-49 (p. 361); and again, in the Complaint to Pity, ll. 99-104 (p. 276). 99. Chaucer discusses dreams elsewhere; see Ho. of Fame, 1-52; Nonne Prestes Tale, 76-336; Troil. v. 358. Macrobius, Comment. in Somn. Scipionis, lib. i. c. 3, distinguishes five kinds of dreams, giving the name [Greek: enupnion] to the kind of which Chaucer here speaks. 'Est enim [Greek: enupnion] quotiens oppressi animi corporisve sive fortunae, qualis vigilantem fatigaverat, talem se ingerit dormienti: animi, _si amator deliciis suis aut fruentem se videat_ aut carentem: ... corporis, si ... esuriens cibum aut _potum sitiens_ desiderare, quaerere, vel etiam _invenisse videatur_,' &c. But the real original of this stanza (as shewn by Prof. Lounsbury) is to be found in Claudian, In Sextum Consulatum Honorii Augusti Praefatio, ll. 3-10. 'Venator defessa toro cum membra reponit, Mens tamen ad silvas et sua lustra redit. Iudicibus lites, aurigae somnia currus, Vanaque nocturnis meta cavetur equis. Furto gaudet amans; permutat navita merces; Et vigil elapsas quaerit avarus opes. Blandaque largitur frustra sitientibus aegris Irriguus gelido pocula fonte sopor.' Cf. Vincent of Beauvais, lib. xxvi. c. 62 and c. 63; Batman upon Bartholome, lib. vi. c. 27, ed. 1582, fol. 84. And see the famous passage in Romeo and Juliet, i. 4. 53; especially ll. 70-88. The Roman de la Rose begins with remarks concerning dreams; and again, at l. 18564, there is a second passage on the same subject, with a reference to Scipio, and a remark about dreaming of things that occupy the mind (l. 18601). 109. Compare Dante, Inf. i. 83; which Gary translates-- 'May it avail me, that I long with zeal Have sought thy volume, and with love immense Have conn'd it o'er. My master thou, and guide!' 111. 'Of which Macrobius recked (thought) not a little.' In fact, Macrobius concludes his commentary with the words--'Vere igitur pronunciandum est nihil hoc opere perfectius, quo universa philosophiae continetur integritas.' 113. _Citherea_, Cytherea, i. e. Venus; see Kn. Tale, 1357 (A 2215). 114. In the Roman de la Rose, 15980, Venus speaks of her bow (F. _arc_) and her firebrand or torch (_brandon_). Cf. Merch. Tale, E 1777. 117. 'As surely as I saw thee in the north-north-west.' He here refers to the planet Venus. As this planet is never more than 47deg from the sun, the sun must have been visible to the north of the west point at sunset; i. e. the poem must have been written in the summer-time. The same seems to be indicated by l. 21 (_the longe day_), and still more clearly by ll. 85-88; Chaucer would hardly have gone to bed at sunset in the winter-time. It is true that he dreams about Saint Valentine's day, but that is quite another matter. Curiously enough, the landscape seen in his dream is quite a summer landscape; see ll. 172, 184-210. 120. _African_, Africanus; as above. 122. _Grene stone_, mossy or moss-covered stone; an expression copied by Lydgate, Complaint of the Black Knight, l. 42. Prof. Hales, in the Gent. Magazine, April, 1882, has an interesting article on 'Chaucer at Woodstock.' He shews that there was a park there, surrounded by a stone wall; and that Edward III. often resided at Woodstock, where the Black Prince was born. It is possible that Chaucer was thinking of Woodstock when writing the present passage. See the account of Woodstock Palace in Abbeys, Castles, &c. by J. Timbs; vol. ii. But Dr. Koppel has shewn (Anglia, xiv. 234) that Chaucer here partly follows Boccaccio's poem, Amorosa Visione, ii. 1-35, where we find 'un muro antico.' So also the Roman de la Rose has an allusion to Scipio's dream, and the following lines (129-131, p. 99, above):-- 'Quant j'oi ung poi avant ale Si vi ung _vergier_ grant et le, Tot clos d'ung _haut mur_ bataillie;' &c. 123. _Y-wroght-e_; the final _-e_ here denotes the plural form. 125. _On eyther halfe_, on either side; to right and left. 127. Imitated from Dante, Inf. iii. 1; Cary's translation has-- 'Through me you pass into the city of woe:... Such characters in colour dim, I mark'd Over a portal's lofty arch inscribed.' See also l. 134. The gate is the entrance into Love, which is to some a blessing, and to some a curse; see ll. 158, 159. Thus _men gon_ is, practically, equivalent to 'some men go'; and so in l. 134. The idea is utterly different from that of the _two_ gates in Vergil, Aen. vi. 893. The successful lover finds 'the well of Favour,' l. 129. The unsuccessful one encounters the deadly wounds caused by the spear (or dart) guided to his heart by Disdain and Power-to-harm (Daunger); for him, the opened garden bears no fruit, and the alluring stream leads him only to a fatal weir, wherein imprisoned fish are left lying dry. Cf. 'As why this fish, and nought that, comth to were'; Troil. iii. 35. 140. 'Avoiding it is the only remedy.' This is only another form of a proverb which also occurs as 'Well fights he who well flies.' See Proverbs of Hending (in Spec. of English), l. 77; Owl and Nightingale, l. 176. Sir T. Wiat has--'The first eschue is remedy alone'; Spec. of Eng. Part III. p. 235. Probably from the Roman de la Rose, l. 16818--'Sol foir en est medicine.' (O.F. _foir_ = Lat. _fugere_.) 141. The alluring message (ll. 127-133) was written in gold; the forbidding one (ll. 134-140) in black; see Anglia, xiv. 235. 142. _A stounde_, for a while (rightly); the reading _astonied_ is to be rejected. The attitude is one of deliberation. 143. _That oon_, the one, the latter. In l. 145, it means the former. 148. An adamant was, originally, a diamond; then the name was transferred to the loadstone; lastly, the diamond was credited with the properties of the loadstone. Hence we find, at the end of ch. 14 of Mandeville's Travels, this remarkable experiment:--'Men taken the Ademand, that is the Schipmannes Ston, that drawethe the Nedle to him, and men leyn the Dyamand upon the Ademand, and leyn the Nedle before the Ademand; and yif the Dyamand be good and vertuous, the Ademand drawethe not the Nedle to him, whils the Dyamand is there present.' Cf. A. Neckam, De Naturis Rerum, lib. ii. c. 98, where the story is told of an iron statue of Mahomet, which, being surrounded by adamants (_lapides adamantini_), hangs suspended in the air. The modern simile is that of a donkey between two bundles of hay. For _adamaunt_, see Rom. of the Rose, 1182 (p. 142). 156. _Errour_, doubt; see l. 146 above. 158. 'This writing is not at all meant to apply to thee.' 159. _Servant_ was, so to speak, the old technical term for a lover; cf. _serveth_, Kn. Tale, 2220, 2228 (A 3078, 3086); and _servant_ in the same, 956 (A 1814); and in Two Gent, of Verona, ii. 1. 106, 114, 140, &c. 163. I. e. 'at any rate you can come and look on.' 169. Imitated from Dante, Inf. iii. 19. Cary has-- 'And when his hand he had stretch'd forth To mine, with pleasant looks, whence I was cheer'd, Into that secret place he led me on.' 171. Cf. 'So Iolyf, nor so wel bigo'; Rom. Rose, 693. 176. Imitated by Spenser, F. Q. i. 1. 8, 9. Chaucer's list of trees was suggested by a passage in the Teseide, xi. 22-24; but he extended his list by help of one in the Roman de la Rose, 1338-1368; especially ll. 1363-8, as follows (see p. 151, above)-- 'Et d'_oliviers_ et de _cipres_, Dont il n'a gaires ici pres; _Ormes_ y ot branchus et gros, Et avec ce charmes et fos, Codres droites, _trembles_ et _chesnes_, Erables haus, _sapins_ et _fresnes_.' Here _ormes_ are elms; _charmes_, horn-beams; _fos_, beeches; _codres_, hasels; _trembles_, aspens; _chesnes_, oaks; _erables_, maples; _sapins_, firs; _fresnes_, ashes. Hence this list contains seven kinds of trees out of Chaucer's thirteen. See also the list of 21 trees in Kn. Tale, A 2921. Spenser has-- 'The builder oake, sole king of forrests all.' This tree-list is, in fact, a great curiosity. It was started by Ovid, Metam. x. 90; after whom, it appears in Seneca, Oedipus, 532; in Lucan, Phars. iii. 440; in Statius, Thebaid, vi. 98; and in Claudian, De Raptu Proserpinae, ii. 107. Statius was followed by Boccaccio, Tes. xi. 22-24; Rom. de la Rose, 1361; Chaucer (twice); Tasso, Gier. Lib. iii. 73; and Spenser. Cf. Vergil, Aen. vi. 179. I here quote several notes from Bell's Chaucer, marked 'Bell.' 'The reader will observe the life and spirit which the personification of the several trees gives to this catalogue. It is common in French, even in prose; as, for instance, the weeping willow is _le saule pleureur_, the weeper willow. The oak is called _builder_, because no other wood was used in building in this country in the middle ages, as may be seen in our old churches and farm-houses, in which the stairs are often made of solid blocks of the finest oak.'--Bell. 177. 'The elm is called _piler_, perhaps because it is planted as a pillar of support to the vine [cf. Spenser's 'vine-prop elme']; and _cofre unto careyne_ because coffins for carrion or corpses were [and are] usually made of elm.'--Bell. In fact, Ovid has 'amictae uitibus ulmi,' Met. x. 100; Claudian has 'pampinus induit ulmos'; and Boccaccio--'E _l'olmo_, che di viti s'innamora'; Tes. xi. 24. 178. _Piper_, suitable for pipes or horns. 'The box, being a hard, fine-grained wood, was used for making pipes or horns, as in the Nonne Prestes Tale, B 4588--"Of bras they broghten bemes [trumpets] and of box."'--Bell. Boxwood is still used for flutes and flageolets. _Holm to whippes lasshe_; 'the holm used for making handles for whip-lashes.'--Bell. Spenser calls it 'The carver holm,' i. e. the holm suitable for carving. It is the holly (A. S. _holegn_), not the holm-oak. 179. _The sayling firr_; this 'alludes to the ship's masts and spars being made of fir.'--Bell. 'Apta fretis abies'; Claudian, De Raptu Proserpinae, ii. 107. Spenser substitutes for it 'The sailing pine.' _The cipres_; 'tumulos tectura cupressus,' in Claudian. 180. _The sheter ew._ 'The material of our [ancient] national weapon, the bow, was yew. It is said that the old yews which are found in country churchyards were planted in order to supply the yeomanry with bows.'--Bell. Spenser has--'The eugh, obedient to the benders will.' '_The asp_ is the aspen, or black poplar, of which shafts or arrows were made.'--Bell. Spenser has--'The aspine good for staves'; and 'The birch for shaftes.' See Ascham's Toxophilus, ed. Arber, p. 126. 181. The olive is the emblem of peace; and the palm, of victory. Boccaccio has--'e d'ogni vincitore Premio la palma'; Tes. xi. 24; from Ovid--'uictoris praemia palmae'; Met. x. 102. 182. 'The laurel (used) for divination,' or 'to divine with.' 'Venturi praescia laurus'; Claudian, de Raptu Proserpinae, ii. 109. It was 'sacred to Apollo; and its branches were the decoration of poets, and of the flamens. The leaves, when eaten, were said to impart the power of prophesying; Tibull. 2. 5. 63; Juvenal, 7. 19.'--Lewis and Short's Lat. Dict., s.v. _laurus_. 183. In a note to Cant. Tales, l. 1920, Tyrwhitt says--'Chaucer has [here] taken very little from Boccace, as he had already inserted a very close imitation of this part of the Teseide in his Assemblee of Foules, from verse 183 to verse 287.' In fact, eleven stanzas (183-259) correspond to Boccaccio's Teseide, Canto vii. st. 51-60; the next three stanzas (260-280) to the same, st. 63-66; and the next two (281-294) to the same, st. 61, 62. See the whole extract from Boccaccio, given and translated in the Introduction; see p. 68, above. On the other hand, this passage in Chaucer is imitated in the Kingis Quair, st. 31-33, 152, 153; and ll. 680-9 are imitated in the same, st. 34. The phrase 'blosmy bowes' occurs again in Troilus, ii. 821. 185. 'There where is always sufficient sweetness.' 214. According to Boccaccio, the name of Cupid's daughter was Voluttade (Pleasure). In the Roman de la Rose, ll. 913, 927 (Eng. version, 923, 939), Cupid has two bows and ten arrows. 216. Read: 'aft'r as they shuld-e.' So Koch. Or read 'couch'd.' 217. See Ovid, Metam. i. 468-471. 218. This company answer to Boccaccio's Grace, Adornment, Affability, Courtesy, Arts (plural), Vain Delight, and Gentleness. Instead of Craft, Boccaccio speaks of 'the Arts that have power to make others perforce do folly, in their aspect much disfigured.' Hypocritical Cajolery seems to be intended. Cf. 'Charmes and Force'; Kn. Tale, 1069 (A 1927). 225. Ed. 1561 has _with a nice atire_, but wrongly; for compare Boccaccio. Cf. Kn. Tale, 1067-9 (A 1925-7). 226. Cf. 'Jest and youthful Jollity'; L'Allegro, 26. 228. _Messagerye_ and _Mede_ represents the sending of messages and giving of bribes. For this sense of _Mede_, see P. Plowman, C. iv. (or B. iii.). The _other three_ are Audacity (too forward Boldness), Glozings (Flatteries), and Pimps; all of bad reputation, and therefore not named. Boccaccio's words are--'il folle Ardire Con Lusinghe e Ruffiani.' 231. _Bras_, brass. Boccaccio has _rame_, i. e. copper, the metal which symbolised Venus; see Can. Yeom. Tale, G 829. In fact, this temple is the very temple of Venus which Chaucer again describes in the Knightes Tale, ll. 1060-1108 (A 1918); which see. 234. _Faire_, beautiful by nature; _gay_, adorned by art. 236. _Office_, duty; viz. to dance round. 237. These are the _dowves flikeringe_ in Kn. Tale, 1104 (A 1962). 243. _Sonde_, sand. 'Her [Patience's] chief virtue is quiet endurance in the most insecure and unhopeful circumstances'; Bell. 245. Answering to Boccaccio's 'Promesse ad arte,' i. e. 'artful Promises.' 246. Cf. Kn. Tale, 1062-1066, 1070 (A 1920-4, 1928). 255. 'The allusion is to the adventure of Priapus, related by Ovid in the Fasti, lib. i. 415'; Bell. The ass, by braying, put Priapus to confusion. 261. But in Kn. Tale, 1082 (A 1940), the porter of Venus is Idleness, as in the Rom. de la Rose, 636 (E. version, 643, at p. 120, above). 267. _Gilte_; cf. Leg. of Good Women, 230, 249, 1315. 272. _Valence_, explained by Urry as Valentia in Spain. But perhaps it may refer to Valence, near Lyons, in France; as Lyons is especially famous for the manufacture of silks, and there is a considerable trade in silks at Valence also. Probably 'thin silk' is here meant. Boccaccio merely speaks of 'texture so thin,' or, in the original 'Testa, tanto _sottil_,' which accounts for Chaucer's 'subtil.' Coles's Dict. (1684) gives: '_Valence,-tia_, a town in Spain, France, and Milan.' In the Unton Inventories, for the years 1596 and 1620, ed. J. G. Nichols, I find: 'one covering for a fielde bedde of green and _valens_,' p. 4; 'one standinge bedsteed with black velvett testern, black _vallance_ fringed and laced,' p. 21; 'one standinge bed with yellow damaske testern and _vallence_,' p. 21; '_vallance_ frindged and laced,' p. 22; 'one bedsteed and testern, and _valance_ of black velvett,' p. 22; 'one bedsteed ... with _vallance_ imbroydered with ash couler,' p. 23; 'one bedsteed, with ... _vallance_ of silke,' p. 29. It is the mod. E. _valance_, and became a general term for part of the hangings of a bed; Shakespeare has 'Valance of Venice gold,' spelt _Vallens_ in old editions, Tam. Shrew, ii. 1. 356. Spenser imitates this passage, F. Q. ii. 12.77. 275. Compare the well-known proverb--'sine Cerere et Libero friget Venus'; Terence, Eun. 2. 3. 4. 277. Read _Cipryde_, not _Cupide_; for in l. 279 we have _hir_ twice, once in the sense of 'their,' but secondly in the sense of 'her.' Boccaccio also here speaks of Venus, and refers to the apple which she won from Paris. _Cipride_ is regularly formed from the accus. of _Cypris_ (gen. _Cypridis_), an epithet of Venus due to her worship in Cyprus. Chaucer found the genitive _Cypridis_ in Alanus de Planctu Naturae (ed. Wright, p. 438); see note to l. 298. Cf. 'He curseth Ceres, Bacus, and _Cipryde_'; Troilus, v. 208. 281. The best way of scansion is perhaps to read _despyt-e_ with final _e_, preserved by caesura, and to pronounce _Diane_ as _Dian'_. So in Kn. Tale, 1193 (A 2051), which runs parallel with it. 282. 'Trophies of the conquest of Venus'; Bell. 283. _Maydens_; of these Callisto was one (so says Boccaccio); and this is Chaucer's _Calixte_ (l. 286), and his _Calistopee_ in the Kn. Tale, l. 1198 (A 2056). She was the daughter of the Arcadian king Lycaon, and mother of Arcas by Jupiter; changed by Juno, on account of jealousy, into a she-bear, and then raised to the heavens by Jupiter in the form of the constellation Helice or Ursa Major; see Ovid, Fasti, ii. 156; Metamorph. ii. 401; &c. (Lewis and Short). 286. _Athalaunte_, Atalanta. There were two of this name; the one here meant (see Boccaccio) was the one who was conquered in a foot-race by the lover who married her; see Ovid, Metam. x. 565. The other, who was beloved by Meleager, and hunted the Calydonian boar, is the one mentioned in the Kn. Tale, A 2070; see Ovid, Metam. viii. 318. It is clear that Chaucer thought, at the time, that they were one and the same. 287. _I wante_, I lack; i. e. I do not know. Boccaccio here mentions the mother of Parthenopaeus, whose name Chaucer did not know. She was _the other_ Atalanta, the wife of Meleager; and Boccaccio did not name her, because he says 'that other proud one,' meaning the other proud one of the same name. See the story in Dryden; tr. of Ovid's Metamorphoses, bk. viii. Cf. Troilus, v. 1473. 288. Boccaccio only mentions 'the spouse of Ninus,' i. e. Semiramis, the great queen of Assyria, Thisbe and Pyramus, 'Hercules in the lap of Iole,' and Byblis. The rest Chaucer has added. Compare his lists in Prol. to Leg. of Good Women, 250, and in Cant. Tales, Group B, 63; see the note. See the Legend for the stories of Dido, Thisbe and Pyramus, and Cleopatra. Paris, Achilles, Troilus, and Helen are all mentioned in his Troilus; and Hercules in Cant. Ta., B 3285. _Candace_ is mentioned again at p. 410, above, l. 16. There was a Candace, queen of Meroe, mentioned by Pliny, vi. 29; and there is the Candace in the Acts of the Apostles, viii. 27. But the Candace of fiction was an Indian queen, who contrived to get into her power no less a person than the world's conqueror, Alexander the Great. See King Alisaunder, ed. Weber, l. 7646, and the Wars of Alexander, ed. Skeat, l. 5314. It is probable that Candace was sometimes confused with the Canace of Ovid's Heroides, Epist. xi. (wholly translated by Dryden). In fact, we have sufficient proof of this confusion; for one MS. reads _Candace_ in the Legend of Good Women, 265, where five other MSS. have _Canace_ or _Canacee_. _Biblis_ is Byblis, who fell in love with Caunus, and, being repulsed, was changed into a fountain; Ovid, Metam. ix. 452. _Tristram_ and _Isoude_ are the Tristran (or Tristan) and Ysolde (or Ysolt) of French medieval romance; cf. Ho. Fame, 1796, and Balade to Rosemounde, l. 20. Gower, in his Conf. Amantis, bk. 8 (ed. Pauli, iii. 359) includes Tristram and Bele Isolde in his long list of lovers, and gives an outline of the story in the same, bk. 6 (iii. 17). Ysolde was the wife of King Mark of Cornwall, and the mistress of her nephew Sir Tristram, of whom she became passionately enamoured from having drunk a philter by mistake; see Wheeler, Noted Names of Fiction, s. v. _Isolde_. The Romance of Sir Tristram was edited by Sir W. Scott, and has been re-edited by Kolbing, and by G. P. McNeill (for the Scottish Text Society). The name _Ysoude_ constantly misprinted _Ysonde_, even by the editors. Chaucer mentions her again; see Leg. G. Women, 254; Ho. of Fame, 1796. 292. _Silla_, Scylla; daughter of Nisus, of Megara, who, for love of Minos, cut off her father's hair, upon which his life depended, and was transformed in consequence into the bird Ciris; see Ovid, Metam. viii. 8. Another Scylla was changed by Circe into a sea-monster; Ovid, Metam. xiv. 52. Their stories shew that the former is meant; see Leg. of Good Women, 1910, and the note. _Moder of Romulus_, Ilia (also called Rhaea Silvia), daughter of Numitor, dedicated to Vesta, and buried alive for breaking her vows; see Livy, bk. 1; Verg. Aen. i. 274. The quotation from Boccaccio ends here. 296. _Of spak_, spake of; see l. 174. 298. This _quene_ is the goddess Nature (l. 303). We now come to a part of the poem where Chaucer makes considerable use of the work which he mentions in l. 316, viz. the Planctus Naturae (Complaint of Nature) by Alanus de Insulis, or Alein Delille, a poet and divine of the 12th century. This work is printed in vol. ii. of T. Wright's edition of the Anglo-Latin Satirical Poets (Record Series), which also contains the poem called Anticlaudianus, by the same author. The description of the goddess is given at great length (pp. 431-456), and at last she declares her name to be _Natura_ (p. 456). This long description of Nature and of her vesture is a very singular one; indeed, all the fowls of the air are supposed to be depicted upon her wonderful garments (p. 437). Chaucer substitutes a brief description of his own, and represents the birds as real live ones, gathering around her; which is much more sensible. For the extracts from Alanus, see the Introduction, p. 74. As Prof. Morley says (Eng. Writers, v. 162)--'Alain describes Nature's changing robe as being in one of its forms so ethereal that it is like air, and the pictures on it seem to the eye a Council of Animals (_Animalium Concilium_). Upon which, beginning, as Chaucer does, with the Eagle and the Falcon, Alain proceeds with a long list of the birds painted on her transparent robe, that surround Nature as in a council, and attaches to each bird the most remarkable point in its character.' Professor Hales, in The Academy, Nov. 19, 1881, quoted the passages from Alanus which are here more or less imitated, and drew attention to the remarkable passage in Spenser's F. Q. bk. vii. c. 7. st. 5-10, where that poet quotes and copies Chaucer. Dunbar imitates Chaucer in his Thrissill and Rois, and describes Dame Nature as surrounded by beasts, birds, and flowers; see stanzas 10, 11, 18, 26, 27 of that poem. The phrase 'Nature la deesse' occurs in Le Roman de la Rose, l. 16480. 309. Birds were supposed to choose their mates on St. Valentine's day (Feb. 14); and lovers thought they must follow their example, and then 'choose their loves.' Mr. Douce thinks the custom of choosing valentines was a survival from the Roman feast of the Lupercalia. See the articles in Brand, Pop. Antiq. i. 53; Chambers, Book of Days, i. 255; Alban Butler, Lives of Saints, Feb. 14; &c. The custom is alluded to by Lydgate, Shakespeare, Herrick, Pepys, and Gay; and in the Paston Letters, ed. Gairdner, iii. 169, is a letter written in Feb. 1477, where we find: 'And, cosyn, uppon Fryday is Sent Volentynes Day, and every brydde chesyth hym a make.' See also the Cuckoo and Nyghtingale, l. 80. 316. _Aleyn_, Alanus de Insulis; _Pleynt of Kynde_, Complaint of Nature, Lat. Planctus Naturae; see note to l. 298. Chaucer refers us to Aleyn's description on account of its unmerciful length; it was hopeless to attempt even an epitome of it. Lydgate copies this passage; see Political, Religious and Love Poems, ed. Furnivall, p. 45, l. 17; or his Minor Poems, ed. Halliwell, p. 47. 323. _Foules of ravyne_, birds of prey. Chaucer's division of birds into birds of prey, birds that eat worms and insects, water-fowl, and birds that eat seeds, can hardly be his own. In Vincent of Beauvais, lib. xvi. c. 14, Aristotle is cited as to the food of birds:--'quaedam comedunt _carnem_, quaedam _grana_, quaedam utrumque; ... quaedam vero comedunt _vermes_, vt passer.... Vivunt et _ex fructu_ quaedam aues, vt palumbi, et turtures. Quaedam viuunt in ripis _aquarum lacuum_, et cibantur ex eis.' 330. _Royal_; because he is often called the king of birds, as in Dunbar's Thrissill and Rois, st. 18. Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Nat., lib. xvi. c. 32, quotes from Iorath (_sic_):--'Aquila est auis magna _regalis_.' And Philip de Thaun, Bestiary, 991 (in Wright's Pop. Treatises, p. 109) says:--'Egle est rei de oisel.... En Latine raisun _clerveant_ le apellum, Ke le solail verat quant il plus cler serat.' 331. See the last note, where we learn that the eagle is called in Latin 'clear-seeing,' because 'he will look at the sun when it will be brightest.' This is explained at once by the remarkable etymology given by Isidore (cited by Vincent, as above), viz.:--'_Aqu_-ila ab _ac_umine oculorum vocata est.' 332. Pliny, Nat. Hist. bk. x. c. 3, enumerates six kinds of eagles, which Chaucer leaves us to find out; viz. Melaenaetos, Pygargus, Morphnos, which Homer (Il. xxiv. 316) calls _perknos_, Percnopterus, Gnesios (the true or royal eagle), and Haliaeetos (osprey). This explains the allusion in l. 333. 334. _Tyraunt._ This epithet was probably suggested by the original text in Alanus, viz.--'Illic ancipiter [accipiter], civitatis praefectus aeriae, violenta _tyrannide_ a subditis redditus exposcebat.' Sir Thopas had a 'grey goshauk'; C. T., Group B, 1928. 337. See note on the _faucon peregrin_, Squi. Tale, 420 (F 428). 'Beautifully described as "distreining" the king's hand with its foot, because carried by persons of the highest rank'; Bell. Read, 'with 's feet.' 339. _Merlion_, merlin. 'The merlin is the smallest of the long-winged hawks, and was generally carried by ladies'; Bell. 342. From Alanus (see p. 74):--'Illic olor, sui funeris praeco, mellitae citherizationis organo vitae prophetabat apocopam.' The same idea is mentioned by Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Nat. lib. xvi. c. 50; Pliny says he believes the story to be false, Nat. Hist. lib. x. c. 23. See Compl. of Anelida, l. 346. 'The wild swan's death-hymn'; Tennyson, The Dying Swan. Cf. Ovid, Heroid. vii. 2. 343. From Alanus:--'Illic bubo, propheta miseriae, psalmodias funereae lamentationis praecinebat.' So in the Rom. de la Rose, 5999:-- 'Li chahuan ... Prophetes de male aventure, Hideus messagier de dolor.' Cf. Vergil, Aen. iv. 462; Ovid, Metam. v. 550, whence Chaucer's allusion in Troilus, v. 319; Shakespeare, Mid. Nt. D. v. 385. 344. _Geaunt_, giant. Alanus has:--'grus ... in _giganteae_ quantitatis evadebat excessum.' Vincent (lib. xvi. c. 91) quotes from Isidore:--'Grues nomen de propria voce sumpserunt, tali enim sono susurrant.' 345. 'The chough, who is a thief.' From Alanus, who has:--'Illic monedula, _latrocinio_ laudabili reculas thesaurizans, innatae avaritiae argumenta monstrabat.' 'It was an old belief in Cornwall, according to Camden (Britannia, tr. by Holland, 1610, p. 189) that the chough was an incendiary, "and thievish besides; for oftentimes it secretly conveieth fire-sticks, setting their houses a-fire, and as closely filcheth and hideth little pieces of money."'--Prov. Names of Brit. Birds, by C. Swainson, p. 75. So also in Pliny, lib. x. c. 29, choughs are called thieves. Vincent of Beauvais quotes one of Isidore's delicious etymologies:--'Monedula dicitur quasi _mone-tula_, quae cum aurum inuenit aufert et occultat'; i. e. from _monetam tollere_. 'The Jackdaw tribe is notoriously given to pilfering'; Stanley, Hist. of Birds, ed. 1880, p. 203. _Iangling_, talkative; so Alanus:--'Illic pica... curam _logices_ perennabat insomnem.' So in Vincent--'pica loquax'--'pica garrula,' &c.; and in Pliny, lib. x. c. 42. 346. _Scorning_, 'applied to the jay, probably, because it follows and seems to mock at the owl, whenever the latter is so unfortunate as to be caught abroad in the daylight; for this reason, a trap for jays is always baited with a live owl'; Bell. 'The _heron_ will stand for hours in the shallow water watching for eels'; Bell. Vincent quotes from Isidore:--'Ciconeae ... serpentium hostes.' So also A. Neckam, De Naturis Rerum, lib. i. c. 64:--'Ranarum et locustarum et serpentum hostis est.' 347. _Trecherye_, trickery, deceit. 'During the season of incubation, the cock-bird tries to draw pursuers from the nest by wheeling round them, crying and screaming, to divert their attention ... while the female sits close on the nest till disturbed, when she runs off, feigning lameness, or flaps about near the ground, as if she had a broken wing; cf. Com. Errors, iv. 2. 27; Much Ado, iii. 1. 24;' Prov. Names of Brit. Birds, by C. Swainson, p. 185. And cf. 'to seem the _lapwing_ and to jest, Tongue far from heart'; Meas. for Meas. i. 4. 32. 348. _Stare_, starling. As the starling can speak, there is probably 'an allusion to some popular story like the Manciple's Tale, in which a talking starling betrays a secret'; Bell. The same story is in Ovid, Metam. bk. ii. 535; and in Gower, Conf. Amant. bk. iii. 'Germanicus and Drusus had one _stare_, and sundry nightingales, taught to parle Greeke and Latine'; Holland's Pliny, bk. x. c. 42. In the Seven Sages, ed. Weber, p. 86, the bird who 'bewrays counsel' is a magpie. 349. _Coward kyte._ See Squi. Tale, F 624; and note. 'Miluus ... fugatur a niso, quamuis in triplo sit maior illo'; Vincent of Beauvais, lib. xvi. c. 108. 'A kite is ... a coward, and fearefull among great birds'; Batman on Bartholome, lib. xii. c. 26. 350. Alanus has:--'Illic gallus, tanquam vulgaris astrologus, suae vocis _horologio_ horarum loquebatur discrimina.' Cf. Nonne Prestes Tale, B 4044. We also see whence Chaucer derived his epithet of the cock--'common astrologer'--in Troilus, iii. 1415. Tusser, in his Husbandry, ed. Payne, s. 74, says the cock crows--'At midnight, at three, and an hower ere day.' Hence the expressions 'first cock' in K. Lear, iii. 4. 121, and 'second cock' in Macbeth, ii. 3. 27. 351. The sparrow was sacred to Venus, from its amatory disposition (Meas. for Meas. iii. 2. 185). In the well-known song from Lyly's Alexander and Campaspe, Cupid 'stakes his quiver, bow, and arrows, His Mother's _doves_, and team of _sparrows_; 'Songs from the Dramatists, ed. R. Bell, p. 50. 352. Cf. Holland's Pliny, bk. x. c. 29--'The nightingale ... chaunteth continually, namely, at that time as the trees begin to put out their leaues thicke.' 353. 'Nocet autem apibus sola inter animalia carnem habentia et carnem comedentia'; Vincent of Beauvais, De hyrundine; Spec. Nat. lib. xvi. c. 17. 'Culicum et muscarum et apecularum infestatrix'; A. Neckam, De Naturis Rerum (De Hirundine), lib. i. c. 52. 'Swallowes make foule worke among them,' &c.; Holland's Pliny, bk. xi. c. 18. Cf. Vergil, Georg. iv. 15; and Tennyson, The Poet's Song, l. 9. _Flyes_, i. e. bees. This, the right reading (see footnote), occurs in two MSS. only; the scribes altered it to _foules_ or _briddes_! 355. Alanus has:--'Illic turtur, suo viduata consorte, amorem epilogare dedignans, in altero bigamiae refutabat solatia.' 'Etiam vulgo est notum turturem et amoris veri praerogativa nobilitari et castitatis titulis donari'; A. Neckam, i. 59. Cf. An Old Eng. Miscellany, ed. Morris, p. 22. 356. 'In many medieval paintings, the feathers of angels' wings are represented as those of peacocks'; Bell. Cf. Dunbar, ed. Small, 174. 14: 'Qhois angell fedderis as the pacok schone.' 357. Perhaps Chaucer mixed up the description of the pheasant in Alanus with that of the 'gallus silvestris, privatioris galli _deridens_ desidiam,' which occurs almost immediately below. Vincent (lib. xvi. c. 72) says:--'Fasianus est gallus syluaticus.' Or he may allude to the fact, vouched for in Stanley's Hist. of Birds, ed. 1880, p. 279, that the Pheasant will breed with the common Hen. 358. 'The Goose likewise is very vigilant and watchfull: witnesse the Capitoll of Rome, which by the means of Geese was defended and saued'; Holland's Pliny, bk. x. c. 22. 'There is no noise at all Of waking dog, nor gaggling goose more _waker_ then the hound.' Golding, tr. of Ovid's Metam. bk. xi. fol. 139, back. _Unkinde_, unnatural; because of its behaviour to the hedge-sparrow; K. Lear, i. 4. 235. 359. _Delicasye_, wantonness. 'Auis est luxuriosa nimium, bibitque vinum'; Vincent (quoting from Liber de Naturis Rerum), lib. xvi. c. 135, De Psittaco; and again (quoting from Physiologus)--'cum vino inebriatur.' So in Holland's Pliny, bk. x. c. 42--'She loueth wine well, and when shee hath drunk freely, is very pleasant, plaifull, and wanton.' 360. 'The farmers' wives find the drake or mallard the greatest enemy of their young ducks, whole broods of which he will destroy unless removed.'--Bell. Chaucer perhaps follows the Liber de Naturis Rerum, as quoted in Vincent, lib. xvi. c. 27 (De Anate):--'Mares aliquando cum plures fuerint simul, tanta libidinis insania feruntur, vt foeminam solam ... occidant.' 361. From A. Neckam, Liber de Naturis Rerum (ed. Wright, lib. i. c. 64); cited in Vincent, lib. xvi. c. 48. The story is, that a male stork, having discovered that the female was unfaithful to him, went away; and presently returning with a great many other storks, the avengers tore the criminal to pieces. Another very different story may also be cited. 'The stork is the Embleme of a grateful Man. In which respect Aelian writeth of a storke, which bred on the house of one who had a very beautiful wife, which in her husband's absence used to commit adultry with one of her base servants: which the storke observing, in gratitude to him who freely gave him house-roome, flying in the villaines face, strucke out both his eyes.'--Guillim, Display of Heraldry, sect. iii. c. 19. In Thynne's Animadversions on Speght's Chaucer, ed. Furnivall, p. 68 (Chau. Soc.), we find:--'for Aristotle sayethe, and Bartholomeus de proprietatibus rerum, li. 12. c. 8, with manye other auctors, that yf the storke by any meanes perceve that his female hath brooked spousehedde, he will no moore dwell with her, but strykethe and so cruelly beateth her, that he will not surcease vntill he hathe killed her yf he maye, to wreake and reuenge that adulterye.' Cf. Batman vppon Bartholome, ed. 1582, leaf 181, col. 2; Stanley, Hist, of Birds, 6th ed. p. 322; and story no. 82 in Swan's translation of the Gesta Romanorum. Many other references are given in Oesterley's notes to the Gesta; and see the Exempla of Jacques de Vitry, ed. Crane (Folklore Soc.), 1890, p. 230. Cf. Skelton's Phyllyp Sparowe, 469-477. 362. 'The voracity of the cormorant has become so proverbial, that a greedy and voracious eater is often compared to this bird'; Swainson, Prov. Names of British Birds, p. 143. See Rich. II, ii. 1. 38. 363. _Wys_; because it could predict; it was therefore consecrated to Apollo; see Lewis and Short, s. v. _corvus_. _Care_, anxiety; hence, ill luck. 'In folk-lore the crow always appears as a bird of the worst and most sinister character, representing either death, or night, or winter'; Prov. Names of British Birds, by C. Swainson, p. 84; which see. Chaucer here mistranslates Vergil precisely as Batman does (l. xii. c. 9). 'Nunc plena cornix pluuiam uocat improba uoce'; Georg. i. 388. 'That is to vnderstande, Nowe the Crowe calleth rayne _with an eleinge voyce_'; Batman vppon Bartholome, as above. 364. _Olde._ I do not understand this epithet; it is usually the crow who is credited with a long life. _Frosty_; i. e. that is seen in England in the winter-time; called in Shropshire the _snow-bird_; Swainson's Prov. Names of Brit. Birds, p. 6. The explanation of the phrase 'farewell feldefare,' occurring in Troil. iii. 861 and in Rom. Rose, 5510, and marked by Tyrwhitt as not understood, is easy enough. It simply means--'good bye, and we are well rid of you'; when the fieldfare goes, the warm weather comes. 371. _Formel_, perhaps 'regular' or 'suitable' companion; as F. _formel_ answers to Lat. _formalis_. Tyrwhitt's Gloss. says: '_formel_ is put for the _female_ of any fowl, more especially for a female eagle (ll. 445, 535 below).' It has, however, no connection with _female_ (as he seems to suppose), but answers rather, in sense, to _make_, i. e. match, fit companion. Godefroy cites the expression 'faucon _formel_' from L'Aviculaire des Oiseaux de proie (MS. Lyon 697, fol. 221 _a_). He explains it by 'qui a d'amples formes,' meaning (as I suppose) simply 'large'; which does not seem to be right; though the _tercel_ or male hawk was so called because he was a third less than the female. Ducange gives _formelus_, and thinks it means 'well trained.' 379. _Vicaire_, deputy. This term is taken from Alanus, De Planctu Naturae, as above, where it occurs at least _thrice_. Thus, at p. 469 of Wright's edition, Nature says:--'Me igitur tanquam sui [Dei] _vicariam_'; at p. 511--'Natura, Dei gratia mundanae civitatis _vicaria procuratrix_'; and at p. 516, Nature is addressed as--'O supracaelestis Principis fidelis _vicaria_!' M. Sandras supposes that Chaucer took the term from the Rom. de la Rose, but it is more likely that Chaucer and Jean de Meun alike took it from Alanus. 'Cis Diex meismes, par sa grace,... Tant m'ennora, tant me tint chiere, Qu'il m'establi sa chamberiere ... Por chamberiere! certes vaire, Por connestable, et por _vicaire_', &c. Rom. de la Rose, 16970, &c. Here Nature is supposed to be the speaker. Chaucer again uses _vicaire_ of Nature, Phis. Tale, D 20, which see; and he applies it to the Virgin Mary in his A B C, l. 140. See also Lydgate, Compl. of Black Knight, l. 491. 380. That l. 379 is copied from Alanus is clear from the fact that ll. 380-1 are from the same source. At p. 451 of Wright's edition, we find Nature speaking of the concordant discord of the four elements--'quatuor elementorum concors discordia'--which unites the buildings of the palace of this world--'mundialis regiae structuras conciliat.' Similarly, she says, the four humours are united in the human body: 'quae qualitates inter elementa mediatrices conveniunt, hae eaedem inter quatuor humores pacis sanciunt firmitatem'; &c. Compare also Boethius, bk. iii. met. 9. 13, in Chaucer's translation. 'Thou bindest the elements by noumbres proporcionables, that the colde thinges mowen acorden with the hote thinges, and the drye thinges with the moiste thinges; that the fyr, that is purest, ne flee nat over hye, ne that the hevinesse ne drawe nat adoun over-lowe the erthes that ben plounged in the wateres. Thou knittest togider the mene sowle of treble kinde, moeving alle thinges'; &c. 'Et froit, et chaut, et sec, et moiste'; Rom. Rose, 17163. 'For hot, cold, moist, and dry, four champions fierce, Strive here for mastery.' Milton, P. L. ii. 898. 386. _Seynt_, &c.; i. e. _on_ St. Valentine's day; as in l. 322. 388. 'Ye come to choose your mates, and (then) to flee (on) your way.' 411. It appears that Chaucer and others frequently crush the two words _this is_ into the time of one word only (something like the modern _it's_ for _it is_). Hence I scan the line thus:-- This 's our | usag' | alwey, | &c. So again, in the Knight's Tale, 233 (A 1091):-- We mot | endur' | it this 's | the short | and pleyn. And again, in the same, 885 (A 1743):-- And seid | e this 's | a short | conclu | sioun. And frequently elsewhere. In the present case, both _this_ and _is_ are unaccented, which is much harsher than when _this_ bears an accent. I find that Ten Brink has also noted this peculiarity, in his Chaucers Sprache, s. 271. He observes that, in C. T. Group E, 56, the Ellesmere and Hengwrt MSS. actually substitute _this_ for _this is_; see footnote; and hence note that the correct reading is--'But this his tale, which,' &c. See _This_ in Schmidt, Shak. Lexicon. Cf. l. 620. 413. _Com_, came. The _o_ is long; A.S. _com_, Goth. _kwam_. 417. 'I choose the formel to be my sovereign lady, not my mate.' 421. 'Beseeching her _for_ mercy,' &c. 435. Read _lov'th_; monosyllabic, as frequently. 464. 'Ye see what little leisure we have here.' 471. Read _possibl'_, just as in French. 476. _Som_; quite indefinite. 'Than _another_ man.' 482. _Hir-es_, hers; dissyllabic. _Whether_ = _whe'r_. Cf. l. 7. 485. 'The dispute is here called a _plee_, or plea, or pleading; and in the next stanza the terms of law, adopted into the Courts of Love, are still more pointedly applied'; Bell. 499. _Hye_, loudly. _Kek kek_ represents the goose's _cackle_; and _quek_ is mod. E. _quack_. 504. _For_, on behalf of; see next line. 507. _For comune spede_, for the common benefit. 508. 'For it is a great charity to set us free.' 510. 'If it be _your_ wish for any one to speak, it would be as good for him to be silent; it were better to be silent than to talk as you do.' That is, the cuckoo only wants to listen to those who will talk nonsense. A mild rebuke. The turtle explains (l. 514) that it is better to be silent than to meddle with things which one does not understand. 518. Lit. 'A duty assumed without direction often gives offence.' A proverb which appears in other forms. In the Canon's Yeoman's Tale, G 1066, it takes the form--'Profred servyse stinketh'; see note on the line. _Uncommitted_ is not delegated, not entrusted to one. Cotgrave has: '_Commis_, assigned, appointed, delegated.' 524. _I Iuge_, I decide. _Folk_, kind of birds; see note to l. 323. 545. _Oure_, ours; it is the business of us who are the chosen spokesmen. The _Iuge_ is Nature. 556. _Goler_ in the Fairfax MS. is doubtless merely miswritten for _golee_, as in Ff.; Caxton turns it into _golye_, to keep it dissyllabic; the reading _gole_ (in O. and Gg.) also = _golee_. Godefroy has: '_Golee_, _goulee_, _goullee_, _gulee_, _geulee_, s. f. cri, parole'; and gives several examples. Cotgrave has: '_Goulee_, f. a throatfull, or mouthful of, &c.' One of Godefroy's examples gives the phrase--'Et si dirai ge ma _goulee_,' and so I shall say my say. Chaucer uses the word sarcastically: _his large golee_ = his tedious gabble. Allied to E. _gullett_, _gully_. 564. _Which a reson_, what sort of a reason. 568. Cf. Cant. Tales, 5851, 5852 (D 269, 270). Lydgate copies this line in his Hors, Shepe, and Goos, l. 155. 572. 'To have held thy peace, than (to have) shewed.' 574. A common proverb. In the Rom. de la Rose, l. 4750 (E. version, l. 5265), it appears as: 'Nus fox ne scet sa langue taire,' i. e. No fool knows how to hold his tongue. In the Proverbs of Hendyng, it is: 'Sottes bolt is sone shote,' l. 85. In later English, 'A fool's bolt is soon shot'; cf. Henry V, iii. 7. 132, and As You Like It, v. 4. 67. Kemble quotes from MS. Harl. fol. 4--'Ut dicunt multi, cito transit lancea stulti.' 578. _The sothe sadde_, the sober truth. 595. Another proverb. We now say--'There's as good fish in the sea as ever came out of it'; or, 'as ever was caught.' 599. See Chaucer's tr. of Boethius, bk. iv. pr. 4. l. 132. 603. 'Pushed himself forward in the crowd.' 610. Said sarcastically--'Yes! when the glutton has filled his paunch sufficiently, the rest of us are sure to be satisfied!' Compare the following. 'Certain persones ... saiyng that Demades had now given over to bee sache an haine [niggardly wretch] as he had been in tymes past--"Yea, marie, quoth Demosthenes, for now ye see him full paunched, as lyons are." For Demades was covetous and gredie of money, and indeed the lyons are more gentle when their bealyes are well filled.'--Udall, tr. of Apothegmes of Erasmus; Anecdotes of Demosthenes. The merlin then addresses the cuckoo directly. 612. _Heysugge_, hedge-sparrow; see note to l. 358. 613. Read _rewtheles_ (_reufulles_ in Gg); cf. Cant. Ta., B 863; and see p. 361, l. 31. _Rewtheles_ became _reufulles_, and then _rewful_. 614. 'Live thou unmated, thou destruction (destroyer) of worms.' 615. 'For it is no matter as to the lack of thy kind,' i. e. it would not matter, even if the result was the loss of your entire race. 616. 'Go! and remain ignorant for ever.' 620, 1. Cf. note to l. 411. Read _th'eleccioun_; i. e. the choice. 623. _Cheest_, chooseth; spelt _chyest_, Ayenbite of Inwyt, p. 126; spelt _chest_ (with long _e_) in Shoreham's Poems, ed. Wright, p. 109, where it rimes with _lest_ = _leseth_, i. e. loseth; A. S. _cist_, Deut. xxviii. 9. 626. Accent _favour_ on the second syllable; as in C. T., Group B, 3881 (Monkes Tale). So (perhaps) _colour-ed_ in l. 443. 630. 'I have no other (i. e. no wrongful) regard to any rank,' I am no respecter of persons. 633. 'I would counsel you to take'; two infinitives. 640. 'Under your rod,' subject to your correction. So in the Schipmannes Tale, C. T. 13027 (B 1287). 641. The first accent is on _As_. 653. _Maner-e_ is trisyllabic; and _of_ is understood after it. 657. _For tarying_, to prevent tarrying; see note to C. T. Group B, 2052. 664, 5. 'Whatever may happen afterwards, this intervening course is ready prepared for all of you.' 670. They embraced each other with their wings and by intertwining their necks. 675. Gower, Conf. Amant, bk. i. (ed. Pauli, i. 134) speaks of 'Roundel, balade, and virelay.' Johnson, following the Dict. de Trevoux, gives a fair definition of the roundel; but I prefer to translate that given by Littre, s. v. _rondeau_. '1. A short poem, also called _triolet_, in which the first line or lines recur in the middle and at the end of the piece. Such poems, by Froissart and Charles d'Orleans, are still extant. 2. Another short poem peculiar to French poetry, composed of thirteen lines broken by a pause after the fifth and eighth lines, eight having one rime and five another. The first word or words are repeated after the eighth line and after the last, without forming part of the verse; it will readily be seen that this _rondeau_ is a modification of the foregoing; instead of repeating the whole line, only the first words are repeated, often with a different sense.' The word is here used in the _former_ sense; and the remark in Morley's Eng. Writers (v. 271), that the Roundel consists of thirteen lines, eight having one rime, and five another, is not to the point here, as it relates to the later French _rondeau_ only. An examination of Old French roundels shews us that Littre's definition of the _triolet_ is quite correct, and is purposely left somewhat indefinite; but we can apply a somewhat more exact description to the form of the roundel as used by Machault, Deschamps, and Chaucer. The form adopted by these authors is the following. First come three lines, rimed _abb_; next two more, rimed _ab_, and then the first refrain; then three more lines, rimed _abb_, followed by the second refrain. Now the first refrain consists of either one, or two, or three lines, being the first line of the poem, or the first two, or the first three; and the second refrain likewise consists of either one, or two, or three lines, being the same lines as before, but not necessarily the same number of them. Thus the whole poem consists of eight unlike lines, three on one rime, and five on another, with refrains of from two to six lines. Sometimes one of the refrains is actually omitted, but this may be the scribe's fault. However, the least possible number of lines is thus reduced to nine; and the greatest number is fourteen. For example, Deschamps (ed. Tarbe) has roundels of nine lines--second refrain omitted--(p. 125); of ten lines (p. 36); of eleven lines (p. 38); of twelve lines (p. 3); and of fourteen lines (pp. 39, 43). But the prettiest example is that by Machault (ed. Tarbe, p. 52), which has thirteen lines, the first refrain being of _two_, and the second of _three_ lines. And, as thirteen lines came to be considered as the normal length, I here follow this as a model, both here and in 'Merciless Beaute'; merely warning the reader that he may make either of his refrains of a different length, if he pleases. There is a slight art in writing a roundel, viz. in distributing the pauses. There _must_ be a full stop at the end of the third and fifth lines; but the skilful poet takes care that complete sense can be made by the first line taken alone, and also by the first _two_ lines taken alone. Chaucer has done this. Todd, in his Illustrations of Chaucer, p. 372, gives a capital example of a roundel by Occleve; this is of _full_ length, both refrains being of three lines, so that the whole poem is of fourteen lines. This is quite sufficient to shew that the definition of a roundel in Johnson's Dictionary (which is copied from the Dict. de Trevoux, and relates to the latter _rondeau_ of _thirteen_ lines) is quite useless as applied to roundels written in Middle English. 677. _The note_, i. e. the tune. Chaucer adapts his words to a known French tune. The words _Qui bien aime, a tard[290] oublie_ (he who loves well is slow to forget) probably refer to this tune; though it is not quite clear to me how lines of five accents (normally) go to a tune beginning with a line of four accents. In Furnivall's Trial Forewords, p. 55, we find:--'Of the _rondeau_ of which the first line is cited in the Fairfax MS., &c., M. Sandras found the music and the words in a MS. of Machault in the National Library, no. 7612, leaf 187. The verses form the opening lines of one of two pieces entitled _Le Lay de plour_:-- 'Qui bieu aime, a tart oublie, Et cuers, qui oublie a tart, Ressemble le feu qui art,' &c. M. Sandras also says (Etude, p. 72) that Eustache Deschamps composed, on this burden slightly modified, a pretty ballad, inedited till M. Sandras printed it at p. 287 of his Etude; and that, a long time before Machault, Moniot de Paris began, by this same line, a hymn to the Virgin that one can read in the Arsenal Library at Paris, in the copy of a Vatican MS., B. L. no. 63, fol. 283:-- 'Ki bien aime a tart oublie; Mais ne le puis oublier La douce vierge Marie.' In MS. Gg. 4. 27 (Cambridge), there is a poem in 15 8-line stanzas. The latter half of st. 14 ends with:--'_Qui bien ayme, tard oublye._' In fact, the phrase seems to have been a common proverb; see Le Roux de Lincy, ii. 383, 496. It occurs again in Tristan, ed. Michel, ii. 123, l. 700; in Gower, Balade 25 (ed. Stengel, p. 10); in MS. Digby 53, fol. 15, back; MS. Corp. Chr. Camb. 450, p. 258, &c. 683. See note above, to l. 309. 693. This last stanza is imitated at the end of the Court of Love, and of Dunbar's Thrissill and Rois. VI. A COMPLEINT TO HIS LADY. In the two MSS., this poem is written as if it were a continuation of the Compleint unto Pity. The printed edition of 1651 has this heading--'These verses next folowing were compiled by Geffray Chauser, and in the writen copies foloweth at the ende of the complainte of petee.' This implies that Stowe had seen more than one MS. containing these lines. However, the poem has nothing to do with the Complaint of Pity; for which reason the lines are here numbered separately, and the title 'A Compleint to his Lady' is supplied, for want of a better. The poem is so badly spelt in Shirley's MS. (Harl. 78) as quite to obscure its diction, which is that of the fourteenth century. I have therefore re-spelt it throughout, so as to shew the right pronunciation. The Phillipps MS. is merely a copy of the other, but preserves the last stanza. The printed copy resembles Shirley's MS. so closely, that both seem to have been derived from a common source. But there is a strange and unaccountable variation in l. 100. The MS. here has--'For I am sette on yowe in suche manere'; whilst ed. 1561 has--'For I am set so hy vpon your whele.' The latter reading does not suit the right order of the rimes; but it points to a lost MS. The poem evidently consists of several fragments, all upon the same subject, of hopeless, but true love. It should be compared with the Complaint of Pity, the first forty lines of the Book of the Duchess, the Parliament of Foules (ll. 416-441), and the Complaint of Anelida. Indeed, the last of these is more or less founded upon it, and some of the expressions (including one complete line) occur there again. 1. MSS. _nightes_. This will not scan, nor does it make good sense. Read _night_; cf. l. 8, and Book of the Duchess, l. 22. 3. Cf. Compl. Pite, 81--'Allas! what herte may hit longe endure?' 7. _Desespaired_, full of despair. This, and not _dispaired_ (as in ed. 1561), is the right form. Cf. _desespeir_, in Troil. i. 605. 8, 9. Cf. Anelida, 333, 334. 14, 15. I repeat this line, because we require a rime to _fulfille_, l. 17; whilst at the same time l. 14 evidently ends a stanza. 16. I omit _that_, and insert _eek_, in order to make sense. 17. I supply _he_, meaning _Love_. Love is masculine in l. 42, precisely as in the Parl. of Foules, l. 5. 19. I alter _and yit_ to _and fro_, to make sense; the verb to _arace_ absolutely requires _from_ or _fro_; see Clerkes Tale, E 1103, and particularly l. 18 of sect. XXI, where we find the very phrase 'fro your herte arace.' Cf. Troilus, v. 954. 24. I supply this line from Compl. Mars, 189, to rime with l. 22. If Fragments II and III were ever joined together, we must suppose that at least _five_ lines have been lost, as I have already shewn in the note to Dr. Furnivall's Trial Forewords, p. 96. Thus, after l. 23, ending in _asterte_, we should require lines ending in _-ye_, _-erse_, _-ye_, _-erse_, and _-ede_ respectively, to fill the gap. However, I have kept fragments II and III apart, and it is then sufficient to supply _three_ lines. Lines 25 and 26 are from the Compl. of Pite, 22, 17, and from Anelida, 307. 32. I suspect some corruption; MS. Sh. has _The wyse eknytte_, Ph. has _The wise I-knyt_, and ed. 1561 has _The Wise, eknit_. As it stands, it means--'Her surname moreover is the Fair Ruthless one, (or) the Wise one, united with Good Fortune.' Fair Ruthless is a translation of the French phrase _La Belle Dame sans Merci_, which occurs as the title of a poem once attributed to Chaucer. The Wise one, &c., means that she is wise and fortunate, and will not impair her good fortune by bestowing any thought upon her lover. Shirley often writes _e_ for initial _y-_. 35. Almost identical with Anelida, 222--'More then myself, an hundred thousand sythe.' 36. Obviously corrupt; neither sound nor sense is good. Read:--'Than al this worldes richest (_or_ riche) creature.' _Creature_ may mean 'created thing.' Or scan by reading _world's richess'_. 39. Cf. Kn. Tale, l. 380 (A 1238)--'Wel hath Fortune y-turned thee the dys.' 41. _My swete fo._ So in Anelida, l. 272; and cf. l. 64 below. 42, 43. Cf. Parl. of Foules, ll. 439, 440. 44. Ed. 1561 also reads _In_. Perhaps the original reading was _Inwith_. Moreover, the copies omit _eek_ in l. 45, which I supply. 47-49. This remarkable statement re-appears twice elsewhere; see Parl. Foules, 90, 91, and note; and Compl. of Pite, ll. 99-104. 50. Repeated in Anelida, 237. 51, 52. Cf. Anelida, 181, 182; Compl. Pite, 110; Parl. Foules, 7. 55. Cf. Anelida, 214--'That turned is to quaking al my daunce.' 56. Here a line is missing, as again at l. 59. This appears from the form of the stanza, in which the rimes are arranged in the order _a a b a a b c d d c_. I supply the lines from Anelida, 181, 182. 63. Cf. the use of _y-whet_ in Anelida, 212. 64, 65. Cf. Anelida, 272--'My swete fo, why do ye so for shame?' 73. For _leest_, ed. 1561 has _best_! 79. The MSS. have--'What so I wist that were to youre hyenesse'; where _youre hyenesse_ is absurdly repeated from l. 76. Ed. 1561 has the same error. It is obvious that the right final word is _distresse_, to be preceded by _yow_ or _your_; of which I prefer _yow_. 83. Ch. uses both _wille_ and _wil_; the latter is, e. g., in Cant. Ta. A 1104. We must here read _wil_. 86. _shal_, i. e. shall be. See also XXII. ll. 78, 87. 88. _leveth wel_, believe me wholly. MS. Ph. and ed. 1561 wrongly have _loveth_. 98. I read _nil_, as being simpler. The MSS. have _ne wil_, which would be read--'That I n'wil ay'; which comes to much the same thing. 100. _set_, fixed, bound. Ed. 1561 has--'For I am set so hy vpon your whele,' which disturbs the rimes. 102. MS. Sh. _beon euer als trewe_; ed. 1561 has--_bene euer as trewe_. 103. MS. Sh. 'As any man can er may on lyue'; ed. 1561 and MS. Ph. have--'As any man can or maye on liue.' It is clear that a final word has been dropped, because the scribe thought the line ought to rime with _fyve_ (l. 98). The dropped word is clearly _here_, which rimes with _manere_ in the Miller's Prologue, and elsewhere. After _here_ was dropped, _man_ was awkwardly inserted, to fill up the line. Ch. employs _here_ at the end of a line more than thirty times; cf. Kn. Tale, A 1260, 1670, 1711, 1819, &c. 107, 108. Cf. Anelida, 247, 248. 123. Cf. Anelida, 216. MS. Ph. alone preserves ll. 124-133. 124. _My lyf and deeth_ seems to be in the vocative case. Otherwise, _my_ is an error for _in_. 125. For _hoolly I_ perhaps we should read _I hoolly_. 126. The rime _by me, tyme_, is Chaucerian; see Cant. Ta. G 1204. 130. This resembles Cant. Tales, F 974 and A 2392. 133. _trouble_, troubled. A like use occurs in Boethius, bk. i. met. 7, l. 2. _Drope_, _hope_, rime in Troil. i. 939, and Gower, C. A., ii. 286. VII. ANELIDA AND ARCITE. This Poem consists of several distinct portions. It begins with a Proem, of three stanzas, followed by a part of the story, in twenty-seven stanzas, all in seven-line stanzas. Next follows the Complaint of Anelida, skilfully and artificially constructed; it consists of a Proem in a single stanza of nine lines; next, what may be called a Strophe, in six stanzas, of which the first four consist of nine lines, the fifth consists of sixteen lines (with only two rimes), and the sixth, of nine lines (with internal rimes). Next follows what may be called an Antistrophe, in six stanzas arranged precisely as before; wound up by a single concluding stanza corresponding to the Proem at the beginning of the Complaint. After this, the story begins again; but the poet had only written _one_ stanza when he suddenly broke off, and left the poem unfinished; see note to l. 357. The name of Arcite naturally reminds us of the Knightes Tale; but the 'false Arcite' of the present poem has nothing beyond the name in common with the 'true Arcite' of the Tale. However, there are other connecting links, to be pointed out in their due places, which tend to shew that this poem was written _before_ the Knightes Tale, and was never finished; it is also probable that Chaucer actually wrote an earlier draught of the Knightes Tale, with the title of Palamon and Arcite, which he afterwards partially rejected; for he mentions 'The Love of Palamon and Arcite' in the prologue to the Legend of Good Women as if it were an independent work. However this may be, it is clear that, in constructing or rewriting the Knightes Tale, he did not lose sight of 'Anelida,' for he has used some of the lines over again; moreover, it is not a little remarkable that the very lines from Statius which are quoted at the beginning of the fourth stanza of Anelida are also quoted, in some of the MSS., at the beginning of the Knightes Tale. But this is not all. For Dr. Koch has pointed out the close agreement between the opening stanzas of this poem, and those of Boccaccio's Teseide, which is the very work from which Palamon and Arcite was, of course, derived, as it is the chief source of the Knightes Tale also. Besides this, there are several stanzas from the Teseide in the Parliament of Foules; and even three near the end of Troilus, viz. the seventh, eighth, and ninth from the end of the last book. Hence we should be inclined to suppose that Chaucer originally translated the Teseide rather closely, substituting a seven-line stanza for the _ottava rima_ of the original; this formed the original Palamon and Arcite, a poem which he probably never finished (as his manner was). Not wishing, however, to abandon it altogether, he probably used some of the lines in this present poem, and introduced others into his Parliament of Foules. At a later period, he rewrote, in a complete form, the whole story in his own fashion, which has come down to us as The Knightes Tale. Whatever the right explanation may be, we are at any rate certain that the Teseide is the source of (1) sixteen stanzas in the Parliament of Foules; (2) of part of the first ten stanzas in the present poem; (3) of the original Palamon and Arcite; (4) of the Knightes Tale; and (5) of three stanzas near the end of Troilus, bk. v. 1807-27 (Tes. xi. 1-3). 1. In comparing the first three stanzas with the Teseide, we must reverse the order of the stanzas in the latter poem. Stanza 1 of Anelida answers to st. 3 of the Italian; stanza 2, to st. 2; and stanza 3 to st. 1. The first two lines of lib. 1. st. 3 (of the Italian) are:-- '_Siate presenti_, O _Marte rubicondo_, Nelle tue _arme_ rigido e _feroce_.' I. e. _Be present_, O _Mars the red_, strong and _fierce_ in thy _arms_ (battle-array). For the words _Be present_, see l. 6. 2. _Trace_, Thrace. Cf. Kn. Tale, 1114-6 (A 1972-4). Chaucer was here thinking of Statius, Theb. lib. vii. 40, who describes the temple of Mars on Mount Haemus, in Thrace, which had a frosty climate. In bk. ii, l. 719, Pallas is invoked as being superior to Bellona. Chaucer seems to confuse them; so does Boccaccio, in his De Genealogia Deorum. 6, 7. Partly imitated from Tes. i. 3:-- 'E sostenete la mano e la voce Di me, che intendo i vostri effecti dire.' 8-10. Imitated from Tes. i. 2:-- 'Che m' e venuta voglia con _pietosa_ Rima di scriver _una storia antica_, Tanto negli anni riposta e nascosa, Che _latino_ autor non par ne dica, Per quel ch' io senta, in libro alcuna cosa.' Thus it appears that, when speaking of his finding an old story in Latin, he is actually translating from an Italian poem which treats of a story not found in Latin! That is, his words give no indication whatever of the source of his poem; but are merely used in a purely conventional manner. His 'old story' is really that of the siege of Thebes; and his _Latin_ is the Thebais of Statius. And neither of them speaks of Anelida! 15. Read _favourabl'_. Imitated from Tes. i. 1:-- 'O _sorelle_ Castalie, che nel monte _Elicona contente_ dimorate D' intorno al sacro gorgoneo fonte, Sottesso _l' ombra delle frondi amate_ _Da Febo_, delle quali ancor la fronte I' spero ornarmi sol che 'l concediate Gli santi orecchi a' miei prieghi porgete, E quegli udite come voi volete.' _Polymnia_, Polyhymnia, also spelt Polymnia, Gk. [Greek: Polumnia] one of the nine Muses. Chaucer invokes the muse Clio in Troil. bk. ii, and Calliope in bk. iii. Cf. Ho. of Fame, 520-2. _Parnaso_, Parnassus, a mountain in Phocis sacred to Apollo and the Muses, at whose foot was Delphi and the Castalian spring. _Elicon_, mount Helicon in Boeotia; Chaucer seems to have been thinking rather of the Castalian spring, as he uses the prep. _by_, and supposes _Elicon_ to be near _Parnaso_. See the Italian, as quoted above; and note that, in the Ho. of Fame, 522, he says that Helicon is a _well_. A similar confusion occurs in Troilus, iii. 1809:-- 'Ye sustren nyne eek, that by Elicone In hil Parnaso listen for tabyde.' 17. _Cirrea_, Cirra. Chaucer was thinking of the adj. _Cirraeus_. Cirra was an ancient town near Delphi, under Parnassus. Dante mentions _Cirra_, Parad. i. 36; and _Parnaso_ just above, l. 16. Perhaps Chaucer took it from him. 20. A common simile. So Spenser, F. Q. i. 12. 1, 42; and at the end of the Thebaid and the Teseide both. 21. _Stace_, Statius; i. e. the Thebaid; whence some of the next stanzas are more or less borrowed. Chaucer epitomises the general contents of the Thebaid in his Troilus; v. 1484, &c. _Corinne_, not Corinna (as some have thought, for she has nothing to do with the matter), but Corinnus. Corinnus was a disciple of Palamedes, and is said to have written an account of the Trojan War, and of the war of the Trojan king Dardanus against the Paphlagonians, in the Dorian dialect. Suidas asserts that Homer made some use of his writings. See Zedler, Universal Lexicon; and Biog. Universelle. How Chaucer met with this name, is not known. Possibly, however, Chaucer was thinking of _Colonna_, i. e. Guido di Colonna, author of the medieval Bellum Trojanum. But this does not help us, and it is at least as likely that the name _Corinne_ was merely introduced by way of flourish; for no source has been discovered for the latter part of the poem, which may have been entirely of his own invention. For Palamedes, see Lydgate's Troy-book, bk. v. c. 36. 22. The verses from Statius, preserved in the MSS., are the three lines following; from Thebais, xii. 519:-- 'Jamque domos patrias Scythicae post aspera gentis Praelia laurigero subeuntem Thesea curru, Laetifici plausus missusque ad sidera vulgi,' &c. The first line and half the second appear also in the MSS. of the Canterbury Tales, at the head of the Knightes Tale, which commences, so to speak, at the same point (l. 765 in Lewis's translation of the Thebaid). Comparing these lines of Statius with the lines in Chaucer, we at once see how he came by the word _aspre_ and the expression _With laurer crouned_. The whole of this stanza (ll. 22-28) is expanded from the three lines here quoted. 23. _Cithe_, Scythia; see last note. See Kn. Tale, 9 (A 867). 24. Cf. Kn. Tale, 169, 121 (A 1027, 979). 25. _Contre-houses_, houses of his country, homes (used of Theseus and his army). It exactly reproduces the Lat. _domos patrias_. See Kn. Tale, 11 (A 869). 29-35. Chaucer merely takes the general idea from Statius, and expands it in his own way. Lewis's translation of Statius has:-- 'To swell the pomp, before the chief are borne The spoils and trophies from the vanquish'd torn;' but the Lat. text has-- 'Ante ducem spolia et _duri Mauortis imago_, Uirginei currus, cumulataque fercula cristis.' And, just below, is a brief mention of Hippolyta, who had been wedded to Theseus. 30, 1. Cf. Kn. Tale, 117, 118 (A 975). See note above. 36, 7. Cf. Kn. Tale, 23, 24 (A 881, 2); observe the order of words. 38. Repeated in Kn. Tale, 114 (A 972); changing _With_ to _And_. _Emelye_ is not mentioned in Statius. She is the _Emilia_ of the Teseide; see lib. ii. st. 22 of that poem. 43-6. Cf. Kn. Tale, 14, 15, 169 (A 872-3, 1027). 47. Here we are told that the story is really to begin. Chaucer now returns from Statius (whom he has nearly done with) to the Teseide, and the next three stanzas, ll. 50-70, are more or less imitated from that poem, lib. ii. st. 10-12. 50-6. Boccaccio is giving a sort of summary of the result of the war described in the Thebaid. His words are:-- 'Fra tanto Marte i popoli lernei Con furioso corso avie commossi Sopro i Tebani, e miseri trofei Donati avea de' Principi percossi Piu volte gia, e de' greci plebei Ritenuti tal volta, e tal riscossi Con asta sanguinosa fieramente, Trista avea fatta l' una e l' altra gente.' 57-63. Imitated from Tes. ii. 11:-- 'Percio che dopo Anfiarao, Tideo Stato era ucciso, e 'l buon Ippomedone, E similmente il bel Partenopeo, E piu Teban, de' qua' non fo menzione, Dinanzi e dopo al fiero Capaneo, E dietro a tutti in doloroso agone, Eteocle e Polinice, ed ispedito Il solo Adrastro ad Argo era fuggito.' See also Troilus, v. 1499-1510. 57. _Amphiorax_; so in Troilus, ii. 105, v. 1500; Cant. Tales, 6323 (D 741); and in Lydgate's Siege of Thebes. Amphiaraus is meant; he accompanied Polynices, and was swallowed up by the earth during the siege of Thebes; Statius, Thebais, lib. vii. (at the end); Dante, Inf. xx. 34. Tydeus and Polynices married the two daughters of Adrastus. The heroic acts of Tydeus are recorded in the Thebaid. See Lydgate, Siege of Thebes; or the extract from it in my Specimens of English. 58. _Ipomedon_, Hippomedon; one of the seven chiefs who engaged in the war against Thebes. _Parthonopee_, Parthenopaeus, son of Meleager and Atalanta; another of the seven chiefs. For the account of their deaths, see the Thebaid, lib. ix. 59. _Campaneus_; spelt _Cappaneus_, _Capaneus_ in Kn. Tale, 74 (A 932); Troil. v. 1504. Thynne, in his Animadversions on Speght's Chaucer (ed. Furnivall, p. 43), defends the spelling _Campaneus_ on the ground that it was the usual medieval spelling; and refers us to Gower and Lydgate. In Pauli's edition of Gower, i. 108, it is _Capaneus_. Lydgate has _Campaneus_; Siege of Thebes, pt. iii. near the beginning. Capaneus is the right Latin form; he was one of the seven chiefs, and was struck with lightning by Jupiter whilst scaling the walls of Thebes; Statius, Theb. lib. x (at the end). Cf. Dante, Inf. xiv. 63. As to the form _Campaneus_, cf. Ital. _Campidoglio_ with Lat. _Capitolium_. 60. 'The Theban wretches, the two brothers;' i. e. Eteocles and Polynices, who caused the war. Cf. Troil. v. 1507. 61. _Adrastus_, king of Argos, who assisted his son-in-law Polynices, and survived the war; Theb. lib. xi. 441. 63. 'That no man knew of any remedy for his (own) misery.' _Care_, anxiety, misery. At this line Chaucer begins upon st. 12 of the second book of the Teseide, which runs thus:-- 'Onde il misero gente era rimaso Voto[291] di gente, e pien d'ogni dolore; Ma a picciol tempo da Creonte invaso Fu, che di quello si fe' re e signore, Con tristo augurio, in doloroso caso Reco insieme il regno suo e l'onore, Per fiera crudelta da lui usata, Mai da null'altro davanti pensata. Cf. Knightes Tale, 80-4 (A 938). 71. From this point onward, Chaucer's work is, as far as we know at present, original. He seems to be intending to draw a portrait of a queen of Armenia who is neglected by her lover, in distinct contrast to Emilia, sister of the queen of Scythia, who had a pair of lovers devoted to her service. 72. _Ermony_, Armenia; the usual M. E. form. 78. _Of twenty yeer of elde_, of twenty years of age; so in MSS. F., Tn., and Harl. 372. See note to l. 80. 80. _Behelde_; so in MSS. Harl., F.; and Harl. 372 has _beheelde_. I should hesitate to accept this form instead of the usual _beholde_, but for its occurrence in Gower, Conf. Amant., ed. Pauli, iii. 147:-- 'The wine can make a creple sterte And a deliver man unwelde; It maketh a blind man to _behelde_. So also in the Moral Ode, l. 288, the Trinity MS. has the infin. _behealde_, and the Lambeth MS. has _bihelde_. It appears to be a Southern form, adopted here for the rime, like _ken_ for _kin_ in Book of the Duch. 438. There is further authority; for we actually find _helde_ for _holde_ in five MSS. out of seven, riming with _welde_ (_wolde_); C. T., Group D, l. 272. 82. Penelope and Lucretia are favourite examples of constancy; see C. T., Group B, 63, 75; Book Duch. 1081-2; Leg. Good Women, 252, 257. Read Penelop', not Penelop', as in B. D. 1081. 84. _Amended._ Compare what is said of Zenobia; C. T., B 3444. 85. I have supplied _Arcite_, which the MSS. strangely omit. It is necessary to _name_ him here, to introduce him; and the line is else too short. Chaucer frequently shifts the accent upon this name, so that there is nothing wrong about either _Arcite_ here, or _Arcite_ in l. 92. See Kn. Tale, 173, 344, 361, &c. on the one hand; and lines 1297, 1885 on the other. And see l. 140 below. 91. Read _trust_, the contracted form of _trusteth_. 98. 'As, indeed, it is needless for men to learn such craftiness.' 105. A proverbial expression; see Squi. Tale, F 537. The character of Arcite is precisely that of the false tercelet in Part II. of the Squieres Tale; and Anelida is like the falcon in the same. Both here and in the Squieres Tale we find the allusions to Lamech, and to blue as the colour of constancy; see notes to ll. 146, 150, 161-9 below. 119. Cf. Squi. Tale, F 569. 128. 'That all his will, it seemed to her,' &c. A common idiom. Koch would omit _hit_, for the sake of the metre; but it makes no difference at all, the _e_ in _thoghte_ being elided. 141. _New-fangelnesse_; see p. 409, l. 1, and Squi. Tale, F 610. 145. _In her hewe_, in her colours: he wore the colours which she affected. This was a common method of shewing devotion to a lady. 146. Observe the satire in this line. Arcite is supposed to have worn _white_, _red_, or _green_; but he did not wear _blue_, for that was the colour of _constancy_. Cf. Squi. Tale, F 644, and the note; and see l. 330 below; also p. 409, l. 7. 150. Cf. Squi. Tale, F 550. I have elsewhere drawn attention to the resemblance between this poem and the Squieres Tale, in my note to l. 548 of that Tale. Cf. also Cant. Tales, 5636 (D 54). The reference is to Gen. iv. 19--'And Lamech took unto him two wives.' In l. 154, Chaucer curiously confounds him with Jabal, Lamech's _son_, who was 'the father of such as dwell in tents'; Gen. iv. 20. 155. _Arcit-e_; trisyllabic, as frequently in Kn. Tale. 157. 'Like a wicked horse, which generally shrieks when it bites'; Bell. This explanation is clearly wrong. The line is repeated, with the slight change of _pleyne_ to _whyne_, in C. T. 5968 (D 386). To _pleyne_ or to _whyne_ means to utter a plaintive cry, or to whinny; and the sense is--'Like a horse, (of doubtful temper), which can either bite or whinny (as if wanting a caress).' 161. _Theef_, false wretch; cf. Squi. Tale, F 537. 162. Cf. Squi. Tale, F 462, 632. 166. Cf. Squi. Tale, F 448. 169. Cf. Squi. Tale, F 412, 417, 430, 631. 171. _Al crampissheth_, she draws all together, contracts convulsively; formed from _cramp_. I know of but four other examples of the use of this word. In Lydgate's Flour of Curtesie, st. 7, printed in Chaucer's Works, ed. 1561, fol. 248, we have the lines:-- 'I gan complayne min inwarde deedly smert That aye so sore _crampeshe at_ min herte.' As this gives no sense, it is clear that _crampeshe at_ is an error for _crampisheth_ or _crampished_, which Lydgate probably adopted from the present passage. Again, in Lydgate's Life of St. Edmund, in MS. Harl. 2278, fol. 101 (ed. Horstmann, p. 430, l. 930), are the lines:-- 'By pouert spoiled, which made hem sore smerte, Which, as they thouhte, _craumpysshed_ at here herte.' Skelton has _encraumpysshed_, Garland of Laurell, 16; and Dyce's note gives an example of _craumpishing_ from Lydgate's Wars of Troy, bk. iv. c. 33, sig. Xv. col. 4, ed. 1555. Once more, Lydgate, in his Fall of Princes, bk. i. c. 9 (pr. by Wayland, leaf 18, col. 2), has the line-- 'Deth _crampishing_ into their hert gan crepe.' 175. In Kn. Tale, 1950 (A 2808), it is Arcite who says '_mercy!_' 176. Read _endur'th_. Mate, exhausted. 177. Read _n'hath_. _Sustene_, support herself; cf. C. T. 11173 (F 861). 178. _Forth_ is here equivalent to 'continues'; _is_ or _dwelleth_ is understood. Read _languisshing_. 180. _Grene_, fresh; probably with a reference to _green_ as being the colour of inconstancy. 182. Nearly repeated in Kn. Tale, 1539 (A 2397); cf. Comp. unto Pity, 110. Cf. Compl. to his Lady, 52. 183. If _up_ is to be retained before _so_, change _holdeth_ into _halt_. 'His new lady reins him in by the bridle so tightly (harnessed as he is) at the end of the shaft (of her car), that he fears every word like an arrow.' The image is that of a horse, tightly fastened to the ends of the shafts of a car, and then so hardly reined in that he fears every word of the driver; he expects a cut with the whip, and he cannot get away. 193. _Fee or shipe_, fee or reward. The scarce word _shipe_ being misunderstood, many MSS. give corrupt readings. But it occurs in the Persones Tale, Group I, 568, where Chaucer explains it by 'hyre'; and in the Ayenbite of Inwit, p. 33. It is the A. S. _scipe_. '_Stipendium_, scipe'; Wright's Vocabularies, 114. 34. 194. _Sent_, short for _sendeth_; cf. _serveth_ above. Cf. Book of Duch. 1024. 202. _Also_, as; 'as may God save me.' 206. _Hir ne gat no geyn_, she obtained for herself no advantage. 211. The metre now becomes extremely artificial. The first stanza is introductory. Its nine lines are rimed _a a b a a b b a b_, with only two rimes. I set back lines 3, 6, 7, 9, to show the arrangement more clearly. The next four stanzas are in the same metre. The construction is obscure, but is cleared up by l. 350, which is its echo, and again by ll. 270-1. _Swerd_ is the nom. case, and _thirleth_ is its verb; 'the sword of sorrow, whetted with false complaisance, so pierces my heart, (now) bare of bliss and black in hue, with the (keen) point of (tender) recollection.' Chaucer's 'with ... remembrance' is precisely Dante's 'Per la puntura della rimembranza'; Purg. xii. 20. 214. Cf. The Compleint to his Lady, 1. 55. 215. _Awhaped_, amazed, stupified. To the examples in the New E. Dict. add--'Sole by himself, _awhaped_ and amate'; Compl. of the Black Knight, 168. 216. Cf. the Compleint to his Lady, l. 123. 218. _That_, who: relative to _hir_ above. 220. Observe how the stanza, which I here number as 1, is echoed by the stanza below, ll. 281-289; and so of the rest. 222. Nearly repeated in the Compl. to his Lady, l. 35. 237. Repeated from the Compl. to his Lady, l. 50. 241. _Founde_, seek after; A. S. _fundian_. For _founde_, all the MSS. have _be founde_, but the _be_ is merely copied in from _be more_ in l. 240. If we retain _be_, then _befounde_ must be a compound verb, with the same sense as before; but there is no known example of this verb, though the related strong verb _befinden_ is not uncommon. But see l. 47 above. With l. 242 cf. Rom. Rose, 966 (p. 134). 247. Cf. Compl. to his Lady, ll. 107, 108. 256-71. This stanza is in the same metre as that marked 5 below, ll. 317-332. It is very complex, consisting of 16 lines of varying length. The lines which I have set back have but _four_ accents; the rest have _five_. The rimes in the first eight lines are arranged in the order _a a a b a a a b_; in the last eight lines this order is precisely reversed, giving _b b b a b b b a_; so that the whole forms a _virelay_. 260. _Namely_, especially, in particular. 262. 'Offended you, as surely as (I hope that) He who knows everything may free my soul from woe.' 265. This refers to ll. 113-5 above. 267. Read _sav-e_, _mek-e_; or the line will be too short. 270. Refers to ll. 211-3 above. 272. This stanza answers to that marked 6 below, ll. 333-341. It is the most complex of all, as the lines contain internal rimes. The lines are of the normal length, and arranged with the end-rimes _a a b a a b b a b_, as in the stanzas marked 1 to 4 above. Every line has an internal rime, viz. at the second and fourth accents. In ll. 274, 280, this internal rime is a feminine one, which leaves but _one_ syllable (viz. _nay_, _may_) to complete these lines. The expression 'swete fo' occurs again in the Compleint to his Lady, l. 41 (cf. ll. 64, 65); also in Troil. v. 228. 279. 'And then shall this, which is now wrong, (turn) into a jest; and all (shall be) forgiven, whilst I may live.' 281. The stanza here marked 1 answers to the stanza so marked above; and so of the rest. The metre has already been explained. 286. 'There are no other fresh intermediate ways.' 299. 'And must I pray (to you), and so cast aside womanhood?' It is not for the woman to sue to the man. Compare l. 332. 301. _N[=e]d-e_, with long close _e_, rimes with _b[=e]de_, _m[=e]de_, _h[=e]de_. 302. 'And if I lament as to what life I lead.' 306. 'Your demeanour may be said to flower, but it bears no seed.' There is much promise, but no performance. 309. _Holde_, keep back. The spelling _Averyll_ (or _Auerill_) occurs in MS. Harl. 7333, MS. Addit. 16165, and MSS. T. and P. It is much better than the _Aprill_ or _Aprille_ in the rest. I would also read _Averill_ or _Aperil_ in Troil. i. 156. 313. _Who that_, whosoever. _Fast_, trustworthy. 315. _Tame_, properly tamed. From Rom. Rose, 9945:-- 'N'est donc bien privee tel beste Qui de foir est toute preste.' 320. _Chaunte-pleure._ Godefroy says that there was a celebrated poem of the 13th century named _Chantepleure_ or _Pleurechante_; and that it was addressed to those who sing in this world and will weep in the next. Hence also the word was particularly used to signify any complaint or lament, or a chant at the burial-service. One of his quotations is:--'Heu brevis honor qui vix duravit per diem, sed longus dolor qui usque ad mortem, gallice _la chantepleure_'; J. de Aluet, _Serm._, Richel. l. 14961, fol. 195, verso. And again:-- 'Car le juge de verite Pugnira nostre iniquite Par la balance d'equite Qui ou val de la _chantepleure_ Nous boute en grant adversite Sanz fin a perpetuite, Et y parsevere et demeure.' J. de Meung, Le Tresor, l. 1350; ed. Meon. Tyrwhitt says:--'A sort of proverbial expression for _singing and weeping_ successively [rather, little singing followed by much weeping]. See Lydgate, Trag. [i. e. Fall of Princes] st. the last; where he says that his book is 'Lyke _Chantepleure_, now singing now weping.' In MS. Harl. 4333 is a Ballad which turns upon this expression. It begins: 'Moult vaut mieux _pleure-chante_ que ne fait _chante-pleure_.' Clearly the last expression means, that short grief followed by long joy is better than brief joy followed by long grief. The fitness of the application in the present instance is obvious. Another example occurs in Lydgate's Fall of Princes, bk. i. c. 7, _lenvoy_:-- 'It is like to the _chaunte-pleure_, Beginning with ioy, ending in wretchednes.' So also in Lydgate's Siege of Troye, bk. ii. c. 11; ed. 1555, Fol. F 6, back, col. 2. 328. _A furlong-wey_ meant the time during which one can walk a furlong, at three miles an hour. A _mile-way_ is twenty minutes; a _furlong-wey_ is two minutes and a half; and the double of it is five minutes. But the strict sense need not be insisted on here. 330. _Asure_, true blue; the colour of _constancy_; see l. 332. 'Her habyte was of manyfolde colours, Watchet-_blewe_, of fayned _stedfastnesse_, Her golde allayed like son in watry showres, Meynt with _grene_, for _chaunge and doublenesse_.' Lydgate's Fall of Princes, bk. vi. c. 1. st. 7. So in Troil. iii. 885--'bereth him this _blewe_ ring.' And see Sect. XXI. l. 7 (p. 409), and the note. 332. 'And to pray to me for mercy.' Cf. ll. 299, 300. 338. _They_, i. e. your ruth and your truth. 341. 'My wit cannot reach, it is so weak.' 342. Here follows the concluding stanza of the Complaint. 344. Read--_For I shal ne'er_ (or _nev'r_) _eft putten_. 346. See note to Parl. of Foules, 342. 350. This line re-echoes l. 211. 357. The reason why the Poem ends here is sufficiently obvious. Here must have followed the description of the temple of Mars, _written in seven-line stanzas_. But it was all _rewritten_ in a new metre, and is preserved to us, for all time, in the famous passage in the Knightes Tale; ll. 1109-1192 (A 1967). VIII. CHAUCERS WORDES UNTO ADAM. Only extant in MS. T., written by Shirley, and in Stowe's edition of 1561. Dr. Koch says--'It seems that Stowe has taken his text from Shirley, with a few modifications in spelling, and altered Shirley's _Scriveyn_ into _scrivener_, apparently because that word was out of use in his time. _Scriveyn_ is O. Fr. _escrivain_, F. _ecrivain_. Lines 3 and 4 are too long [in MS. T. and Stowe], but _long_ and _more_ are unnecessary for the sense, wherfore I have omitted them.' Dr. Sweet omits _long_, but retains _more_, though it sadly clogs the line. Again, in l. 2, we find _for to_, where _for_ is superfluous. 2. _Boece_, Chaucer's translation of Boethius. _Troilus_, Chaucer's poem of Troilus and Creseyde; in 5 books, all in seven-line stanzas. See vol. II. 3. 'Thou oughtest to have an attack of the scab under thy locks, unless thou write exactly in accordance with my composition.' IX. THE FORMER AGE. 'The former Age' is a title taken from l. 2 of the poem. In MS. Hh., at the end, are the words--'Finit Etas prima: Chaucers.' Both MSS. are poor, and omit a whole line (l. 56), which has to be supplied by conjecture; as we have no other authority. The spelling requires more emendation than usual. The poem is partly a verse translation of Boethius, De Consolatione Philosophiae, lib. ii. met. 5. We possess a prose translation by Chaucer of the entire work (see vol. II. p. 40). This therefore contains the same passage in prose; and the prose translation is, of course, a much closer rendering of the original. Indeed there is nothing in the original which corresponds to the last four stanzas of the present poem, excepting a hint for l. 62. The work of Boethius, in Latin, consists of five books. Each book contains several sections, written in prose and verse alternately. Hence it is usual to refer to bk. ii. prose 5 (liber ii. prosa 5); bk. ii. metre 5 (liber ii. metrum 5); and the like. These divisions are very useful in finding one's place. Chaucer was also indebted to Ovid, Metam. i. 89-112, for part of this description of the Golden Age; of which see Dryden's fine translation. See also Le Roman de la Rose, ll. 8395-8492: and compare the Complaint of Scotland, ed. Murray, p. 144; and Dante, Purg. xxii. 148. For further remarks, see the Introduction. 1. 'Decaearchus ... refert sub Saturno, id est, in aureo saeculo, cum omnia humus funderet, nullum comedisse carnes: sed uniuersos uixisse frugibus et pomis, quae sponte terra gignebat'; Hieron. c. Iouin. lib. ii. 2. _The former age_; Lat. prior etas. 3. _Payed of_, satisfied with; Lat. contenta. 4. _By usage_, ordinarily; i. e. without being tilled. 5. _Forpampred_, exceedingly pampered; Lat. perdita. _With outrage_, beyond all measure. 6. _Quern_, a hand-mill for grinding corn. _Melle_, mill. 7. Dr. Sweet reads _hawes, mast_ instead of _mast, hawes_. This sounds better, but is not necessary. _Haw-es_ is dissyllabic. _Pounage_, mod. E. _pannage_, mast, or food given to swine in the woods; see the Glossary. Better spelt _pannage_ or _paunage_ (Manwood has _pawnage_), as cited in Blount's Nomolexicon. Koch wrongly refers us to O.F. _poun_, _poon_, a sickle (Burguy), but mast and haws were never reaped. Cf. Dante, Purg. xxii. 149. 11. 'Which they rubbed in their hands, and ate of sparingly.' _Gnodded_ is the pt. t. of _gnodden_ or _gnudden_, to rub, examples of which are scarce. See Ancren Riwle, pp. 238, 260 (footnotes), and _gnide_ in Halliwell's Dictionary. But the right reading is obviously _gniden_ or _gnide_ (with short _i_), the pt. t. pl. of the strong verb _gniden_, to rub. This restores the melody of the line. In the Ancren Riwle, p. 260, there is a reference to Luke vi. 1, saying that Jesus' disciples '_gniden_ the cornes ut bitweonen hore honden'; where another MS. has _gnuddeden_. The Northern form _gnade_ (2 p. sing.) occurs in the O.E. Psalter, Ps. lxxxviii. 45. Dr. Sweet reads _gnodde_, but the pt. t. of _gnodden_ was _gnodded_. _Nat half_, not half of the crop; some was wasted. 16. 'No one as yet ground spices in a mortar, to put into _clarre_ or galantine-sauce.' As to _clarre_, see Knightes Tale, 613 (A 1471); R. Rose, 6027; and the Babees Book, ed. Furnivall, p. 204, and Index. In the Liber Cure Cocorum, ed. Morris, p. 30, is the following recipe for _Galentyne_:-- 'Take crust of brede and grynde hit smalle, Take powder of galingale, and temper with-alle; Powder of gyngere and salt also; Tempre hit with venegur er thou more do; Draw[gh]e hit thurughe a streynour thenne, And messe hit forth before good menne.' '_Galendyne_ is a sauce for any kind of roast Fowl, made of Grated Bread, beaten Cinnamon and Ginger, Sugar, Claret-wine, and Vinegar, made as thick as Grewell'; Randell Holme, bk. iii. ch. iii. p. 82, col. 2 (quoted in Babees Book, ed. Furnivall, p. 216). Roquefort gives O.F. _galatine_, _galantine_, _galentine_, explained by 'gelee, daube, sauce, ragout fort epice; en bas Latin, _galatina_.' Beyond doubt, Chaucer found the word in the Roman de la Rose, l. 21823--'En friture et en _galentine_.' See _Galantine_ in Littre, and see note to Sect. XII. l. 17. Cf. Rom. de la Rose, 8418:-- 'Et de l'iaue simple bevoient Sans querre piment ne clare,' &c. 17. 'No dyer knew anything about madder, weld, or woad.' All three are plants used in dyeing. Madder is _Rubia tinctoria_, the roots of which yield a dye. I once fancied _weld_ was an error for _welled_ (i. e. flowed out); and Dr. Sweet explains _welde_ by 'strong.' Both of these fancies are erroneous. _Weld_ is the _Reseda Luteola_ of Linnaeus, and grows wild in waste places; I have seen it growing near Beachey Head. It is better known as Dyer's Rocket. In Johns' Flowers of the Field, we duly find--'_Reseda Luteola_, Dyer's Rocket, weed, or Weld.' Also called Ash of Jerusalem, Dyer's Weed, &c.; see Eng. Plant-names, by Britten and Holland. It appears in mod. G. as _Wau_ (Du. _wouw_), older spelling _Waude_. Its antiquity as a Teut. word is vouched for by the derivatives in the Romance languages, such as Span. _gualda_, Port. _gualde_, F. _gaude_; see _Gualda_ in Diez. _Weld_ is a totally distinct word from _woad_, but most dictionaries confound them. Florio, most impartially, coins a new form by mixing the two words together (after the fashion adopted in Alice through the Looking-glass). He gives us Ital. _gualdo_, 'a weede to die yellow with, called _woald_.' The true _woad_ is the _Isatis tinctoria_, used for dyeing blue before indigo was known; the name is sometimes given to _Genista tinctoria_, but the dye from this is of a yellow colour. Pliny mentions the dye from madder (Nat. Hist. xix. 3); and says the British women used _glastum_, i. e. woad (xxii. 1). 18. _Flees_, fleece; Lat. 'uellera.' 20. 'No one had yet learnt how to distinguish false coins from true ones.' 27-9. Cf. Ovid, Metam. i. 138-140. 30. _Ri-ver-es_; three syllables. Dr. Sweet suggests putting _after_ in place of _first_. 33. 'These tyrants did not gladly venture into battle to win a wilderness or a few bushes where poverty (alone) dwells--as Diogenes says--or where victuals are so scarce and poor that only mast or apples are found there; but, wherever there are money-bags,' &c. This is taken either from Jerome, in his Epistle against Jovinian, lib. ii. (Epist. Basil. 1524, ii. 73), or from John of Salisbury's Policraticus, lib. viii. c. 6. Jerome has: 'Diogenes _tyrannos_ et subuersiones urbium, bellaque uel hostilia, uel ciuilia, non pro simplici uictu holerum pomorumque, sed pro carnibus et epularum deliciis asserit excitari.' John of Salisbury copies this, with _subuersores_ for _subuersiones_, which seems better. Gower relates how Diogenes reproved Alexander for his lust of conquest; Conf. Amantis, ed. Pauli, i. 322. 41. This stanza seems more or less imitated from Le Rom. de la Rose, 8437:-- 'Et quant par nuit dormir voloient, En leu de coites [_quilts_] aportoient En lor casiaus monceaus de gerbes, De foilles, ou de mousse, ou d'erbes;.... Sor tex couches cum ge devise, Sans rapine et sans convoitise, S'entr'acoloient et baisoient.... Les simples gens asseurees, De toutes cures escurees.' 47. 'Their hearts were all united, without the gall (of envy).' Curiously enough, Chaucer has here made an oversight. He ends the line with _galles_, riming with _halles_ and _walles_; whereas the line should end with a word riming to _shete_, as, e.g. 'Hir hertes knewen nat to counterfete.' 49. Here again cf. Rom. de la Rose, 8483:-- 'N'encor n'avoit fet roi ne prince Meffais qui l'autrui tolt et pince. Trestuit pareil estre soloient, Ne riens propre avoir ne voloient. 55, 6. 'Humility and peace, (and) good faith (who is) the empress (of all), filled the earth full of ancient courtesy.' Line 56 I have supplied; Dr. Koch supplies the line--'Yit hadden in this worlde the maistrie.' Either of these suggestions fills up the sense intended. 57. Jupiter is mentioned in Ovid's Metamorphoses immediately after the description of the golden, silver, brazen, and iron ages. At l. 568 of the same book begins the story of the love of Jupiter for Io. 59. _Nembrot_, Nimrod; so that _his toures hye_ refers to the tower of Babel. In Gen. x, xi, the sole connection of Nimrod with Babel is in ch. x. 10--'And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel.' But the usual medieval account is that he built the tower. Thus, in the Cursor Mundi, l. 2223:-- 'Nembrot than said on this wise, ... "I rede we bigin a laboure, And do we wel and make a toure,"' &c. So also in Sir D. Lyndsay, Buke of the Monarche, bk. ii. l. 1625. 62-4. These last lines are partly imitated from Boethius; lines 33-61 are independent of him. X. FORTUNE. This poem consists of _three_ Ballads and an Envoy. Each Ballad contains three stanzas of eight lines, with the rimes _a b a b b c b c_, and the rimes of the second and third stanzas are precisely the same as those of the first. Thus the rime _a_ recurs six times, the rime _b_ twelve times, and the rime _c_ likewise six times. Moreover, each stanza ends with the same line, recurring as a refrain. Hence the metrical difficulties are very great, and afford a convincing proof of Chaucer's skill. The Envoy is of seven lines, rimed _a b a b b a b_. The three ballads are called, collectively, Balades de visage sanz peinture, a title which is correctly given in MS. I., with the unlucky exception that _visage_ has been turned into _vilage_. This curious blunder occurs in all the MSS. and old editions, and evidently arose from mistaking a long _s_ for an _l_. _Vilage_, of course, makes no sense; and we are enabled to correct it by help of Chaucer's translation of Boethius, bk. ii. pr. 1; l. 39. 'Right swich was she [Fortune] whan she flatered thee, and deceived thee with unleveful lykinges of fals welefulnesse. Thou hast now knowen and ataynt the doutous or double _visage_ of thilke blinde goddesse _Fortune_. She, that yit _covereth_ hir and _wimpleth_ hir to other folk, hath shewed hir everydel to thee.' Or the Ballads may refer to the unmasking of false friends: '_Fortune_ hath departed and uncovered to thee bothe the _certein visages_ and eek the doutous _visages_ of thy felawes'; id. bk. ii. pr. 8; l. 25. The whole poem is more or less founded on the descriptions of Fortune in Boethius; and we thus see that the visage meant is the _face of Fortune_, or else the _face of a supposed friend_, which is clearly revealed to the man of experience, in the day of adversity, without any covering or wimpling, and even without any painting or false colouring. In MS. T. we are told that 'here filowethe [_followeth_] a balade made by Chaucier of the louer and of Dame Fortune.' In MS. A. we are told that 'here folowethe nowe a compleynte of the Pleintyff agenst fortune translated oute of Frenshe into Englisshe by that famous Rethorissyen Geffrey Chaucier.' This hint, that it is translated out of French, can scarcely be right, unless Shirley (whose note this is) means that it partially resembles passages in Le Roman de la Rose; for Chaucer's work seems to contain some reminiscences of that poem as well as of the treatise of Boethius, though of course Le Roman is indebted to Boethius also. _Le Pleintif_ is the complainant, the man who brings a charge against Fortune, or rather, who exclaims against her as false, and defies her power. The first Ballad, then, consists of this complaint and defiance. The close connection between this poem and Boethius is shewn by the fact that (like the preceding poem called The Former Age) it occurs in an excellent MS. of Chaucer's translation of Boethius, viz. MS. I. (Ii. 3. 21, in the Cambridge University Library). I may also remark here, that there is a somewhat similar dialogue between Nobilitas and Fortuna in the Anticlaudianus of Alanus de Insulis, lib. viii. c. 2; see Anglo-Latin Satirists, ed. T. Wright, ii. 401. In Morley's English Writers, ii. 283, is the following description. 'The argument of the _first_ part [or Ballad] is: I have learnt by adversity to know who are my true friends; and he can defy Fortune who is master of himself. The argument of the _next_ part [second Ballad], that Fortune speaks, is: Man makes his own wretchedness. What may come you know not; you were born under my rule of change; your anchor holds. Of the _third_ part of the poem [third Ballad], in which the Poet and Fortune each speak, the sum of the argument is, that what blind men call fortune is the righteous will of God. Heaven is firm, this world is mutable. The piece closes with Fortune's call upon the Princes to relieve this man of his pain, or pray his best friend "of his noblesse" that he may attain to some better estate.' The real foundation of these three Ballads is (1) Boethius, bk. ii. proses 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, and met. 1; and (2) a long passage in Le Roman de la Rose, ll. 4853-4994 (Eng. version, 5403-5584). More particular references are given below. 1. The beginning somewhat resembles Boethius, bk. ii. met. 1, l, 5;--'She, cruel Fortune, casteth adoun kinges that whylom weren y-drad; and she, deceivable, enhaunseth up the humble chere of him that is discomfited.' Cf. Rom. Rose (E. version), ll. 5479-83. 2. The latter part of this line is badly given in the MSS. The readings are: F. now pouerte and now riche honour (_much too long_); I. now poeer_e_ and now honour; A. T. nowe poure and nowe honour; H. now poore and now honour. But the reading _poure_, _poer_, _pore_, i. e. poor, hardly serves, as a sb. is required. _Pouerte_ seems to be the right word, but this requires us to omit the former _now_. _Pouerte_ can be pronounced _povert'_; accented on the second syllable, and with the final _e_ elided. For this pronunciation, see Prol. to Man of Lawes Tale, Group B, l. 99. Precisely because this pronunciation was not understood, the scribes did not know what to do. They inserted _now_ before _pouerte_ (which they thought was _poverte_); and then, as the line was too long, cut it down to _poure_, _poore_, to the detriment of the sense. I would therefore rather read--'As wele or wo, poverte and now honour,' with the pronunciation noted above. 7. In the Introduction to the Persones Tale (Group I, 248), we find: 'wel may that man, that no good werke ne dooth, singe thilke newe Frenshe song, _Iay tout perdu mon temps et mon labour_.' In like manner, in the present case, this line of 'a new French song' is governed by the verb _singen_ in l. 6; cf. Sect. XXII. l. 24. The sense is--'the lack of Fortune's favour shall never (though I die) make me sing--"I have wholly lost my time and my labour."' In other words, 'I will not own myself defeated.' 9. With this stanza cf. Rom. de la Rose (E. version), 5551-2, 5671-78, 5579-81:-- 'For Infortune makith anoon To knowe thy freendis fro thy foon... A wys man seide, as we may seen, Is no man wrecched, but he it wene,... For he suffrith in pacience... Richesse riche ne makith nought Him that on tresour set his thought; For richesse stont in _suffisaunce_;' &c. 13. _No force of_, it does not matter for; i. e. 'thy rigour is of no consequence to him who has the mastery over himself.' From Boethius, bk. ii. pr. 4, l. 98, which Chaucer translates: 'Thanne, yif it so be that thou art mighty over thy-self, that is to seyn, by tranquillitee of thy sowle, than hast thou thing in thy power that thou noldest never lesen, ne Fortune ne may nat beneme it thee.' 17. Socrates is mentioned in Boeth. bk. i. pr. 3, l. 39, but ll. 17-20 are from Le Rom. de la Rose, ll. 5871-4:-- 'A Socrates seras semblables, Qui tant fu fers et tant estables, Qu'il n'ert lies en prosperites, Ne tristes en aversites.' 20. _Chere_, look. _Savour_, pleasantness, attraction; cf. Squi. Tale, F 404. All the MSS. have this reading; Caxton alters it to _favour_. 25. This Second Ballad gives us Fortune's response to the defiance of the complainant. In Arch. Seld. B. 10, it is headed--'Fortuna ad paupertatem.' See Boethius, bk. ii. prose 2, where Philosophy says--'Certes, I wolde _pleten_ with thee a fewe thinges, _usinge the wordes of Fortune_.' Cf. 'nothing is wrecched but whan thou wenest it'; Boeth. ii. pr. 4, l. 79; and see Rom. Rose (E. version, 5467-5564). 28. 'Who possessest thy (true) self (as being quite) beyond my control.' A fine sentiment. _Out of_, beyond, independent of. 29. Cf. 'thou hast had grace as he that hath used of foreine goodes; thou hast no right to pleyne thee'; Boethius, bk. ii. pr. 2, l. 17. 31. Cf. 'what eek yif my mutabilitee yiveth thee rightful cause of hope to han yit beter thinges?' id. l. 58. 32. _Thy beste frend_; possibly John of Gaunt, who died in 1399; but see note to l. 73 below. There is a curious resemblance here to Le Rom. de la Rose, 8056-60:-- 'Et sachies, compains, que sitost Comme _Fortune_ m'ot ca mis, _Je perdi trestous mes amis_, _Fors ung_, ce croi ge vraiement, Qui m'est remes tant solement.' 34. Cf. 'For-why this like Fortune hath departed and uncovered to thee bothe the certein visages and eek the doutous visages of thy felawes... thow hast founden the moste precious kinde of richesses, that is to seyn, thy verray freendes'; Boeth. bk. ii. pr. 8, l. 25. Cf. Rom. Rose (E. version), l. 5486, and ll. 5547-50. The French version has (ll. 4967, &c.):-- 'Si lor fait par son mescheoir Tretout si clerement veoir, Que lor fait lor amis trover, Et par experiment prover Qu'il valent miex que nul avoir Qu'il poissent ou monde avoir.' 35. Vincent de Beauvais, Speculum Naturale, bk. 19, c. 62, headed De medicinis ex hyaena, cites the following from Hieronymus, Contra Iouinianum [lib. ii. Epist. Basileae, 1524, ii. 74]:--'Hyaenae fel oculorum claritatem restituit,' the gall of a hyena restores the clearness of one's eyes. So also Pliny, Nat. Hist. bk. xxviii. c. 8. This exactly explains the allusion. Compare the extract from Boethius already quoted above, at the top of p. 543. 38. 'Still thine anchor holds.' From Boethius, bk. ii. pr. 4, l. 40:--whan that thyn ancres cleven faste, that neither wolen suffren the counfort of this tyme present, ne the hope of tyme cominge, to passen ne to faylen.' 39. 'Where Liberality carries the key of my riches.' 43. _On_, referring to, or, that is binding on. 46. Fortune says:--'I torne the whirlinge wheel with the torning cercle'; Boethius, bk. ii. pr. 2, l. 37. 47. 'My teaching is better, in a higher degree, than your affliction is, in its degree, evil'; i. e. my teaching betters you more than your affliction makes you suffer. 49. In this third Ballad, the stanzas are distributed between the Complainant and Fortune, one being assigned to the former, and two to the latter. The former says:--'I condemn thy teaching; it is (mere) adversity.' M. S. Arch. Seld. B. 10 has the heading 'Paupertas ad Fortunam.' 50. _My frend_, i. e. my true friend. In l. 51, _thy frendes_ means 'the friends I owed to thee,' my false friends. From Boethius, bk. ii. pr. 8, l. 23:--'this aspre and horrible Fortune hath discovered to thee the thoughtes of thy trewe freendes;... Whan she departed awey fro thee, she took awey _hir_ freendes and lafte thee _thyne_ freendes.' 51. _I thanke hit thee_, I owe thanks to thee for it. But very likely _hit_ has been inserted to fill up, and the right reading is, probably, _I thank-e thee_; as Koch suggests. 52. _On presse_, in a throng, in company, all together. 53. 'Their niggardliness, in keeping their riches to themselves, foreshews that thou wilt attack their stronghold; just as an unnatural appetite precedes illness.' 56. Cf. Rom. de la Rose, 19179:-- 'Ceste ruile est si generaus, Qu'el ne puet defaillir vers aus.' 57. Here Fortune replies. This stanza is nearly made up of extracts from Boethius, bk. ii. pr. 2, transposed and rearranged. For the sake of comparison, I give the nearest equivalents, transposing them to suit the order here adopted. 'That maketh thee now inpacient ayeins me.... I norisshede thee with my richesses.... Now it lyketh me to with-drawen my hand ... shal I than only ben defended to usen my right?... The see hath eek his right to ben somtyme calme ... and somtyme to ben horrible with wawes.... Certes, it is leveful to the hevene to make clere dayes.... The yeer hath eek leve ... to confounden hem [_the flowers_] somtyme with reynes ... shal it [_men's covetousness_] binde me to ben stedefast?' Compare also the defence of Fortune by Pandarus, in Troilus, bk. i. 841-854. 65. Above this stanza (ll. 65-72) all the MSS. insert a new heading, such as 'Le pleintif,' or 'Le pleintif encountre Fortune,' or 'The pleyntyff ageinst Fortune,' or 'Paupertas ad Fortunam.' But they are all wrong, for it is quite certain that this stanza belongs to Fortune. Otherwise, it makes no sense. Secondly, we know this by the original (in Boethius). And thirdly, Fortune cannot well have the 'envoy' unless she has the stanza preceding it. Dr. Morris, in his edition, rightly omits the heading; and so in Bell's edition. 66. Compare:--'For purviaunce is thilke divyne reson that is establisshed in the soverein prince of thinges; the whiche purviaunce disponeth alle thinges'; Boeth. bk. iv. pr. 6, l. 42. 68. _Ye blinde bestes_, addressed to men; evidently by _Fortune_, not by the _Pleintif_. Compare the words _forth_, _beste_, in the Balade on Truth, Sect. XIII. l. 18. 71. Here we have formal proof that the speaker is Fortune; for this is copied from Boethius, bk. ii. pr. 3, l. 60--'natheles the laste day of a mannes lyf is a manere deeth to Fortune.' Hence _thy_ refers to _man_, and _myn_ refers to _Fortune_; and the sense is--'Thy last day (O man) is the end of my interest (in thee)'; or 'dealings (with thee).' The word _interesse_, though scarce, is right. It occurs in Lydgate's Minor Poems, ed. Halliwell, p. 210; and in Spenser, F. Q. vii. 6. 33:-- 'That not the worth of any living wight May challenge ought in Heaven's _interesse_.' And in Todd's Johnson:--'I thought, says his Majesty [K. Charles I.] I might happily have satisfied all _interesses_'; Lord Halifax's Miscell. p. 144. The sb. also occurs as Ital. _interesse_; thus Florio's Ital. Dict. (1598) has:--'_Interesse_, _Interesso_, the interest or profite of money for lone. Also, what toucheth or concerneth a mans state or reputation.' And Minsheu's Spanish Dict. (1623) has:--'_Interes_, or _Interesse_, interest, profite, auaile.' The E. vb. to _interess_ was once common, and occurs in K. Lear, i. 1. 87 (unless Dr. Schmidt is right in condemning the reading of that line). 73. _Princes._ Who these princes were, it is hard to say; according to l. 76 (found in MS. I. only), there were _three_ of them. If the reference is to the Dukes of Lancaster, York, and Gloucester, then the 'beste frend' must be the king himself. Cf. l. 33. 75, 76. 'And I (Fortune) will requite you for your trouble (undertaken) at my request, whether there be three of you, or two of you (that heed my words).' Line 76 occurs in MS. I. _only_, yet it is difficult to reject it, as it is not a likely sort of line to be thrust in, unless this were done, in revision, by the author himself. Moreover, we should expect the Envoy to form a stanza with the usual seven lines, so common in Chaucer, though the rime-arrangement differs. 77. 'And, unless it pleases you to relieve him of his pain (yourselves), pray his best friend, for the honour of his nobility, that he may attain to some better estate.' The assigning of this petition to _Fortune_ is a happy expedient. The poet thus escapes making a direct appeal in his own person. XI. MERCILESS BEAUTY. The title 'Mercilesse Beaute' is given in the Index to the Pepys MS. As it is a fitting title, and no other has been suggested, it is best to use it. I think this Roundel was suggested by one written in French, in the thirteenth century, by Willamme d'Amiens, and printed in Bartsch, Chrestomathie de l'ancien Francais. It begins-- 'Jamais ne serai saous D'esguarder les vairs ieus dous Qui m'ont ocis';-- i. e. I shall never be sated with gazing on the gray soft eyes which have slain me. 1. The MS. has _Yowre two yen_; but the scribe lets us see that this ill-sounding arrangement of the words is not the author's own; for in writing the refrain he writes 'Your yen, &c.' But we have further evidence: for the whole line is quoted in Lydgate's Ballade of our Ladie, printed in Chaucer's Works, ed. 1550, fol. 347 b, in the form--'Your eyen two wol slee me sodainly.' The same Ballad contains other imitations of Chaucer's language. Cf. also Kn. Tale, 260 and 709 (A 1118, 1567). 3. _So woundeth hit ... kene_, so keenly it (your beauty) wounds (me). The MS. has _wondeth_, which is another M. E. spelling of _woundeth_. Percy miscopied it _wendeth_, which gives but poor sense; besides, Chaucer would probably have used the contracted form _went_ as his manner is. In l. 5, the scribe writes _wound_ (better _wounde_). 4. _And but_, and unless. For _word_ Percy printed _words_, quite forgetting that the M.E. plural is dissyllabic (_word-es_). The final _d_ has a sort of curl to it, but a comparison with other words shews that it means nothing; it occurs, for instance, at the end of _wound_ (l. 5), and _escaped_ (l. 27). _Wounde_ (MS. _wound_) is dissyllabic in Mid. English, like mod. G. _Wunde_. See _wunde_ in Stratmann. 6. I give _two_ lines to the first refrain, and _three_ to the second. The reader may give _three_ lines to both, if he pleases; see note to sect. V, l. 675. We cannot confine the first refrain to _one_ line only, as there is no stop at the end of l. 14. 8. _Trouth-e_ is dissyllabic; see _treouthe_ in Stratmann. 15. _Ne availeth_; with elided e. MS. nauailleth; Percy prints _n'availeth_. 16. _Halt_, i. e. holdeth; see Book of Duch. 621. 17. MS. _han ye me_, correctly; Percy omits _me_, and so spoils both sense and metre. 27. Lovers should be _lean_; see Romaunt of the Rose (E. version), 2684. The F. version has (l. 2561):-- 'Car bien saches qu'Amors ne lesse Sor fins amans color ne gresse.' 28. MS neu_er_e; Percy prints _nere_; but the syllables _in his_ occupy the time of _one_ syllable. I suspect that the correct reading is _thenke ben_; _to_ is not wanted, and _thenke_ is better with a final _e_, though it is sometimes dropped in the pres. indicative. Percy prints _thinke_, but the MS. has _thenk_; cf. AS. _thencan_. With l. 29 cf. Troil. v. 363. 31. _I do no fors_, I don't care; as in Cant. Ta. 6816 (D 1234). XII. TO ROSEMOUNDE. This graceful Balade is a happy specimen of Chaucer's skill in riming. The metre is precisely that of 'Fortune,' resembling that of the Monkes Tale with the addition of a refrain; only the same rimes are used throughout. The formula is _a b a b b c b c_. 2. 'As far as the map of the world extends.' _Mappemounde_ is the F. _mappemonde_, Lat. _mappa mundi_; it is used also by Gower, Conf. Amant. iii. 102. 9. _tyne_, a large tub; O. F. _tine_. The whole phrase occurs in the Chevalier au Cigne, as given in Bartsch, Chrest. Francaise, 350. 23:--'Le jour i ot plore de larmes plaine tine.' Cotgrave has:--'_Tine_, a Stand, open Tub, or Soe, most in use during the time of vintage, and holding _about four or five pailfuls_, and commonly borne, by a Stang, between two.' We picture to ourselves the brawny porters, staggering beneath the '_stang_,' on which is slung the 'tine' containing the 'four or five pailfuls' of the poet's tears. 10. The poet, in all his despair, is sustained and refreshed by regarding the lady's beauty. 11. _seemly_, excellent, pleasing; this is evidently meant by the _semy_ of the MS. _smal_, fine in tone, delicate; perhaps treble. A good example occurs in the Flower and the Leaf, 180:-- 'With voices sweet entuned, and so _smalle_, That it me thoughte the swetest melodye,' &c. Cf. 'his vois gentil and _smal_'; Cant. Tales, A 3360. The reading _fynall_ (put for _finall_) is due to mistaking the long s for _f_, and _m_ for _in_. _out-twyne_, twist out, force out; an unusual word. 17. 'Never was pike so involved in galantine-sauce as I am completely involved in love.' This is a humorous allusion to a manner of serving up pikes which is well illustrated in the Fifteenth-Century Cookery-books, ed. Austin, p. 101, where a recipe for 'pike in Galentyne' directs that the cook should 'cast the sauce _under him and aboue him, that he be al y-hidde in the sauce_.' At p. 108 of the same we are told that the way to make 'sauce galentyne' is to steep crusts of brown bread in vinegar, adding powdered cinnamon till it is brown; after which the vinegar is to be strained twice or thrice through a strainer, and some pepper and salt is to be added. Thus 'sauce galentine' was a seasoned pickle. See further in the note to 1. 16 of Sect. IX. 20. 'True Tristram the second.' For _Tristram_, see note to Sect. V. 1. 290. Tristram was a famous example of 'truth' or constancy, as his love was inspired by having drunk a magical love-potion, from the effects of which he never recovered. The MS. has _Tristam_. 21. _refreyd_, cooled down; lit. 'refrigerated.' This rare word occurs twice in Troilus; see bk. ii. 1343, v. 507; cf. Pers. Ta. I 341. Dr. Murray tells me that no writer but Chaucer is known to have used this form of the word, though Caxton has _refroid_, from continental French, whereas _refreid_ is from Anglo-French. _afounde_, sink, be submerged. See O. F. _afonder_, to plunge under water, also, to sink, in Godefroy; and _affonder_ in Cotgrave. Chaucer found this rare word in Le Roman de la Rose, 19914. (I once thought it was the pp. of _afinden_, and meant 'nor be explored'; but it is better to take it as infin. after _may not_). See _Afounder_ in the New E. Dict. XIII. TRUTH. The Titles are: Gg. Balade de bone conseyl; Lansd. 699, La bon Counseil de le Auttour; Caxton, The good counceyl of Chawcer; Harl. Moral balade of Chaucyre. Shirley calls it--Balade that Chaucier made on his deeth-bedde; a note that has been frequently repeated, and is probably no better than a bad guess. 1. Koch considers that the source of the poem is a passage in Boethius, lib. iii. met. II, at the beginning, but the resemblance is very slight. It contains no more than a mere hint for it. However, part of st. 3 is certainly from the same, bk. i. pr. 5, as will appear; see note to 1. 17. The former passage in Boethius is thus translated by Chaucer: 'Who-so that seketh sooth by a deep thoght, and coveiteth nat to ben deceived by no mis-weyes, lat him rollen and trenden [_revolve_] withinne himself the light of his inward sighte; and lat him gadere ayein, enclyninge in-to a compas, the longe moevinges of his thoughtes; and lat him techen his corage that he hath enclosed and hid in his tresors, al that he compaseth or seketh fro with-oute.' See also bk. ii. pr. 5 of the same, which seems to me more like the present poem than is the above passage. 2. Koch reads _thing_ for _good_, as in some MSS. He explains the line:--'Devote thyself entirely to one thing, even if it is not very important in itself (instead of hunting after a phantom).' This I cannot accept; it certainly means nothing of the kind. Dr. Sweet has the reading: _Suffise thin owene thing_, &c., which is the reading of _one_ MS. only, but it gives the right idea. The line would then mean: 'let your own property, though small, suffice for your wants.' I think we are bound to follow the MSS. generally; of these, _two_ have _Suffice unto thi thing_; _seven_ have _Suffice unto thy good_; _one_ has _Suffice unto thi lyuynge_ (where _lyuynge_ is a gloss upon _good_); and F. has the capital reading _Suffice the_ (= _thee_) _thy good_. It seems best to follow the majority, especially as they allow _suffice_ to be followed by a vowel, thus eliding the final e. The sense is simply: 'Be content with thy property, though it be small'; and the next line gives the reason why--'for hoarding only causes hatred, and ambition creates insecurity; the crowd is full of envy, and wealth blinds one in every respect.' _Suffice unto thy good_ is much the same as the proverb--'cut your coat according to your cloth.' Chaucer elsewhere has _worldly suffisaunce_ for 'wealth'; Cler. Tale, E 759. Of course this use of _suffice unto_ (be content with) is peculiar; but I do not see why it is not legitimate. The use of _Savour_ in l. 5 below is at least as extraordinary. Cf. Chaucer's tr. of Boethius, bk. ii. pr. 5, l. 54:--'And if thou wolt fulfille thy nede after that it suffiseth to nature, than is it no nede that thou seke after the superfluitee of fortune.' 3. Cf. 'for avarice maketh alwey mokereres [_hoarders_] to ben hated'; Boeth. ii. pr. 5, l. 11. 5. _Savour_, taste with relish, have an appetite for. 'Have a relish for no more than it may behove you (to taste).' 6. Most MSS. read _Werk_ or _Do_; only two have _Reule_, which Dr. Sweet adopts. Any one of these three readings makes sense. 'Thou who canst advise others, work well thyself,' or 'act well thyself,' or 'rule thyself.' To quote from Hamlet, i. 3. 47:-- 'Do not, as some ungracious pastors do, Show me the steep and thorny way to heaven; Whiles, like a puff'd and reckless libertine, Himself the primrose path of dalliance treads, And recks not his own rede.' It is like the Jewish proverb--'Physician, heal thyself.' 7. _Trouthe shal delivere_, truth shall give deliverance. 'The truth shall make you free,' Lat. 'ueritas liberabit uos'; John viii. 32. This is a general truth, and there is no need for the insertion of _thee_ after _shal_, as in the inferior MSS., in consequence of the gradual loss of the final _e_ in _trouthe_, which in Chaucer is properly dissyllabic. The scribes who turned _trouthe_ into _trouthe thee_ forgot that this makes up _trou-the thee_. 8. _Tempest thee noght_, do not violently trouble or harass thyself, do not be in a state of agitation. Agitation will not redress everything that is crooked. So also:--'_Tempest_ thee nat thus with al thy fortune'; Boeth. bk. ii. pr. 4, l. 50. Chaucer (as Koch says) obtained this curious verb from the third line of section F (l. 63 of the whole poem) of the French poem from which he translated his A B C. This section begins (see p. 263 above):-- 'Fuiant m'en viens a ta tente Moy mucier pour la tormente Qui ou monde me _tempeste_'; i. e. I come fleeing to thy tent, to hide myself from the storm which harasses me in the world. Goldsmith speaks of a mind being 'tempested up'; Cit. of the World, let. 47. 9. 'Trusting to the vicissitudes of fortune.' There are several references to the wheel of Fortune in Boethius. Thus in bk. ii. pr. 2 of Chaucer's translation:--'I torne the whirlinge wheel with the torning cercle,' quoted above, in the note to X. 46. 10. 'Much repose consists in abstinence from fussiness.' 11. 'To spurn against an awl,' i. e. against a prick, is the English equivalent of the Gk. phrase which our bibles render by 'to kick against the pricks,' Acts ix. 5. Wyclif has 'to kike ayens the pricke.' In MS. Cotton, Otho A. xviii, we find the reading _a nall_, the _n_ being transferred from _an_ to the sb. Tusser has _nall_ for 'awl' in his Husbandry, s. 17, st. 4, l. 3. This MS., by the way, has been burnt, but a copy of it (too much corrected) is given in Todd's Illustrations of Chaucer, p. 131. 12. An allusion to the fable in Aesop about the earthern and brazen pots being dashed together. An earthen pot would have still less chance of escape if dashed against a wall. In MS. T., the word _crocke_ is glossed by 'water-potte.' 13. 'Thou that subduest the deeds of another, subdue thyself.' 15. Cf. 'it behoveth thee to suffren with evene wille in pacience al that is don ... in this world'; Boeth. bk. ii. pr. I, l. 66. 16. _Axeth_, requires; i. e. will surely cause. 17. When Boethius complains of being exiled, Philosophy directs him to a heavenly home. 'Yif thou remembre of what contree thou art born, it nis nat governed by emperours ... but oo lord and oo king, and that is god'; bk. i. pr. 5, l. II. This is copied (as being taken from 'Boece') in Le Roman de la Rose, l. 5049 (Eng. version, l. 5659). 18. The word _beste_ probably refers to the passage in Boethius where wicked men are likened to various animals, as when the extortioner is a wolf, a noisy abusive man is a hound, a treacherous man is a fox, &c.; bk. iv. pr. 3. The story of Ulysses and Circe follows; bk. iv. met. 3. 19. 'Recognise heaven as thy true country.' _Lok up_, gaze upwards to heaven. Cf. the expression 'thy contree' at the end of bk. iv. pr. I of his translation of Boethius. There is also a special reference here to Boeth. bk. v. met. 5, where it is said that quadrupeds look _down_, but man is upright; 'this figure amonesteth thee, that axest the hevene with thy righte visage'; l. 14. See Ovid, Met. i. 85. But, man, as thou wittlees were, Thou lokist euere dounwarde as a beest.' Polit, and Love Poems, ed. Furnivall, p. 185, l. 273. _Thank god of al_, thank God for all things. In like manner, in the Lamentation of Mary Magdalen, st. 53, we find: 'I thanke God _of_ al, if I nowe dye.' Matzner (Gram. ii. 2. 307) quotes from the Towneley Mysteries, p. 128:--'Mekyll thanke _of_ youre good wille'; and again (Gram. ii. 1. 238) from King Alisaunder, l. 7576:--'And thankid him _of_ his socour.' Henrysoun, in his Abbay Walk, l. 8, has:--'Obey, and thank thy God of al'; but he is probably copying this very passage. Cf. also--'of help I him praye'; Lydgate, London Lyckpeny, st. 6; 'beseech you of your pardon'; Oth. iii. 3. 212. In Lydgate's Minor Poems, ed. Halliwell, p. 225, is a poem in which every stanza ends with 'thonk God of alle.' Cf. Cant. Tales, B 1113. 'Lyft wp thyne Ene [_not_ orne], and thank thi god of al.' Ratis Raving, ed. Lumby, p. 10. 20. _Hold the hye wey_, keep to the high road. Instead of _Hold the hye wey_, some MSS. have _Weyve thy lust_, i. e. put aside thy desire, give up thine own will. 22. This last stanza forms an Envoy. It exists in _one_ copy only (MS. Addit. 10340); but there is no reason at all for considering it spurious. _Vache_, cow; with reference to the 'beast in the stall' in l. 18. This animal was probably chosen as being less offensive than those mentioned by Boethius, viz. the wolf, hound, fox, lion, hart, ass, and sow. Possibly, also, there is a reference to the story of Nebuchadnezzar, as related by Chaucer in the Monkes Tale; Group B, 3361. XIV. GENTILESSE. For remarks upon Scogan's quotation of this Ballad in full, see the Introduction. The titles are: Harl. Moral balade of Chaucier; T. Balade by Chaucier. Caxton's text is unusually good, and is often superior to that in the existing MSS. The general idea of the poem is that Christ was the true pattern of 'gentleness' or gentility, i. e. of noble behaviour. Cf. Dekker's noble line, in which he speaks of Christ as 'The first true gentleman that ever breathed.' But the finest poetical essay upon this subject is that by Chaucer himself, in the Wife of Bath's Tale; C. T. 6691-6758 (D 1109); which see. And cf. Tale of Melibeus, B 2831-2. Another passage on this subject occurs in the Eng. version of the Romance of the Rose, ll. 2188-2202, which, curiously enough, is in neither Michel's nor Meon's edition of the French Poem (in which l. 2184 of the E. version is immediately succeeded by l. 2203 of the same). Again, in Le Roman de la Rose, ll. 6603-6616, there is a definition of _Gentillesce_; but this passage is not in the Eng. version. The original passage, to which both Chaucer and Jean de Meun were indebted, is one in Boethius, bk. iii. pr. 6; which Chaucer thus translates:--'For yif the name of gentilesse be referred to renoun and cleernesse of linage, than is gentil name but a foreine thing, that is to seyn, to hem that glorifyen hem of hir linage. For it semeth that gentilesse be a maner preysinge that comth of deserte of ancestres ... yif thou ne have no gentilesse of thy-self--that is to seyn, preyse that comth of thy deserte--foreine gentilesse ne maketh thee nat gentil.' And again, just below, in metre 6:--'On allone is fader of thinges.... Thanne comen alle mortal folk of noble sede; why noisen ye or bosten of youre eldres?' But we must not overlook a long passage near the end of Le Roman de la Rose, ll. 18807-19096, which Chaucer certainly also consulted. I quote some of these lines below. 1. With this first stanza compare R. Rose, 18881:-- 'Quiconques tent a gentillece D'orguel se gart et de parece; Aille as armes, ou a l'estuide, Et de vilenie se vuide; Humble cuer ait, cortois et gent En tretous leus, vers toute gent.' Two MSS., both written out by Shirley, and MS. Harl. 7333, all read:--'The first fader, and foundour (_or_ fynder) of gentylesse.' This is wrong, and probably due to the dropping of the final _e_ in the definite adjective _firste_. We must keep the phrase _firste stok_, because it is expressly repeated in l. 8. The first line means--'With regard to, _or_ As to the first stock (or source), who was the father of _gentilesse_.' The substantives _stok_ and _fader_ have _no verb_ to them, but are mentioned as being the _subject_ of the sentence. 3. The former _his_ refers to _fader_, but the latter to _man_. 4. _Sewe,_ follow. In a Ballad by King James the First of Scotland, printed at p. 54 of my edition of the Kingis Quair, the first five lines are a fairly close imitation of the opening lines of the present poem, and prove that King James followed a MS. which had the reading _sewe_. 'Sen throu vertew encressis dignite, And vertew flour and rut [_root_] is of noblay, Of ony weill or quhat estat thou be, His steppis _sew_, and dreid thee non effray: Exil al vice, and folow trewth alway.' Observe how his first, third, and fourth lines answer to Chaucer's fifth, second, and fourth lines respectively. 5. 'Dignitees apertienen ... to vertu'; Boeth. iii. pr. 4, l. 25. 7. _Al were he_, albeit he may wear; i. e. although he may be a bishop, king, or emperor. 8. _This firste stok_, i. e. Christ. In l. 12, _his heir_ means mankind in general. Compare Le Rom. de la Rose, 18819:-- 'Noblece vient de bon corage, Car gentillece de lignage N'est pas gentillece qui vaille, Por quoi bonte de cuer i faille, Por quoi doit estre en li parans [_apparent_] La proece de ses parens Qui la gentillece conquistrent Par les travaux que grans i mistrent. Et quant du siecle trespasserent, Toutes lor vertus emporterent, Et lessierent as hoirs l'avoir; Que plus ne porent d'aus avoir. L'avoir ont, plus riens n'i a lor, Ne gentillece, ne valor, Se tant ne font que gentil soient Par sens ou par vertu qu'il aient.' And cf. Dante, Purg. vii. 121-3, to which Ch. refers in his Wife of Bath's Tale (D 1128). 15. _Vyc-e_ is dissyllabic; hence two MSS. turn it into _Vices_, and one even has _Vicesse_! With this stanza compare part of the French quotation above, and compare Rom. Rose, 19064, &c.:-- 'Mes il sunt mauvais, vilain nastre, Et d'autrui noblece se vantent; Il ne dient pas voir, ains mentent, Et le non [_name_] de gentillece emblent, Quant lor bons parens ne resemblent;' &c. 16. In MS. A. is this side-note, in a later hand:-- 'Nam genus et proauos et quae non fecimus ipsi Vix ea nostra voco.' 20. This is a difficult line to obtain from the MSS. It is necessary to keep _heir_ in the singular, because of _he_ in l. 21. In MS. A., _mathe_ clearly stands for _makethe_, i. e. _maketh_, as in nearly all the MSS. This gives us--That maketh his heir him that wol [_or_ can] him queme. The change from _his heir him_ to the more natural order _him his heir_ is such a gain to the metre that it is worth while to make it. XV. LAK OF STEDFASTNESSE. In MS. Harl. 7333 is the following note, probably correct:--'This balade made Geffrey Chauuciers the Laureall Poete of Albion, and sent it to his souerain lorde kynge Rycharde the secounde, thane being in his Castell of Windesore.' In MS. T. is the heading:--'Balade Royal made by oure laureal poete of Albyon in hees laste yeeres'; and above l. 22 is:--'Lenvoye to Kyng Richard.' In MS. F. it is simply headed 'Balade.' For another allusion to King Richard at Windsor, see note to Lenvoy to Scogan, l. 43. The general idea is taken from Boethius, bk. ii. met. 8, which Chaucer thus translates:--'That the world with stable feith varieth acordable chaunginges, that the contrarious qualitee of elements holden among hem-self aliaunce perdurable, ... al this acordaunce of thinges is bounden with love, that governeth erthe and see, and hath also commaundements to the hevenes. And yif this love slakede the brydeles, alle thinges that now loven hem to-gederes wolden maken a bataile continuely, and stryven to fordoon the fasoun of this worlde, the whiche they now leden in acordable feith by faire moevinges.... O weleful were mankinde, yif thilke love that governeth hevene governed youre corages!' 4. _Word and deed_; or read _Word and werk_, as in Harl. 7333 and T. 5. _Lyk_, alike; or read _oon_, one, as in Harl. and T. _Up so doun_ is the old phrase, and common. Modern English has 'improved' it into _upside down_, where _side_ has to mean 'top.' 10. _Unable_, not able, wanting in ability or strength. 21. Here the Bannatyne MS. inserts a spurious _fourth_ stanza. It runs thus:-- 'Falsheid, that sowld bene abhominable, Now is regeing, but reformatioun, Quha now gifis lergly ar maist dissavable, For vycis are the grund of sustentatioun; All wit is turnit to cavillatioun, Lawtie expellit, and al gentilnes, That all is loist for laik of steidfastnes.' This is very poor stuff. 24, 25. _Suffre ... don_, suffer (to be) done; correct as being an old idiom. See my note to the Clerkes Tale, E 1098. 28. For _wed_, two MSS. have _drive_; a reading which one is glad to reject. It would be difficult to think of a more unfitting word. XVI. LENVOY A SCOGAN. There are but three MSS., all much alike. As to Scogan, see the Introduction. MSS. F. and P. have the heading--'Lenvoy de Chaucer a Scogan'; Gg. has--'Litera directa de Scogon per G. C.' 1, 2. These two lines are quite Dantesque. Cf. Purg. i. 47, 76; Inf. iii. 8:--'Son le leggi ... cosi rotte'; 'gli editti eterni ... guasti'; 'io eterno duro.' 3. The 'seven bright gods' are the seven planets. The allusion is to some great floods of rain that had fallen. Chaucer says it is because the heavenly influences are no longer controlled; the seven planets are allowed to weep upon the earth. The year was probably 1393, with respect to which we find in Stowe's Annales, ed. 1605, p. 495:--'In September, lightnings and thunders, in many places of England did much hurt, but esp[e]cially in Cambridge-shire the same brent houses and corne near to Tolleworke, and in the Towne it brent terribly. Such abundance of water fell in October, that at Bury in Suffolke the church was full of water, and at Newmarket it bare downe walles of houses, so that men and women hardly escaped drowning.' Note the mention of Michaelmas in l. 19, shewing that the poem was written towards the close of the year. 7. _Errour_; among the senses given by Cotgrave for F. _erreur_ we find 'ignorance, false opinion.' Owing to his ignorance, Chaucer is almost dead for fear; i. e. he wants to know the reason for it all. 9. _Fifte cercle_, fifth circle or sphere of the planets, reckoning from without; see note to Mars, l. 29. This fifth sphere is that of _Venus_. 14. _This deluge of pestilence_, this late pestilential flood. There were several great pestilences in the fourteenth century, notably in 1348-9, 1361-2, 1369, and 1375-6; cf. note to IV. 96. Chaucer seems to imply that the bad weather may cause another plague. 15. _Goddes_, goddess, Venus; here spoken of as the goddess of _love_. 16. _Rakelnesse_, rashness. The MSS. have _rekelnesse_, _reklesnesse_, _reckelesnesse_; the first is nearly right. _Rakelnesse_ is Chaucer's word, Cant. Tales, 17232 (H 283); five lines above, Phoebus blames his _rakel hond_, because he had slain his wife. 17. _Forbode is_; rather a forced rime to _goddes_; see p. 488 (note). 21. _Erst_, before. I accept Chaucer's clear evidence that his friend Scogan (probably Henry Scogan) was not the same person as the John (or Thomas) Scogan to whom various silly jests were afterwards attributed. 22. _To record_, by way of witness. _Record_, as Koch remarks, is here a sb., riming with _lord_; not the gerund _record-e_. 27. _Of our figure_, of our (portly) shape; see l. 31. 28. _Him_, i. e. Cupid. The Pepys MS. has _hem_, them, i. e. the arrows. Koch reads _hem_, and remarks that it makes the best sense. But it comes to much the same thing. Cf. Parl. of Foules, 217, where some of Cupid's arrows are said to slay, and some to wound. It was the spear of Achilles that could both wound and cure; see Squi. Tale, F 240, and the note. Perhaps, in some cases, the arrow of Cupid may be supposed to cure likewise; but it is simpler to ascribe the cure to Cupid himself. Observe the use of _he_ in ll. 24 and 26, and of _his_ in ll. 25 and 26. Thynne has _hym_. 29. _I drede of_, I fear for thy misfortune. 30. _Wreche_, vengeance; distinct from _wrecche_. 31. 'Gray-headed and round of shape'; i. e. like ourselves. Cf. what Chaucer says of his own shape; C. T. Group B, 1890. 35. 'See, the old gray-haired man is pleased to rime and amuse himself.' For _ryme_ (as in the three MSS.), the old editions have _renne_. This would mean, 'See, the old gray horse is pleased to run about and play.' And possibly this is right; for the O. F. _grisel_ properly means a gray horse, as shewn in Godefroy's O. F. Dict. 36. _Mexcuse_, for _me excuse_, excuse myself. Cf. _mawreke_, Compleint to Pite, 11. 43. For _stremes_, Gg. has _wellis_; but the whole expression _stremes heed_ is equivalent to _well_, and we have _which streme_ in l. 45 (Koch). In the MSS., the words _stremes heed_ are explained by _Windesore_ (Windsor), and _ende of whiche streme_ in l. 45 by _Grenewich_ (Greenwich); explanations which are probably correct. Thus the _stream_ is the Thames; Chaucer was living, in a solitary way, at Greenwich, whilst Scogan was with the court at Windsor, much nearer to the source of favour. 47. _Tullius._ Perhaps, says Koch, there is an allusion to Cicero's Epist. vi. ad Caecinam. For myself, I think he alludes to his De Amicitia; see note to Rom. Rose, 5286. XVII. LENVOY A BUKTON. 1. _Bukton._ Most old editions have the queer reading:--'My mayster. &c. whan of Christ our kyng.' Tyrwhitt was the first to correct this, and added:--'It has always been printed at the end of the _Book of the Duchesse_, with an &c. in the first line instead of the name of _Bukton_; and in Mr. Urry's edition the following most unaccountable note is prefixed to it--"This seems an Envoy to the Duke of _Lancaster_ after his loss of _Blanch_." From the reference to the _Wife of Bathe_, l. 29, I should suppose this to have been one of our author's later compositions, and I find that there was a _Peter de Buketon_, the King's Escheator for the County of York, in 1397 (Pat. 20 R. II. p. 2, m. 3, ap. Rymer) to whom this poem, from the familiar style of it, is much more likely to have been addressed than to the Duke of Lancaster.' Julian Notary's edition is the only one that retains Bukton's name. _My maister Bukton_ is in the vocative case. 2. 'What is truth?' See John xviii. 38. 5. _Highte_, promised; by confusion with _heet_ (A.S. _h[=e]ht_). 8. _Eft_, again, a second time. This seems to assert that Chaucer was at this time a widower. Cf. C. T. 9103 (E 1227). 9. 'Mariage est maus liens,' marriage is an evil tie; Rom. de la Rose, 8871. And again, with respect to marriage--'Quel forsenerie [_witlessness_] te maine A cest torment, a ceste paine?' R. Rose, 8783; with much more to the same effect. Cf. Cant. Tales, Marchauntes Prologue (throughout); and Barbour's Bruce, i. 267. 18. Cf. 1 Cor. vii. 9, 28. And see Wife of Bath's Prol. D 154-160. 23. 'That it would be more pleasant for you to be taken prisoner in Friesland.' This seems to point to a period when such a mishap was not uncommon. In fact, some Englishmen were present in an expedition against Friesland which took place in the autumn of 1396. See the whole account in Froissart, Chron. bk. iv. cc. 77, 78. He tells us that the Frieslanders would not ransom the prisoners taken by their enemies; consequently, they could not exchange prisoners, and at last they put their prisoners to death. Thus the peculiar peril of being taken prisoner in Friesland is fully explained. 25. _Proverbes_, set of proverbs. Koch remarks--'_Proverbes_ is rather curious, referring to a singular, but seems to be right, as _proverbe_ would lose its last syllable, standing before a vowel.' Perhaps we should read _or proverbe_. 27. This answers to the modern proverb--'Let well alone.' 28. I. e. learn to know when you are well off. 'Half a loaf is better than no bread.' 'Better sit still than rise and fall' (Heywood). 'Better some of a pudding than none of pie' (Ray). In the Fairfax MS., the following rimed proverb is quoted at the end of the poem:-- 'Better is to suffre, and fortune abyde, Than[292] hastely to clymbe, and sodeynly to slyde.' The same occurs (says Hazlitt) at the end of Caxton's edition of Lydgate's Stans Puer ad Mensam; but does not belong to that poem. 29. The reference is to the Wife of Bathes Prologue, which curiously enough, is again referred to by Chaucer in the Marchauntes Tale, C. T. 9559 (E 1685). This reference shews that the present poem was written quite late in life, as the whole tone of it shews; and the same remark applies to the Marchauntes Tale also. We may suspect that Chaucer was rather proud of his Prologue to the Wife of Bathes Tale. Unquestionably, he took a great deal of pains about it. XVIII. COMPLEYNT OF VENUS. This poem has frequently been printed as if it formed a part of The Compleynt of Mars; but it is a separate poem, and belongs to a later period. The Compleynt of Mars is an original poem; but the present poem is a translation, being partly adapted, and partly translated from three Balades by Sir Otes de Graunson (l. 82). The original Balades have been lately recovered by Dr. Piaget, and are printed below the text. See the Introduction. It consists of three Ballads and an Envoy, and bears a strong resemblance, in metrical form, to the poem on Fortune, each Ballad having three stanzas of eight lines each, with a refrain. It differs from 'Fortune' only in the arrangement of the rimes, which occur in the order _a b a b b c c b_, instead of (as in Fortune) in the order _a b a b b c b c_. One rime (in _-aunce_) occurs in the second Ballad as well as in the first; but this is quite an accidental detail, of no importance. It must be remembered that the metre was not chosen by Chaucer, but by Graunson. The Envoy, which alone is original, consists of ten lines, rimed _a a b a a b b a a b_. This arrangement is very unusual. See further in the note to l. 82. In the MSS. T. and A. we have notes of some importance, written by Shirley. T. has:--'The Compleynt of Venus. And filowing begynnethe a balade translated out of frenshe in-to englisshe by Chaucier, Geffrey; the frenshe made sir Otes de Grauntsome, knight Savosyen.' A. has:--'Here begynnethe a balade made by that worthy Knight of Savoye in frenshe, calde sir Otes Graunson; translated by Chauciers.' At the end of the copy in T. is:--'Hit is sayde that Graunsome made this last balade for Venus, resembled to my lady of york; aunswering the complaynt of Mars.' We certainly find that Chaucer has materially altered the first of the three Balades; so perhaps he wished to please his patron. But the title (probably _not_ Chaucer's) is a bad one. See the Introduction. Cf. note to l. 73. 1. We must suppose Venus, i. e. the lady, to be the speaker. Hence the subject of the first Ballad is the worthiness of the lover of Venus, in another word, of _Mars_; indeed, in Julian Notary's edition, the poem is headed 'The Compleint of Venus for Mars.' But Mars is merely to be taken as a general type of true knighthood. I have written the general subject of each Ballad at the head of each, merely for convenience. The subjects are:--(1) The Lover's worthiness; (2) Disquietude caused by Jealousy; (3) Satisfaction in Constancy. We thus have three movements, expressive of Admiration, Passing Doubt, and Reassurance. The lady here expresses, when in a pensive mood, the comfort she finds in the feeling that her lover is worthy; for every one praises his excellence. 9. This portrait of a worthy knight should be placed side by side with that of a worthy lady, viz. Constance. See Man of Law's Tale, B 162-8. 11. _Wold_, willed. The later E. _would_ is dead, as a past participle, and only survives as a past tense. It is scarce even in Middle English, but occurs in P. Plowman, B. xv. 258--'if God hadde _wolde_ [better _wold_] hym-selue.' See also Leg. Good Women, 1209, and note. 22. _Aventure_, luck; in this case, good luck. 23. Here is certainly a false rime; Chaucer nowhere else rimes _-oure_ with _-ure_. But the conditions under which the poem was written were quite exceptional (see note to l. 79); so that this is no proof that the poem is spurious. There is a false rime in Sir Topas, Group B, l. 2092 (see my note). 25. In this second Ballad or Movement, an element of disturbance is introduced; jealous suspicions arise, but are put aside. Like the third Ballad, it is addressed to Love, which occurs, in the vocative case, in ll. 25, 49, and 57. The lady says it is but suitable that lovers should have to pay dearly for 'the noble thing,' i. e. for the valuable treasure of having a worthy lover. They pay for it by various feelings and expressions of disquietude. 26. _Men_, one; the impersonal pronoun; quite as applicable to a woman as to a man. Cf. F. _on_. 31. The French text shews that we must read _Pleyne_, not _Pleye_; besides, it makes better sense. This correction is due to Mr. Paget Toynbee; see his Specimens of Old French, p. 492. 33. 'May Jealousy be hanged, for she is so inquisitive that she would like to know everything. She suspects everything, however innocent.' Such is the general sense. 37. The final _e_ in _lov-e_ is sounded, being preserved from elision by the caesura. The sense is--'so dearly is love purchased in (return for) what he gives; he often gives inordinately, but bestows more sorrow than pleasure.' 46. _Nouncerteyn_, uncertainty; as in Troilus, i. 337. A parallel formation to _nounpower_, impotence, which occurs in Chaucer's tr. of Boethius, bk. iii. pr. 5, l. 14. 49. In this third Ballad, Venus says she is glad to continue in her love, and contemns jealousy. She is thankful for her good fortune, and will never repent her choice. 50. _Lace_, snare, entanglement. Chaucer speaks of the _lace of love_, and the _lace of Venus_; Kn. Tale, 959, 1093 (A 1817, 1951). 52. _To lete of_, to leave off, desist. 56. All the MSS. read _never_; yet I believe it should be _nat_ (not). 62. 'Let the jealous (i. e. Jealousy) put it to the test, (and so prove) that I will never, for any woe, change my mind.' 69. _Wey_, highroad. _Wente_, footpath. 70. The reading _ye_, for _I_, is out of the question; for _herte_ is addressed as _thou_. So in l. 66, we must needs read _thee_, not _you_. 73. _Princess._ As the MSS. vary between _Princesse_ and _Princes_, it is difficult to know whether the Envoy is addressed to a _princess_ or to _princes_. It is true that Fortune seems to be addressed to three princes collectively, but this is unusual, and due to the peculiar form of that Envoy, which is supposed to be spoken by _Fortune_, not by the author. Moreover, the MSS. of Fortune have only the readings _Princes_ and _Princis_; not one of them has _Princesse_. The present case seems different. Chaucer would naturally address his Envoy, in the usual manner, to a single person. The use of _your_ and _ye_ is merely the complimentary way of addressing a person of rank. The singular number seems implied by the use of the word _benignitee_; 'receive this complaint, addressed to your benignity in accordance with my small skill.' _Your benignity_ seems to be used here much as we say _your grace_, _your highness_, _your majesty_. The plural would (if this be so) be _your benignitees_; cf. Troil. v. 1859. There is no hint at all of the plural number. But if the right reading be _princess_, we see that Shirley's statement (see p. 560, l. 6) should rather have referred to Chaucer, who may have produced this adaptation at the request of 'my lady of York.' Princesses are usually scarce, but 'my lady of York' had the best of claims to the title, as she was daughter to no less a person than Pedro, king of Spain. She died in 1394 (Dugdale's Baronage, ii. 154; Stowe's Annales, 1605, p. 496); and this Envoy may have been written in 1393. 76. _Eld_, old age. See a similar allusion in Lenvoy to Scogan, 35, 38. 79. _Penaunce_, great trouble. The great trouble was caused, not by Chaucer's having any difficulty in finding rimes (witness his other Ballads), but in having to find rimes, to translate somewhat closely, and yet to adapt the poem in a way acceptable to the 'princess,' all at once. See further in the Introduction. Chaucer's translation of the A B C should be compared; for there, in every stanza, he begins by translating rather closely, but ends by deviating widely from the original in many instances, merely because he wanted to find rimes to words which he had already selected. Moreover, the difficulty was much increased by the great number of lines ending with the same rime. There are but 8 different endings in the 72 lines of the poem, viz. 6 lines ending in _-ure_, _-able_, _-yse_, and _-ay_, and 12 in _-aunce_, _-esse_, _-ing_, and _-ente_. In the Envoy, Chaucer purposely limits himself to 2 endings, viz. _-ee_ and _-aunce_, as a proof of his skill. 81. _Curiositee_, i. e. intricacy of metre. The line is too long. I would read _To folwe in word the curiositee_; and thus get rid of the puzzling phrase _word by word_, which looks like a gloss. 82. _Graunson._ He is here called the flower of the poets of France. He was, accordingly, not an Englishman. According to Shirley, he was a knight of Savoy, which is correct. Sir Oto de Graunson received an annuity of L126 13s. 4d. from Richard II., in November, 1393, for services rendered; see the mention of him in the Patent Rolls, 17 Rich. II., p. 1, no. 339, sixth skin; printed in Furnivall's Trial Forewords, p. 123. It is there expressly said that his sovereign _seigneur_ was the Count of Savoy, but he had taken an oath of allegiance to the king of England. The same Graunson received a payment from Richard in 1372, and at other times. See the article by Dr. Piaget referred to in the Introduction. XIX. THE COMPLEINT TO HIS EMPTY PURSE. The date of the Envoy to this Poem can be determined almost to a day. Henry IV. was received as king by the parliament, Sept. 30, 1399. Chaucer received his answer, in the shape of an additional grant of forty marks yearly, on Oct. 3 of the same year. Consequently, the date of the Envoy is Sept. 30 or Oct. 1 or 2 in that year. It is obvious that the poem itself had been written (perhaps some time) beforehand; see note to l. 17. As far as we know, the Envoy is Chaucer's last work. A somewhat similar complaint was addressed to the French king John II. by G. de Machault in 1351-6; but it is in short rimed lines; see his works, ed. Tarbe, p. 78. But the real model which Chaucer had in view was, in my opinion, the Ballade by Eustache Deschamps, written in 1381, and printed in Tarbe's edition, at p. 55. This Ballade is of a similar character, having three stanzas of eight lines each, with a somewhat similar refrain, viz. 'Mais de paier n'y scay voie ne tour,' i. e. but how to pay I know therein no way nor method. It was written on a similar occasion, viz. after the death of Charles V. of France, and the accession of Charles VI., who had promised Deschamps a pension, but had not paid it. Hence the opening lines:-- 'Dieux absoille le bon Roy trespasse! Et Dieux consault cellui qui est en vie! Il me donna rente le temps passe A mon vivant; laquelle je n'ay mie.' The Envoy has but six lines, though the stanzas have eight; similarly, Chaucer's Envoy has but five lines (rimed _a a b b a_), though the stanzas have seven. Chaucer's Envoy is in a _very_ unusual metre, which was copied by the author of the Cuckoo and the Nightingale. The Title, in MS. F. is--'The Complaynt of Chaucer to his Purse.' In Caxton's print, it is--'The compleint of Chaucer vnto his empty purse.' In MS. P.--'La Compleint de Chaucer a sa Bourse voide.' MS. Harl. has--'A supplicacion to Kyng Richard by chaucier.' The last of these, written by Shirley, is curious. If not a mere mistake, it seems to imply that the Complaint was first prepared before king Richard was deposed, though, by means of the Envoy, it was addressed to his successor. However, this copy of Shirley's gives the Envoy; so it may have been a mere mistake. Line 23 is decisive; see note below. I remark here, for completeness' sake, that this poem has sometimes been ascribed to Hoccleve; but, apparently, without any reason. 4. Koch remarks, that the Additional MS. 22139, which alone has _That_, is here superior to the rest; and he may be right. Still, the reading _For_ is quite intelligible. 8. _This day._ This hints at impatience; the poet did not contemplate having long to wait. But we must take it in connexion with l. 17; see note to that line. 10. _Colour_; with reference to golden coins. So also in the Phisiciens Tale (C. T. 11971, or C 37), the golden colour of Virginia's hair is expressed by-- 'And Phebus dyed hath hir tresses grete Lyk to the stremes of his burned hete.' 11. Four MSS., as well as the printed copies, read _That of yelownesse_, &c.; and this may very well be right. If so, the scansion is:--That of yel | ownes | se had | de nev | er pere. MS. Harl. 2251 has _That of yowre Ielownesse_, but the _yowre_ is merely copied in from l. 10. 12. _Stere_, rudder; see Man of Lawes Tale, B 448, 833. 17. _Out of this toune._ This seems to mean--'help me to retire from London to some cheaper place.' At any rate, _toune_ seems to refer to some large town, where prices were high. From the tone of this line, and that of l. 8, I should conclude that the poem was written on some occasion of special temporary difficulty, irrespectively of general poverty; and that the _Envoy_ was hastily added afterwards, without revision of the poem itself. (I find that Ten Brink says the same.) Compare Thackeray's Carmen Lilliense. 19. 'That is, I am as bare of money as the tonsure of a friar is of hair'; Bell. 22. _Brutes Albioun_, the Albion of Brutus. _Albion_ is the old name for England or Britain in the histories which follow Geoffrey of Monmouth and profess to give the ancient history of Britain before the coming of the Romans. See Layamon's Brut, l. 1243; Higden's Polychronicon, bk. i. c. 39; Fabyan's Chronicle, ed. Ellis, pp. 1, 2, 7. According to the same accounts, Albion was first reigned over by Brutus, in English spelling _Brute_, a descendant of Aeneas of Troy, who arrived in Albion (says Fabyan) in the eighteenth year of Eli, judge of Israel. Layamon's poem is a translation from a poem by Wace, entitled Brut; and Wace borrowed from Geoffrey of Monmouth. See _Brute_ (2) in the New E. Dict. 23. This line makes it certain that the king meant is Henry IV.; and indeed, the title _conquerour_ in l. 21 proves the same thing sufficiently. 'In Henry IV's proclamation to the people of England he founds his title on _conquest_, _hereditary right_, and _election_; and from this inconsistent and absurd document Chaucer no doubt took his cue'; Bell. XX. PROVERBS. The titles in the MSS. are: Ad. Prouerbe; F. Proverbe of Chaucer; Ha. Prouerbe of Chaucers. Each proverb takes the form of a question or objection, in two lines, followed by an answer in two lines more. There is a fair copy of them (but not well spelt) in the black-letter edition of 1561, fol. cccxl. They there appear without the addition of fourteen unconnected lines (not by Chaucer) which have been recklessly appended to them in modern editions. The title in ed. 1561 is--'A Prouerbe agaynst couitise and negligence.' For the metre, compare the Envoy to a Ballad by Deschamps, ed. Tarbe, pp. 23, 24. 7. At the head of a Ballad by Deschamps, ed. Tarbe, i. 132, is the French proverb--'Qui trop embrasse, mal etreint.' Cotgrave, s.v. _embrasser_, has: _Trop embrasser, et peu estraigner_, to meddle with more business then he can wield; to have too many irons in the fire; to lose all by coveting all.' But the most interesting point is the use of this proverb by Chaucer elsewhere, viz. in the Tale of Melibeus, Group B, 2405--'For the proverbe seith, he that to muche embraceth, distreyneth litel.' It is also quoted by Lydgate, in his description of the Merchant in the Dance of Machabre. 7. _Embrace_ must be read as _embrac'_, for the rime. Similarly, Chaucer puts _gras_ for _grac-e_ in Sir Thopas (Group B, l. 2021). XXI. BALADE AGAINST WOMEN UNCONSTANT. 5. _In a place_, in one place. In the New E. Dictionary, the following is quoted from Caxton's print of _Geoffroi de la Tour_, leaf 4, back:--'They satte att dyner in _a_ hall and the quene in another.' 7. From Machault, ed. Tarbe, p. 56 (see p. 88 above):--'Qu'en lieu de bleu, Dame, vous vestez vert'; on which M. Tarbe has the following note:--'_Bleu._ Couleur exprimant la sincerite, la purete, la constance; le _vert_, au contraire, exprimait les nouvelles amours, le changement, l'infidelite; au lieu de bleu se vetir de vert, c'etait avouer que l'on changeait d'ami.' Blue was the colour of constancy, and green of inconstancy; see Notes to Anelida, l. 330; and my note to the Squire's Tale, F 644. In a poem called Le Remede de Fortune, Machault explains that _pers_, i. e. _blue_, means loyalty; _red_, ardent love; _black_, grief; _white_, joy; _green_, fickleness; _yellow_, falsehood. 8. Cf. James i. 23, 24; and see The Marchantes Tale (Group E, ll. 1582-5). 9. _It_, i. e. the transient image; relative to the word _thing_, which is implied in _no-thing_ in l. 8. 10. Read _far'th_, _ber'th_; as usual in Chaucer. So _turn'th_ in l. 12. 12. Cf. 'chaunging as a vane'; Clerkes Tale, E 996. 13. _Sene_, evident; A.S. _ge-sene_, _ge-syne_, adj., evident, quite distinct from the pp. of the verb, which appears in Chaucer as _seen_ or _yseen_. Other examples of the use of this adjective occur in _ysene_, C. T. Prol. 592; C. T. 11308 (Frank. Tale, F 996); _sene_, Compl. of Pite, 112; Merciless Beauty, 10. 15. _Brotelnesse_, fickleness. Cf. 'On _brotel_ ground they bilde, and _brotelnesse_ They finde, whan they wene _sikernesse_,' with precisely the same rime, Merch. Tale, 35 (E 1279). 16. _Dalyda_, Delilah. It is _Dalida_ in the Monkes Tale, Group B, 3253; but see Book of the Duchesse, 738. _Creseide_, the heroine of Chaucer's Troilus. _Candace_, hardly for _Canace_; see note to Parl. of Foules, 288. Rather, it is the queen Candace who tricked Alexander; see Wars of Alexander, ed. Skeat, p. 264; Gower, Conf. Amant, ii. 180. 18. _Tache_, defect; cf. P. Plowman, B. ix. 146. This is the word which best expresses the sense of _touch_ (which Schmidt explains by _trait_) in the famous passage--'One _touch_ of nature makes the whole world kin'; Shak. Troil. iii. 3. 175. I do not assert that _touch_ is an error for _tache_, though even that is likely; but I say that the context shews that it is used in just the sense of _tache_. The same context also entirely condemns the forced sense of the passage, as commonly misapplied. It is somewhat curious that _touchwood_ is corrupted from a different _tache_, which had the sense of dried fuel or tinder. _Arace_, eradicate; precisely as in VI. 20, q. v. 19. Compare the modern proverb--'She has two strings to her bow.' 20. _Al light for somer_; this phrase begins l. 15 of the Canon's Yeoman's Prologue, Group G, 568; and the phrase _wot what I mene_ occurs again in C. T., Group B, 93. This allusion to the wearing of light summer garments seems here to imply wantonness or fickleness. Canacee in the Squi. Tale was arrayed lightly (F 389, 390); but she was taking a walk in her own park, attended by her ladies. Skelton has, 'he wente so all for somer lyghte'; Bowge of Courte, 355; and again, in Philip Sparowe, 719, he tells us that Pandarus won nothing by his help of Troilus but 'lyght-for-somer grene.' It would seem that green was a favourite colour for summer garments. XXII. AN AMOROUS COMPLEINT (COMPLEINT DAMOURS). There are three MS. copies of this poem, viz. in MSS. F., B., and Harl. 7333. See remarks upon these in the Introduction, p. 89. 1. In Troil. iv. 516, the parallel line is--'Of me, that am the wofulleste wight'; where _wofullest-e_ has four syllables. Chaucer constantly employs _sorwe_ or _sorw_ so as to occupy the time of a monosyllable; hence the right reading in this case is _sorw'fullest-e_, with final _-e_. See also Troil. ii. 450--'So as she was the ferfulleste wight.' And 'Bicomen is the sorwefulleste man'; Cant. Tales, E 2098. 3. _Recoverer_, recovery, cure; answering to O.F. _recovrier_, sb. succour, aid, cure, recovery; see examples in La Langue et la Litterature Francaise, by Bartsch and Horning, 1887. Gower uses _recoverir_ in a like sense; ed. Pauli, i. 265. In Specimens of English, ed. Morris and Skeat, pt. ii. p. 156, l. 394, _recouerer_ may likewise mean 'succour'; and the whole line may mean, 'they each of them cried for succour (to be obtained) from the Creator.' 6. Cf. Sect. VI. l. 53:--'So litel rewthe hath she upon my peyne.' 7. Cf. Sect. VI. l. 33:--'That, for I love hir, sleeth me giltelees.' So also Frank. Ta. F 1322:--'Er ye me sleen bycause that I yow love.' 12. _Spitous_, hateful. The word in Chaucer is usually _despitous_; see Prol. 516, Cant. Ta. A 1596, D 761, Troil. ii. 435, v. 199; but _spitously_ occurs in the Cant. Tales, D 223. Trevisa translates _ignominiosa seruitute_ by 'in a _dispitous_ bondage'; Higden's Polychron. v. 87. The sense is--'You have banished me to that hateful island whence no man may escape alive.' The allusion is to the isle of Naxos, here used as a synonym for a state of hopeless despair. It was the island in which Ariadne was left, when deserted by Theseus; and Chaucer alludes to it at least thrice in a similar way: see C. T. Group B, 68, Ho. of Fame, 416, Legend of Good Women, 2163. 14. _This have I_, such is my reward. _For_, because. 16. Another reading is--'If that it were a thing possible to do.' In that case, we must read _possibl'_, with the accent on _i_. 17. Cf. Sect. VI. l. 94:--'For ye be oon the worthiest on-lyve.' 19. Cf. Sect. VI. l. 93:--'I am so litel worthy.' 24, 25. Cf. X. 7, and the note (p. 544). 28. Perhaps corrupt; it seems to mean--'All these things caused me, in that (very state of despair), to love you dearly.' 31. The insertion of _to_ is justified by the parallel line--'And I my deeth to yow wol al forgive'; VI. 119. 36, 37. Perhaps read--'And sithen I am of my sorwe the cause, And sithen I have this,' &c.; as in MSS. F. and B. 43. Perhaps read--'So that, algates, she is verray rote'; as in F. B. 45. Cf. C. T. 11287 (F 975):--'For with a word ye may me sleen or save.' 52. _As to my dome_, in my judgment, as in V. 480; and see Troil. iv. 386, 387. 54. Cf. 'whyl the world may dure'; V, 616. 55. _Bihynde_, in the rear, far away; cf. VI. 5. 57. The idea is the same as in the Compl. of Mars, ll. 264-270. 62. See l. 10 above. 70, 71. Cf. C. T. 11625 (F 1313)--'And lothest wer of al this world displese.' 72. Compare the description of Dorigen, C. T. 11255-66 (F 943-54). We have similar expressions in Troil. iii. 1501:--'As wisly verray God my soule save'; and in Legend of Good Women, 1806:--'As wisly Iupiter my soule save.' And see XXIII. 4. 76. Chaucer has both _pleyne unto_ and _pleyne on_; see C. T., Cler. Tale, Group E, 97; and Pard. Tale, Group C, 512. 77. Cf. Troil. iii. 1183, and v. 1344:--'Foryeve it me, myn owne swete herte.' 79. Cf. Troil. iii. 141--'And I to ben your verray humble trewe.' 81. 'Sun of the bright and clear star'; i. e. source of light to the planet Venus. The 'star' can hardly be other than this bright planet, which was supposed to be auspicious to lovers. Cf. Troil. v. 638:--'O sterre, of which I lost have al the light.' Observe that MSS. F. and B. read _over_ for _of_; this will not scan, but it suggests the sense intended. 82. _In oon_, in one state, ever constant; C. T., E 602. Cf. also Troil. iii. 143:--'And ever-mo desire _freshly newe_ To serven.' 83. So in Troil. iii. 1512:--'For I am thyn, by god and by my trouthe'; cf. Troil. iii. 120. 85. See Parl. of Foules, 309, 310, whence I supply the word _ther_. These lines in the Parl. of Foules may have been borrowed from the present passage, i. e. if the 'Amorous Compleint' is the older poem of the two, as is probable. In any case, the connexion is obvious. Cf. also Parl. Foules, 386. 87. Cf. Parl. Foules, 419:--'Whos I am al, and ever wol her serve.' _Shal_, shall be; as in l. 78 above, and in Troil. iii. 103; cf. Kn. Tale, 286 (A 1144), and note to VI. 86. 90, 91. Cf. Kn. Tale, 285, 286 (A 1143, 1144); Parl. Foules, 419, 420. All three passages are much alike. XXIII. A BALADE OF COMPLEYNT. 1. Cf. Troil. iii. 104:--'And thogh I dar ne can unto yow pleyne.' 4. See note to XXII. 72, and l. 8 below. 13, 14. Cf. VI. 110, 111. 16. _Dyt-e,_ ditty (dissyllabic); see Ho. of Fame, 622. It here rimes with _despyte_ and _plyte_. In the Cant. Tales the usual forms are _despyt_ and _plyt-e_ respectively, but _despyt-e_ may here be taken as a dative case. 20. _Hertes lady_; see VI. 60. _Dere_ is the best reading, being thus commonly used by Chaucer as a vocative. If we retain the MS. reading _here_, we must insert a comma after _lady_, and explain _I yow beseche ... here_ by 'I beseech you to hear.' *** For Errata and Addenda, see p. lxiv. * * * * * NOTES. [1] See Rot. Claus. 3 Edw. I., and Kirkpatrick's History of Religious Orders in Norwich, pp. 109, 113. (The Athenaeum, Nov. 25, 1876; p. 688.) [2] Rolls of Parliament, i. 234, 448. [3] For authorities, see Riley's Memorials of London, pp. xxxiii, xxxiv. [4] See The Athenaeum, Nov. 19, 1893, p. 704. [5] Life-Records of Chaucer (Chaucer Soc.), p. 128; The Athenaeum, Jan. 29, 1881, p.165. From membrane 17 of the Fine Roll, 4 Edw. II.; Parliamentary Writs, vol. ii. pt. 2. p. 30. [6] The same, p. 126; from mem. 13 of the Coram Rege Roll of Hilary, 19 Edw. II. (1326). [7] Riley, Mem. London, p. xxxiii. [8] From Richard Chaucer's will (below); see p. xiv. [9] Inferred from law-proceedings (below); and cf. note 5, above. Thomas Stace was appointed collector of customs on wine at Ipswich in 1310; Parl. Writs, vol. ii. pt. 2. [10] Thomas Heyroun, by his will dated April 7, 1349, and proved in the Hustings Court of the City of London, appointed his brother [i. e. his half-brother], John Chaucer, as his executor. In July of the same year, John Chaucer, by the description of 'citizen and vintner, executor of the will of my brother Thomas Heyroun,' executed a deed relating to some lands. See Morris's Chaucer, i. 93, or Nicolas, Life of Chaucer, Note A; from the Records of the Hustings Court, 23 Edw. III. [11] In December, 1324, Richard and Mary Chaucer declared that they had 'remained in full and peaceful possession of the said wardship [of John Chaucer] for a long while, namely, _for one year_.' See Life-Records (as in note 5), p. 126. [12] Riley, Mem. London, p. xxxiii. [13] Placitorum Abbreviatio, temp. Ric. I.--Edw. II., 1811; p. 354, col. 2; The Athenaeum, Jan. 29, 1881, p. 165. [14] I. e. Laurence, the man of Geoffrey Stace. [15] They did not really succeed in this; it was disproved. [16] As they were trying to make out a case, it is clear that John Chaucer was still _just under twelve_ on Dec. 3, 1324, when they abducted him. [17] Rolls of Parliament, ii. 14. Mr. Rye prints 'nulson' in place of 'unkore.' [18] See the Calendar of Wills in the Hustings Court, by R.R. Sharpe, vol. i. p. 591. [19] Here Sir H. Nicolas inserts '13th of July,' which I do not understand. His own Chronology of History correctly tells us that the day of St. Thomas the Martyr is Dec. 29, which in 1349 fell on Tuesday. The Monday after it was Jan. 4, 1350; the 23rd year of Edw. III. ended Jan. 24, 1350. [20] Hustings Roll, Guildhall; see The Athenaeum, Dec. 13, 1873, p. 772; The Academy, Oct. 13, 1877, p. 364. The joint names of John and Agnes Chaucer occur in 1354, and later, in 1363 and 1366. [21] See below, under the date 1381; and The Athenaeum, Nov. 29, 1873, p. 698; Dec. 13, 1873, p. 772. [22] Timbs, Curiosities of London, p. 815. [23] See a document printed in full in The Academy, Oct. 13, 1877, p. 364. [24] Rymer's Foedera, vol. ii. pt. iv. p. 23. [25] Original Writs of Privy Seal in the Rolls House (Nicolas). [26] Riley; Memorials of London, p. xxxiii. [27] See The Athenaeum, Dec. 13, 1873, p. 772; Nov. 19, 1892, p. 704; and The Academy, Oct. 13, 1877, p. 364. Perhaps his father's death enabled Chaucer to marry; he was married in 1366, or earlier. [28] 'Bartholomeus atte chapel, ciuis et vinitarius Londinie, et Agnes, uxor eius, ac uxor quondam Johannis Chaucer, nuper ciuis et vinitarii dicte ciuitatis.'--Communicated to The Academy (as in note 27) by W. D. Selby. [29] It is needless to multiply instances. Dante speaks of 35 years as being 'the middle of life's journey'; and Jean de Meun (Le Testament, ed. Meon, iv. 9) says that a man flourishes till he is 30 or 40 years old; after which he does nothing but languish (ne fait que langorir). [30] Life-Records of Chaucer, p. 97 (Chaucer Soc.); Fortnightly Review, Aug. 15, 1866. [31] Johnes, tr. of Froissart, bk. i. c. 206. [32] The same, c. 207. [33] Certainly not Retiers, near Rennes, in Brittany, more than 200 miles on the other side of Paris, as suggested by Sir H. Nicolas. Froissart mentions 'Rhetel' expressly. 'Detachments from the [English] army scoured the country.... Some of them went over the whole country of Rhetel;' bk. i. c. 208. [34] The Athenaeum, Nov. 22, 1873; p. 663. From the Wardrobe Book, 63/9, in the Record Office. [35] He was lodging at Guillon, in Burgundy, from Ash-Wednesday (Feb. 18) until Mid-lent (March 12); Fr. bk. i. c. 210. [36] This is well worth notice; it shews that it took several days to travel to Canterbury, even for a king who was anxious to return to his own land. In Froissart, bk. iv. c. 118, is an account of two knights who stopped at the same places. See Temp. Preface to the Cant. Tales, by F. J. Furnivall, p. 129. [37] Johnes, tr. of Froissart, bk. i. c. 213. [38] Johnes, tr. of Froissart, bk. i. c. 213. The Wyf of Bathe (see Cant. Tales, Prol. 465) once went on a pilgrimage to Boulogne. Chaucer probably did the same, viz. in the last week of October, 1360. [39] Exchequer, Q. R. Wardrobe Accounts, 39/10; Life-Records, p. xvii. [40] Rot. Pat. 40 Edw. III. p. 2, membrane 30. The title 'domicella camerae' implies that she was married; N. and Q., 8 S., iii. 355. [41] Issue Rolls of the Exchequer, Mich., 42 Edw. III.; Nicolas, Note DD. [42] This exception is incorrect. In the Issue Roll of Thomas de Brantingham, (for 1370), p. 359, it is noted that Philippa Chaucer received 10 marks (i. e. for the whole year), on Nov. 7, 1370. [43] Here Nicolas inserts 'like herself'; this assumes her identity with 'Philippe Chausy,' which seems to be right; see p. xxi. [44] Issue Rolls of the Exchequer; Roll for Easter, 10 Ric. II.; Issue Roll, Mich., 44 Edw. III.; ed. Devon, 1835; p. 359. [45] Writ of Privy Seal, dated March 10, 43 Edw. III., 1369. It mentions Philippa Chaucer, 'damoiselle,' and Philippa Pykart, 'veilleresse.' See Nicolas, life of Chaucer, Note EE. [46] The Athenaeum, Nov. 22, 1873; p. 663. [47] Register of John of Gaunt, vol. i. fol. 159_b_; Notes and Queries, 7 Ser., v. 289; Trial-Forewords, p. 129. [48] The same, vol. i. fol. 195_b_; N. and Q., 7 S., v. 289. [49] The same, fol. 90; N. and Q. (as above). [50] Issue Roll, Easter, 50 Edw. III.; N. and Q. (as in note 48). [51] Register of John of Gaunt, vol. ii. foll. 33_b_, 49, 61; Nicolas, Note DD. [52] Issue Roll, Mich., 8 Ric II., Sept. 20. [53] Rymer's Foedera, new ed.; vol. iii. p. 829. (G.) [54] Issue Rolls of the Exchequer; Michaelmas, 42 Edw. III. (1367); Easter, 42 Edw. III. (1368); see Nicolas, Notes B and C. On Nov. 6, 1367, it is expressly noted that he received his pension himself (per manus proprias). [55] Issue Rolls; Michaelmas, 43 Edw. III. (Nicolas.) [56] Rymer's Foedera; vol. iii. p. 845. The names of many of those who accompanied the Duke are printed in the same volume, pp. 842-4; but the name of Chaucer is not among them. [57] The Athenaeum, Nov. 29, 1873; p. 698. Exch. L. T. R. Wardrobe, 43 Edw. III. Box A. no. 8. (Ch. Soc., Trial-Forewords, p. 129). [58] Exch. Q. R. Wardrobe, 64/3; leaf 16, back. See The Athenaeum, Nov. 22, 1873, p. 663. A similar entry occurs in 1372; and again in 1373. [59] Exch. Q. R. Wardrobe, 40/9. (Ch. Soc., Trial-Forewords, p. 129). [60] Rot. Pat. 44 Edw. III. p. 2. m. 20. (G.) [61] Issue Rolls of Thomas de Brantingham, 44 Edw. III., ed. F. Devon, 1835; p. 289. [62] The same; p. 19. [63] Issue Rolls, 45-47 Edw. III. [64] The Athenaeum, Nov. 22, 1873; p. 663. [65] Rot. Franc. 46 Edw. III. m. 8. (G.) See Rymer's Foedera, new edition, vol. iii. p. 964. [66] Issue Roll, Michaelmas, 47 Edw. III., 1373. See Nicolas, Note D. In this document Chaucer is called 'armiger.' [67] Issue Roll, Michaelmas, 48 Edw. III., 1374. See Nicolas, Note E. The Foreign Accounts, 47 Edw. III. roll 3, include Chaucer's accounts for this journey from Dec. 1, 1372, to May 23, 1373. [68] The same. [69] Much of Sir H. Nicolas's argument against this reasonable supposition is founded on the assertion that Chaucer was 'not acquainted with Italian'; which is now known to be the reverse of the truth. He even urges that not a single Italian word occurs in Chaucer's writings, whereas it would have been absurd for him to use words which his readers could not understand. Nevertheless, we find mention of a '_ducat_ in Venyse'; Ho. Fame, 1348. [70] Rot. Pat., 48 Edw. III., p. i. m. 20. (G.) See Rymer's Foedera, new ed. vol. iii. p. 1001. [71] Writ of Privy Seal (in French); 18 Apr. 1 Ric. II. (1378); see Nicolas, Note K. [72] Memorials of London, ed. Riley, p. 377. See s. 26 below, p. xxxviii. [73] Rot. Pat., 48 Edw. III., p. 1. m. 7, in Turri Londinensi; see Foedera, new ed. vol. iii. p. 1004. (G.) [74] Rot. Pat., 49 Edw. III., p. 2. m. 8. [75] Calendarium Inquisitionum post Mortem, 46 Edw. III. no. 58. [76] Rot. Claus., 1 Ric. II., m. 45. (G.) The petition, in French, is printed in full in Liber Custumarum, ed. Riley, ii. 466. [77] Rot. Pat. 49 Edw. III., p. 2. m. 4. (G.) Calend. Inquis. post Mortem, 49 Edw. III., part 2, no. 40. A solidate of land is supposed to be a quantity of land (Blount suggests 12 acres) yielding 1s. of yearly rent. _Sole_ means 'a pond'; see Pegge's Kenticisms. Soles is the name of a manor in Bonnington, not far from Chillenden, about half-way between Canterbury and Deal. [78] Issue Roll, Mich., 50 Edw. III. [79] Receiver's Accounts in the Office of the Duchy of Lancaster, from Mich. 1376 to Mich. 1377; see Nicolas, Note F. [80] Rot. Pat., 50 Edw. III., p. i. m. 5. (G.) [81] Issue Roll, Mich., 51 Edw. III.; see Nicolas, Note G. [82] Rot. Franc., 51 Edw. III., m. 7. (G.) [83] Issue Roll, Mich., 51 Edw. III.; see Nicolas, Note H. [84] Issue Roll, Easter, 51 Edw. III.; Nicolas, Note I; Trial-Forewords, p. 131. [85] Rymer's Foedera, new ed., vol. iii. p. 1073 (in French). [86] The same, p. 1076 (in French). [87] Rot. Franc., 51 Edw III., m. 5. (G.) [88] Issue Roll, Easter, 51 Edw. III. 'Galfrido Chaucer armigero regis misso in nuncium in secretis negociis domini Regis versus partes Francie.' See Nicolas, Note I. [89] In 1377, Easter fell on March 29, Ash Wednesday on Feb. 11, and Shrove Tuesday on Feb. 10. [90] Wardrobe Accounts of 50 and 51 Edw. III. (Nicolas). [91] The same. [92] Rymer's Foedera, vol. vii. p. 184. [93] Fine Roll, 1 Ric. II., pt. 2. m. 11; Athenaeum, May 26, 1888, p. 661. [94] This appears from the Patent of May 1, 1388, by which Chaucer's pensions were assigned to John Scalby; see Rot. Pat., 11 Ric. II., pt. 2. m. 1. [95] Rot. Pat., 11 Ric. II., pt. 2. m. 1 (as in the last note); Writ of Privy Seal (in French), Apr. 18, 1 Ric. II. (see Nicolas, Note K); Issue Roll, Easter, 1 Ric. II. (May 14; see Nicolas, Note L). [96] Issue Roll, Easter, 1 Ric. II., (as above). [97] Rot. Franc., 1 Ric. II., pt. 2. m. 6. [98] The same; see Nicolas, Note M. [99] Issue Roll, Easter, 1 Ric. II.; Trial-Forewords, p. 131; Nicolas, Note L. [100] Issue Roll, Mich., 2 Ric. II.; see Nicolas, Note N. [101] Issue Roll, Easter, 2 Ric. II.; see Nicolas, Note O. [102] Issue Roll, Mich. 3 Ric. II.; see Nicolas, Note P. [103] The same; Easter, 3 Ric. II.; see the same, Note Q. [104] The same; 4 Ric. II.; see the same, Note R. [105] The Athenaeum, Nov. 29, 1873, p. 698. From the Close Roll of 3 Ric. II. And see the whole matter discussed at length in Trial-Forewords, pp. 136-144 (Ch. Soc.). [106] Issue Roll, 4 Ric. II.; see Nicolas, Note R; Devon's Issues of the Exchequer, 1837, p. 315. [107] Godwin's Life of Chaucer, iv. 284. [108] Thynne's Animadversions, &c., ed. F. J. Furnivall, p. 12, note 2; cf. The Athenaeum, Nov. 29, 1873, p. 698. [109] Issue Roll, Mich., 5 Ric. II.; see Notes and Queries, 3rd Ser. viii. 367. [110] Rot. Pat., 5 Ric. II., pt. 2. m. 15. (G.) [111] For these payments, see Issue Roll, Easter, 5 Ric. II.; in Notes and Queries, 3rd Ser. viii. 367. [112] Issue Rolls, Easter, 5 and 6 Ric. II.; see N. and Q. (as above). [113] Issue Roll, Mich., 7 Ric. II.; _ib._ It was usual to make up accounts at Michaelmas; which may explain 'the year late elapsed.' [114] Issue Roll, Easter, 7 Ric. II.; _ib._ [115] Rot. Claus., 8 Ric. II., m. 30. (G.) [116] Notes and Queries, 3 S. viii. 368; The Athenaeum, Apr. 14, 1888; p. 468. [117] The Athenaeum, Jan. 28, 1888; p. 116. [118] Rot. Pat., 8 Ric. II., p. 2. m. 31. (G.) [119] Issue Roll, Easter, 8 Ric. II.; see Notes and Queries, 3rd Ser. viii. 368. [120] 'Ful ofte tyme he was knight of the shire'; Cant. Ta., A 356. It was usual, but not necessary, for such knights to reside within their county (Nicolas, Note S). [121] Rot. Claus., 10 Ric. II., m. 16 d. [122] See Annals of England, Oxford, 1876; p. 206. Sir Nicholas Brembre had been Lord Mayor of London for the three preceding years, 1383-5. [123] Printed in Godwin's Life of Chaucer; in The Scrope and Grosvenor Roll, ed. Nicolas, i. 178; and in Moxon's Chaucer, p. xiii. [124] An error for Rethel, near Rheims; see above, footnote 33. [125] Letter-book in the Guildhall, discovered by Prof. Hales; see The Academy, Dec. 6, 1879, p. 410, and Hales, Folia Litteraria, p. 87. In Riley's Memorials of London, p. 469, is recorded a resolution by the corporation to let no more houses situated over a city-gate. [126] Rot. Pat., 10 Ric. II., p. 1. m. 5 and m. 9. Perhaps this new Controller was a descendant of the Henry Gisors who was Sheriff of London in 1328. [127] It was once a fashion to ascribe his misfortunes to the part he was supposed to have taken with respect to a quarrel in 1384 between the court party and the citizens of London regarding John of Northampton, who had been Mayor in 1382. There is no evidence whatever to shew that Chaucer had anything to do with it, beyond an unauthorised and perhaps false interpretation of certain obscure passages in a piece called _The Testament of Love_, which (as is now known) he certainly did not write! [128] Issue Roll, Easter, 10 Ric. II. [129] Issue Rolls, Easter, 10 Ric. II.; Mich, and Easter, 11 Ric. II. [130] Rot. Pat., 11 Ric. II., p. 2. m. 1. (G.) Nicolas remarks that a John Scalby, of Scarborough in Yorkshire, was one of the persons of that town who were excepted from the king's pardon for insurrection in October, 1382; Rot. Parl. vol. iii. p. 136. (Scalby is the name of a village near Scarborough.) [131] Cf. 'at Eltham or at Shene'; Leg. Good Women, 497; but this passage is of an earlier date. [132] Rot. Pat., 13 Ric. II., p. 1. m. 30. (G.) [133] The Athenaeum, Jan. 28, 1888; p. 116; Trial-Forewords, p. 133. [134] Originalia, 13 Ric. II, m. 30; Trial-Forewords, p. 133. [135] The Athenaeum, Feb. 7, 1874; p. 196. [136] Collinson, Hist, of Somersetshire, iii. 54-74; The Athenaeum, Nov. 20, 1886, p. 672; Life-Records (Chaucer Soc.), p. 117. [137] Rot. Pat., 14 Ric. II., m. 33; Issue Roll, Easter, 13 Ric. II. (G.); Trial-Forewords, p. 133. [138] The Athenaeum, Feb. 7 and 14, 1874, pp. 196, 227; Life-Records (Ch. Soc.), p. 5. [139] Rot. Pat., 14 Ric. II., p. 2. m. 24: 'quem dilectus serviens noster Galfridus Chaucer clericus operationum nostrarum sub se deputavit'; &c. 'Clericus' is here literal; 'clerk' of the works. [140] Afterwards Sheriff of London, viz. in 1417-8 (Fabyan). [141] Archaeologia, vol. xxxiv. 45. [142] Rot. Pat., 15 Ric. II., p. 1, m. 27; see Godwin, Life of Chaucer, iv. 67. [143] Issue Rolls, Mich. and Easter, 15 Ric. II.; and Easter, 16 Ric. II. [144] Rot. Pat., 17 Ric. II., pt. 2. m. 35; printed in full in Godwin's Life of Chaucer, and again in Furnivall's Trial-Forewords to the Minor Poems, p. 26. [145] Issue Roll, Mich., 18 Ric. II.; see Nicolas, Note U. [146] Issue Rolls, Mich. and Easter, 18 Ric. II., and Mich., 19 Ric. II.; see Nicolas, Notes U, V, and W. [147] Rot. Claus., 19 Ric. II. m. 8 d. [148] Issue Roll, Mich., 21 Ric. II. See Nicolas, Note X. [149] Issue Roll, Mich., 21 Ric. II. See Nicolas, Note X. [150] The Athenaeum, Sept. 13, 1879; p. 338. [151] Rot. Pat., 21 Ric. II., p. 3. m. 26. (G.) [152] Issue Roll, Easter, 21 Ric. II. See Nicolas, Note Y. [153] The Athenaeum, Jan. 28, 1888; p. 116. [154] Rot. Pat., 22 Ric. I., p. 1. m. 8. (G.) [155] Issue Roll, Mich., 22 Ric. II.; see Nicolas, Note Z. [156] Rot. Pat., 1 Hen. IV., p. 1. m. 18; and p. 5. m. 12. (G.) [157] See Issue Roll, Easter, 1 Hen. IV.; in Nicolas, Note BB. [158] Godwin, Life of Chaucer, iv. 365, where the document is printed; Hist. MSS. Commission, i. 95. [159] Issue Roll, Mich., 1 Hen IV.; see Nicolas, Note AA. [160] Issue Roll, Easter, 1 Hen. IV.; see Nicolas, Note BB. [161] Stowe's Survey of London, ed. Thoms, p. 171; Nicolas, Life of Chaucer. [162] Rot. Pat., 1 Hen. IV., p. 1. m. 10. [163] Rot. Pat., 4 Hen. IV., m. 19; Rot. Parl. iv. 178 b. [164] Rot. Pat., 12 Hen. IV., m. 34. [165] Rot. Norman., 5 Hen. V., m. 7; ed. 1835, p. 284. [166] Rot. Parl. vol. iv. p. 35. [167] Rot. Pat., 12 Hen. IV., m. 7. [168] It actually begins by quoting two lines from the Knightes Tale, A 1785-6; so it is later than 1386. There is at least one non-Chaucerian rime, viz. at l. 61, where _gren-e_ (dissyllabic in Chaucer) rimes with the pp. _been_. See p. 39 below. [169] The seal has lately been re-examined by experts, after application to the Record Office by Dr. Furnivall. See Archaeologia, xxxiv. 42, where an engraving of the seal is (inexactly) given, and the deed is printed at length. [170] Collinson, Hist. of Somersetshire, iii. 54-74; Life-Records, p. 117. [171] MS. in Lincoln College, p. 377, quoted in Chalmers' English Poets, vol. i. p. x; Letter by Prof. Hales to the Athenaeum, Mar. 31, 1888; Hales, Folia Litteraria, p. 109; Lounsbury, Studies, i. 108. [172] So says Nicolas; 'evidently' means that such is the most likely explanation. The O. F. _roe_ (Lat. _rota_) means 'a wheel'; and _roet_ is its diminutive. [173] She is described as 'the most renowned Lady Katherine de Roelt [error for Roet or Roett] deceased, late Duchess of Lancaster,' and as having had 'divers inheritances in the county of Hainault,' in Rot. Pat., 13 Hen. IV., p. 1. m. 35; see Rymer's Foedera, viii. 704, and the Account of the Swynford family in the Excerpta Historica, p. 158. Nicolas, Note CC. [174] This seems to be the sole trace of Sir Payne Roet's existence. [175] The Testament of Love was greatly relied upon by Godwin and others. They thence inferred that Chaucer was mixed up with the dispute as to the appointment of John of Northampton to the mayoralty of London in 1382; that he was imprisoned; that he fled to Zealand; that he was in exile for two years; that, on his return, he was sent to the Tower for three years, and not released till 1389; with more rubbish of the same sort. However, it so happens that Chaucer did not write this piece (see p. 35, note 4). More than this, I have lately discovered that the initial letters of the chapters form an acrostic, which reads thus: MARGARET OF VIRTW, HAVE MERCI ON TSKNVI. The last word may be an anagram for KITSVN, i. e. Kitson; it is certainly not an anagram for Chaucer. See my letter in The Academy, Mar. 11, 1893, p. 222. [176] Sir H. Nicolas says that some have inferred that Chaucer was living near Oxford in 1391, and refers to Ast. prol. 7, which mentions 'oure orizonte.' We are not justified in drawing such an inference. [177] Prof. Lounsbury includes H. F. 995, where the poet declines to be taught astronomy (under the most uncomfortable circumstances) because he is 'too old.' Any man of thirty (or less) might have said the same; the passage tells us nothing at all. [178] Sir H. Nicolas says that, in L. G. W. 189, he alludes to his poem called The Flower and the Leaf. But that poem is not his, though its title was doubtless suggested by the expressions which Chaucer there uses. [179] Mr. Wright printed his text from MS. Reg. D. vi. Dr. Furnivall gives these passages from MS. Harl. 4866, in his edition of Hoccleve's Minor Poems, p. xxxi. I give a corrected text, due to a collation of these copies, with very slight alterations. [180] _Or_, and lerned lyte or naught (MS. Harl. 4866). [181] _So_ Harl.; Reg. Of rethoryk fro vs; to Tullius. [182] _Both_ MSS. _have_ hyer (= higher); _an obvious error for_ heyr (= heir). [183] I think not; it is too short. I take it to be a small pen-knife in a sheath; useful for making erasures. So Todd, Illustrations of Chaucer, s. v. _Anelace_; Fairholt, on Costume in England, s. v. _Knives_. [184] I see no reason for placing this after 1372; surely ll. 36-56 (from Dante) are a later insertion. Observe 'us wrecches' in G. 32, and 'Me wrecche' in G. 58. These parallel lines must (I think) have once been in closer proximity. [185] It is not very likely that he ever _finished_ his translation, when we consider his frequent habit of leaving his works incomplete, and the enormous length of the French text (22074 lines in Meon's edition). [186] By the spelling _malady(e)_, I mean that the word must be pronounced _malady_ in the text, whereas the Chaucerian form is _malady-e_ in four syllables. And so in other cases. [187] Doubtless the author meant to employ the form _quoynt_ or _coint_; but Chaucer has _queynt_, Cant. Ta. A 2333, G 752. [188] _Courtepy_ rimes with _sobrely_; Cant. Ta. prol. 289. [189] As to _awry_ (or _awry-e_?), we have little evidence beyond the present passage. [190] _Enemy_ rimes with _I_, Cant. Ta. A 1643, _royally_, id. 1793; &c. [191] As it is the natural instinct of many critics to claim for themselves even small discoveries, I note that this paragraph was written in July, 1891, and that the curious, but not very important fact above announced, was first noticed by me some three months previously. [192] The calculation is as follows. A quire of 16 pages, at 24 lines a page, contains 384 lines. Three such quires contain about 1152 lines, which, added to 5810 (in A and B), bring us to l. 6962 (say, 6964). In the fourth quire, if A, B, C, &c., be successive pages, these pages contained the lines following. A, 6965-6988; B, 6989-7012; C, 7013-36; D, 7037-60; E, 7061-84; F, 7085-7108; G (25 lines), 7109-33; H (25 lines), 7134-7158; I (25 lines), 7159-7183; K (25 lines), 7184-7208; L, 7209-32; M, 7233-56; N, 7257-80; O, 7281-7304; P, 7305-28; Q, 7329-52. [193] I have been greatly assisted in this matter by D. Donaldson, Esq., who gave me some beautifully executed photographic copies of three pages of the MS., which I have shewn to many friends, including Mr. Bond and Mr. Thompson at the British Museum. [194] The allusion to prince Edward, 'son of the lord of Windsor' (see note to l. 1250), is not in all the copies; so it may have been added afterwards. Edward I. was not born till 1239. [195] Some copies are dated 1814; but I can detect no difference in them, except that the later copies have an additional frontispiece. [196] The Legend of Good Women is here meant: and 'xxv.' is certainly an error for 'xix.' [197] Printed _separately_ in the present edition, in vol. iii. [198] Of course I mean that _dy-e_ is the Chaucerian form; the author of the Lamentation pronounced it differently, viz. as _dy_. [199] See the excellent treatise by Dr. E. Koppel entitled 'Laurents de Premierfait und John Lydgates Bearbeitungen von Boccaccios De Casibus Virorum Illustrium'; Munchen, 1885. [200] Not Ovid, but Statius; Lydgate makes a slip here; see note to IV. 245. [201] In Lydgate's Lyfe of St. Albon, ed. Hortsmann, l. 15, this line appears in the more melodious form--'The golden trumpet of the House of Fame.' [202] Hoccleve's poem entitled 'Moder of God' is erroneously attributed to Chaucer in two Scottish copies (Arch. Seld. B 24, and Edinb. 18. 2. 8). But it occurs among 16 poems, _all_ by Hoccleve, in a MS. in the collection of the late Sir Thos. Phillipps, as already noted in s. 1 above. A few of these poems (_not_ including the 'Moder of God') were printed from this MS. in the edition of some of 'Occleve's Poems' by G. Mason, in 1796. [203] Printed 'Six couplets'; clearly a slip of the pen. [204] They are printed in full below, on p. 46. [205] i. e. the Parliament of Foules. [206] La Belle Dame sans Merci, a poem translated from the French originally written by 'Maister Aleyn,' chief secretary to the King of France. Certainly not by Chaucer; for Alain Chartier, the author of the original French poem, was only about _four_ years old when Chaucer died. Moreover, it is now known that the author of the English poem was Sir Richard Ros. See p. 35, note 2. [207] All in Caxton's edition of the Minor Poems, described above, p. 27. [208] Both in the small quarto volume described above, p. 27. [209] Speght added _three more_ pieces, but they are also found in ed. 1550 and ed. 1542, at the end of the Table of Contents; see below, p. 45, nos. 66-8. [210] Jack Upland is _in prose_, and in the form of a succession of questions directed against the friars. [211] I have often made use of a handy edition with the following titlepage: 'The Poetical Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, with an Essay on his Language and Versification and an Introductory Discourse, together with Notes and a Glossary. By Thomas Tyrwhitt. London, Edward Moxon, Dover Street, 1855.' I cannot but think that this title-page may have misled others, as it for a long time misled myself. As a fact, Tyrwhitt never edited anything beyond the Canterbury Tales, though he has left us some useful notes upon the Minor Poems, and his Glossary covers the whole ground. The Minor Poems in this edition are merely _reprinted_ from the black-letter editions. [212] Probably copies slightly differ. The book described by me is a copy in my own possession, somewhat torn at the beginning, and imperfect at the end. But the three missing leaves only refer to Lydgate's _Storie of Thebes_. [213] I print _in italics_ the names of the pieces which I reject as spurious. In the case of _The Romaunt of the Rose_, the first 1705 lines are genuine; but the rest, which is spurious, is more than three-fourths of the whole. See p. 1 above. [214] I. e. the folios are misnumbered. Piece 8 begins with fol. ccxliiii, which is followed by ccxlvj (_sic_), ccxli (_sic_), ccxli (_repeated_), ccxlii, and ccxliii; which brings us to 'ccxliiii' over again. [215] Marked Fol. cclxxvj by mistake. [216] Nos. 28-30 are in no previous edition. [217] Stowe did not observe that this had occurred already, in the midst of poem no. 33. [218] Miscalled Fol. cccxxxix. Also, the next folio is called cccxlviij., after which follows cccxlix., and so on. [219] In the Preface to Morris's Chaucer, p. x, we are told that the editor took his copy of this poem from Thynne's edition of 1532. This is an oversight; for it does not occur there; Stowe's edition is meant. [220] 'Thomas Occleve mentions it himself, as one of his own compositions, in a _Dialogue_ which follows his _Complaint_, MS. Bodley 1504.'--Tyrwhitt. [221] See Political, Religious, and Love Poems, ed. Furnivall, p. 52. Cf. _Englische Studien_, x. 206. [222] I have found the reference. It is Shirley who says so, in a poetical 'introduction'; see MS. Addit. 16165, fol. 3. [223] It runs thus:--'Quod loue, I shall tel thee, this lesson to learne, myne owne true seruaunte, the noble Philosophicall Poete in Englishe, which euermore hym busieth & trauaileth right sore, my name to encrease, wherefore all that willen me good, owe to doe him worship and reuerence both; truly his better ne his pere, in schole of my rules, coud I neuer finde: He, quod she, in a treatise that he made of my seruaunt Troilus, hath this matter touched, & at the full this question [_of predestination_] assoiled. Certainly his noble saiyngs can I not ame_n_d; in goodness of ge_n_til ma_n_lich spech, without any maner of nicitie of starieres (_sic_) imaginacion, in wit and in good reason of sentence, he passeth al other makers'; ed. 1561. (Read _storieres_, story-writer's.) [224] Hoccleve appeals to St. Margaret, in his Letter of Cupid, st. 6 from the end. Lydgate wrote 'the Lyfe of St. Margarete.' I have a strong feeling that the poem is one of Lydgate's. Lines 24-26 seem to be imitated from Chaucer's Legend of Good Women, ll. 197-9. [225] I leave this sentence as I wrote it in 1888; shortly afterwards, the attribution of no. 57 to Chaucer received confirmation from a note in the Phillipps MS. See p. 75. [226] There is another copy of The Craft of Lovers in MS. Harl. 2251. It is there dated 1459. [227] _I. e._ Joan of Navarre, who was married to Henry IV in 1403. [228] A good French _Virelai_ is one by Eustace Deschamps, ed. Tarbe, 1849; i. 25. [229] See remarks on this poem in _The New English_, by T. L. Kington Oliphant, i. 402. [230] It is much to be regretted that Prof. Morley, in his new edition of his English Writers, still clings to the notion of 'the Court of Love' being Chaucer's. It is sufficient to say that, after 1385, Chaucer's poems are of a far higher order, especially as regards correctness of idiom and rhythm. Our knowledge of the history of the English language has made some advance of late years, and it is no longer possible to ignore all the results of linguistic criticism. [231] A great peculiarity of this poem is the astonishing length, of the sentences. Many of them run to fifty lines or more. As to the MS., see Thynne's _Animadversions_, ed. Furnivall, 1875, p. 30. A second MS. is now in the British Museum (Addit. 10303), also written about 1550. [232] The authoress had an eye for colour, and some knowledge, one would think, of heraldry. There is a tinsel-like glitter about this poem which gives it a flashy attractiveness, in striking contrast to the easy grace of Chaucer's workmanship. In the same way, the authoress of 'The Assembly of Ladies' describes the colours of the dresses of the characters, and, like the authoress of 'The Flower and the Leaf,' quotes occasional scraps of French. [233] _Plesir_ may be meant, but Chaucer does not use it; he says _plesaunce_. [234] It is so termed in a table of contents in MS. Trin. Coll. Cam. R. 3. 15, which (as noted on p. 45) contains _all three_ of the pieces here numbered 66, 67, and 68. [235] The copy of no. XXI. in MS. Fairfax 16 has not been printed. I made a transcript of it myself. There is another unprinted copy in MS. Harl. 7578. I also copied out nos. XII., XXII., XXIII. [236] Called 'Cm.' in the footnotes to vol. iv. [237] There are _two_ copies in MS. P.; they may be called P 1 and P 2. [238] I make but little use of the copies in the second group. [239] Two copies; may be called T 1 and T 2. [240] Two copies; F 1 and F 2. The copy in P. is unprinted. [241] Two copies; P 1 and P 2. [242] Also a Balade, beginning 'Victorious kyng,' printed in G. Mason's edition of Occleve, 1796; as well as _The Book of Cupid_, which is another name for the _Cuckoo and Nightingale_. [243] Unless they were composed, as Shirley says, by one Halsham, and adopted by Lydgate as _subjects_ for new poems; see pp. 48, 57. [244] i. e. in the ballad-measure, or 7-line stanzas. [245] One page of this, in Shirley's writing, has been reproduced in facsimile for the Chaucer Society. [246] This page has been reproduced, in facsimile, for the Chaucer Society. [247] It is also twice attributed to Chaucer in MS. P. [248] I follow the account in Morley's _English Writers_, 1867, ii. 204; the name is there given as de Guilevile; but M. Paul Meyer writes De Deguilleville. [249] Morley says 1330; a note in the Camb. MS. Ff. 6. 30 says 1331. [250] Edited by Mr. W. Aldis Wright for the Roxburghe Club in 1869; see p. 164 of that edition. And see a note in Warton's Hist. Eng. Poetry, ed. Hazlitt, 1871, vol. iii. p. 67. [251] See Furnivall's Trial Forewords, pp. 13-15, and p. 100, for further information. [252] The initial _E_ stands for _et_. See next note. [253] The initial _C_ stands for _cetera_. It was usual to place _&c._ (= _et cetera_) at the end of the alphabet. [254] Chaucer speaks of writing _compleintes_; Cant. Ta. 11260 (F. 948). [255] Cf. 'this eight yere'; _Book of the Duchesse_, 37. [256] 'Philippa Chaucer was a lady of the bedchamber, and therefore married, in 1366'; N. and Q. 7 S. v. 289. [257] But Ten Brink (_Sprache und Verskunst_, p. 174) dates it about 1370-1372. [258] 'O ye _Herines_, nightes doughtren three'; _Troilus_, last stanza of the invocation in bk. iv. [259] Most of the passages which he quotes are not extant in the English version of the Romaunt. Where we can institute a comparison between that version and the Book of the Duchess, the passages are differently worded. Cf. B. Duch. 420, with R. Rose, 1393. [260] i. e. _y-treted_, treated. [261] See l. 647. The royal tercel eagle is, then, Richard II; and the formel eagle is Queen Anne; the other two tercel eagles were her other two suitors. See Froissart, bk. ii. c. 86. [262] Rather, 1382. Ch. could not have _foretold_ a year's delay. [263] It is quite impossible that the poem can refer, as some say, to the marriage of John of Gaunt in 1359, or even to that of de Coucy in 1364; see Furnivall's Trial Forewords, p. 70. It is plainly much later than the Book of the Duchess, as the internal evidence incontestably shews. [264] I leave the remarks upon this poem as I first wrote them in 1888. Very soon afterwards, Dr. Furnivall actually _found_ the ascription of the poem to Chaucer in MS. Phillipps 9053. I think this proves that I know how to estimate internal evidence aright. MS. Phillips 9053 also completes the poem, by contributing an additional stanza, which, in MS. Harl. 78, has been torn away. [265] mix. [266] fleeces. [267] hushed, silent. [268] rewards. [269] shed. [270] dug. [271] lumps. [272] See Todd, Illustrations of Chaucer, p. 116; and see above, pp. 55, 56. [273] The critics who brush aside such a statement as this should learn to look at MSS. for themselves. The make-up of this MS. shews that it is essentially a Chaucer-Lydgate MS.; and Merciless Beautee is not Lydgate's. To weigh the evidence of a MS., it must be personally inspected by such as have had some experience. [274] Middle-English roundels are very scarce. I know of one by Hoccleve, printed by Mason in 1796, and reprinted in Todd's _Illustrations_, p. 372; and there is a poor one by Lydgate, in Halliwell's edition of his Minor Poems, p. 10. Two more (one being by Lydgate) are given in Ritson, _Anc. Songs_, i. 128, 129. [275] I do _not_ think, as some have guessed, that 'Tregentil Chaucer' means 'Tres gentil Chaucer.' Those who think so had better look at the MS. I see no sense in it; nor do I know why _tres_ should be spelt _tre_. [276] A similar note was made in MS. Cotton, Otho. A. xviii., now destroyed. Todd printed the poem from this MS. in his Illustrations of Chaucer, p. 131; it belongs to the 'first group.' [277] high head. [278] admonishes. [279] weighed down. [280] The poem must have been written not many years before 1413, the date of the accession of Henry V. In 1405, the ages of the princes were 17, 16, 15, and 14 respectively. Shirley's title to the poem was evidently written after 1415, as John was not created Duke of Bedford until that year. [281] See Furnivall's edition of Borde's Introduction of Knowledge, E. E. T. S., 1870. At p. 31 of the Forewords, the editor says there is no evidence for attributing 'Scoggins Iests' to Borde. [282] Froissart, bk. iv. c. 105 (Johnes' translation). [283] See Johnes' translation of Froissart, 1839; ii. 612-7. [284] It would be decent, on the part of such critics as do _not_ examine the MSS., to speak of my opinions in a less contemptuous tone. [285] Unless, which is more probable, the _Parliament of Foules_ reproduces, nearly, two lines from the present poem. [286] Perhaps 'tofore' means 'for use in,' or 'to be presented in'; and 'November' was some special occasion. [287] As, e. g. in the curious satirical ballad 'Against the King of Almaigne,' printed in Percy's Ballads, Series II. Book I, and in Wright's 'Political Songs,' p. 69. Henry was also called Henry of Winchester, from the place of his birth. [288] The thief is the Ribauld; the ploughboy, the Labourer; the apothecary, the Physicien; the soldier, the Garde; the tailor, the Marchaunt; the tinker, the Smyth. Only two are changed. [289] Koch instances _goddes_ in the Envoy to Scogan, 15, which he assumes was _goddis_. Not at all; it is like Chaucer's rime of _clerkes_, _derk is_; the _-es_ being unaccented. This could never produce _goddis_, and still less _goddisse_. [290] In old French, _a tard_ means 'slowly, late'; later French drops _a_, and uses _tard_ only. [291] _Voto_, 'hollow, voide, empty'; Florio. [292] The MS. has _And_ for _Than_ (wrongly). * * * * * Corrections made to printed text: P. xi. "belonged to the said Richard and Mary": "Richard" corrected from "Robert". P. 4. s. 7. 5. "_may_, _assay_, 2453" corrected from "453". P. 499. Note to line 114. "there was no other planet in Gemini" corrected from "Germini". End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Chaucer's Works, Volume 1 (of 7) -- Romaunt of the Rose; Minor Poems, by Geoffrey Chaucer *** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHAUCER'S WORKS, VOLUME 1 *** ***** This file should be named 43089.txt or 43089.zip ***** This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: http://www.gutenberg.org/4/3/0/8/43089/ Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Keith Edkins and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will be renamed. Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. *** START: FULL LICENSE *** THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license. Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works 1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. 1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. 1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. 1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United States. 1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: 1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed: This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org 1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. 1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. 1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. 1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg-tm License. 1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. 1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. 1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided that - You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." - You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of receipt of the work. - You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. 1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. 1.F. 1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment. 1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE. 1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem. 1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. 1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. 1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of life. Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit 501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact For additional contact information: Dr. Gregory B. Newby Chief Executive and Director gbnewby@pglaf.org Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS. The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate. International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: www.gutenberg.org This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.