THE PERSONAL LIFE
OF
DAVID LIVINGSTONE
CHIEFLY FROM HIS UNPUBLISHED
JOURNALS AND CORRESPONDENCE
IN THE POSSESSION OF HIS FAMILY
BY
W. GARDEN BLAIKIE, D.D., LLD.
Author of "Heroes of Israel," etc.
PREFACE.
The purpose of this work is to make the world better acquainted
with the character of Livingstone. His discoveries and researches
have been given to the public in his own books, but his modesty led
him to say little in these of himself, and those who knew him best
feel that little is known of the strength of his affections, the
depth and purity of his devotion, or the intensity of his
aspirations as a Christian missionary. The growth of his character
and the providential shaping of his career are also matters of
remarkable interest, of which not much has yet been made known.
An attempt has been made in this volume, likewise, to present a
more complete history of his life than has yet appeared. Many
chapters of it are opened up of which the public have hitherto
known little or nothing. It has not been deemed necessary to dwell
on events recorded in his published Travels, except for the purpose
of connecting the narrative and making it complete. Even on these,
however, it has been found that not a little new light and color
may be thrown from his correspondence with his friends and his
unpublished Journals.
Much pains has been taken to show the unity and symmetry of his
character. As a man, a Christian, a missionary, a philanthropist,
and a scientist, Livingstone ranks with the greatest of our race,
and shows the minimum of infirmity in connection with the maximum
of goodness. Nothing can be more telling than his life as an
evidence of the truth and power of Christianity, as a plea for
Christian Missions and civilization, or as a demonstration of the
true connection between religion and science.
So many friends have helped in this book that it is impossible
to thank all in a preface. Most of them are named in the body of
the work. Special acknowledgments, however, are due to the more
immediate members of Dr. Livingstone's family, at whose request the
work was undertaken; also to his sisters, the Misses Livingstone,
of Hamilton, to Mr. Young, of Kelley, to the venerable Dr. Moffat,
and Mrs. Vavasseur, his daughter. The use of valuable collections
of letters has been given by the following (in addition to the
friends already named): The Directors of the London Missionary
Society; Dr. Risdon Bennett; Rev. G.D. Watt; Rev. Joseph Moore;
Rev. W. Thompson, Cape Town; J.B. Braithwaite, Esq.;
representatives of the late Sir R.I. Murchison, Bart., and of the
late Sir Thomas Maclear; Rev. Horace Waller, Mr. and Mrs. Webb, of
Newstead Abbey, Mr. P. Fitch, of London, Rev. Dr. Stewart, of
Lovedale, and Senhor Nunes, of Quilimane. Other friends have
forwarded letters of less importance. Some of the letters have
reached the hands of the writer after the completion of the book,
and have therefore been used but sparingly.
The recovery of an important private journal of Dr. Livingstone,
which had been lost at the time when the Missionary Travels
was published, has thrown much new light on the part of his life
immediately preceding his first great journey.
In the spelling of African proper names, Dr. Moffat has given
valuable help. Usually Livingstone's own spelling has been
followed.
A Map has been specially prepared, in which the geographical
references in the volume are shown, which will enable the reader to
follow Livingstone's movements from place to place.
With so much material, it would have been easier to write a life
in two volumes than in one; but for obvious reasons it has been
deemed desirable to restrict it to the present limits. The author
could wish for no higher honor than to have his name associated
with that of Livingstone, and can desire no greater pleasure than
that of conveying to other minds the impressions that have been
left on his own.
W.G. BLAIKIE.
EDINBUBGH, 9 PALMERSTON BOAD.
1880
CONTENTS.
EARLY YEARS.
Ulva--The Livingstones--Traditions of Ulva life--The
"Baughting-time"--"Kirsty's Rock"--Removal of Livingstone's
grandfather to Blantyre--Highland blood--Neil Livingstone--His
marriage to Agnes Hunter--Her grandfather and father--Monument to
Neil and Agnes Livingstone in Hamilton Cemetery--David Livingstone
born 19th March, 1813--Boyhood--At home--In school--David goes into
Blantyre Mill--First earnings--Night-school--His habits of
reading--Natural-history expeditions--Great spiritual changes in
his twentieth year--Dick's Philosophy of a Future State--He
resolves to be a missionary--Influence of occupation of
Blantyre--Sympathy with People--Thomas Burke and David
Hogg--Practical character of his religion.
MISSIONARY PREPARATION.
His desire to be a missionary to China--Medical missions--He
studies at Glasgow--Classmates and teachers--He applies to London
Missionary Society--His ideas of mission-work--He is accepted
provisionally--He goes to London--to Ongar--Reminiscences by Rev.
Joseph Moore--by Mrs. Gilbert--by Rev. Isaac Taylor--Nearly
rejected by the Directors--Returns to Ongar--to London--Letter to
his sister--Reminiscences by Dr. Risdon Bennett--Promise to
Professor Owen--Impression of his character on his friends and
fellow-students--Rev R. Moffat in England--Livingstone
interested--Could not be sent to China--Is appointed to
Africa--Providential links in his history--Illness--Last visits to
his home--Receives Medical diploma--Parts from his family.
FIRST TWO YEARS IN AFRICA.
His ordination--Voyage out--At Rio de Janeiro--At the Cape--He
proceeds to Kuruman--Letters--Journey of 700 miles to Bechuana
country--Selection of site for new station--Second excursion to
Bechuana country--Letter to his sister--Influence with
chiefs--Bubi--Construction of a water-dam--Sekomi--Woman seized by
a lion--The Bakaa--Sebehwe--Letter to Dr. Risdon Bennett--Detention
at Kuruman--He visits Sebehwe's village--Bakhatlas--Sechéle,
chief of Bakwains--Livingstone translates hymns--Travels 400 miles
on oxback--Returns to Kuruman--Is authorized to form new
station--Receives contributions for native missionary--Letters to
Directors on their Mission policy--He goes to new
station--Fellow-travelers--Purchase of site--Letter to Dr.
Bennett--Desiccation of South Africa--Death of a servant,
Sehamy--Letter to his parents.
FIRST TWO STATIONS--MABOTSA AND CHONUANE.
Description of Mabotsa--A favorite hymn--General
reading--Mabotsa infested with lions--Livingstone's encounter--The
native deacon who saved him--His Sunday-school--Marriage to Mary
Moffat--Work at Mabotsa--Proposed institution for training native
agents--Letter to his mother--Trouble at Mabotsa--Noble sacrifice
of Livingstone--Goes to Sechéle and the Bakwains--New
station at Chonuane--Interest shown by Sechéle--Journeys
eastward--The Boers and the Transvaal--Their occupation of the
country, and treatment of the natives--Work among the
Bakwains--Livingstone's desire to move on--Theological conflict at
home--His view of it--His scientific labors and miscellaneous
employments.
THIRD STATION--KOLOBENG.
Want of rain at Chonuane--Removal to Kolobeng--House-building
and public works--Hopeful prospects--Letters to Mr. Watt, his
sister, and Dr. Bennett--The church at Kolobeng--Pure
communion--Conversion of Sechéle--Letter from his brother
Charles--His history--Livingstone's relations with the Boers--He
cannot get native teachers planted in the east--Resolves to explore
northward--Extracts from Journal--Scarcity of water--Wild animals,
and other risks--Custom-house robberies and annoyances--Visit from
Secretary of London Missionary Society--Manifold employments of
Livingstone--Studies in Sichuana--His reflection on this period of
his life while detained at Manyuema in 1870.
KOLOBENG continued--LAKE 'NGAMI.
Koboleng failing through drought--Sebituane's country and the
Lake 'Ngami--Livingstone sets out with Messrs. Oswell and
Murray--Rivers Zouga and Tamanak'le--Old ideas of the interior
revolutionized--Enthusiasm of Livingstone--Discovers Lake
'Ngami--Obliged to return--Prize from Royal Geographical
Society--Second expedition to the lake, with wife and
children--Children attacked by fever--Again obliged to
return--Conviction as to healthier spot beyond--Idea of finding
passage to sea either west or east--Birth and death of a
child--Family visits Kuruman--Third expedition, again with
family--He hopes to find a new locality--Perils of the journey--He
reaches Sebituane--The Chief's illness and death--Distress of
Livingstone--Mr. Oswell and he go on to Linyanti--Discovery of the
Upper Zambesi--No locality found for settlement--More extended
journey necessary--He returns--Birth of Oswell Livingstone--Crisis
in Livingstone's life--His guiding principles--New plans--The
Makololo begin to practice slave-trade--New thoughts about
commerce--Letters to Directors--The Bakwains--Pros and
cons of his new plan--His unabated missionary zeal--He goes
with his family to the Cape--His literary activity.
FROM THE CAPE TO LINYANTI.
Unfavorable feeling at Cape Town--Departure of Mrs. Livingstone
and children--Livingstone's detention and difficulties--Letter to
his wife--to Agnes--Occupations at Cape Town--The
Astronomer-Royal--Livingstone leaves the Cape and reaches
Kuruman--Destruction of Kolobeng by the Boers--Letters to his wife
and Rev. J. Moore--His resolution to open up Africa or
perish--Arrival at Linyanti--Unhealthiness of the
country--Thoughts on setting out for coast--Sekelétu's
kindness--Livingstone's missionary activity--Death of Mpepe, and of
his father--Meeting with Ma-mochisane--Barotse country--Determines
to go to Loanda--Heathenism unadulterated--Taste for the
beautiful--Letter to his children--to his father--Last Sunday at
Linyanti--Prospect of his failing.
FROM LINYANTI TO LOANDA.
Difficulties and hardships of journey--His traveling kit--Four
books--His Journal--Mode of traveling--Beauty of
country--Repulsiveness of the people--Their religious belief--The
negro--Preaching--The magic-lantern--Loneliness of
feeling--Slave-trade--Management of the natives--Danger from
Chiboque--from another chief--Livingstone ill of fever--At the
Quango--Attachment of followers--"The good time coming"--Portuguese
settlements--Great kindness of the Portuguese--Arrives at
Loanda--Received by Mr. Gabriel--His great friendship--No
letters--News through Mr. Gabriel--Livingstone becomes acquainted
with naval officers--Resolves to go back to Linyanti and make for
East Coast--Letter to his wife--Correspondence with Mr.
Maclear--Accuracy of his observations--Sir John
Herschel--Geographical Society award their gold medal--Remarks of
Lord Ellesmere.
FROM LOANDA TO QUILIMANE.
Livingstone sets out from Loanda--Journey back--Effects of
slavery--Letter to his wife--Severe attack of fever--He reaches the
Barotse country--Day of thanksgiving--His efforts for the good of
his men--Anxieties of the Moffats--Mr. Moffat's journey to
Mosilikatse--Box at Linyanti--Letter from Mrs. Moffat--Letters to
Mrs. Livingstone, Mr. Moffat, and Mrs. Moffat--Kindness of
Sekelétu--New escort--He sets out for the East
Coast--Discovers the Victoria Falls--The healthy longitudinal
ridges--Pedestrianism--Great dangers--Narrow escapes--Triumph of
the spirit of trust in God--Favorite texts--Reference to Captain
McClure's experience--Chief subjects of thought--Structure of the
continent--Sir Roderick Murchison anticipates his
discovery--Letters to Geographical Society--First letter from Sir
Roderick Murchison--Missionary labor--Monasteries--Protestant
mission-stations wanting in self-support--Letter to
Directors--Fever not so serious an obstruction as it seemed--His
own hardships--Theories of mission-work--Expansion v.
Concentration--Views of a missionary statesman--He reaches
Tette--Letter to King of Portugal--to Sir Roderick
Murchison--Reaches Senna--Quilimane--Retrospect--Letter from
Directors--Goes to Mauritius--Voyage home--Narrow escape from
shipwreck in Bay of Tunis--He reaches England, Dec. 1856--News of
his father's death.
FIRST VISIT HOME.
Mrs. Livingstone--Her intense anxieties--Her poetical
welcome--Congratulatory letters from Mrs. and Dr. Moffat--Meeting
of welcome of Royal Geographical Society--of London Missionary
Society--Meeting in Mansion House--Enthusiastic public meeting at
Cape Town--Livingstone visits Hamilton--Returns to London to write
his book--Letter to Mr. Maclear--Dr. Risdon Bennett's reminiscences
of this period--Mr. Frederick Fitch's--Interview with Prince
Consort--Honors--Publication and great success of Missionary
Travels--Character and design of the book--Why it was not more
of a missionary record--Handsome conduct of publisher--Generous use
of the profits--Letter to a lady in Carlisle vindicating
the-character of his speeches.
FIEST VISIT HOME--continued.
Livingstone at Dublin, at British Association--Letter to his
wife--He meets the chamber of commerce at Manchester--At Glasgow,
receives honors from Corporation, University, Faculty of Physicians
and Surgeons, United Presbyterians, Cotton-spinners--His speeches
in reply--His brother Charles joins him--Interesting meeting and
speech at Hamilton--Reception from "Literary and Scientific
Institute of Blantyre"--Sympathy with operatives--Quick
apprehension of all public questions--His social views in advance
of the age--He plans a People's Café--Visit to
Edinburgh--More honors--Letter to Mr. Maclear--Interesting visit to
Cambridge--Lectures there--Professor Sedgwick's remarks on his
visit--Livingstone's great satisfaction--Relations to London
Missionary Society--He severs his connection--Proposal of
Government expedition--He accepts consulship and command of
Expedition--Kindness of Lords Palmerston and Clarendon--The
Portuguese Ambassador--Livingstone proposes to go to Portugal--Is
dissuaded--Lord Clarendon's letter to Sekelétu--Results of
Livingstone's visit to England--Farewell banquet, February,
1858--Interview with the Queen--Veledictory letters--Professor
Sedgwick and Sir Roderick Murchison--Arrangements for
Expedition--Dr., Mrs., and Oswald Livingstone set sail from
Liverpool--Letters to children.
THE ZAMBESI, AND FIRST EXPLORATIONS OF THE SHIRÉ.
Dr. and Mrs. Livingstone sail in the "Pearl"--Characteristic
instructions to members of Expedition--Dr. Livingstone conscious of
difficult position--Letter to Robert--Sierra Leone--Effects of
British Squadron and of Christian Missions--Dr. and Mrs. Moffat at
Cape Town--Splendid reception there--Illness of Mrs.
Livingstone--She remains behind--The five years of the
Expedition--Letter to Mr. James Young--to Dr. Moffat--Kongone
entrance to Zambesi--Collision with Naval Officer--Disturbed state
of the country--Trip to Kebrabasa Rapids--Dr. Livingstone applies
for new steamer--Willing to pay for one himself--Exploration of the
Shiré--Murchison Cataracts--Extracts from private
Journal--Discovery of Lake Shirwa--Correspondence--Letter to Agnes
Livingstone--Trip to Tette--Kroomen and two members of Expedition
dismissed--Livingstone's vindication--Discovery of Lake
Nyassa--Bright hopes for the future--Idea of a colony--Generosity
of Livingstone--Letters to Mr. Maclear, Mr. Young, and Sir Roderick
Murchison--His sympathy with the "honest poor"--He hears of the
birth of his youngest daughter.
GOING HOME WITH THE MAKOLOLO.
Down to Kongone--State of the ship--Further delay--Letter to
Secretary of Universities Mission--Letter to Mr. Braithwaite--At
Tette--Miss Whately's sugar-mill--With his brother and Kirk at
Kebrabasa--Mode of traveling--Reappearance of old friends--African
warfare and its effects--Desolation--A European colony
desirable--Escape from rhinoceros--Rumors of Moffat--The Portuguese
local Governors oppose Livingstone--He becomes unpopular with
them--Letter to Mr. Young--Wants of the country--The
Makololo--Approach home--Some are disappointed--News of the death
of the London missionaries, the Helmores and others--Letter to Dr.
Moffat--The Victoria Falls re-examined--Sekelétu ill of
leprosy--Treatment and recovery--His disappointment at not seeing
Mrs. Livingstone--Efforts for the spiritual good of the
Makololo--Careful observations in Natural History--The last of the
"Ma-Robert"--Cheering prospect of the Universities Mission--Letter
to Mr. Moore--to Mr. Young--He wishes another ship--Letter to Sir
Roderick Murchison on the rumored journey of Silva Porto.
ROVUMA AND NYASSA--UNIVERSITIES MISSION.
Beginning of 1861--Arrival of the "Pioneer," and of the agents
of Universities Mission--Cordial welcome--Livingstone's catholic
feelings--Ordered to explore the Rovuma--Bishop Mackenzie goes with
him--Returns to the Shiré--Turning-point of prosperity
past--Difficult navigation--The slave-sticks--Bishop settles at
Magomero--Hostilities between Manganja and Ajawa--Attack of Mission
party by Ajawa--Livingstone's advice to Bishop regardin
them--Letter to his son Robert--Livingstone, Kirk, and Charles
start for Lake Nyassa--Party robbed at north of Lake--Dismal
activity of the slave-trade--Awful mortality in the
process--Livingstone's fondness for Punch--Letter to Mr.
Young--Joy at departure of new steamer "Lady Nyassa"--Colonization
project--Letter against it from Sir R. Murchison--Hears of Dr.
Stewart coming out from Free Church of Scotland--Visit at the ship
from Bishop Mackenzie--News of defeat of Ajawa by
missionaries--Anxiety of Livingstone--Arrangements for "Pioneer" to
go to Kongone for new steamer and friends from home, then go to Ruo
to meet Bishop--"Pioneer" detained--Dr. Livingstone's anxieties and
depression at New Year--"Pioneer" misses man-of-war "Gorgon"--At
length "Gorgon" appears with brig from England and "Lady
Nyassa"--Mrs. Livingstone and other ladies on board--Livingstone's
meeting with his wife, and with Dr. Stewart--Stewart's
recollections--Difficulties of navigation--Captain Wilson of
"Gorgon" goes up river and hears of death of Bishop Mackenzie and
Mr. Burrup--Great distress--Misrepresentations about Universities
Mission--Miss Mackenzie and Mrs. Burrup taken to "Gorgon"--Dr. and
Mrs. Livingstone return to Shupanga--Illness and death of Mrs.
Livingstone there--Extracts from Livingstone's Journal, and letters
to the Moffats, Agnes, and the Murchisons.
LAST TWO YEARS OF THE EXPEDITION.
Livingstone again buckles on his armor--Letter to Waller--Launch
of "Lady Nyassa"--Too late for season--He explores the
Rovuma--Fresh activity of the slave-trade--Letter to Governor of
Mozambique about his discoveries--Letter to Sir Thomas
Maclear--Generous offer of a party of Scotchmen--The Expedition
proceeds up Zambesi with "Lady Nyassa" in tow--Appalling
desolations of Marianno--Tidings of the Mission--Death of
Scudamore--of Dickenson--of Thorton--Illness of Livingstone--Dr.
Kirk and Charles Livingstone go home--He proceeds northward with
Mr. Rae and Mr. E. D. Young of the "Gorgon"--Attempt to carry a
boat over the rapids--Defeated--Recall of the
Expedition--Livingstone's views--Letter to Mr. James Young--to Mr.
Waller--Feeling of the Portuguese Government--Offer to the Rev. Dr.
Stewart--Great discouragements--Why did he not go home?--Proceeds
to explore Nyassa--Risks and sufferings--Occupation of his
mind--Natural History--Obliged to turn back--More
desolation--Report of his murder--Kindness of Chinsamba--Reaches
the ship--Letter from Bishop Tozer, abandoning the
Mission--Distress of Livingstone--Letter to Sir Thomas
Maclear--Progress of Dr. Stewart--Livingstonia--Livingstone takes
charge of the children of the Universities Mission--Letter to his
daughter--Retrospect--The work of the Expedition--Livingstone's
plans for the future.
QUILIMANE TO BOMBAY AND ENGLAND.
Livingstone returns the "Pioneer" to the Navy, and is to sail in
the "Nyassa" to Bombay--Terrific circular storm--Imminent peril of
the "Nyassa"--He reaches Mozambique--Letter to his
daughter--Proceeds to Zanzibar--His engineer leaves him--Scanty
crew of "Nyassa"--Livingstone captain and engineer--Peril of the
voyage of 2500 miles--Risk of the monsoons--The "Nyassa"
becalmed--Illness of the men--Remarks on African
travel--Flying-fish--Dolphins--Curiosities of his Journal--Idea of
a colony--Furious squall--Two sea-serpents seen--More squalls--The
"Nyassa" enters Bombay harbor--Is unnoticed--First visit from
officer with Custom-house schedules--How filled up--Attention of
Sir Bartle Frere and others--Livingstone goes with the Governor to
Dapuri--His feelings on landing in India--Letter to Sir Thomas
Maclear--He visits mission-schools, etc., at Poonah--Slaving in
Persian Gulf--Returns to Bombay--Leaves two boys with Dr.
Wilson--Borrows passage-money and sails for England--At Aden--At
Alexandria--Reaches Charing Cross--Encouragement derived from his
Bombay visit--Two projects contemplated on his way home.
SECOND VISIT HOME.
Dr. Livingstone and Sir R. Murchison--At Lady Palmerston's
reception--at other places in London--Sad news of his son
Robert--His early death--Dr. Livingstone goes to Scotland--Pays
visits--Consultation with Professor Syme as to operation--Visit to
Duke Argyll--to Ulva--He meets Dr. Duff--At launch of a Turkish
frigate--At Hamilton--Goes to Bath to British Association--Delivers
an address--Dr. Colenso--At funeral of Captain Speke--Bath speech
offends the Portuguese--Charges of Lacerda--He visits Mr. and Mrs.
Webb at Newstead--Their great hospitality--Livingstone room--He
spends eight months there writing his book--He regains elasticity
and playfulness--His book--Charles Livingstone's share--He uses his
influence for Dr. Kirk--Delivers a lecture at Mansfield--Proposal
made to him by Sir R. Murchison to return to Africa--Letter from
Sir Roderick--His reply--He will not cease to be a
missionary--Letter to Mr. James Young--Overtures from Foreign
Office--Livingstone displeased--At dinner of Royal Academy--His
speech not reported--President Lincoln's assassination--Examination
by Committee of House of Commons--His opinion on the capacity of
the negro--He goes down to Scotland--Tom Brown's School
Days--His mother very ill--She rallies--He goes to
Oxford--Hears of his mother's death--Returns--He attends
examination of Oswell's school--His speech--Goes to London,
preparing to leave--Parts from Mr. and Mrs. Webb--Stays with Dr.
and Mrs. Hamilton--Last days in England.
FROM ENGLAND TO BOMBAY AND ZANZIBAR.
Object of new journey--Double scheme--He goes to Paris with
Agnes--Baron Hausmann--Anecdote at Marseilles--He reaches
Bombay--Letter to Agnes--Reminiscences of Dr. Livingstone at Bombay
by Rev. D.C. Boyd--by Alex. Brown, Esq.--Livingstone's dress--He
visits the caves of Kenhari--Rumors of murder of Baron van der
Decken--He delivers a lecture at Bombay--Great success--He sells
the "Lady Nyassa"--Letter to Mr. James Young--Letter to Anna
Mary--Hears that Dr. Kirk has got an appointment--Sets out for
Zanzibar in "Thule"--Letter to Mr. James Young--His experience at
sea--Letter to Agnes--He reaches Zanzibar--Calls on
Sultan--Presents the "Thule" to him from Bombay
Government--Monotony of Zanzibar life--Leaves in "Penguin" for the
continent.
FROM ZANZIBAR TO UJIJI.
Dr. Livingstone goes to mouth of Rovuma--His prayer--His
company--His herd of animals--Loss of his buffaloes--Good spirits
when setting put--Difficulties at Rovuma--Bad conduct of Johanna
men--Dismissal of his Sepoys--Fresh horrors of
slave-trade--Uninhabited tract--He reaches Lake Nyassa--Letter to
his son Thomas--Disappointed hopes--His double aim, to teach
natives and rouse horror of slave-trade--Tenor of religious
addresses--Wikatami remains behind--Livingstone finds no altogether
satisfactory station for commerce and missions--Question of the
watershed--Was it worth the trouble?--Overruled for good to
Africa--Opinion of Sir Bartle Frere--At Marenga's--The Johanna men
leave in a body--Circulate rumor of his murder--Sir Roderick
disbelieves it--Mr. E.D. Young sent out with Search
Expedition--Finds proof against rumor--Livingstone
half-starved--Loss of his goats--Review of 1866--Reflections on
Divine Providence--Letter to Thomas--His dog drowned--Loss of his
medicine-chest--He feels sentence of death passed on him--First
sight of Lake Tanganyika--Detained at Chitimba's--Discovery of Lake
Moero--Occupations during detention of 1867--Great privations and
difficulties--Illness--Rebellion among his men--Discovery of Lake
Bangweolo--Its oozy banks--Detention--Sufferings--He makes for
Ujiji--Very severe illness in beginning of 1869--Reaches
Ujiji--Finds his goods have been wasted and stolen--Most bitter
disappointment--His medicines, etc., at Unyanyembe--Letter to
Sultan of Zanzibar--Letters to Dr. Moffat and his daughter.
MANYUEMA.
He sets out to explore Manyuema and the river Lualaba--Loss of
forty-two letters--His feebleness through illness--He arrives at
Bambarré--Becomes acquainted with the soko or
gorilla--Reaches the Luama River--Magnificence of the
country--Repulsiveness of the people--Cannot get a canoe to explore
the Lualaba--Has to return to Bambarré--Letter to Thomas,
and retrospect of his life--Letter to Sir Thomas Maclear and Mr.
Mann--Miss Tinné--He is worse in health than ever, yet
resolves to add to his programme and go round Lake
Bangweolo--Letter to Agnes--Review of the past--He sets out anew in
a more northerly direction--Overpowered by constant wet--Reaches
Nyangwe, the farthest point northward in his last Expedition--Long
detention--Letter to his brother John--Sense of difficulties and
troubles--Nobility of his spirit--He sets off with only three
attendants for the Lualaba--Suspicions of the natives--Influence of
Arab traders--Frightful difficulties of the way--Lamed by
footsores--Has to return to Bambarré--Long and wearisome
detention--Occupations--Meditations and reveries--Death no
terror--Unparalleled position and trials--He reads his Bible from
beginning to end four times--Letter to Sir Thomas Maclear--To
Agnes--His delight at her sentiments about his coming home--Account
of the soko--Grief to heat of death of Lady Murchison--Wretched
character of men sent from Zanzibar--At last sets out with
Mohamad--Difficulties--Slave-trade most horrible--Cannot get canoes
for Lualaba--Long waiting--New plan--Frustrated by horrible
massacre on banks of Lualaba--Frightful scene--He must return to
Ujiji--New illness--Perils of journey to Ujiji--Life three times
endangered in one day--Reaches Ujiji--Shereef has sold off his
goods--He is almost in despair--Meets Henry M. Stanley and is
relieved--His contributions to Natural Science during last
journeys--Professor Owen in the Quarterly Review.
LIVINGSTONE AND STANLEY.
Mr. Gordon Bennett sends Stanley in search of
Livingstone--Stanley at Zanzibar--Starts for Ujiji--Reaches
Unyanyembe--Dangerous illness--War between Arabs and
natives--Narrow escape of Stanley--Approach to Ujiji--Meeting with
Livingstone--Livingstone's story--Stanley's news--Livingstone's
goods and men at Bagamoio--Stanley's account of
Livingstone--Refutation of foolish and calumnious charges--They go
to the north of the lake--Livingstone resolves not to go home, but
to get fresh men and return to the sources--Letter to Agnes--to Sir
Thomas Maclear--The travelers go to Unyanyembe--More plundering of
stores--Stanley leaves for Zanzibar--Stanley's bitterness of heart
at parting--Livingstone's intense gratitude to Stanley--He intrusts
his Journal to him, and commissions him to send servants and stores
from Zanzibar--Stanley's journey to the coast--Finds Search
Expedition at Bagamoio--Proceeds to England--Stanley's
reception--Unpleasant feelings--Éclaircissement--England
grateful to Stanley.
FROM UNYANYEMBE TO BANGWEOLO.
Livingstone's long wait at Unyanyembe--His plan of
operations--His fifty-ninth birthday--Renewal of
self-dedication--Letters to Agnes--to New York
Herald--Hardness of the African battle--Waverings of judgment,
whether Lualaba was the Nile or the Congo--Extracts from
Journal--Gleams of humor--Natural history--His distress on hearing
of the death of Sir Roderick Murchison--Thoughts on
mission-work--Arrival of his escort--His happiness in his new
men--He starts from Unyanyembe--Illness--Great amount of rain--Near
Bangweolo--Incessant moisture--Flowers of the forest--Taking of
observations regularly prosecuted--Dreadful state of the country
from rain--Hunger--Furious attack of ants--Greatness of
Livingstone's sufferings--Letters to Sir Thomas Maclear, Mr. Young,
his brother, and Agnes--His sixtieth birthday--Great weakness in
April--Sunday services and observations continued--Increasing
illness--The end approaching--Last written words--Last day of his
travels--He reaches Chitambo's village, in Ilala--Is found on his
knees dead, on morning of 1st May--Courage and affection of his
attendants--His body embalmed--Carried toward shore--Dangers and
sufferings during the march--The party meet Lieutenant Cameron at
Unyanyembe--Determine to go on--Ruse at
Kasekéra--Death of Dr. Dillon--The party reach Bagamoio, and
the remains are placed on board a cruiser--The Search Expeditions
from England--to East Coast under Cameron--to West Coast under
Grandy--Explanation of Expeditions by Sir Henry
Rawlinson--Livingstone's remains brought to England--Examined by
Sir W. Fergusson and others--Buried in Westminster
Abbey--Inscription on slab--Livingstone's wish for a forest
grave--Lines from Punch--Tributes to his memory--Sir Bartle
Frere--The Lancet--Lord Polwarth--Florence Nightingale.
POSTHUMOUS INFLUENCE.
History of his life not completed at his death--Thrilling effect
of the tragedy of Ilala--Livingstone's influence on the
slave-trade--His letters from Manyuema--Sir Bartle Frere's mission
to Zanzibar--Successful efforts of Dr. Kirk with Sultan of
Zanzibar--The land route--The sea route--Slave-trade declared
illegal--Egypt--The Soudan--Colonel Gordon--Conventions with
Turkey--King Mtesa of Uganda--Nyassa district--Introduction of
lawful commerce--Various commercial enterprises in
progress--Influence of Livingstone on exploration--Enterprise of
newspapers--Exploring undertakings of various
nations--Livingstone's personal service to science--His hard work
in science the cause of respect--His influence on missionary
enterprise--Livingstonia--Dr. Stewart--Mr. E.D.
Young--Blantyre--The Universities Mission under Bishop Steere--Its
return to the mainland and to Nyassa district--Church Missionary
Society at Nyanza--London Missionary Society at Tanganyika--French,
Inland, Baptist, and American missions--Medical missions--The Fisk
Livingstone hall--Livingstone's great legacy to Africa, a spotless
Christian name and character--Honors of the future.
DAYID LIVINGSTONE.
CHAPTER I.
EARLY YEARS.
Ulva--The Livingstones--Traditions of Ulva life--The
"baughting-time"--"Kirsty's Rock"--Removal of Livingstone's
grandfather to Blantyre--Highland blood--Neil Livingstone--His
marriage to Agnes Hunter--Her grandfather and father--Monument to
Neil and Agnes Livingstone in Hamilton Cemetery--David Livingstone,
born 19th March, 1813--Boyhood--At home--In school--David goes into
Blantyre Mill--First Earnings--Night-school--His habits of
reading--Natural-history expeditions--Great spiritual change in his
twentieth year--Dick's Philosophy of a Future State--He
resolves to be a missionary--Influence of occupation at
Blantyre--Sympathy with the people--Thomas Burk and David
Hogg--Practical character of his religion.
The family of David Livingstone sprang, as he has himself
recorded, from the island of Ulva, on the west coast of Mull, in
Argyllshire. Ulva, "the island of wolves," is of the same group as
Staffa, and, like it, remarkable for its basaltic columns, which,
according to MacCulloch, are more deserving of admiration than
those of the Giant's Causeway, and have missed being famous only
from being eclipsed by the greater glory of Staffa. The island
belonged for many generations to the Macquaires, a name
distinguished in our home annals, as well as in those of Australia.
The Celtic name of the Livingstones was M'Leay, which, according to
Dr. Livingstone's own idea, means "son of the gray-headed," but
according to another derivation, "son of the physician." It has
been surmised that the name may have been given to some son of the
famous Beatoun, who held the post of physician to the Lord of the
Isles. Probably Dr. Livingstone never heard of this derivation; if
he had, he would have shown it some favor, for he had a singularly
high opinion of the physician's office.
The Saxon name of the family was originally spelt Livingstone,
but the Doctor's father had shortened it by the omission of the
final "e." David wrote it for many years in the abbreviated form,
but about 1857, at his father's request, he restored the original
spelling [1]. The
significance of the original form of the name was not without its
influence on him. He used to refer with great pleasure to a note
from an old friend and fellow-student, the late Professor George
Wilson, of Edinburgh, acknowledging a copy of his book in 1857:
"Meanwhile, may your name be propitious; in all your long and weary
journeys may the Living half of your title outweigh the
other; till after long and blessed labors, the white stone
is given you in the happy land."
[1]
See Journal of Geographical Society, 1857, p. clxviii.
Livingstone has told us most that is known of his forefathers;
how his great-grandfather fell at Culloden, fighting for the old
line of kings; how his grandfather could go back for six
generations of his family before him, giving the particulars of
each; and how the only tradition he himself felt proud of was that
of the old man who had never heard of any person in the family
being guilty of dishonesty, and who charged his children never to
introduce the vice. He used also to tell his children, when
spurring them to diligence at school, that neither had he ever
heard of a Livingstone who was a donkey. He has also recorded a
tradition that the people of the island were converted from being
Roman Catholics "by the laird coming round with a man having a
yellow staff, which would seem to have attracted more attention
than his teaching, for the new religion went long
afterward--perhaps it does so still--by the name of the religion of
the yellow stick." The same story is told of perhaps a dozen other
places in the Highlands; the "yellow stick" seems to have done duty
on a considerable scale.
There were traditions of Ulva life that must have been very
congenial to the temperament of David Livingstone. In the
"Statistical Account" of the parish to which it belongs [2] we read of an old
custom among the inhabitants, to remove with their flocks in the
beginning of each summer to the upland pastures, and bivouac there
till they were obliged to descend in the month of August. The
open-air life, the free intercourse of families, the roaming
frolics of the young men, the songs and merriment of young and old,
seem to have made this a singularly happy time. The writer of the
account (Mr. Clark, of Ulva) says that he had frequently listened
with delight to the tales of pastoral life led by the people on
these occasions; it was indeed a relic of Arcadia. There were
tragic traditions, too, of Ulva; notably that of Kirsty's Rock, an
awful place where the islanders are said to have administered Lynch
law to a woman who had unwittingly killed a girl she meant only to
frighten, for the alleged crime--denied by the girl--of stealing a
cheese. The poor woman was broken-hearted when she saw what she had
done; but the neighbors, filled with horror, and deaf to her
remonstrances, placed her in a sack, which they laid upon a rock
covered by the sea at high water, where the rising tide slowly
terminated her existence. Livingstone quotes Macaulay's remark on
the extreme savagery of the Highlanders of those days, like the
Cape Caffres, as he says; and the tradition of Kirsty's Rock would
seem to confirm it. But the stories of the "baughting-time"
presented a fairer aspect of Ulva life, and no doubt left happier
impressions on his mind. His grandfather, as he tells us, had an
almost unlimited stock of such stories, which he was wont to
rehearse to his grandchildren and other rapt listeners.
[2]
Kilninian and Kilmore. See
New Statistical Account of
Scotland, Argyllshire, p. 345
When, for the first and last time in his life, David Livingstone
visited Ulva, in 1864, in a friend's yacht, he could hear little or
nothing of his relatives. In 1792, his grandfather, as he tells us,
left it for Blantyre, in Lanarkshire, about seven miles from
Glasgow, on the banks of the Clyde, where he found employment in a
cotton factory. The dying charge of the unnamed ancestor must have
sunk into the heart of his descendant, for, being a God-fearing man
and of sterling honesty, he was employed in the conveyance of large
sums of money from Glasgow to the works, and in his old age was
pensioned off, so as to spend his declining years in ease and
comfort. There is a tradition in the family, showing his sense of
the value of education, that he was complimented by the Blantyre
school-master for never grudging the price of a school-book for any
of his children--a compliment, we fear, not often won at the
present day. The other near relations of Livingstone seem to have
left the island at the same time, and settled in Canada, Prince
Edward's Isle, and the United States.
The influence of his Highland blood was apparent in many ways in
David Livingstone's character. It modified the democratic
influences of his earlier years, when he lived among the cotton
spinners of Lanarkshire. It enabled him to enter more readily into
the relation of the African tribes to their chiefs, which, unlike
some other missionaries, he sought to conserve, while purifying it
by Christian influence. It showed itself in the dash and daring
which were so remarkbly combined in him with Saxon forethought and
perseverance. We are not sure but it gave a tinge to his
affections, intensifying his likes, and some of his dislikes too.
His attachment to Sir Roderick Murchison was quite that of a
Highlander, and hardly less so was his feeling toward the Duke of
Argyll,--a man whom he had no doubt many grounds for esteeming
highly, but of whom, after visiting him at Inveraray, he spoke with
all the enthusiasm of a Highlander for his chief.
The Ulva emigrant had several sons, all of whom but one
eventually entered the King's service during the French war, either
as soldiers or sailors. The old man was somewhat disheartened by
this circumstance, and especially by the fate of Charles,
head-clerk in the office of Mr. Henry Monteith, in Glasgow, who was
pressed on board a man-of-war, and died soon after in the
Mediterranean. Only one son remained at home, Neil, the father of
David, who eventually became a tea-dealer, and spent his life at
Blantyre and Hamilton. David Livingstone has told us that his
father was of the high type of character portrayed in the
Cottar's Saturday Night. There are friends still alive who
remember him well, and on whom he made a deep impression. He was a
great reader from his youth upward, especially of religious works.
His reading and his religion refined his character, and made him a
most pleasant and instructive companion. His conversational powers
were remarkable, and he could pour out in a most interesting way
the stores of his reading and observation.
Neil Livingstone was a man of great spiritual earnestness, and
his whole life was consecrated to duty and the fear of God, In many
ways he was remarkable, being in some things before his time. In
his boyhood he had seen the evil effects of convivial habits in his
immediate circle, and in order to fortify others by his example he
became a strict teetotaler, suffering not a little ridicule and
opposition from the firmness with which he carried out his
resolution. He was a Sunday-school teacher, an ardent member of a
missionary society, and a promoter of meetings for prayer and
fellowship, before such things had ceased to be regarded as badges
of fanaticism. While traveling through the neighboring parishes in
his vocation of tea-merchant, he acted also as colporteur,
distributing tracts and encouraging the reading of useful books. He
took suitable opportunities when they came to him of speaking to
young men and others on the most important of all subjects, and not
without effect. He learned Gaelic that he might be able to read the
Bible to his mother, who knew that language best. He had indeed the
very soul of a missionary. Withal he was kindly and affable, though
very particular in enforcing what he believed to be right. He was
quick of temper, but of tender heart and gentle ways; anything that
had the look of sternness was the result not of harshness but of
high principle. By this means he commanded the affection as well as
the respect of his family. It was a great blow to his distinguished
son, to whom in his character and ways he bore a great resemblance,
to get news of his death, on his way home after his great journey,
dissipating the cherished pleasure of sitting at the fireside and
telling him all his adventures in Africa.
The wife of Neil Livingstone was Agnes Hunter, a member of a
family of the same humble rank and the same estimable character as
his own. Her grandfather, Gavin Hunter, of the parish of Shotts,
was a doughty Covenanter, who might have sat for the portrait of
David Deans. His son David (after whom the traveler was named) was
a man of the same type, who got his first religious impressions in
his eighteenth year, at an open-air service conducted by one of the
Secession Erskines. Snow was falling at the time, and before the
end of the sermon the people were standing in snow up to the
ankles; but David Hunter used to say he had no feeling of cold that
day. He married Janet Moffat, and lived at first in comfortable
circumstances at Airdrie, where he owned a cottage and a croft.
Mrs. Hunter died, when her daughter Agnes, afterward Mrs. Neil
Livingstone, was but fifteen. Agnes was her mother's only nurse
during a long illness, and attended so carefully to her wants that
the minister of the family laid his hand on her head, and said, "A
blessing will follow you, my lassie, for your duty to your mother."
Soon after Mrs. Hunter's death a reverse of fortune overtook her
husband, who had been too good-natured in accommodating his
neighbors. He removed to Blantyre, where he worked as a tailor.
Neil Livingstone was apprenticed to him by his father, much against
his will; but it was by this means that he became acquainted with
Agnes Hunter, his future wife. David Hunter, whose devout and
intelligent character procured for him great respect, died at
Blantyre in 1834, at the age of eighty-seven. He was a great
favorite with his grandchildren, to whom he was always kind, and
whom he allowed to rummage freely among his books, of which he had
a considerable collection, chiefly theological.
Neil Livingstone and Agnes Hunter were married in 1810, and took
up house at first in Glasgow. The furnishing of their house
indicated the frugal character and self-respect of the occupants;
it included a handsome chest of drawers, and other traditional
marks of respectability. Not liking Glasgow, they returned to
Blantyre. In a humble home there, five sons and two daughters were
born. Two of the sons died in infancy, to the great sorrow of the
parents. Mrs. Livingstone's family spoke and speak of her as a very
loving mother, one who contributed to their home a remarkable
element of brightness and serenity. Active, orderly, and of
thorough cleanliness, she trained her family in the same virtues,
exemplifying their value in their own home. She was a delicate
little woman, with a wonderful flow of good spirits, and remarkable
for the beauty of her eyes, to which those of her son David bore a
strong resemblance. She was most careful of household duties, and
attentive to her children. Her love had no crust to penetrate, but
came beaming out freely like the light of the sun. Her son loved
her, and in many ways followed her. It was the genial, gentle
influences that had moved him under his mother's training that
enabled him to move the savages of Africa.
She, too, had a great store of family traditions, and, like the
mother of Sir Walter Scott, she retained the power of telling them
with the utmost accuracy to a very old age. In one of Livingstone's
private journals, written in 1864, during his second visit home, he
gives at full length one of his mother's stories, which some future
Macaulay may find useful as an illustration of the social condition
of Scotland in the early part of the eighteenth century:
"Mother told me stories of her youth: they seem to come back to
her in her eighty-second year very vividly. Her grandfather, Gavin
Hunter, could write, while most common people were ignorant of the
art. A poor woman got him to write a petition to the minister of
Shotts parish to augment her monthly allowance of sixpence, as she
could not live on it. He was taken to Hamilton jail for this, and
having a wife and three children at home, who without him would
certainly starve, he thought of David's feigning madness before the
Philistines, and beslabbered his beard with saliva. All who were
found guilty were sent to the army in America, or the plantations.
A sergeant had compassion on him, and said, 'Tell me, gudeman, if
you are really out of your mind. I'll befriend you.' He confessed
that he only feigned insanity, because he had a wife and three
bairns at home who would starve if he were sent to the army. 'Dinna
say onything mair to ony body,' said the kind-hearted sergeant. He
then said to the commanding officer, 'They have given us a man
clean out of his mind: I can do nothing with the like o' him,' The
officer went to him and gave him three shillings, saying, 'Tak'
that, gudeman, and gang awa' hame to your wife and weans, 'Ay,'
said mother, 'mony a prayer went up for that sergeant, for my
grandfather was an unco godly man. He had never had so much money
in his life before, for his wages were only threepence a day."
Mrs. Livingstone, to whom David had always been a most dutiful
son, died on the 18th June, 1865, after a lingering illness which
had confined her to bed for several years. A telegram received by
him at Oxford announced her death; that telegram had been stowed
away in one of his traveling cases, for a year after (19th June,
1866), in his Last Journals, he wrote this entry: "I lighted
on a telegram to-day:
'Your mother died at noon on the 18th
June.
This was in 1865; it affected me not a little [3]."
[3]
Last Journals vol. i. p. 55
The home in which David Livingstone grew up was bright and
happy, and presented a remarkable example of all the domestic
virtues. It was ruled by an industry that never lost an hour of the
six days, and that welcomed and honored the day of rest; a thrift
that made the most of everything, though it never got far beyond
the bare necessaries of life; a self-restraint that admitted no
stimulant within the door, and that faced bravely and steadily all
the burdens of life; a love of books that showed the presence of a
cultivated taste, with a fear of God that dignified the life which
it moulded and controlled. To the last David Livingstone was proud
of the class from which he sprang. When the highest in the land
were showering compliments on him, he was writing to his old
friends of "my own order, the honest poor," and trying, by schemes
of colonization and otherwise, to promote their benefit. He never
had the least hankering for any title or distinction that would
have seemed to lift him out of his own class; and it was with
perfect sincerity that on the tombstone which he placed over the
resting-place of his parents in the cemetery of Hamilton, he
expressed his feelings in these words, deliberately refusing to
change the "and" of the last line into "but":
TO SHOW THE RESTING-PLACE OF
NEIL LIVINGSTONE,
AND AGNES HUNTER, HIS WIFE,
AND TO EXPEESS THE THANKFULNESS TO GOD
OF THEIR CHILDREN,
JOHN, DAVID, JANET, CHARLES, AND AGNES,
FOR POOR AND PIOUS PARENTS.
David Livingstone's birthday was the 19th March, 1813. Of his
early boyhood there is little to say, except that he was a favorite
at home. The children's games were merrier when he was among them,
and the fireside brighter. He contributed constantly to the
happiness of the family. Anything of interest that happened to him
he was always ready to tell them. The habit was kept up in
after-years. When he went to study in Glasgow, returning on the
Saturday evenings, he would take his place by the fireside and tell
them all that had occurred during the week, thus sharing his life
with them. His sisters still remember how they longed for these
Saturday evenings. At the village school he received his early
education. He seems from his earliest childhood to have been of a
calm, self-reliant nature. It was his father's habit to lock the
door at dusk, by which time all the children were expected to be in
the house. One evening David had infringed this rule, and when he
reached the door it was barred. He made no cry nor disturbance, but
having procured a piece of bread, sat down contentedly to pass the
night on the doorstep. There, on looking out, his mother found him.
It was an early application of the rule which did him such service
in later days, to make the best of the least pleasant situations.
But no one could yet have thought how the rule was to be afterward
applied. Looking back to this period, Livingstone might have said,
in the words of the old Scotch ballad:
"O little knew my mother,
The day she cradled me,
The lands that I should wander o'er,
The death that I should dee."
At the age of nine he got a New Testament from his Sunday-school
teacher for repeating the 119th Psalm on two successive evenings
with only five errors, a proof that perseverance was bred in his
very bone.
His parents were poor, and at the age of ten he was put to work
in the factory as a piecer, that his earnings might aid his mother
in the struggle with the wolf which had followed the family from
the island that bore its name. After serving a number of years as a
piecer, he was promoted to be a spinner. Greatly to his mother's
delight, the first half crown he ever earned was laid by him in her
lap. Livingstone has told us that with a part of his first week's
wages he purchased Ruddiman's Rudiments of Latin, and pursued the
study of that language with unabated ardor for many years afterward
at an evening class which had been opened between the hours of
eight and ten. "The dictionary part of my labors was followed up
till twelve o'clock, or later, if my mother did not interfere by
jumping up and snatching the books out of my hands. I had to be
back in the factory by six in the morning, and continue my work,
with intervals for breakfast and dinner, till eight o'clock at
night. I read in this way many of the classical authors, and knew
Virgil and Horace better at sixteen than I do now [4]."
[4]
Missionary Travels, p. 8.
In his reading, he tells us that he devoured all the books that
came into his hands but novels, and that his plan was to place the
book on a portion of the spinning-jenny, so that he could catch
sentence after sentence as he passed at his work. The labor of
attending to the wheels was great, for the improvements in spinning
machinery that have made it self-acting had not then been
introduced. The utmost interval that Livingstone could have for
reading at one time was less than a minute.
The thirst for reading so early shown was greatly stimulated by
his father's example. Neil Livingstone, while fond of the old
Scottish theology, was deeply interested in the enterprise of the
nineteenth century, or, as he called it, "the progress of the
world," and endeavored to interest his family in it too. Any books
of travel, and especially of missionary enterprise, that he could
lay his hands on, he eagerly read. Some publications of the Tract
Society, called the Weekly Visitor, the Child's Companion
and Teacher's Offering, were taken in, and were much enjoyed by
his son David, especially the papers of "Old Humphrey." Novels were
not admitted into the house, in accordance with the feeling
prevalent in religious circles. Neil Livingstone had also a fear of
books of science, deeming them unfriendly to Christianity; his son
instinctively repudiated that feeling, though it was some time
before the works of Thomas Dick, of Broughty-Ferry, enabled him to
see clearly, what to him was of vital significance, that religion
and science were not necessarily hostile, but rather friendly to
each other.
The many-sidedness of his character showed itself early; for not
content with reading, he used to scour the country, accompanied by
his brothers, in search of botanical, geological, and zoological
specimens. Culpepper's Herbal was a favorite book, and it
set him to look in every direction for as many of the plants
described in it as the countryside could supply. A story has been
circulated that on these occasions he did not always confine his
researches in zoology to fossil animals. That Livingstone was a
poacher in the grosser sense of the term seems hardly credible,
though with the Radical opinions which he held at the time it may
readily be believed that he had no respect for the sanctity of
game. If a salmon came in his way while he was fishing for trout,
he made no scruple of bagging it. The bag on such occasions was not
always made for the purpose, for there is a story that once when he
had captured a fish in the "salmon pool," and was not prepared to
transport such a prize, he deposited it in the leg of his brother
Charles's trousers, creating no little sympathy for the boy as he
passed through the village with his sadly swollen leg!
It was about his twentieth year that the great spiritual change
took place which determined the course of Livingstone's future
life. But before this time he had earnest thoughts on religion.
"Great pains," he says in his first book, "had been taken by my
parents to instill the doctrines of Christianity into my mind, and
I had no difficulty in understanding the theory of a free salvation
by the atonement of our Saviour; but it was only about this time
that I began to feel the necessity and value of a personal
application of the provisions of that atonement to my own case
[5]." Some light
is thrown on this brief account in a paper submitted by him to the
Directors of the London Missionary Society in 1838, in answer to a
schedule of queries sent down by them when he offered himself as a
missionary for their service. He says that about his twelfth year
he began to reflect on his state as a sinner, and became anxious to
realize the state of mind that flows from the reception of the
truth into the heart. He was deterred, however, from embracing the
free offer of mercy in the gospel, by a sense of unworthiness to
receive so great a blessing, till a supernatural change should be
effected in him by the Holy Spirit. Conceiving it to be his duty to
wait for this, he continued expecting a ground of hope within,
rejecting meanwhile the only true hope of the sinner, the finished
work of Christ, till at length his convictions were effaced, and
his feelings blunted. Still his heart was not at rest; an
unappeased hunger remained, which no other pursuit could
satisfy.
[5]
Missionary Travels, p.4
In these circumstances he fell in with Dick's Philosophy of a
Future State. The book corrected his error, and showed him the
truth. "I saw the duty and inestimable privilege immediately
to accept salvation by Christ. Humbly believing that through
sovereign mercy and grace I have been enabled so to do, and having
felt in some measure its effects on my still depraved and deceitful
heart, it is my desire to show my attachment to the cause of Him
who died for me by devoting my life to his service."
There can be no doubt that David Livingstone's heart was very
thoroughly penetrated by the new life that now flowed into it. He
did not merely apprehend the truth--the truth laid hold of him. The
divine blessing flowed into him as it flowed into the heart of St.
Paul, St. Augustine, and others of that type, subduing all earthly
desires and wishes. What he says in his book about the freeness of
God's grace drawing forth feelings of affectionate love to Him who
bought him with his blood, and the sense of deep obligation to Him
for his mercy, that had influenced, in some small measure, his
conduct ever since, is from him most significant. Accustomed to
suppress all spiritual emotion in his public writings, he would not
have used these words if they had not been very real. They give us
the secret of his life. Acts of self-denial that are very hard to
do under the iron law of conscience, become a willing service under
the glow of divine love. It was the glow of divine love as well as
the power of conscience that moved Livingstone. Though he seldom
revealed his inner feelings, and hardly ever in the language of
ecstasy, it is plain that he was moved by a calm but mighty inward
power to the very end of his life. The love that began to stir his
heart in his father's house continued to move him all through his
dreary African journeys, and was still in full play on that lonely
midnight when he knelt at his bedside in the hut in Ilala, and his
spirit returned to his God and Saviour.
At first he had no thought of being himself a missionary.
Feeling "that the salvation of men ought to be the chief desire and
aim of every Christian," he had made a resolution "that he would
give to the cause of missions all that he might earn beyond what
was required for his subsistence [6]." The resolution to give himself came from
his reading an Appeal by Mr. Gutzlaff to the Churches of Britain
and America on behalf of China. It was "the claims of so many
millions of his fellow-creatures, and the complaints of the
scarcity, of the want of qualified missionaries," that led him to
aspire to the office. From that time--apparently his twenty-first
year--his "efforts were constantly directed toward that object
without any fluctuation."
[6]
Statement to Directors of London Missionary Society.
The years of monotonous toil spent in the factory were never
regretted by Livingstone. On the contrary, he regarded his
experience there as an important part of his education, and had it
been possible, he would have liked "to begin life over again in the
same lowly style, and to pass through the same hardy training
[7]." The
fellow-feeling he acquired for the children of labor was invaluable
for enabling him to gain influence with the same class, whether in
Scotland or in Africa. As we have already seen, he was essentially
a man of the people. Not that he looked unkindly on the richer
classes,--he used to say in his later years, that he liked to see
people in comfort and at leisure, enjoying the good things of
life,--but he felt that the burden-bearing multitude claimed his
sympathy most. How quick the people are, whether in England or in
Africa, to find out this sympathetic spirit, and how powerful is
the hold of their hearts which those who have it gain! In poetic
feeling, or at least in the power of expressing it, as in many
other things, David Livingstone and Robert Burns were a great
contrast; but in sympathy with the people they were alike, and in
both cases the people felt it. Away and alone, in the heart of
Africa, when mourning "the pride and avarice that make man a wolf
to man," Livingstone would welcome the "good time coming," humming
the words of Burns:
[7]
Missionary Travels, p. 6.
"When man to man, the world o'er,
Shall brothers be for a' that."
In all the toils and trials of his life, he found the good of
that early Blantyre discipline, which had forced him to bear
irksome toil with patience, until the toil ceased to be irksome,
and even became a pleasure.
Livingstone has told us that the village of Blantyre, with its
population of two thousand souls, contained some characters of
sterling worth and ability, who exerted a most beneficial influence
on the children and youth of the place by imparting gratuitous
religious instruction. The names of two of the worthiest of these
are given, probably because they stood highest in his esteem, and
he owed most to them, Thomas Burke and David Hogg. Essentially
alike, they seem to have been outwardly very different. Thomas
Burke, a somewhat wild youth, had enlisted early in the army. His
adventures and hairbreadth escapes in the Forty-second, during the
Peninsular and other wars, were marvelous, and used to be told in
after-years to crowds of wondering listeners. But most marvelous
was the change of heart that brought him back an intense Christian
evangelist, who, in season, and out of season, never ceased to
beseech the people of Blantyre to yield themselves to God. Early on
Sunday mornings he would go through the village ringing a bell to
rouse the people that they might attend an early prayer-meeting
which he had established. His temperament was far too high for most
even of the well-disposed people of Blantyre, but Neil Livingstone
appreciated his genuine worth, and so did his son. David says of
him that "for about forty years he had been incessant and never
weary in good works, and that such men were an honor to their
country and their profession." Yet it was not after the model of
Thomas Burke that Livingstone's own religious life was fashioned.
It had a greater resemblance to that of David Hogg, the other of
the two Blantyre patriarchs of whom he makes special mention, under
whose instructions he had sat in the Sunday-school, and whose
spirit may be gathered from his death-bed advice to him: "Now, lad,
make religion the every-day business of your life, and not a thing
of fits and starts; for if you do, temptation and other things will
get the better of you." It would hardly be possible to give a
better account of Livingstone's religion than that he did make it
quietly, but very really, the every-day business of his life. From
the first he disliked men of much profession and little
performance; the aversion grew as he advanced in years; and by the
end of his life, in judging of men, he had come to make somewhat
light both of profession and of formal creed, retaining and
cherishing more and more firmly the one great test of the
Saviour--"By their fruits ye shall know them."
CHAPTER II.
MISSIONARY PREPARATION.
His desire to be a missionary to China--Medical missions--He
studies at Glasgow--Classmates and teachers--He applies to London
Missionary Society--His ideas of mission work--He is accepted
provisionally--He goes to London--to Ongar--Reminiscences by Rev.
Joseph Moore--by Mrs. Gilbert--by Rev. Isaac Taylor--Nearly
rejected by the Directors--Returns to Ongar--to London--Letter to
his sister--Reminiscences by Dr. Risdon Bennett--Promise to
Professor Owen--Impression of his character on his friends and
fellow-students--Rev. R. Moffat in England--Livingstone
interested--Could not be sent to China--Is appointed to
Africa--Providential links in his history--Illness--Last visits to
his home--Receives Medical diploma--Parts from his family.
It was the appeal of Gutzlaff for China, as we have seen, that
inspired Livingstone with the desire to be a missionary; and China
was the country to which his heart turned. The noble faith and
dauntless enterprise of Gutzlaff, pressing into China over
obstacles apparently insurmountable, aided by his medical skill and
other unusual qualifications, must have served to shape
Livingstone's ideal of a missionary, as well as to attract him to
the country where Gutzlaff labored. It was so ordered, however,
that in consequence of the opium war shutting China, as it seemed,
to the English, his lot was not cast there; but throughout his
whole life he had a peculiarly lively interest in the country that
had been the object of his first love. Afterward, when his brother
Charles, then in America, wrote to him that he, too, felt called to
the missionary office, China was the sphere which David pointed out
to him, in the hope that the door which had been closed to the one
brother might be opened to the other.
When he determined to be a missionary, the only persons to whom
he communicated his purpose were his minister and his parents, from
all of whom he received great encouragement [8]. He hoped that he
would be able to go through the necessary preparation without help
from any quarter. This was the more commendable, because in
addition to the theological qualifications of a missionary, he
determined to aquire those of a medical practitioner. The idea of
medical missions was at that time comparatively new. It had been
started in connection with missions to China, and it was in the
prospect of going to that country that Livingstone resolved to
obtain a medical education. It would have been comparatively easy
for him, in a financial sense, to get the theological training, but
the medical education was a costly affair. To a man of ordinary
ideas, it would have seemed impossible to make the wages earned
during the six months of summer avail not merely for his support
then, but for winter too, and for lodgings, fees, and books
besides. Scotch students have often done wonders in this way,
notably the late Dr. John Henderson, a medical missionary to China,
who actually lived on half-a-crown a week, while attending medical
classes in Edinburgh. Livingstone followed the same self-denying
course. If we had a note of his house-keeping in his Glasgow
lodging, we should wonder less at his ability to live on the fare
to which he was often reduced in Africa. But the importance of the
medical qualification had taken a firm hold of his mind, and he
persevered in spite of difficulties. Though it was never his lot to
exercise the healing art in China, his medical training was of the
highest use in Africa, and it developed wonderfully his strong
scientific turn.
[8]
Livingstone's minister at this time was the Rev. John Moir, of the
Congregational church, Hamilton, who afterward joined the Free
Church of Scotland, and is now Presbyterian minister in Wellington,
New Zealand. Mr. Moir has furnished us with some recollections of
Livingstone, which reached us after the completion of this
narrative. He particularly notes that when Livingstone expressed
his desire to be a missionary, it was a missionary out and out, a
missionary to the heathen, not the minister of a congregation. Mr.
Moir kindly lent him some books when he went to London, all of
which were conscientiously returned before he left the country. A
Greek Lexicon, with only cloth boards when lent, was returned in
substantial calf. He was ever careful, conscientious, and honorable
in all his dealings, as his father had been before
him.
It was in the winter of 1836-37 that he spent his first session
in Glasgow. Furnished by a friend with a list of lodgings,
Livingstone and his father set out from Blantyre one wintry day,
while the snow was on the ground, and walked to Glasgow. The
lodgings were all too expensive. All day they searched for a
cheaper apartment, and at last in Rotten Row they found a room at
two shillings a week. Next evening David wrote to his friends that
he had entered in the various classes, and spent twelve pounds in
fees; that he felt very lonely after his father left, but would put
"a stout heart to a stey brae," and "either mak' a spune or spoil a
horn." At Rotten Row he found that his landlady held rather
communistic views in regard to his tea and sugar; so another search
had to be made, and this time he found a room in the High street,
where he was very comfortable, at half-a-crown a week.
At the close of the session in April he returned to Blantyre and
resumed work at the mill. He was unable to save quite enough for
his second session, and found it necessary to borrow a little from
his elder brother [9]. The classes he attended during these two
sessions were the Greek class in Anderson's College, the
theological classes of Rev. Dr. Wardlaw, who trained students for
the Independent Churches, and the medical classes in Anderson's. In
the Greek class he seems to have been entered as a private student
exciting little notice [10]. In the same capacity he attended the
lectures of Dr. Wardlaw. He had a great admiration for that divine,
and accepted generally his theological views. But Livingstone was
not much of a scientific theologian.
[9]
The readiness of elder brothers to advance part of their hard-won
earnings, or otherwise encourage a younger brother to attend
college, is a pleasant feature of family life in the humbler
classes of Scotland. The case of James Beattie, the poet, assisted
by his brother David, and that of Sir James Simpson, who owed so
much to his brother Alexander, will be remembered in this
connection.
[10] A very sensational and foolish reminiscence
was once published of a raw country youth coming into the class
with his clothes stained with grease and whitened by cotton-wool.
This was Livingstone. The fact is, nothing could possibly have been
more unlike him. At this time Livingstone was not working at the
mill; and, in regard to dress, however plainly he might be clad, he
was never careless, far less offensive.
His chief work in Glasgow was the prosecution of medical study.
Of his teachers, two attracted him beyond the rest--the late Dr.
Thomas Graham, the very distinguished Professor of Chemistry, and
Dr. Andrew Buchanan, Professor of the Institutes of Medicine, his
life-long and much-attached friend. While attending Dr. Graham's
class he was brought into frequent contact with the assistant to
the Professor, Mr. James Young. Originally bred to a mechanical
employment, this young man had attended the evening course of Dr.
Graham, and having attracted his attention, and done various pieces
of work for him, he became his assistant. The students used to
gather round him, and several met in his room, where there was a
bench, a turning-lathe, and other conveniences for mechanical work.
Livingstone took an interest in the turning-lathe, and increased
his knowledge of tools--a knowledge which proved of the highest
service to him when--as he used to say all missionaries should be
ready to do--he had to become a Jack-of-all-trades in Africa.
Livingstone was not the only man of mark who frequented that
room, and got lessons from Mr. Young "how to use his hands." The
Right Hon. Lyon Playfair, who has had so distinguished a scientific
career, was another of its habitués. A galvanic battery
constructed by two young men on a new principle, under Mr. Young's
instructions, became an object of great attraction, and among those
who came to see it and its effects were two sons of the Professor
of Mathematics in the University. Although but boys, both were
fired at this interview with enthusiasm for electric science. Both
have been for many years Professors in the University of Glasgow.
The elder, Professor James Thomson, is well known for his useful
inventions and ingenious papers on many branches of science. The
younger, Sir William Thomson, ranks over the world as prince of
electricians, and second to no living man in scientific
reputation.
Dr. Graham's assistant devoted himself to practical chemistry,
and made for himself a brilliant name by the purification of
petroleum, adapting it for use in private houses, and by the
manufacture of paraffin and paraffin-oil. Few men have made the art
to which they devoted themselves more subservient to the use of man
than he whom Livingstone first knew as Graham's assistant, and
afterward used to call playfully "Sir Paraffin." "I have been
obliged to knight him," he used to say, "to distinguish him from
the other Young." The "other" Young was Mr. E. D. Young, of the
Search Expedition, and subsequently the very successful leader of
the Scotch Mission at Lake Nyassa. The assistant to Dr. Graham
still survives, and is well known as Mr. Young, of Kelly, LL.D. and
F.R.S.
When Livingstone returned from his first journey his
acquaintance with Mr. Young was resumed, and their friendship
continued through life. It is no slight testimony from one who knew
him so long and so intimately, that, in his judgment, Livingstone
was the best man he ever knew, had more than any other man of true
filial trust in God, more of the spirit of Christ, more of
integrity, purity, and simplicity of character, and of self-denying
love for his fellow-men. Livingstone named after him a river which
he supposed might be one of the sources of the Nile, and used ever
to speak with great respect of the chief achievement of Mr. Young's
life,--filling houses with a clear white light at a fraction of the
cost of the smoky article which it displaced.
Beyond their own department, men of science are often as lax and
illogical as any; but when scientific training is duly applied, it
genders a habit of thorough accuracy, inasmuch as in scientific
inquiry the slightest deviation from truth breeds endless mischief.
Other influences had already disposed Livingstone to great
exactness of statement, but along with these his scientific
training may be held to have contributed to that dread of
exaggeration and of all inaccuracy which was so marked a feature of
his character through life.
It happened that Livingstone did not part company with Professor
Graham and Mr. Young when he left Glasgow. The same year, Dr.
Graham went to London as Professor in University College, and
Livingstone, who also went to London, had the opportunity of paying
occasional visits to his class. In this way, too, he became
acquainted with the late Dr. George Wilson, afterward Professor of
Technology in the University of Edinburgh, who was then acting as
unsalaried assistant in Dr. Graham's laboratory. Frank, genial, and
chivalrous, Wilson and Livingstone had much in common, and more in
after-years, when Wilson, too, became an earnest Christian. In the
simplicity and purity of their character, and in their devotion to
science, not only for its own sake, but as a department of the
kingdom of God, they were brothers indeed. Livingstone showed his
friendship in after-years by collecting and transmitting to Wilson
whatever he could find in Africa worthy of a place in the Edinburgh
Museum of Science and Art, of which his friend was the first
Director.
In the course of his second session in Glasgow (1837-38)
Livingstone applied to the London Missionary Society, offering his
services to them as a missionary. He had learned that that Society
had for its sole object to send the gospel to the heathen; that it
accepted missionaries from different Churches, and that it did not
set up any particular form of Church, but left it to the converts
to choose the form they considered most in accordance with the Word
of God. This agreed with Livingstone's own notion of what a
Missionary Society should do. He had already connected himself with
the Independent communion, but this preference for it was founded
chiefly on his greater regard for the personnel of the body,
and for the spirit in which it was administered, as compared with
the Presbyterian Churches of Scotland. He had very strong views of
the spirituality of the Church of Christ, and the need of a
profound spiritual change as the only true basis of Christian life
and character. He thought that the Presbyterian Churches were too
lax in their communion, and particularly the Established Church. He
was at this time a decided Voluntary, chiefly on the ground
maintained by such men as Vinet, that the connection of Church and
State was hurtful to the spirituality of the Church; and he had a
particular abhorrence of what he called "geographical
Christianity,"--which gave every man within a certain area a right
to the sacraments. We shall see that in his later years Dr.
Livingstone saw reason to modify some of these opinions; surveying
the Evangelical Churches from the heart of Africa, he came to think
that, established or non-established, they did not differ so very
much from each other, and that there was much good and considerable
evil in them all.
In his application to the London Missionary Society, Livingstone
stated his ideas of missionary work in comprehensive terms: "The
missionary's object is to endeavor by every means in his power to
make known the gospel by preaching, exhortation, conversation,
instruction of the young; improving, so far as in his power, the
temporal condition of those among whom he labors, by introducing
the arts and sciences of civilization, and doing everything to
commend Christianity to their hearts and consciences. He will be
exposed to great trials of his faith and patience from the
indifference, distrust, and even direct opposition and scorn of
those for whose good he is laboring; he may be tempted to
despondency from the little apparent fruit of his exertions, and
exposed to all the contaminating influence of heathenism." He was
not about to undertake this work without counting the cost. "The
hardships and dangers of missionary life, so far as I have had the
means of ascertaining their nature and extent, have been the
subject of serious reflection, and in dependence on the promised
assistance of the Holy Spirit, I have no hesitation in saying that
I would willingly submit to them, considering my constitution
capable of enduring any ordinary share of hardship or fatigue." On
one point he was able to give the Directors very explicit
information: he was not married, nor under any engagement of
marriage, nor had he ever made proposals of marriage, nor indeed
been in love! He would prefer to go out unmarried, that he might,
like the great apostle, be without family cares, and give himself
entirely to the work.
His application to the London Missionary Society was
provisionally accepted, and in September, 1838, he was summoned to
London to meet the Directors. A young Englishman came to London on
the same errand at the same time, and a friendship naturally arose
between the two. Livingstone's young friend was the Rev. Joseph
Moore, afterwards missionary at Tahiti; now of Congleton, in
Cheshire. Nine years later, Livingstone, writing to Mr. Moore from
Africa, said: "Of all those I have met since we parted, I have seen
no one I can compare to you for sincere, hearty friendship."
Livingstone's family used to speak of them as Jonathan and David.
Mr. Moore has kindly furnished us with his recollections of
Livingstone at this time:--
"I met with Livingstone first in September, 1838, at 57
Aldersgate street, London. On the same day we had received a letter
from the Secretary informing us severally that our applications had
been received, and that we must appear in London to be examined by
the Mission Board there. On the same day, he from Scotland, and I
from the south of England, arrived in town. On that night we simply
accosted each other, as those who meet at a lodging house might do.
After breakfast on the following day we fell into conversation, and
finding that the same object had brought us to the metropolis, and
that the same trial awaited us, naturally enough we were drawn to
each other. Every day, as we had not been in town before, we
visited places of renown in the great city, and had many a chat
about our prospects.
"On Sunday, in the morning, we heard Dr. Leifchild, who was then
in his prime, and in the evening Mr. Sherman, who preached with all
his accustomed persuasiveness and mellifluousness. In the afternoon
we worshiped at St. Paul's, and heard Prebendary Dale.
"On Monday we passed our first examination. On Tuesday we went
to Westminster Abbey. Who that had seen those two young men passing
from monument to monument could have divined that one of them would
one day be buried with a nation's--rather with the civilized
world's--lament, in that sacred shrine? The wildest fancy could not
have pictured that such an honor awaited David Livingstone. I grew
daily more attached to him. If I were asked why, I should be rather
at a loss to reply. There was truly an indescribable charm about
him, which, with all his rather ungainly ways, and by no means
winning face, attracted almost every one, and which helped him so
much in his after-wanderings in Africa.
"He won those who came near him by a kind of spell. There
happened to be in the boarding-house at that time a young M.D., a
saddler from Hants, and a bookseller from Scotland. To this hour
they all speak of him in rapturous terms.
"After passing two examinations, we were both so far accepted by
the Society that we were sent to the Rev. Richard Cecil, who
resided at Chipping Ongar, in Essex. Most missionary students were
sent to him for three months' probation, and if a favorable opinion
was sent to the Board of Directors, they went to one of the
Independent colleges. The students did not for the most part live
with Mr. Cecil, but took lodgings in the town, and went to his
house for meals and instruction in classics and theology.
Livingstone and I lodged together. We read Latin and Greek, and
began Hebrew together. Every day we took walks, and visited all the
spots of interest in the neighborhood, among them the country
churchyard which was the burial-place of John Locke. In a place so
quiet, and a life so ordinary as that of a student, there did not
occur many events worthy of recital. I will, however, mention one
or two things, because they give an insight--a kind of prophetic
glance--into Livingstone's after-career.
"One foggy November morning, at three o'clock, he set out from
Ongar to walk to London to see a relative of his father's [11]. It was about
twenty-seven miles to the house he sought. After spending a few
hours with his relation, he set out to return on foot to Ongar.
Just out of London, near Edmonton, a lady had been thrown out of a
gig. She lay stunned on the road. Livingston immediately went to
her, helped to carry her into a house close by, and having examined
her and found no bones broken, and recommending a doctor to be
called, he resumed his weary tramp. Weary and footsore, when he
reached Stanford Rivers he missed his way, and finding after some
time that he was wrong, he felt so dead-beat that he was inclined
to lie down and sleep; but finding a directing-post he climbed it,
and by the light of the stars deciphered enough to know his
whereabouts. About twelve that Saturday night he reached Ongar,
white as a sheet, and so tired he could hardly utter a word. I gave
him a basin of bread and milk, and I am not exaggerating when I say
I put him to bed. He fell at once asleep, and did not awake till
noonday had passed on Sunday.
[11] We learn from the family that the precise
object of the visit was to transact some business for his eldest
brother, who had begun to deal in lace. In the darkness of the
morning Livingstone fell into a ditch, smearing his clothes, and
not improving his appearance for smart business purposes. The day
was spent in going about in London from shop to shop, greatly
increasing Livingstone's fatigue.
"Total abstinence at that time began to be spoken of, and
Livingstone and I, and a Mr. Taylor, who went to India, took a
pledge together to abstain [12]. Of that trio, two, I am sorry to say
(heu me miserum!), enfeebled health, after many years,
compelled to take a little wine for our stomachs' sake. Livingstone
was one of the two.
[12] Livingstone had always practiced total
abstinence, according to the invariable custom of his father's
house. The third of the trio was the Rev. Joseph V.S. Taylor, now
of the Irish Presbyterian Mission, Gujerat, Bombay.
"One part of our duties was to prepare sermons, which were
submitted to Mr. Cecil, and, when corrected, were committed to
memory, and then repeated to our village congregations. Livingstone
prepared one, and one Sunday the minister of Stamford Rivers; where
the celebrated Isaac Taylor resided, having fallen sick after the
morning service, Livingstone was sent for to preach in the evening.
He took his text, read it out very deliberately, and
then--then--his sermon had fled! Midnight darkness came upon him,
and he abruptly said: 'Friends, I have forgotten all I had to say,'
and hurrying out of the pulpit, he left the chapel.
"He never became a preacher" [we shall see that this does not
apply to his preaching in the Sichuana language], "and in the first
letter I received from him from Elizabeth Town, in Africa, he says:
'I am a very poor preacher, having a bad delivery, and some of them
said if they knew I was to preach again they would not enter the
chapel. Whether this was all on account of my manner I don't know;
but the truth which I uttered seemed to plague very much the person
who supplies the missionaries with wagons and oxen. (They were bad
ones.) My subject was the necessity of adopting the benevolent
spirit of the Son of God, and abandoning the selfishness of the
world.' Each student at Ongar had also to conduct family worship in
rotation. I was much impressed by the fact that Livingstone never
prayed without the petition that we might imitate Christ in all his
imitable perfections [13]."
[13] In connection with this prayer, it is
interesting to note the impression made by Livingstone nearly
twenty years afterward on one who saw him but twice--once at a
public breakfast in Edinburgh, and again at the British Association
in Dublin in 1857. We refer to Mrs. Sime, sister of Livingstone's
early friend, Professor George Wilson, of Edinburgh. Mrs. Sime
writes; "I never knew any one who gave me more the idea of power
over other men, such power as our Saviour showed while on earth,
the power of love and purity combined."
In the Autobiography of Mrs. Gilbert, an eminent member of the
family of the Taylors of Ongar, there occur some reminiscenses of
Livingstone, corresponding to those here given by Mr. Moore
[14].
[14] Page 886, third edition.
The Rev. Isaac Taylor, LL.D., now rector of Settringham, York,
son of the celebrated author of The Natural History of
Enthusiasm, and himself author of Words and Places, Etruscan
Researches, etc., has kindly furnished us with the following
recollection: "I well remember as a boy taking country rambles with
Livingstone when he was studying at Ongar. Mr. Cecil had several
missionary students, but Livingstone was the only one whose
personality made any impression on my boyish imagination. I might
sum up my impression of him in two words--simplicity and
resolution. Now, after nearly forty years, I remember his step, the
characteristic forward tread, firm, simple, resolute, neither fast
nor slow, no hurry and no dawdle, but which evidently
meant--getting there [15]."
[15] On one occasion, in conversation with his
former pastor, the Rev. John Moir, Livingstone spoke of Mr. Isaac
Taylor, who had shown him much kindness, and often invited him to
dine in his house. He said that though Mr. Taylor was connected
with the Independents, he was attached to the principles of the
Church of England. Mr. Taylor used to lay very great stress on
acquaintance with the writings of the Fathers as necessary for
meeting the claims of the Tractarians, and did not think that that
study was sufficiently encouraged by the Nonconformists. Any one
who has been in Mr. Taylor's study at Stanford Rivers, and who
remembers the top-heavy row of patristic folios that crowned his
collection of books, and the glance of pride he cast on them as he
asked his visitor whether many men in his Church were well read in
the Fathers, will be at no loss to verify this reminiscence.
Certainly Livingstone had no such qualification, and undoubtedly he
never missed it.
We resume Mr. Moore's reminiscences:
"When three months had elapsed, Mr. Cecil sent in his report to
the Board. Judging from Livingstone's hesitating manner in
conducting family worship, and while praying on the week-days in
the chapel, and also from his failure so complete in preaching, an
unfavorable report was given in.... Happily, when it was read, and
a decision was about to be given against him, some one pleaded hard
that his probation should be extended, and so he had several
months' additional trial granted. I sailed in the same boat, and
was also sent back to Ongar as a naughty boy.... At last we had so
improved that both were fully accepted. Livingstone went to London
to pursue his medical studies, and I went to Cheshunt College, A
day or two after reaching college, I sent to Livingstone, asking
him to purchase a second-hand carpet for my room. He was quite
scandalized at such an exhibition of effeminacy, and positively
refused to gratify my wish.... In the spring of 1840 I met
Livingstone at London in Exeter Hall, when Prince Albert delivered
his maiden speech in England. I remember how nearly he was brought
to silence when the speech, which he had lodged on the brim of his
hat, fell into it, as deafening cheers made it vibrate. A day or
two after, we heard Binney deliver his masterly missionary sermon,
'Christ seeing of the travail of his soul and being
satisfied.'"
The meeting at Exeter Hall was held to inaugurate the Niger
Expedition. It was on this occasion that Samuel Wilberforce became
known as a great platform orator [16]. It must have been pleasant to Livingstone
in after-years to recall the circumstance when he became a friend
and correspondent of the Bishop of Oxford.
[16] Life of Bishop Wilberforce, vol. i,
p. 160.
Notwithstanding the dear postage of the time, Livingstone wrote
regularly to his friends, but few of his letters have survived. One
of the few, dated 5th May, 1839, is addressed to his sister, and in
it he says that there had been some intention of sending him abroad
at once, but that he was very desirous of getting more education.
The letter contains very little news, but is full of the most
devout aspirations for himself and exhortations to his sister.
Alluding to the remark of a friend that they should seek to be
"uncommon Christians, that is, eminently holy and devoted servants
of the Most High," he urges:
"Let us seek--and with the conviction that we cannot do
without it--that all selfishness be extirpated, pride banished,
unbelief driven from the mind, every idol dethroned, and everything
hostile to holiness and opposed to the divine will crucified; that
'holiness to the Lord' may be engraven on the heart, and evermore
characterize our whole conduct. This is what we ought to strive
after; this is the way to be happy; this is what our Saviour
loves--entire surrender of the heart. May He enable us by his
Spirit to persevere till we attain it! All comes from Him, the
disposition to ask as well as the blessing itself.
"I hope you improve the talents committed to you whenever there
is an opportunity. You have a class with whom you have some
influence. It requires prudence in the way of managing it; seek
wisdom from above to direct you; persevere--don't be content
with once or twice recommending the Saviour to them--again and
again, in as kind a manner as possible, familiarly, individually,
and privately, exhibit to them the fountain of happiness and joy,
never forgetting to implore divine energy to accompany your
endeavors, and you need not fear that your labor will be
unfruitful. If you have the willing mind, that is accepted; nothing
is accepted if that be wanting. God desires that. He can do all the
rest. After all, He is the sole agent, for the 'willing mind' comes
alone from Him. This is comforting, for when we think of the
feebleness and littleness of all we do, we might despair of having
our services accepted, were we not assured that it is not these God
looks to, except in so far as they are indications of the state of
the heart."
Dr. Livingstone's sisters have a distinct recollection that the
field to which the Directors intended to send him was the West
Indies, and that he remonstrated on the ground that he had spent
two years in medical study, but in the West Indies, where there
were regular practitioners, his medical knowledge would be of
little or no avail. He pleaded with the Directors, therefore, that
he might be allowed to complete his medical studies, and it was
then that Africa was provisionally fixed on as his destination. It
appears, however, that he had not quite abandoned the thought of
China. Mr. Moir, his former pastor, writes that being in London in
May, 1839, he called at the Mission House to make inquiries about
him. He asked whether the Directors did not intend to send him to
the East Indies, where the field was so large and the demand so
urgent, but he was told that though they esteemed him highly, they
did not think that his gifts fitted him for India, and that Africa
would be a more suitable field.
On returning to London, Livingstone devoted himself with special
ardor to medical and scientific study. The church with which he was
connected was that of the late Rev. Dr. Bennett, in Falcon Square.
This led to his becoming intimate with Dr. Bennett's son, now the
well-known J. Risdon Bennett, M.D., LL.D., F.R.S., and President of
the Royal College of Physicians, London. The friendship continued
during the whole of Dr. Livingstone's life. From some recollections
with which Dr. Bennett has kindly furnished us we take the
following:
"My acquaintance with David Livingstone was through the
London Missionary Society, when, having offered himself to that
Society, he came to London to carry on those medical and other
studies which he had commenced in Glasgow. From the first, I became
deeply interested in his character, and ever after maintained a
close friendship with him. I entertained toward him a sincere
affection, and had the highest admiration of his endowments, both
of mind and heart, and of his pure and noble devotion of all his
powers to the highest purposes of life. One could not fail to be
impressed with his simple, loving, Christian spirit, and the
combined modest, unassuming, and self-reliant character of the
man.
"He placed himself under my guidance in reference to his medical
studies, and I was struck with the amount of knowledge that he had
already acquired of those subjects which constitute the foundation
of medical science. He had, however, little or no acquaintance with
the practical departments of medicine, and had had no opportunities
of studying the nature and aspects of disease. Of these
deficiencies he was quite aware, and felt the importance of
acquiring as much practical knowledge as possible during his stay
in London. I was at that time physician to the Aldersgate Street
Dispensary, and was lecturing at the Charing Cross Hospital on the
practice of medicine, and thus was able to obtain for him free
admission to hospital practice as well as attendance on my lectures
and my practice at the dispensary. I think that I also obtained for
him admission to the opthalmic hospital in Moorfields. With these
sources of information open to him, he obtained a considerable
acquaintance with the more ordinary forms of disease, both surgical
and medical, and an amount of scientific and practical knowledge
that could not fail to be of the greatest advantage to him in the
distant regions to which he was going, away from all the resources
of civilization. His letters to me, and indeed all the records of
his eventful life, demonstrate how great to him was the value of
the medical knowledge with which he entered on missionary life.
There is abundant evidence that on various occasions his own life
was preserved through his courageous and sagacious application of
his scientific knowledge to his own needs; and the benefits which
he conferred on the natives to whose welfare he devoted himself,
and the wonderful influence which he exercised over them, were in
no small degree due to the humane and skilled assistance which he
was able to render as a healer of bodily disease. The account which
he gave me of his perilous encounter with the lion, and the means
he adopted for the repair of the serious injuries which he
received, excited the astonishment and admiration of all the
medical friends to whom I related it, as evincing an amount of
courage, sagacity, skill, and endurance that have scarcely been
surpassed in the annals of heroism."
Another distinguished man of science with whom Livingstone
became acquainted in London, and on whom he made an impression
similar to that made on Dr. Bennett, was Professor Owen. Part of
the little time at his disposal was devoted to studying the series
of comparative anatomy in the Hunterian Museum, under Professor
Owen's charge. Mr. Owen was interested to find that the Lanarkshire
student was born in the same neighborhood as Hunter [17], but still more
interested in the youth himself and his great love of natural
history. On taking leave, Livingstone promised to bear his
instructor in mind if any curiosity fell in his way. Years passed,
and as no communication reached him, Mr. Owen was disposed to class
the promise with too many others made in the like circumstances.
But on his first return to this country Livingstone presented
himself, bearing the tusk of an elephant with a spiral curve. He
had found it in the heart of Africa, and it was not easy of
transport. "You may recall," said Professor Owen, at the Farewell
Festival in 1858, "the difficulties of the progress of the weary
sick traveler on the bullock's back. Every pound weight was of
moment; but Livingstone said, 'Owen shall have this tusk,' and he
placed it in my hands in London." Professor Owen recorded this as a
proof of Livingstone's inflexible adherence to his word. With equal
justice we may quote it as a proof of his undying gratitude to any
one that had shown him kindness.
[17] Not in the same
parish, as stated
afterward by Professor Owen. Hunter was born in East Kilbride, and
Livingstone in Blantyre. The error is repeated in notices of
Livingstone in some other quarters.
On all his fellow-students and acquaintances the simplicity,
frankness, and kindliness of Livingstone's character made a deep
impression. Mr. J.S. Cook, now of London, who spent three months
with him at Ongar, writes: "He was so kind and gentle in word and
deed to all about him that all loved him. He had always words of
sympathy at command, and was ready to perform acts of sympathy for
those who were suffering." The Rev. G.D. Watt, a brother Scotchman,
who went as a missionary to India, has a vivid remembrance of
Livingstone's mode of discussion; he showed great simplicity of
view, along with a certain roughness or bluntness of manner; great
kindliness, and yet great persistence in holding to his own ideas.
But none of his friends seem to have had any foresight of the
eminence he was destined to attain. The Directors of the Society
did not even rank him among their ablest men. It is interesting to
contrast the opinion entertained of him then with that expressed by
Sir Bartle Frere, after much personal intercourse, many years
afterward. "Of his intellectual force and energy," wrote Sir
Bartle, "he has given such proof as few men could afford. Any five
years of his life might in any other occupation have established a
character and raised for him a fortune such as none but the most
energetic of our race can realize [18]."
[18] Good Words, 1874, p.
285.
But his early friends were not so much at fault. Livingstone was
somewhat slow of maturing. If we may say so, his intellect hung
fire up to this very time, and it was only during his last year in
England that he came to his intellectual manhood, and showed his
real power. His very handwriting shows the change; from being
cramped and feeble it suddenly becomes clear, firm, and upright,
very neat, but quite the hand of a vigorous, independent man.
Livingstone's prospects of getting to China had been damaged by
the Opium War; while it continued, no new appointments could be
made, even had the Directors wished to send him there. It was in
these circumstances that he came into contact with his countryman,
Mr. (now Dr.) Moffat, who was then in England, creating much
interest in his South African mission. The idea of his going to
Africa became a settled thing, and was soon carried into
effect.
"I had occasion" (Dr. Moffat has informed us) "to call
for some one at Mrs. Sewell's, a boarding-house for young
missionaries in Aldersgate street, where Livingstone lived. I
observed soon that this young man was interested in my story, that
he would sometimes come quietly and ask me a question or two, and
that he was always desirous to know where I was to speak in public,
and attended on these occasions. By and by he asked me whether I
thought he would do for Africa. I said I believed he would, if he
would not go to an old station, but would advance to unoccupied
ground, specifying the vast plain to the north, where I had
sometimes seen, in the morning sun, the smoke of a thousand
villages, where no missionary had ever been. At last Livingstone
said: 'What is the use of my waiting for the end of this abominable
opium war? I will go at once to Africa.' The Directors concurred,
and Africa became his sphere."
It is no wonder that all his life Livingstone had a very strong
faith in Providence, for at every turn of his career up to this
point, some unlooked-for circumstance had come in to give a new
direction to his history. First, his reading Dick's Philosophy
of a Future State, which led him to Christ, but did not lead
him away from science; then his falling in with Gutzlaff's
Appeal, which induced him to become a medical missionary;
the Opium War, which closed China against him; the friendly word of
the Director who procured for him another trial; Mr. Moffat's
visit, which deepened his interest in Africa; and finally, the
issue of a dangerous illness that attacked him in London--all
indicated the unseen hand that was preparing him for his great
work.
The meeting of Livingstone with Moffat is far too important an
event to be passed over without remark. Both directly and
indirectly Mr. Moffat's influence on his young brother, afterward
to become his son-in-law, was remarkable. In after-life they had a
thorough appreciation of each other. No family on the face of the
globe could have been so helpful to Livingstone in connection with
the great work to which he gave himself. If the old Roman fashion
of surnames still prevailed, there is no household of which all the
members would have been better entitled to put AFRICANUS after
their name. The interests of the great continent were dear to them
all. In 1872, when one of the Search Expeditions for Livingstone
was fitted out, a grandson of Dr. Moffat, another Robert Moffat,
was among those who set out in the hope of relieving him; cut off
at the very beginning, in the flower of his youth, he left his
bones to moulder in African soil.
The illness to which we have alluded was an attack of congestion
of the liver, with an affection of the lungs. It seemed likely to
prove fatal, and the only chance of recovery appeared to be a visit
to his home, and return to his native air. In accompanying him to
the steamer, Mr. Moore found him so weak that he could scarcely
walk on board. He parted from him in tears, fearing that he had but
a few days to live. But the voyage and the visit had a wonderful
effect, and very soon Livingstone was in his usual health. The
parting with his father and mother, as they afterward told Mr.
Moore, was very affecting. It happened, however, that they met once
more. It was felt that the possession of a medical diploma would be
of service, and Livingstone returned to Scotland in November, 1840,
and passed at Glasgow as Licentiate of the Faculty of Physicians
and Surgeons. It was on this occasion he found it so inconvenient
to have opinions of his own and the knack of sticking to them. It
seemed as if he was going to be rejected for obstinately
maintaining his views in regard to the stethoscope; but he pulled
through. A single night was all that he could spend with his
family, and they had so much to speak of that David proposed they
should sit up all night. This, however, his mother would not hear
of. "I remember my father and him," writes his sister, "talking
over the prospects of Christian missions. They agreed that the time
would come when rich men and great men would think it an honor to
support whole stations of missionaries, instead of spending their
money on hounds and horses. On the morning of 17th November we got
up at five o'clock. My mother made coffee. David read the 121st and
135th Psalms, and prayed. My father and he walked to Glasgow to
catch the Liverpool steamer." On the Broomielaw, father and son
looked for the last time on earth on each other's faces. The old
man walked back slowly to Blantyre, with a lonely heart no doubt,
yet praising God. David's face was now set in earnest toward the
Dark Continent.
CHAPTER III.
FIRST TWO YEARS IN AFRICA.
His ordination--Voyage out--At Rio de Janeiro--At the Cape--He
proceeds to Kuruman--Letters--Journey of 700 miles to Bechuana
country--Selection of site for new station--Second excursion to
Bechuana country--Letter to his sister--Influence with
chiefs--Bubi--Construction of a water-dam--Sekomi--Woman seized by
a lion--The Bakaa--Sebehwe--Letter to Dr. Risdon Bennett--Detention
at Kuruman--He visits Sebehwe's village--Bakhatlas--Sechéle,
chief of Bakwains--Livingstone translates hymns--Travels 400 miles
on oxback--Returns to Kuruman--Is authorized to form new
station--Receives contributions for native missionary--Letters to
Directors on their Mission policy--He goes to new
station--Fellow-travelers--Purchase of site--Letter to Dr.
Bennett--Desiccation of South Africa--Death of a servant,
Sehamy--Letter to his parents.
On the 20th November, 1840, Livingstone was ordained a
missionary in Albion Street Chapel, along with the Rev. William
Ross, the service being conducted by the Rev. J.J. Freeman and the
Rev. R. Cecil. On the 8th of December he embarked on board the ship
"George," under Captain Donaldson, and proceeded to the Cape, and
thence to Algoa Bay. On the way the ship had to put in at Rio de
Janeiro, and he had a glance at Brazil, with which he was greatly
charmed. It was the only glimpse he ever got of any part of the
great continent of America. Writing to the Rev. G.D. Watt, with
whom he had become intimate in London, and who was preparing to go
as a missionary to India, he says:
"It is certainly the finest place I ever saw;
everything delighted me except man.... We lived in the home of an
American Episcopal Methodist minister--the only Protestant
missionary in Brazil.... Tracts and Bibles are circulated, and some
effects might be expected, were a most injurious influence not
exerted by European visitors. These alike disgrace themselves and
the religion they profess by drunkenness. All other vices are
common in Rio. When will the rays of Divine light dispel the
darkness in this beautiful empire? The climate is delightful. I
wonder if disabled Indian missionaries could not make themselves
useful there."
During the voyage his chief friend was the captain of the ship.
"He was very obliging to me," says Livingstone, "and gave me all
the information respecting the use of the quadrant in his power,
frequently sitting up till twelve o'clock at night for the purpose
of taking lunar observations with me." Thus another qualification
was acquired for his very peculiar life-work. Sundays were not
times of refreshing, at least not beyond his closet. "The captain
rigged out the church on Sundays, and we had service; but I being a
poor preacher, and the chaplain addressing them all as Christians
already, no moral influence was exerted, and even had there been on
Sabbath, it would have been neutralized by the week-day conduct. In
fact, no good was done." Neither at Rio, nor on board ship, nor
anywhere, could good be done without the element of personal
character. This was Livingstone's strong conviction to the end of
his life.
In his first letter to the Directors of the London Missionary
Society he tells them that he had spent most of his time at sea in
the study of theology, and that he was deeply grieved to say that
he knew of no spiritual good having been done in the case of any
one on board the ship. His characteristic honesty thus showed
itself in his very first dispatch.
Arriving at the Cape, where the ship was detained a month, he
spent some time with Dr. Philip, then acting as agent for the
Society, with informal powers as superintendent. Dr. Philip was
desirous of returning home for a time, and very anxious to find
some one to take his place as minister of the congregation of Cape
Town, in his absence. This office was offered to Livingstone, who
rejected it with no little emphasis--not for a moment would he
think of it, nor would he preach the gospel within any other man's
line. He had not been long at the Cape when he found to his
surprise and sorrow that the missionaries were not all at one,
either as to the general policy of the mission, or in the matter of
social intercourse and confidence. The shock was a severe one; it
was not lessened by what he came to know of the spirit and life of
a few--happily only a few--of his brethren afterward; and
undoubtedly it had an influence on his future life. It showed him
that there were missionaries whose profession was not supported by
a life of consistent well-doing, although it did not shake his
confidence in the character and the work of missionaries on the
whole. He saw that in the mission there was what might be called a
colonial side and a native side; some sympathizing with the
colonists and some with the natives. He had no difficulty in making
up his mind between them; he drew instinctively to the party that
were for protecting the natives against the unrighteous
encroachments of the settlers.
On leaving the ship at Algoa Bay, he proceeded by land to
Kuruman or Lattakoo, in the Bechuana country, the most northerly
station of the Society in South Africa, and the usual residence of
Mr. Moffat, who was still absent in England. In this his first
African journey the germ of the future traveler was apparent.
"Crossing the Orange River," he says, "I got my vehicle aground,
and my oxen got out of order, some with their heads where their
tails should be, and others with their heads twisted round in the
yoke so far that they appeared bent on committing suicide, or
overturning the wagon.... I like travelling very much indeed. There
is so much freedom connected with our African manners. We pitch our
tent, make our fire, etc., wherever we choose, walk, ride, or shoot
at abundance of all sorts of game as our inclination leads us; but
there is a great drawback: we can't study or read when we please. I
feel this very much. I have made but very little progress in the
language (can speak a little Dutch), but I long for the time when I
shall give my undivided attention to it, and then be furnished with
the means of making known the truth of the gospel." While at the
Cape, Livingstone had heard something of a fresh-water lake
('Ngami) which all the missionaries were eager to see. If only they
would give him a month or two to learn the colloquial language, he
said they might spare themselves the pains of being "the first in
at the death." It is interesting to remark further that, in this
first journey, science had begun to receive its share of attention.
He is already bent on making a collection for the use of Professor
Owen [19], and
is enthusiastic in describing some agatized trees and other
curiosities which he met with.
[19] This collection never reached its
destination.
Writing to his parents from Port Elizabeth, 19th May, 1841, he
gives his first impressions of Africa. He had been at a station
called Hankey:
"The scenery was very fine. The white sand in some
places near the beach drifted up in large wreaths exactly like
snow. One might imagine himself in Scotland were there not a hot
sun overhead. The woods present an aspect of strangeness, for
everywhere the eye meets the foreign-looking tree from which the
bitter aloes is extracted, popping up its head among the mimosa
bushes and stunted acacias. Beautiful humming-birds fly about in
great numbers, sucking the nectar from the flowers, which are in
great abundance and very beautiful. I was much pleased with my
visit to Hankey.... The state of the people presents so many
features of interest, that one may talk about it and convey some
idea of what the Gospel has done. The full extent of the benefit
received can, however, be understood only by those who witness it
in contrast with other places that have not been so highly favored.
My expectations have been far exceeded. Everything I witnessed
surpassed my hopes, and if this one station is a fair sample of the
whole, the statements of the missionaries with regard to their
success are far within the mark. The Hottentots of Hankey appear to
be in a state similar to that of our forefathers in the days
immediately preceding the times of the Covenanters. They have a
prayer-meeting every morning at four o'clock, and well
attended. They began it during a visitation of measles among
them, and liked it so much that they still continue."
He goes on to say that as the natives had no clocks or watches,
mistakes sometimes occurred about ringing the bell for this
meeting, and sometimes the people found themselves assembled at
twelve or one o'clock instead of four. The welcome to the
missionaries (their own missionary was returning from the Cape with
Livingstone) was wonderful. Muskets were fired at their approach,
then big guns; and then men, women, and children rushed at the top
of their speed to shake hands and welcome them. The missionary had
lost a little boy, and out of respect each of the people had
something black on his head. Both public worship and family worship
were very interesting, the singing of hymns being very beautiful.
The bearing of these Christianized Hottentots was in complete
contrast to that of a Dutch family whom he visited as a medical man
one Sunday. There was no Sunday; the man's wife and daughters were
dancing before the house, while a black played the fiddle.
His instructions from the Directors were to go to Kuruman,
remain there till Mr. Moffat should return from England, and turn
his attention to the formation of a new station farther north,
awaiting more specific instructions, He arrived at Kuruman on the
31st July, 1841, but no instructions had come from the Directors;
his sphere of work was quite undetermined, and he began to
entertain the idea of going to Abyssinia. There could be no doubt
that a Christian missionary was needed there, for the country had
none; but if he should go, he felt that probably he would never
return. In writing of this to his friend Watt, he used words almost
prophetic: "Whatever way my life may be spent so as but to promote
the glory of our gracious God, I feel anxious to do it.... My
life, may be spent as profitably as a pioneer as in any other
way."
In his next letter to the London Missionary Society, dated
Kuruman, 23d September, 1841, he gives his impressions of the
field, and unfolds an idea which took hold of him at the very
beginning, and never lost its grip. It was, that there was not
population enough about the South to justify a concentration of
missionary labor there, and that the policy of the Society ought to
be one of expansion, moving out far and wide wherever there was an
opening, and making the utmost possible use of native agency, in
order to cultivate so wide a field. In England he had thought that
Kuruman might be made a great missionary institute, whence the
beams of divine truth might diverge in every direction, through
native agents supplied from among the converts; but since he came
to the spot he had been obliged to abandon that notion; not that
the Kuruman mission had not been successful, or that the attendance
at public worship was small, but simply because the population was
meagre, and seemed more likely to become smaller than larger. The
field from which native agents might be drawn was thus too small.
Farther north there was a denser population. It was therefore his
purpose, along with a brother missionary, to make an early journey
to the interior, and bury himself among the natives, to learn their
language, and slip into their modes of thinking and feeling. He
purposed to take with him two of the best qualified native
Christians of Kuruman, to plant them as teachers in some promising
locality; and in case any difficulty should arise about their
maintenance, he offered, with characteristic generosity, to defray
the cost of one of them from his own resources.
Accordingly, in company with a brother missionary from Kuruman,
a journey of seven hundred miles was performed before the end of
the year, leading chiefly to two results: in the first place, a
strong confirmation of his views on the subject of native agency;
and in the second place, the selection of a station, two hundred
and fifty miles north of Kuruman, as the most suitable for
missionary operations. Seven hundred miles traveled over more
Africano seemed to indicate a vast territory; but on looking at
it on the map, it was a mere speck on the continent of heathenism.
How was that continent ever to be evangelized? He could think of no
method except an extensive method of native agency. And the
natives, when qualified, were admirably qualified. Their warm,
affectionate manner of dealing with their fellow-men, their ability
to present the truth to their minds freed from the strangeness of
which foreigners could not divest it, and the eminent success of
those employed by the brethren of Griqua Town, were greatly in
their favor. Two natives had likewise been employed recently by the
Kuruman Mission, and these had been highly efficient and
successful. If the Directors would allow him to employ more of
these, conversions would increase in a compound ratio, and regions
not yet explored by Europeans would soon be supplied with the bread
of life.
In regard to the spot selected for a mission, there were many
considerations in its favor. In the immediate neighborhood of
Kuruman the chiefs hated the gospel, because it deprived them of
their supernumerary wives. In the region farther north, this
feeling had not yet established itself; on the contrary, there was
an impression favorable to Europeans, and a desire for their
alliance. These Bechuana tribes had suffered much from the
marauding invasions of their neighbors; and recently, the most
terrible marauder of the country, Mosilikatse, after being driven
westward by the Dutch Boers, had taken up his abode on the banks of
a central lake, and resumed his raids, which were keeping the whole
country in alarm. The more peaceful tribes had heard of the value
of the white man, and of the weapons by which a mere handful of
whites had repulsed hordes of marauders. They were therefore
disposed to welcome the stranger, although this state of feeling
could not be relied on as sure to continue, for Griqua hunters and
individuals from tribes hostile to the gospel were moving
northward, and not only circulating rumors unfavorable to
missionaries, but by their wicked lives introducing diseases
previously unknown. If these regions, therefore, were to be taken
possession of by the gospel, no time was to be lost. For himself,
Livingstone had no hesitation in going to reside in the midst of
these savages, hundreds of miles away from civilization, not merely
for a visit, but, if necessary, for the whole of his life.
In writing to his sisters after this journey (8th December,
1841), he gives a graphic account of the country, and some
interesting notices of the people:
"Janet, I suppose, will feel anxious to know what our
dinner was. We boiled a piece of the flesh of a rhinoceros which
was toughness itself, the night before. The meat was our supper,
and porridge made of Indian corn-meal and gravy of the meat made a
very good dinner next day. When about 150 miles from home we came
to a large village. The chief had sore eyes; I doctored them, and
he fed us pretty well with milk and beans, and sent a fine buck
after me as a present. When we had got about ten or twelve miles on
the way, a little girl about eleven or twelve years of age came up
and sat down under my wagon, having run away for the purpose of
coming with us to Kuruman. She had lived with a sister whom she had
lately lost by death. Another family took possession of her for the
purpose of selling her as soon as she was old enough for a wife.
But not liking this, she determined to run away from them and come
to some friends near Kuruman. With this intention she came, and
thought of walking all the way behind my wagon. I was pleased with
the determination of the little creature, and gave her some food.
But before we had remained long there, I heard her sobbing
violently, as if her heart would break. On looking round, I
observed the cause. A man with a gun had been sent after her, and
he had just arrived. I did not know well what to do now, but I was
not in perplexity long, for Pomare, a native convert who
accompanied us, started up and defended her cause. He being the son
of a chief, and possessed of some little authority, managed the
matter nicely. She had been loaded with beads to render her more
attractive, and fetch a higher price. These she stripped off and
gave to the man, and desired him to go away. I afterward took
measures for hiding her, and though fifty men had come for her,
they would not have got her."
The story reads like an allegory or a prophecy. In the person of
the little maid, oppressed and enslaved Africa comes to the good
Doctor for protection; instinctively she knows she may trust him;
his heart opens at once, his ingenuity contrives a way of
protection and deliverance, and he will never give her up. It is a
little picture of Livingstone's life.
In fulfillment of a promise made to the natives in the interior
that he would return to them, Livingstone set out on a second tour
into the interior of the Bechuana country on 10th February, 1842.
His objects were, first, to acquire the native language more
perfectly, and second, by suspending his medical practice, which
had become inconveniently large at Kuruman, to give his undivided
attention to the subject of native agents. He took with him two
native members of the Kuruman church, and two other natives for the
management of the wagon.
The first person that specially engaged his interest in this
journey was a chief of the name of Bubi, whose people were
Bakwains. With him he stationed one of the native agents as a
teacher, the chief himself collecting the children and supplying
them with food. The honesty of the people was shown in their
leaving untouched all the contents of his wagon, though crowds of
them visited it. Livingstone was already acquiring a powerful
influence, both with chiefs and people, the result of his
considerate and conciliatory treatment of both. He had already
observed the failure of some of his brethren to influence them, and
his sagacity had discerned the cause. His success in inducing
Bubi's people to dig a canal was contrasted in a characteristic
passage of a private letter, with the experience of others.
"The doctor and the rainmaker among these people are
one and the same person. As I did not like to be behind my
professional brethren, I declared I could make rain too, not,
however, by enchantments like them, but by leading out their river
for irrigation. The idea pleased mightily, and to work we went
instanter. Even the chief's own doctor is at it, and works like a
good fellow, laughing heartily at the cunning of the 'foreigner'
who can make rain so. We have only one spade, and this is without a
handle; and yet by means of sticks sharpened to a point we have
performed all the digging of a pretty long canal. The earth was
lifted out in 'gowpens' and carried to the huge dam we have built
in karosses (skin cloaks), tortoise-shells, or wooden bowls. We
intended nothing of the ornamental in it, but when we came to a
huge stone, we were forced to search for a way round it. The
consequence is, it has assumed a beautifully serpentine appearance.
This is, I believe, the first instance in which Bechuanas have been
got to work without wages. It was with the utmost difficulty the
earlier missionaries got them to do anything. The missionaries
solicited their permission to do what they did, and this was the
very way to make them show off their airs, for they are so
disobliging; if they perceive any one in the least dependent upon
them, they immediately begin to tyrannize. A more mean and selfish
vice certainly does not exist in the world. I am trying a different
plan with them. I make my presence with any of them a favor, and
when they show any impudence, I threaten to leave them, and if they
don't amend, I put my threat into execution. By a bold, free course
among them I have had not the least difficulty in managing the most
fierce. They are in one sense fierce, and in another the greatest
cowards in the world. A kick would, I am persuaded, quell the
courage of the bravest of them. Add to this the report which many
of them verily believe, that I am a great wizard, and you will
understand how I can with ease visit any of them. Those who do not
love, fear me, and so truly in their eyes am I possessed of
supernatural power, some have not hesitated to affirm I am capable
of even raising the dead! The people of a village visited by a
French brother actually believed it. Their belief of my powers, I
suppose, accounts, too, for the fact that I have not missed a
single article either from the house or wagon since I came among
them, and this, although all my things lay scattered about the
room, while crammed with patients."
It was unfortunate that the teacher whom Livingstone stationed
with Bubi's people was seized with a violent fever, so that he was
obliged to bring him away. As for Bubi himself, he was afterward
burned to death by an explosion of gunpowder, which one of his
sorcerers was trying, by means of burnt roots, to
un-bewitch.
In advancing, Livingstone had occasion to pass through a part of
the great Kalahari desert, and here he met with Sekomi, a chief of
the Bamangwato, from whom also he received a most friendly
reception. The ignorance of this tribe he found to be exceedingly
great:
"Their conceptions of the Deity are of the most vague
and contradictory nature, and the name of God conveys no more to
their understanding than the idea of superiority. Hence they do not
hesitate to apply the name to their chiefs. I was every day shocked
by being addressed by that title, and though it as often furnished
me with a text from which to tell them of the only true God and
Jesus Christ, whom he has sent, yet it deeply pained me, and I
never felt so fully convinced of the lamentable detoriation of our
species. It is indeed a mournful truth that man has become like the
beasts that perish."
The place was greatly infested by lions, and during
Livingstone's visit an awful occurrence took place that made a
great impression on him:
"A woman was actually devoured in her garden during my
visit, and that so near the town that I had frequently walked past
it. It was most affecting to hear the cries of the orphan children
of this woman. During the whole day after her death the surrounding
rocks and valleys rang and re-echoed with their bitter cries. I
frequently thought as I listened to the loud sobs, painfully
indicative of the sorrows of those who have no hope, that if some
of our churches could have heard their sad wailings, it would have
awakened the firm resolution to do more for the heathen than they
have done."
Poor Sekomi advanced a new theory of regeneration which
Livingstone was unable to work out:
"On one occasion Sekomi, having sat by me in the hut
for some time in deep thought, at length addressing me by a pompous
title said, 'I wish you would change my heart. Give me medicine to
change it, for it is proud, proud and angry, angry always.' I
lifted up the Testament and was about to tell him of the only way
in which the heart can be changed, but he interrupted me by saying,
'Nay, I wish to have it changed by medicine, to drink and have it
changed at once, for it is always very proud and very uneasy, and
continually angry with some one.' He then rose and went
away."
A third tribe visited at this time was the Bakaa, and here, too,
Livingstone was able to put in force his wonderful powers of
management. Shortly before, the Bakaa had murdered a trader and his
company. When Livingstone appeared their consciences smote them,
and, with the exception of the chief and two attendants, the whole
of the people fled from his presence. Nothing could allay their
terror, till, a dish of porridge having been prepared, they saw
Livingstone partake of it along with themselves without distrust.
When they saw him lie down and fall asleep they were quite at their
ease. Thereafter he began to speak to them:
"I had more than ordinary pleasure in telling these
murderers of the precious blood which cleanseth from all sin. I
bless God that He has conferred on one so worthless the
distinguished privilege and honor of being the first messenger of
mercy that ever trod these regions. Its being also the first
occasion on which I had ventured to address a number of Bechuanas
in their own tongue without reading it, renders it to myself one of
peculiar interest. I felt more freedom than I had anticipated, but
I have an immense amount of labor still before me, ere I can call
myself a master of Sichuana. This journey discloses to me that when
I have acquired the Batlapi, there is another and perhaps more
arduous task to be accomplished in the other dialects, but by the
Divine assistance I hope I shall be enabled to conquer. When I left
the Bakaa, the chief sent his son with a number of his people to
see me safe part of the way to the Makalaka."
On his way home, in passing through Bubi's country, he was
visited by sixteen of the people of Sebehwe, a chief who had
successfully withstood Mosilikatse, but whose cowardly neighbors,
under the influence of jealousy, had banded together to deprive him
of what they had not had the courage to defend. Consequently he had
been driven into the sandy desert, and his object in sending to
Livingstone was to solicit his advice and protection, as he wished
to come out, in order that his people might grow corn, etc.
Sebehwe, like many of the other people of the country, had the
notion that if he got a single white man to live with him, he would
be quite secure. It was no wonder that Livingstone early acquired
the strong conviction that if missions could only be scattered over
Africa, their immediate effect in promoting the tranquillity of the
continent could hardly be over-estimated.
We have given these details somewhat fully, because they show
that before he had been a year in the country Livingstone had
learned how to rule the Africans. From the very first, his genial
address, simple and fearless manner, and transparent kindliness
formed a spell which rarely failed. He had great faith in the power
of humor. He was never afraid of a man who had a hearty laugh. By a
playful way of dealing with the people, he made them feel at ease
with him, and afterward he could be solemn enough when the occasion
required. His medical knowledge helped him greatly; but for
permanent influence all would have been in vain if he had not
uniformly observed the rules of justice, good feeling, and good
manners. Often ha would say that the true road to influence was
patient continuance in well-doing. It is remarkable that, from the
very first, he should have seen the charm of that method which he
employed so successfully to the end.
In the course of this journey, Livingstone was within ten days
of Lake 'Ngami, the lake of which he had heard at the Cape, and
which he actually discovered in 1849; and he might have discovered
it now, had discovery alone been his object. Part of his journey
was performed on foot, in consequence of the draught oxen having
become sick:
"Some of my companions," he says in his first book,
"who had recently joined us, and did not know that I understood a
little of their speech, were overheard by me discussing my
appearance and powers: 'He is not strong, he is quite slim, and
only appears stout because he puts himself in those bags
(trousers); he will soon knock up.' This caused my Highland blood
to rise, and made me despise the fatigue of keeping them all at the
top of their speed for days together, and until I heard them
expressing proper opinions of my pedestrian powers."
We have seen how full Livingstone's heart was of the missionary
spirit; how intent he was on making friends of the natives, and how
he could already preach in one dialect, and was learning another.
But the activity of his mind enabled him to give attention at the
same time to other matters. He was already pondering the structure
of the great African Continent, and carefully investigating the
process of desiccation that had been going on for a long time, and
had left much uncomfortable evidence of its activity in many parts.
In the desert, he informs his friend Watt that no fewer than
thirty-two edible roots and forty-three fruits grew without
cultivation. He had the rare faculty of directing his mind at the
full stretch of its power to one great object, and yet, apparently
without effort, giving minute and most careful attention to many
other matters,--all bearing, however, on the same great end.
A very interesting letter to Dr. Risdon Bennett, dated Kuruman,
18th December, 1841, gives an account of his first year's work from
the medical and scientific point of view. First, he gives an
amusing picture of the Bechuana chiefs, and then some details of
his medical practice:
The people are all under the feudal system of
government, the chieftainship is hereditary, and although the chief
is usually the greatest ass, and the most insignificant of the
tribe in appearance, the people pay a deference to him which is
truly astonishing.... I feel the benefit often of your
instructions, and of those I got through your kindness. Here I have
an immense practice. I have patients now under treatment who have
walked 130 miles for my advice; and when these go home, others will
come for the same purpose. This is the country for a medical man if
he wants a large practice, but he must leave fees out of the
question! The Bechuanas have a great deal more disease than I
expected to find among a savage nation; but little else can be
expected, for they are nearly naked, and endure the scorching heat
of the day and the chills of the night in that condition. Add to
this that they are absolutely omnivorous. Indigestion, rheumatism,
opthalmia are the prevailing diseases.... Many very bad cases were
brought to me, sometimes, when traveling, my wagon was quite
besieged by their blind and halt and lame. What a mighty effect
would be produced if one of the seventy disciples were among them
to heal them all by a word! The Bechuanas resort to the Bushmen and
the poor people that live in the desert for doctors. The fact of my
dealing in that line a little is so strange, and now my fame has
spread far and wide. But if one of Christ's apostles were here, I
should think he would be very soon known all over the continent to
Abyssinia. The great deal of work I have had to do in attending to
the sick has proved beneficial to me, for they make me speak the
language perpetually, and if I were inclined to be lazy in learning
it, they would prevent me indulging the propensity. And they are
excellent patients, too, besides. There is no wincing; everything
prescribed is done instanter. Their only failing is that
they become tired of a long course. But in any operation, even the
women sit unmoved. I have been quite astonished again and again at
their calmness. In cutting out a tumor, an inch in diameter, they
sit and talk as if they felt nothing. 'A man like me never cries,'
they say, 'they are children that cry.' And it is a fact that the
men never cry. But when the Spirit of God works on their minds they
cry most piteously. Sometimes in church they endeavor to screen
themselves from the eyes of the preacher by hiding under the forms
or covering their heads with their karosses as a remedy against
their convictions. And when they find that won't do, they rush out
of the church and run with all their might, crying as if the hand
of death were behind them. One would think, when they got away,
there they would remain; but no, there they are in their places at
the very next meeting. It is not to be wondered at that they should
exhibit agitations of body when the mind is affected, as they are
quite unaccustomed to restrain their feelings. But that the
hardened beings should be moved mentally at all is wonderful
indeed. If you saw them in their savage state you would feel the
force of this more.... N.B.--I have got for Professor Owen
specimens of the incubated ostrich in abundance, and am waiting for
an opportunity to transmit the box to the college. I tried to keep
for you some of the fine birds of the interior, but the weather was
so horribly hot they were putrid in a few hours.
When he returned to Kuruman in June, 1842, he found that no
instructions had as yet come from the Directors as to his permanent
quarters. He was preparing for another journey when news arrived
that contrary to his advice, Sebehwe had left the desert where he
was encamped, had been treacherously attacked by the chief Mahura,
and that many of his people, including women and children, had been
savagely murdered. What aggravated the case was that several native
Christians from Kuruman had been at the time with Sebehwe, and that
these were accused of having acted treacherously by him. But now no
native would expose himself to the expected rage of Sebehwe, so
that for want of attendants Livingstone could not go to him. He was
obliged to remain for some months about Kuruman, itinerating to the
neighboring tribes, and taking part in the routine work of the
station: that is to say preaching, printing, building a chapel at
an out-station, prescribing for the sick, and many things else that
would have been intolerable, he said, to a man of "clerical
dignity."
He was able to give his father a very encouraging report of the
mission work (July 13, 1842): "The work of God goes on here
notwithstanding all our infirmities. Souls are gathered in
continually, and sometimes from among those you would never have
expected to see turning to the Lord. Twenty-four were added to the
Church last month, and there are several inquirers. At Motito, a
French station about thirty-three miles northeast of this, there
has been an awakening, and I hope much good will result. I have
good news, too, from Rio de Janeiro. The Bibles that have been
distributed are beginning to cause a stir."
The state of the country continued so disturbed that it was not
till February, 1843, that he was able to set out for the village
where Sebehwe had taken up his residence with the remains of his
tribe. This visit he undertook at great personal risk. Though
looking at first very ill-pleased, Sebehwe treated him in a short
time in a most friendly way, and on the Sunday after his arrival,
sent a herald to proclaim that on that day nothing should be done
but pray to God and listen to the words of the foreigner. He
himself listened with great attention while Livingstone told him of
Jesus and the resurrection, and the missionary was often
interrupted by the questions of the chief. Here, then, was another
chief pacified, and brought under the preaching of the gospel.
Livingstone then passed on to the country of the Bakhatla, where
he had purposed to erect his mission-station. The country was
fertile, and the people industrious, and among other industries was
an iron manufactory, to which as a bachelor he got admission,
whereas married men were wont to be excluded, through fear that
they would bewitch the iron! When he asked the chief if he would
like him to come and be his missionary, he held up his hands and
said, "Oh, I shall dance if you do; I shall collect all my people
to hoe for you a garden, and you will get more sweet reed and corn
than myself." The cautious Directors at home, however, had sent no
instructions as to Livingstone's station, and he could only say to
the chief that he would tell them of his desire for a
missionary.
At a distance of five days' journey beyond the Bakhatla was
situated the village of Sechéle, chief of the Bakwains,
afterward one of Livingstone's greatest friends. Sechéle had
been enraged at him for not visiting him the year before, and
threatened him with mischief. It happened that his only child was
ill when the missionary arrived, and also the child of one of his
principal men. Livingstone's treatment of both was successful, and
Sechéle had not an angry word. Some of his questions struck
the heart of the missionary:
"'Since it is true that all who die unforgiven are lost
forever, why did your nation not come to tell us of it before now?
My ancestors are all gone, and none of them knew anything of what
you tell me. How is this?' I thought immediately," says
Livingstone, "of the guilt of the Church, but did not confess. I
told him multitudes in our own country were like himself, so much
in love with their sins. My ancestors had spent a great deal of
time in trying to persuade them, and yet after all many of them by
refusing were lost. We now wish to tell all the world about a
Saviour, and if men did not believe, the guilt would be entirely
theirs. Sechéle has been driven from another part of his
country from that in which he was located last year, and so has
Bubi, so that the prospects I had of benefiting them by native
teachers are for the present darkened."
Among other things that Livingstone found time for in these
wanderings among strange people, was translating hymns into the
Sichuana language. Writing to his father (Bakwain Country, 21st
March, 1843), he says:
"Janet may be pleased to learn that I am become a poet,
or rather a poetaster, in Sichuana. Half a dozen of my hymns were
lately printed in a collection of the French brethren. One of them
is a translation of 'There is a fountain filled with blood;'
another, 'Jesus shall reign where'er the sun;' others are on 'The
earth being filled with the glory of the Lord,' 'Self-dedication,'
'Invitation to Sinners,' 'The soul that loves God finds him
everywhere.' Janet may try to make English ones on these latter
subjects if she can, and Agnes will doubtless set them to music on
the same condition. I do not boast of having done this, but only
mention it to let you know that I am getting a little better fitted
for the great work of a missionary, that your hearts may be drawn
out to more prayer for the success of the gospel proclaimed by my
feeble lips."
Livingstone was bent on advancing in the direction of the
country of the Matebele and their chief Mosilikatse, but the dread
of that terrible warrior prevented him from getting Bakwains to
accompany him, and being thus unable to rig out a wagon, he was
obliged to travel on oxback. In a letter to Dr. Risdon Bennett
(30th June, 1843), he gives a lively description of this mode of
traveling: "It is rough traveling, as you can conceive. The skin is
so loose there is no getting one's great-coat, which has to serve
both as saddle and blanket, to stick on; and then the long horns in
front, with which he can give one a punch in the abdomen if he
likes, make us sit as bolt upright as dragoons. In this manner I
traveled more than 400 miles." Visits to some of the villages of
the Bakalahari gave him much pleasure. He was listened to with
great attention, and while sitting by their fires and listening to
their traditionary tales, he intermingled the story of the Cross
with their conversation, and it was by far the happiest portion of
his journey. The people were a poor, degraded, enslaved race, who
hunted for other tribes to procure them skins; they were far from
wells, and had their gardens far from their houses, in order to
have their produce safe from the chiefs who visited them.
Coming on to his old friends the Bakaa, he found them out of
humor with him, accusing him of having given poison to a native who
had been seized with fever on occasion of his former visit.
Consequently he could get little or nothing to eat, and had to
content himself, as he wrote to his friends, with the sumptuous
feasts of his imagination. With his usual habit of discovering good
in all his troubles, however, he found cause for thankfulness at
their stinginess, for in coming down a steep pass, absorbed with
the questions which the people were putting to him, he forgot where
he was, lost his footing, and, striking his hand between a rock and
his Bible which he was carrying, he suffered a compound fracture of
his finger. His involuntary low diet saved him from taking fever,
and the finger was healing favorably, when a sudden visit in the
middle of the night from a lion, that threw them all into
consternation, made him, without thinking, discharge his revolver
at the visitor, and the recoil hurt him more than the shot did the
lion. It rebroke his finger, and the second fracture was worse than
the first. "The Bakwains," he says, "who were most attentive to my
wants during the whole journey of more than 400 miles, tried to
comfort me when they saw the blood again flowing, by saying, 'You
have hurt yourself, but you have redeemed us: henceforth we will
only swear by you.' Poor creatures," he writes to Dr. Bennett, "I
wished they had felt gratitude for the blood that was shed for
their precious souls."
Returning to Kuruman from this journey, in June, 1843,
Livingstone was delighted to find at length a letter from the
Directors of the Society authorizing the formation of a settlement
in the regions beyond. He found another letter that greatly cheered
him, from a Mrs. M'Robert, the wife of art Independent minister at
Cambuslang (near Blantyre), who had collected and now sent him
£12 for a native agent, and was willing, on the part of some
young friends, to send presents of clothing for the converts. In
acknowledging this letter, Livingstone poured out his very heart,
so full was he of gratitude and delight. He entreated the givers to
consider Mebalwe as their own agent, and to concentrate their
prayers upon him, for prayer, he thought, was always more
efficacious when it could be said, "One thing have I desired of the
Lord." As to the present of clothing, he simply entreated his
friends to send nothing of the kind; such things demoralized the
recipients, and bred endless jealousies. If he were allowed to
charge something for the clothes, he would be pleased to have them,
but on no other terms.
Writing to the Secretary of the Society, Rev. A. Tidman (24th
June, 1843), and referring to the past success of the Mission in
the nearer localities, he says: "If you could realize this fact as
fully as those on the spot can, you would be able to enter into the
feelings of irrepressible delight with which I hail the decision of
the Directors that we go forward to the dark interior. May the Lord
enable me to consecrate my whole being to the glorious work!"
In this communication to the Directors Livingstone modestly, but
frankly and firmly, gives them his mind on some points touched on
in their letter to him. In regard to his favorite measure--native
agency--he is glad that a friend has remitted money for the
employment of one agent, and that others have promised the means of
employing other two. On another subject he had a communication to
make to them which evidently cost him no ordinary effort. In his
more private letters to his friends, from an early period after
entering Africa, he had expressed himself very freely, almost
contemptuously, on the distribution of the laborers. There was far
too much clustering about the Cape Colony, and the district
immediately beyond it, and a woeful slowness to strike out with the
fearless chivalry that became missionaries of the Cross, and take
possession of the vast continent beyond. All his letters reveal the
chafing of his spirit with this confinement of evangelistic energy
in the face of so vast a field--this huddling together of laborers
in sparsely peopled districts, instead of sending them forth over
the whole of Africa, India, and China, to preach the gospel to
every creature. He felt deeply that both the Church at home, and
many of the missionaries on the spot, had a poor conception of
missionary duty, out of which came little faith, little effort,
little expectation, with a miserable tendency to exaggerate their
own evils and grievances, and fall into paltry squabbles which
would not have been possible if they had been fired with the
ambition to win the world for Christ.
But what it was a positive relief for him to whisper in the ear
of an intimate friend, it demanded the courage of a hero to
proclaim to the Directors of a great Society. It was like impugning
their whole policy and arraigning their wisdom. But Livingstone
could not say one thing in private and another in public. Frankly
and fearlessly he proclaimed his views:
"The conviction to which I refer is that a much larger
share of the benevolence of the Church and of missionary exertion
is directed into this country than the amount of population, as
compared with other countries, and the success attending those
efforts, seem to call for. This conviction has been forced upon me,
both by a personal inspection, more extensive than that which has
fallen to the lot of any other, either missionary or trader, and by
the sentiments of other missionaries who have investigated the
subject according to their opportunities. In reference to the
population, I may mention that I was led in England to believe that
the population of the interior was dense, and now since I have come
to this country I have conversed with many, both of our Society and
of the French, and none of them would reckon up the number of
30,000 Bechuanas."
He then proceeds to details in a most characteristic way, giving
the number of huts in every village, and being careful in every
case, as his argument proceeded on there being a small population,
rather to overstate than understate the number:
"In view of these facts and the confirmation of them I
have received from both French and English brethren, computing the
population much below what I have stated, I confess I feel grieved
to hear of the arrival of new missionaries. Nor am I the only one
who deplores their appointment to this country. Again and again
have I been pained at heart to hear the question put, Where will
these new brethren find fields of labor in this country? Because I
know that in India or China there are fields large enough for all
their energies. I am very far from undervaluing the success which
has attended the labors of missionaries in this land. No! I
gratefully acknowledge the wonders God hath wrought, and I feel
that the salvation of one soul is of more value than all the effort
that has been expended; but we are to seek the field where there is
a possibility that most souls will be converted, and it is this
consideration which makes me earnestly call the attention of the
Directors to the subject of statistics. If these were actually
returned--and there would be very little difficulty in doing so--it
might, perhaps, be found that there is not a country better
supplied with missionaries in the world, and that in proportion to
the number of agents compared to the amount of population, the
success may be inferior to most other countries where efforts have
been made."
Finding that a brother missionary was willing to accompany him
to the station he had fixed on among the Bakhatlas, and enable him
to set to work with the necessary arrangements, Livingstone set out
with him in the beginning of August, 1843, and arrived at his
destination after a fortnight's journey. Writing to his family, "in
sight of the hills of Bakhatla," August 21st, 1843, he says: "We
are in company with a party of three hunters: one of them from the
West Indies, and two from India--Mr. Pringle from Tinnevelly, and
Captain Steel of the Coldstream Guards, aide-de-camp to the
Governor of Madras.... The Captain is the politest of the whole,
well versed in the classics, and possessed of much general
knowledge." Captain Steele, now General Sir Thomas Steele, proved
one of Livingstone's best and most constant friends. In one respect
the society of gentlemen who came to hunt would not have been
sought by Livingstone, their aims and pursuits being so different
from his; but he got on with them wonderfully. In some instances
these strangers were thoroughly sympathetic, but not in all. When
they were not sympathetic on religion, he had a strong conviction
that his first duty as a servant of Christ was to commend his
religion by his life and spirit--by integrity, civility, kindness,
and constant readiness to deny himself in obliging others; having
thus secured, their esteem and confidence, he would take such quiet
opportunities as presented themselves to get near their consciences
on his Master's behalf. He took care that there should be no moving
about on the day of rest, and that the outward demeanor of all
should be befitting a Christian company. For himself, while he
abhorred the indiscriminate slaughter of animals for mere
slaughter's sake, he thought well of the chase as a means of
developing courage, promptness of action in time of danger,
protracted endurance of hunger and thirst, determination in the
pursuit of an object, and other qualities befitting brave and
powerful men. The respect and affection with which he inspired the
gentlemen who were thus associated with him was very remarkable.
Doubtless, with his quick apprehension, he learned a good deal from
their society of the ways and feelings of a class with whom
hitherto he had hardly ever been in contact. The large resources
with which they were furnished, in contrast to his own, excited no
feeling of envy, nor even a desire to possess their ample means,
unless he could have used them to extend missionary operations; and
the gentlemen themselves would sometimes remark that the
missionaries were more comfortable than they. Though they might at
times spend thousands of pounds where Livingstone did not spend as
many pence, and would be provided with horses, servants, tents, and
stores, enough to secure comfort under almost any conditions, they
had not that key to the native heart and that power to command the
willing services of native attendants which belonged so remarkably
to the missionary. "When we arrive at a spot where we intend to
spend the night," writes Livingstone to his family, "all hands
immediately unyoke the oxen. Then one or two of the company collect
wood; one of us strikes up a fire, another gets out the
water-bucket and fills the kettle; a piece of meat is thrown on the
fire, and if we have biscuits, we are at our coffee in less than
half an hour after arriving. Our friends, perhaps, sit or stand
shivering at their fire for two or three hours before they get
their things ready, and are glad occasionally of a cup of coffee
from us."
The first act of the missionaries on arriving at their
destination was to have an interview with the chief, and ask
whether he desired a missionary. Having an eye to the beads, guns,
and other things, of which white men seemed always to have an ample
store, the chief and his men gave them a cordial welcome, and
Livingstone next proceeded to make a purchase of land. This, like
Abraham with the sons of Heth, he insisted should be done in legal
form, and for this purpose he drew up a written contract to which,
after it was fully explained to them, both parties attached their
signatures or marks. They then proceeded to the erection of a hut
fifty feet by eighteen, not getting much help from the Bakhatlas,
who devolved such labors on the women, but being greatly helped by
the native deacon, Mebalwe. All this Livingstone and his companion
had done on their own responsibility, and in the hope that the
Directors would approve of it. But if they did not, he told them
that he was at their disposal "to go anywhere--provided it
be FORWARD."
The progress of medical and scientific work during this period
is noted in a letter to Dr. Risdon Bennett, dated 30th June, 1843.
In addition to full details of the missionary work, this letter
enters largely into the state of disease in South Africa, and
records some interesting cases, medical and surgical. Still more
interesting, perhaps, is the evidence it affords of the place in
Livingstone's attention which began to be occupied by three great
subjects of which we shall hear much anon--Fever, Tsetse, and "the
Lake." Fever he considered the greatest barrier to the
evangelization of Africa. Tsetse, an insect like a common fly,
destroyed horses and oxen, so that many traders lost literally
every ox in their team. As for the Lake, it lay somewhat beyond the
outskirts of his new district, and was reported terrible for fever.
He heard that Mr. Moffat intended to visit it, but he was somewhat
alarmed lest his friend should suffer. It was not Moffat, but
Livingstone, however, that first braved the risks of that fever
swamp.
A subject of special scientific interest to the missionary
during this period was--the desiccation of Africa. On this topic he
addressed a long letter to Dr. Buckland in 1843, of which,
considerably to his regret, no public notice appears to have been
taken, and perhaps the letter never reached him. The substance of
this paper may, however, be gathered from a communication
subsequently made to the Royal Geographical Society [20] after his first
impression had been confirmed by enlarged observation and
discovery. Around, and north of Kuruman, he had found many
indications of a much larger supply of water in a former age. He
ascribed the desiccation to the gradual elevation of the western
part of the country. He found traces of a very large ancient river
which flowed nearly north and south to a large lake, including the
bed of the present Orange River; in fact, he believed that the
whole country south of Lake 'Ngami presented in ancient times very
much the same appearance as the basin north of that lake does now,
and that the southern lake disappeared when a fissure was made in
the ridge through which the Orange River now proceeds to the sea.
He could even indicate the spot where the river and the lake met,
for some hills there had caused an eddy in which was found a mound
of calcareous tufa and travertine, full of fossil bones. These
fossils he was most eager to examine, in order to determine the
time of the change; but on his first visit he had no time, and when
he returned, he was suddenly called away to visit a missionary's
child, a hundred miles off. It happened that he was never in the
same locality again, and had therefore no opportunity to complete
his investigation.
[20] See Journal, vol. xxvii. p.
356.
Dr. Livingstone's mind had that wonderful power which belongs to
some men of the highest gifts, of passing with the utmost rapidity,
not only from subject to subject, but from one mood or key to
another entirely different. In a letter to his family, written
about this time, we have a characteristic instance. On one side of
the sheet is a prolonged outburst of tender Christian love and
lamentation over a young attendant who had died of fever suddenly;
on the other side, he gives a map of the Bakhatla country with its
rivers and mountains, and is quite at home in the geographical
details, crowning his description with some sentimental and
half-ludicrous lines of poetry. No reasonable man will fancy that
in the wailings of his heart there was any levity or want of
sincerity. What we are about to copy merits careful consideration:
first, as evincing the depth and tenderness of his love for these
black savages; next, as showing that it was pre-eminently Christian
love, intensified by his vivid view of the eternal world, and
belief in Christ as the only Saviour; and, lastly, as revealing the
secret of the affection which these poor fellows bore to him in
return. The intensity of the scrutiny which he directs on his
heart, and the severity of the judgment which he seems to pass on
himself, as if he had not done all he might have done for the
spiritual good of this young man, show with what intense
conscientiousness he tried to discharge his missionary duty:
"Poor Sehamy, where art thou now? Where lodges thy soul
to-night? Didst thou think of what I told thee as thou turnedst
from side to side in distress? I could now do anything for thee. I
could weep for thy soul. But now nothing can be done. Thy fate is
fixed. Oh, am I guilty of the blood of thy soul, my poor dear
Sehamy? If so, how shall I look upon thee in the judgment? But I
told thee of a Saviour; didst thou think of Him, and did He lead
thee through the dark valley? Did He comfort as He only can? Help
me, O Lord Jesus, to be faithful to every one. Remember me, and let
me not be guilty of the blood of souls. This poor young man was the
leader of the party. He governed the others, and most attentive he
was to me. He anticipated my every want. He kept the water-calabash
at his head at night, and if I awoke, he was ready to give me a
draught immediately. When the meat was boiled he secured the best
portion for me, the best place for sleeping, the best of
everything. Oh, where is he now? He became ill after leaving a
certain tribe, and believed he had been poisoned. Another of the
party and he ate of a certain dish given them by a woman whom they
had displeased, and having met this man yesterday he said, 'Sehamy
is gone to heaven, and I am almost dead by the poison given us by
that woman.' I don't believe they took any poison, but they do, and
their imaginations are dreadfully excited when they entertain that
belief."
The same letter intimates that in case his family should have
arranged to emigrate to America, as he had formerly advised them to
do, he had sent home a bill of which £10 was to aid the
emigration, and £10 to be spent on clothes for himself. In
regard to the latter sum, he now wished them to add it to the
other, so that his help might be more substantial; and for himself
he would make his old clothes serve for another year. The
emigration scheme, which he thought would have added to the comfort
of his parents and sisters, was not, however, carried into effect.
The advice to his family to emigrate proceeded from deep
convictions. In a subsequent letter (4th December, 1850) he writes:
"If I could only be with you for a week, you would goon be pushing
on in the world. The world is ours. Our Father made it to be
inhabited, and many shall run to and fro, and knowledge shall be
increased. It will be increased more by emigration than by
missionaries." He held it to be God's wish that the unoccupied
parts of the earth should be possessed, and he believed in
Christian colonization as a great means of spreading the gospel. We
shall see afterward that to plant English and Scotch colonies in
Africa became one of his master ideas and favorite schemes.
CHAPTER IV.
FIRST TWO STATIONS--MABOTSA AND CHONUANE.
Description of Mabotsa--A favorite hymn--General
reading--Mabotsa infested with lions--Livingstone's encounter--The
native deacon who saved him--His Sunday-school--Marriage to Mary
Moffat--Work at Mabotsa--Proposed institution for training native
agents--Letter to his mother--Trouble at Mabotsa--Noble sacrifice
of Livingstone--Goes to Sechéle and the Bakwains--New
station at Chonuane--Interest shown by Sechéle--Journeys
eastward--The Boers and the Transvaal--Their occupation of the
country, and treatment of the natives--Work among the
Bakwains--Livingstone's desire to move on--Theological conflict at
home--His view of it--His scientific labors and miscellaneous
employments.
Describing what was to be his new home to his friend Watt from
Kuruman, 27th September, 1843, Livingstone says: "The Bakhatla have
cheerfully offered to remove to a more favorable position than they
at present occupy. We have fixed upon a most delightful valley,
which we hope to make the centre of our sphere of operations in the
interior. It is situated in what poetical gents like you would call
almost an amphitheatre of mountains. The mountain range immediately
in the rear of the spot where we have fixed our residence is called
Mabotsa, or a marriage-feast. May the Lord lift upon us the light
of his countenance, so that by our feeble instrumentality many may
thence be admitted to the marriage-feast of the Lamb. The people
are as raw as may well be imagined; they have not the least desire
but for the things of the earth, and it must be a long time ere we
can gain their attention to the things which are above."
Something led him in his letter to Mr. Watt to talk of the old
monks, and the spots they selected for their establishments. He
goes on to write lovingly of what was good in some of the old
fathers of the mediæval Church, despite the strong feeling of
many to the contrary; indicating thus early the working of that
catholic spirit which was constantly expanding in later years,
which could separate the good in any man from all its evil
surroundings, and think of it thankfully and admiringly. In the
following extract we get a glimpse of a range of reading much wider
than most would probably have supposed likely:
"Who can read the sermons of St. Bernard, the
meditations of St. Augustine, etc., without saying, whatever other
faults they had: They thirsted, and now they are filled. That hymn:
of St. Bernard, on the name of Christ, although in what might he
termed dog-Latin, pleases me so; it rings in my ears as I wander
across the wide, wide wilderness, and makes me wish I was more like
them--
| "Jesu, dulcis memoria, |
|
Jesu, spes poenitentibus, |
| Dans cordi vera gaudia; |
|
Quam pius es petentibus! |
| Sed super mel et omnia, |
|
Quam bonus es quærentibus! |
| Ejus dulcis præsentia. |
|
Sed quid invenientibus! |
| |
|
|
| Nil canitur suavius, |
|
Jesu, dulcedo cordium, |
| Nil auditur jucundius, |
|
Fons, rivus, lumen mentium, |
| Nil cogitatur dulcius, |
|
Excedens omne gaudium, |
| Quam Jesus Dei filius. |
|
Et omne desiderium." |
Livingstone was in the habit of fastening inside the boards of
his journals, or writing on the fly-leaf, verses that interested
him specially. In one of these volumes this hymn is copied at full
length. In another we find a very yellow newspaper clipping of the
"Song of the Shirt." In the same volume a clipping containing "The
Bridge of Sighs," beginning
"One more unfortunate,
Weary of breath,
Rashly importunate,
Gone to her death."
In another we have Coleridge's lines:
"He prayeth well who loveth well
Both man and bird and beast.
He prayeth best who loveth best
All things both great and small;
For the dear God who loveth us,
He made and loveth all."
In another, hardly legible on the marble paper, we find:
"So runs my dream: but what am I?
An infant crying in the night;
An infant crying for the light:
And with no language but a cry."
All Livingstone's personal friends testify that, considering the
state of banishment in which he lived, his acquaintance with
English literature was quite remarkable. When a controversy arose
in America as to the genuineness of his letters to the New York
Herald, the familiarity of the writer with the poems of
Whittier was made an argument against him. But Livingstone knew a
great part of the poetry of Longfellow, Whittier, and others by
heart.
There was one drawback to the new locality: it was infested with
lions. All the world knows the story of the encounter at Mabotsa,
which was so near ending Livingstone's career, when the lion seized
him by the shoulder, tore his flesh, and crushed his bone. Nothing
in all Livingstone's history took more hold of the popular
imagination, or was more frequently inquired about when he came
home [21]. By a
kind of miracle his life was saved, but the encounter left him lame
for life of the arm which the lion crunched [22]. But the world
generally does not know that Mebalwe, the native who was with him,
and who saved his life by diverting the lion when his paw was on
his head, was the teacher whom Mrs. M'Robert's twelve pounds had
enabled him to employ. Little did the good woman think that this
offering would indirectly be the means of preserving the life of
Livingstone for the wonderful work of the next thirty years! When,
on being attacked by Mebalwe, the lion left Livingstone, and sprang
upon him, he bit his thigh, then dashed toward another man, and
caught him by the shoulder, when in a moment, the previous shots
taking effect, he fell down dead. Sir Bartle Frere, in his obituary
notice of Livingstone read to the Royal Geographical Society,
remarked: "For thirty years afterward all his labors and
adventures, entailing such exertion and fatigue, were undertaken
with a limb so maimed that it was painful for him to raise a
fowling-piece, or in fact to place the left arm in any position
above the level of the shoulder."
[21] He did not speak of it spontaneously, and
sometimes he gave unexpected answers to questions put to him about
it. To one person who asked very earnestly what were his thoughts
when the lion was above him, he answered, "I was thinking what part
of me he would eat first"--a grotesque thought, which some persons
considered strange in so good a man, but which was quite in
accordance with human experience in similar
circumstances.
[22] The false joint in the crushed arm was the
mark by which the body of Livingstone was identified when brought
home by his followers in 1873.
In his Missionary Travels Livingstone says that but for
the importunities of his friends, he meant to have kept this story
in store to tell his children in his dotage. How little he made of
it at the time will be seen from the following allusion to it in a
letter to his father, dated 27th July, 1844. After telling how the
attacks of the lions drew the people of Mabotsa away from the
irrigating operations he was engaged in, he says:
"At last, one of the lions destroyed nine sheep in
broad daylight on a hill just opposite our house. All the people
immediately ran over to it, and, contrary to my custom, I
imprudently went with them, in order to see how they acted, and
encourage them to destroy him. They surrounded him several times,
but he managed to break through the circle. I then got tired. In
coming home I had to come near to the end of the hill. They were
then close upon the lion and had wounded him. He rushed out from
the bushes which concealed him from view, and bit me on the arm so
as to break the bone. It is now nearly well, however, feeling weak
only from having been confined in one position so long; and I ought
to praise Him who delivered me from so great a danger. I hope I
shall never forget his mercy. You need not be sorry for me, for
long before this reaches you it will be quite as strong as ever it
was. Gratitude is the only feeling we ought to have in remembering
the event. Do not mention this to any one. I do not like to be
talked about."
In a letter to the Directors, Livingstone briefly adverts to
Mebalwe's service on this occasion, but makes it a peg on which to
hang some strong remarks on that favorite topic--the employment of
native agency:
"Our native assistant Mebalwe has been of considerable
value to the Mission. In endeavoring to save my life he nearly lost
his own, for he was caught and wounded severely, but both before
being laid aside, and since his recovery, he has shown great
willingness to be useful. The cheerful manner in which he engages
with us in manual labor in the station, and his affectionate
addresses to his countrymen, are truly gratifying. Mr. E. took him
to some of the neighboring villages lately, in order to introduce
him to his work; and I intend to depart to-morrow for the same
purpose to several of the villages situated northeast of this. In
all there may be a dozen considerable villages situated at
convenient distances around us, and we each purpose to visit them
statedly. It would be an immense advantage to the cause had
we many such agents."
Another proof that his pleas for native agency, published in
some of the Missionary Magazines, were telling at home, was the
receipt of a contribution for the employment of a native helper,
amounting to £15, from a Sunday-school in Southampton.
Touched with this proof of youthful sympathy, Livingstone addressed
a long letter of thanks to the Southampton teachers and children,
desiring to deepen their interest in the work, and concluding with
an account of his Sunday-school:
"I yesterday commenced school for the first time at
Mabotsa, and the poor little naked things came with fear and
trembling. A native teacher assisted, and the chief collected as
many of them as he could, or I believe we should have had none. The
reason is, the women make us the hobgoblins of their children,
telling them 'these white men bite children, feed them with dead
men's brains, and all manner of nonsense. We are just commencing
our mission among them."
A new star now appeared in Livingstone's horizon, destined to
give a brighter complexion to his life, and a new illustration to
the name Mabotsa. Till this year (1844) he had steadily repudiated
all thoughts of marriage, thinking it better to be independent. Nor
indeed had he met with any one to induce him to change his mind.
Writing in the end of 1843 to his friend Watt, he had said:
"There's no outlet for me when I begin to think of getting married
but that of sending home an advertisement to the Evangelical
Magazine, and if I get very old, it must be for some decent
sort of widow. In the meantime I am too busy to think of any thing
of the kind." But soon after the Moffats came back from England to
Kuruman, their eldest daughter Mary rapidly effected a revolution
in Livingstone's ideas of matrimony. They became engaged. In
announcing his approaching marriage to the Directors, he makes it
plain that he had carefully considered the bearing which this step
might have on his usefulness as a missionary. No doubt if he had
foreseen the very extraordinary work to which he was afterwards to
be called, he might have come to a different conclusion. But now,
apparently, he was fixed and settled. Mabotsa would become a centre
from which native missionary agents would radiate over a large
circumference. His own life-work would resemble Mr. Moffat's. For
influencing the women and children of such a place, a Christian
lady was indispensable, and who so likely to do it well as one born
in Africa, the daughter of an eminent and honored missionary,
herself familiar with missionary life, and gifted with the winning
manner and the ready helping hand that were so peculiarly adapted
for this work? The case was as clear as possible, and Livingstone
was very happy.
On his way home from Kuruman, after the engagement, he writes to
her cheerily from Motito, on 1st August, 1844, chiefly about the
household they were soon to get up; asking her to get her father to
order some necessary articles, and to write to Colesberg about the
marriage-license (and if he did not get it, they would license
themselves!), and concluding thus:
"And now, my dearest, farewell. May God bless you! Let
your affection be towards Him much more than towards me; and, kept
by his mighty power and grace, I hope I shall never give you cause
to regret that you have given me a part. Whatever friendship we
feel towards each other, let us always look to Jesus as our common
friend and guide, and may He shield you with his everlasting arms
from every evil!"
Next month he writes from Mabotsa with full accounts of the
progress of their house, of which he was both architect and
builder:
"Mabotsa, 12th September, 1844.--I must tell you
of the progress I have made in architecture. The walls are nearly
finished, although the dimensions are 52 feet by 20 outside, or
almost the same size as the house in which you now reside. I began
with stone, but when it was breast-high, I was obliged to desist
from my purpose to build it entirely of that material by an
accident, which, slight as it was, put a stop to my operations in
that line. A stone failing was stupidly, or rather instinctively,
caught by me in its fall by the left hand, and it nearly broke my
arm over again. It swelled up again, and I fevered so much I was
glad of a fire, although the weather was quite warm. I expected
bursting and discharge, but Baba bound it up nicely, and a few
days' rest put all to rights. I then commenced my architecture, and
six days have brought the walls up a little more than six feet.
"The walls will be finished long before you receive this, and I
suppose the roof too, but I have still the wood of the roof to
seek. It is not, however, far off; and as Mr. E. and I, with the
Kurumanites, got on the roof of the school in a week, I hope this
will not be more than a fortnight or three weeks. Baba has been
most useful to me in making door and window frames; indeed, if he
had not turned out I should not have been advanced so far as I am.
Mr. E.'s finger is the cause in part of my having no aid from him,
but all will come right at last. It is pretty hard work, and almost
enough to drive love out of my head, but it is not situated there;
it is in my heart, and won't come out unless you behave so as to
quench it!...
"You must try and get a maid of some sort to come with although it
is only old Moyimang; you can't go without some one, and a Makhatla
can't be had for either love or money....
"You must excuse soiled paper, my hands won't wash clean after
dabbling mud all day. And although the above does not contain
evidence of it, you are as dear to me as ever, and will be as long
as our lives are spared.--I am still your most affectionate
"D. LIVINGSTON."
A few weeks later he writes:
"As I am favored with another opportunity to Kuruman, I
gladly embrace it, and wish I could embrace you at the same time;
but as I cannot, I must do the next best to it, and while I give
you the good news that our work is making progress, and of course
the time of our separation becoming beautifully less, I am happy in
the hope that, by the messenger who now goes, I shall receive the
good news that you are well and happy, and remembering me with some
of that affection which we bear to each other.... All goes on
pretty well here; the school is sometimes well, sometimes ill
attended. I begin to like it, and I once believed I could never
have any pleasure in such employment. I had a great objection to
school-keeping, but I find in that as in almost everything else I
set myself to as a matter of duty, I soon became enamored of it. A
boy came three times last week, and on the third time could act as
monitor to the rest through a great portion of the alphabet. He is
a real Mokhatla, but I have lost sight of him again. If I get them
on a little, I shall translate some of your infant-school hymns
into Sichuana rhyme, and you may yet, if you have time, teach them
the tunes to them. I, poor mortal, am as mute as a fish in regard
to singing, and Mr. Englis says I have not a bit of imagination.
Mebalwe teaches them the alphabet in the 'auld lang syne' tune
sometimes, and I heard it sung by some youths in the gardens
yesterday--a great improvement over their old see-saw tunes indeed.
Sometimes we have twenty, sometimes two, sometimes none at all.
"Give my love to A., and tell her to be sure to keep my lecture
warm. She must not be vexed with herself, that she was not more
frank to me. If she is now pleased, all is right. I have sisters,
and know all of you have your failings, but I won't love you less
for these. And to mother, too, give my kindest salutation. I
suppose I shall get a lecture from her, too, about the largeness of
the house. If there are too many windows, she can just let me know.
I could build them all up in two days, and let the light come down
the chimney, if that would please. I'll do anything for peace,
except fighting for it. And now I must again, my dear, dear Mary,
bid you good-bye. Accept my expressions as literally true when I
say, I am your most affectionate and still confiding lover,
"D. LIVINGSTON."
In due time the marriage was solemnized, and Livingstone brought
his wife to Mabotsa. Here they went vigorously to work, Mrs.
Livingstone with her infant-school, and her husband with all the
varied agencies, medical, educational, and pastoral, which his
active spirit could bring to bear upon the people. They were a very
superstitious race, and, among other things, had great faith in
rain-making. Livingstone had a famous encounter with one of their
rain-makers, the effect of which, was that the pretender was wholly
nonplused; but instead of being convinced of the absurdity of their
belief, the people were rather disposed to think that the
missionaries did not want them to get rain. Some of them were
workers in iron, who carried their superstitious notions into that
department of life, too, believing that the iron could be smelted
only by the power of medicines, and that those who had not the
proper medicine need not attempt the work. In the hope of breaking
down these absurdities, Livingstone planned a course of popular
lectures on the works of God in creation and providence, to be
carried out in the following way:
"I intend to commence with the goodness-of God in
giving iron ore, by giving, if I can, a general knowledge of the
simplicity of the substance, and endeavoring to disabuse their
minds of the idea which prevents them, in general, from reaping the
benefit of that mineral which abounds in their country. I intend,
also, to pay more attention to the children of the few believers we
have with us as a class, for whom, as baptized ones, we are bound
especially to care. May the Lord enable me to fulfill my
resolutions! I have now the happy prospect before me of real
missionary work. All that has preceded has been
preparatory."
All this time Livingstone had been cherishing his plan of a
training seminary for native agents. He had written a paper and
brought the matter before the missionaries, but without success.
Some opposed the scheme fairly, as being premature, while some
insinuated that his object was to stand well with the Directors,
and get himself made Professor. This last objection induced him to
withdraw his proposal. He saw that in his mode of prosecuting the
matter he had not been very knowing; it would have been better to
get some of the older brethren to adopt it. He feared that his zeal
had injured the cause he desired to benefit, and in writing to his
friend Watt, he said that for months he felt bitter grief, and
could never think of the subject without a pang [23].
[23] Dr. Moffat favored the scheme of a training
seminary, and when he came home afterward, helped to raise a large
sum of money for the purpose. He was strongly of opinion that the
institution should be built at Sechéle's; but, contrary to
his view, and that of Livingstone, it has been placed at
Kuruman.
A second time he brought forward his proposal, but again without
success. Was he then to be beaten? Far from it. He would change his
tactics, however. He would first set himself to show what could be
done by native efforts; he would travel about, wherever he found a
road, and after inquiries, settle native agents far and wide. The
plan had only to be tried, under God's blessing, to succeed. Here
again we trace the Providence that shaped his career. Had his
wishes been carried into effect, he might have spent his life
training native agents, and doing undoubtedly a noble work: but he
would not have traversed Africa; he would not have given its
death-blow to African slavery; he would not have closed the open
sore of the world, nor rolled away the great obstacle to the
evangelization of the Continent.
Some glimpses of his Mabotsa life may be got from a letter to
his mother (14th May, 1845). Usually his letters for home were
meant for the whole family and addressed accordingly; but with a
delicacy of feeling, which many will appreciate, he wrote
separately to his mother after a little experience of married
life:
"I often think of you, and perhaps more frequently
since I got married than before. Only yesterday I said to my wife,
when I thought of the nice clean bed I enjoy now, 'You put me in
mind of my mother; she was always particular about our beds and
linen. I had had rough times of it before.'...
"I cannot perceive that the attentions paid to my father-in-law at
home have spoiled him. He is, of course, not the same man he
formerly must have been, for he now knows the standing he has among
the friends of Christ at home. But the plaudits he received have
had a bad effect, and tho' not on his mind, yet on that of
his fellow-laborers. You, perhaps, cannot understand this, but so
it is. If one man is praised, others think this is more than is
deserved, and that they, too ('others,' they say, while they mean
themselves), ought to have a share. Perhaps you were gratified to
see my letters quoted in the Chronicle. In some minds they
produced bitter envy, and if it were in my power, I should prevent
the publication of any in future. But all is in the Lord's hands;
on Him I cast my care. His testimony I receive as it stands--He
careth for us. Yes, He does; for He says it, who is every way
worthy of credit. He will give what is good for me. He will see to
it that all things work together for good. Do thou for me, O Lord
God Almighty! May his blessing rest on you, my dear mother....
"I received the box from Mr. D. The clothes are all too wide by
four inches at least. Does he think that aldermen grow in Africa?
Mr. N., too, fell into the same fault, but he will be pleased to
know his boots will be worn by a much better man--Mr. Moffat. I am
not an atom thicker than when you saw me....
"Respecting the mission here, we can say nothing. The people have
not the smallest love to the gospel of Jesus. They hate and fear
it, as a revolutionary spirit is disliked by the old Tories. It
appears to them as that which, if not carefully guarded against,
will seduce them, and destroy their much-loved domestic
institutions. No pro-slavery man in the Southern States dreads more
the abolition principles than do the Bakhatla the innovations of
the Word of God. Nothing but power Divine can work the mighty
change."
Unhappily Mr. and Mrs. Livingstone's residence at Mabotsa was
embittered by a painful collision with the missionary who had taken
part in rearing the station. Livingstone was accused of acting
unfairly by him, of assuming to himself more than his due, and
attempts were made to discredit him, both among the missionaries
and the Directors. It was a very painful ordeal, and Livingstone
felt it keenly. He held the accusation to be unjust, as most people
will hold it to have been who know that one of the charges against
him was that he was a "non-entity"! A tone of indignation pervades
his letters:--that after having borne the heat and burden of the
day, he should be accused of claiming for himself the credit due to
one who had done so little in comparison. But the noble spirit of
Livingstone rose to the occasion. Rather than have any scandal
before the heathen, he would give up his house and garden at
Mabotsa, with all the toil and money they had cost him, go with his
young bride to some other place, and begin anew the toil of house
and school building, and gathering the people around him. His
colleague was so struck with his generosity that he said had he
known his intention he never would have spoken a word against him.
Livingstone had spent all his money, and out of a salary of a
hundred pounds it was not easy to build a house every other year.
But he stuck to his resolution. Parting with his garden evidently
cost him a pang, especially when he thought of the tasteless hands
into which it was to fall. "I like a garden," he wrote, "but
paradise will make amends for all our privations and sorrows here."
Self-denial was a firmly established habit with him; and the
passion of "moving on" was warm in his blood. Mabotsa did not
thrive after Livingstone left it, but the brother with whom he had
the difference lived to manifest a very different spirit.
In some of his journeys, Livingstone had come into close contact
with the tribe of the Bakwains, which, on the murder of their
chief, some time before, had been divided into two, one part under
Bubi, already referred to, and the other under Sechéle, son
of the murdered chief, also already introduced. Both of these
chiefs had shown much regard for Livingstone, and on the death of
Bubi, Sechéle and his people indicated a strong wish that a
missionary should reside among them. On leaving Mabotsa,
Livingstone transferred his services to this tribe. The name of the
pew station was Chonuane; it was situated some forty miles from
Mabotsa, and in 1846 it became the centre of Livingstone's
operations among the Bakwains and their chief Sechéle.
Livingstone had been disappointed with the result of his work
among the Bakhatlas. No doubt much good had been done; he had
prevented several wars; but where were the conversions [24]? On leaving he
found that he had made more impressions on them than he had
supposed. They were most unwilling to lose him, offered to do
anything in their power for his comfort, and even when his oxen
were "inspanned" and he was on the point of moving, they offered to
build a new house without expense to him in some other place, if
only he would not leave them. In a financial point of view, the
removal to Chonuane was a serious undertaking. He had to apply to
the Directors at home for a building-grant--only thirty pounds, but
there were not wanting objectors even to that small sum. It was
only in self-vindication that he was constrained to tell of the
hardships which his family had borne;--
[24] When some of Livingstone's "new light"
friends heard that there were so few conversions, they seem to have
thought that he was too much of an old Calvinist, and wrote to him
to preach that the remedy was as extensive as the disease--Christ
loved
you, and gave himself for
you. "You may think
me heretical," replied he, "but we don't need to make the extent of
the atonement the main topic of our preaching. We preach to men who
don't know but they are beasts, who have no idea of God as a
personal agent, or of sin as evil, otherwise than as an offense
against each other, which may or may not be punished by the party
offended.... Their consciences are seared, and moral perceptions
blunted. Their memories retain scarcely anything we teach them, and
so low have they sunk that the plainest text in the whole Bible
cannot be understood by them."
"We endured for a long while, using a wretched infusion
of native corn for coffee, but when our corn was done, we were
fairly obliged to go to Kuruman for supplies. I can bear what other
Europeans would consider hunger and thirst without any
inconvenience, but when we arrived, to hear the old woman who had
seen my wife depart about two years before, exclaiming before the
door, 'Bless me! how lean she is! Has he starved her? Is there no
food in the country to which she has been?' was more than I could
well bear."
From the first, Sechéle showed an intelligent interest in
Livingstone's preaching. He became a great reader especially of the
Bible, and lamented very bitterly that he had got involved in
heathen customs, and now did not know what to do with his wives. At
one time he expressed himself quite willing to convert all his
people to Christianity by the litupa, i.e. whips of
rhinoceros hide; but when he came to understand better, he lamented
that while he could make his people do anything else he liked, he
could not get one of them to believe. He began family worship, and
Livingstone was surprised to hear how well he conducted prayer in
his own simple and beautiful style. When he was baptized, after a
profession of three years, he sent away his superfluous wives in a
kindly and generous way; but all their connections became active
and bitter enemies of the gospel, and the conversion of
Sechéle, instead of increasing the congregation, reduced it
so much that sometimes the chief and his family were almost the
only persons present. A bell-man of a somewhat peculiar order was
once employed to collect the people for service--a tall gaunt
fellow. "Up he jumped on a sort of platform, and shouted at the top
of his voice, 'Knock that woman down over there. Strike her, she is
putting on her pot! Do you see that one hiding herself? Give her a
good blow. There she is--see, see, knock her down!' All the women
ran to the place of meeting in no time, for each thought herself
meant. But, though a most efficient bell-man, we did not like to
employ him."
While residing at Chonuane, Livingstone performed two journeys
eastward, in order to attempt the removal of certain obstacles to
the establishment of at least one of his native teachers in that
direction. This brought him into connection with the Dutch Boers of
the Cashan mountains, otherwise called Magaliesberg. The Boers were
emigrants from the Cape, who had been dissatisfied with the British
rule, and especially with the emancipation of their Hottentot
slaves, and had created for themselves a republic in the north (the
Transvaal), in order that they might pursue, unmolested, the proper
treatment of the blacks. "It is almost needless to add," says
Livingstone, "that proper treatment has always contained in it the
essential element of slavery, viz., compulsory unpaid labor." The
Boers had effected the expulsion of Mosilikatse, a savage Zulu
warrior, and in return for this service they considered themselves
sole masters of the soil. While still engaged in the erection of
his dwelling-house at Chonuane, Livingstone received notes from the
Commandant and Council of the emigrants, requesting an explanation
of his intentions, and an intimation that they had resolved to come
and deprive Sechéle of his fire-arms. About the same time he
received several very friendly messages and presents from Mokhatla,
chief of a large section of the Bakhatla, who lived about four days
eastward of his station, and had once, while Livingstone was
absent, paid a visit to Chonuane, and expressed satisfaction with
the idea of obtaining Paul, a native convert, as his teacher. As
soon as his house was habitable, Livingstone proceeded to the
eastward, to visit Mokhatla, and to confer with the Boers.
On his way to Mokhatla he was surprised at the unusual density
of the population, giving him the opportunity of preaching the
gospel at least once every day. The chief, Mokhatla, whose people
were quiet and industrious, was eager to get a missionary, but said
that an arrangement must be made with the Dutch commandant. This
involved some delay.
Livingstone then returned to Chonuane, finished the erection of
a school there, and setting systematic instruction fairly in
operation under Paul and his son, Isaac, again went eastward,
accompanied this time by Mrs. Livingstone and their infant son,
Robert Moffat [25]--all the three being in indifferent health.
Mebalwe, the catechist, was also with them. Taking a different
route, they came on another Bakhatla tribe, whose country abounded
in metallic ores, and who, besides cultivating their fields, span
cotton, smelted iron, copper, and tin, made an alloy of tin and
copper, and manufactured ornaments. Livingstone had constantly an
eye to the industries and commercial capabilities of the countries
he passed through. Social reform was certainly much needed here;
for the chief, though not twenty years of age, had already
forty-eight wives and twenty children. They heard of another tribe,
said to excel all others in manufacturing skill, and having the
honorable distinction, "they had never been known to kill any one."
This lily among thorns they were unable to visit. Three tribes of
Bakhalaka whom they did visit were at continual war.
[25] He wrote to his father that he would have
called him Neil, if it had not been such an ugly name, and all the
people would have called him Ra-Neeley!
Deriving his information from the Boers themselves, Livingstone
learned that they had taken possession of nearly all the fountains,
so that the natives lived in the country only by sufferance. The
chiefs were compelled to furnish the emigrants with as much free
labor as they required. This was in return for the privilege of
living in the country of the Boers! The absence of law left the
natives open to innumerable wrongs which the better-disposed of the
emigrants lamented, but could not prevent. Livingstone found that
the forcible seizure of cattle was a common occurrence, but another
custom was even worse. When at war, the Dutch forced natives to
assist them, and sent them before them into battle, to encounter
the battle-axes of their opponents, while the Dutch fired in safety
at their enemies over the heads of their native allies. Of course
all the disasters of the war fell on the natives; the Dutch had
only the glory and the spoil. Such treatment of the natives burned
into the very soul of Livingstone. He was specially distressed at
the purpose expressed to pick a quarrel with Sechéle, for
whatever the emigrants might say of other tribes, they could not
but admit that the Bechuanas had been always an honest and
peaceable people.
When Livingstone met the Dutch commandant he received favorably
his proposal of a native missionary, but another obstacle arose.
Near the proposed station lived a Dutch emigrant who had shown
himself the inveterate enemy of missions. He had not scrupled to
say that the proper way to treat any native missionary was to kill
him. Livingstone was unwilling to plant Mebalwe beside so
bloodthirsty a neighbor**(spelling?), and as he had not time to, go
to him, and try to bring him to a better mind, and there was plenty
of work to be done at the station, they all returned to
Chonuane.
"We have now," says Livingstone (March, 1847), "been a little
more than a year with the Bakwains. No conversions have taken
place, but real progress has been made." He adverts to the way in
which the Sabbath was observed, no work being done by the natives
in the gardens that day, and hunting being suspended. Their
superstitious belief in rain-maiking had got a blow. There was a
real desire for knowledge, though hindered by the prevailing famine
caused by the want of rain. There was also a general impression
among the people that the missionaries were their friends. But
civilization apart from conversion would be but a poor recompense
for their labor.
But, whatever success might attend their work among the
Bakwains, Livingstone's soul was soaring beyond them:
"I am more and more convinced," he writes to the
Directors, "that in order to the permanent settlement of the gospel
in any part, the natives must be taught to relinquish their
reliance on Europe. An onward movement ought to be made whether men
will hear or whether they will forbear. I tell my Bakwains that if
spared ten years, I shall move on to regions beyond them. If our
missions would move onward now to those regions I have lately
visited, they would in all probability prevent the natives settling
into that state of determined hatred to all Europeans which I fear
now characterizes most of the Caffres near the Colony. If natives
are not elevated by contact with Europeans, they are sure to be
deteriorated. It is with pain I have observed that all the tribes I
have lately seen are undergoing the latter process. The country is
fine. It abounds in streams, and has many considerable rivers. The
Boers hate missionaries, but by a kind and prudent course of
conduct one can easily manage them. Medicines are eagerly received,
and I intend to procure a supply of Dutch tracts for distribution
among them. The natives who have been in subjection to Mosilikatse
place unbounded confidence in missionaries."
In his letters to friends at home, whatever topic Livingstone
may touch, we see evidence of one over-mastering idea--the vastness
of Africa, and the duty of beginning a new area of enterprise to
reach its people. Among his friends the Scotch Congregationalists,
there had been a keen controversy on some points of Calvinism.
Livingstone did not like it; he was not a high Calvinist
theoretically, yet he could not accept the new views, "from a
secret feeling of being absolutely at the divine disposal as a
sinner;" but these were theoretical questions, and with dark Africa
around him, he did not see why the brethren at home should split on
them. Missionary influence in South Africa was directed in a wrong
channel. There were three times too many missionaries in the
colony, and vast regions beyond lay untouched. He wrote to Mr.
Watt: "If you meet me down in the colony before eight years are
expired, you may shoot me."
Of his employments and studies he gives the following account:
"I get the Evangelical, Scottish Congregational, Eclectic,
Lancet, British and Foreign Medical Review. I can read in
journeying, but little at home. Building, gardening, cobbling,
doctoring, tinkering, carpentering, gun-mending, farriering,
wagon-mending, preaching, schooling, lecturing on physics according
to my means, beside a chair in divinity to a class of three, fill
up my time."
With all his other work, he was still enthusiastic in science.
"I have written Professor Buckland," he says to Mr. Watt (May,
1845), "and send him specimens too, but have not received any
answer. I have a great lot by me now. I don't know whether he
received my letter or not. Could you ascertain? I am trying to
procure specimens of the entire geology of this region, and will
try and make a sort of chart. I am taking double specimens now, so
that if one part is lost, I can send another. The great difficulty
is transmission. I sent a dissertation on the decrease of water in
Africa. Call on Professor Owen and ask if he wants anything in the
four jars I still possess, of either rhinoceros, camelopard, etc.,
etc. If he wants these, or anything else these jars will hold, he
must send me more jars and spirits of wine."
He afterward heard of the fate of one of the boxes of specimens
he had sent home--that which contained the fossils of Bootchap. It
was lost on the railway after reaching England, in custody of a
friend. "The thief thought the box contained bullion, no doubt. You
may think of one of the faces in Punch as that of the
scoundrel, when he found in the box a lot of 'chuckystanes.'" He
had got many nocturnal-feeding, animals, but the heat made it very
difficult to preserve them. Many valuable seeds he had sent to
Calcutta, with the nuts of the desert, but had heard nothing of
them. He had lately got knowledge of a root to which the same
virtues were attached as to ergot of rye. He tells his friend about
the tsetse, the fever, the north wind, and other African notabilia.
These and many other interesting points of information are followed
up by the significant question--
"Who will penetrate through Africa?"
CHAPTER V.
Third Station--Kolobeng.
Want of rain at Chonuane--Removal to Kolobeng--House-building
and public works--Hopeful prospects--Letters to Mr. Watt, his
sister, and Dr. Bennett--The church at Kolobeng--Pure
communion--Conversion of Sechéle--Letter from his brother
Charles--His history--Livingstone's relations with the Boers--He
cannot get native teachers planted in the East--Resolves to explore
northwards--Extracts from Journal--Scarcity of water--Wild animals
and other risks--Custom-house robberies and annoyances--Visit from
Secretary of London Missionary Society--Manifold employments of
Livingstone--Studies in Sichuana--His reflection on this period of
his life while detained at Manyuema in 1870.
The residence of the Livingstones at Chonuane was of short
continuance. The want of rain was fatal to agriculture, and about
equally fatal to the mission. It was necessary to remove to a
neighborhood where water could be obtained. The new locality chosen
was on the banks of the river Kolobeng, about forty miles distant
from Chonuane. In a letter to the Royal Geographical Society, his
early and warm friend and fellow-traveler, Mr. Oswell, thus
describes Kolobeng: "The town stands in naked 'deformity on the
side of and under a ridge of red ironstone; the mission-house on a
little rocky eminence over the river Kolobeng." Livingstone had
pointed out to the chief that the only feasible way of watering the
gardens was to select some good never-failing river, make a canal,
and irrigate the adjacent lands. The wonderful influence which he
had acquired was apparent from the fact that the very morning after
he told them of his intention to move to the Kolobeng, the whole
tribe was in motion for the "flitting." Livingstone had to set to
work at his old business--building a house--the third which he had
reared with his own hands. It was a mere hut--for a permanent house
he had to wait a year. The natives, of course, had their huts to
rear and their gardens to prepare; but, besides this, Livingstone
set them to public works. For irrigating their gardens, a dam had
to be dug and a water-course scooped out; sixty-five of the younger
men dug the dam, and forty of the older made the water-course. The
erection of the school was undertaken by the chief Sechéle:
"I desire," he said, "to build a house for God, the defender of my
town, and that you be at no expense for it whatever." Two hundred
of his people were employed in this work.
Livingstone had hardly had time to forget his building troubles
at Mabotsa and Chonuane, when he began this new enterprise. But he
was in much better spirits, much more hopeful than he had been.
Writing to Mr. Watt on 13th February, 1848, he says:--
"All our meetings are good compared to those we had at
Mabotsa, and some of them admit of no comparison whatever. Ever
since we moved, we have been incessantly engaged in manual labor.
We have endeavored, as far as possible, to carry on systematic
instruction at the same time, but have felt it very hard pressure
on our energies.... Our daily labors are in the following sort of
order:
"We get up as soon as we can, generally with the sun in summer,
then have family worship, breakfast, and school; and as soon as
these are over we begin the manual operations needed, sowing,
ploughing, smithy work, and every other sort of work by turns as
required. My better-half is employed all the morning in culinary or
other work; and feeling pretty well tired by dinner-time, we take
about two hours' rest then; but more frequently, without the
respite I try to secure for myself, she goes off to hold
infant-school, and this, I am happy to say, is very popular with
the youngsters. She sometimes has eighty, but the average may be
sixty. My manual labors are continued till about five o'clock. I
then go into the town to give lessons and talk to any one who may
be disposed for it. As soon as the cows are milked we have a
meeting, and this is followed by a prayer-meeting in
Sechéles house, which brings me home about half-past eight,
and generally tired enough, too fatigued to think of any mental
exertion. I do not enumerate these duties by way of telling how
much we do, but to let you know a cause of sorrow I have that so
little of my time is devoted to real missionary work."
First there was a temporary house to be built, then a permanent
one, and Livingstone was not exempted from the casualties of
mechanics. Once he found himself dangling from a beam by his weak
arm. Another time he had a fall from the roof. A third time he cut
himself severely with an axe. Working on the roof in the sun, his
lips got all scabbed and broken. If he mentions such things to Dr.
Bennett or other friend, it is either in the way of illustrating
some medical point or to explain how he had never found time to
take the latitude of his station till he was stopped working by one
of these accidents. At best it was weary work. "Two days ago," he
writes to his sister Janet (5th July, 1848), "we entered our new
house. What a mercy to be in a house again! A year in a little hut
through which the wind blew our candles into glorious icicles (as a
poet would say) by night, and in which crowds of flies continually
settled on the eyes of our poor little brats by day, makes us value
our present castle. Oh, Janet, know thou, if thou art given to
building castles in the air, that that is easy work to erecting
cottages on the ground." He could not quite forget that it was
unfair treatment that had driven him from Mabotsa, and involved him
in these labors. "I often think," he writes to Dr. Bennett, "I have
forgiven, as I hope to be forgiven; but the remembrance of slander
often comes boiling up, although I hate to think of it. You must
remember me in your prayers, that more of the spirit of Christ may
be imparted to me. All my plans of mental culture have been broken
through by manual labor. I shall soon, however, be obliged to give
my son and daughter a jog along the path to learning.... Your
family increases, very fast, and I fear we follow in your wake. I
cannot realize the idea of your sitting with four around you, and I
can scarcely believe myself to be so far advanced as to be the
father of two."
Livingstone never expected the work of real Christianity to
advance rapidly among the Bakwains. They were a slow people and
took long to move. But it was not his desire to have a large church
of nominal adherents. "Nothing," he writes, "will induce me to form
an impure church. Fifty added to the church sounds fine at home,
but if only five of these are genuine, what will it profit in the
Great Day? I have felt more than ever lately that the great object
of our exertions ought to be conversion." There was no subject on
which Livingstone had stronger feelings than on purity of
communion. For two whole years he allowed no dispensation of the
Lord's Supper, because he did not deem the professing Christians to
be living consistently. Here was a crowning proof of his hatred of
all sham and false pretense, and his intense love of solid,
thorough, finished work.
Hardly were things begun to be settled at Kolobeng, when, by way
of relaxation, Livingstone (January, 1848) again moved eastward. He
would have gone sooner, but "a mad sort of Scotchman [26]," having wandered
past them shooting elephants, and lost all his cattle by the bite
of the tsetse-fly, Livingstone had to go to his help; and moreover
the dam, having burst, required to be repaired. Sechéle set
out to accompany him, and intended to go with him the whole way;
but some friends having come to visit his tribe, he had to return,
or at least did return, leaving Livingstone four gallons of
porridge, and two servants to act in his stead. "He is about the
only individual," says Livingstone, "who possesses distinct,
consistent views on the subject of our mission. He is bound by his
wives: has a curious idea--would like to go to another country for
three or four years in order to study, with the hope that probably
his wives would have married others in the meantime. He would then
return, and be admitted to the Lord's Supper, and teach his people
the knowledge he has acquired, He seems incapable of putting them
away. He feels so attached to them, and indeed we, too, feel much
attached to most of them. They are our best scholars, our constant
friends. We earnestly pray that they, too, may be enlightened by
the Spirit of God."
The prayer regarding Sechéle was answered soon. Reviewing
the year 1844 in a letter to the Directors, Livingstone says: "An
event that excited more open enmity than any other was the
profession of faith and subsequent reception of the chief into the
church."
During the first years at Kolobeng he received a long letter
from his younger brother Charles, then in the United States,
requesting him to use his influence with the London Missionary
Society that he might be sent as a missionary to China. In writing
to the Directors about his brother, in reply to this request,
Livingstone disclaimed all idea of influencing them except in so
far as he might be able to tell them facts. His brother's history
was very interesting. In 1839, when David Livingstone was in
England, Charles became earnest about religion, influenced partly
by the thought that as his brother, to whom he was most warmly
attached, was going abroad, he might never see him again in this
world, and therefore he would prepare to meet him in the next. A
strong desire sprang up in his mind to obtain a liberal education.
Not having the means to get this at home, he was advised by David
to go to America, and endeavor to obtain admission to one of the
colleges there where the students support themselves by manual
labor. To help him in this, David sent him five pounds, which he
had just received from the Society, being the whole of his
quarter's allowance in London. On landing at New York, after
selling his box and bed, Charles found his whole stock of cash to
amount to £2, 13s. 6d. Purchasing a loaf and a piece of
cheese as viaticum, he started for a college at Oberlin,
seven hundred miles off, where Dr. Finney was President. He
contrived to get to the college without having ever begged. In the
third year he entered on a theological course, with the view of
becoming a missionary. He did not wish, and could never agree, as a
missionary, to hold an appointment from an American Society, on
account of the relation of the American Churches to slavery;
therefore he applied to the London Missionary Society. David had
suggested to his father that if Charles was to be a missionary, he
ought to direct his attention to China. Livingstone's first
missionary love had not become cold, and much though he might have
wished to have his brother in Africa, he acted consistently on his
old conviction that there were enough of English missionaries
there, and that China had much more need.
The Directors declined to appoint Charles Livingstone without a
personal visit, which he could not afford to make. This
circumstance led him to accept a pastorate in New England, where he
remained until 1857, when he came to this country and joined his
brother in the Zambesi Expedition. Afterward he was appointed H.M.
Consul at Fernando Po, but being always delicate, he succumbed to
the climate of the country, and died a few months after his
brother, on his way home, in October, 1873. Sir Bartle Frere, as
President of the Royal Geographical Society, paid a deserved
tribute to his affectionate and earnest nature, his consistent
Christian life, and his valuable help to Christian missions and the
African cause generally [27].
[27] Journal of the Royal Geographical Society,
1874, p. cxxviii.
Livingstone's relations with the Boers did not improve. He has
gone so fully into this subject in his Missionary Travels
that a very slight reference to it is all that is needed here. It
was at first very difficult for him to comprehend how the most
flagrant injustice and inhumanity to the black race could be
combined, as he found it to be, with kindness and general
respectability, and even with the profession of piety. He only came
to comprehend this when, after more experience, he understood the
demoralization which the slave-system produces. It was necessary
for the Boers to possess themselves of children for servants, and
believing or fancying that in some tribe an insurrection was
plotting, they would fall on that tribe and bring off a number of
the children. The most foul massacres were justified on the ground
that they were necessary to subdue the troublesome tendencies of
the people, and therefore essential to permanent peace. Livingstone
felt keenly that the Boers who came to live among the Bakwains made
no distinction between them and the Caffres, although the Bechuanas
were noted for honesty, and never attacked either Boers or English.
On the principle of elevating vague rumors into alarming facts, the
Boers of the Cashan Mountains, having heard that Sechéle was
possessed of fire-arms (the number of his muskets was five!)
multiplied the number by a hundred, and threatened him with an
invasion. Livingstone, who was accused of supplying these arms,
went to the commandant Krieger, and prevailed upon him to defer the
expedition, but refused point-blank to comply with Krieger's wish
that he should act as a spy on the Bakwains. Threatening messages
continued to be sent to Sechéle, ordering him to surrender
himself, and to prevent English traders from passing through his
country, or selling fire-arms to his people. On one occasion
Livingstone was told by Mr. Potgeiter, a leading Dutchman, that he
would attack any tribe that might receive a native teacher.
Livingstone was so thoroughly identified with the natives that it
became the desire of the colonists to get rid of him and all his
belongings, and complaints were made of him to the Colonial
Government as a dangerous person that ought not to be let
alone.
All this made it very clear to Livingstone that his favorite
plan of planting native teachers to the eastward could not be
carried into effect, at least for the present. His disappointment
in this was only another link in the chain of causes that gave to
the latter part of his life so unlooked-for but glorious a
destination. It set him to inquire whether in some other direction
he might not find a sphere for planting native teachers which the
jealousy of the Boers prevented in the east.
Before we set out with him on the northward journeys, to which
he was led partly by the hostility of the Boers in the east, and
partly by the very distressing failure of rain at Kolobeng, a few
extracts may be given from a record of the period entitled "A
portion of a Journal lost in the destruction of Kolobeng
(September, 1853) by the Boers of Pretorius." Livingstone appears
to have kept journals from an early period of his life with
characteristic care and neatness; but that ruthless and most
atrocious raid of the Boers, which we shall have to notice
hereafter, deprived him of all them up to that date. The treatment
of his books on that occasion was one of the most exasperating of
his trials. Had they been burned or carried off he would have
minded it less; but it was unspeakably provoking to hear of them
lying about with handfuls of leaves torn out of them, or otherwise
mutilated and destroyed. From the wreck of his journals the only
part saved was a few pages containing notes of some occurrences in
1848-49:
"May 20, 1848.--Spoke to Sechéle of the
evil of trusting in medicines instead of God. He felt afraid to
dispute on the subject, and said he would give up all medicine if I
only told him to do so. I was gratified to see symptoms of tender
conscience. May God enlighten him!
"July 10th.--Entered new house on 4th curt. A great mercy.
Hope it may be more a house of prayer than any we have yet
inhabited.
"Sunday, August 6.--Sechéle remained as a spectator
at the celebration of the Lord's Supper, and when we retired he
asked me how he ought to act with reference to his superfluous
wives, as he greatly desired to conform to the will of Christ, be
baptized, and observe his ordinances. Advised him to do according
to what he saw written in God's Book, but to treat them gently, for
they had sinned in ignorance, and if driven away hastily might be
lost eternally.
"Sept. 1.--Much opposition, but none manifested to us as
individuals. Some, however, say it was a pity the lion did not kill
me at Mabotsa. They curse the chief (Sechéle) with very
bitter curses, and these come from the mouths of those whom
Sechéle would formerly have destroyed for a single
disrespectful word. The truth will, by the aid of the Spirit of
God, ultimately prevail.
"Oct. 1.--Sechéle baptized; also Setefano.
"Nov.--Long for rains. Everything languishes during the
intense heat; and successive droughts having only occurred since
the Gospel came to the Bakwains, I fear the effect will be
detrimental. There is abundance of rain all around us. And yet we,
who have our chief at our head in attachment to the Gospel, receive
not a drop. Has Satan power over the course of the winds and
clouds? Feel afraid he will obtain an advantage over us, but must
be resigned entirely to the Divine will.
"Nov. 27.--O Devil! Prince of the power of the air, art thou
hindering us? Greater is He who is for us than all who can be
against us. I intend to proceed with Paul to Mokhatla's. He feels
much pleased with the prospect of forming a new station. May God
Almighty bless the poor unworthy effort! Mebalwe's house finished.
Preparing woodwork for Paul's house.
"Dec. 16.--Passed by invitation to Hendrick Potgeiter.
Opposed to building a school.... Told him if he hindered the Gospel
the blood of these people would be required at his hand. He became
much excited at this.
"Dec. 17.--Met Dr. Robertson, of Swellendam. Very friendly.
Boers very violently opposed.... Went to Pilanies. Had large
attentive audiences at two villages when on the way home. Paul and
I looked for a ford in a dry river. Found we had got a she black
rhinoceros between us and the wagon, which was only twenty yards
off. She had calved during the night--a little red beast like a
dog. She charged the wagon, split a spoke and a felloe with her
horn, and then left. Paul and I jumped into a rut, as the guns were
in the wagon."
The black rhinoceros is one of the most dangerous of the wild
beasts of Africa, and travelers stand in great awe of it. The
courage of Dr. Livingstone in exposing himself to the risk of such
animals on this missionary tour was none the less that he himself
says not a word regarding it; but such courage was constantly shown
by him. The following instances are given on the authority of Dr.
Moffat as samples of what was habitual to Dr. Livingstone in the
performance of his duty.
In going through a wood, a party of hunters were startled by the
appearance of a black rhinoceros. The furious beast dashed at the
wagon, and drove his horn into the bowels of the driver, inflicting
a frightful wound. A messenger was despatched in the greatest haste
for Dr. Livingstone, whose house was eight or ten miles distant.
The messenger in his eagerness ran the whole way. Livingstone's
friends were horror-struck at the idea of his riding through the
wood at night, exposed to the rhinoceros and other deadly beasts.
"No, no; you must not think of it, Livingstone; it is certain
death." Livingstone believed it was a Christian duty to try to save
the poor fellow's life, and he resolved to go, happen what might.
Mounting his horse, he rode to the scene of the accident. The man
had died, and the wagon had left, so that there was nothing for
Livingstone but to return and run the risk of the forest anew,
without even the hope that he might be useful in saving life.
Another time, when he and a brother missionary were on a tour a
long way from home, a messenger came to tell his companion that one
of his children was alarmingly ill. It was but natural for him to
desire Livingstone to go back with him. The way lay over a road
infested by lions. Livingstone's life would be in danger; moreover,
as we have seen, he was intensely desirous to examine the fossil
bones at the place. But when his friend expressed the desire for
him to go, he went without hesitation. His firm belief in
Providence sustained him in these as in so many other dangers.
Medical practice was certainly not made easier by what happened
to some of his packages from England. Writing to his father-in-law,
Mr. Moffat (18th January, 1849), he says:
"Most of our boxes which come to us from England are
opened, and usually lightened of their contents. You will perhaps
remember one in which Sechéle's cloak was. It contained, on
leaving Glasgow, besides the articles which came here, a parcel of
surgical instruments which I ordered, and of course paid for. One
of these was a valuable cupping apparatus. The value at which the
instruments were purchased for me was £4, 12s., their real
value much more.
"The box which you kindly packed for us and despatched to Glasgow
has, we hear, been gutted by the Custom-House thieves, and only a
very few plain karosses left in it. When we see a box which has
been opened we have not half the pleasure which we otherwise should
in unpacking it.... Can you give me any information how these
annoyances may be prevented? Or must we submit to it as one of the
crooked things of this life, which Solomon says cannot be made
straight?"
Not only in these scenes of active missionary labor, but
everywhere else, Livingstone was in the habit of preaching to the
natives, and conversing seriously with them on religion, his
favorite topics being the love of Christ, the Fatherhood of God,
the resurrection, and the last judgment. His preaching to them, in
Dr. Moffat's judgment, was highly effective. It was simple,
scriptural, conversational, went straight to the point, was well
fitted to arrest the attention, and remarkably adapted to the
capacity of the people. To his father he writes (5th July, 1848):
"For a long time I felt much depressed after preaching the
unsearchable riches of Christ to apparently insensible hearts; but
now I like to dwell on the love of the great Mediator, for it
always warms my own heart, and I know that the gospel is the power
of God--the great means which He employs for the regeneration of
our ruined world."
In the beginning of 1849 Livingstone made the first of a series
of journeys to the north, in the hope of planting native
missionaries among the people. Not to interrupt the continuous
account of these journeys, we may advert here to a visit paid to
him at Kolobeng, on his return from the first of them, in the end
of the year, by Mr. Freeman of the London Missionary Society, who
was at that time visiting the African stations. Mr. Freeman, to
Livingstone's regret, was in favor of keeping up all Colonial
stations, because the London Society alone paid attention to the
black population. He was not much in sympathy with Livingstone.
"Mr. Freeman," he writes confidentially to Mr. Watt,
"gave us no hope to expect any new field to be taken up.
'Expenditure to be reduced in Africa' was the word, when I proposed
the new region beyond us, and there is nobody willing to go except
Mr. Moffat and myself. Six hundred miles additional land-carriage,
mosquitoes in myriads, sparrows by the million, an epidemic
frequently fatal, don't look well in a picture. I am 270 miles from
Kuruman; land-carriage for all that we use makes a fearful inroad
into the £100 of salary, and then 600 miles beyond this makes
one think unutterable things, for nobody likes to call for more
salary. I think the Indian salary ought to be given to those who go
into the tropics. I have a very strong desire to go and reduce the
new language to writing, but I cannot perform impossibilities. I
don't think it quite fair for the Churches to expect their
messenger to live, as if he were the Prodigal Son, on the husks
that the swine do eat, but I should be ashamed to say so to any one
but yourself."
"I cannot perform impossibilities," said Livingstone; but few
men could come so near doing it. His activity of mind and body at
this outskirt of civilization was wonderful. A Jack-of-all-trades,
he is building houses and schools, cultivating gardens, scheming in
every manner of way how to get water, which in the remarkable
drought of the season becomes scarcer and scarcer; as a missionary
he is holding meetings every other night, preaching on Sundays, and
taking such other opportunities as he can find to gain the people
to Christ; as a medical man he is dealing with the more difficult
cases of disease, those which baffle the native doctors; as a man
of science he is taking observations, collecting specimens,
thinking out geographical, geological, meteorological, and other
problems bearing on the structure and condition of the continent;
as a missionary statesman he is planning how the actual force might
be disposed of to most advantage, and is looking round in this
direction and in that, over hundreds of miles, for openings for
native agents; and to promote these objects he is writing long
letters to the Directors, to the Missionary Chronicle to the
British Banner, to private friends, to any one likely to
take an interest in his plans.
But this does not exhaust his labors. He is deeply interested in
philological studies, and is writing on the Sichuana language:
"I have been hatching a grammar of the Sichuana
language," he writes to Mr. Watt. "It is different in structure
from any other language, except the ancient Egyptian. Most of the
changes are effected by means of prefixes or affixes, the radical
remaining unchanged. Attempts have been made to form grammars, but
all have gone on the principle of establishing a resemblance
between Sichuana, Latin, and Greek; mine is on the principle of
analysing the language without reference to any others. Grammatical
terms are only used when I cannot express my meaning in any other
way. The analysis renders the whole language very simple, and I
believe the principle elicited extends to most of the languages
between this and Egypt. I wish to know whether I could get 20 or 30
copies printed for private distribution at an expense not beyond my
means. It would be a mere tract, and about the size of this letter
when folded, 40 or 50 pages perhaps
[28]. Will you
ascertain the cost, and tell me whether, in the event of my
continuing hot on the subject half a year hence, you would be the
corrector of the press?... Will you examine catalogues to find
whether there is any dictionary of ancient Egyptian within my
means, so that I might purchase and compare? I should not grudge
two or three pounds for it. Professor Vater has written on it, but
I do not know what dictionary he consulted. One Tattam has written
a Coptic grammar; perhaps that has a vocabulary, and might serve my
purpose. I see Tattam advertised by John Russell Smith, 4 Old
Compton Street, Soho, London,--'Tattam (H.),
Lexicon
Egyptiaco-Latinum e veteribus linguae Egyptiacae monumentis;
thick 8vo, bds., 10s., Oxf., 1835.' Will you purchase the above for
me?"
[28] This gives a correct idea of the length of
many of his letters.
At Mabotsa and Chonuane the Livingstones had spent but a little
time; Kolobeng may be said to have been the only permanent home
they ever had. During these years several of their children were
born, and it was the only considerable period of their lives when
both had their children about them. Looking back afterward on this
period, and its manifold occupations, whilst detained in Manyuema,
in the year 1870, Dr. Livingstone wrote the following striking
words:
#/ "I often ponder over my missionary career among the Bakwains
or Bakwaina, and though conscious of many imperfections, not a
single pang of regret arises in the view of my conduct, except that
I did not feel it to be my duty, while spending all my energy in
teaching the heathen, to devote a special portion of my time to
play with my children. But generally I was so much exhausted with
the mental and manual labor of the day, that in the evening there
was no fun left in me. I did not play with my little ones while I
had them, and they soon sprung up in my absences, and left me
conscious that I had none to play with." #/
The heart that felt this one regret in looking back to this busy
time must have been true indeed to the instincts of a parent. But
Livingstone's case was no exception to that mysterious law of our
life in this world, by which, in so many things, we learn how to
correct our errors only after the opportunity is gone. Of all the
crooks in his lot, that which gave him so short an opportunity of
securing the affections and moulding the character of his children
seems to have been the hardest to bear. His long detention at
Manyuema appears, as we shall see hereafter, to have been spent by
him in learning more completely the lesson of submission to the
will of God; and the hard trial of separation from his family,
entailing on them what seemed irreparable loss, was among the last
of his sorrows over which he was able to write the words with which
he closes the account of his wife's death in the Zambesi and its
Tributaries,--"FIAT, DOMINE, VOLUNTUS TUA!"
CHAPTER VI.
KOLOBENG continued--LAKE 'NGAMI.
Kolobeng failing through drought--Sebituane's country and the
Lake 'Ngami--Livingstone sets out with Messrs. Oswell and
Murray--Rivers Zouga and Tamanak'le--Old ideas of the interior
revolutionized--Enthusiasm of Livingstone--Discovers Lake
'Ngami--Obliged to return--Prize from Royal Geographical
Society--Second expedition to the lake, with wife and
children--Children attacked by fever--Again obliged to
return--Conviction as to healthier spot beyond--Idea of finding
passage to sea either west or east--Birth and death of a
child--Family visits Kuruman--Third expedition, again with
family--He hopes to find a new locality--Perils of the journey--He
reaches Sebituane--The chiefs illness and death--Distress of
Livingstone--Mr. Oswell and he go on the Linyanti--Discovery of the
Upper Zambesi--No locality found for settlement--More extended
journey necessary--He returns--Birth of Oswald Livingstone--Crisis
in Livingstone's life--His guiding principles--New plans--The
Makololo begin to practice slave-trade--New thoughts about
commerce--Letters to Directors--The Bakwains--Pros and
cons of his new plan--His unabated missionary zeal--He goes
with his family to the Cape--His literary activity.
When Sechéle turned back after going so far with
Livingstone eastward, it appeared that his courage had failed him.
"Will you go with me northward?" Livingstone once asked him, and it
turned out that he was desirous to do so. He wished to see
Sebituane, a great chief living to the north of Lake 'Ngami, who
had saved his life in his infancy, and otherwise done him much
service. Sebituane was a man of great ability, who had brought a
vast number of tribes into subjection, and now ruled over a very
extensive territory, being one of the greatest magnates of Africa.
Livingstone, too, had naturally a strong desire to become
acquainted with so influential a man. The fact of his living near
the lake revived the project that had slumbered for years in his
mind--to be the first of the missionaries who should look on its
waters. At Kolobeng, too, the settlement was in such straits, owing
to the excessive drought which dried up the very river, that the
people would be compelled to leave it and settle elsewhere. The
want of water, and consequently of food, in the gardens, obliged
the men to be absent collecting locusts, so that there was hardly
any one to come either to church or school. Even the observance of
the Sabbath broke down. If Kolobeng should have to be abandoned,
where would Livingstone go next? It was certainly worth his while
to look if a suitable locality could not be found in Sebituane's
territory. He had resolved that he would not stay with the Bakwains
always. If the new region were not suitable for himself, he might
find openings for native teachers; at all events, he would go
northward and see. Just before he started, messengers came to him
from Lechulatebe, chief of the people of the lake, asking him to
visit his country, and giving such an account of the quantity of
ivory that the cupidity of the Bakwain guides was roused, and they
became quite eager to be there.
On 1st June, 1849, Livingstone accordingly set out from
Kolobeng. Sechéle was not of the party, but two English
hunting friends accompanied him, Mr. Oswell and Mr. Murray--Mr.
Oswell generously defraying the cost of the guides. Sekomi, a
neighboring chief who secretly wished the expedition to fail, lest
his monopoly of the ivory should be broken up, remonstrated with
them for rushing on to certain death--they must be killed by the
sun and thirst, and if he did not stop them, people would blame him
for the issue. "No fear," said Livingstone, "people will only blame
our own stupidity."
The great Kalahari desert, of which Livingstone has given so
full an account, lay between them and the lake. They passed along
its northeast border, and had traversed about half of the distance,
when one day it seemed most unexpectedly that they had got to their
journey's end. Mr. Oswell was a little in advance, and having
cleared an intervening thick belt of trees, beheld in the soft
light of the setting sun what seemed a magnificent lake twenty
miles in circumference; and at the sight threw his hat in the air,
and raised a shout which made the Bakwains think him mad. He
fancied it was 'Ngami, and, indeed, it was a wonderful deception,
caused by a large salt-pan gleaming in the light of the sun; in
fact, the old, but ever new phenomenon of the mirage. The real
'Ngami was yet 300 miles farther on.
Livingstone has given ample details of his progress in the
Missionary Travels, dwelling especially on his joy when he
reached the beautiful river Zouga, whose waters flowed from 'Ngami.
Providence frustrated an attempt to rouse ill-feeling against him
on the part of two men who had been sent by Sekomi, apparently to
help him, but who now went before him and circulated a report that
the object of the travelers was to plunder all the tribes living on
the river and the lake. Half-way up, the principal man was attacked
by fever, and died; the natives thought it a judgment, and seeing
through Sekomi's reason for wishing the expedition not to succeed,
they by and by became quite friendly, under Livingstone's fair and
kind treatment.
A matter of great significance in his future history occurred at
the junction of the rivers Tamanak'le and Zouga:
"I inquired," he says, "whence the Tamanak'le came.
'Oh! from a country full of rivers,--so many, no one can tell their
number, and full of large trees.' This was the first confirmation
of statements I had heard from the Bakwains who had been with
Sebituane, that the country beyond was not the 'large sandy
plateau' of the philosophers. The prospect of a highway, capable of
being traversed by boats to an entirely unexplored and very
populous region, grew from that time forward stronger and stronger
in my mind; so much so, that when we actually came to the lake,
this idea occupied such a large portion of my mental vision, that
the actual discovery seemed of but little importance. I find I
wrote, when the emotions caused by the magnificent prospects of the
new country were first awakened in my breast, that they might
subject me to the charge of enthusiasm, a charge which I deserved,
as nothing good or great had ever been accomplished in the world
without it
[29].'"
[29] Missionary Travels, p.
65.
Twelve days after, the travelers came to the northeast end of
Lake 'Ngami, and it was on 1st August, 1849, that this fine sheet
of water was beheld for the first time by Europeans. It was of such
magnitude that they could not see the farther shore, and they could
only guess its size from the reports of the natives that it took
three days to go round it.
Lechulatebe, the chief who had sent him the invitation, was
quite a young man, and his reception by no means corresponded to
what the invitation implied. He had no idea of Livingstone going on
to Sebituane, who lived two hundred miles farther north, and
perhaps supplying him with fire-arms which would make him a more
dangerous neighbor. He therefore refused Livingstone guides to
Sebituane, and sent men to prevent him from crossing the river.
Livingstone was not to be baulked, and worked many hours in the
river trying to make a raft out of some rotten wood,--at the
imminent risk of his life, as he afterward found, for the Zouga
abounds with alligators. The season was now far advanced, and as
Mr. Oswell volunteered to go down to the Cape and bring up a boat
next year, the expedition was abandoned for the time.
Returning home by the Zouga, they had better opportunity to mark
the extraordinary richness of the country, and the abundance and
luxuriance of its products, both animal and vegetable. Elephants
existed in crowds, and ivory was so abundant that a trader was
purchasing it at the rate of ten tusks for a musket worth fifteen
shillings. Two years later, after effect had been given to
Livingstone's discovery, the price had risen very greatly.
Writing to his friend Watt, he dwells with delight on the river
Zouga:
"It is a glorious river; you never saw anything so
grand. The banks are extremely beautiful, lined with gigantic
trees, many quite new. One bore a fruit a foot in length and three
inches in diameter. Another measured seventy feet in circumference.
Apart from the branches it looked like a mass of granite; and then
the Bakoba in their canoes--did I not enjoy sailing in them?
Remember how long I have been in a parched-up land, and answer. The
Bakoba are a fine frank race of men, and seem to understand the
message better than any people to whom I have spoken on Divine
subjects for the first time. What think you of a navigable highway
into a large section of the interior? yet that the Tamanak'le
is.... Who will go into that goodly land? Who? Is it not the Niger
of this part of Africa?... I greatly enjoyed sailing in their
canoes, rude enough things, hollowed out of the trunks of single
trees, and visiting the villages along the Zouga. I felt but little
when I looked on the lake; but the Zouga and Tamanak'le awakened
emotions not to be described. I hope to go up the latter next
year."
The discovery of the lake and the river was communicated to the
Royal Geographical Society in extracts from Livingstone's letters
to the London Missionary Society, and to his friend and former
fellow-traveler, Captain Steele. In 1849 the Society voted him a
sum of twenty-five guineas "for his successful journey, in company
with Messrs. Oswell and Murray, across the South African desert,
for the discovery of an interesting country, a fine river, and an
extensive inland lake." In addressing Dr. Tidman and Alderman
Challis, who represented the London Missionary Society, the
President (the late Captain, afterward Rear-Admiral, W. Smyth,
R.N., who distinguished himself in early life by his journey across
the Andes to Lima, and thence to the Atlantic) adverted to the
value of the discoveries in themselves, and in the influence they
would have on the regions beyond. He spoke also of the help which
Livingstone had derived as an explorer from his influence as a
missionary. The journey he had performed successfully had hitherto
baffled the best-furnished travelers. In 1834, an expedition under
Dr. Andrew Smith, the largest and best-appointed that ever left
Cape Town, had gone as far as 23° south latitude; but that
proved to be the utmost distance they could reach, and they were
compelled to return. Captain Sir James E. Alexander, the only
scientific traveler subsequently sent out from England by the
Geographical Society, in despair of the lake, and of discovery by
the oft-tried eastern route, explored the neighborhood of the
western coast instead [30]. The President frankly ascribed
Livingstone's success to the influence he had acquired as a
missionary among the natives, and Livingstone thoroughly believed
this. "The lake," he wrote to his friend Watt, "belongs to
missionary enterprise." "Only last year," he subsequently wrote to
the Geographical Society, "a party of engineers, in about thirty
wagons, made many and persevering efforts to cross the desert at
different points, but though inured to the climate, and stimulated
by the prospect of gain from the ivory they expected to procure,
they were compelled, for want of water, to give up the
undertaking." The year after Livingstone's first visit, Mr. Francis
Galton tried, but failed, to reach the lake, though he was so
successful in other directions as to obtain the Society's gold
medal in 1852.
[30] Journal of the Royal Geographical Society,
vol. xx. p. xxviii.
Livingstone was evidently gratified at the honor paid him, and
the reception of the twenty-five guineas from the Queen. But the
gift had also a comical side. It carried him back to the days of
his Radical youth, when he and his friends used to criticise pretty
sharply the destination of the nation's money. "The Royal
Geographical Society," he writes to his parents (4th December,
1850), "have awarded twenty-five guineas for the discovery of the
lake. It is from the Queen. You must be very loyal, all of you.
Next time she comes your way, shout till you are hoarse. Oh, you
Radicals, don't be thinking it came out of your pockets! Long live
Victoria [31]!"
[31] In a more serious vein he wrote in a
previous letter: "I wonder you do not go to see the Queen. I was as
disloyal as others when in England, for though I might have seen
her in London, I never went. Do you ever pray for her?" This letter
is dated 5th February, 1850, and must have been written before he
heard of the prize.
Defeated in his endeavor to reach Sebituane in 1849,
Livingstone, the following season, put in practice his favorite
maxim, "Try again." He left Kolobeng in April, 1850, and this time
he was accompanied by Sechéle, Mebalwe, twenty Bakwains,
Mrs. Livingstone, and their whole troop of infantry, which now
amounted to three. Traveling in the charming climate of South
Africa in the roomy wagon, at the pace of two miles and a half an
hour, is not like traveling at home; but it was a proof of
Livingstone's great unwillingness to be separated from his family,
that he took them with him, notwithstanding the risk of mosquitoes,
fever, and want of water. The people of Kolobeng were so engrossed
at the time with their employments, that till harvest was over,
little missionary work could be done.
The journey was difficult, and on the northern branch of the
Zouga many trees had to be cut down to allow the wagons to pass.
The presence of a formidable enemy was reported on the banks of the
Tamanak'le,--the tsetse-fly, whose bite is so fatal to oxen. To
avoid it, another route had to be chosen. When they got near the
lake, it was found that fever had recently attacked a party of
Englishmen, one of whom had died, while the rest recovered under
the care of Dr. and Mrs. Livingstone. Livingstone took his family
to have a peep at the lake; "the children," he wrote, "took to
playing in it as ducklings do. Paidling in it was great fun." Great
fun to them, who had seen little enough water for a while; and in a
quiet way, great fun to their father too,--his own children
"paidling" in his own lake! He was beginning to find that in a
missionary point of view, the presence of his wife and children was
a considerable advantage; it inspired the natives with confidence,
and promoted tender feelings and kind relations. The chief,
Lechulatebe, was at last propitiated at a considerable sacrifice,
having taken a fancy to a valuable rifle of Livingstone's, the gift
of a friend, which could not be replaced. The chief vowed that if
he got it he would give Livingstone everything he wished, and
protect and feed his wife and children into the bargain, while he
went on to Sebituane. Livingstone at once handed him the gun. "It
is of great consequence," he said, "to gain the confidence of these
fellows at the beginning." It was his intention that Mrs.
Livingstone and the children should remain at Lechulatebe's until
he should have returned. But the scheme was upset by an outburst of
fever. Among others, two of the children were attacked. There was
no help but to go home. The gun was left behind in the hope that
ere long Livingstone would get back to claim the fulfillment of the
chiefs promise. It was plain that the neighborhood of the lake was
not habitable by Europeans. Hence a fresh confirmation of his views
as to the need of native agency, if intertropical Africa was ever
to be Christianized.
But Livingstone was convinced that there must be a healthier
spot to the north. Writing to Mr. Watt (18th August, 1850), he not
only expresses this conviction, but gives the ground on which it
rested. The extract which we subjoin gives a glimpse of the
sagacity that from apparently little things drew great conclusions;
but more than that, it indicates the birth of the great idea that
dominated the next period of Livingstone's life--the desire and
determination to find a passage to the sea, either on the east or
the west coast:
"A more salubrious climate must exist farther up to the
north, and that the country is higher, seems evident from the fact
mentioned by the Bakoba, that the water of the Teoge, the river
that falls into the 'Ngami at the northwest point of it, flows with
great rapidity. Canoes ascending, punt all the way, and the men
must hold on by reeds in order to prevent their being carried down
by the current. Large trees, spring-bucks and other antelopes are
sometimes brought down by it. Do you wonder at my pressing on in
the way we have done? The Bechuana mission has been carried on in a
cul-de-sac. I tried to break through by going among the
Eastern tribes, but the Boers shut up that field. A French
missionary, Mr. Fredoux, of Motito, tried to follow on my trail to
the Bamangwato, but was turned back by a party of armed Boers. When
we burst through the barrier on the north, it appeared very plain
that no mission could be successful there, unless we could get a
well-watered country leaving a passage to the sea on either the
east or west coast. This project I am almost afraid to meet, but
nothing else will do. I intend (D.V.) to go in next year and remain
a twelvemonth. My wife, poor soul--I pity her!--proposed to let me
go for that time while she remained at Kolobeng. You will pray for
us both during that period."
A week later (August 24, 1850) he writes to the Directors that
no convenient access to the region can be obtained from the south,
the lake being 870 miles from Kuruman:
"We must have a passage to the sea on either the
eastern or western coast. I have hitherto been afraid to broach the
subject on which my perhaps dreamy imagination dwells. You at home
are accustomed to look on a project as half finished when you have
received the co-operation of the ladies. My better half has
promised me a twelvemonth's leave of absence for mine. Without
promising anything, I mean to follow a useful motto in many
circumstances, and Try again."
On returning to Kolobeng, Mrs. Livingstone was delivered of a
daughter--her fourth child. An epidemic was raging at the time, and
the child was seized and cut off, at the age of six weeks. The
loss, or rather the removal, of the child affected Livingstone
greatly. "It was the first death in our family," he says in his
Journal, "but was just as likely to have happened had we remained
at home, and We have now one of our number in heaven."
To his parents he writes (4th December, 1850):
"Our last child, a sweet little girl with blue eyes,
was taken from us to join the company of the redeemed, through the
merits of Him of whom she never heard. It is wonderful how soon the
affections twine round a little stranger. We felt her loss keenly.
She was attacked by the prevailing sickness, which attacked many
native children, and bore up under it for a fortnight. We could not
apply remedies to one so young, except the simplest. She uttered a
piercing cry previous to expiring, and then went away to see the
King in his beauty, and the land--the glorious land, and its
inhabitants. Hers is the first grave in all that country marked as
the resting-place of one of whom it is believed and confessed that
she shall live again."
Mrs. Livingstone had an attack of serious illness, accompanied
by paralysis of the right side of the face, and rest being
essential for her, the family went, for a time, to Kuruman. Dr.
Livingstone had a strong desire to go to the Cape for the excision
of his uvula, which had long been troublesome. But, with
characteristic self-denial, he put his own case out of view,
staying with his wife, that she might have the rest and attention
she needed. He tried to persuade his father-in-law to perform the
operation, and, under his direction, Dr. Moffat went so far as to
make a pair of scissors for the purpose; but his courage, so well
tried in other fields, was not equal to the performance of such a
surgical operation.
Some glimpses of Livingstone's musings at this time, showing,
among other things, how much more he thought of his spiritual than
his Highland ancestry, occur in a letter to his parents, written
immediately after his return from his second visit to the lake
(28th July, 1850). If they should carry out their project of
emigration to America, they would have an interesting family
gathering:
"One, however, will be 'over the hills and far away'
from your happy meeting. The meeting which we hope will take place
in Heaven will be unlike a happy one, in so far as earthly
relationships are concerned. One will be so much taken up in
looking at Jesus, I don't know when we shall be disposed to sit
down and talk about the days of lang syne. And then there will be
so many notables whom we should like to notice and shake hands
with--Luke, for instance, the beloved physician, and Jeremiah, and
old Job, and Noah, and Enoch, that if you are wise, you will make
the most of your union while you are together, and not fail to
write me fully, while you have the opportunity here....
"Charles thinks we are not the descendants of the Puritans. I don't
know what you are, but I am. And if you dispute it, I shall stick
to the answer of a poor little boy before a magistrate. M.--'Who
were your parents?' Boy (rubbing his eyes with his
jacket-sleeve)--'Never had none, sir.' Dr. Wardlaw says that the
Scotch Independents are the descendants of the Puritans, and I
suppose the pedigree is through Rowland Hill and Whitefield. But I
was a member of the very church in which John Howe, the chaplain of
Oliver Cromwell, preached, and exercised the pastorate. I was
ordained, too, by English Independents. Moreover, I am a Doctor
too. Agnes and Janet, get up this moment and curtsy to his
Reverence! John and Charles, remember the dream of the sheaves!
I descended from kilts and Donald Dhus? Na, na, I won't
believe it.
"We have a difficult, difficult field to cultivate here. All I can
say is, that I think knowledge is increasing. But for the belief
that the Holy Spirit works, and will work for us, I should give up
in despair. Remember us in your prayers, that we grow not weary in
well-doing. It is hard to work for years with pure motives, and all
the time be looked on by most of those to whom our lives are
devoted, as having some sinister object in view. Disinterested
labor--benevolence--is so out of their line of thought, that many
look upon us as having some ulterior object in view. But He who
died for us, and whom we ought to copy, did more for us than we can
do for any one else. He endured the contradiction of sinners. May
we have grace to follow in his steps!'
The third, and at last successful, effort to reach Sebituane was
made in April, 1851. Livingstone was again accompanied by his
family, and by Mr. Oswell. He left Kolobeng with the intention not
to return, at least not immediately, but to settle with his family
in such a spot as might be found advantageous, in the hilly region,
of whose existence he was assured. They found the desert drier than
ever, no rain having fallen throughout an immense extent of
territory. To the kindness of Mr. Oswell the party was indebted for
most valuable assistance in procuring water, wells having been dug
or cleared by his people beforehand at various places, and at one
place at the hazard of Mr. Oswell's life, under an attack from an
infuriated lioness. In his private Journal, and in his letters to
home, Livingstone again and again acknowledges with deepest
gratitude the numberless acts of kindness done by Mr. Oswell to him
and his family, and often adds the prayer that God would reward
him, and of His grace give him the highest of all blessings.
"Though I cannot repay, I may record with gratitude his kindness,
so that, if spared to look upon these, my private memoranda, in
future years, proper emotions may ascend to Him who inclined his
heart to show so much friendship."
The party followed the old route, around the bed of the Zouga,
then crossed a piece of the driest desert they had ever seen, with
not an insect or a bird to break the stillness. On the third day a
bird chirped in a bush, when the dog began to bark! Shobo, their
guide, a Bushman, lost his way, and for four days they were
absolutely without water. In his Missionary Travels,
Livingstone records quietly, as was his wont his terrible anxiety
about his children.
"The supply of water in the wagons had been wasted by
one of our servants, and by the afternoon only a small portion
remained for the children. This was a bitterly anxious night; and
next morning, the less there was of water, the more thirsty the
little rogues became. The idea of their perishing before our eyes
was terrible; it would almost have been a relief to me to have been
reproached with being the entire cause of the catastrophe, but not
one syllable of upbraiding was uttered by their mother, though the
tearful eye told the agony within. In the afternoon of the fifth
day, to our inexpressible relief, some of the men returned with a
supply of that fluid of which we had never before felt the true
value."
"No one," he remarks in his Journal, "knows the value of water till
be is deprived of it. We never need any spirits to qualify it, or
prevent an immense draught of it from doing us harm. I have drunk
water swarming with insects, thick with mud, putrid from other
mixtures, and no stinted draughts of it either, yet never felt any
inconvenience from it."
"My opinion is," he said on another occasion, "that the most severe
labors and privations may be undergone without alcoholic stimulus,
because those who have endured the most had nothing else but water,
and not always enough of that."
One of the great charms of Livingstone's character, and one of
the secrets of his power--his personal interest in each individual,
however humble--appeared in connection with Shobo, the Bushman
guide, who misled them and took the blunder so coolly. "What a
wonderful people," he says in his Journal, "the Bushmen are! always
merry and laughing, and never telling lies wantonly like the
Bechuana. They have more of the appearance of worship than any of
the Bechuana. When will these dwellers in the wilderness bow down
before their Lord? No man seems to care for the Bushman's soul. I
often wished I knew their language, but never more than when we
traveled with our Bushman guide, Shobo."
Livingstone had given a fair trial to the experiment of
traveling along with his family. In one of his letters at this time
he speaks of the extraordinary pain caused by the mosquitoes of
those parts, and of his children being so covered with their bites,
that not a square inch of whole skin was to be found on their
bodies. It is no wonder that he gave up the idea of carrying them
with him in the more extended journey he was now contemplating. He
could not leave them at Kolobeng, exposed to the raids of the
Boers; to Kuruman there were also invincible objections; the only
possible plan was to send them to England, though he hoped that
when he got settled in some suitable part of Sebituane's dominions,
with a free road to the sea, they would return to him, and help him
to bring the people to Christ.
In the Missionary Travels Livingstone has given a full
account of Sebituane, chief of the Makololo, "unquestionably the
greatest man in all that country"--his remarkable career, his
wonderful warlike exploits (for which he could always bring forward
justifying reasons), his interesting and attractive character, and
wide and powerful influence. In one thing Sebituane was very like
Livingstone himself; he had the art of gaining the affections both
of his own people and of strangers. When a party of poor men came
to his town to sell hoes or skins, he would sit down among them,
talk freely and pleasantly to them, and probably cause some lordly
dish to be brought, and give them a feast on it, perhaps the first
they had ever shared. Delighted beyond measure with his affability
and liberality, they felt their hearts warm toward him; and as he
never allowed a party of strangers to go away without giving every
one of them--servants and all--a present, his praises were sounded
far and wide. "He has a heart! he is wise!" were the usual
expressions Livingstone heard before he saw him.
Sebituane received Livingstone with great kindness, for it had
been one of the dreams of his life to have intercourse with the
white man. He placed full confidence in him from the beginning, and
was ready to give him everything he might need. On the first Sunday
when the usual service was held he was present, and Livingstone was
very thankful that he was there, for it turned out to be the only
proclamation of the gospel he ever heard. For just after realizing
what he had so long and ardently desired, he was seized with severe
inflammation of the lungs, and died after a fortnight's illness.
Livingstone, being a stranger, feared to prescribe, lest, in the
event of his death, he should be accused of having caused it. On
visiting him, and seeing that he was dying, he spoke a few words
respecting hope after death. But being checked by the attendants
for introducing the subject, he could only commend his soul to God.
The last words of Sebituane were words of kindness to Livingstone's
son: "Take him to Maunku (one of his wives) and tell her to give
him some milk." Livingstone was deeply affected by his death. A
deeper sense of brotherhood, a warmer glow of affection had been
kindled in his heart toward Sebituane than had seemed possible.
With his very tender conscience and deep sense of spiritual
realities, Livingstone was afraid, as in the case of Sehamy eight
years before, that he had not spoken to him so pointedly as he
might have done. It is awfully affecting to follow him into the
unseen world, of which he had heard for the first time just before
he was called away. In his Journal, Livingstone gives way to his
feelings as he very seldom allowed himself to do. His words bring
to mind David's lament for Jonathan or for Absalom, although he had
known Sebituane less than a month, and he was one of the race whom
many Boers and slave-stealers regarded as having no souls:
"Poor Sebituane, my heart bleeds for thee; and what
would I not do for thee now? I will weep for thee till the day of
my death. Little didst thou think when, in the visit of the white
man, thou sawest the long cherished desires of years accomplished,
that the sentence of death had gone forth! Thou thoughtest that
thou shouldest procure a weapon from the white man which would be a
shield from the attacks of the fierce Matebele; but a more deadly
dart than theirs was aimed at thee; and though, thou couldest well
ward off a dart--none ever better--thou didst not see that of the
king of terrors. I will weep for thee, my brother, and I will cast
forth my sorrows in despair for thy condition! But I know that thou
wilt receive no injustice whither thou art gone; 'Shall not the
Judge of all the earth do right?' I leave thee to Him. Alas! alas!
Sebituane. I might have said more to him. God forgive me. Free me
from blood-guiltiness. If I had said more of death I might have
been suspected as having foreseen the event, and as guilty of
bewitching him. I might have recommended Jesus and his great
atonement more. It is, however, very difficult to break through the
thick crust of ignorance which envelops their minds."
The death of Sebituane was a great blow in another sense. The
region over which his influence extended was immense, and he had
promised to show it to Livingstone and to select a suitable
locality for his residence. This heathen chief would have given to
Christ's servant what the Boers refused him! Livingstone would have
had his wish--an entirely new country to work upon, where the name
of Christ had never yet been spoken. So at least he thought.
Sebituane's successor in the chiefdom was his daughter,
Ma-mochisane. From her he received liberty to visit any part of the
country he chose. While waiting for a reply (she was residing at a
distance), he one day fell into a great danger from an elephant
which had come on him unexpectedly. "We were startled by his coming
a little way in the direction in which we were standing, but he did
not give us chase. I have had many escapes. We seem immortal till
our work is done."
Mr. Oswell and he then proceeded in a northeasterly direction,
passing through the town of Linyanti, and on the 3d of August they
came on the beautiful river at Seshéke:
"We thanked God for permitting us to see this glorious
river. All we said to each other was 'How glorious! how
magnificent! how beautiful!'... In crossing, the waves lifted up
the canoe and made it roll beautifully. The scenery of the Firths
of Forth and Clyde was brought vividly to my view, and had I been
fond of indulging in sentimental effusions, my lachrymal apparatus
seemed fully charged. But then the old man who was conducting us
across might have said, 'What on earth are you blubbering for?
Afraid of these crocodiles, eh?' The little sentimentality which
exceeded was forced to take its course down the inside of the nose.
We have other work in this world than indulging in sentimentality
of the 'Sonnet to the Moon' variety."
The river, which went here by the name of Seshéke, was
found to be the Zambesi, which had not previously been known to
exist in that region. In writing about it to his brother Charles,
he says, "It was the first river I ever saw." Its discovery
in this locality constituted one of the great geographical feats
with which the name of Livingstone is connected. He heard of rapids
above, and of great water-falls below; but it was reserved for him
on a future visit to behold the great Victoria Falls, which in the
popular imagination have filled a higher place than many of his
more useful discoveries.
The travelers were still a good many days' distance from
Ma-mochisane, without whose presence nothing could be settled; but
besides, the reedy banks of the rivers were found to be unsuitable
for a settlement, and the higher regions were too much exposed to
the attacks of Mosilikatse. Livingstone saw no prospect of
obtaining a suitable station, and with great reluctance he made up
his mind to retrace the weary road, and return to Kolobeng. The
people were very anxious for him to stay, and offered to make a
garden for him, and to fulfill Sebituane's promise to give him oxen
in return for those killed by the tsetse.
Setting out with the wagons on 13th August, 1851, the party
proceeded slowly homeward. On 15th September, 1851, Livingstone's
Journal has this unexpected and simple entry: "A son, William
Oswell Livingstone [32], born at a place we always call Bellevue."
On the 18th: "Thomas attacked by fever; removed to a high part on
his account. Thomas was seized with fever three times at about an
interval of a fortnight." Not a word about Mrs. Livingstone, but
three pages of observations about medical treatment of fever,
thunderstorms, constitutions of Indian and African people, leanness
of the game, letter received from Directors approving generally of
his course, a gold watch sent by Captain Steele, and Gordon
Cumming's book, "a miserably poor thing." Amazed, we ask, Had
Livingstone any heart? But ere long we come upon a copy of a
letter, and some remarks connected with it, that give us an
impression of the depth and strength of his nature, unsurpassed by
anything that has yet occurred.
[32] He had intended to call him Charles, and
announced this to his father; but, finding that Mr. Oswell, to whom
he was so much indebted, would be pleased with the compliment, he
changed his purpose and the name accordingly.
"The following extracts," he says, "show in what light our
efforts are regarded by those who, as much as we do, desire that
the 'gospel may be preached to all nations,'" Then follows a copy
of a letter which had been addressed to him before they set out by
Mrs. Moffat, his mother-in-law, remonstrating in the strongest
terms against his plan of taking his wife with him; reminding him
of the death of the child, and other sad occurrences of last year;
and in the name of everything that was just, kind, and even decent,
beseeching him to abandon an arrangement which all the world would
condemn. Another letter from the same writer informed him that much
prayer had been offered that, if the arrangements were not in
accordance with Christian propriety, he might in great mercy be
prevented by some dispensation of Providence from carrying them
out. Mrs. Moffat was a woman of the highest gifts and character,
and full of admiration for Livingstone. The insertion of these
letters in his Journal shows that, in carrying out his plan, the
objections to which it was liable were before his mind in the
strongest conceivable form. No man who knows what Livingstone was
will imagine for a moment that he had not the most tender regard
for the health, the comfort, and the feelings of his wife; in
matters of delicacy he had the most scrupulous regard to propriety;
his resolution to take her with him must, therefore, have sprung
from something far stronger than even his affection for her. What
was this stronger force?
It was his inviolable sense of duty, and his indefeasible
conviction that his Father in heaven would not forsake him whilst
pursuing a course in obedience to his will, and designed to advance
the welfare of his children. As this furnishes the key to
Livingstone's future life, and the answer to one of the most
serious objections ever brought against it, it is right to spend a
little time in elucidating the principles by which he was
guided.
There was a saying of the late Sir Herbert Edwardes which he
highly valued: "He who has to act on his own responsibility is a
slave if he does not act on his own judgment." Acting on this
maxim, he must set aside the views of others as to his duty,
provided his own judgment was clear regarding it. He must even set
aside the feelings and apparent interest of those dearest to him,
because duty was above everything else. His faith in God convinced
him that, in the long run, it could never be the worse for him and
his that he had firmly done his duty. All true faith has in it an
element of venture, and in Livingstone's faith this element was
strong. Trusting God, he could expose to venture even the health,
comfort, and welfare of his wife and children. He was convinced
that it was his duty to go forth with them and seek a new station
for the Gospel in Sebituane's country. If this was true, God would
take care of them, and it was "better to trust in the Lord than to
put confidence in man." People thoughtlessly accused him of making
light of the interests of his family. No man suffered keener pangs
from the course he had to follow concerning them, and no man
pondered more deeply what duty to them required.
But to do all this, Livingstone must have had a very clear
perception of the course of duty. This is true. But how did he get
this? First, his singleness of heart, so to speak, attracted the
light: "If thine eye be single, thy whole body shall be full of
light." Then, he was very clear and very minute in his prayers.
Further, he was most careful to scan all the providential
indications that might throw light on the Divine will. And when he
had been carried so far on in the line of duty, he had a strong
presumption that the line would be continued, and that he would not
be called to turn back. It was in front, not in rear, that he
expected to find the pillar of cloud and the pillar of fire. In
course of time, this hardened into a strong instinctive habit,
which almost dispensed with the process of reasoning.
In Dean Stanley's Sinai and Palestine allusion is made to
a kindred experience,--that which bore Abraham from Chaldea, Moses
from Egypt, and the greater part of the tribes from the comfortable
pastures of Gilead and Bashan to the rugged hill-country of Judah
and Ephraim. Notwithstanding all the attractions of the richer
countries, they were borne onward and forward, not knowing whither
they went; instinctively feeling that they were fulfilling the high
purposes to which they were called. In the later part of
Livingstone's life, the necessity of going forward to the close of
the career that had opened for him seemed to settle the whole
question of duty.
But at this earlier stage, he had been conscientiously
scrutinizing all that had any bearing on that question; and now
that he finds himself close to his home, and can thank God for the
safe confinement of his wife, and the health of the new-born child,
he gathers together all the providences that showed that in this
journey, which excited such horror even among his best friends, he
had after all been following the guidance of his Father. First, in
the matter of guides, he had been wonderfully helped,
notwithstanding a deep plot to deprive him of any. Then there was
the sickness of Sekómi, whose interest had been secured
through his going to see him, and prescribing for him; this had
propitiated one of the tribes. The services of Shobo, too, and the
selection of the northern route, proposed by Kamati, had been of
great use. Their going to Seshéke, and their detention for
two months, thus allowing them time to collect information
respecting the whole country; the river Chobe not rising at its
usual time; the saving of Livingstone's oxen from the tsetse,
notwithstanding their detention on the Zouga; his not going with
Mr. Oswell to a place where the tsetse destroyed many of the oxen;
the better health of Mrs. Livingstone during her confinement than
in any previous one; a very opportune present they had got, just
before her confinement, of two bottles of wine [33]; the approbation
of the Directors, the presentation of a gold watch by Captain
Steele, the kind attentions of Mr. Oswell, and the cookery of one
of their native servants named George; the recovery of Thomas,
whereas at Kuruman a child had been cut off; the commencement of
the rains, just as they were leaving the river, and the request of
Mr. Oswell that they should draw upon him for as much money as they
should need, were all among the indications that a faithful and
protecting Father in heaven had been ordering their path, and would
order it in like manner in all time to come.
[33] In writing to his father, Livingstone
mentions that the wine was a gift from Mrs. Bysshe Shelley, in
acknowledgment of his aid in repairing a wheel of her
wagon.
Writing at this time to his father-in-law, Mr. Moffat, he said,
after announcing the birth of Oswell: "What you say about
difference of opinion is true. In my past life, I have always
managed to think for myself, and act accordingly. I have
occasionally met with people who took it on themselves to act for
me, and they have offered their thoughts with an emphatic 'I
think'; but I have excused them on the score of being a little
soft-headed in believing they could think both for me and
themselves."
While Kolobeng was Livingstone's headquarters, a new trouble
rose upon the mission horizon. The Makololo (as Sebituane's people
were called) began to practice the slave-trade. It arose simply
from their desire to possess guns. For eight old muskets they had
given to a neighboring tribe eight boys, that had been taken from
their enemies in war, being the only article for which the guns
could be got. Soon after, in a fray against another tribe, two
hundred captives were taken, and, on returning, the Makololo met
some Arab traders from Zanzibar, who for three muskets received
about thirty of their captives.
Another of the master ideas of his life now began to take hold
upon Livingstone. Africa was exposed to a terrible evil through the
desire of the natives to possess articles of European manufacture,
and their readiness for this purpose to engage in the slave-trade.
Though no African had ever been known to sell his own children into
captivity, the tribes were ready enough to sell other children that
had fallen into their hands by war or otherwise. But if a
legitimate traffic were established through which they might obtain
whatever European goods they desired in exchange for ivory and
other articles of native produce, would not this frightful
slave-trade be brought to an end? The idea was destined to receive
many a confirmation before Livingstone drew his last breath of
African air. It naturally gave a great impulse to the purpose which
had already struck its roots into his soul--to find a road to the
sea either on the eastern or western coast. Interests wider and
grander than even the planting of mission stations on the
territories of Sebituane now rose to his view. The welfare of the
whole continent, both spiritual and temporal, was concerned in the
success of this plan of opening new channels to the enterprise of
British and other merchants, always eager to hear of new markets
for their goods. By driving away the slave-trade, much would be
done to prepare the way for Christian missions which could not
thrive in an atmosphere of war and commotion. An idea involving
issues so vast was fitted to take a right powerful hold on
Livingstone's heart, and make him feel that no sacrifice could be
too great to be encountered, cheerfully and patiently, for such an
end.
Writing to the Directors (October, 1851), he says:
"You will see by the accompanying sketch-map what an
immense region God in his grace has opened up. If we can enter in
and form a settlement, we shall be able in the course of a very few
years to put a stop to the slave-trade in that quarter. It is
probable that the mere supply of English manufacturers on
Sebituane's part will effect this, for they did not like the
slave-trade, and promised to abstain. I think it will be impossible
to make a fair commencement unless I can secure two years devoid of
family cares. I shall be obliged to go southward, perhaps to the
Cape, to have my uvula excised and my arm mended (the latter, if it
can be done, only). It has occurred to me that, as we must send our
children to England, it would be no great additional expense to
send them now along with their mother. This arrangement would
enable me to proceed, and devote about two or perhaps three years
to this new region; but I must beg your sanction, and if you please
let it be given or withheld as soon as you can conveniently, so
that it might meet me at the Cape. To orphanize my children will be
like tearing out my bowels, but when I can find time to write you
fully you will perceive it is the only way, except giving up that
region altogether.
"Kuruman will not answer as a residence, nor yet the Colony. If I
were to follow my own inclinations, they would lead me to settle
down quietly with the Bakwains, or some other small tribe, and
devote some of my time to my children; but Providence seems to
call me to the regions beyond, and if I leave them anywhere in
this country, it will be to let them become heathens. If you think
it right to support them, I believe my parents in Scotland would
attend to them otherwise."
Continuing the subject in a more leisurely way a few weeks
later, he refers to the very great increase of traffic that had
taken place since the discovery of Lake 'Ngami two years before;
the fondness of the people for European articles; the numerous
kinds of native produce besides ivory, such as beeswax, ostrich
feathers, etc., of which the natives made little or no use, but
which they would take care of if regular trade were established
among them. He thought that if traders were to come up the Zambesi
and make purchases from the producers they would both benefit
themselves and drive the slave-dealer from the market. It might be
useful to establish a sanatorium, to which missionaries might come
from less healthy districts to recruit. This would diminish the
reluctance of missionaries to settle in the interior. For himself,
though he had reared three stations with much bodily labor and
fatigue, he would cheerfully undergo much more if a new station
would answer such objects. In referring to the countries drained by
the Zambesi, he believed he was speaking of a large section of the
slave-producing region of Africa. He then went on to say that to a
certain extent their hopes had been disappointed; Mr. Oswell had
not been able to find a passage to the sea, and he had not been
able to find a station for missionary work. They therefore returned
together. "He assisted me," adds Livingstone, "in every possible
way. May God reward him!"
In regard to mission work for the future an important question
arose, What should be done for the Bakwains? They could not remain
at Kolobeng--hunger and the Boers decided that point. Was it not,
then, his duty to find and found a new station for them? Dr.
Livingstone thought not. He had always told them that he would
remain with them only for a few years. One of his great ideas on
missions in Africa was that a fair trial should be given to as many
places as possible, and if the trial did not succeed the
missionaries should pass on to other tribes. He had a great
aversion to the common impression that the less success one had the
stronger was one's duty to remain. Missionaries were only too ready
to settle down and make themselves as comfortable as possible,
whereas the great need was for men to move on, to strike out into
the regions beyond, to go into all the world. He had far more
sympathy for tribes that had never heard the gospel than for those
who had had it for years. He used to refer to certain tribes near
Griqualand that had got a little instruction, but had no stated
missionaries; they used to send some of their people to the Griquas
to learn what they could, and afterward some others; and these
persons, returning, communicated what they knew, till a wonderful
measure of knowledge was acquired, and a numerous church was
formed. If the seed had once been sown in any place it would not
remain dormant, but would excite the desire for further knowledge;
and on the whole it would be better for the people to be thrown
somewhat on their own resources than to have everything done for
them by missionaries from Europe. In regard to the Bakwains, though
they had promised well at first, they had not been a very teachable
people. He was not inclined to blame them; they had been so pinched
by hunger and badgered by the Boers that they could not attend to
instruction; or rather, they had too good an excuse for not doing
so. "I have much affection for them," he says in his Journal, "and
though I pass from them I do not relinquish the hope that they will
yet turn to Him to whose mercy and love they have often been
invited. The seed of the living Word will not perish."
The finger of Providence clearly pointed to a region farther
north in the country of the Barotse or beyond it, He admitted that
there were pros and cons in the case. Against his
plan,--some of his brethren did not hesitate to charge him with
being actuated by worldly ambition. This was the more trying, for
sometimes he suspected his own motives. Others dwelt on what was
due to his family. Moreover, his own predilections were all for a
quiet life. And there was also the consideration, that as the
Directors could not well realize the distances he would have to
travel before he reached the field, he might appear more as an
explorer than a missionary. On the other hand:
"I am conscious," he says, "that though there is much
impurity in my motives, they are in the main for the glory of Him
to whom I have devoted myself. I never anticipated fame from the
discovery of the Lake. I cared very little about it, but the sight
of the Tamanak'le, and the report of other large rivers beyond, all
densely populated, awakened many and enthusiastic feelings....
Then, again, consider the multitude that in the Providence of God
have been brought to light in the country of Sebituane; the
probability that in our efforts to evangelize we shall put a stop
to the slave-trade in a large region, and by means of the highway
into the North which we have discovered bring unknown nations into
the sympathies of the Christian world. If I were to choose my work,
it would be to reduce this new language, translate the Bible into
it, and be the means of forming a small church. Let this be
accomplished, I think I could then lie down and die contented. Two
years' absence will be necessary.... Nothing but a strong
conviction that the step will lead to the glory of Christ would
make me orphanize my children. Even now my bowels yearn over them.
They Will forget me; but I hope when the day of trial comes, I
shall not be found a more sorry soldier than those who serve an
earthly sovereign. Should you not feel yourselves justified in
incurring the expense of their support in England, I shall feel
called upon to renounce the hope of carrying the gospel into that
country, and labor among those who live in a more healthy country,
viz., the Bakwains. But, stay, I am not sure; so powerfully
convinced am I that it is the will of the Lord I should, I will
go, no matter who opposes; but from you I expect nothing but
encouragement. I know you wish as ardently as I can that all the
world may be filled with the glory of the Lord. I feel relieved
when I lay the whole case before you."
He proposed that a brother missionary, Mr. Ashton, should be
placed among the Bamangwato, a people who were in the habit of
spreading themselves through the Bakalahari, and should thus form a
link between himself and the brethren in the south.
In a postscript, dated Bamangwato, 14th November, he gratefully
acknowledges a letter from the Directors, in which his plans are
approved of generally. They had recommended him to complete a
dictionary of the Sichuana language. This he would have been
delighted to do when his mind was full of the subject, but with the
new projects now before him, and the probability of having to deal
with a new language for the Zambesi district, he could not
undertake such a work at present.
In a subsequent letter to the Directors (Cape Town, 17th March,
1852), Livingstone finds it necessary to go into full details with
regard to his finances. Though he writes with perfect calmness, it
is evident that his exchequer was sadly embarrassed. In fact, he
had already not only spent all the salary (£100) of 1852, but
fifty-seven pounds of 1853, and the balance would be absorbed by
expenses in Cape Town. He had been as economical as possible; in
personal expenditure most careful--he had been a teetotaler for
twenty years. He did not hesitate to express his conviction that
the salary was inadequate, and to urge the Directors to defray the
extra expenditure which was now inevitable; but with characteristic
generosity he urged Mr. Moffat's Claims much more warmly than his
own.
From expressions in Livingstone's letter to the Directors, it is
evident that he was fully aware of the risk he ran, in his new line
of work, of appearing to sink the missionary in the explorer. There
is no doubt that next to the charge of forgetting the claims of his
family, to which we have already adverted, this was the most
plausible of the objections taken to his subsequent career. But any
one who has candidly followed his course of thought and feeling
from the moment when the sense of unseen realities burst on him at
Blantyre, to the time at which we have now arrived, must see that
this view is altogether destitute of support. The impulse of divine
love that had urged him first to become a missionary had now become
with him the settled habit of his life. No new ambition had flitted
across his path, for though he had become known as a geographical
discoverer, he says he thought very little of the fact, and his
life shows this to have been true. Twelve years of missionary life
had given birth to no sense of weariness, no abatement of interest
in these poor black savages, no reluctance to make common cause
with them in the affairs of life, no despair of being able to do
them good. On the contrary, he was confirmed in his opinion of the
efficacy of his favorite plan of native agency, and if he could but
get a suitable base of operations, he was eager to set it going,
and on every side he was assured of native welcome. Shortly before
(5th February, 1850), when writing to his father with reference to
a proposal of his brother Charles that he should go and settle in
America, he had said: "I am a missionary, heart and soul. God had
an only Son, and He was a missionary and a physician. A poor, poor
imitation of Him I am, or wish to be. In this service I hope to
live, in it I wish to die." The spectre of the slave-trade had
enlarged his horizon, and shown him the necessity of a commercial
revolution for the whole of Africa, before effectual and permanent
good could be done in any part of it. The plan which he had now in
view multiplied the risks he ran, and compelled him to think anew
whether he was ready to sacrifice himself, and if so, for what. All
that Livingstone did was thus done with open eyes and
well-considered resolution. Adverting to the prevalence of fever in
some parts of the country, while other parts were comparatively
healthy, he says in his Journal: "I offer myself as a forlorn hope
in order to ascertain whether there is a place fit to be a
sanatorium for more unhealthy spots. May God accept my service, and
use me for his glory. A great honor it is to he a fellow-worker
with God." "It is a great venture," he writes to his sister (28th
April, 1851). "Fever may cut us all off. I feel much when I think
of the children dying. But who will go if we don't? Not one. I
would venture everything for Christ. Pity I have so little to give.
But He will accept us, for He is a good master. Never one like Him.
He can sympathize. May He forgive, and purify, and bless us."
If in his spirit of high consecration he was thus unchanged,
equally far was he from having a fanatical disregard of life, and
the rules of provident living.
"Jesus," he says, "came not to judge,--[Greek:
kriuo],--condemn judicially, or execute vengeance on any one. His
was a message of peace and love. He shall not strive nor cry,
neither shall his voice he heard in the streets. Missionaries ought
to follow his example. Neither insist on our rights, nor appear as
if we could allow our goods to be destroyed without regret: for if
we are righteous overmuch, or stand up for our rights with too much
vehemence, we beget dislikes, and the people see no difference
between ourselves and them. And if we appear to care nothing for
the things of this world, they conclude we are rich, and when they
beg, our refusal is ascribed to niggardliness, and our property,
too, is wantonly destroyed. 'Ga ba tloke'=they are not in need, is
the phrase employed when our goods are allowed to go to destruction
by the neglect of servants.... In coming among savage people, we
ought to make them feel we are of them, 'we seek not yours, but
you'; but while very careful not to make a gain of them, we ought
to be as careful to appear thankful, and appreciate any effort they
may make for our comfort or subsistence."
On reaching Kolobeng from 'Ngami they found the station
deserted. The Bakwains had removed to Limaüe. Sechéle
came down the day after, and presented them with an ox--a valuable
gift in his circumstances. Sechéle had much yet to bear from
the Boers; and after being, without provocation, attacked,
pillaged, and wasted, and robbed of his children, he was bent on
going to the Queen of England to state his wrongs. This, however,
he could not accomplish, though he went as far as the Cape. Coming
back afterward to his own people, he gathered large numbers about
him from other tribes, to whose improvement he devoted himself with
much success. He still survives, with the one wife whom he
retained; and, though not without some drawbacks (which Livingstone
ascribed to the bad example set him by some), he maintains his
Christian profession. His people are settled at some miles'
distance from Kolobeng, and have a missionary station, supported by
a Hanoverian Society. His regard for the memory of Livingstone is
very great, and he reads with eagerness all that he can find about
him. He has ever been a warm friend of missions has a wonderful
knowledge of the Bible, and can preach well. The influence of
Livingstone in his early days was doubtless a real power in
mission-work. Mebalwe, too, we are informed by Dr. Moffat, still
survives; a useful man, an able preacher, and one who has done much
to bring his people to Christ.
It was painful to Livingstone to say good-bye to the Bakwains,
and (as Mrs. Moffat afterward reminded him) his friends were not
all in favor of his doing so; but he regarded his departure as
inevitable. After a short stay at Kuruman, he and his family went
on to Cape Town, where they arrived on the 16th of March, 1852, and
had new proofs of Mr. Oswell's kindness. After eleven years'
absence, Livingstone's dress-coat had fallen a little out of
fashion, and the whole costume of the party was somewhat in the
style of Robinson Crusoe. The generosity of "the best friend we
have in Africa" made all comfortable, Mr. Oswell remarking that
Livingstone had as good a right as he to the money drawn from the
"preserves on his estate"--the elephants. Mentally, Livingstone
traces to its source the kindness of his friend, thinking of One to
whom he owed all--"O divine Love, I have not loved Thee strongly,
deeply, warmly enough." The retrospect of his eleven years of
African labor, unexampled though they had been, only awakened in
him the sense of unprofitable service.
Before closing the record of this period, we must take a glance
at the remarkable literary activity which it witnessed. We have had
occasion to refer to Livingstone's first letters to Captain Steele,
for the Geographical Society; additional letters were contributed
from time to time. His philological researches have also been
noticed. In addition to these, we find him writing two articles on
African Missions for the British Quarterly Review, only one
of which was published. He likewise wrote two papers for the
British Banner on the Boers. While crossing the desert,
after leaving the Cape on his first great journey, he wrote a
remarkable paper on "Missionary Sacrifices," and another of great
vigor on the Boers. Still another paper on Lake 'Ngami was written
for a Missionary Journal contemplated, but never started, under the
editorship of the late Mr. Isaac Taylor; and he had one in his mind
on the religion of the Bechuanas, presenting a view which differed
somewhat from that of Mr. Moffat. Writing to Mr. Watt from Linyanti
(3d October, 1853), on printing one of his papers, he says:
"But the expense, my dear man. What a mess I am in,
writing papers which cannot pay their own way! Pauper papers, in
fact, which must go to the workhouse for support. Ugh! Has the
Caffre War paper shared the same fate? and the Language paper too?
Here I have two by me, which I will keep in their native obscurity.
One is on the South African Boers and slavery, in which I show that
their church is, and always has been, the great bulwark of slavery,
cattle-lifting, and Caffre-marauding; and I correct the mistaken
views of some writers who describe the Boers as all that is good,
and of others who describe as all that is bad, by showing who are
the good and who are the bad. The other, which I rather
admire,--what father doesn't his own progeny?--is on the missionary
work, and designed to aid young men of piety to form a more correct
idea of it than is to be had from much of the missionary biography
of 'sacrifices.' I magnify the enterprise, exult in the future,
etc., etc. It was written in coming across the desert, and if it
never does aught else, it imparted comfort and encouragement to
myself
[34]....
I feel almost inclined to send it.... If the Caffre War one is
rejected, then farewell to spouting in Reviews."
[34] For extracts from the paper on "Missionary
Sacrifices," see
Appendix No. I. For part of
the paper on the Boers, see
Catholic Presbyterian December,
1879 (London, Nisbet and Co.).
If he had met with more encouragement from editors he would have
written more. But the editorial cold shoulder was beyond even his
power of endurance. He laid aside his pen in a kind of disgust, and
this doubtless was one of the reasons that made him unwilling to
resume it on his return to England. Editors were wiser then; and
the offer from one London Magazine of £400 for four articles,
and from Good Words of £1000 for a number of papers to
be fixed afterward,--offers which, however, were not accepted
finally,--showed how the tide had turned.
CHAPTER VII.
FROM THE CAPE TO LINYANTI.
Unfavorable feeling at Cape Town--Departure of Mrs. Livingstone
and children--Livingstone's detention and difficulties--Letter to
his wife--To Agnes--Occupations at Cape Town--The
Astronomer-Royal--Livingstone leaves the Cape and reaches
Kuruman--Destruction of Kolobeng by the Boers--Letters to his wife
and Rev. J. Moore--His resolution to open up Africa or
perish--Arrival at Linyanti--Unhealthiness of the
country--Thoughts on setting out for coast--Sekelétu's
kindness--Livingstone's missionary activity--Death of Mpepe, and of
his father--Meeting with Ma-mochisane--Barotse country--Determines
to go to Loanda--Heathenism unadulterated--Taste for the
beautiful--Letter to his children--to his father--Last Sunday at
Linyanti--Prospect of his falling.
When Livingstone arrived at the Cape, he found the authorities
in a state of excitement over the Caffre War, and very far from
friendly toward the London Missionary Society, some of whose
missionaries--himself among the number--were regarded as
"unpatriotic." He had a very poor opinion of the officials, and
their treatment of the natives scandalized him. He describes the
trial of an old soldier, Botha, as "the most horrid exhibition I
ever witnessed." The noble conduct of Botha in prison was a
beautiful contrast to the scene in court. This whole Caffre War had
exemplified the blundering of the British authorities, and was
teaching the natives developments, the issue of which could not be
foreseen. As for himself, he writes to Mr. Moffat, that he was
cordially hated, and perhaps he might be pulled up; but he knew
that some of his letters had been read by the Duke of Wellington
and Lord Brougham with pleasure, and, possibly, he might get
justice. He bids his father-in-law not to be surprised if he saw
him abused in the newspapers.
On the 23d April, 1852, Mrs. Livingstone and the four children
sailed from Cape Town for England. The sending of his children to
be brought up by others was a very great trial, and Dr. Livingstone
seized the opportunity to impress on the Directors that those by
whom missionaries were sent out had a great duty to the children
whom their parents were compelled to send away. Referring to the
filthy conversation and ways of the heathen, he says:
"Missionaries expose their children to a contamination
which they have had no hand in producing. We expose them and
ourselves for a time in order to elevate those sad captives of sin
and Satan, who are the victims of the degradation of ages. None of
those who complain about missionaries sending their children home
ever descend to this. And again, as Mr. James in his Young Man
from Home forcibly shows, a greater misfortune cannot befall a
youth than to be cast into the world without a home. In regard to
even the vestige of a home, my children are absolutely vagabonds.
When shall we return to Kolobeng? When to Kuruman? Never.
The mark of Cain is on your foreheads, your father is a missionary.
Our children ought to have both the sympathies and prayers of those
at whose bidding we become strangers for life."
Was there ever a plea more powerful or more just? It is sad to
think that the coldness of Christians at home should have led a man
like Livingstone to fancy that, because his children were the
children of a missionary, they would bear the mark of Cain, and be
homeless vagabonds. Why are we at home so forgetful of the
privilege of refreshing the bowels of those who take their lives in
their hands for the love of Christ, by making a home for their
offspring? In a higher state of Christianity there will be hundreds
of the best families at home delighted, for the love of their
Master, to welcome and bring up the missionary's children. And when
the Great Day comes, none will more surely receive that best of all
forms of repayment, "Inasmuch as ye did it unto the least of these
my brethren, ye did it unto Me."
Livingstone, who had now got the troublesome uvula cut out, was
detained at the Cape nearly two months after his family left. He
was so distrusted by the authorities that they would hardly sell
powder and shot to him, and he had to fight a battle that demanded
all his courage and perseverance for a few boxes of
percussion-caps. At the last moment, a troublesome country
postmaster, to whom he had complained of an overcharge of postage,
threatened an action against him for defamation of character, and,
rather than be further detained, deep in debt though he was,
Livingstone had to pay him a considerable sum. His family were much
in his thoughts; he found some relief in writing by every mail. His
letters to his wife are too sacred to be spread before the public;
we confine ourselves to a single extract, to show over what a host
of suppressed emotions he had to march in this expedition:
"Cape Town, 5th May, 1852.--MY DEAREST
MARY,--How I miss you now, and the children! My heart yearns
incessantly over you. How many thoughts of the past crowd into my
mind! I feel as if I would treat you all much more tenderly and
lovingly than ever. You have been a great blessing to me. You
attended to my comfort in many, many ways. May God bless you for
all your kindnesses! I see no face now to be compared with that
sunburnt one which has so often greeted me with its kind looks. Let
us do our duty to our Saviour, and we shall meet again. I wish that
time were now. You may read the letters over again which I wrote at
Mabotsa, the sweet time you know. As I told you before, I tell you
again, they are true, true; there is not a bit of hypocrisy in
them. I never show all my feelings; but I can say truly, my
dearest, that I loved you when I married you, and the longer I
lived with you, I loved you the better.... Let us do our duty to
Christ, and He will bring us through the world with honor and
usefulness. He is our refuge and high tower; let us trust in Him at
all times, and in all circumstances. Love Him more and more, and
diffuse his love among the children. Take them all round you, and
kiss them for me. Tell them I have left them for the love of Jesus,
and they must love Him too, and avoid sin, for that displeases
Jesus. I shall be delighted to hear of you all safe in
England...."
A few days later, he writes to his eldest daughter, then in her
fifth year:
"Cape Town, 18th May, 1852.--MY DEAR
AGNES,--This is your own little letter. Mamma will read it to you,
and you will hear her just as if I were speaking to you, for the
words which I write are those which she will read. I am still at
Cape Town. You know you left me there when you all went into the
big ship and sailed away. Well, I shall leave Cape Town soon.
Malatsi has gone for the oxen, and then I shall go away back to
Sebituane's country, and see Seipone and Meriye, who gave you the
beads and fed you with milk and honey. I shall not see you again
for a long time, and I am very sorry. I have no Nannie now. I have
given you back to Jesus, your Friend--your Papa who is in heaven.
He is above you, but He is always near you. When we ask things from
Him, that is praying to Him; and if you do or say a naughty thing
ask Him to pardon you, and bless you, and make you one of his
children. Love Jesus much, for He loves you, and He came and died
for you. Oh, how good Jesus is! I love Him, and I shall love Him as
long as I live. You must love Him too, and you must love your
brothers and mamma, and never tease them or be naughty, for Jesus
does not like to see naughtiness.--Good-bye, my dear Nannie,
D. LIVINGSTON."
Among his other occupations at Cape Town, Livingstone put
himself under the instructions of the Astronomer-Royal, Mr.
(afterward Sir Thomas) Maclear, who became one of his best and most
esteemed friends. His object was to qualify himself more thoroughly
for taking observations that would give perfect accuracy to his
geographical explorations. He tried English preaching too, but his
throat was still tender, and he felt very nervous, as he had done
at Ongar. "What a little thing," he writes to Mr. Moffat, "is
sufficient to bring down to old-wifeishness such a rough tyke as I
consider myself! Poor, proud human nature is a great fool after
all." A second effort was more successful. "I preached," he writes
to his wife, "on the text, 'Why will ye die?' I had it written out
and only referred to it twice, which is an improvement in English.
I hope good was done. The people were very attentive indeed. I felt
less at a loss than in Union Chapel [35]." He arranged with
a mercantile friend, Mr. Rutherfoord, to direct the operations of a
native trader, George Fleming, whom that gentleman was to employ
for the purpose of introducing lawful traffic in order to supplant
the slave-trade.
[35] The manuscript of this sermon still exists.
The sermon is very simple, scriptural, and earnest, in the style of
Bishop Ryle, or of Mr. Moody.
It was not till the 8th of June that he left the Cape. His wagon
was loaded to double the usual weight from his good nature in
taking everybody's packages. His oxen were lean, and he was too
poor to provide better. He reached Griqua Town on the 15th August,
and Kuruman a fortnight later. Many things had occasioned
unexpected delay, and the last crowning detention was caused by the
breaking down of a wheel. It turned out, however, that these delays
were probably the means of saving his life. Had they not occurred
he would have reached Kolobeng in August. But this was the very
time when the commando of the Boers, numbering 600 colonists and
many natives besides, were busy with the work of death and
destruction. Had he been at Kolobeng, Pretorius would probably have
executed his threat of killing him; at the least he would have been
deprived of all the property that he carried with him, and his
projected enterprise would have been brought to an end.
In a letter to his wife, Livingstone gives full details of the
horrible outrage perpetrated shortly before by the Boers at
Kolobeng:
"Kuruman, 20th September, 1852.--Along with this
I send you a long letter; this I write in order to give you the
latest news. The Boers gutted our house at Kolobeng; they brought
four wagons down and took away sofa, table, bed, all the crockery,
your desk (I hope it had nothing in it--Have you the letters?),
smashed the wooden chairs, took away the iron ones, tore out the
leaves of all the books, and scattered them in front of the house,
smashed the bottles containing medicines, windows, oven-door, took
away the smith-bellows, anvil, all the tools,--in fact everything
worth taking; three corn-mills, a bag of coffee, for which I paid
six pounds, and lots of coffee, tea, and sugar, which the gentlemen
who went to the north left; took all our cattle and Paul's and
Mebalwe's. They then went up to Limaüe, went to church morning
and afternoon, and heard Mebalwe preach! After the second service
they told Sechéle that they had come to fight, because he
allowed Englishmen to proceed to the North, though they had
repeatedly ordered him not to do so. He replied that he was a man
of peace, that he could not molest Englishmen, because they had
never done him any harm, and always treated him well. In the
morning they commenced firing on the town with swivels, and set
fire to it. The heat forced some of the women to flee, the men to
huddle together on the small hill in the middle of the town; the
smoke prevented them seeing the Boers, and the cannon killed many,
sixty (60) Bakwains. The Boers then came near to kill and destroy
them all, but the Bakwains killed thirty-five (35), and many
horses. They fought the whole day, but the Boers could not dislodge
them. They stopped firing in the evening, and then the Bakwains
retired on account of having no water. The above sixty are not all
men; women and children are among the slain. The Boers were 600,
and they had 700 natives with them. All the corn is burned. Parties
went out and burned Bangwaketse town, and swept off all the cattle.
Sebubi's cattle are all gone. All the Bakhatla cattle gone. Neither
Bangwaketse nor Bakhatla fired a shot. All the corn burned of the
whole three tribes. Everything edible is taken from them. How will
they live! They told Sechéle that the Queen had given off
the land to them, and henceforth they were the masters,--had
abolished chieftainship. Sir Harry Smith tried the same, and
England has paid two millions of money to catch one chief, and he
is still as free as the winds of heaven. How will it end? I don't
know, but I will tell you the beginning. There are two parties of
Boers gone to the Lake. These will to a dead certainty be cut off.
They amount to thirty-six men. Parties are sent now in pursuit of
them. The Bakwains will plunder and murder the Boers without mercy,
and by and by the Boers will ask the English Government to assist
them to put down rebellion, and of this rebellion I shall have, of
course, to bear the blame. They often expressed a wish to get hold
of me. I wait here a little in order to get information when the
path is clear. Kind Providence detained me from falling into the
very thick of it. God will preserve me still. He has work for me or
He would have allowed me to go in just when the Boers were there.
We shall remove more easily now that we are lightened of our
furniture. They have taken away our sofa. I never had a good rest
on it. We had only got it ready when we left. Well, they can't have
taken away all the stones. We shall have a seat in spite of them,
and that, too, with a merry heart which doeth good like a medicine.
I wonder what the Peace Society would do with these worthies. They
are Christians. The Dutch predicants baptise all their children,
and admit them to the Lord's Supper...."
Dr. Livingstone was not disposed to restrain his indignation and
grief over his losses. For one so patient and good, he had a very
large vial of indignation, and on occasion poured it out right
heartily over all injustice and cruelty. On no heads was it ever
discharged more freely than on these Transvaal Boers. He made a
formal representation of his losses both to the Cape and Home
authorities, but never received a farthing of compensation. The
subsequent history of the Transvaal Republic will convince many
that Livingstone was not far from the truth in his estimate of the
character of the free and independent Boers.
But while perfectly sincere in his indignation over the
treatment of the natives and his own losses, his playful fancy
could find a ludicrous side for what concerned himself, and grim
enjoyment in showing it to his friends. "Think," he writes to his
friend Watt, "think of a big fat Boeress drinking coffee out of my
kettle, and then throwing her tallowy corporeity on my sofa, or
keeping her needles in my wife's writing-desk! Ugh! and then think
of foolish John Bull paying so many thousands a year for the
suppression of the slave-trade, and allowing Commissioner Aven to
make treaties with Boers who carry on the slave-trade.... The Boers
are mad with rage against me because my people fought bravely. It
was I, they think, who taught them to shoot Boers. Fancy your
reverend friend teaching the young idea how to shoot Boers, and
praying for a blessing on the work of his hands!"
In the same spirit he writes to his friend Moore:
"I never knew I was so rich until I recounted up the
different articles that were taken away. They cannot be replaced in
this country under £300. Many things brought to our
establishment by my better-half were of considerable value. Of all
I am now lightened, and they want to ease me of my head.... The
Boers kill the blacks without compunction, and without provocation,
because they believe they have no souls.... Viewing the
dispensation apart from the extreme wickedness of the Boers, it
seemed a judgment on the blacks for their rejection of the gospel.
They have verily done despite unto the Spirit of grace.... Their
enmity was not manifested to us, but to the gospel. I am grieved
for them, and still hope that the good seed will yet vegetate
[36]."
[36] This letter to Mr. Moore contains a trait of
Livingstone, very trifling in the occasion out of which it arose,
but showing vividly the nature of the man. He had promised to send
Mr. Moore's little son some curiosities, but had forgotten when his
family went to England. Being reminded of his promise in a
postscript the little fellow had added to a letter from his father,
Livingstone is "overwhelmed with shame and confusion of face." He
feels he has disappointed the boy and forgotten his promise. Again
and again Livingstone returns to the subject, and feels assured
that his young friend would forgive him if he knew how much he
suffered for his fault. That in the midst of his own overwhelming
troubles he should feel so much for the disappointment of a little
heart in England, shows how terrible a thing it was to him to cause
needless pain, and how profoundly it distressed him to seem
forgetful of a promise. Years afterward he wrote that he had
brought an elephant's tail for Henry, but one of the men stole all
the hairs and sold them. He had still a tusk of a hippopotamus for
him, and a tooth for his brother, but he had brought no
curiosities, for he could scarcely get along himself.
But while he could relax playfully at the thought of the
desolation at Kolobeng, he knew how to make it the occasion
likewise of high resolves. The Boers, as he wrote the Directors,
were resolved to shut up the interior. He was determined, with
God's help, to open the country. Time would show which would be
most successful in resolution,--they or he. To his brother-in-law
he wrote that he would open a path through the country, or
perish.
As for the contest with the Boers, we may smile at their
impotent wrath. It is a singular fact, that while Sechéle
still retains the position of an independent chief, the republic of
the Boers has passed away. It is now part of the British
Empire.
The country was so unsettled that for a long time Dr.
Livingstone could not get guides at Kuruman to go with him to
Sebituane's. At length, however, he succeeded, and leaving Kuruman
finally about the end of December, 1852, in company with George
Fleming, Mr. Rutherfoord's trader, he set out in a new direction,
to the west of the old, in order to give a wide berth to the Boers.
Traveling rapidly he passed through Sebituane's country, and in
June, 1858, arrived at Linyanti, the capital of the Makololo. He
wrote to his wife that he had been very anxious to go to Kolobeng
and see with his own eyes the destruction wrought by the savages.
He had a great longing, too, to visit once more the grave of
Elizabeth, their infant daughter, but he heard that the Boers were
in the neighborhood, and were anxious to catch him, and he thought
it best not to go. Two years before, he had been at Linyanti with
Mr. Oswell. Many details of the new journey are given in the
Missionary Travels, which it is unnecessary to repeat, It
may be enough to state that he found the country flooded, and that
on the way it was no unusual thing for him to be wet all day, and
to walk through swamps, and water three or four feet deep. Trees,
thorns, and reeds offered tremendous resistance, and he and his
people must have presented a pitiable sight when forcing their way
through reeds with cutting edges. "With our own hands all raw and
bloody, and knees through our trousers, we at length emerged." It
was a happy thought to tear his pocket-handkerchief into two parts
and tie them over his knees. "I remember," he says in his Journal,
referring to last year's journey, "the toil which our friend Oswell
endured on our account. He never spared himself." It is not to be
supposed that his guides were happy in such a march; it required
his tact stretched to its very utmost to prevent them from turning
back. "At the Malopo," he writes to his wife, "there were other
dangers besides. When walking before the wagon in the morning
twilight, I observed a lioness about fifty yards from me, in the
squatting way they walk when going to spring. She was followed by a
very large lion, but seeing the wagon, she turned back." Though he
escaped fever at first, he had repeated attacks afterward, and had
to be constantly using remedies against it. The unhealthiness of
the region to Europeans forced itself painfully on his attention,
and made him wonder in what way God would bring the light of the
gospel to the poor inhabitants. As a physician his mind was much
occupied with the nature of the disease, and the way to cure it. If
only he could discover a remedy for that scourge of Africa, what an
invaluable boon would he confer on its much-afflicted people!
"I would like," he says in his Journal, "to devote a
portion of my life to the discovery of a remedy for that terrible
disease, the African fever
[37]. I would go into the parts where it
prevails most, and try to discover if the natives have a remedy for
it. I must make many inquiries of the river people in this quarter.
What an unspeakable mercy it is to be permitted to engage in this
most holy and honorable work! What an infinity of lots in the world
are poor, miserable, and degraded compared with mine! I might have
been a common soldier, a day-laborer, a factory operative, a
mechanic, instead of a missionary. If my faculties had been left to
run riot or to waste as those of so many young men, I should now
have been used up, a dotard, as many of my school-fellows are. I am
respected by the natives, their kind expressions often make me
ashamed, and they are sincere. So much deference and favor
manifested without any effort on my part to secure it comes from
the Author of every good gift. I acknowledge the mercies of the
great God with devout and reverential gratitude."
Dr. Livingstone had declined a considerate proposal that another
missionary should accompany him, and deliberately resolved to go
this great journey alone. He knew, in fact, that except Mr. Moffat,
who was busy with his translation of the Bible, no other missionary
would go with him [38]. But in the absence of all to whom he could
unburden his spirit, we find him more freely than usual pouring out
his feelings in his Journal, and it is but an act of justice to
himself that it should be made known how his thoughts were running,
with so bold and difficult an undertaking before him:
[38] Dr. Moffat informs us that Livingstone's
desire for his company was most intense, and that he pressed him in
such a way as would have been irresistible, had his going been
possible. But for his employment in translating, Dr. Moffat would
have gone with all his heart.
28th September, 1852.--Am I on my way to die in
Sebituane's country? Have I seen the end of my wife and children?
The breaking up of all my connections with earth, leaving this fair
and beautiful world, and knowing so little of it? I am only
learning the alphabet of it yet, and entering on an untried state
of existence. Following Him who has entered in before me into the
cloud, the veil, the Hades, is a serious prospect. Do we begin
again in our new existence to learn much by experience, or have we
full powers? My soul, whither wilt thou emigrate? Where wilt thou
lodge the first night after leaving this body? Will an angel soothe
thy fluttering, for sadly flurried wilt thou be in entering upon
eternity? Oh! if Jesus speak one word of peace, that will establish
in thy breast an everlasting calm! O Jesus, fill me with Thy love
now, and I beseech Thee, accept me, and use me a little for Thy
glory. I have done nothing for Thee yet, and I would like to do
something. O do, do, I beseech Thee, accept me and my service, and
take Thou all the glory...."
"23d January, 1853,--I think much of my poor
children...."
"4th February, 1853.--I am spared in health, while all the
company have been attacked by the fever. If God has accepted my
service, then my life is charmed till my work is done. And though I
pass through many dangers unscathed while working the work given me
to do, when that is finished, some simple thing will give me my
quietus. Death is a glorious event to one going to Jesus. Whither
does the soul wing its way? What does it see first? There is
something sublime in passing into the second stage of our immortal
lives if washed from our sins. But oh! to be consigned to ponder
over all our sins with memories excited, every scene of our lives
held up as in a mirror before our eyes, and we looking at them and
waiting for the day of judgment!"
"17th February.--It is not the encountering of difficulties
and dangers in obedience to the promptings of the inward spiritual
life, which constitutes tempting of God and Providence; but the
acting without faith, proceeding on our own errands with no
previous convictions of duty, and no prayer for aid and
direction."
"22d May.--I will place no value on anything I have or may
possess, except in relation to the kingdom of Christ. If anything
will advance the interests of that kingdom, it shall be given away
or kept, only as by giving or keeping of it I shall most promote
the glory of Him to whom I owe all my hopes in time and eternity.
May grace and strength sufficient to enable me to adhere faithfully
to this resolution be imparted to me, so that in truth, not in name
only, all my interests and those of my children may be identified
with his cause.... I will try and remember always to approach God
in secret with as much reverence in speech, posture, and behavior
as in public. Help me, Thou who knowest my frame and pitiest as a
father his children."
When Livingstone reached the Makololo, a change had taken place
in the government of the tribe. Ma-mochisane, the daughter of
Sebituane, had not been happy in her chiefdom, and had found it
difficult to get along with the number of husbands whom her dignity
as chief required her to maintain. She had given over the
government to her brother Sekelétu, a youth of eighteen, who
was generally recognized, though not without some reluctance, by
his brother, Mpepe. Livingstone could not have foreseen how
Sekelétu would receive him, but to his great relief and
satisfaction he found him actuated by the most kindly feelings. He
found him, boy as he was, full of vague expectations of benefits,
marvelous and miraculous, which the missionaries were to bring. It
was Livingstone's first work to disabuse his mind of these
expectations, and let him understand that his supreme object was to
teach them the way of salvation through Jesus Christ. To a certain
extent Sekelétu was interested in this:
"He asked many sensible questions about the system of
Christianity in connection with the putting away of wives. They are
always furnished with objections sooner than with the information.
I commended him for asking me, and will begin a course of
instruction to-morrow. He fears that learning to read will change
his heart, and make him put away his wives. Much depends on his
decision. May God influence his heart to decide
aright!"
Two days after Livingstone says in his Journal:
"1st June.--The chief presented eight large and
three small tusks this morning. I told him and his people I would
rather see them trading than giving them to me. They replied that
they would get trade with George Fleming, and that, too, as soon as
he was well; but these they gave to their father, and they were
just as any other present. They asked after the gun-medicine,
believing that now my heart would be warm enough to tell them
anything, but I could not tell them a lie. I offered to show
Sekelétu how to shoot, and that was all the medicine I knew.
I felt as if I should have been more pleased had George been
amassing ivory than I. Yet this may be an indispensable step in the
progress toward opening the west. I must have funds; and here they
come pouring in. It would be impossible to overlook his providence
who has touched their hearts. I have used no undue influence.
Indeed I have used none directly for the purpose Kindness shown has
been appreciated here, while much greater kindness shown to tribes
in the south has resulted in a belief we missionaries must be
fools. I do thank my God sincerely for his favor, and my hearty
prayer is that He may continue it, and make whatever use He pleases
of me, and may He have mercy on this people!"
Dr. Livingstone was careful to guard against the supposition
that he allowed Sekelétu to enrich him without recompense,
and in his Journal he sets down a list of the various articles
presented by himself to the chief, including three goats, some
fowls, powder, wire, flints, percussion-caps, an umbrella and a
hat, the value of the whole being £31, 16s. When
Sekelétu knew Dr. Livingstone's plans, he undertook that he
should be provided with all requisites for his journey. But he was
most anxious to retain him, and for some time would not let him go.
Livingstone had fascinated him. Sekelétu said that he had
found a new father. And Livingstone pondered the possibility of
establishing a station here. But the fever, the fever! could he
bring his family? He must pass on and look for a healthier spot.
His desire was to proceed to the country of the Barotse. At length,
on the 16th June, Sekelétu gives his answer:
"The chief has acceded to my request to proceed to
Barotse and see the country. I told him my heart was sore, because
having left my family to explore his land, and, if possible, find a
suitable location for a mission, I could not succeed, because
detained by him here. He says he will take me with him. He does not
like to part with me at all. He is obliged to consult with those
who gave their opinion against my leaving. But it is certain I am
permitted to go. Thanks be to God for influencing their
hearts!"
Before we set out with the chief on this journey, it will be
well to give a few extracts from Livingstone's Journal, showing how
unwearied were his efforts to teach the people:
"
Banks of Chobe, Sunday, May 15th.--Preached
twice to about sixty people. Very attentive. It is only divine
power which can enlighted dark minds as these.... The people seem
to receive ideas on divine subjects slowly. They listen, but never
suppose that the truths must become embodied in actual life. They
will wait until the chief becomes a Christian, and if he believes,
then they refuse to follow,--as was the case among the Bakwains.
Procrastination seems as powerful an instrument of deception here
as elsewhere."
"
Sunday, 12th June.--A good and very attentive audience. We
introduce entirely new motives, and were these not perfectly
adapted for the human mind and heart by their divine Author, we
should have no success."
"
Sunday, 19th June.--A good and attentive audience, but
immediately after the service I went to see a sick man, and when I
returned toward the Kotla, I found the chief had retired into a hut
to drink beer; and, as the custom is, about forty men were standing
singing to him, or, in other words, begging beer by that means. A
minister who had not seen so much pioneer service as I have done
would have been shocked to see so little effect produced by an
earnest discourse concerning the future judgment, but time must be
given to allow the truth to sink into the dark mind, and produce
its effect. The earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the
glory of the Lord--that is enough. We can afford to work in faith,
for Omnipotence is pledged to fulfill the promise. The great
mountains become a plain before the Almighty arm. The poor Bushman,
the most degraded of all Adam's family, shall see his glory, and
the dwellers in the wilderness shall bow before Him. The obstacles
to the coming of the Kingdom are mighty, but come it will for all
that;
"Then let us pray that come it may,
As come, it will for a' that,
That man to man the world o'er
Shall brothers be for a' that.'
"The hard and cold unbelief which distinguished the last century,
and which is still aped by would-be philosophers in the present,
would sneer at our faith, and call it superstition, enthusiasm,
etc. But were we believers in human progress and no more, there
must be a glorious future for our world. Our dreams must come true,
even though they are no more than dreams. The world is rolling on
to the golden age.... Discoveries and Inventions are cumulative.
Another century must present a totally different aspect from the
present. And when we view the state of the world and its advancing
energies, in the light afforded by childlike, or call it childish,
faith, we see the earth filling with the knowledge of the glory of
God,--ay, all nations seeing his glory and bowing before Him whose
right it is to reign. Our work and its fruits are cumulative. We
work toward another state of things. Future missionaries will be
rewarded by conversions for every sermon. We are their pioneers and
helpers. Let them not forget the watchmen of the night--us, who
worked when all was gloom, and no evidence of success in the way of
conversion cheered our paths. They will doubtless have more light
than we, but we served our Master earnestly, and proclaimed the
same gospel as they will do."
Of the services which Livingstone held with the people, we have
the following picture;
"When I stand up, all the women and children draw near,
and, having ordered silence, I explain the plan of salvation, the
goodness of God in sending his Son to die, the confirmation of his
mission by miracles, the last judgment or future state, the evil of
sin, God's commands respecting it, etc.; always choosing one
subject only for an address, and taking care to make it short and
plain, and applicable to them. This address is listened to with
great attention by most of the audience. A short prayer concludes
the service, all kneeling down, and remaining so till told to rise.
At first we have to enjoin on the women who have children to remain
sitting, for when they kneel, they squeeze their children, and a
simultaneous skirl is set up by the whole troop of youngsters, who
make the prayer inaudible."
When Livingstone and Sekelétu had gone about sixty miles
on the way to the Barotse, they encountered Mpepe,
Sekelétu's half-brother and secret rival. It turned out that
Mpepe had a secret plan for killing Sekelétu, and that three
times on the day of their meeting that plan was frustrated by
apparently accidental causes. On one of these occasions,
Livingstone, by covering Sekelétu, prevented him from being
speared. Mpepe's treachery becoming known, he was arrested by
Sekelétu's people, and promptly put to death. The episode
was not agreeable, but it illustrated savage life. It turned out
that Mpepe favored the slave-trade, and was closely engaged with
certain Portuguese traders in intrigues for establishing and
extending it. Had Sekelétu been killed, Livingstone's
enterprise would certainly have been put an end to, and very
probably likewise Livingstone himself.
The party, numbering about one hundred and sixty, proceeded up
the beautiful river which on his former visit Livingstone had first
known as the Seshéke, but which was called by the Barotse
the Liambai or Leeambye. The term means "the large river," and
Luambeji, Luambesi, Ambezi, Yimbezi, and Zambezi are names applied
to it at different parts of its course. In the progress of their
journey they came to the town of the father of Mpepe, where, most
unexpectedly, Livingstone encountered a horrible scene. Mpepe's
father and another headman were known to have favored the plan for
the murder of Sekelétu, and were therefore objects of fear
to the latter. When all were met, and Mpepe's father was questioned
why he did not stop his son's proceedings, Sekelétu suddenly
sprang to his feet and gave the two men into custody. All had been
planned beforehand. Forthwith they were led away, surrounded by
Sekelétu's warriors, all dream of opposition on their part
being as useless as interference would have been on Livingstone's.
Before his eyes he saw them hewn to; pieces with axes, and cast
into the river to be devoured by the alligators. Within two hours
of their arrival the whole party had left the scene of this
shocking tragedy, Livingstone being so horrified that he could not
remain. He did his best to show the sin of blood-guiltiness, and
bring before the people the scene of the Last Judgment, which was
the only thing that seemed to make any impression.
Farther on his way he had an interview with Ma-mochisane, the
daughter of Sebituane who had resigned in favor of Sekelétu.
He was the first white man she had ever seen. The interview was
pleasing and not without touches of womanly character; the poor
woman had felt an embarras de richesses in the matter of
husbands, and was very uncomfortable when married women complained
of her taking their spouses from them. Her soul recoiled from the
business; she wished to have a husband of her own and to be like
other women.
So anxious was Livingstone to find a healthy locality, that,
leaving Sekelétu, he proceeded to the farthest limit of the
Barotse country, but no healthy place could be found. It is plain,
however, that in spite of all risk, and much as he suffered from
the fever, he was planning, if no better place could be found, to
return himself to Linyanti and be the Makololo missionary. Not just
immediately, however. Having failed in the first object of his
journey--to find a healthy locality--he was resolved to follow out
the second, and endeavor to discover a highway to the sea. First he
would try the west coast, and the point for which he would make was
St. Paul de Loanda. He might have found a nearer way, but a
Portuguese trader whom he had met, and from whom he had received
kindness, was going by that route to St. Philip de Benguela. The
trader was implicated in the slave-trade, and Livingstone knew what
a disadvantage it would be either to accompany or to follow him. He
therefore returned to Linyanti; and there began preparations for
the journey to Loanda on the coast.
During the time thus spent in the Barotse country, Livingstone
saw heathenism in its most unadulterated form. It was a painful,
loathsome, and horrible spectacle. His views of the Fall and of the
corruption of human nature were certainly not lightened by the
sight. In his Journal he is constantly letting fall expressions of
weariness at the noise, the excitement, the wild savage dancing,
the heartless cruelty, the utter disregard of feelings, the
destruction of children, the drudgery of the old people, the
atrocious murders with which he was in contact. Occasionally he
would think of other scenes of travel; if a friend, for example,
were going to Palestine, he would say how gladly he would kiss the
dust that had been trod by the Man of Sorrows. One day a poor girl
comes hungry and naked to the wagons, and is relieved from time to
time; then disappears to die in the woods of starvation or be torn
in pieces by the hyenas. Another day, as he is preaching, a boy,
walking along with his mother, is suddenly seized by a man, utters
a shriek as if his heart had burst, and becomes, as Livingstone
finds, a hopeless slave. Another time, the sickening sight is a
line of slaves attached by a chain. That chain haunts and harrows
him.
Amid all his difficulties he patiently pursued his work as
missionary. Twice every Sunday he preached, usually to good
audiences, the number rising on occasions so high as a thousand. It
was a great work to sow the good seed so widely, where no Christian
man had ever been, proclaiming every Lord's Day to fresh ears the
message of Divine love. Sometimes he was in great hopes that a true
impression had been made. But usually, whenever the service was
over, the wild savage dance with all its demon noises succeeded,
and the missionary could but look on and sigh. So ready was he for
labor that when he could get any willing to learn, he commenced
teaching them the alphabet. But he was continually met by the
notion that his religion was a religion of medicines, and that all
the good it could do was by charms. Intellectual culture seemed
indispensable to dissipate this inveterate superstition regarding
Christian influence.
A few extracts from his Journal in the Barotse country will more
vividly exhibit his state of mind:
"27th August, 1853.--The more intimately I
become acquainted with barbarians, the more disgusting does
heathenism become. It is inconceivably vile. They are always
boasting of their fierceness, yet dare not visit another tribe for
fear of being killed. They never visit anywhere but for the purpose
of plunder and oppression. They never go anywhere but with a club
or spear in hand. It is lamentable to see those who might be
children of God, dwelling in peace and love, so utterly the
children of the devil, dwelling in fear and continual irritation.
They bestow honors and flattering titles on me in confusing
profusion. All from the least to the greatest call me Father, Lord,
etc., and bestow food without recompense, out of pure kindness.
They need a healer. May God enable me to be such to them....
"31st August.--The slave-trade seems pushed into the very
centre of the continent from both sides. It must be
profitable....
"September 25, Sunday.--A quiet audience to-day. The seed
being sown, the least of all seeds now, but it will grow a mighty
tree. It is as it were a small stone cut out of a mountain, but it
will fill the whole earth. He that believeth shall not make haste.
Surely if God can bear with hardened impenitent sinners for thirty,
forty, or fifty years, waiting to be gracious, we may take it for
granted that his is the best way. He could destroy his enemies, but
He waits to be gracious. To become irritated with their
stubbornness and hardness of heart is ungodlike....
"13th October.--Missionaries ought to cultivate a taste for
the beautiful. We are necessarily compelled to contemplate much
moral impurity and degradation. We are so often doomed to
disappointment. We are apt to become either callous or melancholy,
or, if preserved from these, the constant strain on the
sensibilities is likely to injure the bodily health. On this
account it seems necessary to cultivate that faculty for the
gratification of which God has made such universal provision. See
the green earth and blue sky, the lofty mountain and the verdant
valley, the glorious orbs of day and night, and the starry canopy
with all their celestial splendor, the graceful flowers so chaste
in form and perfect in coloring. The various forms of animated life
present to him whose heart is at peace with God through the blood
of his Son an indescribable charm. He sees in the calm beauties of
nature such abundant provision for the welfare of humanity and
animate existence. There appears on the quiet repose of earth's
scenery the benignant smile of a Father's love. The sciences
exhibit such wonderful intelligence and design in all their various
ramifications, some time ought to be devoted to them before
engaging in missionary work. The heart may often be cheered by
observing the operation of an ever-present intelligence, and we may
feel that we are leaning on his bosom while living in a world
clothed in beauty, and robed with the glorious perfections of its
maker and preserver. We must feel that there is a Governor among
the nations who will bring all his plans with respect to our human
family to a glorious consummation. He who stays his mind on his
ever-present, ever-energetic God, will not fret himself because of
evil-doers. He that believeth shall not make haste."
"26th October.--I have not yet met with a beautiful woman
among the black people, and I have seen many thousands in a great
variety of tribes. I have seen a few who might be called passable,
but none at all to be compared to what one may meet among English
servant-girls. Some beauties are said to be found among the
Caffres, but among the people I have seen I cannot conceive of any
European being captivated with them. The whole of my experience
goes toward proving that civilization alone produces beauty, and
exposure to the weather and other vicissitudes tend to the
production of deformation and ugliness....
"28th October.--The conduct of the people whom we have
brought from Kuruman shows that no amount of preaching or
instruction will insure real piety.... The old superstitions cannot
be driven out of their minds by faith implanted by preaching. They
have not vanished in either England or Scotland yet, after the
lapse of centuries of preaching. Kuruman, the entire population of
which amounted in 1853 to 638 souls, enjoys and has enjoyed the
labors of at least two missionaries,--four sermons, two
prayer-meetings, infant schools, adult schools, sewing schools,
classes, books, etc., and the amount of visible success is very
gratifying, a remarkable change indeed from the former state of
these people. Yet the dregs of heathenism still cleave fast to the
minds of the majority. They have settled deep down into their
souls, and one century will not be sufficient to elevate them to
the rank of Christians in Britain. The double influence of the
spirit of commerce and the gospel of Christ has given an impulse to
the civilization of men. The circulation of ideas and commodities
over the face of the earth, and the discovery of the gold regions,
have given enhanced rapidity to commerce in other countries, and
the diffusion of knowledge. But what for Africa? God will do
something else for it; something just as wonderful and unexpected
as the discovery of gold."
It needs not to be said that his thoughts were very often with
his wife and children. A tender letter to the four little ones
shows that though some of them might be beginning to forget him,
their names were written imperishably on his heart:
"Sekelétu's Town, Linyanti, 2d
October.--MY DEAR ROBERT, AGNES, AND THOMAS AND OSWELL,--Here
is another little letter for you all. I should like to see you much
more than write to you, and speak with my tongue rather than with
my pen; but we are far from each other--very, very far. Here are
Seipone, and Meriye and others who saw you as the first white
children they ever looked at. Meriye came the other day and brought
a round basket for Nannie. She made it of the leaves of the
palmyra. Others put me in mind of you all by calling me Rananee,
and Rarobert, and there is a little Thomas in the town, and when I
think of you I remember, though I am far off, Jesus, our good and
gracious Jesus, is ever near both you and me, and then I pray to
Him to bless you and make you good.
"He is ever near. Remember this if you feel angry or naughty. Jesus
is near you, and sees you, and He is so good and kind. When He was
among men, those who heard Him speak said, 'Never man spake like
this man,' and we now say, 'Never did man love like Him.' You see
little Zouga is carried on mamma's bosom. You are taken care of by
Jesus with as much care as mamma takes of Zouga. He is always
watching you and keeping you in safety. It is very bad to sin, to
do any naughty things, or speak angry or naughty words before
Him.
"My dear children, take Him as your Guide, your Helper, your
Friend, and Saviour through life. Whatever you are troubled about
ask Him to keep you. Our God is good. We thank Him that we have
such a Saviour and Friend as He is. Now you are little, but you
will not always be so, hence you must learn to read and write and
work. All clever men can both read and write, and Jesus needs
clever men to do his work. Would you not like to work for Him among
men? Jesus is wishing to send his gospel to all nations, and He
needs clever men to do this. Would you like to serve Him? Well, you
must learn now, and not get tired learning. After some time you
will like learning better than playing, but you must play, too, in
order to make your bodies strong and be able to serve Jesus.
"I am glad to hear that you go to the academy. I hope you are
learning fast. Don't speak Scotch. It is not so pretty as English.
Is the Tau learning to read with mamma? I hope you are all kind to
mamma. I saw a poor woman in a chain with many others, up at the
Barotse. She had a little child, and both she and her child were
very thin. See how kind Jesus was to you. No one can put you in
chains unless you become bad. If, however, you learn bad ways,
beginning only by saying bad words or doing little bad things,
Satan will have you in the chains of sin, and you will be hurried
on in his bad ways till you are put into the dreadful place which
God hath prepared for him and all who are like him. Pray to Jesus
to deliver you from sin, give you new hearts, and make you his
children. Kiss Zouga, mamma, and each other for me.--Your ever
affectionate father,
"D. LIVINGSTON."
A letter to his father and other relations at Hamilton, 30th
September, 1853, is of a somewhat apologetic and explanatory cast.
Some of the friends had the notion that he should have settled
somewhere, "preaching the simple gospel," and converting people by
every sermon:
"You see what they make of the gospel, and my
conversation on it, in which my inmost Heart yearned for their
conversion. Many now think Jesus and Sebituane very much the same
sort of person. I was prevented by fever and other matters from at
once following up the glorious object of this journey: viz., while
preaching the gospel beyond every other man's line of things made
ready to our hands, to discover a healthy location for a mission,
and I determined to improve the time by teaching to read. This
produced profound deliberation and lengthened palavers, and at
length the chief told me that he feared learning to read would
change his heart and make him content with one wife like
Sechéle. He has four. It was in vain I urged that the change
contemplated made the affair as voluntary as if he would now change
his mind from four to thirty, as his father had. He could not
realize the change that would give relish to any other system than
the present. He felt as the man who is mentioned by Serles as
saying he would not like to go to heaven to be employed for ever
singing and praising on a bare cloud without anything to eat or
drink....
"The conversion of a few, however valuable their souls may be,
cannot be put into the scale against the knowledge of the truth
spread over the whole country. In this I do and will exult. As in
India, we are doomed to perpetual disappointment; but the knowledge
of Christ spreads over the masses. We are like voices crying in the
wilderness. We prepare the way for a glorious future in which
missionaries telling the same tale of love will convert by every
sermon. I am trying now to establish the Lord's kingdom in a region
wider by far than Scotland. Fever seems to forbid; but I shall work
for the glory of Christ's kingdom--fever or no fever. All the
intelligent men who direct our society and understand the nature of
my movements support me warmly. A few, I understand, in Africa, in
writing home, have styled my efforts as 'wanderings.' The very word
contains a lie coiled like a serpent in its bosom. It means
traveling without an object, or uselessly. I am now performing the
duty of writing you. If this were termed 'dawdling,' it would be as
true as the other.... I have actually seen letters to the Directors
in which I am gravely charged with holding the views of the
Plymouth Brethren, So very sure am I that I am in the path which
God's Providence has pointed out, as that by which Christ's kingdom
is to be promoted, that if the Society should object, I would
consider it my duty to withdraw from it....
"P.S.--My throat became well during the long silence of
traveling across the desert. It plagues again now that I am
preaching in a moist climate."
Dr. Livingstone now began his preparations for the journey from
Linyanti to Loanda. Sekelétu was kind and generous. The road
was impracticable for wagons, and the native trader, George
Fleming, returned to Kuruman, The Kuruman guides had not done well,
so that Livingstone resolved to send them back, and to get Makololo
men instead. Here is the record of his last Sunday at Linyanti:
"6th Nov., 1853.--Large audience. Kuruman people
don't attend. If it is a fashion to be church-going, many are drawn
into its observance. But placed in other circumstances, the true
character comes out. This is the case with many Scotchmen. May God
so imbue my mind with the spirit of Christianity that in all
circumstances I may show my Christian character! Had a long
conversation with Motlube, chiefly on a charm for defending the
town or for gun medicine. They think I know it but will not impart
the secret to them. I used every form of expression to undeceive
him, but to little purpose. Their belief in medicine which will
enable them to shoot well is very strong, and simple trust in an
unseen Saviour to defend them against such enemies as the Matebele
is too simple for them. I asked if a little charcoal sewed up in a
bag were a more feasible protector than He who made all things, and
told them that one day they would laugh heartily at their own
follies in bothering me so much for gun medicine. A man who has
never had to do with a raw heathen tribe has yet to learn the
Missionary A B C."
On the 8th he writes:
"Our intentions are to go up the Leeba till we reach
the falls, then send back the canoe and proceed in the country
beyond as best we can. Matiamvo is far beyond, but the Cassantse
(probably Cassange) live on the west of the river. May God in mercy
permit me to do something for the cause of Christ in these dark
places of the earth! May He accept my children for his service, and
sanctify them for it! My blessing on my wife. May God comfort her!
If my watch comes back after I am cut off, it belongs to Agnes. If
my sextant, it is Robert's. The Paris medal to Thomas.
Double-barreled gun to Zouga. Be a Father to the fatherless, and a
Husband to the widow, for Jesus' sake."
The probability of his falling was full in his view. But the
thought was ever in his mind, and ever finding expression in
letters both to the Missionary and the Geographical Societies, and
to all his friends,--"Can the love of Christ not carry the
missionary where the slave-trade carries the trader?" His wagon and
goods were left with Sekelétu, and also the Journal from
which these extracts are taken [39]. It was well for him that his conviction of
duty was clear as noonday. A year after, he wrote to his
father-in-law:
[39] This Journal is mentioned in the
Missionary Travels as having been lost (p. 229). It was
afterward recovered. It contains, among other things, some
important notes on Natural History.
I had fully made up my mind as to the path of duty
before starting. I wrote to my brother-in-law, Robert Moffat: 'I
shall open up a path into the interior, or perish.' I never have
had the shadow of a shade of doubt as to the propriety of my
course, and wish only that my exertions may be honored so far that
the gospel may be preached and believed in all this dark
region."
CHAPTER VIII.
FROM LINYANTI TO LOANDA.
Difficulties and hardships of journey--His traveling kit--Four
books--His Journal--Mode of traveling--Beauty of
country--Repulsiveness of the people--Their religious belief--The
negro--Preaching--The magic-lantern--Loneliness of
feeling--Slave-trade--Management of the natives--Danger from
Chiboque--from another chief--Livingstone ill of fever--At the
Quango--Attachment of followers--"The good time coming"--Portuguese
settlements--Great kindness of the Portuguese--Arrives at
Loanda--Received by Mr. Gabriel--His great friendship--No
letters--News through Mr. Gabriel--Livingstone becomes aquainted
with naval officers--Resolves to go back to Linyanti and make for
East Coast--Letter to his wife--Correspondence with Mr.
Maclear--Accuracy of his observations--Sir John
Herschel--Geographical Society award their gold metal--Remarks of
Lord Ellesmere.
The journey from Linyanti to Loanda occupied from the 11th
November, 1853, to 31st May, 1854. It was in many ways the most
difficult and dangerous that Livingstone had yet performed, and it
drew out in a very wonderful manner the rare combination of
qualities that fitted him for his work. The route had never been
traversed, so far as any trustworthy tradition went, by any
European. With the exception of a few of Sekelétu's tusks,
the oxen needed for carrying, and a trifling amount of coffee,
cloth, beads, etc., Livingstone had neither stores of food for his
party, nor presents with which to propitiate the countless tribes
of rapacious and suspicious savages that lined his path. The
Barotse men who accompanied him, usually called the "Makololo,"
though on the whole faithful and patient, "the best that ever
accompanied me," were a burden in one sense, as much as a help in
another; chicken-hearted, ready to succumb to every trouble, and to
be cowed by any chief that wore a threatening face. Worse if
possible, Livingstone himself was in wretched health. During this
part of the journey he had constant attacks of intermittent fever
[40],
accompanied in the latter stages of the road with dysentery of the
most distressing kind. In the intervals of fever he was often
depressed alike in body and in mind. Often the party were destitute
of food of any sort, and never had they food suitable for a
fever-stricken invalid. The vexations he encountered were of no
common kind: at starting, the greater part of his medicines was
stolen, much though he needed them; in the course of the journey,
his pontoon was left behind; at one time, while he was under the
influence of fever, his riding-ox threw him, and he fell heavily on
his head; at another, while crossing a river, the ox tossed him
into the water; the heavy rains, and the necessity of wading
through streams three or four times a day, kept him almost
constantly wet; and occasionally, to vary the annoyance, mosquitos
would assail him as fiercely as if they had been waging a war of
extermination. The most critical moments of peril, demanding the
utmost coolness and most dauntless courage, would sometimes occur
during the stage of depression after fever; it was then he had to
extricate himself from savage warriors, who vowed that he must go
back, unless he gave them an ox, a gun, or a man. The ox he could
ill spare, the gun not at all, and as for giving the last--a
man--to make a slave of, he would sooner die. At the best, he was a
poor ragged skeleton when he reached those who had hearts to feel
for him and hands to help him. Had he not been a prodigy of
patience, faith, and courage, had he not known where to find help
in all time of his tribulation, he would never have reached the
haunts of civilized men.
[40] The number of attacks was
thirty-one.
His traveling-kit was reduced to the smallest possible ilk; that
he minded little, but he was vexed to be able to take so few books.
A few days after setting out, he writes in his private Journal;
"I feel the want of books in this journey more than
anything else. A Sichuana Pentateuch, a lined journal, Thomson's
Tables, a Nautical Almanac, and a Bible, constitute my stock. The
last constitutes my chief resource; but the want of other mental
pabulum is felt severely. There is little to interest in the
conversation of the people. Loud disputes often about the women,
and angry altercations in which the same string of abuse is used,
are more frequent than anything else."
The "lined journal," of which mention is made here, was probably
the most wonderful thing of the kind ever taken on such a journey.
It is a strongly bound quarto volume of more then 800 pages, with a
lock and key. The writing is so neat and clear that it might almost
be taken for lithograph. Occasionally there is a page with letters
beginning to sprawl, as if one of those times had come when he
tells us that he-could neither think nor speak, nor tell any one's
name--possibly not even his own, if he had been asked it. He used
to jot his observations on little note-books, and extend them when
detained by rain or other causes.
The journal differs in some material respects from the printed
record of this journey. It is much more explicit in setting forth
the bad treatment he often received. When he spoke of these things
to the public, he made constant use of the mantle of charity, and
the record of many a bad deed and many a bad character is toned
down. Naturally, too, the journal is more explicit on the subject
of his own troubles, and more free in recording the play of his
feelings. It does not hide the communings of his heart with his
heavenly Father. It is built up in a random-rubble style; here a
solemn prayer, in the next line a note of lunar observations; then
a dissertation on the habits of the hippopotamus. Notes bearing on
the character, the superstitions, and the feelings of the natives
are of frequent occurrence. The explanation is, that Livingstone
put down everything as it came, reserving the arranging and
digesting of the whole to a future time. The extremely hurried
manner in which he was obliged to write his Missionary
Travels prevented him from fulfilling all his plan, and
compelled him to content himself with giving to the public then
what could be put most readily together. There are indications that
he contemplated in the end a much more thorough use of his
materials. It is not to be supposed that his published volumes
contained all that he deemed worthy of publication, or that a
censure is due to those who reproduce some portions which he passed
over. As to the neat and finished form in which the Journal exists,
it was one of the many fruits of a strong habit of orderliness and
self-respect which he had begun to learn at the hand of his mother,
and which he practiced all his life. Even in the matter of personal
cleanliness and dress he was uniformly most attentive in his
wanderings among savages. "I feel certain," he said, "that the
lessons of cleanliness rigidly instilled by my mother in childhood
helped to maintain that respect which these people entertain for
European ways."
The course of the journey was first along the river Zambesi, as
he had gone before with Sekelétu, to its junction with the
Leeba, then along the Leeba to the country of Lobale on the left
and Londa on the right. Then, leaving the canoes, he traveled on
oxback first N.N.W. and then W. till he reached St. Paul de Loanda
on the coast. His Journal, like the published volume, is full of
observations on the beauty and wonderful capacity and
productiveness of the country through which he passed after leaving
the river. Instinctively he would compare it with Scotland. A
beautiful valley reminds him of his native vale of Clyde, seen from
the spot where Mary Queen of Scots saw the battle of Langside; only
the Scottish scene is but a miniature of the much greater and
richer landscape before him. At the sight of the mountains he would
feel his Highland blood rushing through him, banishing all thoughts
of fever and fatigue. If only the blessings of the gospel could be
spread among the people, what a glorious land it would become! But
alas for the people! In most cases they were outwardly very
repulsive. Never seen without a spear or a club in their hands, the
men seemed only to delight in plunder and slaughter, and yet they
were utter cowards. Their mouths were full of cursing and
bitterness. The execrations they poured on each other were
incredible. In very wantonness, when they met they would pelt each
other with curses, and then perhaps burst into a fit of laughter.
The women, like the men, went about in almost total nudity, and
seemed to know no shame. So reckless were the chiefs of human life,
that a man might be put to death for a single distasteful word; yet
sometimes there were exhibitions of very tender feeling. The
headman of a village once showed him, with much apparent feeling,
the burnt house of a child of his, adding,--"She perished in it,
and we have all removed from our own huts and built here round her,
in order to weep over her grave." From some of the people he
received great kindness; others were quite different. Their
character, in short, was a riddle, and would need to be studied
more. But the prevalent aspect of things was both distressing and
depressing. If he had thought of it continually, he would have
become the victim of melancholy. It was a characteristic of his
large and buoyant nature, that, besides having the resource of
spiritual thought, he was able to make use of another divine
corrective to such a tendency, to find delightful recreation in
science, and especially in natural history, and by this means turn
the mind away for a time from the dark scenes of man's
depravity.
The people all seemed to recognize a Supreme Being; but it was
only occasionally, in times of distress, that they paid Him homage.
They had no love for Him like that of Christians for Jesus--only
terror. Some of them, who were true negroes, had images, simple but
grotesque. Their strongest belief was in the power of medicines
acting as charms. They fully recognized the existence of the soul
after death. Some of them believed in the metamorphosis of certain
persons into alligators or hippopotamuses, or into lions. This
belief could not be shaken by any arguments--at least on the part
of man. The negroes proper interested him greatly; they were
numerous, prolific, and could not be extirpated. He almost
regretted that Mr. Moffat had translated the Bible into Sichuana.
That language might die out; but the negro might sing, "Men may
come and men may go, but I go on for ever."
The incessant attacks of fever from which Livingstone suffered
in this journey, the continual rain occurring at that season of the
year, the return of the affection of the throat for which he had
got his uvula excised, and the difficulty of speaking to tribes
using different dialects, prevented him from, holding his Sunday
services as regularly as before. Such entries in his Journal as the
following are but too frequent:
"Sunday, 19th.--Sick all Sunday and unable to
move. Several of the people were ill too, so that I could do
nothing but roll from side to side in my miserable little tent, in
which, with all the shade we could give it, the thermometer stood
upward of 90°."
But though little able to preach, Livingstone made the most of
an apparatus which in some degree compensated his lack of speech--a
magic-lantern which his friend, a former fellow-traveler, Mr.
Murray, had given him. The pictures of Abraham offering up Isaac,
and other Bible scenes, enabled him to convey important truths in a
way that attracted the people. It was, he says, the only service he
was ever asked to repeat. The only uncomfortable feeling it raised
was on the part of those who stood on the side where the slides
were drawn out. They were terrified lest the figures, as they
passed along, should take possession of them, entering like spirits
into their bodies!
The loneliness of feeling engendered by the absence of all human
sympathy was trying. "Amidst all the beauty and loveliness with
which I am surrounded, there is still a feeling of want in the
soul,--as if something more were needed to bathe the soul in bliss
than the sight of the perfection in working and goodness in
planning of the great Father of our spirits. I need to be
purified--fitted for the eternal, to which my soul stretches away,
in ever returning longings. I need to be made more like my blessed
Saviour, to serve my God with all my powers. Look upon me, Spirit
of the living God, and supply all Thou seest lacking."
It was Livingstone's great joy to begin this long journey with a
blessed act of humanity, boldly summoning a trader to release a
body of captives, so that no fewer than eighteen souls were
restored to freedom. As he proceeded he obtained but too plain
evidence of the extent to which the slave traffic prevailed,
uniformly finding that wherever slavers had been, the natives were
more difficult to deal with and more exorbitant in their demands.
Slaves in chains were sometimes met with--a sight which some of his
men had never beheld before.
Livingstone's successful management of the natives constituted
the crowning wonder of this journey. Usually the hearts of the
chiefs were wonderfully turned to him, so that they not only
allowed him to pass on, but supplied him with provisions. But there
were some memorable occasions on which he and his company appeared
to be doomed. When he passed through the Chiboque country, the
provisions were absolutely spent; there was no resource but to kill
a riding-ox, a part of which, according to custom, was sent to the
chief. Next day was Sunday. After service the chief sent an
impudent message demanding much more valuable presents. His people
collected round Livingstone, brandishing their weapons, and one
young man all but brought down his sword on his head. It seemed
impossible to avoid a fight; yet Livingstone's management
prevailed--the threatened storm passed away.
Some days after, in passing through a forest in the dominions of
another chief, he and his people were in momentary expectation of
an attack. They went to the chiefs village and spoke to the man
himself; and here, on a Sunday, while ill of fever, Livingstone was
able to effect a temporary settlement. The chief sent them some
food; then yams, a goat, fowl, and meat. Livingstone gave him a
shawl, and two bunches of beads, and he seemed pleased. During
these exciting scenes he felt no fever; but when they were over the
constant wettings made him experience a sore sense of sinking, and
this Sunday was a day "of perfect uselessness." Monday came, and
while Livingstone was as low as possible, the inexorable chief
renewed his demands. "It was," he says, "a day of torture."
"After talking nearly the whole day we gave the old
chief an ox, but he would not take it, but another. I was grieved
exceedingly to find that our people had become quite disheartened,
and all resolved to return home. All I can say has no effect. I can
only look up to God to influence their minds, that the enterprise
fail not, now that we have reached the very threshold of the
Portuguese settlements. I am greatly distressed at this change, for
what else can be done for this miserable land I do not see. It is
shut. O Almighty God, help, help! and leave not this wretched
people to the slave-dealer and Satan. The people have done well
hitherto, I see God's good influence in it. Hope He has left only
for a little season. No land needs the gospel more than this
miserable portion. I hope I am not to be left to fail in
introducing it."
On Wednesday morning, however, final arrangements were made, and
the party passed on in peace. Ten days later, again on a Sunday,
they were once more pestered by a great man demanding dues.
Livingstone replied by simply defying him. He might kill him, but
God would judge. And on the Monday they left peaceably, thankful
for their deliverance, some of the men remarking, in view of it,
that they were "children of Jesus," and Livingstone thanking God
devoutly for his great mercy. Next day they were again stopped at
the river Quango. The poor Makololo had parted in vain with their
copper ornaments, and Livingstone with his razors, shirts, etc.;
yet he had made up his mind (as he wrote to the Geographical
Society afterward) to part with his blanket and coat to get a
passage, when a young Portuguese sergeant, Cypriano de Abrao, made
his appearance, and the party were allowed to pass.
There were many proofs that, though a poor set of fellows,
Livingstone's own followers were animated with extraordinary regard
for him. No wonder! They had seen how sincere he was in saying that
he would die rather than give any of them up to captivity. And all
his intercourse with them had been marked by similar proofs of his
generosity and kindness. When the ox flung him into the river,
about twenty of them made a simultaneous rush for his rescue, and
their joy at his safety was very great.
Amid all that was discouraging in the present aspect of things,
Livingstone could always look forward and rejoice in the good time
coming:
"Sunday 22d.--This age presents one great fact
in the Providence of God; missions are sent forth to all quarters
of the world,--missions not of one section of the Church, but of
all sections, and from nearly all Christian nations. It seems very
unfair to judge of the success of these by the number of
conversions which have followed. These are rather proofs of the
missions being of the right sort. They show the direction of the
stream which is set in motion by Him who rules the nations, and Is
destined to overflow the world. The fact which ought to stimulate
us above all others is, not that we have contributed to the
conversion of a few souls, however valuable these may be, but that
we are diffusing a knowledge of Christianity throughout the world.
The number of conversions in India is but a poor criterion of the
success which has followed the missionaries there. The general
knowledge is the criterion; and there, as well as in other lands
where missionaries in the midst of masses of heathenism seem like
voices crying in the wilderness--Reformers before the Reformation,
future missionaries will see conversions follow every sermon. We
prepare the way for them. May they not forget the pioneers who
worked in the thick gloom with few rays to cheer, except such as
flow from faith in God's promises! We work for a glorious future
which we are not destined to see--the golden age which has not
been, but will yet be. We are only morning-stars shining in the
dark, but the glorious morn will break, the good time coming yet.
The present mission-stations will all be broken up. No matter how
great the outcry against the instrumentality which God employs for
his purposes, whether by French soldiery as in Tahiti, or tawny
Boers as in South Africa, our duty is onward, onward, proclaiming
God's Word whether men will hear or whether they will forbear. A
few conversions show whether God's Spirit is in a mission or not.
No mission which has his approbation is entirely unsuccessful. His
purposes have been fulfilled, if we have been faithful. 'The nation
or kingdom that will not serve Thee shall utterly be
destroyed'--this has often been preceded by free offers of
friendship and mercy, and many missions which He has sent in the
olden time seemed bad failures. Noah's preaching was a failure,
Isaiah thought his so too. Poor Jeremiah is sitting weeping tears
over his people, everybody cursing the honest man, and he
ill-pleased with his mother for having borne him among such a set.
And Ezekiel's stiff-necked, rebellious crew were no better. Paul
said, 'All seek their own, not the things of Jesus Christ,' and he
knew that after his departure grievous wolves would enter in, not
sparing the flock. Yet the cause of God is still carried on to more
enlightened developments of his will and character, and the
dominion is being given by the power of commerce and population
unto the people of the saints of the Most High. And this is an
everlasting kingdom, a little stone cut out of a mountain without
hands which shall cover the whole earth. For this time we work; may
God accept our imperfect service!"
At length Livingstone began to get near the coast, reaching the
outlying Portuguese stations. He was received by the Portuguese
gentlemen with great kindness, and his wants were generously
provided for. One of them gave him the first glass of wine he had
taken in Africa. Another provided him with a suit of clothing.
Livingstone invoked the blessing of Him who said, "I was naked and
ye clothed me." His Journal is profuse in its admiration of some of
the Portuguese traders, who did not like the slave-trade--not they,
but had most enlightened views for the welfare of Africa. But
opposite some of these eulogistical passages of the Journal there
were afterward added an expressive series of marks of
interrogation.
At a later date he saw reason to doubt the sincerity of some of
the professions of these gentlemen. Ingenuous and trustful, he
could at first think nothing but good of those who had shown him
such marked attention. Afterward, the inexorable logic of facts
proved too strong, even for his unsuspecting soul. But the kindness
of the Portuguese was most genuine, and Livingstone never ceased to
be grateful for a single kind act. It is important to note that
whatever he came to think of their policy afterward, he was always
ready to make this acknowledgment.
Arrived at Loanda, 31st May, 1854, with his twenty-seven
followers, he was most kindly received by Mr. Edmund Gabriel, the
British Commissioner for the suppression of the slave-trade there,
and everything was done by him for his comfort. The sensation of
lying on an English bed, after six months lying on the ground, was
indescribably delightful. Mr. Gabriel was equally attentive to him
during a long and distressing attack of fever and dysentery that
prostrated him soon after his arrival at Loanda. In his Journal the
warmest benedictions are poured on Mr. Gabriel, and blessings
everlasting besought for his soul. One great disappointment he
suffered at Loanda--not a single letter was awaiting him. His
friends must have thought he could never reach it. This want of
letters was a very frequent trial, especially to one who wrote so
many, and of such length. The cordial friendship of Mr. Gabriel,
however, was a great solace. He gave him much information, not only
on all that concerned the slave-trade--now more than ever
attracting his attention--but also on the natural history of the
district, and he entered con amore into the highest objects
of his mission. Afterward, in acknowledging to the Directors of the
London Missionary Society receipt of a letter for Dr. Livingstone,
intrusted to his care, Mr. Gabriel wrote as follows (20th March,
1856):
"Dr. Livingstone, after the noble objects he has
achieved, most assuredly wants no testimony from me. I consult,
therefore, the impulse of my own mind alone, when I declare that in
no respect was my intercourse more gratifying to me than in the
opportunities afforded to me of observing his earnest, active,
and unwearied solicitude for the advancement of Christianity.
Few, perhaps, have had better opportunities than myself of
estimating the benefit the Christian cause in this country has
derived from Dr. Livingstone's exertions. It is indeed
fortunate for that sacred cause, and highly honorable to the London
Missionary Society, when qualities and dispositions like his are
employed in propagating its blessings among men. Irrespective,
moreover, of his laudable and single-minded conduct as a
minister of the Gospel, and his attainments in making
observations which have determined the true geography of the
interior, the Directors, I am sure, will not have failed to
perceive how interesting and valuable are all the communications
they receive from him--as sketches of the social condition of the
people, and the material, fabrics, and produce Of these lands. I
most fervently pray that the kind Providence, which has hitherto
carried him through so many perils and hardships, may guide him
safely to his present journey's end."
The friendship of Mr. Gabriel was honorable both to himself and
to Dr. Livingstone. At a very early period he learned to appreciate
Livingstone thoroughly, he saw how great as well as how good a man
he was, and felt that to be the friend of such a man was one of the
highest distinctions he could have. After Livingstone left Loanda,
and while he was detained within reach of letters, a brisk
correspondence passed between them; Mr. Gabriel tells him about
birds, helps him in his schemes for promoting lawful commerce, goes
into ecstasies over a watch-chain which he had got from him, tells
him the news of the battle of the Alma in the Crimea, in which his
friend, Colonel Steele, had distinguished himself, and of the
success of the Rae Expedition in finding the remains of the party
under Sir John Franklin. In an official communication to Lord
Clarendon, after Livingstone had left, Mr. Gabriel says, 5th
August, 1855: "I am grieved to say that this excellent man's health
has suffered a good deal [on the return journey]. He nevertheless
wrote in cheerful spirits, sanguine of success in doing his duty
under the guidance and protection of that kind Providence who had
always carried him through so many perils and hardships. He assures
me that since he knew the value of Christianity, he has ever wished
to spend his life in propagating its blessings among men, and adds
that the same desire remains still as strong as ever."
While Livingstone was at Loanda, he made several acquaintances
among the officers of Her Majesty's navy, engaged in the
suppression of the slave-trade. For many of these gentlemen he was
led to entertain a high regard. Their humanity charmed him, and so
did their attention to their duties. In his early days, sharing the
feeling then so prevalent in his class, he had been used to think
of epauleted gentlemen as idlers, or worse--"fruges consumere
nati" Personal acquaintance, as in so many other cases, rubbed
off the prejudice. In many ways Livingstone's mind was broadening.
His intensely sympathetic nature drew powerfully to all who were
interested in what was rapidly becoming his own master-idea--the
suppression of the slave-trade. We shall see proofs not a few, how
this sympathetic affection modified some of his early opinions, and
greatly widened the sphere of his charity.
After all the illness and dangers he had encountered,
Livingstone might quite honorably have accepted a berth in one of
Her Majesty's cruisers, and returned to England. But the men who
had come with him from the Barotse country to Loanda had to return,
and Livingstone knew that they were quite unable to perform the
journey without him. That consideration determined his course. All
the risks and dangers of that terrible road--the attacks of fever
and dysentery, the protracted absence of those for whom he pined,
were not to be thought of when he had a duty to these poor men.
Besides, he had hot yet accomplished his object. He had, indeed,
discovered a way by his friend Sekelétu might sell his tusks
to far greater advantage, and which would thus help to introduce a
legitimate traffic among the Makololo, and expel the slave-trade;
but he had discovered no healthy locality for a mission, nor any
unexceptional highway to the sea for the purpose of general
traffic. The east coast seemed to promise better than the west.
That great river, the Zambesi, might be found to be a navigable
highway to the sea. He would return to Linyanti, and set out from
it to find a way to the eastern shore. Loaded with kindness from
many quarters, and furnished with presents for Sekelétu, and
for the chiefs along the way, Livingstone bade farewell to Loanda
on 20th September, 1854.
The following letter to Mrs. Livingstone, written a month
afterward, gives his impressions of Loanda and the
neighborhood;
"Golungo Alto, 25th October, 1854.--It occurs to
me, my dearest Mary, that if I send you a note from different parts
on the way through this colony, some of them will surely reach you;
and If they carry any of the affection I bear to you in their
composition, they will not fail to comfort you. I got everything in
Loanda I could desire; and were there only a wagon-path for us,
this would be as good an opening into the interior as we could
wish. I remained rather a long time in the city in consequence of a
very severe attack of fever and dysentery which reduced me very
much; and I remained a short time longer than that actually
required to set me on my legs, in longing expectation of a letter
from you. None came, but should any come up to the beginning of
November, it will come after me by post to Cassangé.
"The [Roman Catholic] Bishop, who was then acting-governor, gave a
horse, saddle, and bridle, a colonel's suit of clothes, etc., for
Sekelétu, and a dress of blue and red cloth, with a white
cotton blanket and cap to each of my companions, who are the best
set of men I ever traveled with except Malatzi and Mebalwe. The
merchants of Loanda gave Sekelétu a large present of cloth,
beads, etc., and one of them, a Dutch-man, gave me an order for ten
oxen as provisions on the way home to the Zambesi. This is all to
encourage the natives to trade freely with the coast, and will have
a good effect in increasing our influence for that which excels
everything earthly. Everything has, by God's gracious blessing,
proved more auspicious than I anticipated. We have a most
warm-hearted friend in Mr. Gabriel. He acted a brother's part, and
now writes me in the moat affectionate manner. I thank God for his
goodness in influencing the hearts of so many to show kindness, to
whom I was a total stranger. The Portuguese have all been extremely
kind. In coming through the coffee plantations I was offered more
coffee than I could take or needed, and the best in the world. One
spoonful makes it stronger than three did of that we used. It is
found wild on the mountains.
"Mr. Gabriel came about 30 miles with me, and ever since, though I
spoke freely about the slave-trade, the very gentlemen who have
been engaged in it, and have been prevented by our ships from
following it, and often lost much, treated me most kindly in their
houses, and often accompanied me to the next place beyond them,
bringing food for all in the way. The common people are extremely
civil, and a very large proportion of the inhabitants in one
district called Ambaca can read and write well. They were first
taught by the Roman Catholic missionaries, and now teach each other
so well, it is considered a shame in an Ambacista not to be able to
write his own name at least. But they have no Bibles. They are
building a church at Ambaca, and another is in course of erection
here, though they cannot get any priests. May God grant that we may
be useful in some degree in this field also.... Give my love to all
the children, they will reap the advantage of your remaining longer
at home than we anticipated. I hope Robert, Agnes, and Tom are each
learning as fast as they can. When will they be able to write a
letter to me? How happy I shall be to meet them and you again! I
hope a letter from you may be waiting for me at Zambesi. Love to
all the children. How tall is Zouga? Accept the assurance of
unabated love.
"DAVID LIVINGSTON."
It must not be forgotten that all this time Dr. Livingstone was
making very careful astronomical observations, in order to
determine his exact positions, and transmitting elaborate letters
to the Geographical Society. His astronomical observations were
regularly forwarded to his friend the Astronomer-Royal at the Cape,
Mr. Maclear, for verification and correction.
Writing to Livingstone on 27th March, 1854, with reference to
some of his earlier observations, after noticing a few trifling
mistakes, Mr. Maclear says: "It is both interesting and amusing to
trace your improvement as an observer. Some of your early
observations, as you remark, are rough, and the angles ascribed to
objects misplaced in transcribing. But upon the whole I do not
hesitate to assert that no explorer on record has determined his
path with the precision you have accomplished." A year afterward,
11th August, 1855, but with reference to papers received from
Sekelétu's place, Mr. Maclear details what he had done in
reducing his observations, preparing abstracts of them, sending
them to the authorities, and publishing them in the Cape papers. He
informs him that Sir John Herschel placed them before the
Geographical Society, and that a warm eulogium on his labors and
discoveries, and particularly on the excellent series of
observations which fixed his track so exactly, appeared in the
President's Address.
Then, referring to his wonderful journey to Loanda, and
remarkable escapes, he says: "Nor is your escape with life from so
many attacks of fever other than miraculous. Perhaps there is
nothing on record of the kind, and it can only be explained by
Divine interference for a good purpose. O may life be continued to
you, my dear friend! You have accomplished more for the happiness
of mankind than has been done by all the African travelers hitherto
put together."
Mr. Maclear's reference to Livingstone's work, in writing to Sir
John Herschel, was in these terms: "Such a man deserves every
encouragement in the power of his country to give. He has done that
which few other travelers in Africa can boast of--he has fixed his
geographical points with very great accuracy, and yet he is only a
poor missionary."
Nor did Dr. Livingstone pass unrewarded in other quarters. In
the Geographical Society, his journey to Loanda, of which he sent
them an account, excited the liveliest interest. In May, 1855, on
the motion of Sir Roderick Murchison, the Society testified its
appreciation by awarding him their gold medal--the highest honor
they had to bestow. The occasion was one of great interest. From
the chair, Lord Ellesmere spoke of Livingstone's work in science as
but subordinate to those higher ends which he had ever prosecuted
in the true spirit of a missionary. The simplicity of his
arrangements gave additional wonder to the results. There had just
appeared an account of a Portuguese expedition of African
exploration from the East Coast:
"I advert to it," said his Lordship, "to point out the
contrast between the two. Colonel Monteiro was the leader of a
small army--some twenty Portuguese soldiers, and a hundred and
twenty Caffres. The contrast is as great between such military
array and the solitary grandeur of the missionary's progress, as it
is between the actual achievements of the two--between the rough
knowledge obtained by the Portuguese of some three hundred leagues
of new country, and the scientific precision with which the unarmed
and unassisted Englishman has left his mark on so many important
stations of regions hitherto a blank."
About the time when these words were spoken, Dr. Livingstone was
at Cabango on his return journey, recovering from a very severe
attack of rheumatic fever which had left him nearly deaf; besides,
he was almost blind in consequence of a blow received on the eye
from a branch of a tree in riding through the forest.
Notwithstanding, he was engaged in writing a despatch to the
Geographical Society, through Sir Roderick Murchison, of which more
anon, reporting progress, and explaining his views of the structure
of Africa. But we must return to Loanda, and set out with him and
his Makololo in proper on their homeward tour.
CHAPTER IX.
FROM LOANDA TO QUILIMANE.
Livingstone sets out from Loanda--Journey back--Effects of
slavery--Letter to his wife--Severe attack of fever--He reaches the
Barotse country--Day of thanksgiving--His efforts for the good of
his men--Anxieties of the Moffats--Mr. Moffat's journey to
Mosilikatse--Box at Linyanti--Letter from Mrs. Moffat--Letters to
Mrs. Livingstone, Mr. Moffat, and Mrs. Moffat--Kindness of
Sekelétu--New escort--He sets out for the East
Coast--Discovers the Victoria Falls--The healthy longitudinal
ridges--Pedestrianism--Great dangers--Narrow escapes--Triumph of
the spirit of trust in God--Favorite texts--Reference to Captain
Maclure's experience--Chief subjects of thought--Structure of the
continent--Sir Roderick Murchison anticipates his
discovery--Letters to Geographical Society--First letter from Sir
Roderick Murchison--Missionary labor--Monasteries--Protestant
mission-stations wanting in self-support--Letter to
Directors--Fever not so serious an obstruction as it seemed--His
own hardships--Theories of mission-work--Expansion v.
Concentration--Views of a missionary statesman--He reaches
Tette--Letter to King of Portugal--To Sir Roderick
Murchison--Reaches Senna--Quilimane--Retrospect--Letter from
Directors--Goes to Mauritius--Voyage home--Narrow escape from
shipwreck in Bay of Tunis--He reaches England, Dec., 1856--News of
his father's death.
Dr. Livingstone left St. Paul de Loanda on 24th September, 1854,
arrived at his old quarters at Linyanti on 11th September, 1855,
set out eastward on 3d November, 1855, and reached Quilimane on the
eastern coast on 20th May, 1856. His journey thus occupied a year
and eight months, and the whole time from his leaving the Cape on
8th June, 1852, was within a few days of four years. The return
journey from Loanda to Linyanti took longer than the journey
outward. This arose from detention of various kinds [41]: the sicknesses of
Livingstone and his men, the heavy rains, and in one case, at Pungo
Andongo, the necessity of reproducing a large packet of letters,
journals, maps, and despatches, which he had sent off from Loanda.
These were despatched by the mail-packet "Forerunner," which
unhappily went down off Madeira, all the passengers but one being
lost. But for his promise to the Makololo to return with them to
their country, Dr. Livingstone would have been himself a passenger
in the ship. Hearing of the disaster while paying a visit to a very
kind and hospitable Portuguese gentleman at Pungo Andongo, on his
way back, Livingstone remained there some time to reproduce his
lost papers. The labor thus entailed must have been very great, for
his ordinary letters covered sheets almost as large as a newspaper,
and his maps and despatches were produced with extraordinary
care.
[41] Dr. Livingstone observed that traders
generally traveled ten days in the month, and rested twenty, making
seven geographical miles a day, or seventy per month. In his case
in this journey the proportion was generally reversed--twenty days
of traveling and ten of rest, and his rate per day was about ten
geographical miles, or two hundred per month. As he often
zigzagged, the geographical mile represented considerably, more.
See letter to Royal Geographical Society, October 16,
1855.
He found renewed occasion to acknowledge in the warmest terms
the kindness he received from the Portuguese; and his prayers that
God would reward and bless them were not the less sincere that in
many important matters he could not approve of their ways.
In traversing the road backward along which he had already come,
not many things happened that demand special notice in this brief
sketch. We find him both in his published book and still more in
his private Journal repeating his admiration of the country and its
glorious scenery. This revelation of the marvelous beauty of a
country hitherto deemed a sandy desert was one of the most
astounding effects of Livingstone's travels on the public mind. But
the more he sees of the people the more profound does their
degradation appear, although the many instances of remarkable
kindness to himself, and occasional cases of genuine feeling one
toward another, convinced him that there was a something in them
not quite barbarised. On one point he was very clear--the
Portuguese settlements among them had not improved them. Not that
he undervalued the influences which the Portuguese had brought to
bear on them; he had a much more favorable opinion of the Jesuit
missions than Protestants have usually allowed themselves to
entertain, and felt both kindly and respectfully toward the padres,
who in the earlier days of these settlements had done, he believed,
a useful work. But the great bane of the Portuguese settlements was
slavery. Slavery prevented a good example, it hindered justice, it
kept down improvement. If a settler took a fancy to a good-looking
girl, he had only to buy her, and make her his concubine. Instead
of correcting the polygamous habits of the chiefs and others, the
Portuguese adopted like habits themselves. In one thing indeed they
were far superior to the Boers--in their treatment of the children
born to them by native mothers. But the whole system of slavery
gendered a blight which nothing could counteract; to make Africa a
prosperous land, liberty must be proclaimed to the captive, and the
slave system, with all its accursed surroundings, brought
conclusively to an end. Writing to Mrs. Livingstone from Bashinge,
20th March, 1855, he gives, some painful particulars of the
slave-trade. Referring to a slave-agent with whom he had been, he
says:
"This agent is about the same in appearance as Mebalwe,
and speaks Portuguese as the Griquas do Dutch. He has two chainsful
of women going to be sold for the ivory. Formerly the trade went
from the interior into the Portuguese territory; now it goes the
opposite way. This is the effect of the Portuguese love of the
trade: they cannot send them abroad on account of our ships of war
on the coast, yet will sell them to the best advantage. These women
are decent-looking, as much so as the general run of Kuruman
ladies, and' were caught lately in a skirmish the Portuguese had
with their tribe; and they will be sold for about three tusks each.
Each has an iron ring round the wrist, and that is attached to the
chain, which she carries in the hand to prevent it jerking and
hurting the wrist. How would Nannie like to be thus treated? and
yet it is only by the goodness of God in appointing our lot in
different circumstances that we are not similarly degraded, for we
have the same evil nature, which is so degraded in them as to allow
of men treating them as beasts.
"I long for the time when I shall see you again. I hope in God's
mercy for that pleasure. How are my dear ones? I have not seen any
equal to them since I put them on board ship. My brave little
dears! I only hope God will show us mercy, and make them good
too....
"I work at the interior languages when I have a little time, and
also at Portuguese, which I like from being so much like Latin.
Indeed, when I came I understood much that was said from its
similarity to that tongue, and when I interlarded my attempts at
Portuguese with Latin, or spoke it entirely, they understood me
very well. The Negro language is not so easy, but I take a spell at
it every day I can. It is of the same family of languages as the
Sichuana....
"We have passed two chiefs who plagued us much when going down, but
now were quite friendly. At that time one of them ordered his
people not to sell us anything, and we had at last to force our way
past him. Now he came running to meet us, saluting us, etc., with
great urbanity. He informed us that he would come in the evening to
receive a present, but I said unless he brought one he should
receive nothing. He came in the usual way. The Balonda show the
exalted position they occupy among men, viz., riding on the
shoulders of a spokesman in the way little boys do in England. The
chief brought two cocks and some eggs. I then gave a little present
too. The alteration in this gentleman's conduct--the Peace Society
would not credit-it--is attributable solely to my people possessing
guns. When we passed before, we were defenseless. May every needed
blessing be granted to you and the dear children, is the earnest
prayer of your ever most affectionate
"D. LIVINGSTON."
It was soon after the date of this letter that Livingstone was
struck down by that severe attack of rheumatic fever, accompanied
by great loss of blood, to which reference has already been made.
"I got it," he writes to Mr. Maclear, "by sleeping in the wet.
There was no help for it. Every part of a plain was flooded
ankle-deep. We got soaked by going on, and sodden if we stood
still." In his former journey he had been very desirous to visit
Matiamvo, paramount chief of the native tribes of Londa, whose
friendship would have helped him greatly in his journey; but at
that time he found himself too poor to attempt the enterprise. The
loss of time and consumption of goods caused by his illness on the
way back prevented him from accomplishing his purpose now.
Not only was the party now better armed than before, but the
good name of Livingstone had also become better known along the
line, and during his return journey he did not encounter so much
opposition. We cannot fail to be struck with his extraordinary care
for his men. It was his earnest desire to bring them all back to
their homes, and in point of fact the whole twenty-seven returned
in good health. How carefully he must have nursed them in their
attacks of fever, and kept them from unnecessary exposure, it is
hardly possible for strangers adequately to understand.
On reaching the country of the Barotse, the home of most of
them, a day of thanksgiving was observed (23d July, 1855). The men
had made little fortunes in Loanda, earning sixpence a day for
weeks together by helping to discharge a cargo of coals or, as they
called them, "stones that burned." But, like Livingstone, they had
to part with everything on the way home, and now they were in rags;
yet they were quite as cheerful and as fond of their leader as
ever, and felt that they had not traveled in vain. They quite
understood the benefit the new route would bring in the shape of
higher prices for tusks and the other merchandise of home. On the
thanksgiving day--
"The men decked themselves out in their best, for all
had managed to preserve their suits of European clothing, which,
with their white and red caps, gave them a rather dashing
appearance. They tried to walk like soldiers, and called themselves
'my braves.' Having been again saluted with salvos from the women,
we met the whole population, and having given an address on divine
things, I told them we had come that day to thank God before them
all for his mercy in preserving us from dangers, from strange
tribes and sicknesses. We had another service in the afternoon.
They gave us two fine oxen to slaughter, and the women have
supplied us abundantly with milk and meal. This is all gratuitous,
and I feel ashamed that I can make no return. My men explain the
whole expenditure on the way hither, and they remark gratefully:
'It does not matter, you have opened a path for us, and we shall
have sleep.' Strangers from a distance come flocking to see me, and
seldom come empty-handed. I distribute all presents among my
men."
Several of the poor fellows on reaching home found domestic
trouble--a wife had proved inconstant and married another man. As
the men had generally more wives than one, Livingstone comforted
them by saying that they still had as many as he.
Amid the anxieties and sicknesses of the journey, and multiplied
subjects of thought and inquiry, Livingstone was as earnest as ever
for the spiritual benefit of the people. Some extracts from his
Journal will illustrate his efforts in this cause, and the
flickerings of hope that would spring out of them, dimmed, however,
by many fears:
August 5, 1855.--A large audience listened
attentively to my address this morning, but it is impossible to
indulge any hopes of such feeble efforts. God is merciful, and will
deal with them in justice and kindness. This constitutes a ground
of hope. Poor degraded Africa! A permanent station among them might
effect something in time, but a Considerable time is necessary.
Surely some will pray to their merciful Father in their extremity,
who never would have thought of Him but for our visit."
"August 12.--A very good and attentive audience. Surely all
will not be forgotten. How small their opportunity compared to ours
who have been carefully instructed in the knowledge of divine truth
from our earliest infancy! The Judge is just and merciful. He will
deal fairly and kindly with all."
"October 15.--We had a good and very attentive audience
yesterday, and I expatiated with great freedom on the love of
Christ in dying, from his parting address in John xvi. It cannot be
these precious truths will fall to the ground; but it is perplexing
to observe no effects. They assent to the truth, but 'we don't
know,' or 'you speak truly,' is all the response. In reading
accounts of South Sea missions it is hard to believe the quickness
of the vegetation of the good seed, but I know several of the men"
[the South Sea missionaries], "and am sure they are of
unimpeachable veracity. In trying to convey knowledge, and use the
magic lantern, which is everywhere extremely popular, though they
listen with apparent delight to what is said, questioning them on
the following night reveals almost entire ignorance of the previous
lesson. O that the Holy Ghost might enlighten them! To his
soul-renewing influence my longing soul is directed. It is his
word, and cannot die."
The long absence of Livingstone and the want of letters had
caused great anxiety to his friends. The Moffats had been
particularly concerned about him, and, in 1854, partly in the hope
of hearing of him, Mr. Moffat undertook a visit to Mosilikatse,
while a box of goods and comforts was sent to Linyanti to await his
return, should that ever take place. A letter from Mrs. Moffat
accompanied the box. It is amusing to read her motherly
explanations about the white shirts, and the blue waistcoat, the
woolen socks, lemon juice, quince jam, and tea and coffee, some of
which had come all the way from Hamilton; but there are passages in
that little note that make one's heart go with rapid beat:
"MY DEAR SON LIVINGSTON,--Your present position is
almost too much for my weak nerves to suffer me to contemplate.
Hitherto I have kept up my spirits, and been enabled to believe
that our great Master may yet bring you out in safety, for though
his ways are often inscrutable, I should have clung to the many
precious promises made in his word as to temporal preservation,
such as the 91st and 121st Psalms--but have been taught that we may
not presume confidently to expect them to be fulfilled, and that
every petition, however fervent, must be with devout submission to
his will. My poor sister-in-law clung tenaciously to the 91st
Psalm, and firmly believed that her dear husband would thus be
preserved, and never indulged the idea that they should never meet
on earth. But I apprehend submission was wanting. 'If it be Thy
will,' I fancy she could not say--and, therefore, she was utterly
confounded when the news came
[42]. She had exercised strong faith, and was
disappointed. Bear Livingstone, I have always endeavored to keep
this in mind with regard to you. Since George [Fleming] came out it
seemed almost hope against hope. Your having got so, thoroughly
feverised chills my expectations; still prayer, unceasing prayer,
is made for you. When I think of you my heart will go upward. 'Keep
him as the apple of Thine eye,' 'Hold him in the hollow of Thy
hand,' are the ejaculations of my heart."
[42] Rev. John Smith, missionary at Madras, had
gone to Vizagapatam to the ordination of two native pastors, and
when returning in a small vessel, a storm arose, when he and all on
board perished.
In writing from Linyanti to his wife, Livingstone makes the best
he can of his long detention. She seems to have put the matter
playfully, wondering what the "source of attraction" had been. He
says:
"Don't know what apology to make you for a delay I
could not shorten. But as you are a mercifully kind-hearted dame, I
expect you will write out an apology in proper form, and I shall
read it before you with as long a face as I can exhibit. Disease
was the chief obstacle. The repair of the wagon was the 'source of
attraction' in Cape Town, and the settlement of a case of libel
another 'source of attraction.' They tried to engulf me in a
law-suit for simply asking the postmaster why some letters were
charged double. They were so marked in my account. I had to pay
£13 to quash it. They longed to hook me in, from mere hatred
to London missionaries. I did not remain an hour after I could
move. But I do not wonder at your anxiety for my speedy return. I
am sorry you have been disappointed, but you know no mortal can
control disease. The Makololo are wonderfully well pleased with the
path we have already made, and if I am successful in going down to
Quilimane, that will be still better. I have written you by every
opportunity, and am very sorry your letters have been
miscarried."
To his father-in-law he expresses his warm gratitude for the
stores. It was feared by the natives that the goods were bewitched,
so they were placed on an island, a hut was built over them, and
there Livingstone found them on his arrival, a year after! A letter
of twelve quarto pages to Mr. Moffat gives his impressions of his
journey, while another of sixteen pages to Mrs. Moffat explains his
"plans," about which she had asked more full information. He quiets
her fears by his favorite texts for the present--"Commit thy way to
the Lord," and "Lo, I am with you alway"; and his favorite vision
of the future--the earth full of the knowledge of the Lord. He is
somewhat cutting at the expense of so-called "missionaries to the
heathen, who never march into real heathen territory, and quiet
their consciences by opposing their do-nothingism to my blundering
do-somethingism!" He is indignant at the charge made by some of his
enemies that no good was done among the Bakwains. They were, in
many respects, a different people from before. Any one who should
be among the Makololo as he had been, would be thankful for the
state of the Bakwains. The seed would always bear fruit, but the
husbandman had need of great patience, and the end was sure.
Sekelétu had not been behaving well in Livingstone's
absence. He had been conducting marauding parties against his
neighbors, which even Livingstone's men, when they heard of it,
pronounced to be "bad, bad." Livingstone was obliged to reprove
him. A new uniform had been sent to the chief from Loanda, with
which he appeared at church, "attracting more attention than the
sermon." He continued, however, to 'show the same friendship for
Livingstone, and did all he could for him when he set out eastward.
A new escort of men was provided, above a hundred and twenty
strong, with ten slaughter cattle, and three of his best riding
oxen; stores of food were given, and a right to levy tribute over
the tribes that were subject to Sekelétu as he passed
through their borders. If Livingstone had performed these journeys
with some long-pursed society or individual at his back, his feat
even then would have been wonderful; but it becomes quite amazing
when we think that he went without stores, and owed everything to
the influence he acquired with men like Sekelétu and the
natives generally. His heart was much touched on one occasion by
the disinterested kindness of Sekelétu. Having lost their
way on a dark night in the forest, in a storm of rain and
lightning, and the luggage having been carried on, they had to pass
the night under a tree. The chief's blanket had not been carried
on, and Sekelétu placed Livingstone under it, and lay down
himself on the wet ground. "If such men must perish before the
white by an immutable law of heaven," he wrote to the Geographical
Society (25th January, 1856), "we must seem to be under the same
sort of terrible necessity in our Caffre wars as the American
Professor of Chemistry said he was under, when he dismembered the
man whom he had murdered."
Again Livingstone sets out on his weary way, untrodden by white
man's foot, to pass through unknown tribes, whose savage temper
might give him his quietus at any turn of the road. There were
various routes to the sea open to him. He chose the route along the
Zambesi--though the the most difficult, and through hostile
tribes--because it seemed the most likely to answer his desire to
find a commercial highway to the coast. Not far to the east of
Linyanti, he beheld for the first time those wonderful falls of
which he had only heard before, giving an English name to
them,--the first he had ever given in all his African
journeys,--the Victoria Falls. We have seen how genuine his respect
was for his Sovereign, and it was doubtless a real though quiet
pleasure to connect her name with the grandest natural phenomenon
in Africa, This is one of the discoveries [43] that have taken
most hold on the popular imagination, for the Victoria Falls are
like a second Niagara, but grander and more astonishing; but except
as illustrating his views of the structure of Africa, and the
distribution of its waters, it had not much influence, and led to
no very remarkable results. Right across the channel of the river
was a deep fissure only eighty feet wide, into which the whole
volume of the river, a thousand yards broad, tumbled to the depth
of a hundred feet [44], the fissure being continued in zigzag form
for thirty miles, so that the stream had to change its course from
right to left and left to right, and went through the hills boiling
and roaring, sending up columns of steam, formed by the compression
of the water falling into its narrow wedge-shaped receptacle.
[43] Virtually a discovery, though marked in an
old map.
[44] Afterward ascertained by him to be 1800
yards and 820 feet respectively.
A discovery as to the structure of the country, long believed in
by him, but now fully verified, was of much more practical
importance. It had been ascertained by him that skirting the
central hollow there were two longitudinal ridges extremely
favorable for settlements, both for missions and merchandise. We
shall hear much of this soon.
Slowly but steadily the eastward tramp is continued, often over
ground which was far from favorable for walking exercise.
"Pedestrianism," said Livingstone, "may be all very well for those
whose obesity requires much exercise; but for one who was becoming
as thin as a lath through the constant perspiration caused by
marching day after day in the hot sun, the only good I saw in it
was that it gave an honest sort of a man a vivid idea of the
tread-mill."
When Livingstone came to England, and was writing books, his
tendency was rather to get stout than thin; and the disgust with
which he spoke then of the "beastly fat" seemed to show that if for
nothing else than to get rid of it he would have been glad to be on
the tread-mill again. In one of his letters to Mr. Maclear he thus
speaks of a part of this journey: "It was not likely that I should
know our course well, for the country there is covered with shingle
and gravel, bushes, trees, and grass, and we were without path.
Skulking out of the way of villages where we were expected to pay
after the purse was empty, it was excessively hot and steamy; the
eyes had to be always fixed on the ground to avoid being
tripped."
In the course of this journey he had even more exciting
escapades among hostile tribes than those which he had encountered
on the way to Loanda. His serious anxieties began when he passed
beyond the tribes that owned the sovereignty of Sekelétu. At
the union of the rivers Loangwa and Zambesi, the suspicious feeling
regarding him reached a climax, and he could only avoid the
threatened doom of the Bazimka (i.e. Bastard Portuguese) who
had formerly incurred the wrath of the chief, by showing his bosom,
arms, and hair, and asking if the Bazimka were like that.
Livingstone felt that there was danger in the air. In fact, he
never seemed in more imminent peril:
14th January, 1856.--At the confluence of the
Loangwa and Zambesi. Thank God for his great mercies thus far. How
soon I may be called to stand before Him, my righteous Judge, I
know not. All hearts are in his hands, and merciful and gracious is
the Lord our God. O Jesus, grant me resignation to Thy will, and
entire reliance on Thy powerful hand. On Thy Word alone I lean. But
wilt Thou permit me to plead for Africa? The cause is Thine. What
an impulse will be given to the idea that Africa is not open if I
perish now! See, O Lord, how the heathen rise up against me, as
they did to Thy Son. I commit my way unto Thee. I trust also in
Thee that Thou wilt direct my steps. Thou givest wisdom liberally
to all who ask Thee--give it to me, my Father. My family is Thine.
They are in the best hands. Oh! be gracious, and all our sins do
Thou blot out.
'A guilty, weak, and helpless worm,
On Thy kind arms I fall.'
Leave me not, forsake me not. I cast myself and all my cares down
at Thy feet. Thou knowest all I need, for time and for
eternity.
"It seems a pity that the important facts about the two healthy
longitudinal ridges should not become known in Christendom. Thy
will be done!... They will not furnish us with more canoes than
two. I leave my cause and all my concerns in the hands of God, my
gracious Saviour, the Friend of sinners.
"
Evening.--Felt much turmoil of spirit in view of having all
my plans for the welfare of this great region and teeming
population knocked on the head by savages to-morrow. But I read
that Jesus came and said, 'All power is given unto me in heaven and
in earth. Go ye therefore, and teach all nations--and lo,
I am
with you alway, even unto the end of the world' It is the word
of a gentleman of the most sacred and strictest honor, and there is
an end on't. I will not cross furtively by night as I intended. It
would appear as flight, and should such a man as I flee? Nay,
verily, I shall take observations for latitude and longitude
to-night, though they may be the last. I feel quite calm now, thank
God.
"15th
January, 1856.--Left bank of Loangwa. The natives of
the surrounding country collected round us this morning all armed.
Children and women were sent away, and Mburuma's wife who lives
here was not allowed to approach, though she came some way from her
village in order to pay me a visit. Only one canoe was lent, though
we saw two tied to the bank. And the part of the river we crossed
at, about a mile from the confluence, is a good mile broad. We
passed all our goods first, to an island in the middle, then the
cattle and men, I occupying the post of honor, being the last to
enter the canoe. We had, by this means, an opportunity of helping
each other in case of attack. They stood armed at my back for some
time. I then showed them my watch, burning-glass, etc., etc., and
kept them amused till all were over, except those who could go into
the canoe with me. I thanked them all for their kindness and wished
them peace."
Nine days later they were again threatened by Mpende:
"23d January, 1856.--At Mpende's this morning at
sunrise, a party of his people came close to our encampment, using
strange cries, and waving some red substance toward us. They then
lighted a fire with charms in it, and departed uttering the same
hideous screams as before. This is intended to render us powerless,
and probably also to frighten us. No message has yet come from him,
though several parties have arrived, and profess to have come
simply to see the white man. Parties of his people have been
collecting from all quarters long before daybreak. It would be
considered a challenge--for us to move down the river, and an
indication of fear and invitation to attack if we went back. So we
must wait in patience, and trust in Him who has the hearts of all
men in his hands. To Thee, O God, we look. And, oh! Thou who wast
the man of sorrows for the sake of poor vile sinners, and didst not
disdain the thief's petition, remember me and Thy cause in Africa.
Soul and body, my family, and Thy cause, I commit all to Thee.
Hear, Lord, for Jesus' sake."
In the entire records of Christian heroism, there are few more
remarkable occasions of the triumph of the spirit of holy trust
than those which are recorded here so quietly and modestly. We are
carried back to the days of the Psalmist: "I will not be afraid of
ten thousand of the people that have set themselves against me
round about." In the case of David Livingstone as of the other
David, the triumph of confidence was not the less wonderful that it
was preceded by no small inward tumult. Both were human creatures.
But in both the flutter lasted only till the soul had time to rally
its trust--to think of God as a living friend, sure to help in time
of need. And how real is the sense of God's presence! The mention
of the two longitudinal ridges, and of the refusal of the people to
give more than two canoes, side by side with the most solemn
appeals, would have been incongruous, or even irreverent, if
Livingstone had not felt that he was dealing with the living God,
by whom every step of his own career and every movement of his
enemies were absolutely controlled.
A single text often gave him all the help he needed:
"It is singular," he says, "that the very same text
which recurred to my mind at every turn of my course in life in
this country and even in England, should be the same as Captain
Maclure, the discoverer of the Northwest Passage, mentions in a
letter to his sister as familiar in his experience: 'Trust in the
Lord with all thine heart, and lean not to thine own understanding.
In all thy ways acknowledge Him and He shall direct thy steps.
Commit thy way unto thy Lord; trust also in Him and He shall bring
it to pass.' Many more, I have no doubt, of our gallant seamen feel
that it is graceful to acknowledge the gracious Lord in whom we
live and move and have our being. It is an advance surely in
humanity from that devilry which gloried in fearing neither God,
nor man, nor Devil, and made our wooden walls floating
hells."
His being enabled to reach the sanctuary of perfect peace in the
presence of his enemies was all the more striking if we
consider--what he felt keenly--that to live among the heathen is in
itself very far from favorable to the vigor or the prosperity of
the spiritual life. "Traveling from day to day among barbarians,"
he says in his Journal, "exerts a most benumbing effect on the
religious feelings of the soul."
Among the subjects that occupied a large share of his thoughts
in these long and laborious journeys, two appear to have been
especially prominent: first, the configuration of the country; and
second, the best way of conducting missions, and bringing the
people of Africa to Christ.
The configuration of intertropical South Africa had long been
with him a subject of earnest study, and now he had come clearly to
the conclusion that the middle part was a table-land, depressed,
however, in the centre, and flanked by longitudinal ridges on the
east and west; that originally the depressed centre had contained a
vast accumulation of water, which had found ways of escape through
fissures in the encircling fringe of mountains, the result of
volcanic action or of earthquakes. The Victoria Falls presented the
most remarkable of these fissures, and thus served to verify and
complete his theory. The great lakes in the great heart of South
Africa were the remains of the earlier accumulation before the
fissures were formed. Lake 'Ngami, large though it was, was but a
little fraction of the vast lake that had once spread itself over
the south. This view of the structure of South Africa he now found,
from a communication which reached him at Linyanti, had been
anticipated by Sir Roderick Murchison, who in 1852 had propounded
it to the Geographical Society. Livingstone was only amused at thus
losing the credit of his discovery; he contented himself with a
playful remark on his being "cut out" by Sir Roderick. But the
coincidence of views was very remarkable, and it lay at the
foundation of that brotherlike intimacy and friendship which ever
marked his relation with Murchison. One important bearing of the
geographical fact was this; it was evident that while the low
districts were unhealthy, the longitudinal ridges by which they
were fringed were salubrious. Another of its bearings was, that it
would help them to find the course and perhaps the sources of the
great rivers, and thus facilitate commercial and missionary
operations. The discovery of the two healthy ridges, which made him
so unwilling to die at the mouth of the Loangwa, gave him new hopes
for missions and commerce.
These and other matters connected with the state of the country
formed the subject of regular communications to the Geographical
Society. Between Loanda and Quilimane, six despatches were written
at different points [45]. Formerly, as we have seen, he had written
through a Fellow of the Society, his friend and former
fellow-traveler, Captain, now Colonel Steele; but as the Colonel
had been called on duty to the Crimea, he now addressed his letters
to his countryman, Sir Roderick Murchison. Sir Roderick was charmed
with the compliment, and was not slow to turn it to account, as
appears from the following letter, the first of very many
communications which he addressed to Livingstone:
[45] The dates were Pungo Andongo, 24th December,
1864; Cabango, 17th May, 1855; Linyanti, October 16, 1855;
Chanyuni, 25th January, 1856; Tette, 4th March, 1856; Quilimane,
23d May, 1856.
"16 BELGRAVE SQUARE, October 2, 1855.
"MY DEAR SIR,--Your most welcome letter reached me after I had made
a tour in the Highlands, and just as the meeting of the British
Association for the Advancement of Science commenced.
"I naturally communicated your despatch to the Geographical section
of that body, and the reading of it called forth an unanimous
expression of admiration of your labors and researches.
"In truth, you will long ago, I trust, have received the cordial
thanks of all British geographers for your unparalleled exertions,
and your successful accomplishment of the greatest triumph in
geographical research which has been effected in our times.
"I rejoice that I was the individual in the Council of the British
Geographical Society who proposed that you should receive our first
gold medal of the past session, and I need not say that the award
was made by an unanimous and cordial vote.
"Permit me to thank you sincerely for having selected me as your
correspondent in the absence of Colonel Steele, and to assure you
that I shall consider myself as much honored, as I shall certainly
be gratified, by every fresh line which you may have leisure to
write to me.
"Anxiously hoping that I may make your personal acquaintance, and
that you may return to us in health to receive the homage of all
geographers,--I remain, my dear Sir, yours most faithfully,
"RODCK I. MURCHISON,"
The other subject that chiefly occupied Livingstone's mind at
this time was missionary labor. This, like all other labor,
required to be organized, on the principle of making the very best
use of all the force that was or could be contributed for
missionary effort. With his fair, open mind, he weighed the old
method of monastic establishments, and, mutatis mutandis, he
thought something of the kind might be very useful. He thought it
unfair to judge of what these monasteries were in their periods of
youth and vigor, from the rottenness of their decay. Modern
missionary stations, indeed, with their churches, schools, and
hospitals, were like Protestant monasteries, conducted on the more
wholesome principle of family life; but they wanted stability; they
had not farms like monasteries, and hence they required to depend
on the mother country. From infancy to decay they were pauper
institutions. In Livingstone's judgment they needed to have more of
the self-supporting element:
"It would be heresy to mention the idea of purchasing
lands, like religious endowments, among the stiff
Congregationalists; but an endowment conferred on a man who will
risk his life in an unhealthy climate, in order, thereby, to spread
Christ's gospel among the heathen, is rather different, I ween,
from the same given to a man to act as pastor to a number of
professed Christians.... Some may think it creditable to our
principles that we have not a single acre of land, the gift of the
Colonial Government, in our possession. But it does not argue much
for our foresight that we have not farms of our own, equal to those
of any colonial farmer."
Dr. Livingstone acknowledged the services of the Jesuit
missionaries in the cause of education and literature, and even of
commerce. But while conceding to them this meed of praise, he did
not praise their worship. He was slow, indeed, to disparage any
form of worship--any form in which men, however unenlightened, gave
expression to their religious feelings; but he could not away with
the sight of men of intelligence kissing the toe of an image of the
Virgin, as he saw them doing in a Portuguese church, and taking
part in services in which they did not, and could not, believe. If
the missions of the Church of Rome had left good effects on some
parts of Africa, how much greater blessing might not come from
Protestant missions, with the Bible instead of the Syllabus as
their basis, and animated with the spirit of freedom instead of
despotism!
With regard to that part of Africa which he had been exploring,
he gives his views at great length in a letter to the Directors,
dated Linyanti, 12th October, 1855. After fully describing the
physical features of the country, he fastens on the one element
which, more than any other, was likely to hinder missions--fever.
He does not deny that it is a serious obstacle. But he argues at
great length that it is not insurmountable. Fever yields to proper
treatment. His own experience was no rule to indicate what might be
reckoned on by others. His journeys had been made under the worst
possible conditions. Bad food, poor nursing, insufficient
medicines, continual drenchings, exhausting heat and toil, and
wearing anxiety had caused much of his illness. He gives a touching
detail of the hardships incident to his peculiar case, from which
other missionaries would be exempted, but with characteristic
manliness he charges the Directors not to publish that part of his
letter, lest he should appear to be making too much of his trials.
"Sacrifices" he could never call them, because nothing could be
worthy of that name in the service of Him who, though he was rich,
for our sakes became poor. Two or three times every day he had been
wet up to the waist in crossing streams and marshy ground. The rain
was so drenching that he had often to put his watch under his
arm-pit to keep it dry. His good ox Sindbad would never let him
hold an umbrella. His bed was on grass, with only a horse-cloth
between. His food often consisted of bird-seed, manioc-roots, and
meal. No wonder if he suffered much. Others would not have all that
to bear. Moreover, if the fever of the district was severe, it was
almost the only disease. Consumption, scrofula, madness, cholera,
cancer, delirium tremens, and certain contagious diseases of which
much was heard in civilized countries, were hardly known. The
beauty of some parts of the country could not be surpassed. Much of
it was densely peopled, but in other parts the population was
scattered. Many of the tribes were friendly, and, for reasons of
their own, would welcome missionaries. The Makololo, for example,
furnished an inviting field. The dangers he had encountered arose
from the irritating treatment the tribes had received from
half-cast traders and slave-dealers, in consequence of which they
had imposed certain taxes on travelers, which, sometimes, he and
his brother-chartists had refused to pay. They were mistaken for
slave-dealers. But character was a powerful educator. A body of
missionaries, maintaining everywhere the character of honest,
truthful, kind-hearted Christian gentlemen, would scatter such
prejudices to the winds.
In instituting a comparison between the direct and indirect
results of missions, between conversion-work and the diffusion of
better principles, he emphatically assigns the preference to the
latter. Not that he undervalued the conversion of the most abject
creature that breathed. To the man individually his conversion was
of over whelming consequence, but with relation to the final
harvest, it was more important to sow the seed broadcast over a
wide field than to reap a few heads of grain on a single spot.
Concentration was not the true principle of missions. The Society
itself had felt this, in sending Morrison and Milne to be lost
among the three hundred millions of China; and the Church of
England, in looking to the Antipodes, to Patagonia, to East Africa,
with the full knowledge that charity began at home. Time was more
essential than concentration. Ultimately there would be more
conversions, if only the seed were now more widely spread.
He concludes by pointing out the difference between mere worldly
enterprises and missionary undertakings for the good of the world.
The world thought their mission schemes fanatical; the friends of
missions, on the other hand, could welcome the commercial
enterprises of the world as fitted to be useful. The Africans were
all deeply imbued with the spirit of trade. Commerce was so far
good that it taught the people their mutual dependence; but
Christianity alone reached the centre of African wants.
"Theoretically," he concludes, "I would pronounce the country about
the junction of the Leeba and Leeambye or Kabompo, and river of the
Bashukulompo, as a most desirable centre-point for the spread of
civilization and Christianity; but unfortunately I must mar my
report by saying I feel a difficulty as to taking my children there
without their intelligent self-dedication. I can speak for my wife
and myself only. WE WILL GO, WHOEVER REMAINS BEHIND."
Resuming the subject some months later, after he had got to the
sea-shore, he dwells on the belt of elevated land eastward from the
country of the Makololo, two degrees of longitude broad, and of
unknown length, as remarkably suitable for the residence of
European missionaries. It was formerly occupied by the Makololo,
and they had a great desire to resume the occupation. One great
advantage of such a locality was that it was on the border of the
regions occupied by the true negroes, the real nucleus of the
African population, to whom they owed a great debt, and who had
shown themselves friendly and disposed to learn. It was his earnest
hope that the Directors would plant a mission here, and his belief
that they would thereby confer unlimited blessing on the regions
beyond.
Some of the remarks in these passages, and also in the extracts
which we have given from his Journals, are of profound interest, as
indicating air important transition from the ideas of a mere
missionary laborer to those of a missionary general or statesman.
In the early part of his life he deemed it his joy and his honor to
aim at the conversion of individual souls, and earnestly did he
labor and pray for that, although his visible success was but
small. But as he gets better acquainted with Africa, and reaches a
more commanding point of view, he sees the necessity for other
work. The continent must be surveyed, healthy localities for
mission-stations must be found, the temptations to a cursed traffic
in human flesh must be removed, the products of the country must be
turned to account; its whole social economy must be changed. "The
accomplishment of such objects, even in a limited degree, would be
an immense service to the missionary; it would be such a preparing
of his way that a hundred years hence the spiritual results would
be far greater than if all the effort now were concentrated on
single souls. To many persons it appeared as if dealing with
individual souls were the only proper work of a missionary, and as
if one who had been doing such work would be lowering himself if he
accepted any other. Livingstone never stopped to reason as to which
was the higher or the more desirable work; he felt that Providence
was calling him to be less of a missionary journeyman and more of a
missionary statesman; but the great end was ever the same--
"THE END OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEAT is ONLY
THE BEGINNING OF THE ENTERPRISE."
Livingstone reached the Portuguese settlement of Tette on the 3d
March, 1856, and the "civilized breakfast" which the commandant,
Major Sicard, sent forward to him, on his way, was a luxury like
Mr. Gabriel's bed at Loanda, and made him walk the last eight miles
without the least sensation of fatigue, although the road was so
rough that, as a Portuguese soldier remarked, it was like "to tear
a man's life out of him." At Loanda he had heard of the battle of
the Alma; after being in Tette a short time he heard of the fall of
Sebastopol and the end of the Crimean War. He remained in Tette
till the 23d April, detained by an attack of fever, receiving
extraordinary kindness from the Governor, and, among other tokens
of affection, a gold chain for his daughter Agnes, the work of an
inhabitant of the town. These gifts were duly acknowledged. It was
at this place that Dr. Livingstone left his Makololo followers,
with instructions to wait for him till he should return from
England. Well entitled though he was to a long rest, he
deliberately gave up the possibility of it, by engaging to return
for his black companions.
In the case of Dr. Livingstone, rest meant merely change of
employment, and while resting and recovering from fever, he wrote a
large budget of long and interesting letters. One of these was
addressed to the King of Portugal: it affords clear evidence that,
however much Livingstone felt called to reprobate the deeds of some
of his subordinates, he had a respectful feeling for the King
himself, a grateful sense of the kindness received from his African
subjects, and an honest desire to aid the wholesome development of
the Portuguese colonies. It refutes, by anticipation, calumnies
afterward circulated to the effect that Livingstone's real design
was to wrest the Portuguese settlements in Africa from Portugal,
and to annex them to the British Crown. He refers most gratefully
to the great kindness and substantial aid he had received from His
Majesty's subjects, and is emboldened thereby to address him on
behalf of Africa. He suggests certain agricultural
products--especially wheat and a species of wax--that might be
cultivated with enormous profit. A great stimulus might be given to
the cultivation of other products--coffee, cotton, sugar, and oil.
Much had been done for Angola, but with little result, because the
colonists' leant on Government instead of trusting to themselves.
Illegitimate traffic (the slave-trade) was not at present
remunerative, and now was the time to make a great effort to revive
wholesome enterprise. A good road into the interior would be a
great boon. Efforts to provide roads and canals had failed for want
of superintendents. Dr. Livingstone named a Portuguese engineer who
would superintend admirably. The fruits of the Portuguese missions
were still apparent, but there was a great want of literature, of
books.
"It will not be denied," concludes the letter, "that
those who, like your Majesty, have been placed over so many human
souls, have a serious responsibility resting upon them in reference
to their future welfare. The absence also of Portuguese women In
the colony is a circumstance which seems to merit the attention of
Government for obvious reasons. And if any of these suggestions
should lead to the formation of a middle class of free laborers, I
feel sure that Angola would have cause to bless your Majesty to the
remotest time."
Dr. Livingstone has often been accused of claiming for himself
the credit of discoveries made by others, of writing as if he had
been the first to traverse routes in which he had really been
preceded by the Portuguese. Even were it true that now and then an
obscure Portuguese trader or traveler reached spots that lay in Dr.
Livingstone's subsequent route, the fact would detract nothing from
his merit, because he derived not a tittle of benefit from their
experience, and what he was concerned about was, not the mere honor
of being first at a place, as if he had been running a race, but to
make it known to the world, to bring it into the circuit of
commerce and Christianity, and thus place it under the influence of
the greatest blessings. But even as to being first, Livingstone was
careful not to claim anything that was really due to others.
Writing from Tette to Sir Roderick in March, 1856, he says: "It
seems proper to mention what has been done in former times in the
way of traversing the continent, and the result of my inquiries
leads to the belief that the honor belongs to our country." He
refers to the brave attempt of Captain José da Roga, in
1678, to penetrate from Benguela to the Rio da Senna, in which
attempt, however, so much opposition was encountered that he was
compelled to return. In 1800, Lacerda revived the project by
proposing a chain of forts along the banks of the Coanza. In 1815,
two black traders showed the possibility of communication from east
to west, by bringing to Loanda communications from the Governor of
Mozambique. Some Arabs and Moors went from the East Coast to
Benguela, and with a view to improve the event, "a million of Reis
(£142) and an honorary captaincy in the Portuguese army was
offered to any one who would accompany them back--but none went."
The journey had several times been performed by Arabs.
"I do not feel so much elated," continued Dr.
Livingstone, "by the prospect of accomplishing this feat. I feel
most thankful to God for preserving my life, where so many, who by
superior intelligence would have done more good, have been cut off.
But it does not look as if I had reached the goal. Viewed in
relation to my calling, the end of the geographical feat is only
the beginning of the enterprise. Apart from family longings, I have
a most intense longing to hear how it has fared with our brave men
at Sebastopol. My last scrap of intelligence was the Times,
17th November, 1855, after the terrible affair of the Light
Cavalry. The news was not certain about a most determined attack to
force the way to Balaclava, and Sebastopol expected every day to
fall, and I have had to repress all my longings since, except in a
poor prayer to prosper the cause of justice and right, and cover
the heads of our soldiers in the day of battle." [A few days later
he heard the news.] "We are all engaged in very much the same
cause. Geographers, astronomers, and mechanicians, laboring to make
men better acquainted with each other; sanitary reformers, prison
reformers, promoters of ragged schools and Niger Expeditions;
soldiers fighting for right against oppression, and sailors
rescuing captives in deadly climes, as well as missionaries, are
all aiding in hastening on a glorious consummation to all God's
dealings with our race. In the hope that I may yet be honored to do
some good to this poor long downtrodden Africa, the gentlemen over
whom you have the honor to preside will, I believe, cordially
join."
From Tette he went on to Senna. Again he is treated with
extraordinary kindness by Lieutenant Miranda, and others, and again
he is prostrated by an attack of fever. Provided with a comfortable
boat, he at last reaches Quilimane on the 20th May, and is most
kindly received by Colonel Nunes, "one of the best men in the
country." Dr. Livingstone has told us in his book how his joy in
reaching Quilimane was embittered on his learning that Captain
Maclure, Lieutenant Woodruffe, and five men of H.M.S. "Dart," had
been drowned off the bar in coming to Quilimane to pick him up, and
how he felt as if he would rather have died for them [46].
[46] Among Livingstone's papers we have found
draft letter to the Admiralty, earnestly commending to their
Lordship's favorable consideration a petition from the widow of one
of the men. He had never seen her, he said, but he had been the
unconscious cause of her husband's death, and all the joy he felt
in crossing the continent was embittered when the news of the sad
catastrophe reached him.
News from across the Atlantic likewise informed him that his
nephew and namesake, David Livingston, a fine lad eleven years of
age, had been drowned in Canada. All the deeper was his gratitude
for the goodness and mercy that had followed him and preserved him,
as he says in his private Journal, from "many dangers not recorded
in this book."
The retrospect in his Missionary Travels of the manner in
which his life had been ordered up to this point, is so striking
that our narrative would be deficient if it did not contain it:
"If the reader remembers the way in which I was led,
while teaching the Bakwains, to commence exploration, he will, I
think, recognize the hand of Providence. Anterior to that, when Mr.
Moffat began to give the Bible--the Magna Charta of all the rights
and privileges of modern civilization--to the Bechuanas, Sebituane
went north, and spread the language into which he was translating
the sacred oracles, in a new region larger than France. Sebituane,
at the same time, rooted out hordes of bloody savages, among whom
no white man could have gone without leaving his skull to ornament
some village. He opened up the way for me--let us hope also for the
Bible. Then, again, while I was laboring at Kolobeng, seeing only a
small arc of the cycle of Providence, I could not understand it,
and felt inclined to ascribe our successive and prolonged droughts
to the wicked one. But when forced by these, and the Boers, to
become explorer, and open a new country in the north rather than
set my face southward, where missionaries are not needed, the
gracious Spirit of God influenced the minds of the heathen to
regard me with favor, the Divine hand is again perceived. Then I
turned away westward, rather than in the opposite direction,
chiefly from observing that some native Portuguese, though
influenced by the hope of a reward from their Government to cross
the continent, had been obliged to return from the east without
accomplishing their object. Had I gone at first in the eastern
direction, which the course of the great Leeambye seemed to invite,
I should have come among the belligerents near Tette when the war
was raging at its height, instead of, as it happened, when all was
over. And again, when enabled to reach Loanda, the resolution to do
my duty by going back to Linyanti probably saved me from the fate
of my papers in the 'Forerunner.' And then, last of all, this new
country is partially opened to the sympathies of Christendom, and I
find that Sechéle himself has, though unbidden by man, been
teaching his own people. In fact, he has been doing all that I was
prevented from doing, and I have been employed in exploring--a work
I had no previous intention of performing. I think that I see the
operation of the Unseen Hand in all this, and I humbly hope that it
will still guide me to do good in my day and generation in
Africa."
In looking forward to the work to which Providence seemed to be
calling him, a communication received at Quilimane disturbed him
not a little. It was from the London Missionary Society. It
informed him that the Directors were restricted in their power of
aiding plans connected only remotely with the spread of the gospel,
and that even though certain obstacles (from tsetse, etc.) should
prove surmountable, "the financial circumstances of the Society are
not such as to afford any ground of hope that it would be in a
position within any definite period to undertake untried any remote
and difficult fields of labor." Dr. Livingstone very naturally
understood this as a declinature of his proposals. Writing on the
subject to Rev. William Thompson, the Society's agent at Cape Town,
he said:
"I had imagined in my simplicity that both my
preaching, conversation, and travel were as nearly connected with
the spread of the gospel as the Boers would allow them to be. A
plan of opening up a path from either the East or West Coast for
the teeming population of the interior was submitted to the
judgment of the Directors, and received their formal
approbation.
"I have been seven times in peril of my life from savage men while
laboriously and without swerving pursuing that plan, and never
doubting that I was in the path of duty.
"Indeed, so clearly did I perceive that I was performing good
service to the cause of Christy that I wrote to my brother that I
would perish rather than fail in my enterprise. I shall not boast
of what I have done, but the wonderful mercy I have received will
constrain me to follow out the work in spite of the veto of the
Board.
"If it is according to the will of God, means will be provided from
other quarters."
A long letter to the Secretary gives a fuller statement of his
views. It is so important as throwing light on his missionary
consistency, that we give it in full in the Appendix [47].
The Directors showed a much more sympathetic spirit when
Livingstone came among them, but meanwhile, as he tells us in his
book, his old feeling of independence had returned, and it did not
seem probable that he would remain in the same relation to the
Society.
After Livingstone had been six weeks at Quilimane, H.M. brig
"Frolic" arrived, with ample supplies for all his need, and took
him to the Mauritius, where he arrived on 12th August, 1856. It was
during this voyage that the lamentable insanity and suicide of his
native attendant Sekwebu occurred, of which we have an account in
the Missionary Travels. At the Mauritius he was the guest of
General Hay, from whom he received the greatest kindness, and so
rapid was his recovery from an affection of the spleen which his
numerous fevers had bequeathed, that before he left the island he
wrote to Commodore Trotter and other friends that he was perfectly
well, and "quite ready to go back to Africa again." This, however,
was not to be just yet. In November he sailed through the Red Sea,
on the homeward route. He had expected to land at Southampton, and
there Mrs. Livingstone and other friends had gone to welcome him.
But the perils of travel were not yet over. A serious accident
befell the ship, which might have been followed by fatal results
but for that good Providence that held the life of Livingstone so
carefully. Writing to Mrs. Livingstone from the Bay of Tunis (27th
November, 1856), he says:
"We had very rough weather after leaving Malta, and
yesterday at midday the shaft of the engine--an enormous mass of
malleable iron--broke with a sort of oblique fracture, evidently
from the terrific strains which the tremendous seas inflicted as
they thumped and tossed this gigantic vessel like a plaything. We
were near the island called Zembra, which is in sight of the Bay of
Tunis. The wind, which had been a full gale ahead when we did not
require it, now fell to a dead calm, and a current was drifting our
gallant ship, with her sails flapping all helplessly, against the
rocks; the boats were provisioned, watered, and armed, the number
each was to carry arranged (the women and children to go in first,
of course), when most providentially a wind sprung up and carried
us out of danger into the Bay of Tunis, where I now write. The
whole affair was managed by Captain Powell most admirably. He was
assisted by two gentlemen whom we all admire--Captain Tregear of
the same Company, and Lieutenant Chimnis of the Royal Navy, and
though they and the sailors knew that the vessel was so near
destruction as to render it certain that we should scarcely clear
her in the boats before the swell would have overwhelmed her, all
was managed so quietly that none of us passengers knew much about
it. Though we saw the preparation, no alarm spread among us. The
Company will do everything in their power to forward us quickly and
safely. I'm only sorry for your sake, but patience is a great
virtue, you know. Captain Tregear has been six years away from his
family, I only four and a half."
The passengers were sent on viâ Marseilles, and
Livingstone proceeded homeward by Paris and Dover.
At last he reached "dear old England" on the 9th of December,
1856. Tidings of a great sorrow had reached him on the way. At
Cairo he heard of the death of his father. He had been ill a
fortnight, and died full of faith and peace. "You wished so much to
see David," said his daughter to him as his life was ebbing away.
"Ay, very much, very much; but the will of the Lord be done." Then
after a pause he said, "But I think I'll know whatever is worth
knowing about him. When you see him, tell him I think so." David
had not less eagerly desired to sit once more at the fireside and
tell his father of all that had befallen him on the way. On both
sides the desire had to be classed among hopes unfulfilled. But on
both sides there was a vivid impression that the joy so narrowly
missed on earth would be found in a purer form in the next stage of
being.
CHAPTER X.
FIRST VISIT HOME.
Mrs. Livingstone--Her intense anxieties--Her poetical
welcome--Congratulatory letters from Mrs. and Dr, Moffat--Meeting
of welcome of Royal Geographical Society--of London Missionary
Society--Meeting in Mansion House--Enthusiastic public meeting at
Cape Town--Livingstone visits Hamilton--Returns to London to write
his book--Letter to Mr. Maclear--Dr. Risdon Bennett's reminiscences
of this period--Mr. Frederick Fitch's--Interview with Prince
Consort--Honors--Publication and great success of Missionary
Travels--Character and design of the book--Why it was not more
of a missionary record--Handsome conduct of publisher--Generous use
of the profits--Letter to a lady in Carlisle vindicating the
character of his speeches.
The years that had elapsed since Dr. Livingstone bade his wife
farewell at Cape Town had been to her years of deep and often
terrible anxiety. Letters, as we have seen, were often lost, and
none seem more frequently to have gone missing than those between
him and her. A stranger in England, without a home, broken in
health, with a family of four to care for, often without tidings of
her husband for great stretches of time, and harassed with
anxieties and apprehensions that sometimes proved too much for her
faith, the strain on her was very great. Those who knew her in
Africa, when, "queen of the wagon," and full of life, she directed
the arrangements and sustained the spirits of a whole party, would
hardly have thought her the same person in England. When
Livingstone had been longest unheard of, her heart sank altogether;
but through prayer, tranquillity of mind returned, even before the
arrival of any letter announcing his safety. She had been waiting
for him at Southampton, and, owing to the casualty in the Bay of
Tunis, he arrived at Dover, but as soon as possible he was with
her, reading the poetical welcome which she had prepared in the
hope that they would never part again:
"A hundred thousand welcomes, and it's time for you to
come
From the far land of the foreigner, to your country and your
home.
O long as we were parted, ever since you went away,
I never passed a dreamless night, or knew an easy day.
So you think I would reproach you with the sorrows that I bore?
Since the sorrow is all over, now I have you here once more,
And there's nothing but the gladness, and the love within my
heart,
And the hope so sweet and certain that again we'll never part.
A hundred thousand welcomes! how my heart is gushing o'er
With the love and joy and wonder thus to see your face once
more.
How did I live without you these long long years of woe?
It seems as if 'twould kill me to be parted from you now.
You'll never part me, darling, there's a promise in your eye;
I may tend you while I'm living, you may watch me when I die;
And if death but kindly lead me to the blessed home on high,
What a hundred thousand welcomes will await you in the sky!
"MARY."
Having for once lifted the domestic veil, we cannot resist the
temptation to look into another corner of the home circle. Among
the letters of congratulation that poured in at this time, none was
more sincere or touching than that which Mrs. Livingstone received
from her mother, Mrs. Moffat [48]. In the fullnes of her congratulations she
does not forget the dark shadow that falls on the missionary's wife
when the time comes for her to go back with her husband to their
foreign home, and requires her to part with her children; tears and
smiles mingle in Mrs. Moffat's letter as she reminds her daughter
that they that rejoice need to be as though they rejoiced not:
[48] We have been greatly impressed by Mrs.
Moffat's letters. She was evidently a woman of remarkable power. If
her life had been published, we are convinced that it would have
been a notable one in missionary biography. Heart and head were
evidently of no common calibre. Perhaps it is not yet too late for
some friend to think of this.
"Kuruman, December 4, 1856.--MY DEAREST
MARY,--In proportion to the anxiety I have experienced about you
and your dear husband for some years past, so now is my joy and
satisfaction; even though we have not yet heard the glad tidings of
your having really met, but this for the present we take for
granted. Having from the first been in a subdued and chastened
state of mind on the subject, I endeavor still to be moderate in my
joy. With regard to you both ofttimes has the sentence of death
been passed in my mind, and at such seasons I dared not, desired
not, to rebel, submissively leaving all to the Divine disposal; but
I now feel that this has been a suitable preparation for what is
before me, having to contemplate a complete separation from you
till that day when we meet with the spirits of just men made
perfect in the kingdom of our Father. Yes, I do feel solemn at
death, but there is no melancholy about it, for what is our life,
so short and so transient? And seeing it is so, we should be happy
to do or to suffer as much as we can for him who bought us with his
blood. Should you go to those wilds which God has enabled your
husband, through numerous dangers and deaths, to penetrate, there
to spend the remainder of your life, and as a consequence there to
suffer manifold privations, in addition to those trials through
which you have already passed--and they have not been few (for you
had a hard life in this interior)--you will not think all too
much, when you stand with that multitude who have washed their
robes in the blood of the Lamb!
"Yet, my dear Mary, while we are yet in the flesh my heart will
yearn over you. You are my own dear child, my first-born, and
recent circumstances have had a tendency to make me feel still more
tenderly toward you, and deeply as I have sympathized with you for
the last few years, I shall not cease to do so for the future.
Already is my imagination busy picturing the various scenes through
which you must pass, from the first transport of joy on meeting
till that painful anxious hour when you must bid adieu to your
darlings, with faint hopes of ever seeing them again in this life;
and then, what you may both have to pass through in those
inhospitable regions....
"From what I saw in Mr. Livingston's letter to Robert, I was
shocked to think that that poor head, in the prime of manhood, was
so like my own, who am literally worn out. The symptoms he
describes are so like my own. Now, with a little rest and
relaxation, having youth on his side, he might regain all, but I
cannot help fearing for him if he dashes at once into hardships
again. He is certainly the wonder of his age, and with a little
prudence as regards his health, the stores of information he now
possesses might be turned to a mighty account for poor wretched
Africa.... We do not yet see how Mr. L. will get on--the case seems
so complex. I feel, as I have often done, that as regards ourselves
it is a subject more for prayer than for deliberation, separated as
we are by such distances, and such a tardy and eccentric post. I
used to imagine that when he was once got out safely from this dark
continent we should only have to praise God for all his mercies to
him and to us all, and for what He had effected by him; but now I
see we must go on seeking the guidance and direction of his
providential hand, and sustaining and preventing mercy. We cannot
cease to remember you daily, and thus our sympathy will be kept
alive with you...."
Dr. Moffatt's congratulation to his son-in-law was calm and
hearty:
"Your explorations have created immense interest, and
especially in England, and that man must be made of bend-leather
who can remain unmoved at the rehearsal even of a tithe of your
daring enterprises. The honors awaiting you at home would be enough
to make a score of light heads dizzy, but I have no fear of their
affecting your upper story, beyond showing you that your labors to
lay open the recesses of the fast interior have been appreciated.
It will be almost too much for dear Mary to hear that you are
verily unscathed. She has had many to sympathize with her, and I
daresay many have called you a very naughty man for thus having
exposed your life a thousand times. Be that as it may, you have
succeeded beyond the most sanguine expectations in laying open a
world of immortal beings, all needing the gospel, and at a time,
now that war is over, when people may exert their exergies on an
object compared with which that which has occupied the master minds
of Europe, and expended so much money, and shed so much blood, is
but a phantom."
On the 9th of December, as we have seen, Livingstone arrived at
London. He went first to Southampton, where his wife was waiting
for him, and on his return to London was quickly in communication
with Sir Roderick Murchison. On the 15th December the Royal
Geographic Society held a special meeting to welcome him. Sir
Roderick was in the chair; the attendance was numerous and
distinguished, and included some of Livingstone's previous
fellow-travelers, Colonel Steele, Captain Vardon, and Mr. Oswell.
The President referred to the meeting of May, 1855, when the
Victoria or Patron's medal had been awarded to Livingstone for his
journey from the Cape to Linyanti and Loanda. Now Livingstone had
added to that feat the journey from the Atlantic Ocean at Loanda to
the Indian Ocean at Quilimane, and during his several journeys had
traveled over not less than eleven thousand miles of African
ground. Surpassing the French missionary travelers, Hue and Gabet,
he had determined, by astronomical observations, the site of
numerous places, hills, rivers, and lakes, previously unknown. He
had seized every opportunity of describing the physical structure,
geology, and climatology of the countries traversed, and making
known their natural products and capabilities. He had ascertained
by experience, what had been only conjectured previously, that the
interior of Africa was a plateau intersected by various lakes and
rivers, the waters of which escaped to the Eastern and Western
oceans by deep rents in the flanking hills. Great though these
achievements were, the most honorable' of all Livingstone's acts
had yet to be mentioned--the fidelity that kept his promise to the
natives, who, having accompanied him to St. Paul de Loanda, were
reconducted by him from that city to their homes.
"Bare fortitude and virtue must our medalist have
possessed, when, having struggled at the imminent risk of his life
through such obstacles, and when, escaping from the interior, he
had been received with true kindness by our old allies, the
Portuguese at Angola, he nobly resolved to redeem his promise and
retrace his steps to the interior of the vast continent! How much
indeed must the influence of the British name be enhanced
throughout Africa, when it has been promulgated that our missionary
has thus kept his plighted word to the poor natives who faithfully
stood by him!"
On receiving the medal, Livingstone apologized for his rustiness
in the use of his native tongue; said that he had only done his
duty as a Christian missionary in opening up a part of Africa to
the sympathy of Christendom: that Steele, Vardon, or Oswell might
have done all that he had done; that as yet he was only buckling on
his armor, and therefore in no condition to speak boastfully; and
that the enterprise would never be complete till the slave-trade
was abolished, and the whole country opened up to commerce and
Christianity.
Among the distinguished men who took part in the conversation
that followed was Professor Owen. He bore testimony to the value of
Livingstone's contributions to zoology and palæontology, not
less cordial than Sir Roderick Murchison had borne to his service
to geography. He had listened with very intense interest to the
sketches of these magnificent scenes of animal life that his old
and most esteemed friend had given them. He cordially hoped that
many more such contributions would follow, and expressed his
admiration of the moral qualities of the man who had taken such
pains to keep his word.
In the recognition by other gentlemen of Dr. Livingstone's
labors, much stress was laid on the scientific accuracy with which
he had laid down every point over which he had traveled. Thanks
were given to the Portuguese authorities in Africa for the
remarkable kindness which they had invariably shown him. Mr. Consul
Brand reported tidings from Mr. Gabriel at Loanda, to the effect
that a company of Sekelétu's people had arrived at Loanda,
with a cargo of ivory, and though they had not been very successful
in business, they had shown the practicability of the route. He
added, that Dr. Livingstone, at Loanda, had written some letters to
a newspaper, which had given such an impetus to literary taste
there, that a new journal had been started--the Loanda
Aurora.
On one other point there was a most cordial expression of
feeling, especially by those who had themselves been in South
Africa,--gratitude for the unbounded kindness and hospitality that
Dr. and Mrs. Livingstone had shown to South African travelers in
the neighborhood of their home. Happily Mrs. Livingstone was
present, and heard this acknowledgment of her kindness.
Next day, 16th December, Dr. Livingstone had his reception from
the London Missionary Society in Freemason's Hall. Lord Shaftesbury
was in the chair:
"What better thing can we do," asked the noble Earl,
"than to welcome such a man to the shores of our country? What
better than to receive him with thanksgiving and rejoicings that he
is spared to refresh us with his presence, and give his strength to
future exertions? What season more appropriate than this, when at
every hearth, and in every congregation of worshipers, the name of
Christ will be honored with more than ordinary devotion, to receive
a man whose life and labors have been in humble, hearty, and
willing obedience to the angels' song, 'Glory to God in the
highest, on earth peace, good-will toward men.'"
In reply, Livingstone acknowledged the kindness of the
Directors, with whom, for sixteen years, he had never had a word of
difference. He referred to the slowness of the African tribes, in
explanation of the comparatively small progress of the gospel among
them. He cordially acknowledged the great services of the British
squadron on the West Coast in the repressing of the slave-trade. He
had been told that to make such explorations as he was engaged in
was only a tempting of Providence, but such ridiculous assertions
were only the utterances of the weaker brethren.
Lord Shaftesbury's words at the close of this meeting, in honor
of Mrs. Livingstone, deserve to be perpetuated:
"That lady," he said, "was born with one distinguished
name, which she had changed for another. She was born a Moffat, and
she became a Livingstone. She cheered the early part of our
friend's earner by her spirit, her counsel, and her society.
Afterward, when she reached this country, she passed many years
with her children in solitude and anxiety, suffering the greatest
fears for the welfare of her husband, and yet enduring all with
patience and resignation, and even joy, because she had surrendered
her best feelings, and sacrificed her own private interests, to the
advancement of civilization and the great interests of
Christianity."
A more general meeting was held in the Mansion House on the 5th
of January, to consider the propriety of presenting a testimonial
to Dr. Livingstone. It was addressed by the Bishop of London, Mr.
Raikes Currie, and others.
Meanwhile, a sensible impulse was given to the scientific
enthusiasm for Livingstone by the arrival of the report of a great
meeting held in Africa itself in honor of the missionary explorer.
At Cape Town, on 12th November, 1856, His Excellency the Governor,
Sir George Grey, the Colonial Secretary, the Astronomer-Royal, the
Attorney-General, Mr. Rutherfoord, the Bishop, the Rev. Mr.
Thompson, and others, vied with each other in expressing their
sense of Livingstone's character and work. The testimony of the
Astronomer-Royal to Livingstone's eminence as an astronomical
observer was even more emphatic than Murchison's and Owen's to his
attainments in geography and natural history. Going over his whole
career, Mr. Maclear showed his unexampled achievements in accurate
lunar observation. "I never knew a man," he said, "who, knowing
scarcely anything of the method of making geographical
observations, or laying down positions, became so soon an adept,
that he could take the complete lunar observation, and altitudes
for time, within fifteen minutes." His observations of the course
of the Zambesi, from Seshéke to its confluence with the
Lonta, were considered by the Astronomer-Royal to be "the finest
specimens of sound geographical observation he ever met with."
"To give an idea of the laboriousness of this branch of
his work," he adds, "on an average each lunar distance consists of
five partial observations, and there are 148 sets of distances,
being 740 contacts,--and there are two altitudes of each object
before, and two after, which, together with altitudes for time,
amount to 2812 partial observations. But that is not the whole of
his observations. Some of them intrusted to an Arab have not been
received, and in reference to those transmitted he says, 'I have
taken others which I do not think it necessary to send.' How
completely all this stamps the impress of Livingstone on the
interior of South Africa!... I say, what that man has done is
unprecedented.... You could go to any point across the entire
continent, along Livingstone's track, and feel certain of your
position
[49]."
[49] It seems unaccountable that in the face of
such unrivaled testimonies, reflections should continue to be cast
on Livingstone's scientific accuracy, even so late as the meeting
of the British Association at Sheffield in 1879. The family of the
late Sir Thomas Maclear have sent home his collection of
Livingstone's papers. They fill a box which one man could with
difficulty carry. And their mass is far from their most striking
quality. The evidence of laborious, painstaking care to be accurate
is almost unprecedented. Folio volumes of pages covered with
figures show how much time and labor must have been spent in these
computations. Explanatory remarks often indicate the particulars of
the observation.
Following this unrivaled eulogium on the scientific powers of
Livingstone came the testimony of Mr. Thompson to his missionary
ardor:
'I am in a position to express my earnest conviction,
formed in long, intimate, unreserved communications with him,
personally and by letter, that in the privations, sufferings, and
dangers he has passed through, during the last eight years, he has
not been actuated by mere curiosity; or the love of adventure, or
the thirst for applause, or by any other object, however laudable
in itself, less than his avowed one as a messenger of Christian
love from the Churches. If ever there was a man who, by realizing
the obligations of his sacred calling as a Christian missionary,
and intelligently comprehending its object, sought to pursue it to
a successful issue, such a man is Dr. Livingstone. The spirit in
which he engages in his work may be seen in the following extract
from one of his letters: 'You kindly say you fear for the result of
my going in alone. I hope I am in the way of duty; my own
conviction that such is the case has never wavered. I am doing
something for God. I have preached the gospel in many a spot where
the name of Christ has never been heard, and I would wish to do
still more in the way of reducing the Barotse language, if I had
not suffered so severely from fever. Exhaustion produced vertigo,
causing me, if I looked suddenly up, almost to lose consciousness;
this made me give up sedentary work; but I hope God will accept of
what I can do.'
A third gentleman at this meeting, Mr. Rutherfoord, who had
known Livingstone for many years, besides describing him as "one of
the most honorable, benevolent, conscientious men I ever met with,"
bore testimony to his capacity in mercantile affairs; not exercised
in his own interest, but in that of others. It was Mr. Rutherfoord
who, when Livingstone was at the Cape in 1852, entered into his
plans for supplanting the slave-trade by lawful traffic, and at his
suggestion engaged George Fleming to go north with him as a trader,
and try the experiment. The project was not very successful, owing
to innumerable unforeseen worries, and especially the rascality of
Fleming's men. Livingstone found it impossible to take Fleming to
the coast, and had therefore to send him back, but he did his
utmost to prevent loss to his friend; and thus, as Mr. Rutherfoord
said, "at the very time that he was engaged in such important
duties, and exposed to such difficulties, he found time to fulfill
his promise to do what he could to save me from loss, to attend to
a matter quite foreign to his usual avocations, and in which he had
no personal interest; and by his energy and good sense, and
self-denying exertions, to render the plan, if not perfectly
successful, yet by no means a failure."
Traveler, geographer, zoologist, astronomer, missionary,
physician, and mercantile director, did ever man sustain so many
characters at once? Or did ever man perform the duties of each with
such painstaking accuracy and so great success?
As soon as he could tear himself from his first engagements, he
ran down to Hamilton to see his mother, children, and other
relatives. His father's empty chair deeply affected him. "The first
evening," writes one of his sisters, "he asked all about his
illness and death. One of us remarking that after he knew he was
dying his spirits seemed to rise, David burst into tears. At family
worship that evening he said with deep feeling--'We bless thee, O
Lord, for our parents; we give thee thanks for the dead who has
died in the Lord.'"
At first Livingstone thought that his stay in this country could
be only for three or four months, as he was eager to be at
Quilimane before the unhealthy season set in, and thus fulfill his
promise to return to his Makololo at Tette. But on receiving an
assurance from the Portuguese Government (which, however, was never
fulfilled by them) that his men would be looked after, he
made up his mind for a somewhat longer stay. But it could not be
called rest. As soon as he could settle down he had to set to work
with a book. So long before as May, 1856, Sir Roderick Murchison
had written to him that "Mr. John Murray, the great publisher, is
most anxious to induce you to put together all your data, and to
make a good book," adding his own strong advice to comply with the
request. If he ever doubted the propriety of writing the book, the
doubt must have vanished, not only in view of the unequaled
interest excited by the subject, but also of the readiness of
unprincipled adventurers, and even some respectable publishers, to
circulate narratives often mythical and quite unauthorized.
The early part of the year 1857 was mainly occupied with the
labor of writing. For this he had materials in the Journals which
he had kept so carefully; but the business of selection and
supplementing was laborious, and the task of arrangement and
transcription very irksome. In fact, this task tried the patience
of Livingstone more than any which he had yet undertaken, and he
used to say that he would rather cross Africa than write another
book. His experience of book-making increased his respect for
authors and authoresses a hundred-fold!
We are not, however, inclined to think that this trial was due
to the cause which Livingstone assigned,--his want of experience,
and want of command over the English tongue. He was by no means an
inexperienced writer. He had written large volumes of Journals,
memoirs for the Geographical Society, articles on African Missions,
letters for the Missionary Society, and private letters without
end, each usually as long as a pamphlet. He was master of a clear,
simple, idiomatic style, well fitted to record the incidents of a
journey--sometimes poetical in its vivid pictures, often
brightening into humor, and sometimes deepening into pathos.
Viewing it page by page, the style of the Missionary Travels
is admirable, the chief defect being want of perspective; the book
is more a collection of pieces than an organized whole: a fault
inevitable, perhaps, in some measure, from its nature, but
aggravated, as we believe, by the haste and pressure under which it
had to be written. In his earlier private letters, Livingstone, in
his single-hearted desire to rouse the world on the subject of
Africa, used to regret that he could not write in such a way as to
command general attention: had he been master of the flowing
periods of the Edinburgh Review, he thought he could have
done much more good. In point of fact, if he had had the pen of
Samuel Johnson, or the tongue of Edmund Burke, he would not have
made the impression he did. His simple style and plain speech were
eminently in harmony with his truthful, unexaggerating nature, and
showed that he neither wrote nor spoke for effect, but simply to
utter truth. What made his work of composition irksome was, on the
one hand, the fear that he was not doing it well, and on the other,
the necessity of doing it quickly. He had always a dread that his
English was not up to the critical mark, and yet he was obliged to
hurry on, and leave the English as it dropped from his pen. He had
no time to plan, to shape, to organize; the architectural talent
could not be brought into play. Add to this that he had been so
accustomed to open-air life and physical exercise, that the close
air and sedentary attitude of the study must have been exceedingly
irksome; so that it is hardly less wonderful that his health stood
the confinement of book-making in England, than that it survived
the tear and wear, labor and sorrow, of all his journeys in
Africa.
An extract from a letter to Mr. Maclear, on the eve of his
beginning his book (21st January, 1857), will show how his thoughts
were running:
"I begin to-morrow to write my book, and as I have a
large party of men (110) waiting for me at Tette, and I promised to
join them in April next, you will see I shall have enough to do to
get over my work here before the end of the month.... Many thanks
for all the kind things you said at the Cape Town meeting. Here
they laud me till I shut my eyes, for only trying to do my duty.
They ought to vote thanks to the Boers who set me free to discover
the fine new country. They were determined to shut the country, and
I was determined to open it. They boasted to the Portuguese that
they had expelled two missionaries, and outwitted themselves
rather. I got the gold medal, as you predicted, and the freedom of
the town of Hamilton, which insures me protection from the payment
of jail fees if put in prison!"
In writing his book, he sometimes worked in the house of a
friend, but generally in a London or suburban lodging, often with
his children about him, and all their noise; for, as in the
Blantyre mill, he could abstract his attention from sounds of
whatever kind, and go on calmly with his work. Busy though he was,
this must have been one of the happiest times in his life. Some of
his children still remember his walks and romps with them in the
Barnet woods, near which they lived part of the time--how he would
suddenly plunge into the ferny thicket, and set them looking for
him, as people looked for him afterward when he disappeared in
Africa, coming out all at once at some unexpected corner of the
thicket. One of his greatest troubles was the penny post. People
used to ask him the most frivolous questions. At first he struggled
to answer them, but in a few weeks he had to give this up in
despair. The simplicity of his heart is seen in the childlike joy
with which he welcomes the early products of the spring. He writes
to Mr. Maclear that, one day at Professor Owen's, they had "seen
daisies, primroses, hawthorns, and robin-redbreasts. Does not Mrs.
Maclear envy us? It was so pleasant."
But a better idea of his mode of life at home will be conveyed
by the notes of some of the friends with whom he stayed. For that
purpose, we resume the recollections of Dr. Risdon Bennett:
"On returning to England, after his first great journey
of discovery, he and Mrs. Livingstone stayed in my house for some
time, and I had frequent conversations with him on subjects
connected with his African life, especially on such as related to
natural history and medicine, on which he had gathered a fund of
information. His observation of malarious diseases, and the methods
of treatment adopted by both the natives and Europeans, had led him
to form very definite and decided views, especially in reference to
the use of purgatives, preliminary to, and in conjunction with,
quinine and other acknowledged febrifuge medicines. He had, while
staying with me, one of those febrile attacks to which persons who
have once suffered from malarious disease are so liable, and I
could not fail to remark his sensible observations thereon, and his
judicious management of his sickness. He had a great natural
predilection for medical science, and always took great interest in
all that related to the profession. I endeavored to persuade him to
commit to writing the results of his medical observations and
experience among the natives of Africa, but he was too much
occupied with the preparation of his Journal for the press to
enable him to do this. Moreover, as he often said, writing was a
great drudgery to him. He, however, attended with me the meetings
of some of the medical societies, and gave some verbal accounts of
his medical experience which greatly interested his audience. His
remarks on climates, food, and customs of the natives, in reference
to the origin and spread of disease, evinced the same acuteness of
observation which characterized all the records of his life. He
specially commented on the absence of consumption and all forms of
tubercular disease among the natives, and connected this with their
constant exposure and out-of-door life.
"After leaving my house he had lodgings in Chelsea, and used
frequently to come and spend the Sunday afternoon with my family,
often bringing his sister, who was staying with him, and his two
elder children. It was beautiful to observe how thoroughly he
enjoyed domestic life and the society of children, how strong was
his attachment to his own family after his long and frequent
separations from them, and how entirely he had retained his
simplicity of character.
"Like so many of his countrymen, he had a keen sense of humor,
which frequently came into play when relating his many adventures
and hardships. On the latter he never dilated in the way of
complaint, and he had little sympathy with, or respect for, those
travelers who did so. Nor was he apt to say much on direct
religious topics, or on the results of his missionary efforts as a
Christian teacher. He had unbounded confidence in the influence of
Christian character and principles, and gave many illustrations of
the effect produced on the minds and conduct of the benighted and
savage tribes with whom he was brought into contact by his own
unvarying uprightness of conduct and self-denying labor. The
fatherly character of God, his never-failing goodness and mercy,
and the infinite love of the Lord Jesus Christ, and efficacy of his
atoning sacrifice, appeared to be the topics on which he loved
chiefly to dwell. The all-pervading deadly evils of slavery, and
the atrocities of the slave-trade, never failed to excite his
righteous indignation. If ever he was betrayed into unmeasured
language, it was when referring to these topics, or when speaking
of the injurious influence exerted on the native mind by the cruel
and unprincipled conduct of wicked and selfish traders. His love
for Africa, and confidence in the steady dawn of brighter days for
its oppressed races, were unbounded."
From a member of another family, that of Mr. Frederick Fitch, of
Highbury New Park, with whom also the Livingstones spent part of
their time, we have some homely but graphic reminiscences:
"Dr. Livingstone was very simple and unpretending, and
used to be annoyed when he was made a lion of. Once a well-known
gentleman, who was advertised to deliver a lecture next day, called
on him to pump him for material. The Doctor sat rather quiet, and,
without being rude, treated the gentleman to monosyllabic answers.
He could do that--could keep people at a distance when they wanted
to make capital out of him. When the stranger had left, turning to
my mother, he would say, 'I'll tell
you anything you like to
ask.'
"He never liked to walk in the streets for fear of being mobbed.
Once he was mobbed in Regent street, and did not know how he was to
escape, till he saw a cab, and took refuge in it. For the same
reason it was painful for him to go to church. Once, being anxious
to go with us, my father persuaded him that, as the seat at the top
of our pew was under the gallery, he would not be seen. As soon as
he entered, he held down his head, and kept it covered with his
hands all the time, but the preacher somehow caught sight of him,
and rather unwisely, in his last prayer, adverted to him. This gave
the people the knowledge that he was in the chapel, and after the
service they came trooping toward him, even over the pews, in their
anxiety to see him and shake hands
[50].
[50] A similar occurrence took place in a church
at Bath during the meetings of the British Association in
1864
"Dr. Livingstone usually conducted our family worship. On Sunday
morning he always gave us a text for the day. His prayers were very
direct and simple, just like a child asking his Father for what he
needed.
"He was always careful as to dress and appearance. This was his
habit in Africa, too, and with Mrs. Livingstone it was the same.
They thought that this was fitted to secure respect for themselves,
and that it was for the good of the natives too, as it was so
difficult to impress them with proper ideas on the subject of
dress.
"Dr. and Mrs. Livingstone were much attached, and thoroughly
understood each other. The doctor was sportive and fond of a joke,
and Mrs. Livingstone entered into his humor. Mrs. Livingstone was
terribly anxious about her husband when he was in Africa, but
before others she concealed her emotion. In society both were
reserved and quiet. Neither of them cared for grandeur; it was a
great trial to Dr. Livingstone to go to a grand dinner. Yet in his
quiet way he would exercise an influence at the dinner-table. He
told us that once at a dinner at Lord ----'s, every one was running
down London tradesmen. Dr. Livingstone quietly remarked that though
he was a stranger in London, he knew one tradesman of whose honesty
he was thoroughly assured; and if there was one such in his little
circle, surely there must be many more.
"He used to rise early: about seven he had a cup of tea or coffee,
and then he set to work with his Writing. He had not the appearance
of a very strong man."
In spite of his literary work, the stream of public honors and
public engagements began to flow very strongly. The Prince Consort
granted him an interview, soon after his arrival, in presence of
some of the younger members of the Royal Family. In March it was
agreed to present him with the freedom of the City of London, in a
box of the value of fifty guineas, and in May the presentation took
place. Most of his public honors, however, were reserved till the
autumn.
The Missionary Travels was published in November, 1857,
and the success of the book was quite remarkable. Writing to Mr.
Maclear, 10th November, 1857, he says, after an apology for
delay:
"You must ascribe my culpable silence to 'aberration.'
I am out of my orbit, rather, and you must have patience till I
come in again. The book is out to-day, and I am going to Captain
Washington to see about copies to yourself, the Governor, the
Bishop, Fairbairn, Thompson, Rutherfoord, and Saul Solomon
[51]. Ten thousand were
taken by the London trade alone. Thirteen thousand eight hundred
have been ordered from an edition of twelve thousand, so the
printers are again at work to supply the demand. Sir Roderick gave
it a glowing character last night at the Royal Geographical
Society, and the
Athenæum has come out strongly on the
same side. This is considered a successful launch for a guinea
book."
[51] Livingstone was quite lavish with
presentation copies; every friend on earth seemed to be included in
his list. He tried to remember every one who had shown kindness to
himself and particularly to his wife and children.
It has sometimes been a complaint that so much of the book is
occupied with matters of science, geographical inquiries,
descriptions of plants and animals, accounts of rivers and
mountains, and so little with what directly concerns the work of
the missionary. In reply to this, it may be stated, in the first
place, that if the information given and the views expressed on
missionary topics were all put together, they would constitute no
insignificant contribution to missionary literature. But there was
another consideration. Livingstone regarded himself as but a
pioneer in missionary enterprise. During sixteen years he had done
much to bring the knowledge of Christ to tribes that had never
heard of Him--probably no missionary in Africa had ever preached to
so many blacks. In some instances he had been successful in the
highest sense--he had been the instrument of turning men from
darkness to light; but he did not think it right to dwell on these
cases, because the converts were often inconsistent, and did not
exemplify a high moral tone. In most cases, however, he had been a
sower of seed, and not a reaper of harvests. He had no triumphs to
record, like those which had gladdened the hearts of some of his
missionary brethren in the South Sea Islands. He wished his book to
be a record of facts, not a mere register of hopes. The missionary
work was yet to be done. It belonged to the future, not to the
past. By showing what vast fields there were in Africa ripe for the
harvest, he sought to stimulate the Christian enterprise of the
Churches, and lead them to take possession of Africa for Christ. He
would diligently record facts which he had ascertained about
Africa, facts that he saw had some bearing on its future welfare,
but whose full significance in that connection no one might yet be
able to perceive. In a sense, the book was a work of faith. He
wished to interest men of science, men of commerce, men of
philanthropy, ministers of the Crown, men of all sorts, in the
welfare of Africa. Where he had so varied a constituency to deal
with, and where the precise method by which Africa would be
civilized was yet so indefinite, he would faithfully record what he
had come to know, and let others build as they might with his
materials. Certainly, in all that Livingstone has written, he has
left us in no doubt as to the consummation to which he ever looked.
His whole writings and his whole life are a commentary on his own
words--"The end of the geographical feat is only the beginning of
the enterprise."
Through the great success of the volume and the handsome conduct
of the publishers, the book yielded him a little fortune. We shall
see what generous use he made of it--how large a portion of the
profits went to forward directly the great object to which his
heart and his life were so cordially given. More than half went to
a single object connected with the Zambesi Expedition, and of the
remainder he was ready to devote a half to another favorite
project. All that he thought it his duty to reserve for his
children was enough to educate them, and prepare them for their
part in life. Nothing would have seemed less desirable or less for
their good than to found a rich family to live in idleness. It was
and is a common impression that Livingstone received large sums
from friends to aid him in his work. For the most part these
impressions were unfounded; but his own hard-earned money was
bestowed freely and cheerfully wherever it seemed likely to do
good.
The complaint that he was not sufficiently a missionary was
sometimes made of his speeches as well as his book. At Carlisle, a
lady wrote to him in this strain. A copy of his reply is before us.
After explaining that reporters were more ready to report his
geography than his missionary views, he says:
"Nowhere have I ever appeared as anything else but a
servant of God, who has simply followed the leadings of his hand.
My views of what is missionary duty are not so contracted as
those whose ideal is a dumpy sort of man with a Bible under his
arm. I have labored in bricks and mortar, at the forge and
carpenter's bench, as well as in preaching and medical practice. I
feel that I am 'not my own.' I am serving Christ when shooting a
buffalo for my men, or taking an astronomical observation, or
writing to one of his children who forget, during the little moment
of penning a note, that charity which is eulogized as 'thinking no
evil'; and after having by his help got information, which I hope
will lead to more abundant blessing being bestowed on Africa than
heretofore, am I to hide the light under a bushel, merely because
some will consider it not sufficiently, or even at all,
missionary? Knowing that some persons do believe that
opening up a new country to the sympathies of Christendom was not a
proper work for an agent of a missionary society to engage in, I
now refrain from taking any salary from the Society with which I
was connected; so no pecuniary loss is sustained by any
one."
Subsequently, when detained in Manyuema, and when his immediate
object was to determine the water-shed, Dr. Livingstone wrote: "I
never felt a single pang at having left the Missionary Society. I
acted for my Master, and believe that all ought to devote their
special faculties to Him. I regretted that unconscientious men took
occasion to prevent many from sympathizing with me."
CHAPTER XI.
FIRST VISIT HOME--continued.
Livingstone at Dublin, at British Association--Letter to his
wife--He meets the Chamber of Commerce at Manchester--At Glasgow,
receives honors from Corporation, University, Faculty of Physicians
and Surgeons, United Presbyterians, Cotton-spinners--His speeches
in reply--His brother Charles joins him--Interesting meeting and
speech at Hamilton--Reception from "Literary and Scientific
Institute of Blantyre"--Sympathy with operatives--Quick
apprehension of all public questions--His social views in advance
of the age--He plans a People's Café--Visit to
Edinburgh--More honors--Letter to Mr. Maclear--Interesting visit to
Cambridge--Lectures there--Professor Sedgwick's remarks on his
visit--Livingstone's great satisfaction--Relations to London
Missionary Society--He severs his connection--Proposal of
Government expedition--He accepts consulship and command of
expedition--Kindness of Lords Palmerston and Clarendon--The
Portuguese Ambassador--Livingstone proposes to go to Portugal--Is
dissuaded--Lord Clarendon's letter to Sekelétu--Results of
Livingstone's visit to England--Farewell banquet, Feb.,
1858--Interview with the Queen--Valedictory letters--Professor
Sedgwick and Sir Roderick Murchison--Arrangements for
expedition--Dr., Mrs., and Oswell Livingstone set sail from
Liverpool--Letters to children.
Finding himself, in the autumn, free of the toil of book-making,
Dr. Livingstone moved more freely through the country, attended
meetings, and gave addresses. In August he went to Dublin, to the
meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science,
and gave an interesting lecture. Mrs. Livingstone did not accompany
him. In a letter to her we have some pleasant notes of his Dublin
visit:
"
Dublin, 29th August, 1857.--I am very sorry now
that I did not bring you with me, for all inquired after you, and
father's book is better known here than anywhere else I have been.
But it could scarcely have been otherwise. I think the visit to
Dublin will be beneficial to our cause, which, I think, is the
cause of Christ in Africa. Lord Radstock is much interested in it,
and seems willing and anxious to promote it. He was converted out
at the Crimea, whither he had gone as an amateur. His lady is a
beautiful woman, and I think, what is far better, a good, pious
one. The Archbishop's daughters asked me if they could be of any
use in sending out needles, thread, etc., to your school. I, of
course, said Yes. His daughters are devotedly missionary, and work
hard in ragged schools, etc. One of them nearly remained in
Jerusalem as a missionary, and is the same in spirit here. It is
well to be servants of Christ everywhere, at home or abroad,
wherever He may send us or take us.... I hope I may be enabled to
say a word for Him on Monday. There is to be a grand dinner and
soiree at the Lord-Lieutenant's on Monday, and I have got an
invitation in my pocket, but will have to meet Admiral Trotter on
Tuesday. I go off as soon as my lecture is over.... Sir Duncan
Macgregor is the author of
The Burning of the Kent East
Indiaman. His son, the only infant saved, is now a devoted
Christian, a barrister
[52]."
[52] Dr. Livingstone always liked that style of
earnest Christianity which he notices in this letter. In November
of the same year, after he had resigned his connection with the
London Missionary Society, and was preparing to return to Africa as
H.M. Consul and head of the Zambesi Expedition, he writes thus to
his friend Mr. James Young: "I read the life of Hedley Vicars for
the first time through, when down at Rugby. It is really excellent,
and makes me ashamed of the coldness of my services in comparison.
That was his sister you saw me walking with in Dublin at the
Gardens (Lady Rayleigh). If you have not read it, the sooner you
dip into it the better. You will thank me for it."
In September we find him in Manchester, where the Chamber of
Commerce gave him a hearty welcome, and entered cordially into his
schemes for the commercial development of Africa. He was subjected
to a close cross-examination regarding the products of the country,
and the materials it contained for commerce; but here, too, the
missionary was equal to the occasion. He had brought home five or
six and twenty different kinds of fruit; he told them of oils they
had never heard of--dyes that were kept secret by the
natives--fibres that might be used for the manufacture of
paper--sheep that had hair instead of wool--honey, sugar-cane,
wheat, millet, cotton, and iron, all abounding in the country. That
all these should abound in what used to be deemed a sandy desert
appeared very strange. A very cordial resolution was unanimously
agreed to, and a strong desire expressed that Her Majesty's
Government would unite with that of Portugal in giving Dr.
Livingstone facilities for further exploration in the interior of
Africa, and especially in the district around the river Zambesi and
its tributaries, which promised to be the most suitable as a basis
both for commercial and missionary settlements.
In the course of the same month his foot was again on his native
soil, and there his reception was remarkably cordial. In Glasgow,
the University, the Corporation, the Faculty of Physicians and
Surgeons, the United Presbyterians, and the Associated Operative
Cotton-spinners of Scotland came forward to pay him honor. A
testimonial of £2000 had been raised by public subscription.
The Corporation presented him with the freedom of the city in a
gold box, in acknowledging which he naturally dwelt on some of the
topics that were interesting to a commercial community. He gave a
somewhat new view of "Protection" when he called it a remnant of
heathenism. The heathen would be dependent on no one; they would
depress all other communities. Christianity taught us to be friends
and brothers, and he was glad that all restrictions on the freedom
of trade were now done away with. He dwelt largely on the capacity
of Africa to furnish us with useful articles of trade, and
especially cotton.
His reception by the Faculty of Physicians and Surgeons had a
special interest in relation to his medical labors. For nearly
twenty years he had been a licentiate of this Faculty, one of the
oldest medical institutions of the country, which for two centuries
and a half had exerted a great influence in the west of Scotland.
He was now admitted an honorary Fellow--an honor rarely conferred,
and only on pre-eminently distinguished men. The President referred
to the benefit which he had found from his scientific as well as
his more strictly medical studies, pursued under their auspices,
and Livingstone cordially echoed the remark, saying he often hoped
that his sons might follow the same course of study and devote
themselves to the same noble profession:
"In the country to which I went," he continued, "I
endeavored to follow the footsteps of my Lord and Master." Our
Saviour was a physician; but it is not to be expected that his
followers should perform miracles. The nearest approach which they
could expect to make was to become acquainted with medical science,
and endeavor to heal the diseases of man.... One patient expressed
his opinion of my religion to the following effect: "We like you
very much; you are the only white man we have got acquainted with.
We like you because you aid us whilst we are sick, but we don't
like your everlasting preaching and praying. We can't get
accustomed to that!"
To the United Presbyterians of Glasgow he spoke of mission work
in Africa. At one time he had been somewhat disappointed with the
Bechuana Christians, and thought the results of the mission had
been exaggerated, but when he went into the interior and saw
heathenism in all its unmitigated ferocity, he changed his opinion,
and had a higher opinion than ever of what the mission had done.
Such gatherings as the present were very encouraging; but in Africa
mission work was hard work without excitement; and they had just to
resolve to do their duty without expecting to receive gratitude
from those whom they labored to serve. When gratitude came, they
were thankful to have it; but when it did not come they must go on
doing their duty, as unto the Lord.
His reply to the cotton-spinners is interesting as showing how
fresh his sympathy still was with the sons of toil, and what
respect he had for their position. He congratulated himself on the
Spartan training he had got at the Blantyre mill, which had really
been the foundation of all the work he had done. Poverty and hard
work were often looked down on,--he did not know why,--for
wickedness was the only thing that ought to be a reproach to any
man. Those that looked down on cotton-spinners with contempt were
men who, had they been cotton-spinners at the beginning, would have
been cotton-spinners to the end. The life of toil was what belonged
to the great majority of the race, and to be poor was no reproach.
The Saviour occupied the humble position that they had been born
in, and he looked back on his own past life as having been spent in
the same position in which the Saviour lived.
"My great object," he said, "was to be like Him--to
imitate Him as far as He could be imitated. We have not the power
of working miracles, but we can do a little in the way of healing
the sick, and I sought a medical education in order that I might be
like Him. In Africa I have had hard work. I don't know that any one
in Africa despises a man who works hard. I find that all eminent
men work hard. Eminent geologists, mineralogists, men of science in
every department, if they attain eminence, work hard, and that both
early and late. That is just what we did. Some of us have left the
cotton-spinning, but I think that all of us who have been engaged
in that occupation look back on it with feelings of complacency,
and feel an interest in the course of our companions. There is one
thing in cotton-spinning that I always felt to be a privilege. We
were confined through the whole day, but when we got out to the
green fields, and could wander through the shady woods, and rove
about the whole country, we enjoyed it immensely. We were delighted
to see the flowers and the beautiful scenery. We were prepared to
admire. We were taught by our confinement to rejoice in the
beauties of nature, and when we got out we enjoyed ourselves to the
fullest extent."
At Hamilton an interesting meeting took place in the
Congregational Chapel where he had been a worshiper in his youth.
Here he was emphatically at home; and he took the opportunity (as
he often did) to say how little he liked the lionizing he was
undergoing, and how unexpected all the honors were that had been
showered upon him. He had hoped to spend a short and quiet visit,
and then return to his African work. It was his sense of the
kindness shown him, and the desire not to be disobliging, that made
him accept the public invitations he was receiving. But he did not
wish to take the honor to himself, as if he had achieved anything
by his own might or wisdom. He thanked God sincerely for employing
him as an instrument in his work. One of the greatest honors was to
be employed in winning souls to Christ, and proclaiming to the
captives of Satan the liberty with which he had come to make them
free. He was thankful that to him, "the least of all saints," this
honor had been given. He then proceeded to notice the presence of
members of various Churches, and to advert to the broadening
process that had been going on in his own mind while in Africa,
which made him feel himself more than ever the brother of all:
"In going about we learn something, and it would be a
shame to us if we did not; and we look back to our own country and
view it as a whole, and many of the little feelings we had when
immersed in our own denominations we lose, and we look to the whole
body of Christians with affection. We rejoice to see them
advancing. I believe that every Scotch Christian abroad rejoiced in
his heart when he saw the Free Church come boldly out on principle,
and I may say we shall rejoice very much when we see the Free
Church and the United Presbyterian Church one, as they ought to
be.... I am sure I look on all the different denominations in
Hamilton and in Britain with feelings of affection. I cannot say
which I love most. I am quite certain I ought not to dislike any of
them. Really, perhaps I may be considered a little heterodox, if I
were living in this part of the country, I could not pass one
Evangelical Church in order to go to my own denomination beyond it
[53]. I still
think that the different denominational peculiarities have, to a
certain degree, a good effect in this country, but I think we ought
to be much more careful lest we should appear to our
fellow-Christians unchristian, than to appear inconsistent with the
denominational principles we profess.... Let this meeting be the
ratification of the ¸bond of union between my brother
[54] and me,
and all the denominations of Hamilton. Remember us in your prayers.
Bear us on your spirits when we are far away, for when abroad we
often feel as if we were forgot by every one. My entreaty to all
the Christians of Hamilton is to pray that grace may be given to us
to be faithful to our Saviour even unto death."
[53] Dr. Livingstone gave practical evidence of
his sincerity in these remarks in the case of his elder daughter,
saying, in reply to one of her guardians with whom she was
residing, that he had no objections to her joining the Church of
Scotland. This, however, she did not do; but afterward, when at
Newstead Abbey, she was confirmed by the Bishop of Lincoln, and
received the Communion along with her father, who helped to prepare
her.
[54] Dr. Livingstone had been joined by his
brother Charles, who was present on this occasion.
At Blantyre, his native village, the Literary and Scientific
Institute gave him a reception, Mr. Hannan, one of the proprietors
of the works, a magistrate of Glasgow, and an old acquaintance of
Livingstone's, being in the chair. The Doctor was laboring under a
cold, the first he had had for sixteen years. He talked to them of
his travels, and by particular request gave an account of his
encounter with the Mabotsa lion. He ridiculed Mrs. Beecher Stowe's
notion that factory-workers were slaves. He counseled them strongly
to put more confidence than workmen generally did in the honest
good intentions of their employers, reminding them that some time
ago, when the Blantyre proprietors had wished to let every workman
have a garden, it was said by some that they only wished to bring
the ground into good order, and then they would take the garden
away. That was nasty and suspicious. If masters were more trusted,
they would do more good. Finally, he exhorted them cordially to
accept God's offers of mercy to them in Christ, and give themselves
wholly to Him. To bow down before God was not mean; it was manly.
His one wish for them all was that they might have peace with God,
and rejoice in the hope of the eternal inheritance.
His remarks to the operatives show how sound and sagacious his
views were on social problems; in this sphere, indeed, he was in
advance of the age. The quickness and correctness with which he
took up matters of public interest in Britain, mastered facts, and
came to clear, intelligent conclusions on them, was often the
astonishment of his friends. It was as if, instead of being buried
in Africa, he had been attending the club and reading the daily
newspapers for years,--this, too, while he was at work writing his
book, and delivering speeches almost without end. We find him at
this time anticipating the temperance coffee-house movement, now so
popular and successful. On 11th July, 1857, he wrote on this
subject to a friend, in reference to a proposal to deliver a
lecture in Glasgow. It should be noticed that he never lectured for
money, though he might have done so with great pecuniary
benefit:
"I am thinking of giving, or trying to give, a lecture
by invitation at the Athenæum. I am offered thirty guineas,
and as my old friends the cotton-spinners have invited me to meet
them, I think of handing the sum, whatever it may be, to them, or
rather letting them take it and fit up a room as a coffee-room on
the plan of the French cafés, where men, women, and children
may go, instead of to whisky-shops. There are coffee-houses
already, but I don't think there are any where they can laugh and
talk and read papers just as they please. The sort I contemplate
would suit poor young fellows who cannot have a comfortable fire at
home. I have seen men dragged into drinking ways from having no
comfort at home, and women also drawn to the dram-shop from the
same cause. Don't you think something could be done by setting the
persons I mention to do something for themselves?"
Edinburgh conferred on Livingstone the freedom of the city,
besides entertaining him at a public breakfast and hearing him at
another meeting. We are not surprised to find him writing to Sir
Roderick Murchison from Rossie Priory, on the 27th September, that
he was about to proceed to Leeds, Liverpool, and Birmingham, "and
then farewell to public spouting for ever. I am dead tired of it.
The third meeting at Edinburgh quite knocked me up." It was
generally believed that his appearances at Edinburgh were not equal
to some others; and probably there was truth in the impression, for
he must have come to it exhausted; and besides, at a public
breakfast, he was put out by a proposal of the chairman, that they
should try to get him a pension. Yet some who heard him in
Edinburgh received impressions that were never effaced, and it is
probable that seed was silently sown which led afterward to the
Scotch Livingstonia Mission--one of the most hopeful schemes for
carrying out Livingstone's plans that have yet been organized.
Among the other honors conferred on him during this visit to
Britain was the degree of D.C.L. from the University of Oxford.
Some time before, Glasgow had given him the honorary degree of
LL.D. In the beginning of 1858, when he was proposed as a Fellow of
the Royal Society, the certificate on his behalf was signed, among
others, by the Earl of Carlisle, then Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland,
who after his signature added P.R. (pro Regina), a thing
that had never been done before [55].
The life he was now leading was rather trying. He writes to his
friend Mr. Maclear on the 10th November:
"I finish my public spouting next week at Oxford. It is
really very time-killing, this lionizing, and I am sure you pity me
in it. I hope to leave in January. Wonder if the Portuguese have
fulfilled the intention of their Government in supporting my
men.... I shall rejoice when I see you again in the quiet of the
Observatory. It is more satisfactory to serve God in peace. May He
give his grace and blessing to us all! I am rather anxious to say
something that will benefit the young men at Oxford. They made me a
D.C.L. There!! Wonder if they would do so to the Editor of the
Grahamstown Journal?"
Livingstone was not yet done with "public spouting," even after
his trip to Oxford. Among the visits paid by him toward the end of
1857, none was more interesting or led to more important results
than that to Cambridge. It was on 3d December he arrived there,
becoming the guest of the Rev. Wm. Monk, of St. John's. Next
morning, in the senate-house, he addressed a very large audience,
consisting of graduates and undergraduates and many visitors from
the town and neighborhood. The Vice-Chancellor presided and
introduced the stranger. Dr. Livingstone's lecture consisted of
facts relating to the country and its people, their habits and
religious belief, with some notices of his travels, and an emphatic
statement of his great object--to promote commerce and Christianity
in the country which he had opened. The last part of his lecture
was an earnest appeal for missionaries.
"It is deplorable to think that one of the noblest of
our missionary societies, the Church Missionary Society, is
compelled to send to Germany for missionaries, whilst other
Societies are amply supplied. Let this stain be wiped off. The sort
of men who are wanted for missionaries are such as I see before me;
men of education, standing, enterprise, zeal, and piety.... I hope
that many whom I now address will embrace that honorable career.
Education has been given us from above for the purpose of bringing
to the benighted the knowledge of a Saviour. If you knew the
satisfaction of performing such a duty, as well as the gratitude to
God which the missionary must always feel, in being chosen for so
noble, so sacred a calling, you would have no hesitation in
embracing it.
"For my own part, I have never ceased to rejoice that God has
appointed me to such an office. People talk of the sacrifice I have
made in spending so much of my life in Africa. Can that be called a
sacrifice which is simply paid back as a small part of a great debt
owing to our God, which we can never repay? Is that a sacrifice
which brings its own blest reward in healthful activity, the
consciousness of doing good, peace of mind, and a bright hope of a
glorious destiny hereafter? Away with the word in such a view, and
with such a thought! It is emphatically no sacrifice. Say rather it
is a privilege. Anxiety, sickness, suffering, or danger, now and
then, with a foregoing of the common conveniences and charities of
this life, may make us pause, and cause the spirit to waver, and
the soul to sink; but let this only be for a moment. All these are
nothing when compared with the glory which shall hereafter be
revealed in and for us. I never made a sacrifice. Of this we ought
not to talk when we remember the great sacrifice which He made who
left his father's throne on high to give himself for us; 'who being
the brightness of that Father's glory, and the express image of his
person, and upholding all things by the word of his power, when he
had by himself purged our sins, sat down on the right hand of the
Majesty on high.'...
"I beg to direct your attention to Africa: I know that in a few
years I shall be cut off in that country, which is now open; do not
let it be shut again! I go back to Africa to try to make an open
path for commerce and Christianity; do you carry out the work which
I have begun, I LEAVE IT WITH YOU!"
In a prefatory letter prefixed to the volume entitled Dr.
Livingstone's Cambridge Lectures, the late Professor Sedgwick
remarked, in connection with this event, that in the course of a
long academic life he had often been present in the senate-house on
exciting occasions; in the days of Napoleon he had heard the
greetings given to our great military heroes; he had been present
at four installation services, the last of which was graced by the
presence of the Queen, when her youthful husband was installed as
Chancellor, amid the most fervent gratulations that subjects are
permitted to exhibit in the presence of their Sovereign. But on
none of these occasions "were the gratulations of the University
more honest and true-hearted than those which were offered to Dr.
Livingstone. He came among us without any long notes of
preparation, without any pageant or eloquence to charm and
captivate our senses. He stood before us, a plain, single-minded
man, somewhat attenuated by years of toil, and with a face tinged
by the sun of Africa.... While we listened to the tale he had to
tell, there arose in the hearts of all the listeners a fervent hope
that the hand of God which had so long upheld him would uphold him
still, and help him to carry out the great work of Christian love
that was still before him."
Next day, December 5th, Dr. Livingstone addressed a very crowded
audience in the Town Hall, the Mayor presiding. Referring to his
own plans, he said:
"I contend that we ought not to be ashamed of our
religion, and had we not kept this so much out of sight in India,
we should not now be in such straits in that country" [referring to
the Indian Mutiny]. "Let us appear just what we are. For my own
part, I intend to go out as a missionary, and hope boldly, but with
civility, to state the truth of Christianity, and my belief that
those who do not possess it are in error. My object in Africa is
not only the elevation of man, but that the country might be so
opened that man might see the need of his soul's salvation. I
propose in my next expedition to visit the Zambesi, and propitiate
the different chiefs along its banks, endeavoring to induce them to
cultivate cotton, and to abolish the slave-trade: already they
trade in ivory and gold-dust, and are anxious to extend their
commercial operations. There is thus a probability of their
interests being linked with ours, and thus the elevation of the
African would be the result,
"I believe England is alive to her duty of civilizing and
Christianizing the heathen. We cannot all go out as missionaries,
it is true; but we may all do something toward providing a
substitute. Moreover, all may especially do that which every
missionary highly prizes, viz.--COMMEND THE WORK IN THEIR PRAYERS.
I HOPE THAT THOSE WHOM I NOW ADDRESS WILL BOTH PRAY FOR AND HELP
THOSE WHO ARE THEIR SUBSTITUTES."
Dr. Livingstone was thoroughly delighted with his reception at
Cambridge. Writing to a friend, on 6th December 1857, he says:
"Cambridge, as Playfair would say, was grand. It beat Oxford
hollow. To make up my library again they subscribed at least forty
volumes at once. I shall have reason soon to bless the Boers."
Referring to his Cambridge visit a few weeks afterward, in a
letter to Rev. W. Monk, Dr. Livingstone said: "I look back to my
visit to Cambridge as one of the most pleasant episodes of my life.
I shall always revert with feelings of delight to the short
intercourse I enjoyed with such noble Christian men as Sedgwick,
Whewell, Selwyn, etc. etc., as not the least important privilege
conferred on me by my visit to England. It is something inspiriting
to remember that the eyes of such men are upon one's course. May
blessings rest upon them all, and on the seat of learning which
they adorn!"
Among the subjects that had occupied Dr. Livingstone's attention
most intensely during the early part of the year 1857 was that of
his relation to the London Missionary Society. The impression
caused by Dr. Tidman's letter received at Quilimane had been quite
removed by personal intercourse with the Directors, who would have
been delighted to let Livingstone work in their service in his own
way. But with the very peculiar work of exploration and inquiry
which he felt that his Master had now placed in his hands, Dr.
Livingstone was afraid that his freedom would be restricted by his
continuing in the service of the Society, while the Society itself
would be liable to suffer from the handle that might be given to
contributors to say that it was departing from the proper objects
of a missionary body. That in resigning his official connection he
acted with a full knowledge of the effect which this might have
upon his own character, and his reputation before the Church and
the world, is evident from his correspondence with one of his most
intimate friends and trusted counselors, Mr. J.B. Braithwaite, of
Lincoln's Inn. Though himself a member of the Society of Friends,
Mr. Braithwaite was desirous that Dr. Livingstone should continue
to appear before the public as a Christian minister:
"To dissolve thy connection with the Missionary Society
would at once place thee before the public in an aspect wholly
distinct from that in which thou art at present, and, what is yet
more important, would in a greater or less degree, and, perhaps,
very gradually and almost insensibly to thyself, turn the current
of thy own thoughts and feelings away from those channels of
usefulness and service, as a minister of the gospel, with which I
cannot doubt thy deepest interest and highest aspirations are
inseparably associated."
On Dr. Livingstone explaining that, while he fully appreciated
these views, it did not appear to him consistent with duty to be
receiving the pay of a working missionary while engaged to a
considerable extent in scientific exploration, Mr. Braithwaite
expressed anew his sympathy for his feelings, and respect for his
decision, but not as one quite convinced:
"Thy heart is bound, as I truly believe, in its inmost
depths to the service of Christ. This is the 'one thing' which,
through all, it is thy desire to keep in view. And my fear has been
lest the severing of thy connection with a recognized religious
body should lead any to suppose that thy Christian interests were
in the least weakened; or that thou wast now going forth with any
lower aim than the advancement of the Redeemer's kingdom. Such a
circumstance would be deeply to be regretted, for thy character is
now, if I may so speak, not thy own, but the common property, in a
certain sense, of British Christianity, and anything which tended
to lower thy high standing would cast a reflection on the general
cause."
The result showed that Mr. Braithwaite was right as to the
impression likely to be made on the public; but the contents of
this volume amply prove that the impression was wrong.
Dr. Livingstone had said at Quilimane that if it were the will
of God that he should do the work of exploration and settlement of
stations which was indispensable to the opening up of Africa, but
which the Directors did not then seem to wish him to undertake, the
means would be provided from some other quarter. At the meeting of
the British Association in Dublin, a movement was begun for getting
the Government to aid him. The proposal was entertained favorably
by the Government, and practically settled before the end of the
year. In February, 1858, Dr. Livingstone received a formal
commission, signed by Lord Clarendon, Foreign Secretary, appointing
him Her Majesty's Consul at Quilimane for the Eastern Coast and the
independent districts in the interior, and commander of an
expedition for exploring Eastern and Central Africa. Dr.
Livingstone accepted the appointment, and during the last part of
his stay in England was much engaged in arranging for the
expedition. A paddle steamer of light draught was procured for the
navigation of the Zambesi, and the various members of the
expedition received their appointments. These were--Commander
Bedingfield, R.N., Naval Officer; John Kirk, M.D., Botanist and
Physician; Mr. Charles Livingstone, brother of Dr. Livingstone,
General Assistant and Secretary; Mr. Richard Thornton, Practical
Mining Geologist; Mr. Thomas Baines, Artist and Storekeeper; and
Mr. George Rae, Ship Engineer; and whoever afterward might join the
expedition were required to obey Dr. Livingstone's directions as
leader.
"We managed your affair very nicely," Lord Palmerston said to
Livingstone at a reception at Lady Palmerston's on the 12th
December. "Had we waited till the usual time when Parliament should
be asked, it would have been too late." Lord Shaftesbury, at the
reception, assured him that the country would do everything for
him, and congratulated him on going out in the way now settled. So
did the Lord Chancellor (Cranworth), Sir Culling Eardley, and Mr.
Calcraft, M.P.
Dr. Livingstone was on the most friendly terms with the
Portuguese Ambassador, the Count de Lavradio, who ever avowed the
highest respect for himself, and a strong desire to help him in his
work. To get this assurance turned into substantial assistance
appeared to Livingstone to be of the very highest importance.
Unless strong influence were brought to bear on the local
Portuguese Governors in Africa, his scheme would be wrecked. The
Portuguese Ambassador was then at Lisbon, and Livingstone had
resolved to go there, to secure the influence from headquarters
which was so necessary. The Prince Consort had promised to
introduce him to his cousin, the King of Portugal. There were,
however, some obstacles to his going. Yellow fever was raging at
Lisbon, and moreover, time was precious, and a little delay might
lead to the loss of a season on the Zambesi. At Lady Palmerston's
reception, Lord Palmerston had said to him that Lord Clarendon
might manage the Portuguese affair without his going to Lisbon. A
day or two after, Livingstone saw Lord Clarendon, who confirmed
Lord Palmerston's opinion, and assured him that when Lavradio
returned, the affair would be settled. The Lisbon journey was
accordingly given up. The Count returned to London before
Livingstone left, and expressed a wish to send a number of
Portuguese agents along with him. But to this both Lord Clarendon
and he had the strongest objections, as complicating the
expedition. Livingstone was furnished with letters from the
Portuguese Government to the local Governors, instructing them to
give him all needful help. But when he returned to the Zambesi he
found that these public instructions were strangely neutralized and
reversed by some unseen process. He himself believed to the last in
the honest purpose of the King of Portugal, but he had not the same
confidence in the Government. From some of the notes written to him
at this time by friends who understood more of diplomacy than he
did, we can see that little actual help was expected from the local
Governors in the Portuguese settlements, one of these friends
expressing the conviction that "the sooner those Portuguese
dogs-in-the-manger are eaten, up, body and bones, by the Zulu
Caffres, the better."
The co-operation of Lord Clarendon was very cordial. "He told me
to go to Washington (of the Admiralty) as if all had been arranged,
and do everything necessary, and come to him for everything I
needed. He repeated, 'Just come here and tell me what you want, and
I will give it you.' He was wonderfully kind. I thank God who gives
the influence." Among other things, Lord Clarendon wrote an
official letter to the chief Sekelétu, thanking him, in the
name of the Queen, for his kindness and help to her servant, Dr.
Livingstone, explaining the desire of the British nation, as a
commercial and Christian people, to live at peace with all and to
benefit all; telling him, too, what they thought of the
slave-trade; hoping that Sekelétu would help to keep "God's
highway," the river Zambesi, as a free pathway for all nations;
assuring him of friendship and good-will; and respectfully hinting
that, "as we have derived all our greatness from the divine
religion we received from heaven, it will be well if you consider
it carefully when any of our people talk to you about it [56]."
Most men, after receiving such carte blanche as Lord
Clarendon had given to Livingstone, would have been drawing out
plans on a large scale, regardless of expense. Livingstone's ideas
were quite in the opposite direction. Instead of having to press
Captain Washington, he had to restrain him. The expedition as
planned by Washington, with commander and assistant, and a large
staff of officers, was too expensive. All that Livingstone wished
was a steam launch, with an economic botanist, a practical mining
geologist, and an assistant. All was to be plain and practical;
nothing was wished for ornament or show.
Before we come to the last adieus, it is well to glance at the
remarkable effect of Dr. Livingstone's short visit, in connection
with his previous labors, on the public opinion of the country in
regard to Africa. In the first place, as we have already remarked,
there was quite a revolution of ideas as to the interior of the
country. It astonished men to find that, instead of a vast sandy
desert, it was so rich and productive a land, and merchants came to
see that if only a safe and wholesome traffic could be introduced,
the result would be hardly less beneficial to them than to the
people of Africa. In the second place, a new idea was given of the
African people. Caffre wars and other mismanaged enterprises had
brought out the wildest aspects of the native character, and had
led to the impression that the blacks were just as brutish and
ferocious as the tigers and crocodiles among which they lived. But
Livingstone showed, as Moffat had showed before him, that, rightly
dealt with, they were teachable and companionable, full of respect
for the white man, affectionate toward him when he treated them
well, and eager to have him dwelling among them. On the slave-trade
of the interior he had thrown a ghastly light, although it was
reserved to him in his future journeys to make a full exposure of
the devil's work in that infamous traffic. He had thrown light,
too, on the structure of Africa, shown where healthy localities
were to be found, copiously illustrated its fauna and flora,
discovered great rivers and lakes, and laid them down on its map
with the greatest accuracy; and he had shown how its most virulent
disease might be reduced to the category of an ordinary cold. In
conjunction with other great African travelers, he had contributed
not a little to the great increase of popularity which had been
acquired by the Geographical Society. He had shown abundance of
openings for Christian missions from Kuruman to the Zambesi, and
from Loanda to Quilimane. He had excited no little compassion for
the negro, by vivid pictures of his dark and repulsive life, with
so much misery in it and so little joy. In the cause of missions he
did not appeal in vain. At the English Universities, young men of
ability and promise got new light on the purposes of life, and
wondered that they had not thought sooner of offering themselves
for such noble work. In Scotland, men like James Stewart, now of
Lovedale, were set thinking whether they should not give themselves
to Africa, and older men, like Mr. R.A. Macfie and the late Mr.
James Cunningham, of Edinburgh, were pondering in what manner the
work could be begun. The London Missionary Society, catching up
Livingstone's watchword "Onward," were planning a mission at
Linyanti, on the banks of the Zambesi. Mr. Moffat was about to pay
a visit to the great Mosilikatse, with a view to the commencement
of a mission to the Matebele. As for Livingstone himself, his heart
was yearning after his friends the Makololo. He had been quite
willing to go and be their missionary, but in the meantime other
duty called him. Not being aware of any purpose to plant a mission
among them, he made an arrangement with his brother-in-law, Mr.
John Moffat, to become their missionary. Out of his private
resources he promised him £500, for outfit, etc., and
£150 a year for five years as salary, besides other sums,
amounting in all to £1400. Nearly three years of his own
salary as Consul (£500) were thus pledged and paid. In one
word, Africa, which had long been a symbol of all that is dry and
uninviting, suddenly became the most interesting part of the
globe.
As the time of Dr. Livingstone's departure for Africa drew near,
a strong desire arose among many of his friends, chiefly the
geographers, to take leave of him in a way that should emphatically
mark the strength of their admiration and the cordiality of their
good wishes. It was accordingly resolved that he should be invited
to a public dinner on the 13th February, 1858, and that Sir
Roderick Murchison should occupy the chair. On the morning of that
day he had the honor of an interview with Her Majesty the Queen. A
Scottish correspondent of an American journal, whose letter at
other points shows that he had good information [57], after referring
to the fact that Livingstone was not presented in the usual way,
says:
[57] We have ascertained that the correspondent
was the late Mr. Keddie, of the Glasgow Free Church College, who
got his information from Mr. James Young.
"He was honored by the Queen with a private
interview.... She sent for Livingstone, who attended Her Majesty at
the palace, without ceremony, in his black coat and blue trousers,
and his cap surrounded with a stripe of gold lace. This was his
usual attire, and the cap had now become the appropriate
distinction of one of Her Majesty's consuls, an official position
to which the traveler attaches great importance, as giving him
consequence in the eyes of the natives, and authority over the
members of the expedition.. The Queen conversed with him affably
for half an hour on the subject of his travels. Dr. Livingstone
told Her Majesty that he would now be able to say to the natives
that he had seen his chief, his not having done so before having
been a constant subject of surprise to the children of the African
wilderness. He mentioned to Her Majesty also that the people were
in the habit of inquiring whether his chief were wealthy; and that
when he assured them she was very wealthy, they would ask how many
cows she had got, a question at which the Queen laughed
heartily."
In the only notice of this interview which we have found in
Livingstone's own writing, he simply says that Her Majesty assured
him of her good wishes in his journeys. It was the only interview
with his Sovereign he ever had. When he returned in 1864 he said
that he would have been pleased to have another, but only if it
came naturally, and without his seeking it. The Queen manifested
the greatest interest in him, and showed great kindness to his
family, when the rumor came of his death.
The banquet in Freemason's Tavern, which it had been intended to
limit to 250 guests, overflowed the allotted bounds, and was
attended by upward of 350, including the Ministers of Sweden and
Norway, and of Denmark; Dukes of Argyll and Wellington; Earl of
Shaftesbury and Earl Grey; Bishops of Oxford and St. David's; and
hosts of other celebrities in almost every department of public
life. The feeling was singularly cordial. Sir Roderick rehearsed
the services of Livingstone, crowning them, as was his wont, with
that memorable act--his keeping his promise to his black servants
by returning with them from Loanda to the heart of Africa, in spite
of all the perils of the way, and all the attractions of England,
thereby "leaving for himself in that country a glorious name, and
proving to the people of Africa what an English Christian is."
Still more, perhaps, did Sir Roderick touch the heart of the
audience when he said of Livingstone "that notwithstanding eighteen
months of laudation, so justly bestowed on him by all classes of
his countrymen, and after receiving all the honors which the
Universities and cities of our country could shower upon him, he is
still the same honest, true-hearted David Livingstone as when he
issued from the wilds of Africa." It was natural for the Duke of
Argyll to recall the fact that Livingstone's family was an
Argyllshire one, and it was a happy thought that as Ulva was close
to Iona--"that illustrious island," as Dr. Samuel Johnson called
it, "whence roving tribes and rude barbarians derived the benefits
of knowledge and the blessings of religion,"--so might the son of
Ulva carry the same blessings to Africa, and be remembered,
perhaps, by millions of the human race as the first pioneer of
civilization, and the first harbinger of the gospel. It was
graceful in the Bishop of Oxford (Samuel Wilberforce) to advert to
the debt of unparalleled magnitude which England, founder of the
accursed slave-trade, owed to Africa, and to urge the immediate
prosecution of Livingstone's plans, inasmuch as the spots in
Africa, where the so-called Christian trader had come, were marked,
more than any other, by crime and distrust, and insecurity of life
and property. It was a good opportunity for Professor Owen to tell
the story of the spiral tusk, to rehearse some remarkable instances
of Livingstone's accurate observations and happy conjectures on the
habits of animals, to rate him for destroying the moral character
of the lion, and to claim credit for having discovered, in the bone
caves of England, the remains of an animal of greater bulk than any
living species, that may have possessed all the qualities which the
most ardent admirer of the British lion could desire [58]!
[58] Livingstone purposed to bequeath to
Professor Owen a somewhat extraordinary legacy. Writing afterward
to his friend Mr. Young, he said: "If I die at home I would lie
beside you. My left arm goes to Professor Owen, mind. That is the
will of David Livingstone."
On no topic was the applause of the company more enthusiastic
than when mention was made of Mrs. Livingstone, who was then
preparing to accompany her husband on his journey. Livingstone's
own words to the company were simple and hearty, but they were the
words of truth and soberness. He was overwhelmed with the kindness
he had experienced. He did not expect any speedy result from the
Expedition, but he was sanguine as to its ultimate benefit. He
thought they would get in the thin end of the wedge, and that it
would be driven home by English energy and spirit. For himself,
with all eyes resting upon him, he felt under an obligation to do
better than he had ever done. And as to Mrs. Livingstone:
"It is scarcely fair to ask a man to praise his own
wife, but I can only say that when I parted from her at the Cape,
telling her that I ¸should return in two years, and when it
happened that I was absent four years and a half, I supposed that I
should appear before her with a damaged character. I was, however,
forgiven. My wife, who has always been the main spoke in my wheel,
will accompany me in this expedition, and will be most useful to
me. She is familiar with the languages of South Africa. She is able
to work. She is willing to endure, and she well knows that in that
country one must put one's hand to everything. In the country to
which I am about to proceed she knows that at the missionary's
station the wife must be the maid-of-all-work within, while the
husband must be the jack-of-all-trades without, and glad am I
indeed that I am to be accompanied by my guardian
angel."
Of the many letters of adieu he received before setting out we
have space for only two. The first came from the venerable
Professor Sedgwick, of Cambridge, in the form of an apology for
inability to attend the farewell banquet. It is a beautiful
unfolding of the head and heart of the Christian philosopher, and
must have been singularly welcome to Livingstone, whose views on
some of the greatest subjects of thought were in thorough harmony
with those of his friend:
"Cambridge, February 10, 1858.--MY DEAR
SIR,--Your kind and very welcome letter came to me yesterday; and I
take the first moment of leisure to thank you for it, and to send
you a few more words of good-will, along with my prayers that God
may, for many years, prolong your life and the lives of those who
are most near and dear to you, and that he may support you in all
coming trials, and crown with a success, far transcending your own
hopes, your endeavors for the good of our poor humble
fellow-creatures in Africa,
"There is but one God, the God who created all worlds and the
natural laws whereby they are governed; and the God of revealed
truth, who tells us of our destinies in an eternal world to come.
All truth of whatever kind has therefore its creator in the will
and essence of that great God who created all things, moral and
natural. Great and good men have long upheld this grand conclusion.
But, alas! such is too often our bigotry, or ignorance, or
selfishness, that we try to divorce religious and moral from
natural truth, as if they were inconsistent and in positive
antagonism one to the other,--a true catholic spirit (oh that the
word 'catholic' had not been so horribly abused by the foul deeds
of men!) teaching us that all truths are linked together, and that
all art and science, and all material discoveries (each held in its
proper place and subordination), may be used to minister to the
diffusion of Christian truth among men, with all its blessed fruits
of peace and good-will. This is, I believe, your faith, as I see it
shining out in your deeds, and set forth in the pages of your work
on Southern Africa, which I have studied through from beginning to
end with sentiments of reverence and honor for the past and good
hopes for the future.
"What a glorious prospect is before you! the commencement of the
civilization of Africa, the extension of our knowledge of all the
kingdoms of nature, the production of great material benefits to
the Old World, the gradual healing of that foul and fetid ulcer,
the slave-trade, the one grand disgrace and weakness of
Christendom, and that has defiled the hands of all those who have
had any dealings with it; and last, but not least--nay, the
greatest of all, and the true end of all--the lifting up of the
poor African from the earth, the turning his face heavenward, and
the glory of at length (after all his sufferings and all our sins)
calling him a Christian brother. May our Lord and Saviour bless
your labors, and may his Holy Spirit be with you to the end of your
life upon this troubled world!
"I am an old man, and I shall (so far as I am permitted to look at
the future) never see your face again. If I live till the 22d of
March I shall have ended my 73d year, and not only from what we all
know from the ordinary course of nature, but from what I myself
know and feel from the experience of the two past years, I am
assured that I have not long to live. How long, God only knows. It
grieves me not to have seen you again in London, and I did hope
that you might yourself introduce me to your wife and children. I
hear that a farewell dinner is to be given you on Saturday, and
greatly should I rejoice to be present on that occasion, and along
with many other true-hearted friends wish you 'God-speed.' But it
must not be. I am not a close prisoner to my room, as I was some
weeks past, but I am still on the sick list, and dare not expose
myself to any sudden change of temperature, or to the excitement of
a public meeting. This is one of the frailties of old age and
infirm health. I have gone on writing and writing more than I
intended. Once for all, God bless you! and pray (though I do not
personally know them) give my best and Christian love to your dear
wife (Ma-Robert she was called, I think, in Africa) and children.
Ever gratefully and affectionately yours,
"A. SEDGWICK."
Sir Roderick, too, had a kind parting word for his friend:
"Accept my warmest acknowledgments for your last farewell note.
Believe me, my dear friend, that no transaction in my somewhat long
and very active life has so truly rewarded me as my intercourse
with you, for, from the beginning to the end, it has been one
continued bright gleam."
To this note Livingstone, as was his wont, made a hearty and
Christian response: "Many blessings be on you and yours, and if we
never meet again on earth, may we through infinite mercy meet in
heaven!"
The last days in England were spent in arrangements for the
expedition, settling family plans, and bidding farewell. Mrs.
Livingstone accompanied her husband, along with Oswell, their
youngest child. Dr. Livingstone's heart was deeply affected in
parting with his other children. Amid all the hurry and bustle of
leaving he snatches a few minutes almost daily for a note to one or
more of them:
"London, 2d February, 1858.--MY DEAR TOM,--I am
soon going off from this country, and will leave you to the care of
Him who neither slumbers nor sleeps, and never disappointed any one
who put his trust in Him. If you make him your friend He will be
better to you than any companion can be. He is a friend that
sticketh closer than a brother. May He grant you grace to seek Him
and to serve Him. I have nothing better to say to you than to take
God for your Father, Jesus for your Saviour, and the Holy Spirit
for your sanctifier. Do this and you are safe for ever. No evil can
then befall you. Hope you will learn quickly and well, so as to be
fitted for God's service in the world."
"'Pearl,' in the Mersey, 10th March, 1858.--MY DEAR TOM,--We
are off again, and we trust that He who rules the waves will watch
over us and remain with you, to bless us and make us blessings to
our fellow-men. The Lord be with you, and be very gracious to you!
Avoid and hate sin, and cleave to Jesus as your Saviour from guilt.
Tell grandma we are off again, and Janet will tell all about
us."
In his letters to his children from first to last, the counsel
most constantly and most earnestly pressed is to take Jesus for
their friend. The personal Saviour is continually present to his
heart, as the one inestimable treasure which he longs for them to
secure. That treasure had been a source of unspeakable peace and
joy to himself amid all the trials and troubles of his checkered
life; if his children were only in friendship with Him, he could
breathe freely in leaving them, and feel that they would indeed
FARE WELL.
CHAPTER XII.
THE ZAMBESI, AND FIRST EXPLORATION OF THE SHIRÉ.
Dr. and Mrs. Livingstone sail in the "Pearl"--Characteristic
instructions to members of Expedition--Dr. Livingstone conscious of
difficult position--Letter to Robert--Sierra Leone--Effects of
British Squadron and of Christian Missions--Dr. and Mrs. Moffat at
Cape Town--Splendid reception there--Illness of Mrs.
Livingstone--She remains behind--The five years of the
Expedition--Letter to Mr. James Young--to Dr. Moffat--Kongone
entrance to Zambesi--Collision with Naval Officer--Disturbed state
of the country--Trip to Kebrabasa Rapids--Dr. Livingstone applies
for new steamer--Willing to pay for one himself--Exploration of the
Shiré--Murchison Cataracts--Extracts from private
Journal--Discovery of Lake Shirwa--Correspondence--Letters to Agnes
Livingstone--Trip to Tette--Kroomen and two members of Expedition
dismissed--Livingstone's vindication--Discovery of Lake
Nyassa--Bright hopes for the future--Idea of a colony--Generosity
of Livingstone--Letters to Mr. Maclear, Mr. Young, and Sir Roderick
Murchison--His sympathy with the "honest poor"--He hears of the
birth of his youngest daughter.
On the 10th March 1858, Dr. Livingstone, accompanied by Mrs.
Livingstone, their youngest son, Oswell, and the members of his
Expedition, sailed from Liverpool on board Her Majesty's colonial
steamer, the "Pearl," which carried the sections of the
"Ma-Robert," the steam launch with Mrs. Livingstone's African name,
which was to be permanently used in the exploration of the Zambesi
and its tributaries. At starting, the "Pearl" had fine weather and
a favorable wind, and quickly ran down the Channel and across the
Bay of Biscay. With that business-like precision which
characterized him, Livingstone, as soon as sea-sickness was over,
had the instructions of the Foreign Office read in presence of all
the members of the Expedition, and he afterward wrote out and
delivered to each person a specific statement of the duties
expected of him.
In these very characteristic papers, it is interesting to
observe that his first business was to lay down to each man his
specific work, this being done for the purpose of avoiding
confusion and collision, acknowledging each man's gifts, and making
him independent in his own sphere. While no pains were to be spared
to make the Expedition successful in its scientific and commercial
aims, and while, for this purpose, great stress was laid on the
subsidiary instructions prepared by Professor Owen, Sir W. Hooker,
and Sir R. Murchison, Dr. Livingstone showed still more earnestness
in urging duties of a higher class, giving to all the same wise and
most Christian counsel to maintain the moral of the
Expedition at the highest point, especially in dealing with the
natives:
"You will understand that Her Majesty's Government
attach more importance to the moral influence which may be exerted
on the minds of the natives by a well-regulated and orderly
household of Europeans, setting an example of consistent moral
conduct to all who may congregate around the settlement; treating
the people with kindness, and relieving their wants; teaching them
to make experiments in agriculture, explaining to them the more
simple arts, imparting to them religious instruction, as far as
they are capable of receiving it, and inculcating peace and
good-will to each other.
"The expedition is well supplied with arms and ammunition, and it
will be necessary to use these in order to obtain supplies of food,
as well as to procure specimens for the purposes of Natural
History. In many parts of the country which we hope to traverse,
the larger animals exist in great numbers, and, being comparatively
tame, may be easily shot. I would earnestly press on every member
of the expedition a sacred regard to life, and never to destroy it
unless some good end is to be answered by its extinction; the
wanton waste of animal life which I have witnessed from
night-hunting, and from the ferocious, but childlike, abuse of the
instruments of destruction in the hands of Europeans, makes me
anxious that this expedition should not be guilty of similar
abominations.
"It is hoped that we may never have occasion to use our arms for
protection from the natives, but the best security from attack
consists in upright conduct, and the natives seeing that we are
prepared to meet it. At the same time, you are strictly enjoined to
exercise the greatest forbearance toward the people; and, while
retaining proper firmness in the event of any misunderstanding, to
conciliate, as far as possibly can be done with safety to our
party.
"It is unnecessary for me to enjoin the strictest justice in
dealing with the natives. This your own principles will lead you
invariably to follow, but while doing so yourself, it is decidedly
necessary to be careful not to appear to overreach or insult
any one by the conduct of those under your command....
"The chiefs of tribes and leading men of villages ought always to
be treated with respect, and nothing should be done to weaken their
authority. Any present of food should be accepted frankly, as it is
impolitic to allow the ancient custom of feeding strangers to go
into disuse. We come among them as members of a superior race, and
servants of a Government that desires to elevate the more degraded
portions of the human family. We are adherents of a benign, holy
religion, and may, by consistent conduct, and wise, patient
efforts, become the harbingers of peace to a hitherto distracted
and trodden-down race. No great result is ever attained without
patient, long-continued effort. In the enterprise in which we have
the honor to be engaged, deeds of sympathy, consideration, and
kindness, which, when viewed in detail, may seem thrown away, if
steadily persisted in, are sure, ultimately, to exercise a
commanding influence. Depend upon it, a kind word or deed is never
lost."
Evidently, Dr. Livingstone felt himself in a difficult position
at the head of this enterprise. He was aware of the trouble that
had usually attended civil as contrasted with naval and military
expeditions, from the absence of that habit of discipline and
obedience which is so firmly established in the latter services. He
had never served under Her Majesty's Government himself, nor had he
been accustomed to command such men as were now under him, and
there were some things in his antecedents that made the duty
peculiarly difficult. On one thing only he was resolved: to do his
own duty to the utmost, and to spare no pains to induce every
member of the Expedition to do his. It was impossible for him not
to be anxious as to how the team would pull together, especially as
he knew well the influence of a malarious atmosphere in causing
intense irritability of temper. In some respects, though not the
most obvious, this was the most trying period of his life. His
letters and other written papers show one little but not
uninstructive effect of the pressure and distraction that now came
on him--in the great change which his handwriting underwent--the
neat, regular writing of his youth giving place to a large and
heavyish hand, as if he had never had time to mend his pen, and his
only thought had been how to get on most quickly. Yet we see also,
very clearly, how nobly he strove after self-control and
conciliatory ways. The tone of courtesy, the recognition of each
man's independence in his own sphere, and the appeal to his good
sense and good feeling, apparent in the instructions, show a
studious desire, while he took and intended to keep his place as
Commander, to conceal the symbols of authority, and bind the
members of the party together as a band of brothers. And though in
his published book, The Zambesi and its Tributaries, which
was mainly a report of his doings to the Government and the nation,
he confined himself to the matters with which he had been intrusted
by them, there are many little proofs of his seeking wisdom and
strength from above with undiminished earnestness, and of his
striving, as much as ever, to do all to the glory of God.
As the swift motion of the ship bears him farther and farther
from home, he cannot but think of his orphan children. As they near
Sierra Leone, on the 25th March, he sends a few lines to his eldest
son:
"MY DEAR ROBERT,--We have been going at the rate of 200
miles a day ever since we left Liverpool, and have been much
favored by a kind Providence in the weather. Poor Oswell was sorely
sick while rolling through the Bay of Biscay, and ate nothing for
about three days; but we soon got away from the ice and snow to
beautiful summer weather, and we are getting nicely thawed. We
sleep with all our port-holes open, and are glad of the awning by
day. At night we see the Southern Cross; and the Pole Star, which
stands so high over you, is here so low we cannot see it for the
haze. We shall not see it again, but the same almighty gracious
Father is over all, and is near to all who love Him. You are now
alone in the world, and must seek his friendship and guidance, for
if you do not lean on Him, you will go astray, and find that the
way of transgressors is hard. The Lord be gracious to you, and
accept you, though unworthy of his favor."
Sierra Leone was reached in a fortnight. Dr. Livingstone was
gratified to learn that, during the last ten years, the health of
the town had improved greatly--consequent on the abatement of the
"whisky fever," and the draining and paving of the streets through
the activity of Governor Hill. He found the Sunday as well kept as
in Scotland, and was sure that posterity would acknowledge the
great blessing which the operations of the English Squadron on the
one hand and the various Christian missions on the other had
effected. He was more than ever convinced, notwithstanding all that
had been said against it, that the English Squadron had been a
great blessing on the West Coast. The Christian missions, too, that
had been planted under the protection of the Squadron, were an
evidence of its beneficial influence. He used constantly to refer
with intense gratitude to the work of Lord Palmerston in this
cause, and to the very end of his life his Lordship was among the
men whose memory he most highly honored. Often, when he wished to
describe his aim briefly, in regard to slavery, commerce, and
missions, he would say it was to do on the East Coast what had been
done on the West. At Sierra Leone a crew of twelve Kroomen was
engaged and taken on board for the navigation of the "Ma-Robert,"
after it should reach the Zambesi. On their leaving Sierra Leone,
the weather became very rough, and from the state of Mrs.
Livingstone's health, inclining very much to fever, it was deemed
necessary that she, with Oswell, should be left at the Cape, go to
Kuruman for a time, and after her coming confinement, join her
husband on the Zambesi in 1860. "This," says Livingstone in his
Journal, "is a great trial to me, for had she come on with us, she
might have proved of essential service to the Expedition in case of
sickness or otherwise; but it may all turn out for the best." It
was the first disappointment, and it was but partially balanced by
his learning from Dr. Moffat, who, with his wife, met them at the
Cape, that he had made out his visit to Mosilikatse, and had
learned that the men whom Livingstone had left at Tette had not
returned home, so that they would still be waiting for him there.
He knew of what value they would be to him in explaining his
intentions to the natives. From Sir George Grey, the excellent
Governor of the Cape, and the inhabitants of Cape Town generally,
the Expedition met with an unusually cordial reception. At a great
meeting at the Exchange, a silver box containing a testimonial of
eight hundred guineas was presented to Livingstone by the Governor;
and two days after, a grand dinner was given to the members of the
Expedition, the Attorney-General being in the chair. Mr. Maclear
was most enthusiastic in the reception of his friend, and at the
public meeting had so much to say about him that he could hardly be
brought to a close. It must have been highly amusing to Livingstone
to contrast Cape Town in 1852 with Cape Town in 1858. In 1852 he
was so suspected that he could hardly get a pound of gunpowder or a
box of caps while preparing for his unprecedented journey, and he
had to pay a heavy fine to get rid of a cantankerous post-master.
Now he returns with the Queen's gold band round his cap, and with
brighter decorations round his name than Sovereigns can give; and
all Cape Town hastens to honor him. It was a great victory, as it
was also a striking illustration of the world's ways.
It is not our object to follow Dr. Livingstone into all the
details of his Expedition, but merely to note a few of the more
salient points, in connection with the opportunities it afforded
for the achievement of his object and the development of his
character. It may he well to note here generally how the years were
occupied. The remainder of 1858 was employed in exploring the
mouths of the Zambesi, and the river itself up to Tette and the
Kebrabasa Rapids, a few miles beyond. Next year--1859--was devoted
mainly to three successive trips on the river Shiré, the
third being signalized by the discovery of Lake Nyassa. In 1860
Livingstone went back with his Makololo up the Zambesi to the
territories of Sekelétu. In 1861, after exploring the river
Rovuma, and assisting Bishop Mackenzie to begin the Universities'
Mission, he started for Lake Nyassa, returning to the ship toward
the end of the year. In 1862 occurred the death of the Bishop and
other missionaries, and also, during a detention at Shupanga, the
death of Mrs. Livingstone: in the latter part of the year
Livingstone again explored the Rovuma. In 1863 he was again
exploring the Shiré Valley and Lake Nyassa, when an order
came from Her Majesty's Government, recalling the Expedition. In
1864 he started in the "Lady Nyassa" for Bombay, and thence
returned to England.
On the 1st May, 1858, the "Pearl" sailed from Simon's Bay, and
on the 14th stood in for the entrance to the Zambesi, called the
West Luabo, or Hoskins's Branch. Of their progress Dr. Livingstone
gives his impressions in the following letter to his friend Mr.
James Young:
"'PEARL,'10th May, 1858.
"Here we are, off Cape Corrientes ('Whaur's that, I wonner?'), and
hope to be off the Luabo four days hence. We have been most
remarkably favored in the weather, and it is well, for had our ship
been in a gale with all this weight on her deck, it would have been
perilous. Mrs. Livingstone was sea-sick all the way from Sierra
Leone, and got as thin as a lath. As this was accompanied by fever,
I was forced to run into Table Bay, and when I got ashore I found
her father and mother down all the way from Kuruman to see us and
help the young missionaries, whom the London Missionary Society has
not yet sent. Glad, of course, to see the old couple again. We had
a grand to-do at the Cape. Eight hundred guineas were presented in
a silver box by the hand of the Governor, Sir George Grey, a fine
fellow. Sure, no one might be more thankful to the Giver of all
than myself. The Lord grant me grace to serve Him with heart and
soul--the only return I can make!... It was a bitter parting with
my wife, like tearing the heart out of one. It was so unexpected;
and now we are screwing away up the coast.... We are all agreeable
yet, and all looking forward with ardor to our enterprise. It is
likely that I shall come down with the 'Pearl' through the Delta to
doctor them if they become ill, and send them on to Ceylon with a
blessing. All have behaved well, and I am really thankful to see
it, and hope that God will graciously make some better use of us in
promoting his glory. I met a Dr. King in Simon's Bay, of the
'Cambrian' frigate, one of our class-mates in the Andersonian. This
frigate, by the way, saluted us handsomely when we sailed out. We
have a man-of-war to help us (the 'Hermes'), but the lazy muff is
far behind. He is, however, to carry our despatches to
Quilimane...."
A letter to Dr. Moffat lets us know in what manner he was
preparing to teach the twelve Kroomen who were to navigate the
"Ma-Robert," and his old Makololo men:
"First of all, supposing Mr. Skead should take this
back by the 'Hermes' in time to catch you at the Cape, would you be
kind enough to get a form of prayer printed for me? We have twelve
Kroomen, who seem docile and willing to be taught; when we are
parted from the 'Pearl' we shall have prayers with them every
morning.... I think it will be an advantage to have the prayers in
Sichuana when my men join us, and if we have a selection from the
English Litany, with the Lord's Prayer in Sichuana, all may join.
Will you translate it, beginning at 'Remember not, Lord, our
offenses,' up to 'the right way'? Thence, petition for chiefs, and
on to the end.... The Litany need not be literal. I suppose you are
not a rabid nonconformist, or else I would not venture to ask
this...."
By the time they reached the mouth of the Zambesi, Livingstone
was suffering from a severe attack of diarrhoea. On the 16th of
May, being Sunday, while still suffering, he deemed it a work of
necessity, in order to get as soon as possible out of the
fever-breeding region of mangrove swamps where they had anchored,
that they should at remove the sections of the "Ma-Robert" from the
"Pearl"; accordingly, with the exception of the time occupied in
the usual prayers, that day was spent in labor. His constant regard
for the day of rest and great unwillingness to engage in labor
then, is the best proof that on this occasion the necessity for
working was to his mind absolutely irresistible. He had found that
active exercise every day was one of the best preventives of fever;
certainly it is very remarkable how thoroughly the men of the
Expedition escaped it at this time. In his Journal he says: "After
the experience gained by Dr. M'William, and communicated to the
world in his admirable Medical History of the Niger
Expedition, I should have considered myself personally guilty
had any of the crew of the 'Pearl' or of the Expedition been cut
off through delay in the mangrove swamps." Afterward, when Mrs.
Livingstone died during a long but unavoidable delay at Shupanga, a
little farther up, he was more than ever convinced that he had
acted rightly. But some of his friends were troubled, and many
reflections were thrown on him, especially by those who bore him no
good-will.
The first important fact in the history of the Expedition was
the discovery of the advantage of the Kongone entrance of the
Zambesi, the best of all the mouths of the river for navigation.
Soon after a site was fixed on as a depôt, and while the
luggage and stores were being landed at it, there occurred an
unfortunate collision with the naval officer, who tendered his
resignation. At first Livingstone declined to accept of it, but on
its being tendered a second time he allowed the officer to go. It
vexed him to the last degree to have this difference so early, nor
did he part with the officer without much forbearance and anxiety
to ward off the breach. In his despatches to Government the whole
circumstances were fully detailed. Letters to Mr. Maclear and other
private friends give a still more detailed narrative. In a few
quarters blame was cast upon him, and in the Cape newspapers the
affair was much commented on. In due time there came a reply from
Lord Malmesbury, then Foreign Secretary, dated 26th April, 1859, to
the effect that after full inquiry by himself, and after consulting
with the Admiralty, his opinion was that the officer had failed to
clear himself, and that Dr. Livingstone's proceedings were fully
approved. Livingstone had received authority to stop the pay of any
member of the Expedition that should prove unsatisfactory; this, of
course, subjected his conduct to the severer criticism.
When the officer left, Livingstone calmly took his place, adding
the charge of the ship to his other duties. This step would appear
alike rash and presumptuous, did we not know that he never
undertook any work without full deliberation, and did we not
remember that in the course of three sea-voyages which he had
performed he had had opportunities of seeing how a ship was
managed--opportunities of which, no doubt, with his great activity
of mind, he had availed himself most thoroughly. The facility with
which he could assume a new function, and do its duties as if he
had been accustomed to it all his life, was one of the most
remarkable things about him. His chief regret in taking the new
burden was, that it would limit his intercourse with the natives,
and prevent him from doing as much missionary work as he desired.
Writing soon after to Miss Whately, of Dublin, he says: "It was
imagined we could not help ourselves, but I took the task of
navigating on myself, and have conducted the steamer over 1600
miles, though as far as my likings go, I would as soon drive a cab
in November fogs in London as be 'skipper' in this hot sun; but I
shall go through with it as a duty." To his friend Mr. Young he
makes humorous reference to his awkwardness in nautical language:
"My great difficulty is calling out 'starboard' when I mean 'port,'
and feeling crusty when I see the helmsman putting the helm the
wrong way."
Another difficulty arose from the state of the country north of
the Zambesi, in consequence of the natives having rebelled against
the Portuguese and being in a state of war. Livingstone was
cautioned that he would be attacked if he ventured to penetrate
into the country. He resolved to keep out of the quarrel, but to
push on in spite of it. At one time his party, being mistaken for
Portuguese, were on the point of being fired on, but on Livingstone
shouting out that they were English the natives let them alone. On
reaching Tette he found his old followers in ecstasies at seeing
him; the Portuguese Government had done nothing for them, but Major
Sicard, the excellent Governor of Tette, had helped them to find
employment and maintain themselves. Thirty had died of small-pox;
six had been killed by an unfriendly chief. When the survivors saw
Dr. Livingstone, they said: "The Tette people often taunted us by
saying, 'Your Englishman will never return;' but we trusted you,
and now we shall sleep." It gave Livingstone a new hold on them and
on the natives generally, that he had proved true to his promise,
and had come back as he had said. As the men had found ways of
living at Tette, Livingstone was not obliged to take them to their
home immediately.
One of his first endeavors after reaching Tette was to ascertain
how far the navigation of the Zambesi was impeded by the rapids at
Kebrabasa, between twenty and thirty miles above Tette, which he
had heard of but not seen on his journey from Linyanti to
Quilimane. The distance was short and the enterprise apparently
easy, but in reality it presented such difficulties as only his
dogged perseverance could have overcome. After he had been twice at
the rapids, and when he believed he had seen the whole, he
accidentally learned, after a day's march on the way home, that
there was another rapid which he had not yet seen. Determined to
see all, he returned, with Dr. Kirk and four Makololo, and it was
on this occasion that his followers, showing the blisters on their
feet burst by the hot rocks, told him, when he urged them to make
another effort, that hitherto they had always believed he had a
heart, but now they saw he had none, and wondered if he were mad.
Leaving them, he and Dr. Kirk pushed on alone; but their boots and
clothes were destroyed; in three hours they made but a mile. Next
day, however, they gained their point and saw the rapid. It was
plain to Dr. Livingstone that had he taken this route in 1856,
instead of through the level Shidina country, he must have
perished. The party were of opinion that when the river was in full
flood the rapids might be navigated, and this opinion was confirmed
on a subsequent visit paid by Mr. Charles Livingstone and Mr.
Baines during the rainy season. But the "Ma-Robert" with its single
engine had not power to make way. It was resolved to apply to Her
Majesty's Government for a more suitable vessel to carry them up
the country, stores and all. Until the answer should come to this
application, Dr. Livingstone could not return with his Makololo to
their own country.
While making this application, he was preparing another string
for his bow. He wrote to his friend Mr. James Young that if
Government refused he would get a vessel at his own expense, and in
a succession of letters authorized him to spend £2000 of his
own money in the purchase of a suitable ship. Eventually, both
suggestions were carried into effect. The Government gave the
"Pioneer" for the navigation of the Zambesi and lower Shiré;
Livingstone procured the "Lady Nyassa" for the Lake (where,
however, she never floated), but the cost was more than
£6000--the greater part, indeed, of the profits of his
book.
The "Ma-Robert," which had promised so well at first, now turned
out a great disappointment. Her consumption of fuel was enormous;
her furnace had to be lighted hours before the steam was
serviceable; she snorted so horribly that they called her "The
Asthmatic," and after all she made so little progress that canoes
could easily pass her. Having taken much interest in the purchase
of the vessel, and thought he was getting a great bargain because
its owner professed to do so much through "love of the cause,"
Livingstone was greatly mortified when he found he had got an
inferior and unworthy article; and many a joke he made, as well as
remarks of a more serious kind, in connection with the manner which
the "eminent shipbuilder" had taken to show his love.
Early in 1859 the exploration of the Shiré was begun--a
river hitherto absolutely unknown. The country around was rich and
fertile, the natives not unfriendly, but suspicious. They had
probably never been visited before but by man-stealers, and had
never seen Europeans. The Shiré Valley was inhabited by the
Manganja, a very warlike race. Some days' journey above the
junction with the Zambesi, where the Shiré issues from the
mountains, the progress of the party was stopped by rapids, to
which they gave the name of the "Murchison Cataracts." It seemed in
vain to penetrate among the people at that time without supplies,
considering how suspicious they were. Crowds went along the banks
watching them by day; they had guards over them all night, and
these were always ready with their bows and poisoned arrows.
Nevertheless, some progress was made in civilizing them, and at a
future time it was hoped that further exploration might take
place.
Some passages in Livingstone's private Journal give us a glimpse
of the more serious thoughts that were passing through his mind at
this time:
"March 3, 1859.--If we dedicate ourselves to God
unreservedly He will make use of whatever peculiarities of
constitution He has imparted for his own glory, and He will in
answer to prayer give wisdom to guide. He will so guide as to make
useful. O how far am I from that hearty devotion to God I read of
in others! The Lord have mercy on me a sinner!"
"March 5th.--A woman left Tette yesterday with a cargo of
slaves (20 men and 40 women) in irons to sell to St. Cruz [a
trader], for exportation at Bourbon. Francisco at Shupanga is the
great receiver for Cruz. This is carnival, and it is observed
chiefly as a drinking feast."
"March 6th.--Teaching Makololo Lord's Prayer and Creed.
Prayers as usual at 9-1/2 A.M. When employed in active travel, my
mind becomes inactive, and the heart cold and dead, but after
remaining some time quiet, the heart revives and I become more
spiritually-minded. This is a mercy which I have experienced
before, and when I see a matter to be duty I go on regardless of my
feelings. I do trust that the Lord is with me, though the mind is
engaged in other matters than the spiritual. I want my whole life
to be out and out for the Divine glory, and my earnest prayer is
that God may accept what his own Spirit must have implanted--the
desire to glorify Him. I have been more than usually drawn out in
earnest prayer of late--for the Expedition--for my family--the fear
lest ----'s misrepresentation may injure the cause of Christ--the
hope that I may be permitted to open this dark land to the blessed
gospel. I have cast all before my God. Good Lord, have mercy upon
me. Leave me not, nor forsake me. He has guided well in time past.
I commit my way to Him for the future. All I have received has come
from Him. Will He be pleased in mercy to use me for his glory? I
have prayed for this, and Jesus himself said, 'Ask, and ye shall
receive, and a host of statements to the same effect. There is a
great deal of trifling frivolousness in not trusting in God. Not
trusting in Him who is truth itself, faithfulness, the same
yesterday, to-day, and for ever! It is presumption not to trust in
Him implicitly, and yet this heart is sometimes fearfully guilty of
distrust. I am ashamed to think of it. Ay; but He must put the
trusting, loving, childlike spirit in by his grace. O Lord, I am
Thine, truly I am Thine--take me--do what seemeth good in Thy sight
with me, and give me complete resignation to Thy will in all
things."
Two months later (May, 1859), a second ascent of the
Shiré was performed, and friendly relations were established
with a clever chief named Chibisa, "a jolly person, who laughs
easily--which is always a good sign." Chibisa believed firmly in
two things--the divine right of kings, and the impossibility that
Chibisa should ever be in the wrong. He told them that his father
had imparted an influence to him, which had come in by his head,
whereby every person that had heard him speak respected him
greatly. Livingstone evidently made a great impression on Chibisa;
like other chiefs, he began to fall under the spell of his
influence.
Making a détour to the east, the travelers now discovered
Lake Shirwa, "a magnificent inland lake." This lake was absolutely
unknown to the Portuguese, who, indeed, were never allowed by the
natives to enter the Shiré. Livingstone had often to explain
that he and his party were not Portuguese but British. After
discovering this lake, the party returned to the ship, and then
sailed to the Kongone harbor, in hopes of meeting a man-of-war and
obtaining provisions. In this, however, they were disappointed.
Some idea of the voluminous correspondence carried on by Dr.
Livingstone may be formed from the following enumeration of the
friends to whom he addressed letters in May of this year: Lords
Clarendon and Palmerston, Bishop of Oxford, Miss Burdett Coutts,
Mr. Venn, Lord Kinnaird, Mr. James Wilson, Mr. Oswell, Colonel
Steele, Dr. Newton of Philadelphia, his brother John in Canada,
J.B. and C. Braithwaite, Dr. Andrew Smith, Admiral F. Grey, Sir R.
Murchison, Captain Washington, Mr. Maclear, Professor Owen, Major
Vardon, Mrs. Livingstone, Viscount Goderich.
Here is the account he gave of his proceedings to his little
daughter Agnes:
"
River Shiré, 1st June 1859.--We have
been down to the mouth of the river Zambesi in expectation of
meeting a man-of-war with salt provisions, but, none appearing on
the day appointed, we conclude that the Admiral has not received my
letters in time to send her. We have no post-office here, so we
buried a bottle containing a letter on an island in the entrance to
Kongone harbor. This we told the Admiral we should do in case of
not meeting the cruiser, and whoever comes will search for our
bottle and see another appointment for 30th of July. This goes with
despatches by way of Quilimane, and I hope some day to get from you
a letter by the same route. We have got no news from home since we
left Liverpool, and we long now to hear how all goes on in Europe
and in India. I am now on my way to Tette, but we ran up the
Shiré some forty miles to buy rice for our company. Uncle
Charles is there, He has had some fever, but is better. We left him
there about two months ago, and Dr. Kirk and I, with some fifteen
Makololo, ascended this river one hundred miles in the 'Ma-Robert,'
then left the vessel and proceeded beyond that on foot till we had
discovered a magnificent lake called Shirwa (pronounced Shurwah).
It was very grand, for we could not see the end of it, though some
way up a mountain; and all around it are mountains much higher than
any you see in Scotland. One mountain stands in the lake, and
people live on it. Another, called Zomba, is more than six thousand
feet high, and people live on it too, for we could see their
gardens on its top, which is larger than from Glasgow to Hamilton,
or about from fifteen to eighteen miles. The country is quite a
Highland region, and many people live in it. Most of them were
afraid of us. The women ran into their huts and shut the doors. The
children screamed in terror, and even the hens would fly away and
leave their chickens. I suppose you would be frightened, too, if
you saw strange creatures, say a lot of Trundlemen, like those on
the Isle of Man pennies, come whirling up the street. No one was
impudent to us except some slave-traders, but they became civil as
soon as they learned we were English and not Portuguese. We saw the
sticks they employ for training any one whom they have just bought.
One is is about eight feet long, the head, or neck rather, is put
into the space between the dotted lines and shaft, and another
slave carries the end. When they are considered tame they are
allowed to go in chains.
"I am working in the hope that in the course of time this horrid
system may cease. All the country we traveled through is capable of
growing cotton and sugar, and the people now cultivate a good deal.
They would grow much more if they could only sell it. At present we
in England are the mainstay of slavery in America and elsewhere by
buying slave-grown produce. Here there are hundreds of miles of
land lying waste, and so rich that the grass towers far over one's
head in walking. You cannot see where the narrow paths end, the
grass is so tall and overhangs them so. If our countrymen were here
they would soon render slave-buying unprofitable. Perhaps God may
honor us to open up the way for this. My heart is sore when I think
of so many of our countrymen in poverty and misery, while they
might be doing so much good to themselves and others where our
Heavenly Father has so abundantly provided fruitful hills and
fertile valleys. If our people were out here they would not need to
cultivate little snatches by the side of railways as they do. But
all is in the hands of the all-wise Father We must trust that He
will bring all out right at last.
"My dear Agnes, you must take Him to be your Father and Guide. Tell
Him all that is in your heart, and make Him your confidant. His ear
is ever open, and He despiseth not the humblest sigh. He is your
best friend and loves at all times. It is not enough to be a
servant, you must be a friend of Jesus. Love Him and surrender your
entire being to Him. The more you trust Him, casting all your care
upon Him, the more He is pleased, and He will so guide you that
your life will be for his own glory. The Lord be with you. My kind
love to Grandma and to all your friends. I hope your eyes are
better, and that you are able to read books for yourself. Tell Tom
that we caught a young elephant in coming down the Shiré,
about the size of the largest dog he ever saw, but one of the
Makololo, in a state of excitement, cut its trunk, so that it bled
very much, and died in two days. Had it lived we should have sent
it to the Queen, as no African elephant was ever seen in England.
No news from mamma and Oswell.
Another evidence of the place of his children in his thoughts is
found in the following lines in his Journal:
"20th June, 1859.--I cannot and will not
attribute any of the public attention which has been awakened to my
own wisdom or ability. The great Power being my Helper, I shall
always say that my success is all owing to his favor. I have been
the channel of the Divine Power, and I pray that his gracious
influence may penetrate me so that all may turn to the advancement
of his gracious reign in this fallen world.
"Oh, may the mild influence of the Eternal Spirit enter the bosoms
of my children, penetrate their souls, and diffuse through their
whole natures the everlasting love of God in Jesus Christ! Holy,
gracious, almighty Power, I hide myself in Thee through Thy
almighty Son. Take my children under Thy care. Purify them and fit
them for Thy service. Let the beams of the Sun of Righteousness
produce spring, summer, and harvest in them for Thee."
The short trip from Kongone to Tette and back was marked by some
changes in the composition of the party. The Kroomen being found to
be useless, were shipped on board a man-of-war. The services of two
members of the Expedition were also dispensed with, as they were
not found to be promoting its ends. Livingstone would not pay the
public money to men who, he believed, were not thoroughly earning
it. To these troubles was added the constantly increasing
mortification arising from the state of the ship.
It has sometimes been represented, in view of such facts as have
just been recorded, that Livingstone was imperious and despotic in
the management of other men, otherwise he and his comrades would
have got on better together. The accusation, even at first sight,
has an air of improbability, for Livingstone's nature was most
kindly, and it was the aim of his life to increase enjoyment. In
explanation of the friction on board his ship it must be remembered
that his party were a sort of scratch crew brought together without
previous acquaintance or knowledge of each other's ways; that the
heat and the mosquitoes, the delays, the stoppages on sandbanks,
the perpetual struggle for fuel [59], the monotony of existence, with so little
to break it, and the irritating influence of the climate, did not
tend to smooth their tempers or increase the amenities of life. The
malarious climate had a most disturbing effect. No one, it is said,
who has not experienced it, could imagine the sensation of misery
connected with the feverish attacks so common in the low districts.
And Livingstone had difficulties in managing his countrymen he had
not in managing the natives. He was so conscientious, so deeply in
earnest, so hard a worker himself, that he could endure nothing
that seemed like playing or trifling with duty. Sometimes, too,
things were harshly represented to him, on which a milder
construction might have been put. One of those with whom he parted
at this time afterward rejoined the Expedition, his pay being
restored on Livingstone's intercession. Those who continued to
enjoy his friendship were never weary of speaking of his delightful
qualities as a companion in travel, and the warm sunshine which he
had the knack of spreading around.
[59] This was incredible. Livingstone wrote to
his friend José Nunes that it took all hands a day and a
half to cut one day's fuel.
A third trip up the Shiré was made in August, and on the
16th of September Lake Nyassa was discovered. Livingstone had no
doubt that he and his party were the discoverers; Dr. Roscher, on
whose behalf a claim was subsequently made, was two months later,
and his unfortunate murder by the natives made it doubtful at what
point he reached the lake. The discovery of Lake Nyassa, as well as
Lake Shirwa, was of immense importance, because they were both
parallel to the ocean, and the whole traffic of the regions beyond
must pass by this line. The configuration of the Shiré
Valley, too, was favorable to colonization. The valley occupied
three different levels. First there was a plain on the level of the
river, like that of the Nile, close and hot. Rising above this to
the east there was another plain, 2000 feet high, three or four
miles broad, salubrious and pleasant. Lastly, there was a third
plain 3000 feet above the second, positively cold. To find such
varieties of climate within a few miles of each other was most
interesting.
In other respects the region opened up was remarkable. There was
a great amount of fertile land, and the products were almost
endless. The people were industrious; in the Upper Shiré,
notwithstanding a great love of beer, they lived usually to a great
age. Cleanliness was not a universal virtue; the only way in which
the Expedition could get rid of a troublesome follower was by
threatening to wash him. The most disagreeable thing in the
appearance of the women was their lip-ornament, consisting of a
ring of ivory or tin, either hollow or made into a cup, inserted in
the upper lip. Dr. Livingstone used to give full particulars of
this fearful practice, having the idea that the taste of ladies at
home in dress and ornament was not free from similar absurdity; or,
as he wrote at this time to the Royal Geographical Society of
Vienna, in acknowledging the honor of being made a corresponding
member, "because our own ladies, who show so much virtuous
perseverance with their waists, may wish to try lip-ornament too."
In regard to the other sex, he informed the same Society: "I could
see nothing encouraging for the gentlemen who are anxious to prove
that we are all descended from a race that wore tails."
In the highland regions of the Shiré Valley, the party
were distinctly conscious of an increase of energy, from the more
bracing climate. Dr. Livingstone was thoroughly convinced that
these highlands of the Shiré Valley were the proper locality
for commercial and missionary stations. Thus one great object of
the Expedition was accomplished. In another point of view, this
locality would be highly serviceable for stations. It was the great
pathway for conveying slaves from the north and northwest to
Zanzibar. Of this he had only too clear evidence in the gangs of
slaves whom he saw marched along from time to time, and whom he
would have been most eager to release had he known of any way of
preventing them from falling again into the hands of the
slave-sellers. In this region Englishmen "might enjoy good health,
and also be of signal benefit, by leading the multitude of
industrious inhabitants to cultivate cotton, maize, sugar, and
other valuable produce, to exchange for goods of European
manufacture, at the same time teaching them, by precept and
example, the great truths of our holy religion." Water-carriage
existed all the way from England, with the exception of the
Murchison Cataracts, along which a road of forty miles might easily
be made. A small steamer on the lake would do more good in
suppressing the slave-trade than half-a-dozen men-of-war in the
ocean. If the Zambesi could be opened to commerce the bright vision
of the last ten years would be realized, and the Shiré
Valley and banks of the Nyassa transformed into the garden of the
Lord.
From the very first Livingstone saw the importance of the
Shiré Valley and Lake Nyassa as the key to Central Africa.
Ever since, it has become more and more evident that his surmise
was correct. To make the occupation thoroughly effective, he
thought much of the desirableness of a British colony, and was
prepared to expend a great part of the remainder of his private
means to carry it into effect. On August 4th, he says in his
Journal:
"I have a very strong desire to commence a system of
colonization of the honest poor; I would give £2000 or
£3000 for the purpose. Intend to write my friend Young about
it, and authorize him to draw if the project seems feasible. The
Lord remember my desire, sanctify my motives, and purify all my
desires. Wrote him.
"Colonization from a country such as ours ought to be one of hope,
and not of despair. It ought not to be looked upon as the last and
worst shift that a family can come to, but the performance of an
imperative duty to our blood, our country, our religion, and to
humankind. As soon as children begin to be felt an incumbrance, and
what was properly in ancient times Old Testament blessings are no
longer welcomed, parents ought to provide for removal to parts of
this wide world where every accession is an addition of strength,
and every member of the household feels in his inmost heart, 'the
more the merrier.' It is a monstrous evil that all our healthy,
handy, blooming daughters of England have not a fair chance at
least to become the centres of domestic affections. The state of
society, which precludes so many of them from occupying the
position which Englishwomen are so well calculated to adorn, gives
rise to enormous evils in the opposite sex,--evils and wrongs which
we dare not even name,--and national colonization is almost the
only remedy. Englishwomen are, in general, the most beautiful in
the world, and yet our national emigration has often, by selecting
the female emigrants from workhouses, sent forth the ugliest
huzzies in creation to be the mothers--the model mothers--of new
empires. Here, as in other cases, State necessities have led to the
ill-formed and ill-informed being preferred to the well-formed and
well-inclined honest poor, as if the worst as well as better
qualities of mankind did not often run in the blood."
The idea of the colony quite fascinated Livingstone, and we find
him writing on it fully to three of his most confidential business
friends--Mr. Maclear, Mr. Young, and Sir Roderick Murchison. In all
Livingstone's correspondence we find the tone of his letters
modified by the character of his correspondents. While to Mr. Young
and Sir Roderick he is somewhat cautious on the subject of the
colony, knowing the keen practical eye they would direct on the
proposal, to Mr. Maclear he is more gushing. He writes to him:
"I feel such a gush of emotion on thinking of the great
work before us that I must unburden my mind. I am becoming every
day more decidedly convinced that English colonization is an
essential ingredient for our large success.... In this new region
of Highlands no end of good could be effected in developing the
trade in cotton and in discouraging that in slaves.... You know how
I have been led on from one step to another by the overruling
Providence of the great Parent, as I believe, in order to a great
good for Africa. 'Commit thy way unto the Lord, trust also in Him,
and He will bring it to pass.' I have tried to do this, and now see
the prospect in front spreading out grandly.... But how is the land
so promising to be occupied?... How many of our home poor are
fighting hard to keep body and soul together! My heart yearns over
our own poor when I see so much of God's fair earth unoccupied.
Here it is really so; for the people have only a few sheep and
goats, and no cattle. I wonder why we cannot have the old monastery
system without the celibacy. In no other part where I have been
does the prospect of self-support seem so inviting, and promising
so much influence. Most of what is done for the poor has especial
reference to the blackguard poor."
In his letter to Mr. Young he expressed his conviction that a
great desideratum in mission agency was missionary emigration by
honest Christian poor to give living examples of Christian life
that would insure permanency to the gospel once planted. He had
always had a warm side to the English and Scottish poor--his own
order, indeed. If twenty or thirty families would come out as an
experiment, he was ready to give £2000 without saying from
whom. He bids Mr. Young speak about the plan to Thorn of Chorley,
Turner of Manchester, Lord Shaftesbury, and the Duke of Argyll.
"Now, my friend," he adds, "do your best, and God's blessing be
with you. Much is done for the blackguard poor. Let us remember our
own class, and do good while we have opportunity. I hereby
authorize you to act in my behalf, and do whatever is to be done
without hesitancy."
These letters, and their references to the honest poor, are
characteristic. We have seen that among Dr. Livingstone's
forefathers and connections were some very noble specimens of the
honest poor. It touched him to think that, with all their worth,
their life had been one protracted struggle. His sympathies were
cordially with the class. He desired with all his heart to see them
with a little less of the burden and more of the comfort of life.
And he believed very thoroughly that, as Christian settlers in a
heathen country, they might do more to promote Christianity among
the natives than solitary missionaries could accomplish.
His parents and sisters were not forgotten. His letters to home
are again somewhat in the apologetic vein. He feels that some
explanation must be given of his own work, and some vindication of
his coadjutors:
"We are working hard," he writes to his mother, "at
what some can see at a glance the importance of, while to others we
appear following after the glory of discovering lakes, mountains,
jenny-nettles, and puddock-stools. In reference to these people I
always remember a story told me by the late Dr. Philip with great
glee. When a young minister in Aberdeen, he visited an old woman in
affliction, and began to talk very fair to her on the duty of
resignation, trusting, hoping, and all the rest of it, when the old
woman looked up into his face, and said, 'Peer thing, ye ken
naething aboot it.' This is what I say to those who set themselves
up to judge another man's servant. We hope our good Master may
permit us to do some good to our fellow-men."
His correspondence with Sir Roderick Murchison is likewise full
of the idea of the colony. He is thoroughly persuaded that no good
will ever be done by the Portuguese. They are a worn-out
people--utterly worn out by disease--their stamina consumed. Fresh
European blood must be poured into Africa. In consequence of recent
discoveries, he now sees his way open, and all his hopes of benefit
to England and Africa about to be realized. This must have been one
of Livingstone's happiest times. Visions of Christian colonies, of
the spread of arts and civilization, of the progress of
Christianity and the Christian graces, of the cultivation of cotton
and the disappearance of the slave-trade, floated before him.
Already the wilderness seemed to be blossoming. But the bright
consummation was not so near as it seemed. One source of mischief
was yet unchecked, and from it disastrous storms were preparing to
break on the enterprise.
On his way home, Dr. Livingstone's health was not satisfactory,
but this did not keep him from duty. "14th
October>.--Went on 17th part way up to Murchison's
Cataracts, and yesterday reached it. Very ill with bleeding from
the bowels and purging. Bled all night. Got up at one A.M. to take
latitude."
At length, on 4th November, 1859, letters reached him from his
family. "A letter from Mrs. L. says we were blessed with a little
daughter on 16th November, 1858, at Kuruman. A fine healthy child.
The Lord bless and make her his own child in heart and life!" She
had been nearly a year in the world before he heard of her
existence.
CHAPTER XIII.
GOING HOME WITH THE MAKOLOLO.
Down to Kongone--State of the ship--Further delay--Letter to
Secretary of Universities Mission--Letter to Mr. Braithwaite--At
Tette--Miss Whately's sugar-mill--With his brother and Kirk at
Kebrabasa--Mode of traveling--Reappearence of old friends--African
warfare and its effects--Desolation--A European colony
desirable--Escape from rhinoceros--Rumors of Moffat--The Portuguese
local Governors oppose Livingstone--He becomes unpopular with
them--Letter to Mr. Young--Wants of the country--The
Makololo--Approach home--Some are disappointed--News of the death
of the London missionaries, the Helmores and others--Letter to Dr.
Moffat--The Victoria Falls re-examined--Sekelétu ill of
leprosy--Treatment and recovery--His disappointment at not seeing
Mrs. Livingstone--Efforts for the spiritual good of the
Makololo--Careful observations in Natural History--The last of the
"Ma-Robert"--Cheering prospect of the Universities Mission--Letter
to Mr. Moore--to Mr. Young--He wishes another ship--Letter to Sir
Roderick Murchison on the rumored journey of Silva Porto.
It was necessary to go down to Kongone for the repair of the
ship. Livingstone was greatly disappointed with it, and thought the
greed of the vendor had supplied him with a very inferior article
for the price of a good one. He thus pours forth his vexation in
writing to a friend: "Very grievous it is to be standing here
tinkering when we might be doing good service to the cause of
African civilization, and that on account of insatiable greediness.
Burton may thank L. and B. that we are not at the other lakes
before him. The loss of time greediness has inflicted on us has
been frightful. My plan in this Expedition was excellent, but it
did not include provisions against hypocrisy and fraud, which have
sorely crippled us, and, indeed, ruined us, as a scientific
Expedition."
Another delay was caused before they went inward, from their
having to wait for a season suitable for hunting, as the party had
to be kept in food. The mail from England had been lost, and they
had the bitter disappointment of losing a year's correspondence
from home. The following portions of a letter to the Secretary of
the Committee for a Universities Mission gives a view of the
situation at this time:
"RIVER ZAMBESI, 26th Jan., 1860.
"The defects we have unfortunately experienced in the 'Ma-Robert,'
or rather the 'Asthmatic,' are so numerous that it would require a
treatise as long as a lawyer's specification of any simple subject
to give you any idea of them, and they have inflicted so much toil
that a feeling of sickness comes over me when I advert to them.
"No one will ever believe the toil we have been put to in
woodcutting. The quantity consumed is enormous, and we cannot get
sufficient for speed into the furnace. It was only a dogged
determination not to be beaten that carried me through.... But all
will come out right at last. We are not alone, though truly we
deserve not his presence. He encourages the trust that is granted
by the word, 'I am with you, even unto the end of the
world.'...
"It is impossible for you to conceive how backward everything is
here, and the Portuguese are not to be depended upon; their
establishments are only small penal settlements, and as no women
are sent out, the state of morals is frightful. The only chance of
success is away from them; nothing would prosper in their vicinity.
After all, I am convinced that were Christianity not divine, it
would be trampled out by its professors. Dr. Kirk, Mr. C.
Livingstone, and Mr. Rae, with two English seamen, do well. We are
now on our way up the river to the Makololo country, but must go
overland from Kebrabasa, or in a whaler. We should be better able
to plan our course if our letters had not been lost. We have never
been idle, and do not mean to be. We have been trying to get the
Portuguese Government to acknowledge free-trade on this river, and
but for long delay in our letters the negotiation might have been
far advanced. I hope Lord John Russell will help in this matter,
and then we must have a small colony or missionary and mercantile
settlement. If this our desire is granted, it is probable we shall
have no cause to lament our long toil and detention here. My wife's
letters, too, were lost, so I don't know how or where she is. Our
separation, and the work I have been engaged in, were not
contemplated, but they have led to our opening a path into the fine
cotton-field in the North. You will see that the discoveries of
Burton and Speke confirm mine respecting the form of the continent
and its fertility. It is an immense field. I crave the honor of
establishing a focus of Christianity in it, but should it not be
granted, I will submit as most unworthy. I have written Mr. Venn
twice, and from yours I see something is contemplated in
Cambridge.... If young men come to this country, they must lay
their account with doing everything for themselves. They must not
expect to find influence at once, and all the countries near to the
Portuguese have been greatly depopulated. We are now ascending this
river without vegetables, and living on salt beef and pork. The
slave-trade has done its work, for formerly all kinds of provisions
could be procured at every point, and at the cheapest rate. We
cannot get anything for either love or money, in a country the
fertility of which is truly astonishing.
A few more general topics are touched on in a letter to Mr.
Braithwaite:
"I am sorry to hear of the death of Mr. Sturge. He
wrote me a long letter on the 'Peace principle,' and before I could
study it carefully, it was mislaid. I wrote him from Tette, as I
did not wish him to suppose I neglected him, and mentioned the
murder of the six Makololo and other things, as difficulties in the
way of adopting his views, as they were perfectly unarmed, and
there was no feud between the tribes. I fear that my letter may not
have reached him alive. The departure of Sir Fowell Buxton and
others is very unexpected. Sorry to see the loss of Dr. Bowen, of
Sierra Leone--a good man and a true. But there is One who ever
liveth to make intercession for us, and to carry on his own work. A
terrible war that was in Italy, and the peace engenders more uneasy
forebodings than any peace ever heard of. It is well that God and
not the devil reigns, and will bring his own purposes to pass,
right through the midst of the wars and passions of men. Have you
any knowledge of a famous despatch written by Sir George Grey (late
of the Cape), on the proper treatment of native tribes? I wish to
study it.
"Tell your children that if I could get hold of a hippopotamus I
would eat it rather than allow it to eat me. We see them often, but
before we get near enough to get a shot they dive down, and remain
hidden till we are past. As for lions, we never see them, sometimes
hear a roar or two, but that is all, and I go on the plan put forth
by a little girl in Scotland who saw a cow coming to her in a
meadow, 'O boo! boo! you no hurt me, I no hurt you.'"
At Tette one of his occupations was to fit up a sugar-mill, the
gift of Miss Whately, of Dublin, and some friends. To that lady he
writes a long letter of nineteen pages. He tells her he had just
put up her beautiful sugar-mill, to show the natives what could be
done by machinery. Then he adverts to the wonderful freedom from
sickness that his party had enjoyed in the delta of the Zambesi,
and proceeds to give an account of the Shiré Valley and its
people. He finds ground for a favorable contrast between the
Shiré natives and the Tette Portuguese:
"They (the natives) have fences made to guard the women
from the alligators, all along the Shiré: at Tette they have
none, and two women were taken past our vessel in the mouths of
these horrid brutes. The number of women taken is so great as to
make the Portuguese swear every time they speak of them, and yet,
when I proposed to the priest to make a collection for a fence, and
offered twenty dollars, he only smiled. You Protestants don't know
all the good you do by keeping our friends of the only true and
infallible Church up to their duty. Here, and in Angola, we see how
it is, when they are not provoked--if not to love, to good
works....
"On telling the Makololo that the sugar-mill had been sent to
Sekelétu by a lady, who collected a sum among other ladies
to buy it, they replied, 'O na le pelu'--she has a heart. I was
very proud of it, and so were they.
"... With reference to the future, I am trying to do what I did
before--obey the injunction, 'Commit thy way to the Lord, trust
also in Him, and He shall bring it to pass.' And I hope that He
will make some use of me. My attention is now directed specially to
the fact that there is no country better adapted for producing the
raw materials of English manufactures than this....
"See to what a length I have run. I have become palaverist. I beg
you to present my respectful salutation to the Archbishop and Mrs.
Whately, and should you meet any of the kind contributors, say how
thankful I am to them all."
From Tette he writes to Sir Roderick Murchison, 7th February,
1860, urging his plan for a steamer on Lake Nyassa: "If Government
furnishes the means, all right; if not, I shall spend my book-money
on it. I don't need to touch the children's fund, and mine could
not be better spent. People who are born rich sometimes become
miserable from a fear of becoming poor; but I have the advantage,
you see, in not being afraid to die poor. If I live, I must succeed
in what I have undertaken; death alone will put a stop to my
efforts."
A month after he writes to the same friend, from Kongone, 10th
March, 1860, that he is sending Rae home for a vessel:
"I tell Lord John Russell that he (Rae) may thereby do
us more service than he can now do in a worn-out steamer, with 35
patches, covering at least 100 holes. I say to his Lordship, that
after we have, by patient investigation and experiment, at the risk
of life, rendered the fever not more formidable than a common cold;
found access, from a good harbor on the coast, to the main stream;
and discovered a pathway into the magnificent Highland lake region,
which promises so fairly for our commerce in cotton, and for our
policy in suppressing the trade in slaves, I earnestly hope that he
will crown our efforts by securing our free passage through those
parts of the Zambesi and Shiré of which the Portuguese make
no use, and by enabling us to introduce civilization in a manner
which will extend the honor and influence of the English
name."
In his communications with the Government at home, Livingstone
never failed to urge the importance of their securing the free
navigation of the Zambesi. The Portuguese on the river were now
beginning to get an inkling of his drift, and to feel indignant at
any countenance he was receiving from their own Government.
Passing up the Zambesi with Charles Livingstone, Dr. Kirk, and
such of the Makololo as were willing to go home, Dr. Livingstone
took a new look at Kebrabasa, from a different point, still
believing that in flood it would allow a steamer to pass. Of his
mode of traveling we have some pleasant glimpses. He always tried
to make progress more a pleasure than a toil, and found that kindly
consideration for the feelings even of blacks, the pleasure of
observing scenery and everything new, as one moves on at an
ordinary pace, and the participation in the most delightful rest
with his fellows, made traveling delightful. He was gratified to
find that he was as able for the fatigue as the natives. Even the
headman, who carried little more than he did himself, and never,
like him, hunted in the afternoon, was not equal to him. The
hunting was no small addition to the toil; the tired hunter was
often tempted to give it up, after bringing what would have been
only sufficient for the three whites, and leave the rest, thus
sending "the idle, ungrateful poor" supperless to bed. But this was
not his way. The blacks were thought of in hunting as well as the
whites. "It is only by continuance in well-doing," he says, "even
to the length of what the worldly-wise call weakness, that the
conviction is produced anywhere, that our motives are high enough
to secure sincere respect."
As they proceeded, some of his old acquaintances reappeared,
notably Mpende, who had given him such a threatening reception, but
had now learned that he belonged to a tribe "that loved the black
man and did not make slaves." A chief named Pangola appeared, at
first tipsy and talkative, demanding a rifle, and next morning,
just as they were beginning divine service, reappeared sober to
press his request. Among the Baenda-Pezi, or Go-Nakeds, whose only
clothing is a coat of red ochre, a noble specimen of the race
appeared in full dress, consisting of a long tobacco-pipe, and
brought a handsome present.
The country bore the usual traces of the results of African
warfare. At times a clever chief stands up, who brings large tracts
under his dominion; at his death his empire dissolves, and a fresh
series of desolating wars ensues. In one region which was once
studded with villages, they walked a whole week without meeting any
one. A European colony, he was sure, would be invaluable for
constraining the tribes to live in peace. "Thousands of industrious
natives would gladly settle round it, and engage in that peaceful
pursuit of agriculture and trade of which they are so fond, and,
undistracted by wars and rumors of wars, might listen to the
purifying and ennobling truths of the gospel of Jesus Christ." At
Zumbo, the most picturesque site in the country, they saw the ruins
of Jesuit missions, reminding them that there men once met to utter
the magnificent words, "Thou art the King of Glory, O Christ!" but
without leaving one permanent trace of their labors in the belief
and worship of the people.
Wherever they go, Dr. Livingstone has his eye on the trees and
plants and fruits of the region, with a view to commerce; while he
is no less interested to watch the treatment of fever, when cases
occur, and greatly gratified that Dr. Kirk, who had been trying a
variety of medicines on himself, made rapid recovery when he took
Dr. Livingstone's pills. He used to say if he had followed Morison,
and set up as pill-maker, he might have made his fortune. Passing
through the Bazizulu he had an escape from a rhinoceros, as
remarkable though not quite as romantic as his escape from the
lion; the animal came dashing at him, and suddenly, for some
unknown reason, stopped when close to him, and gave him time to
escape, as if it had been struck by his color, and doubtful if
hunting a white man would be good sport.
At a month's distance from Mosilikatse, they heard a report that
the missionaries had been there, that they had told the chief that
it was wrong to kill men, and that the chief had said he was born
to kill people, but would drop the practice--an interesting
testimony to the power of Mr. Moffat's words. Everywhere the
Makololo proclaimed that they were the friends of peace, and their
course was like a triumphal procession, the people of the villages
loading them with presents.
But a new revelation came to Dr. Livingstone. Though the
Portuguese Government had given public orders that he was to be
aided in every possible way, it was evident that private
instructions had come, which, unintentionally perhaps, certainly
produced the opposite effects. The Portuguese who were engaged in
the slave-trade were far too much devoted to it ever to encourage
an enterprise that aimed at extirpating it. Indeed, it became
painfully apparent to Dr. Livingstone that the effect of his
opening up the Zambesi had been to afford the Portuguese traders
new facilities for conducting their unhallowed traffic; and had it
not been for his promise to bring back the Makololo, he would now
have abandoned the Zambesi and tried the Rovuma, as a way of
reaching Nyassa. His future endeavors in connection with the Rovuma
receive their explanation from this unwelcome discovery. The
significance of the discovery in other respects cannot fail to be
seen. Hitherto Livingstone had been on friendly terms with the
Portuguese Government; he could be so no longer. The remarkable
kindness he had so often received from Portuguese officers and
traders made it a most painful trial to break with the authorities.
But there was no alternative. Livingstone's courage was equal to
the occasion, though he could not but see that his new attitude to
the Portuguese must give an altered aspect to his Expedition, and
create difficulties that might bring it to an end.
A letter to Mr. James Young, dated 22d July, near Kalosi, gives
a free and familiar account of "what he was about":
"This is July, 1860, and no letter from you except one
written a few months after we sailed in the year of grace 1858.
What you are doing I cannot divine. I am ready to believe any
mortal thing except that Louis Napoleon has taken you away to make
paraffin oil for the Tuileries. I don't believe that he is supreme
ruler, or that he can go an inch beyond his tether. Well, as I
cannot conceive what you are about, I must tell you what we are
doing, and we are just trudging up the Zambesi as if there were no
steam and no locomotive but shank's nag yet discovered....
"We have heard of a mission for the Interior from the English
Universities, and this is the best news we have got since we came
to Africa. I have recommended up Shiré as a proper sphere,
and hasten back so as to be in the way if any assistance can be
rendered. I rejoice at the prospect with all my heart, and am glad,
too, that it is to be a Church of England Mission, for that Church
has never put forth its strength, and I trust this may draw it
forth. I am tired of discovery when no fruit follows. It was
refreshing to be able to sit down every evening with the Makololo
again, and tell them of Him who came down from heaven to save
sinners. The unmerciful toil of the steamer prevented me from
following my bent as I should have done. Poor fellows! they have
learnt no good from their contact with slavery; many have imbibed
the slave spirit; many had married slave-women and got children.
These I did not expect to return, as they were captives of
Sekelétu, and were not his own proper people. All professed
a strong desire to return. To test them I proposed to burn their
village, but to this they would not assent. We then went out a few
miles and told them that any one wishing to remain might do so
without guilt. A few returned, but though this was stated to them
repeatedly afterward they preferred running away like slaves. I
never saw any of the interior people so devoid of honor. Some
complained of sickness, and all these I sent back, intrusting them
with their burdens. About twenty-five returned in all to live at
Tette. Some were drawn away by promises made to them as
elephant-hunters. I had no objection to their trying to better
their condition, but was annoyed at finding that they would not
tell their intentions, but ran away as if I were using compulsion.
I have learned more of the degrading nature of slavery of late than
I ever conceived before. Our 20 millions were well spent in ridding
ourselves of the incubus, and I think we ought to assist our
countrymen in the West Indies to import free labor from India.... I
cannot tell you how glad I am at a prospect of a better system
being introduced into Eastern Africa than that which has prevailed
for ages, the evils of which have only been intensified by
Portuguese colonization, as it is called. Here we are passing
through a well-peopled, fruitful region--a prolonged valley, for we
have the highlands far on our right. I did not observe before that
all the banks of the Zambesi are cotton-fields. I never intended to
write a book and take no note of cotton, which I now see
everywhere. On the Chongwe we found a species which is cultivated
south of the Zambesi, which resembles some kinds from South
America.
"All that is needed is religious and mercantile establishments to
begin a better system and promote peaceful intercourse. Here we are
among a people who go stark naked with no more sense of shame than
we have with our clothes on. The women have more sense and go
decently. You see great he-animals all about your camp carrying
their indispensable tobacco-pipes and iron tongs to lift fire with,
but the idea of a fig-leaf has never entered the mind. They
cultivate largely have had enormous crops of grain, work well in
iron, and show taste in their dwellings, stools, baskets, and
musical instruments. They are very hospitable, too, and appreciate
our motives; but shame has been unaccountably left out of the
question. They can give no reason for it except that all their
ancestors went exactly as they do. Can you explain why Adam's first
feeling has no trace of existence in his offspring?"
When the party reached the outskirts of Sekelétu's
territory the news they heard was not encouraging. Some of the men
heard that in their absence some of their wives had been variously
disposed of. One had been killed for witchcraft, another had
married again, while Masakasa was told that two years ago a kind of
wild Irish wake had been celebrated in honor of his memory; the
news made him resolve, when he presented himself among them, to
declare himself an inhabitant from another world! One poor fellow's
wail of anguish for his wife was most distressing to hear.
But far more tragical was the news of the missionaries who had
gone from the London Missionary Society to Linyanti, to labor among
Sekelétu's people. Mr. and Mrs. Helmore and several of his
party had succumbed to fever, and the survivors had retired. Dr.
Livingstone was greatly distressed, and not a little hurt, because
he had not heard a word about the mission, nor been asked advice
about any of the arrangements. If only the Helmores and their
comrades had followed the treatment practiced by him so often, and
in this very valley at this time by his brother Charles, they would
probably have recovered. All spoke kindly of Mr. Helmore, who had
quite won the hearts of the people. Knowing their language, he had
at once begun to preach, and some of the young men at
Seshéke were singing the hymns he had taught them. Rumors
had gone abroad that some of the missionaries had been poisoned. In
some quarters blame was cast on Livingstone for having misled the
Society as to the character of Sekelétu and his disposition
toward missionaries; but Livingstone satisfied himself that, though
the missionaries had been neglected no foul play had taken place;
fever alone had caused the deaths, and want of skill in managing
the people had brought the remainder of the troubles. One piece of
good news which he heard at Linyanti was that his old friend
Sechéle was doing well. He had a Hanoverian missionary, nine
tribes were under him, and the schools were numerously
attended.
Writing to Dr. Moffat, 10th August, 1860, from Zambesi Falls, he
says:
"With great sorrow we learned the death of our
much-esteemed friends, Mr. and Mrs. Helmore, two days ago. We were
too late to be of any service, for the younger missionaries had
retired, probably dispirited by the loss of their leader. It is
evident that the fever when untreated is as fatal now as it proved
in the case of Commodore Owen's officers in this river, or in the
great Niger Expedition. And yet what poor drivel was poured forth
when I adopted energetic measures for speedily removing any
Europeans out of the Delta. We were not then aware that the remedy
which was first found efficacious in our own little Thomas on Lake
'Ngami, in 1850, and that cured myself and attendants during my
solitary journeyings, was a certain cure for the disease, without
loss of strength in Europeans generally. This we now know by ample
experience to be the case. Warburg's drops, which have a great
reputation in India, here cause profuse perspiration only, and the
fever remains uncured. With our remedy, of which we make no secret,
a man utterly prostrated is roused to resume his march next day. I
have sent the prescription to John, as I doubt being able to go so
far South as Mosilikatse's.
Again the grand Victoria Falls are reached, and Charles
Livingstone, who has seen Niagara, gives the preference to
Mosi-oa-tunya. By the route which they took, they would have passed
the Falls at twenty miles' distance, but Dr. Livingstone could not
resist the temptation to show them to his companions. All his
former computations as to their size were found to be considerably
within the mark; instead of a thousand yards broad they were more
than eighteen hundred, and whereas he had said that the height of
fall was about 100 feet, it turned out to be 310. His habit of
keeping within the mark in all his statements of remarkable things
was thus exemplified.
On coming among his old friends the Makololo, he found them in
low spirits owing to protracted drought, and Sekelétu was
ill of leprosy. He was in the hands of a native doctress, who was
persuaded to suspend her treatment, and the lunar caustic applied
by Drs. Livingstone and Kirk had excellent effects [60]. On going to
Linyanti, Dr. Livingstone found the wagon and other articles which
he had left there in 1853, safe and sound, except from the effects
of weather and the white ants. The expressions of kindness and
confidence toward him on the part of the natives greatly touched
him. The people were much disappointed at not seeing Mrs.
Livingstone and the children. But this confidence was the result of
his way of dealing with them. "It ought never to be forgotten that
influence among the heathen can be acquired only by patient
continuance in well-doing, and that good manners are as necessary
among barbarians as among the civilized." The Makololo were the
most interesting tribe that Dr. Livingstone had ever seen. While
now with them he was unwearied in his efforts for their spiritual
good. In his Journal we find these entries:
[60] In 1864, while residing at Newstead Abbey,
and writing his book,
The Zambesi and its Tributaries, Dr.
Livingstone heard of the death of Sekelétu.
"September 2, 1860.--On Sunday evening went over
to the people, giving a general summary of Christian faith by the
life of Christ. Asked them to speak about it afterward. Replied
that these things were above them--they could not answer me. I said
if I spoke of camels and buffaloes tamed, they understood, though
they had never seen them; why not perceive the story of Christ, the
witnesses to which refused to deny it, though killed for
maintaining it? Went on to speak of the resurrection. All were
listening eagerly to the statements about this, especially when
they heard that they, too, must rise and be judged. Lerimo said,
'This I won't believe.' 'Well, the guilt lies between you and
Jesus,' This always arrests attention. Spoke of blood shed by them;
the conversation continued till they said, 'It was time for me to
cross, for the river was dangerous at night.'"
"September 9.--Spoke to the people on the north side of the
river--wind prevented evening service on the south."
The last subject on which he preached before leaving them on
this occasion was the great resurrection. They told him they could
not believe a reunion of the particles of the body possible. Dr.
Livingstone gave them in reply a chemical illustration, and then
referred to the authority of the Book that taught them the
doctrine. And the poor people were more willing to give in to the
authority of the Book than to the chemical illustration!
In The Zambesi and its Tributaries this journey to the
Makololo country and back occupies one-third of the volume, though
it did not lead to any very special results. But it enabled Dr.
Livingstone to make great additions to his knowledge both of the
people and the country. His observations are recorded with the
utmost care, for though he might not be able to turn them to
immediate use, it was likely, and even certain, that they would be
useful some day. Indeed, the spirit of faith is apparent in the
whole narrative, as if he could not pass over even the most
insignificant details. The fish in the rivers, the wild animals in
the woods, the fissures in the rocks, the course of the streams,
the composition of the minerals and gravels, and a thousand other
phenomena, are carefully observed and chronicled. The crowned
cranes beginning to pair, the flocks of spurwinged geese, the
habits of the ostrich, the nests of bee-eaters, pass under review
in rapid succession. His sphere of observation ranges from the
structure of the great continent itself to the serrated bone of the
konokono, or the mandible of the ant.
Leaving Seshéke on the 17th September, they reached Tette
on the 23d November, 1860, whence they started for Kongone with the
unfortunate "Ma-Robert." But the days of that asthmatic old lady
were numbered. On the 21st December she grounded on a sand-bank,
and could not get off. A few days before this catastrophe
Livingstone writes to Mr. Young:
"Lupata, 4th Dec., 1860.--Many thanks for all
you have been doing about the steamer and everything else. You seem
to have gone about matters in a most business-like manner, and once
for all I assure you I am deeply grateful.
"We are now on our way down to the sea, in hopes of meeting the new
steamer for which you and other friends exerted yourselves so
zealously. We are in the old 'Asthmatic,' though we gave her up
before leaving in May last. Our engineer has been doctoring her
bottom with fat and patches, and pronounced it safe to go down the
river by dropping slowly. Every day a new leak bursts out, and he
is in plastering and scoring, the pump going constantly. I would
not have ventured again, but our whaler is as bad,--all eaten by
the teredo,--so I thought it as well to take both, and stick to
that which swims longest. You can put your thumb through either of
them; they never can move again; I never expected to find either
afloat, but the engineer had nothing else to do, and it saves us
from buying dear canoes from the Portuguese.
"20th Dec.--One day, above Senna, the 'Ma-Robert' stuck on a
sand-bank and filled, so we had to go ashore and leave
her."
The correspondence of this year indicates a growing delight at
the prospect of the Universities Mission. It was this, indeed,
mainly that kept up his spirits under the depression caused by the
failure of the "Ma-Robert," and other mishaps of the Expedition,
the endless delays and worries that had resulted from that cause,
and the manner in which both the Portuguese and the French were
counter-working him by encouraging the slave-trade. While
professedly encouraging emigration, the French were really
extending slavery.
Here is his lively account of himself to his friend Mr.
Moore:
"TETTE, 28th November, 1860.
"MY DEAR MOORE,--And why didn't you begin when you were so often on
the point of writing, but didn't? This that you have accomplished
is so far good, but very short. Hope you are not too old to learn.
You have heard of our hindrances and annoyances, and, possibly,
that we have done some work notwithstanding. Thanks to Providence,
we have made some progress, and it is likely our operations will
yet have a decided effect on slave-trading in Eastern Africa. I am
greatly delighted with the prospect of a Church of England mission
to Central Africa. That is a good omen for those who are sitting in
darkness, and I trust that in process of time great benefits will
be conferred on our own overcrowded population at home. There is
room enough and to spare in the fair world our Father has prepared
for all his progeny. I pray to be made a harbinger of good to many,
both white and black.
"I like to hear that some abuse me now, and say that I am *no
Christian. Many good things were said of me which I did not
deserve, and I feared to read them. I shall read every word I can
on the other side, and that will prove a sedative to what I was
forced to hear of an opposite tendency. I pray that He who has
lifted me up and guided me thus far, will not desert me now, but
make me useful in my day and generation. 'I will never leave thee
nor forsake thee.' So let it be.
"I saw poor Helmore's grave lately. Had my book been searched for
excellencies, they might have seen a certain cure for African
fever. We were curing it at a lower and worse part of the river at
the very time that they were helplessly perishing, and so quickly,
that more than a day was never lost after the operation of the
remedy, though we were marching on foot. Our tramp was over 600
miles. We dropped down stream again in canoes from Sinamanero to
Chicova--thence to this on shank's nag. We go down to the sea
immediately, to meet our new steamer. Our punt was a sham and a
snare.
"My love to Mary and all the children, with all our friends at
Congleton."
In a letter to Mr. James Young, Dr. Livingstone gives good
reasons for not wishing to push the colonization scheme at present,
as he had recommended to the Universities Mission to add a similar
enterprise to their undertaking:
"If you read all I have written you by this mail, you
will deserve to be called a literary character. I find that I did
not touch on the colonization scheme. I have not changed in respect
to it, but the Oxford and Cambridge mission have taken the matter
up, and as I shall do all I can to aid them, a little delay will,
perhaps, be advisable.
"We are waiting for our steamer, and expect her every day; our
first trip is a secret, and you will keep it so. We go to the
Rovuma, a river exterior to the Portuguese claims, as soon as the
vessel arrives. Captain Oldfield of the 'Lyra' is sent already, to
explore, as far as he can, in that ship. The entrance is fine, and
forty-five miles are known, but we keep our movements secret from
the Portuguese--and so must you; they seize everything they see in
the newspapers. Who are my imprudent friends that publish
everything? I suspect Mr. ----, of ----, but no one gives me a name
or a clue. Some expected me to feel sweet at being jewed by a false
philanthropist, and bamboozled by a silly R. N. I did not, and
could not, seem so; but I shall be more careful in future.
"Again back to the colony. It is not to sleep, but preparation must
be made by collecting information, and maturing our plans. I shall
be able to give definite instructions as soon as I see how the
other mission works--at its beginning--and when we see if the new
route we may discover has a better path to Nyassa than by
Shiré--we shall choose the best, of course, and let you know
as soon as possible. I think the Government will not hold back if
we have a feasible plan to offer. I have recommended to the
Universities Mission a little delay till we explore,--and for a
working staff, two gardeners acquainted with farming; two country
carpenters, capable of erecting sheds and any rough work; two
traders to purchase and prepare cotton for exportation; one general
steward of mission goods, his wife to be a good plain cook; one
medical man, having knowledge of chemistry enough to regulate
indigo and sugar-making. All the attendants to be married,
and their wives to be employed in sewing, washing, attending the
sick, etc., as need requires. The missionaries not to think
themselves deserving a good English wife till they have erected a
comfortable abode for her."
In the Royal Geographical Society this year (1860), certain
communications were read which tended to call in question
Livingstone's right to some of the discoveries he had claimed as
his own. Mr. Macqueen, through whom these communications came, must
have had peculiar notions of discovery, for some time before, there
had appeared in the Cape papers a statement of his, that Lake
'Ngami of 1859 was no new discovery, as Dr. Livingstone had visited
it seven years before; and Livingstone had to write to the papers
in favor of the claims of Murray, Oswell, and Livingstone, against
himself! It had been asserted to the Society by Mr. Macqueen, that
Silva Porto, a Portuguese trader, had shown him a journal
describing a journey of his from Benguela on the west to Ibo and
Mozambique on the east, beginning November 26, 1852, and
terminating August, 1854. Of that journal Mr. Macqueen read a
copious abstract to the Society (June 27, 1859), which is published
in the Journal for 1860.
In a letter to Sir Roderick Murchison (20th February, 1861),
Livingstone, while exonerating Mr. Macqueen of all intention of
misleading, gives his reasons for doubting whether the journey to
the East Coast ever took place. He had met Porto at Linyanti in
1853, and subsequently at Naliele, the Barotse capital, and had
been told by him that he had tried to go eastward, but had been
obliged to turn, and was then going westward, and wished him to
accompany him, which he declined, as he was a slave-trader; he had
read his journal as it appeared in the Loanda "Boletim," but there
was not a word in it of a journey to the East Coast; when the
Portuguese minister had wished to find a rival to Dr. Livingstone,
he had brought forward, not Porto, as he would naturally have done
if this had been a genuine journey, but two black men who came to
Tette in 1815; in the Boletim of Mozambique there was no word of
the arrival of Porto there; in short, the part of the journal
founded on could not have been authentic. Livingstone felt keenly
on the subject of these rumors, not on his own account, but on
account of the Geographical Society and of Sir Roderick who had
introduced him to it; for nothing could have given him more pain
than that either of these should have had any slur thrown on them
through him, or even been placed for a time in an uncomfortable
position.
CHAPTER XIV.
ROVUMA AND NYASSA--UNIVERSITIES MISSION.
Beginning of 1861--Arrival of the "Pioneer"--and of the agents
of Universities Mission--Cordial welcome--Livingstone's catholic
feelings--Ordered to explore the Rovuma--Bishop Mackenzie goes with
him--Returns to the Shiré--Turning-point of prosperity
past--Difficult navigation--The slave-sticks--Bishop settles at
Magomero--Hostilities between Manganja and Ajawa--Attack of Mission
party by Ajawa--Livingstone's advice to Bishop regarding
them--Letter to his son Robert--Livingstone, Kirk, and Charles
start for Lake Nyassa--Party robbed at north of Lake--Dismal
activity of the slave-trade--Awful mortality in the
process--Livingstone's fondness for Punch--Letter to Mr.
Young--Joy at departure of new steamer "Lady Nyassa"--Colonization
project--Letter against it from Sir R. Murchison--Hears of Dr.
Stewart coming out from Free Church of Scotland--Visit at the ship
from Bishop Mackenzie--News of defeat of Ajawa by
missionaries--Anxiety of Livingstone--Arrangements for "Pioneer" to
go to Kongone for new steamer and friends from home, then go to Ruo
to meet Bishop--"Pioneer" detained--Dr. Livingstone's anxieties and
depressions at New Year--"Pioneer" misses man-of-war "Gorgon"--At
length "Gorgon" appears with brig from England and "Lady
Nyassa"--Mrs. Livingstone and other ladies on board--Livingstone's
meeting with his wife, and with Dr. Stewart--Stewart's
recollections--Difficulties of navigation--Captain Wilson of
"Gorgon" goes up river and hears of death of Bishop Mackenzie and
Mr. Burrup--Great distress--Misrepresentations about Universities
Mission--Miss Mackenzie and Mr. Burrup taken to "Gorgon"--Dr. and
Mrs. Livingstone return to Shupanga--Illness and death of Mrs.
Livingstone--Extracts from Livingstone's Journal and letters to the
Moffats, Agnes, and the Murchisons.
The beginning of 1861 brought some new features on the scene.
The new steamer, the "Pioneer," at last arrived, and was a great
improvement on the "Ma-Robert," though unfortunately she had too
great draught of water. The agents of the Universities Missions
also arrived, the first, detachment consisting of Bishop Mackenzie
and five other Englishmen, and five colored men from the Cape.
Writing familiarly to his friend Moore, àpropos of
his new comrades of the Church Mission, Livingstone says: "I have
never felt anyway inclined to turn Churchman or dissenter either
since I came out here. The feelings which we have toward different
sects alter out here quite insensibly, till one looks upon all
godly men as good and true brethren. I rejoiced when I heard that
so many good and great men in the Universities had turned their
thoughts toward Africa, and feeling sure that He who had touched
their hearts would lead them to promote his own glory, I welcomed
the men they sent with a hearty, unfeigned welcome."
To his friend Mr. Maclear he wrote that he was very glad the
Mission was to be under a bishop. He had seen so much idleness and
folly result from missionaries being left to themselves, that it
was a very great satisfaction to find that the new mission was to
be superintended by one authorized and qualified to take the
charge. Afterward when he came to know Bishop Mackenzie, he wrote
of him to Mr. Maclear in the highest terms: "The Bishop is A 1, and
in his readiness to put his hand to anything resembles much my good
father-in-law Moffat."
It is not often that missions are over-manned, but in the first
stage of such an undertaking as this, so large a body of men was an
incumbrance, none of them knowing a word of the language or a bit
of the way. It was Bishop Mackenzie's desire that Dr. Livingstone
should accompany him at once to the scene of his future labors and
help him to settle. But besides other reasons, the "Pioneer," as
already stated, was under orders to explore the Rovuma, and, as the
Portuguese put so many obstacles in the way on the Zambesi, to
ascertain whether that river might not afford access to the Nyassa
district. It was at last arranged that the Bishop should first go
with the Doctor to the Rovuma, and thereafter they should all go
together to the Shiré. In waiting for Bishop Mackenzie to
accompany him, Dr. Livingstone lost the most favorable part of the
season, and found that he could not get with the "Pioneer" to the
top of the Rovuma. He might have left the ship and pushed forward
on foot; but, not to delay Bishop Mackenzie, he left the Rovuma in
the meantime, intending, after making arrangements with the Bishop,
to go to Nyassa, to find the point where the Rovuma left the lake,
if there were such a point, or, if not, get into its headwaters and
explore it downward.
Dr. Livingstone, as we have seen, welcomed the Mission right
cordially, for indeed it was what he had been most eagerly praying
for, and he believed that it would be the beginning of all blessing
to Eastern and Central Africa, and help to assimilate the condition
of the East Coast to that of the West The field for the cultivation
of cotton which he had discovered along the Shiré and Lake
Nyassa was immense, above 400 miles in length, and now it seemed as
if commerce and Christianity were going to take possession of it.
But it was found that the turning-point of prosperity had been
reached, and it was his lot to encounter dark reverses. The
navigation of the Shiré was difficult, for the "Pioneer"
being deep in the water would often run aground. On these occasions
the Bishop, Mr. Scudamore, and Mr. Waller, the best and the bravest
of the missionary party, were ever ready with their help in
hauling. Livingstone was sometimes scandalized to see the Bishop
toiling in the hot sun, while some of his subordinates were reading
or writing in the cabin. As they proceeded up the Shiré it
was seen that the promises of assistance from the Portuguese
Government were worse than fruitless. Evidently the Portuguese
traders were pushing the slave-trade with greater eagerness than
ever. Slave-hunting chiefs were marauding the country, driving
peaceful inhabitants before them, destroying their crops, seizing
on all the people they could lay hands on, and selling them as
slaves. The contrast to what Livingstone had seen on his last
journey was lamentable. All their prospects were overcast. How
could commerce or Christianity flourish in countries desolated by
war?
Every reader of The Zambesi and its Tributaries remembers
the frightful picture of the slave-sticks, and the row of men,
women, and children whom Livingstone and his companions set free.
Nothing helped more than this picture to rouse in English bosoms an
intense horror of the trade, and a burning sympathy with
Livingstone and his friends. Livingstone and the Bishop, with his
party, had gone up the Shiré to Chibisa's, and were halting
at the village of Mbame, when a slave party came along. The flight
of the drivers, the liberation of eighty-four men and women, and
their reception by the good Bishop under his charge, speedily
followed. The aggressors were the neighboring warlike tribe of
Ajawa, and their victims were the Manganja, the inhabitants of the
Shiré Valley. The Bishop accepted the invitation of
Chigunda, a Manganja chief, to settle at Magomero. It was thought,
however, desirable for the Bishop and Livingstone first to visit
the Ajawa chief, and try to turn him from his murderous ways. The
road was frightful--through burning villages resounding with the
wailings of women and the shouts of the warriors. The Ajawa
received the offered visit in a hostile spirit, and the shout being
raised that Chibisa had come--powerful chief with the reputation of
being a sorcerer--they fired on the Bishop's party and compelled
them, in self-defense, to fire in return. It was the first time
that Livingstone had ever been so attacked by natives, often though
they had threatened him. It was the first time he had had to repel
an attack with violence; so little was he thinking of such a thing
that he had not his rifle with him, and was obliged to borrow a
revolver. The encounter was hot and serious, but it ended in the
Ajawa being driven off without loss on the other side.
It now became a question for the Bishop in what relation he and
his party were to stand to these murderous and marauding
Ajawa--whether they should quietly witness their onslaughts or
drive them from the country and rescue the captive Manganja.
Livingstone's advice to them was to be patient, and to avoid taking
part in the quarrels of the natives. He then left them at Magomero,
and returned to his companions on the Shiré. For a time the
Bishop's party followed Livingstone's advice, but circumstances
afterward occurred which constrained them to take a different
course, and led to very serious results in the history of the
Mission.
Writing to his son Robert, Livingstone thus describes the attack
made by the Ajawa on him, the Bishop, and the missionaries:
"The slave-hunters had induced a number of another
tribe to capture people for them. We came to this tribe while
burning three villages, and though we told them that we came
peaceably, and to talk with them, they saw that we were a small
party, and might easily be overcome, rushed at us and shot their
poisoned arrows. One fell between the Bishop and me, and another
whizzed between another man and me. We had to drive them off, and
they left that part of the country. Before going near them the
Bishop engaged in prayer, and during the prayer we could hear the
wail for the dead by some Manganja probably thought not worth
killing, and the shouts of welcome home to these bloody murderers.
It turned out that they were only some sixty or seventy robbers,
and not the Ajawa tribe; so we had a narrow escape from being
murdered.
"How are you doing? I fear from what I have observed of your
temperament that you will have to strive against fickleness. Every
one has his besetting fault--that is no disgrace to him, but it is
a disgrace if he do not find it out, and by God's grace overcome
it. I am not near to advise you what to do, but whatever line of
life you choose, resolve to stick to it, and serve God therein to
the last. Whatever failings you are conscious of, tell them to your
heavenly Father; strive daily to master them and confess all to Him
when conscious of having gone astray. And may the good Lord of all
impart all the strength you need. Commit your way unto the Lord;
trust also in Him. Acknowledge Him in all your ways, and He will
bless you."
Leaving the "Pioneer" at Chibisa's, on 6th August, 1861,
Livingstone, accompanied by his brother and Dr. Kirk, started for
Nyassa with a four-oared boat, which was carried by porters past
the Murchison Cataracts. On 23d September they sailed into Lake
Nyassa, naming the grand mountainous promontory at the end Cape
Maclear, after Livingstone's great friend the Astronomer-Royal at
the Cape.
All about the lake was now examined with earnest eyes. The
population was denser than he had seen anywhere else. The people
were civil, and even friendly, but undoubtedly they were not
handsome. At the north of the lake they were lawless, and at one
point the party were robbed in the night--the first time such a
thing had occurred in Livingstone's African life [61]. Of elephants
there was a great abundance,--indeed of all animal and vegetable
life.
[61] In
The Zambesi and its Tributaries,
Livingstone gives a grave account of the robbery. In his letters to
his friends he makes fun of it, as he did of the raid of the Boers.
To Mr. F. Fitch he writes: "You think I cannot get into a
scrape.... For the first time in Africa we were robbed. Expert
thieves crept into our sleeping-places, about four o'clock in the
morning, and made off with what they could lay their hands on.
Sheer over-modesty ruined me. It was Sunday, and such a black mass
swarmed around our sail, which we used as a hut, that we could not
hear prayers. I had before slipped away a quarter of a mile to
dress for church, but seeing a crowd of women watching me through
the reeds, I did not change my old 'unmentionables,'--they were so
old, I had serious thoughts of converting them into--charity! Next
morning nearly all our spare clothing was walked off with, and
there I was left by my modesty nearly through at the knees, and no
change of shirt, flannel, or stockings. After that, don't say that
I can't get into a scrape!" The same letter thanks Mr. Fitch for
sending him
Punch, whom he deemed a sound divine! On the
same subject he wrote at another time, regretting that
Punch
did not reach him, especially a number in which notice was taken of
himself. "It never came. Who the miscreants are that steal them I
cannot divine, I would not grudge them a reading if they would only
send them on afterward. Perhaps binding the whole year's
Punches would be the best plan; and then we need not label
it 'Sermons in Lent,' or 'Tracts on Homoeopathy,' but you may write
inside, as Dr. Buckland did on his umbrella, 'Stolen from Dr.
Livingstone.' We really enjoy them very much. They are good against
fever. The 'Essence of Parliament,' for instance, is capital. One
has to wade through an ocean of paper to get the same information,
without any of the fun. And by the time the newspapers have reached
us, most of the interest in public matters has
evaporated."
But the lake slave-trade was going on at a dismal rate. An Arab
dhow was seen on the lake, but it kept well out of the way. Dr.
Livingstone was informed by Colonel Rigdy, late British Consul at
Zanzibar, that 19,000 slaves from this Nyassa region alone passed
annually through the custom-house there. This was besides those
landed at Portuguese slave ports. In addition to those captured,
thousands were killed or died of their wounds or of famine, or
perished in other ways, so that not one-fifth of the victims became
slaves--in the Nyassa district probably not one-tenth. A small
armed steamer on the lake might stop nearly the whole of this
wholesale robbery and murder.
Their stock of goods being exhausted, and no provisions being
procurable, the party had to return at the end of October. They had
to abandon the project of getting from the lake to the Rovuma, and
exploring eastward. They reached the ship on 8th November, 1861,
having suffered more from hunger than on any previous trip.
In writing to his friend Young, 28th November, 1861, Livingstone
expresses his joy at the news of the departure of the "Lady
Nyassa;" gives him an account of the lake, and of a terrific storm
in which they were nearly lost; describes the inhabitants, and the
terrible slave-trade--the only trade that was carried on in the
district. It will take them the best part of a year to put the ship
on the lake, but it will be such a blessing! He hopes the
Government will pay for it, once it is there.
The colonization project had not commended itself to Sir R.
Murchison. He had written of it sometime before: "Your colonization
scheme does not meet with supporters, it being thought that you
must have much more hold on the country before you attract Scotch
families to emigrate and settle there, and then die off, or become
a burden to you and all concerned, like the settlers of old at
Darien." It was with much satisfaction that Livingstone now wrote
to his friend (25th November, 1861): "A Dr. Stewart is sent out by
the Free Church of Scotland to confer with me about a Scotch
Colony. You will guess my answer. Dr. Kirk is with me in opinion,
and if I could only get you out to take a trip up to the plateau of
Zomba, and over the uplands which surround Lake Nyassa, you would
give in too."
When the party returned to the ship they had a visit from Bishop
Mackenzie, who was in good spirits and had excellent hopes of the
Mission. The Ajawa had been defeated, and had professed a desire to
be at peace with the English. But Dr. Livingstone was not without
misgivings on this point. The details of the defeat of the Ajawa,
in which the missionaries had taken an active part, troubled him,
as we find from his private Journal. "The Bishop," he says (14th of
November), "takes a totally different view of the affair from what
I do." There were other points on which the utter inexperience of
the missionaries, and want of skill in dealing with the natives,
gave him serious anxiety. It is impossible not to see that even
thus early, the Mission, in Livingstone's eyes, had lost something
of its bloom.
It was arranged that the "Pioneer" should go down to the mouth
of the Zambesi, to meet a man-of-war with provisions, and bring up
the pieces of the new lake vessel, the "Lady Nyassa," which was
eagerly expected, along with Mrs. Livingstone, Miss Mackenzie, the
Bishop's sister, and other members of the Mission party. An
appointment was made for January at the mouth of the river Ruo, a
tributary of the Shiré, where the Bishop was to meet them.
He and Mr. Burrup, who had just arrived, were meanwhile to explore
the neighboring country.
The "Pioneer" was detained for five weeks on a shoal twenty
miles below Chibisa's, and here the first death occurred--the
carpenter's mate succumbed to fever. It was extremely irksome to
suffer this long detention, to think of fuel and provisions
wasting, and salaries running on, without one particle of progress.
Livingstone was sensitive and anxious. He speaks in his Journal of
the difficulty of feeling resigned to the Divine will in all
things, and of believing that all things work together for good to
those that love God, He seems to have been troubled at what had
been said in some quarters of his treatment of members of the
Expedition. In private letters, in the Cape papers, in the home
papers, unfavorable representations of his conduct had been made.
In one case, a prosecution at law had been threatened. On New
Year's Day, 1862, he entered in his Journal an elaborate minute, as
if for future use, bearing on the conduct of the Expedition. He
refers to the difficulty to which civil expeditions are exposed, as
compared with naval and military, in the matter of discipline,
owing to the inferior authority and power of the chief. In the
countries visited there is no enlightened public opinion to support
the commander, and newspapers at home are but too ready to believe
in his tyranny, and make themselves the champions of any dawdling
fellow who would fain be counted a victim of his despotism. He
enumerates the chief troubles to which his Expedition had been
exposed from such causes. Then he explains how, at the beginning,
to prevent collision, he had made every man independent in his own
department, wishing only, for himself, to be the means of making
known to the world what each man had done. His conclusion is a sad
one, but it explains why in his last journeys he went alone: he is
convinced that if he had been by himself he would have accomplished
more, and undoubtedly he would have received more of the
approbation of his countrymen [62].
[62] Notwithstanding this expression of feeling,
Dr. Livingstone was very sincere in his handsome acknowledgments,
in the Introduction to
The Zambesi and its Tributaries, of
valuable services, especially from the members of the Expedition
there named.
At length the "Pioneer" was got off the bank, and on the 11th
January, 1862, they entered the Zambesi. They prided to the great
Luabo mouth, as being more advantageous than the Kongone for a
supply of wood. They were a month behind their appointment, and no
ship was to be seen. The ship had been there, it turned out, on the
8th January, had looked eagerly for the "Pioneer," had fancied it
saw the black funnel and its smoke in the river, and being
disappointed had made for Mozambique, been caught in a gale, and
was unable to return for three weeks. Livingstone's letters show
him a little out of sorts at the manifold obstructions that had
always been making him "too late"--"too late for Rovuma below, too
late for Rovuma above, and now too late for our own appointment,"
but in greater trouble because the "Lady Nyassa" had not been sent
by sea, as he had strongly urged, and as it afterward appeared
might have been done quite well. To take out the pieces and fit
them up would involve heavy expense and long delay, and perhaps the
season would be lost again. But Livingstone had always a saving
clause, in all his lamentations, and here it is: "I know that all
was done for the best."
At length, on the last day of January, H.M.S. "Gorgon," with a
brig in tow, hove in sight. When the "Pioneer" was seen, up went
the signal from the "Gorgon"--"I have steamboat in the brig"; to
which Livingstone replied--"Welcome news." Then "Wife aboard" was
signaled from the ship. "Accept my best thanks" concluded what
Livingstone called "the most interesting conversation he had
engaged in for many a day." Next morning the "Pioneer" steamed out,
and Dr. Livingstone found his wife "all right." In the same ship
with Mrs. Livingstone, besides Miss Mackenzie and Mrs. Burrup, the
Rev. E. Hawkins and others of the Universities Mission, had come
the Rev. James Stewart, of the Free Church of Scotland (now Dr.
Stewart, of Lovedale, South Africa), who had been sent out by a
committee of that Church, "to meet with Dr. Livingstone, and
obtain, by personal observation and otherwise, the information that
might be necessary to enable a committee at home to form a correct
judgment as to the possibility of founding a mission in that part
of Africa." It happened that some time before Mr. Stewart had been
tutor to Thomas Livingstone, while studying in Glasgow; this drew
his sympathies to Livingstone and Africa, and was another link in
that wonderful chain which Providence was making for the good of
Africa. From Dr. Stewart's "Recollections of Dr. Livingstone and
the Zambesi" in the Sunday Magazine (November, 1874), we get
the picture from the other side. First, the sad disappointment of
Mrs. Livingstone on the 8th January, when no "Pioneer" was to be
found, with the anxious speculations raised in its absence as to
the cause. Then a frightful tornado on the way to Mozambique, and
the all but miraculous escape of the brig. Then the return to the
Zambesi in company with H.M.S. "Gorgon," and on the 1st of
February, in a lovely morning, the little cloud of smoke rising
close to land, and afterward the white hull of a small paddle
steamer making straight for the two ships outside.
"As the vessel approached," says Dr. Stewart, "I could
make out with a glass a firmly built man of about the middle
height, standing on the port paddle-box, and directing the ship's
course. He was not exactly dressed as a naval officer, but he wore
that gold-laced cap which has since become so well known both at
home and in Africa. This was Dr. Livingstone, and I said to his
wife, 'There he is at last.' She looked brighter at this
announcement than I had seen her do any day for seven months
before."
Through the help of the men of the "Gorgon," the sections of the
"Lady Nyassa" were speedily put on board the "Pioneer," and on the
10th February the vessel steamed off for the mouth of the Ruo, to
meet the Bishop. But its progress through the river was miserable.
Says Dr. Stewart:
"For ten days we were chiefly occupied in sailing or
hauling the ship through sand-banks. The steamer was drawing
between five and six feet of water, and though there were long
reaches in the river with depth sufficient for a ship of larger
draught, yet every now and then we found ourselves in shoal water
of about three feet. No sooner was the boat got off one bank by
might and main, and steady hauling on capstan and anchor laid out
ahead, almost never astern, and we got a few miles of fair
steering, than again we heard that sound, abhorred by all of us--a
slight bump of the bow, and rush of sand along the ship's side, and
we were again fast for a few hours, or a day or two, as the case
might be."
The "Pioneer" was overladen, and the plan had to be changed. It
was resolved to put the "Lady Nyassa" together at Shupanga, and tow
her up to the Rapids.
"The detention," says Dr. Stewart, "was very trying to
Dr. Livingstone, as it meant not a few weeks, but the loss of a
year, inasmuch as by the time the ship was ready to be launched the
river would be nearly at its lowest, and there would be no resource
but to wait for the next rainy season. Yet, in the face of
discouragement, he maintained his cheerfulness, and, after sunset,
still enjoyed many an hour of prolonged talk about current events
at home, about his old College days in Glasgow, and about many of
those who were unknown men then, but have since made their mark in
life in the different paths they have taken. Amongst others his old
friend Mr. Young, of Kelly, or Sir Paraffin, as he used
subsequently to call him, came in for a large share of the
conversation."
Meanwhile Captain Wilson (of the "Gorgon"), accompanied by Dr.
Kirk and others, had gone on in boats with Miss Mackenzie and Mrs.
Burrup, and learned the sad fate of the Bishop and Mr. Burrup. It
appeared that the Bishop, accompanied by the Makololo, had gone
forth on an expedition to rescue the captive husbands of some of
the Manganja women, and had been successful. But as the Bishop was
trying to get to the mouth of the Ruo, his canoe was upset, his
medicines and cordials were lost, and, being seized with fever,
after languishing for some time, he died in distressing
circumstances, on the 31st January, Mr. Burrup, who was with him,
and who was also stricken, was carried back to Magomero, and died
in a few days.
Captain Wilson, who had himself been prostrated by fever, and
made a narrow escape, returned with this sad news, three weeks
after he had left Shupanga, bringing the two broken-hearted ladies,
who had expected to be welcomed, the one by her brother, the other
by her husband. It was a great blow to Livingstone.
"It was difficult to say," writes Dr. Stewart, "whether
he or the unhappy ladies, on whom the blow fell with the most
personal weight, were most to be pitied. He felt the
responsibility, and saw the wide-spread dismay which the news would
occasion when it reached England, and at the very time when the
Mission most needed support. 'This will hurt us all,' he said, as
he sat resting his head on his hand, on the table of the
dimly-lighted little cabin of the 'Pioneer,' His esteem for Bishop
Mackenzie was afterward expressed in this way: 'For unselfish
goodness of heart and earnest devotion to the work he had
undertaken, it can safely be said that none of the commendations of
his friends can exceed the reality,' He did what he could, I
believe, to comfort those who were so unexpectedly bereaved; but
the night he spent must have been an uneasy one."
Livingstone says in his book that the unfavorable judgment which
he had formed of the Bishop's conduct in fighting with the Ajawa
was somewhat modified by a natural instinct, when he saw how keenly
the Bishop was run down for it in England, and reflected more on
the circumstances, and thought how excellent a man he was.
Sometimes he even said that, had he been there, he would probably
have done what the Bishop did [63]. Why, then, it may be asked, was
Livingstone so ill-pleased when it was said that all that the
Bishop had done was done by his advice? No one will ask this
question who reads the terms of a letter by Mr. Rowley, one of the
Mission party, first published in the Cape papers, and copied into
the Times in November, 1862. It was said there that "from
the moment when Livingstone commenced the release of slaves, his
course was one of aggression. He hunted for slaving parties in
every direction, and when he heard of the Ajawa making slaves in
order to sell to the slavers, he went designedly in search of them,
and intended to take their captives from them by force if needful.
It is true that when he came upon them he found them to be a more
powerful body than he expected, and had they not fired first, he
might have withdrawn.... His parting words to the chiefs just
before he left ... were to this effect: 'You have hitherto seen us
only as fighting men but it is not in such a character we wish you
to know us [64].'" How could Livingstone be otherwise than
indignant to be spoken of as if the use of force had been his
habit, while the whole tenor of his life had gone most wonderfully
to show the efficacy of gentle and brotherly treatment? How could
he but be vexed at having the odium of the whole proceedings thrown
on him, when his last advice to the missionaries had been
disregarded by them? Or how could he fail to be concerned at the
discredit which the course ascribed to him must bring upon the
Expedition under his command, which was entirely separate from the
Mission? It was the unhandsome treatment of himself and reckless
periling of the character and interests of his Expedition in order
to shield others, that raised his indignation. "Good Bishop
Mackenzie," he wrote to his friend Mr. Fitch, "would never have
tried to screen himself by accusing me." In point of fact, a few
years afterward the Portuguese Government, through Mr. Lacerda,
when complaining bitterly of the statements of Livingstone in a
speech at Bath, in 1865, referred to Mr. Rowley's letter as bearing
out their complaint. It served admirably to give an unfavorable
view of his aims and methods, as from one of his own allies.
Dr. Livingstone never allowed himself to cherish any other feeling
but that of high regard for the self-denial and Christian heroism
of the Bishop, and many of his coadjutors; but he did feel that
most of them were ill-adapted for their work and had a great deal
to learn, and that the manner in which he had been turned aside
from the direct objects of his own enterprise by having to look
after so many inexperienced men, and then blamed for what he
deprecated, and what was done in his absence, was rather more than
it was reasonable for him to bear [65].
[63] Writing to Mr. Waller, 12th February, 1863,
Dr. Livingstone said: "I thought you wrong in attacking the Ajawa,
till I looked on it as defense of your orphans. I thought that you
had shut yourselves up to one tribe, and that, the Manganja; but I
think differently now, and only wish they would send out Dr. Pusey
here. He would learn a little sense, of which I suppose I have need
myself."
[64] Mr. Rowley afterward (February 22, 1865)
expressed his regret that this letter was ever written, as it had
produced an ill-effect. See
The Zambesi and its Tributaries,
p. 475
note.
[65] It must not be supposed that the letter of
Mr. Rowley expressed the mind of his brethren. Some of them were
greatly annoyed at it, and used their influence to induce its
author to write to the Cape papers that he had conveyed a wrong
impression. In writing to Sir Thomas Maclear (20th November, 1862),
after seeing Rowley's letter in the Cape papers, Dr. Livingstone
said: "It is untrue that I ever on anyone occasion adopted an
aggressive policy against the Ajawa, or took slaves from them.
Slaves were taken from Portuguese alone. I never hunted the Ajawa,
or took the part of Manganja against Ajawa. In this I believe every
member of the Mission will support my assertion." Livingstone
declined to write a contradiction
to the public prints,
because he knew the harm that would be done by a charge against a
clergyman. In this he showed the same magnanimity and high
Christian self-denial which he had shown when he left Mabotsa. It
was only when the Portuguese claimed the benefit of Rowley's
testimony that he let the public see what its value
was.
Writing of the terrible loss of Mackenzie and Burrup to the
Bishop of Cape Town, Livingstone says: "The blow is quite
bewildering; the two strongest men so quickly cut down, and one of
them, humanly speaking, indispensable to the success of the
enterprise. We must bow to the will of Him who doeth all things
well; but I cannot help feeling sadly disturbed in view of the
effect the news may have at home. I shall not swerve a
hairbreadth from my work while life is spared, and I trust the
supporters of the Mission may not shrink back from all that they
have set their hearts to."
The next few weeks were employed in taking Miss Mackenzie and
Mrs. Burrup to the "Gorgon" on their way home. It was a painful
voyage to all--to Dr. and Mrs. Livingstone, to Miss Mackenzie and
Mrs. Burrup, and last, not least, to Captain Wilson, who had been
separated so long from his ship, and had risked life, position, and
everything, to do service to a cause which in spite of all he left
at a much lower ebb.
When the "Pioneer" arrived at the bar, it found that owing to
the weather the ship had been forced to leave the coast, and she
did not return for a fortnight. There was thus another long waiting
from 17th March to 2d April. Dr. and Mrs. Livingstone then returned
to Shupanga. The long detention in the most unhealthy season of the
year, and when fever was at its height, was a sad, sad
calamity.
We are now arrived at the last illness and the death of Mrs.
Livingstone. After she had parted from her husband at the Cape in
the spring of 1858, she returned with her parents to Kuruman, and
in November gave birth there to her youngest child, Anna Mary.
Thereafter she returned to Scotland to be near her other children.
Some of them were at school. No comfortable home for them all could
be formed, and though many friends were kind, the time was not a
happy one. Mrs. Livingstone's desire to be with her husband was
intense; not only the longings of an affectionate heart, and the
necessity of taking counsel with him about the family, but the
feeling that when over-shadowed by one whose faith was so strong
her fluttering heart would regain, its steady tone, and she would
be better able to help both him and the children, gave vehemence to
this desire. Her letters to her husband tell of much spiritual
darkness; his replies were the very soul of tenderness and
Christian earnestness. Providence seemed to favor her wish; the
vessel in which she sailed was preserved from imminent destruction,
and she had the great happiness of finding her husband alive and
well.
On the 21st of April Mrs. Livingstone became ill. On the 25th
the symptoms were alarming--vomitings every quarter of an hour,
which prevented any medicine from remaining on her stomach. On the
26th she was worse and delirious. On the evening of Sunday the 27th
Dr. Stewart got a message from her husband that the end was drawing
near. "He was sitting by the side of a rude bed formed of boxes,
but covered with a soft mattress, on which lay his dying wife. All
consciousness had now departed, as she was in a state of deep coma,
from which all efforts to rouse her had been unavailing. The
strongest medical remedies and her husband's voice were both alike
powerless to reach the spirit which was still there, but was now so
rapidly sinking into the depths of slumber, and darkness and death.
The fixedness of feature and the oppressed and heavy breathing only
made it too plain that the end was near. And the man who had faced
so many deaths, and braved so many dangers, was now utterly broken
down and weeping like a child."
Dr. Livingstone asked Dr. Stewart to commend her spirit to God,
and along with Dr. Kirk they kneeled in prayer beside her. In less
than an hour, her spirit had returned to God. Half an hour after,
Dr. Stewart was struck with her likeness to her father, Dr. Moffat.
He was afraid to utter what struck him so much, but at last he said
to Livingstone, "Do you notice any change?" "Yes," he replied,
without raising his eyes from her face,--"the very features and
expression of her father."
Every one is struck with the calmness of Dr. Livingstone's
notice of his wife's death in The Zambesi and its
Tributaries. Its matter-of-fact tone only shows that he
regarded that book as a sort of official report to the nation, in
which it would not be becoming for him to introduce personal
feelings. A few extracts from his Journal and letters will show
better the state of his heart.
"It is the first heavy stroke I have suffered, and quite takes
away my strength. I wept over her who well deserved many tears. I
loved her when I married her, and the longer I lived with her I
loved her the more. God pity the poor children, who were all
tenderly attached to her, and I am left alone in the world by one
whom I felt to be a part of myself. I hope it may, by divine grace,
lead me to realize heaven as my home, and that she has but preceded
me in the journey. Oh my Mary, my Mary! how often we have longed
for a quiet home, since you and I were cast adrift at Kolobeng;
surely the removal by a kind Father who knoweth our frame means
that He rewarded you by taking you to the best home, the eternal
one in the heavens. The prayer was found in her papers--'Accept me,
Lord, as I am, and make me such as Thou wouldst have me to be.' He
who taught her to value this prayer would not leave his own work
unfinished. On a letter she had written, 'Let others plead for
pensions, I wrote to a friend I can be rich without money; I would
give my services in the world from uninterested motives; I have
motives for my own conduct I would not exchange for a hundred
pensions.'
"She rests by the large baobab-tree at Shupanga, which is sixty
feet in circumference, and is mentioned in the work of Commodore
Owen. The men asked to be allowed to mount guard till we had
got the grave built up, and we had it built with bricks dug from an
old house.
"From her boxes we find evidence that she intended to make us
all comfortable at Nyassa, though she seemed to have a presentiment
of an early death,--she purposed to do more for me than ever.
"11th May, Kongone.--My dear, dear Mary has been this
evening a fortnight in heaven,--absent from the body, present with
the Lord. To-day shalt thou be with Me in Paradise. Angels carried
her to Abraham's bosom--to be with Christ is far better. Enoch, the
seventh from Adam, prophesied, 'Behold, the Lord cometh with ten
thousand of his saints'; ye also shall appear with Him in glory. He
comes with them; then they are now with Him. I go to prepare a
place for you; that where I am there ye may be also, to behold his
glory. Moses and Elias talked of the decease He should accomplish
at Jerusalem; then they know what is going on here on certain
occasions. They had bodily organs to hear and speak. For the first
time in my life I feel willing to die.--D.L."
"May 19, 1862.--Vividly do I remember my first passage
down in 1856, passing Shupanga house without landing, and looking
at its red hills and white vales with the impression that it was a
beautiful spot. No suspicion glanced across my mind that there my
loving wife would be called to give up the ghost six years
afterward. In some other spot I may have looked at, my own
resting-place may be allotted. I have often wished that it might be
in some far-off still deep forest, where I may sleep sweetly till
the resurrection morn, when the trump of God will make all start up
into the glorious and active second existence.
"25th May.--Some of the histories of pious people in the
last century and previously tell of clouds of religious gloom, or
of paroxysms of opposition and fierce rebellion against God, which
found vent in terrible expressions. These were followed by great
elevations of faith, and reactions of confiding love, the results
of divine influence which carried the soul far above the region of
the intellect into that of direct spiritual intuition. This seems
to have been the experience of my dear Mary. She had a strong
presentiment of death being near. She said that she would never
have a house in this country. Taking it to be despondency alone, I
only joked, and now my heart smites me that I did not talk
seriously on that and many things besides.
"31st May, 1862.--The loss of my ever dear Mary lies like
a heavy weight on my heart. In our intercourse in private there was
more than what would be thought by some a decorous amount of
merriment and play. I said to her a few days before her fatal
illness: 'We old bodies ought now to be more sober, and not play so
much.' 'Oh, no,' said she,' you must always be as playful as you
have always been; I would not like you to be as grave as some folks
I have seen.' This, when I know her prayer was that she might be
spared to be a help and comfort to me in my great work, led me to
feel what I have always believed to be the true way, to let the
head grow wise, but keep the heart always young and playful. She
was ready and anxious to work, but has been called away to serve
God in a higher sphere."
Livingstone could not be idle, even when his heart was broken;
he occupied the days after the death in writing to her father and
mother, to his children, and to many of the friends who would be
interested in the sad news. Among these letters, that to Mrs.
Moffat and her reply from Kuruman have a special interest. His
letters went round by Europe, and the first news reached Kuruman by
traders and newspapers. For a full month after her daughters death,
Mrs. Moffat was giving thanks for the mercy that had spared her to
meet with her husband, and had made her lot so different from that
of Miss Mackenzie and Mrs. Burrup. In a letter, dated 26th May, she
writes to Mary a graphic account of the electrical thrill that
passed through her when she saw David's handwriting--of the beating
heart with which she tried to get the essence of his letter before
she read the lines--of the overwhelming joy and gratitude with
which she learned that they had met--and then the horror of great
darkness that came over her when she read of the tragic death of
the Bishop, to whom she had learned to feel as to a friend and
brother. Then she pours out her tears over the "poor dear ladies,
Miss Mackenzie and Mrs. Burrup," and remembers the similar fate of
the Helmores, who, like the Bishop and his friends, had had it in
their hearts to build a temple to the Lord in Africa, but had not
been permitted. Then comes some family news, especially about her
son Robert, whose sudden death occurred a few days after, and was
another bitter drop in the family cup. And then some motherly
forecastings of her daughter's future, kindly counsel where she
could offer any, and affectionate prayers for the guidance of God
where the future was too dark for her to penetrate.
For a whole month before this letter was written, poor Mary had
been sleeping under the baobab-tree at Shupanga!
In Livingstone's letter to Mrs. Moffat he gives the details of
her illness, and pours his heart out in the same affectionate terms
as in his Journal. He dwells on the many unhappy causes of delay
which had detained them near the mouth of the river, contrary to
all his wishes and arrangements. He is concerned that her deafness
(through quinine) and comatose condition before her death prevented
her from giving him the indications he would have desired
respecting her state of mind in the view of eternity.
"I look," he says, "to her previous experience and life for
comfort, and thank God for his mercy that we have it.... A good
wife and mother was she. God have pity on the children--she was so
much beloved by them.... She was much respected by all the officers
of the 'Gorgon,'--they would do anything for her. When they met
this vessel at Mozambique, Captain Wilson offered his cabin in that
fine large vessel, but she insisted rather that Miss Mackenzie and
Mrs. Burrup should go.... I enjoyed her society during the three
months we were together. It was the Lord who gave and He has taken
away. I wish to say--Blessed be his name. I regret, as there always
are regrets after our loved ones are gone, that the slander which,
unfortunately, reached her ears from missionary gossips and others
had an influence on me in allowing her to come, before we were
fairly on Lake Nyassa. A doctor of divinity said, when her devotion
to her family was praised: 'Oh, she is no good, she is here because
her husband cannot live with her,' The last day will tell another
tale."
To his daughter Agnes he writes, after the account of her death:
"... Dear Nannie, she often thought of you, and when once, from the
violence of the disease, she was delirious, she called out, 'See!
Agnes is falling down a precipice,' May our Heavenly Saviour, who
must be your Father and Guide, preserve you from falling into the
gulf of sin over the precipice of temptation.... Dear Agnes, I feel
alone in the world now, and what will the poor dear baby do without
her mamma? She often spoke of her, and sometimes burst into a flood
of tears, just as I now do in taking up and arranging the things
left by my beloved partner of eighteen years.... I bow to the
Divine hand that chastens me. God grant that I may learn the lesson
He means to teach! All she told you to do she now enforces, as if
beckoning from heaven. Nannie, dear, meet her there. Don't lose the
crown of joy she now wears, and the Lord be gracious to you in all
things. You will now need to act more and more from a feeling of
responsibility to Jesus, seeing He has taken away one of your
guardians. A right straightforward woman was she. No crooked way
ever hers, and she could act with decision and energy when
required. I pity you on receiving this, but it is the Lord.--Your
sorrowing and lonely father."
Letters of the like tenor were written to every intimate friend.
It was a relief to his heart to pour itself out in praise of her
who was gone, and in some cases, when he had told all about the
death, he returns to speak of her life. A letter to Sir Roderick
Murchison gives all the particulars of the illness and its
termination. Then he thinks of the good and gentle Lady
Murchison,--"la spirituelle Lady Murchison," as Humboldt called
her,--and writes to her: "It will somewhat ease my aching heart to
tell you about my dear departed Mary Moffat, the faithful companion
of eighteen years." He tells of her birth at Griqua Town in 1821,
her education in England, their marriage and their love. "At
Kolobeng, she managed all the household affairs by native servants
of her own training, made bread, butter, and all the clothes of the
family; taught her children most carefully; kept also an infant and
sewing school--by far the most popular and best attended we had. It
was a fine sight to see her day by day walking a quarter of a mile
to the town, no matter how broiling hot the sun, to impart
instruction to the heathen Bakwains. Ma-Robert's name is known
through all that country, and 1800 miles beyond.... A brave, good
woman was she. All my hopes of giving her one day a quiet home, for
which we both had many a sore longing, are now dashed to the
ground. She is, I trust, through divine mercy, in peace in the home
of the blest.... She spoke feelingly of your kindness to her, and
also of the kind reception she received from Miss Burdett Coutts.
Please give that lady and Mrs. Brown the sad intelligence of her
death."
The reply of Mrs. Moffat to her son-in-law's letter was touching
and beautiful. "I do thank you for the detail you have given us of
the circumstances of the last days and hours of our lamented and
beloved Mary, our first-born, over whom our fond hearts first beat
with parental affection!" She recounts the mercies that were
mingled with the trial--though Mary could not be called
eminently pious, she had the root of the matter in her, and
though the voyage of her life had been a trying and stormy one, she
had not become a wreck. God had remembered her; had given her
during her last year the counsels of faithful men--referring to her
kind friend and valued counselor, the Rev. Professor Kirk, of
Edinburgh, and the Rev. Dr. Stewart, of Lovedale--and, at last, the
great privilege of dying in the arms of her husband. "As for the
cruel scandal that seems to have hurt you both so much, those who
said it did not know you as a couple. In all our
intercourse with you, we never had a doubt as to your being
comfortable together. I know there are some maudlin ladies who
insinuate, when a man leaves his family frequently, no matter how
noble is his object, that he is not comfortable at home. But
we can afford to smile at this, and say, 'The Day will declare
it.'...
"Now my dear Livingstone, I must conclude by assuring you of the
tender interest we shall ever feel in your operations. It is not
only as the husband of our departed Mary and the father of her
children, but as one who has laid himself out for the emancipation
of this poor wretched continent, and for opening new doors of
entrance for the heralds of salvation (not that I would not have
preferred your remaining in your former capacity). I nevertheless
rejoice in what you are allowed to accomplish. We look anxiously
for more news of you, and my heart bounded when I saw your letters
the other day, thinking they were new. May our gracious God and
Father comfort your sorrowful heart.--Believe me ever your
affectionate mother, "MARY MOFFAT."
CHAPTER XV.
LAST TWO YEARS OF THE EXPEDITION.
Livingstone again buckles on his armor--Letter to Waller--Launch
of "Lady Nyassa"--Too late for season--He explores the
Rovuma--Fresh activity of the slave-trade--Letter to Governor of
Mozambique about his discoveries--Letter to Sir Thomas
Maclear--Generous offer of a party of Scotchmen--The Expedition
proceeds up Zambesi with "Lady Nyassa" in tow--Appalling
desolations of Marianne--Tidings of the Mission--Death of
Scudamore--of Dickenson--of Thornton--Illness of Livingstone--Dr.
Kirk and Charles Livingstone go home--He proceeds northward with
Mr. Rae and Mr. E.D. Young of the "Gorgon"--Attempt to carry a boat
over the rapids--Defeated--Recall of the Expedition--Livingstone's
views--Letter to Mr. James Young--to Mr. Waller--Feeling of the
Portuguese Government--Offer to the Rev. Dr. Stewart--Great
discouragements--Why did he not go home?--Proceeds to explore
Nyassa--Risks and sufferings--Occupation of his mind--Natural
History--Obliged to turn back--More desolation--Report of his
murder--Kindness of Chinsamba--Reaches the ship--Letter from Bishop
Tozer, abandoning the Mission--Distress of Livingstone--Letter to
Sir Thomas Maclear--Progress of Dr.
Stewart--Livingstonia--Livingstone takes charge of the children of
the Universities Mission--Letter to his daughter--Retrospect--The
work of the Expedition--Livingstone's plans for the future.
It could not have been easy for Livingstone to buckle on his
armor anew. How he was able to do it at all may be inferred from
some words of cheer written by him at the time to his friend Mr.
Waller: "Thanks for your kind sympathy. In return, I say, Cherish
exalted thoughts of the great work you have undertaken. It is a
work which, if faithful, you will look back on with satisfaction
while the eternal ages roll on their everlasting course. The devil
will do all he can to hinder you by efforts from without and from
within; but remember Him who is with you, and will be with you
alway."
As soon as he was able to brace himself, he was again at his
post, helping to put the "Lady Nyassa" together and launch her.
This was achieved by the end of June, greatly to the wonder of the
natives, who could not understand how iron should swim. The
"Nyassa" was an excellent steamboat, and could she have been got to
the lake would have done well. But, alas! the rainy season had
passed, and until December this could not be done. Here was another
great disappointment. Meanwhile, Dr. Livingstone resolved to renew
the exploration of the Rovuma, in the hope of finding a way to
Nyassa beyond the dominion of the Portuguese. This was the work in
which he had been engaged at the time when he went with Bishop
Mackenzie to help him to settle.
The voyage up the Rovuma did not lead to much. On one occasion
they were attacked, fiercely and treacherously, by the natives.
Cataracts occurred about 156 miles from the mouth, and the report
was that farther up they were worse. The explorers did not venture
beyond the banks of the rivers, but so far as they saw, the people
were industrious, and the country fertile, and a steamer of light
draft might carry on a very profitable trade among them. But there
was no water-way to Nyassa. The Rovuma came from mountains to the
west, having only a very minute connection with Nyassa. It seemed
that it would be better in the meantime to reach the lake by the
Zambesi and the Shiré, so the party returned. It was not
till the beginning of 1863 that they were able to renew the ascent
of these rivers. Livingstone writes touchingly to Sir Roderick, in
reference to his returning to the Zambesi: "It may seem to some
persons weak to feel a chord vibrating to the dust of her who rests
on the banks of the Zambesi, and think that the path by that river
is consecrated by her remains."
Meanwhile, Dr. Livingstone was busy with his pen. A new energy
had been imparted to him by the appalling facts now fully apparent,
that his discoveries had only stimulated the activity of the
slave-traders, that the Portuguese local authorities really
promoted slave-trading, with its inevitable concomitant
slave-hunting, and that the horror and desolation to which the
country bore such frightful testimony was the result. It seemed as
if the duel he had fought with the Boers when they determined to
close Africa, and he determined to open it, had now to be repeated
with the Portuguese. The attention of Dr. Livingstone is more and
more concentrated on this terrible topic. Dr. Kirk writes to him
that when at Tette he had heard that the Portuguese
Governor-General at Mozambique had instructed his brother, the
Governor of that town, to act on the principle that the
slave-trade, though prohibited on the ocean, was still lawful on
the land, and that any persons interfering with slave-traders, by
liberating their slaves, would be counted robbers. An energetic
despatch to Earl Russell, then Foreign Secretary, calls attention
to this outrage.
A few days after, a strong but polite letter is sent to the
Governor of Tette, calling attention to the forays of a man named
Belshore, in the Chibisa country, and entreating him to stop them.
About the same time he writes to the Governor-General of Mozambique
in reply to a paper by the Viscount de Sa da Bandeira, published in
the Almanac by the Government press, in which the common charge was
made against him of arrogating to himself the glory of discoveries
which belonged to Senhor Candido and other Portuguese. He affirms
that before publishing his book he examined all Portuguese books of
travels he could find; that he had actually shown Senhor Candido to
have been a discoverer before any Portuguese hinted that he was
such; that the lake which Candido spoke of as northwest of Tette
could not be Nyassa, which was northeast of it; that he did full
justice to all the Portuguese explorers, and that what he claimed
as own discoveries were certainly not the discoveries of the
Portuguese. A few days after, he writes to Mr. Layard, then our
Portuguese Minister, and comments on the map published by the
Viscount as representing Portuguese geography,--pointing out such
blunders as that which made the Zambesi enter the sea at Quilimane,
proving that by their map the Portuguese claimed territory that was
certainly not theirs; adverting to their utter ignorance of the
Victoria Falls, the most remarkable phenomenon in Africa; affirming
that many so-called discoveries were mere vague rumors, heard by
travelers; and showing the use that had been made of his own maps,
the names being changed to suit the Portuguese orthography.
Livingstone had the satisfaction of knowing that his account of
the trip to Lake Nyassa had excited much interest in the Cabinet at
home, and that a strong remonstrance had been addressed to the
Portuguese Government against slave-hunting. But it does not appear
that this led to any improvement at the time.
While stung into more than ordinary energy by the atrocious
deeds he witnessed around him, Livingstone was living near the
borders of the unseen world. He writes to Sir Thomas Maclear on the
27th October, 1862:
"I suppose that I shall die in these uplands, and
somebody will carry, out the plan I have longed to put into
practice. I have been thinking a great deal since the departure of
my beloved one about the regions whither she has gone, and imagine
from the manner the Bible describes it we have got too much monkery
in our ideas. There will be work there as well as here, and
possibly not such a vast difference in our being as is expected.
But a short time there will give more insight than a thousand
musings. We shall see Him by whose inexpressible love and mercy we
get there, and all whom we loved, and all the lovable. I can
sympathize with you now more fully than I did before. I work with
as much vigor as I can; and mean to do so till the change comes;
but his prospect of a home is all dispelled."
In one of his despatches to Lord Russell, Livingstone reports an
offer that had been made by a party consisting of an Englishman and
five Scotch working men at the Cape, which must have been extremely
gratifying to him, and served to deepen his conviction that sooner
or later his plan of colonization would certainly be carried into
effect. The leader of the party, John Jehan, formerly of the London
City Mission, in reading Dr. Livingstone's book, became convinced
that if a few mechanics could be induced to take a journey of
exploration it would prove very useful. His views being
communicated to five other young men (two masons, two carpenters,
one smith), they formed themselves into a company in July, 1861,
and had been working together, throwing their earnings into a
common fund, and now they had arms, two wagons, two spans of oxen,
and means of procuring outfits. In September, 1862, they were ready
to start from Aliwal in South Africa [66].
[66] The recall of Livingstone's Expedition and
the removal of the Universities Mission seem to have knocked this
most promising scheme on the head. Writing of it to Sir Roderick
Murchison on the 14th December, 1862, he says: "I like the
Scotchmen, and think them much better adapted for our plans than
those on whom the Universities Mission has lighted. If employed as
I shall wish them to be in trade, and setting an example of
industry in cotton or coffee planting, I think they are just the
men I need brought to my band. Don't you think this
sensible?"
After going to Johanna for provisions, and to discharge the crew
of Johanna men whose term of service had expired, the Expedition
returned to Tette. On the 10th January, 1863, they steamed off with
the "Lady Nyassa" in tow. The desolation that had been caused by
Marianno, the Portuguese slave-agent, was heart-breaking. Corpses
floated past them. In the morning the paddles had to be cleared of
corpses caught by the floats during the night. Livingstone summed
up his impressions in one terrible sentence:
"Wherever we took a walk, human skeletons were seen in every
direction, and it was painfully interesting to observe the
different postures in which the poor wretches had breathed their
last. A whole heap had been thrown down a slope behind a village,
where the fugitives often crossed the river from the east; and in
one hut of the same village no fewer than twenty drums had been
collected, probably the ferryman's fees. Many had ended their
misery under shady trees, others under projecting crags in the
hills, while others lay in their huts with closed doors, which when
opened disclosed the mouldering corpse with the poor rags round the
loins, the skull fallen off the pillow, the little skeleton of the
child, that had perished first, rolled up in a mat between two
large skeletons. The sight of this desert, but eighteen months ago
a well-peopled valley, now literally strewn with human bones,
forced the conviction upon us that the destruction of human life in
the middle passage, however great, constitutes but a small portion
of the waste, and made us feel that unless the slave-trade--that
monster iniquity which has so long brooded over Africa--is put
down, lawful commerce cannot be established."
In passing up, Livingstone's heart was saddened as he visited
the Bishop's grave, and still more by the tidings which he got of
the Mission, which had now removed from Magomero to the low lands
of Chibisa. Some time before, Mr. Scudamore, a man greatly beloved,
had succumbed, and now Mr. Dickenson was added to the number of
victims. Mr. Thornton, too, who left the Expedition in 1859, but
returned to it, died under an attack of fever, consequent on too
violent exertion undertaken in order to be of service to the
Mission party. Dr. Kirk and Mr. C. Livingstone were so much reduced
by illness that it was deemed necessary for them to return to
England. Livingstone himself had a most serious attack of fever,
which lasted all the month of May, Dr. Kirk remaining with him till
he got over it. When his brother and Dr. Kirk left, the only
Europeans remaining with him were Mr. Rae, the ship's engineer, and
Mr. Edward D. Young, formerly of the "Gorgon," who had volunteered
to join the Expedition, and whose after services, both in the
search for Livingstone and in establishing the mission of
Livingstonia, were so valuable. On the noble spirit shown by
Livingstone in remaining in the country after all his early
companions had left, and amid such appalling scenes as everywhere
met him, we do not need to dwell.
Here are glimpses of the inner heart of Livingstone about this
time:
"1
st March, 1863.--I feel very often that I have
not long to live, and say, 'My dear children, I leave you. Be manly
Christians, and never do a mean thing. Be honest to men, and to the
Almighty One.'"
"10
th April.--Reached the Cataracts. Very thankful indeed
after our three months' toil from Shupanga."
"27
th April.--On this day twelvemonths my beloved Mary
Moffat was removed from me by death.
'If I can, I'll come again, mother, from out my
resting-place;
Though you'll not see me, mother, I shall look upon your face;
Though I cannot speak a word, I shall hearken what you say,
And be often, often with you when you think I'm far away.'
"TENNYSON."
The "Lady Nyassa" being taken to pieces, the party began to
construct a road over the thirty-five or forty miles of the rapids,
in order to convey the steamer to the lake. After a few miles of
the road had been completed, it was thought desirable to ascertain
whether the boat left near the lake two years before was fit for
service, so as to avoid the necessity of carrying another boat past
the rapids. On reaching it the boat was found to have been burnt.
The party therefore returned to carry up another. They had got to
the very last rapid, and had placed the boat for a short space in
the water, when, through the carelessness of five Zambesi men, she
was overturned, and away she went like an arrow down the rapids. To
keep calm under such a crowning disappointment must have I taxed
Livingstone's self-control to the very utmost.
It was now that he received a despatch from Earl Russell
intimating that the Expedition was recalled. This, though a great
disappointment, was not altogether a surprise. On the 24th April he
had written to Mr. Waller "I should not wonder in the least to be
recalled, for should the Portuguese persist in keeping the rivers
shut, there would be no use in trying to develop trade," He states
his views on the recall calmly in a letter to Mr. James Young:
"Murchison Cataracts, 3d July, 1863.--...
Got instructions for our recall yesterday, at which I do not
wonder. The Government has behaved well to us throughout, and I
feel abundantly thankful to H.M.'s ministers for enabling me so far
to carry on the experiment of turning the industrial and trading
propensities of the natives to good account, with a view of thereby
eradicating the trade in slaves. But the Portuguese dogged our
footsteps, and, as is generally understood, with the approbation of
their Home Government, neutralized our labors. Not that the
Portuguese statesmen approved of slaving, but being enormously
jealous lest their pretended dominion from sea to sea and elsewhere
should in the least degree, now or any future time, become aught
else than a slave 'preserve,' the Governors have been instructed,
and have carried out their instructions further than their
employers intended. Major Sicard was removed from Tette as too
friendly, and his successor had emmissaries in the Ajawa camp.
Well, he saw their policy, and regretted that they should be
allowed to follow us into perfectly new regions. The regret was the
more poignant, inasmuch as but for our entering in by gentleness,
they durst not have gone. No Portuguese dared, for instance, to
come up this Shiré Valley; but after our dispelling the fear
of the natives by fair treatment, they came in calling themselves
our 'children.' The whole thing culminated when this quarter was
inundated with Tette slavers, whose operations, with a marauding
tribe of Ajawas, and a drought, completely depopulated the country.
The sight of this made me conclude that unless something could be
done to prevent these raids, and take off their foolish
obstructions on the rivers, which they never use, our work in this
region was at an end.... Please the Supreme, I shall work some
other point yet. In leaving, it is bitter to see some 900 miles of
coast abandoned to those who were the first to begin the
slave-trade, and seem determined to be the last to abandon
it."
Writing to Mr. Waller at this time he said: "I don't know
whether I am to go on the shelf or not. If I do, I make Africa the
shelf. If the 'Lady Nyassa' is well sold, I shall manage. There is
a Ruler above, and his providence guides all things. He is our
Friend, and has plenty of work for all his people to do. Don't fear
of being left idle, if willing to work for Him. I am glad to her of
Alington. If the work is of God it will came out all right at last.
To Him shall be given of the gold of Sheba, and daily shall He be
praised. I always think it was such a blessing and privilege to be
led into his work instead of into the service of the hard
taskmasters--the Devil and Sin."
The reason assigned by Earl Russell for the recall of the
Expedition were, that, not through any fault of Dr. Livingstone's,
it had not accomplished the objects for which it had been designed,
and that it had proved much more costly than was originally
expected. Probably the Government felt likewise that their
remonstrances with the Portuguese Government were unavailing, and
that their relations were becoming too uncomfortable. Even among
those most friendly to Dr. Livingstone's great aim, and most
opposed to the slave-trade, and to the Portuguese policy in Africa,
there were some who doubted whether his proposed methods of
procedure were quite consistent with the rights of the Portuguese
Government. His Royal Highness the Prince-Consort indicated some
feeling of this kind in his interview with Livingstone in 1857. He
expressed the feeling more strongly when he declined the request,
made to him through Professor Sedgwick of Cambridge, that he would
allow himself to be Patron of the Universities Mission. Dr.
Livingstone knew well that from that exalted quarter his plans
would receive no active support. That he should have obtained the
support he did from successive Governments and successive Foreign
Secretaries, Liberal and Conservative, was a great gratification,
if not something of a surprise. Hence the calmness with which he
received the intelligence of the recall. Toward the Portuguese
Government his feelings were not very sweet. On them lay the guilt
of arresting a work that would have conferred untold blessing on
Africa. He determined to make this known very clearly when he
should return to England. At a future period of his life, he
purposed, if spared, to go more fully into the reasons of his
recall. Meanwhile, his course was simply to acquiesce in the
resolution of the British Government.
It was unfortunate that the recall took place before he had been
able to carry into effect his favorite scheme of placing a steamer
on Lake Nyassa; nor could he do this now, although the vessel on
which he had spent half his fortune lay at the Murchison Cataracts.
He had always cherished the hope that the Government would repay
him at least a part of the outlay, which, instead of £3000,
as he had intended, had mounted up to £6000. He had very
generously told Dr. Stewart that if this should be done, and if he
should be willing to return from Scotland to labor on the shores of
Nyassa, he would pay him his expenses out, and £150 yearly,
so anxious was he that he should begin the work. On the recall of
the Expedition, without any allowance for the ship, or even mention
of it, all these expectations and intentions came abruptly to an
end.
At no previous time had Dr. Livingstone been under greater
discouragements than now. The Expedition had been recalled; his
heart had not recovered from the desolation caused by the death of
the Bishop and his brethren, as well as the Helmores in the
Makololo country, and still more by the removal of Mrs.
Livingstone, and the thought of his motherless children; the most
heart-rending scenes had been witnessed everywhere in regions that
a short time ago had been so bright; all his efforts to do good had
been turned to evil, every new path he had opened having been
seized as it were by the devil and turned to the most diabolical
ends; his countrymen were nearly all away from him; the most
depressing of diseases had produced its natural effect; he had had
worries, delays, and disappointments about ships and boats of the
most harrassing kind; and now the "Lady Nyassa" could not be
floated in the waters of which he had fondly hoped to see her the
angel and the queen. It is hardly possible to exaggerate the noble
quality of the heart that, undeterred by all these troubles,
resolved to take this last chance of exploring the banks of Nyassa,
although it could only be by the weary process of trudge, trudge,
trudging; although hunger, if not starvation, blocked the path, and
fever and dysentery flitted around it like imps of darkness;
although tribes, demoralized by the slave-trade, might at any
moment put an end to him and his enterprise;--not to speak of the
ordinary risks of travel, the difficulty of finding guides, the
liability to bodily hurt, the scarcity of food, the perils from
wild beasts by night Und by day,--risks which no ordinary traveler
could think of lightly, but which in Livingstone's journeys drop
out of sight, because they are so overtopped and dwarfed by risks
that ordinary travelers never know.
Why did not Livingstone go home? A single sentence in a letter
to Mr. Waller, while the recall was only in contemplation,
explains: "In my case, duty would not lead me home, and home
therefore I would not go." Away then goes Livingstone, accompanied
by the steward of the "Pioneer" and a handful of native servants
(Mr. Young being left in charge of the vessel), to get to the
northern end of the lake, and ascertain whether any large river
flowed into it from the west, and if possible to visit Lake Moero,
of which he had heard, lying a considerable way to the west. For
the first time in his travels he carried some bottles of wine,--a
present from the missionaries Waller and Alington; for water had
hitherto been his only drink, with a little hot coffee in the
mornings to warm the stomach and ward off the feeling of sinking.
At one time the two white men are lost three days in the woods,
without food or the means of purchasing it; but some poor natives
out of their poverty show them kindness. At another they can
procure no guides, though the country is difficult and the way
intersected by deep gullies that can only be scaled at certain
known parts; anon they are taken for slave-dealers, and make a
narrow escape of a night attack. Another time, the cries of
children remind Livingstone of his own home and family, where the
very same tones of sorrow had often been heard; the thought brought
its own pang, only he could feel thankful that in the case of his
children the woes of the slave-trade would never be added to the
ordinary sorrows of childhood. Then he would enjoy the joyous laugh
of some Manganja women, and think of the good influence of a merry
heart, and remember that whenever he had observed a chief with a
joyous twinkle of the eye accompanying his laugh, he had always set
him down as a good fellow, and had never been disappointed in him
afterward. Then he would cheer his monotony by making some
researches into the origin of civilization, coming to the clear
conclusion that born savages must die out, because they could
devise no means of living through disease. By and by he would
examine the Arab character, and find Mahometanism as it now is in
Africa worse than African heathenism, and remark on the callousness
of the Mahometans to the welfare of one another, and on the
especial glory of Christianity, the only religion that seeks to
propagate itself, and through the influence of love share its
blessings with others. Anon he would dwell on the primitive African
faith; its recognition of one Almighty Creator, its moral code, so
like our own, save in the one article of polygamy; its pious
recognition of a future life, though the element of punishment is
not very conspicuous; its mild character generally, notwithstanding
the bloodthirstiness sometimes ascribed to it, which, however,
Livingstone held to be, at Dahomey for example, purely
exceptional.
Another subject that occupied him was the natural history of the
country. He would account for desert tracts like Kalahari by the
fact that the east and southeast winds, laden with moisture from
the Indian Ocean, get cooled over the coast ranges of mountains,
and having discharged their vapor there had no spare moisture to
deposit over the regions that for want of it became deserts. The
geology of Southern Africa was peculiar; the geographical series
described in books was not to be found here, for, as Sir Roderick
Murchison had shown, the great submarine depressions and elevations
that had so greatly affected the other continents during the
secondary, tertiary, and more recent periods, had not affected
Africa. It had preserved its terrestrial conditions during a long
period, unaffected by any changes save those dependent on
atmospheric influences. There was also a peculiarity in prehistoric
Africa--it had no stone period; at least no flint weapons had been
found, and the familiarity and skill of the natives with the
manufacture of iron seemed to indicate that they had used iron
weapons from the first.
The travelers had got as far as the river Loangwa (of Nyassa),
when a halt had to be called. Some of the natives had been ill, and
indeed one had died in the comparatively cold climate of the
highlands. But nothing would have hindered Livingstone from working
his way round the head of the lake if only time had been on his
side. But time was inexorably against him; the orders from
Government were strict. He must get the "Pioneer" down to the sea
while the river was in flood. A month or six weeks would have
enabled him to finish his researches, but he could not run the
risk. It would have been otherwise had he foreseen that when he got
to the ship he would be detained two months waiting for the rising
of the river. On their way back, they took a nearer cut, but found
the villages all deserted. The reeds along the banks of the lake
were crowded with fugitives. "In passing mile after mile, marked
with the sad proofs that 'man's inhumanity to man makes countless
thousands mourn,' one experiences an overpowering sense of
helplessness to alleviate human woe, and breathes a silent prayer
to the Almighty to hasten the good time coming when 'man to man,
the world o'er, shall brothers be for all that.'" Near a village
called Bangwé they were pursued by a body of Mazitu, who
retired when they came within ear-shot. This little adventure
seemed to give rise to the report that Dr. Livingstone had been
murdered by the Makololo, which reached England, and created no
small alarm. Referring to the report in his jocular way, in a
letter to his friend Mr. Fitch, he says, "A report of my having
been murdered at the lake has been very industriously circulated by
the Portuguese. Don't become so pale on getting a letter from a
dead man."
Reaching the stockade of Chinsamba in Mosapo, they were much
pleased with that chief's kindness. Dr. Livingstone followed his
usual method, and gained his usual influence. "When a chief has
made any inquiries of us, we have found that we gave most
satisfaction in our answers when we tried to fancy ourselves in the
position of the interrogator, and him that of a poor uneducated
fellow-countryman in England. The polite, respectful way of
speaking, and behavior of what we call 'a thorough gentleman,'
almost always secures the friendship and good-will of the
Africans."
On 1st November, 1863, the party reached the ship, and found all
well. Here, as has been said, two months had to be spent waiting
for the flood, to Dr. Livingstone's intense chagrin.
While waiting here he received a letter from Bishop Tozer, the
successor of Bishop Mackenzie, informing him that he had resolved
to abandon the Mission on the continent and transfer operations to
Zanzibar. Dr. Livingstone had very sincerely welcomed the new
Bishop, and at first liked him, and thought that his caution would
lead to good results. Indeed, when he saw that his own scheme was
destroyed by the Portuguese, he had great hopes that what he had
been defeated in, the Mission would accomplish. Some time before,
his hopes had begun to wane, and now the news conveyed in Bishop
Tozer's letter was their death-blow. In his reply he implored the
Bishop to reconsider the matter. After urging strongly some
considerations bearing on the duty of missionaries, the reputation
of Englishmen, and the impression likely to be made on the native
mind, he concluded thus: "I hope, dear Bishop, you will not deem me
guilty of impertinence in thus writing to you with a sore heart. I
see that if you go, the last ray of hope for this wretched,
trodden-down people disappears, and I again from the bottom of my
heart entreat you to reconsider the matter, and may the All-wise
One guide to that decision which will be most for his glory."
And thus, for Livingstone's life-time, ended the Universities
Mission to Central Africa, with all the hopes which its bright dawn
had inspired, that the great Church of England would bend its
strength against the curse of Africa, and sweep it from the face of
the earth. Writing to Sir Thomas Maclear, he said that he felt this
much more than his own recall. He could hardly write of it; he was
more inclined "to sit down and cry." No mission had ever had such
bright prospects; notwithstanding all that had been said against
it, he stood by the climate as firmly as ever, and if he were only
young, he would go himself and plant the gospel there. It would be
done one day without fail, though he might not live to see it.
As usual, Livingstone found himself blamed for the removal of
the Mission. The Makololo had behaved badly, and they were
Livingstone's people. "Isn't it interesting," he writes to Mr.
Moore, "to get blamed for everything? But I must be thankful in
feeling that I would rather perish than blame another for my
misdeeds and deficiencies."
We have lost sight of Dr. Stewart and the projected mission of
the Free Church of Scotland. As Dr. Livingstone's arrangements did
not admit of his accompanying Dr. Stewart up the Shiré, he
set out alone, falling in afterward with the Rev. Mr. Scudamore, a
member, and as we have already said ultimately a martyr, of the
Universities Mission. The report which Dr. Stewart made of the
prospects of a mission was that, owing to the disturbed state of
the country, no immediate action could be taken. Livingstone seemed
to think him hasty in this conclusion. The scheme continued to be
ardently cherished, and some ten or twelve years after--in 1874--in
the formation of the "Livingstonia" mission and colony, a most
promising and practical step was taken toward the fulfillment of
Dr. Livingstone's views. Dr. Stewart has proved one of the best
friends and noblest workers for African regeneration both at
Lovedale and Livingstonia--a strong man on whom other men may lean,
with his whole heart in the cause of Africa.
In the breaking up of the Universities Mission, it was necessary
that some arrangement should be made on behalf of about thirty boys
and a few helpless old persons and others, a portion of the rescued
slaves, who had been taken under the charge of the Mission, and
could not be abandoned. The fear of the Portuguese seemed likely to
lead to their being left behind. But Livingstone could not bear the
idea. He thought it would be highly discreditable to the good name
of England, and an affront to the memory of Bishop Mackenzie, to
"repudiate" his act in taking them under his protection. Therefore,
when Bishop Tozer would not accept the charge, he himself took them
in hand, giving orders to Mr. E.D. Young (as he says in his
Journal), "in the event of any Portuguese interfering with them in
his absence, to pitch him over-board!" Through his influence
arrangements were made, as we shall see, for conveying them to the
Cape. Mr. R.M. Ballantyne, in his Six Months at the Cape,
tells us that he found, some years afterward, among the most
efficient teachers in St. George's Orphanage, Cape Town, one of
these black girls, named Dauma, whom Bishop Mackenzie had
personally rescued and carried on his shoulders, and whom
Livingstone now rescued a second time.
Livingstone's plan for himself was to sail to Bombay in the
"Lady Nyassa," and endeavor to sell her there, before returning
home. The Portuguese would have liked to get her, to employ her as
a slaver--"But," he wrote to his daughter (10th August, 1863), "I
would rather see her go down to the depths of the Indian Ocean than
that. We have not been able to do all that we intended for this
country, owing to the jealousy and slave-hunting of the Portuguese.
They have hindered us effectually by sweeping away the population
into slavery. Thousands have perished, and wherever we go human
skeletons appear. I suppose that our Government could not prevail
on the Portuguese to put a stop to this; so we are recalled. I am
only sorry that we ever began near these slavers, but the great men
of Portugal professed so loudly their eager desire to help us (and
in the case of the late King I think there was sincerity), that I
believed them, and now find out that it was all for show in
Europe.... If missions were established as we hoped, I should still
hope for good being done to this land, but the new Bishop had to
pay fourpence for every pound weight of calico he bought, and
calico is as much currency here as money is in Glasgow. It looks as
if they wished to prohibit any one else coming, and, unfortunately,
Bishop Tozer, a good man enough, lacks courage.... What a mission
it would be if there were no difficulties--nothing but walking
about in slippers made by admiring young ladies! Hey! that would
not suit me. It would give me the doldrums; but there are many
tastes in the world."
Looking back on the work of the last six years, while deeply
grieved that the great object of the Expedition had not been
achieved, Dr. Livingstone was able to point to some important
results:
1. The discovery of the Kongone harbor, and the ascertaining of
the condition of the Zambesi River, and its fitness for
navigation.
2. The ascertaining of the capacity of the soil. It was found to
be admirably adapted for indigo and cotton, as well as tobacco,
castor-oil, and sugar. Its great fertility was shown by its
gigantic grasses, and abundant crops of corn and maize. The
highlands were free from tsetse and mosquitoes. The drawback to all
this was the occurrence of periodical droughts, once every few
years.
But every fine feature of the country was bathed in gloom by the
slave-trade. The image left in Dr. Livingstone's mind was not that
of the rich, sunny, luxuriant country, but that of the woe and
wretchedness of the people. The real service of the Expedition was,
that it had exposed slavery at its fountain-head, and in all its
phases. First, there was the internal slave-trade between hostile
native tribes. Then, there were the slave-traders from the coast,
Arabs, or half-caste Portuguese, for whom natives were encouraged
to collect slaves by all the horrible means of marauding and
murder. And further, there were the parties sent out from
Portuguese and Arab coast towns, with cloth and beads, muskets and
ammunition. The destructive and murderous effects of the last were
the climax of the system.
Dr. Livingstone had seen nothing to make him regard the African
as of a different species from the rest of the human family. Nor
was he the lowest of the species. He had a strong frame and a
wonderfully persistent vitality, was free from many European
diseases, and could withstand privations with wonderful
light-heartedness.
He did not deem it necessary formally to answer a question
sometimes put, whether the African had enough of intellect to
receive Christianity. The reception of Christianity did not depend
on intellect. It depended, as Sir James Stephen had remarked, on a
spiritual intuition, which was not the fruit of intellectual
culture. But, in fact, the success of missions on the West Coast
showed that not only could the African be converted to
Christianity, but that Christianity might take root and be
cordially supported by the African race.
It was the accursed slave-trade, promoted by the Portuguese,
that had frustrated everything. For some time to come his efforts
and his prayers must be directed to getting influential men to see
to this, so that one way or other the trade might be abolished
forever. The hope of obtaining access to the heart of Africa by
another route than that through the Portuguese settlements was
still in Livingstone's heart. He would go home, but only for a few
months; at the earliest possible moment he would return to look for
a new route to the interior.
CHAPTER XVI.
QUILIMANE TO BOMBAY AND ENGLAND.
Livingstone returns the "Pioneer" to the Navy, and is to sail in
the "Nyassa" to Bombay--Terrific circular storm--Imminent peril of
the "Nyassa"--He reaches Mozambique--Letter to his
daughter--Proceeds to Zanzibar--His engineer leaves him--Scanty
crew of "Nyassa"--Livingstone captain and engineer--Peril of the
voyage of 2500 miles--Risk of the monsoons--The "Nyassa"
becalmed--Illness of the men--Remarks on African
travel--Flying-fish--Dolphins--Curiosities of his Journal--Idea of
a colony--Furious squall--Two sea-serpents seen--More squalls--The
"Nyassa" enters Bombay harbor--Is unnoticed--First visit from
officers with Custom-house schedules--How filled up--Attention of
Sir Bartle Frere and others--Livingstone goes with the Governor to
Dapuri--His feelings on landing in India--Letter to Sir Thomas
Maclear--He visits mission-schools, etc., at Poonah--Slaving in
Persian Gulf--Returns to Bombay--Leaves two boys with Dr.
Wilson--Borrows passage-money and sails for England--At Aden--At
Alexandria--Reaches Charing Cross--Encouragement derived from his
Bombay visit--Two projects contemplated on his way home.
On reaching the mouth of the Zambesi, Dr. Livingstone was
fortunate in falling in, on the 13th February, with H.M.S.
"Orestes," which was joined on the 14th by the "Ariel." The
"Orestes" took the "Pioneer" in tow, and the "Ariel" the "Lady
Nyassa," and brought them to Mozambique. The day after they set
out, a circular storm passed over them, raging with the utmost
fury, and creating the greatest danger. Often as Dr. Livingstone
had been near the gates of death, he was never nearer than now. He
had been offered a passage on board the "Ariel," but while there
was danger he would not leave the "Lady Nyassa." Had the latter not
been an excellent sea-ship she could not have survived the tempest;
all the greater was Dr. Livingstone's grief that she had never
reached the lake for which she was adapted so well.
Writing to his daughter Agnes from Mozambique, he gives a very
graphic account of the storm, after telling her the manner of their
leaving the Zambesi:
"Mozambique, 24th Feb., 1864.--When our
patience had been well nigh exhausted the river rose and we steamed
gladly down the Shiré on the 19th of last month. An accident
detained us some time, but on the 1st February we were close by
Morumbala, where the Bishop [Tozer] passed a short time before
bolting out of the country. I took two members of the Mission away
in the 'Pioneer,' and thirteen women and children, whom having
liberated we did not like to leave to become the certain prey of
slavers again. The Bishop left twenty-five boys, too, and these
also I took with me, hoping to get them conveyed to the Cape, where
I trust they may become acquainted with our holy religion. We had
thus quite a swarm on board, all very glad to get away from a land
of slaves. There were many more liberated, but we took only the
helpless and those very anxious to be free and with English people.
Those who could cultivate the soil we encouraged to do so, and left
up the river. Only one boy was unwilling to go, and he was taken by
the Bishop. It is a great pity that the Bishop withdrew the
Mission, for he had a noble chance of doing great things. The
captives would have formed a fine school, and as they had no
parents he could have educated them as he liked.
"When we reached the sea-coast at Luabo we met a man-of-war, H.M.S.
'Orestes.' I went to her with 'Pioneer,' and sent 'Lady Nyassa'
round by inland canal to Kongone. Next day I went into Kongone in
'Pioneer'; took our things out of her, and handed her over to the
officers of the 'Orestes.' Then H.M.S 'Ariel' came and took
'Nyassa' in tow, 'Orestes' having 'Pioneer.' Captain Chapman of
'Ariel' very kindly invited me on board to save me from the
knocking about of the 'Lady Nyassa,' but I did not like to leave so
long as there was any danger, and accepted his invitation for Mr.
Waller, who was dreadfully sea-sick. On 15th we were caught by a
hurricane which whirled the 'Ariel' right round. Her sails, quickly
put to rights, were again backed so that the ship was driven
backward and a hawser wound itself round her screw, so as to stop
the engines. By this time she was turned so as to be looking right
across 'Lady Nyassa,' and the wind alone propelling her as if to go
over the little vessel. I saw no hope of escape except by catching
a rope's-end of the big ship as she passed over us, but by God's
goodness she glided past, and we felt free to breathe. That night
it blew a furious gale. The captain offered to lower a boat if I
would come to the 'Ariel,' but it would have endangered all in the
boat: the waves dashed so hard against the sides of the vessel, it
might have been swamped, and my going away would have taken heart
out of those that remained. We then passed a terrible night, but
the 'Lady Nyassa' did wonderfully well, rising like a little duck
over the foaming billows. She took in spray alone, and no green
water. The man-of-war's people expected that she would go down, and
it was wonderful to see how well she did when the big man-of-war,
only about 200 feet off, plunged so as to show a large portion of
copper oh her bottom, then down behind so as to have the sea level
with the top of her bulwarks. A boat hung at that level was
smashed. If we had gone down we could not have been helped in the
least--pitch dark, and wind whistling above; the black folks, 'ane
bocking here, another there,' and wanting us to go to the 'bank.'
On 18th the weather moderated, and, the captain repeating his very
kind offer, I went on board with a good conscience, and even then
the boat got damaged. I was hoisted up in it, and got rested in
what was quite a steady ship as compared with the 'Lady Nyassa.'
The 'Ariel' was three days cutting off the hawser, though nine feet
under water, the men diving and cutting it with immensely long
chisels. On the 19th we spoke to a Liverpool ship, requesting the
captain to report me alive, a silly report having been circulated
by the Portuguese that I had been killed at Lake Nyassa, and on the
24th we entered Mozambique harbor, very thankful for our kind and
merciful preservation. The 'Orestes' has not arrived with the
'Pioneer,' though she is a much more powerful vessel than the
'Ariel.' Here we have a fort, built in 1500, and said to be of
stones brought from Lisbon. It is a square massive-looking
structure. The town adjacent is Arab in appearance. The houses
flat-roofed and colored white, pink, and yellow; streets narrow,
with plenty of slaves on them. It is on an island, the mainland on
the north being about a mile off."
The "Pioneer" was delivered over to the Navy, being Her
Majesty's property, and proceeded to the Cape with the "Valorous,"
Mr. Waller being on board with a portion of the mission flock. Of
Mr. Waller (subsequently editor of the Last Journals) Dr.
Livingstone remarked that "he continued his generous services to
all connected with the Mission, whether white or black, till they
were no longer needed; his conduct to them throughout was truly
noble, and worthy of the highest praise."
After remaining some weeks at Mozambique for thorough repairs,
the "Lady Nyassa" left on 16th April for Johanna and Zanzibar. She
was unable to touch at the former place, and reached Zanzibar on
the 24th. Offers were made for her there, which might have led to
her being sold, but her owner did not think them sufficient, and in
point of fact, he could not make up his mind to part with her. He
clung to the hope that she might yet be useful, and to sell her
seemed equivalent to abandon all hope of carrying out his
philanthropic schemes. At all events, till he should consult Mr.
Young he would not sell her at such a sacrifice. At Zanzibar he
found that a naval gentleman, who had been lately there, had not
spoken of him in the most complimentary terms. But it had not hurt
him with his best friends. "Indeed, I find that evil-speaking
against me has, by the good providence of my God, turned rather to
my benefit. I got two of my best friends by being spoken ill of,
for they found me so different from what they had been led to
expect that they befriended me more than they otherwise would have
done. It is the good hand of Him who has all in his power that
influences other hearts to show me kindness."
The only available plan now was to cross the Indian Ocean for
Bombay, or possibly Aden, in the "Nyassa" and leave the ship there
till he should make a run home, consult with his friends as to the
future, and find means for the prosecution of his work. At Zanzibar
a new difficulty arose. Mr. Rae, the engineer, who had now been
with him for many years, and with whom, despite his peculiarities,
he got on very well, signified his intention of leaving him. He had
the offer of a good situation, and wished to accept of it. He was
not without compunctions at leaving his friend in the lurch, and
told Livingstone that if he had had no offer for the ship he would
have gone with him, but as he had declined the offer made to him,
he did not feel under obligation to do so. Livingstone was too
generous to press him to remain. It was impossible to supply Mr.
Rae's place, and if anything should go wrong with the engines, what
was to be done? The entire crew of the vessel consisted of four
Europeans; namely, Dr. Livingstone--"skipper," one stoker, one
carpenter, and one sailor; seven native Zambesians, who, till they
volunteered, had never seen the sea, and two boys, one of whom was
Chuma, afterward his attendant on the last journey. With this
somewhat sorry complement, and fourteen tons of coal, Dr.
Livingstone set out on 30th April, on a voyage of 2500 miles, over
an ocean which he had never crossed.
It was a very perilous enterprise, for he was informed that the
breaking of the monsoon occurred at the end of May or the beginning
of June. This, as he came to think, was too early; but in any case,
he would come very near the dangerous time. As he wrote to one of
his friends, he felt jammed into a corner, and what could he do? He
believed from the best information he could get that he would reach
Bombay in eighteen days. Had any one told him that he would be
forty-five days at sea, and that for twenty-five of these his ship
would be becalmed, and even when she had a favorable wind would not
sail fast, even he would have looked pale at the thought of what
was before him. The voyage was certainly a memorable one, and has
only escaped fame by the still greater wonders performed by
Livingstone on land.
On the first day of the voyage, he made considerable way, but
Collyer, one of his white men, was prostrated by a bilious attack.
However, one of the black men speedily learned to steer, and took
Dr. Livingstone's place at the wheel. Hardly was Collyer better
when Pennell, another of his men, was seized. The chief foes of the
ship were currents and calms. Owing to the illness of the men they
could not steam, and the sails were almost useless. Even steam,
when they got it up, enabled them only to creep. On 20th May,
Livingstone, after recording but sixteen knots in the last
twenty-four hours, says in his Journal: "This very unusual weather
has a very depressing influence on my mind. I often feel as if I am
to die on this voyage, and wish I had sent the accounts to the
Government, as also my chart to the Zambesi. I often wish that I
may be permitted to do something for the benighted of Africa. I
shall have nothing to do at home; by the failure of the
Universities Mission my work seems vain. No fruit likely to come
from J. Moffat's mission either. Have I not labored in vain? Am I
to be cut off before I do anything to effect permanent improvement
in Africa? I have been unprofitable enough, but may do something
yet, in giving information. If spared, God grant that I may be more
faithful than I have been, and may He open up the way for me!"
Next day the weather was as still as ever; the sea a glassy
calm, with a hot glaring sun, and sharks stalking about. "All
ill-natured," says honest Livingstone, "and in this I am sorry to
feel compelled to join."
There is no sign of ill-nature, however, in the following
remarks on African travel, in his Journal for 23d May:
"In traveling in Africa, with the specific object in
view of ameliorating the benighted condition of the country, every
act is ennobled. In obtaining shelter for the night, and exchanging
the customary civilities, purchasing food for one's party and
asking the news of the country, and answering in their own polite
way any inquiries made respecting the object of the journey, we
begin to spread information respecting that people by whose agency
their land will yet be made free from the evils that now oppress
it. The mere animal pleasure of traveling is very great. The
elastic muscles have been exercised. Fresh and healthy blood
circulates in the veins, the eye is clear, the step firm, but the
day's exertion has been enough to make rest thoroughly enjoyable.
There is always the influence of the remote chances of danger on
the mind, either from men or wild beasts, and there is the
fellow-feeling drawn out to one's humble, hardy companions, with
whom a community of interests and perils renders one friends
indeed. The effect of travel on my mind has been to make it more
self-reliant, confident of resources and presence of mind. On the
body the limbs become wall-knit, the muscles after ¸six
months' tramping are as hard as a board, the countenance bronzed as
was Adam's, and no dyspepsia.
"In remaining at any spot, it is to work. The sweat of the brow is
no longer a curse when one works for God; it is converted into a
blessing. It is a tonic to the system. The charms of repose cannot
be known without the excitement of exertion. Most travelers seem
taken up with the difficulties of the way, the pleasures of roaming
free in the most picturesque localities seem
forgotten."
Toward the end of May a breeze at last springs up; many
flying-fish come on board, and Livingstone is as usual intent on
observation. He observes them fly with great ease a hundred yards,
the dolphin pursuing them swiftly, but not so swiftly as they can
fly. He notices that the dolphin's bright colors afford a warning
to his enemies, and give them a chance of escape. Incessant
activity is a law in obtaining food. If the prey could be caught
with ease, and no warning were given, the balance would be turned
against the feebler animals, and carnivora alone would prevail. The
cat shows her shortened tail, and the rattlesnake shakes his tail,
to give warning to the prey. The flying-fish has large eyes in
proportion to other fish, yet leaps on board very often at night,
and kills himself by the concussion.
Livingstone is in great perplexity what to do. At the rate at
which his ship is going it would take him fifteen days to reach
Bombay, being one day before the breaking of the monsoon, which
would be running it too close to danger. He thinks of going to
Aden, but that would require him to go first to Maculla for water
and provisions. When he tries Aden the wind is against him; so he
turns the ship's head to Bombay, though he has water enough for but
ten or twelve days on short allowance. "May the Almighty be
gracious to us all and help us!"
His Journal is a curious combination of nautical observations
and reflections on Africa and his work. We seem to hear him pacing
his little deck, and thinking aloud:
"The idea of a colony in Africa, as the term colony is
usually understood cannot be entertained. English races cannot
compete in manual labor of any kind with the natives, but they can
take a leading part in managing the land, improving the quality, in
creating the quantity and extending the varieties of the
productions of the soil; and by taking a lead, too, in trade, and
in all public matters, the Englishman would be an unmixed advantage
to every one below and around him, for he would fill a place which
is now practically vacant.
"It is difficult to convey an idea of the country; it is so
different from all preconceived notions. The country in many parts
rises up to plateaus, slopes up to which are diversified by valleys
lined with trees; or here and there rocky bluffs jut out; the
plateaus themselves are open prairies covered with grass dotted
over with trees, and watered by numerous streams. Nor are they
absolutely flat, their surface is varied by picturesque
undulations. Deep gorges and ravines leading down to the lower
levels offer special beauties, and landscapes from the edges of the
higher plateaus are in their way unequaled. Thence the winding of
the Shiré may be followed like a silver thread or broad lake
with its dark mountain mass behind.
"I think that the Oxford and Cambridge missionaries have treated me
badly in trying to make me the scapegoat of their own blunders and
inefficiency.... But I shall try equitably and gently to make
allowances for human weakness, though that weakness has caused me
much suffering."
On 28th May they had something like a foretaste of the breaking
of the monsoon, though happily that event did not yet take place.
"At noon a dense cloud came down on us from E. and N.E., and blew a
furious gale; tore sails; the ship, as is her wont, rolled
broadside into it, and nearly rolled quite over. Everything was
hurled hither and thither. It lasted half an hour, then passed with
a little rain. It was terrible while it lasted. We had calm after
it, and sky brightened up. Thank God for his goodness."
In June there was more wind, but a peculiarity in the
construction of the ship impeded her progress through the water. It
was still very tedious and trying. Livingstone seems to have been
reading books that would take his attention off the very trying
weather.
"Lord Ravensworth has been trying for twenty years to reader the
lines in Horace--
'Dulce ridentem Lalagen amabo
Dulce loquentem.'
And after every conceivable variety of form this is the
best:
'The softly speaking Lalage,
The softly smiling still for me.'
Pity he had nothing better to engage his powers, for instance
the translating of the Bible into one of the languages of the
world."
The 10th of June was introduced by a furious squall which tore
the fore square-sail to ribbons. A curious sight is seen at sea:
"two serpents--said to be often seen on the coast. One dark olive,
with light yellow rings round it, and flattened tail; the other
lighter in color. They seem to be salt-water animals."
Next day, a wet scowling morning. Frequent rains, and thunder in
the distance. "A poor weak creature. Permit me to lean on an
all-powerful arm."
"The squalls usually come up right against the wind, and cast
all our sails aback. This makes them so dangerous, active men are
required to trim them to the other side. We sighted land a little
before 12, the high land of Rutnagerry. I thought of going in, but
finding that we have twenty-eight hours' steam, I changed my mind,
and pushed on for Bombay, 115 miles distant. We are nearer the land
down here than we like, but our N.W. wind has prevented us from
making northing. We hope for a little change, and possibly may get
in nicely. The good Lord of all help us!
"At 3 P.M. wind and sea high; very hazy. Raining, with a strong
head wind; at 8 P.M. a heavy squall came off the land on our east.
Wind whistled through the rigging loudly, and we made but little
progress steaming. At 11 P.M. a nice breeze sprang up from east and
helped us. About 12 a white patch reported seemed a shoal, but none
is marked on the chart. Steered a point more out from land; another
white patch marked in middle watch. Sea and wind lower at 3 A.M. At
daylight we found ourselves abreast high land at least 500 feet
above sea-level. Wind light, and from east, which enables us to use
fore and aft try-sails. A groundswell on, but we are getting along,
and feel very thankful to Him who has favored us. Hills not so
beautifully colored as those in Africa....
"At 7 P.M. a furious squall came off the land; could scarcely
keep the bonnets on our heads. Pitchy dark, except the white curl
on the waves, which was phosphorescent. Seeing that we could not
enter the harbor, though we had been near, I stopped the steaming
and got up the try-sails, and let Pennell, who has been up thirty
hours, get a sleep.
"13th June, 1864.--We found that we had come north only
about ten miles. We had calms after the squall, and this morning
the sea is as smooth as glass, and a thick haze over the land. A
scum as of dust on face of water. We are, as near as I can guess by
the chart, about twenty-five miles from the port of Bombay. Came to
Choul Rock at mid-day, and, latitude agreeing thereto, pushed on N.
by W. till we came to light-ship. It was so hazy inland we could
see nothing whatever, then took the direction by chart, and steered
right into Bombay most thankfully. I mention God's good providence
over me, and beg that He may accept my spared life for his
service."
Between the fog and the small size of the Nyassa, her entrance
into the harbor was not observed. Among Livingstone's first acts on
anchoring was to give handsome gratuities to those who had shared
his danger and helped him in his straits. Going ashore, he called
on the Governor and the police magistrate, but the one was absent
and the other busy, and so he returned to the ship unrecognized.
The schedules of the custom-house sent to be filled up his first
recognition by the authorities of Bombay. He replied that except a
few bales of calico and a box of beads he had no merchandise; he
was consigned to no one; the seamen had only their clothes, and he
did not know a single soul in Bombay. As soon as his arrival was
known every attention was showered on him by Sir Bartle Frere, the
Governor, and others. They had been looking out for him, but he had
eluded their notice. The Governor was residing at Dapuri, and on
his invitation Livingstone went there. Stopping at Poona, he called
on the missionaries, and riding on an elephant he saw some of the
"lions" of the place. Colonel Stewart, who accompanied him, threw
some light on the sea-serpent. "He told us that the yellow
sea-serpent which we had seen before reaching Bombay is poisonous;
there are two kinds--one dark olive, the other pale lemon color;
both have rings of brighter yellow on their tails."
Landing in India was a strange experience, as he tells Sir
Thomas Maclear. "To walk among the teeming thousands of all classes
of population, and see so many things that reading and pictures had
made familiar to the mind, was very interesting. The herds of the
buffaloes, kept I believe for their milk, invariably made the
question glance across the mind, 'Where's your rifle?' Nor could I
look at the elephants either without something of the same feeling.
Hundreds of bales of cotton were lying on the wharves.".
"20th June, 1864--Went with Captain Leith to Poona to
visit the Free Church Mission Schools there, under the Rev. Mr.
Mitchell, Gardner, etc. A very fine school of 500 boys and young
men answered questions very well.... All collected together, and a
few ladies and gentlemen for whom I answered questions about
Africa. We then went to a girls' school; the girls sang very
nicely, then acted a little play. There were different castes in
all the schools, and quite mixed. After this we went to College,
where young men are preparing for degrees of the University under
Dr. Haug and Mr. Wordsworth; then to the Roman Catholic Orphanage,
where 200 girls are assembled, clothed, and fed under a French Lady
Superior--dormitory clean and well aired, but many had
scrofulous-looking sore eyes; then home to see some friends whom
Lady Frere had invited, to save me the trouble of calling on them.
Saw Mr. Cowan's daughter."
"21st June, 1864.--... Had a conversation with the
Governor after breakfast about the slaving going on toward the
Persian Gulf. His idea is that they are now only beginning to put a
stop to slavery--they did not know of it previously.... The
merchants of Bombay have got the whole of the trade of East Africa
thrown on their hands, and would, it is thought, engage in an
effort to establish commerce on the coast. The present Sultan is,
for an Arab, likely to do a good deal. He asked if I would
undertake to be consul at a settlement, but I think I have not
experience enough for a position of that kind among Europeans."
On returning to Bombay, he saw the missionary institutions of
the Scotch Established and Free Churches, and arranged with Dr.
Wilson of the latter mission to take his two boys, Chuma and
Wikatani. He arranged also that the "Lady Nyassa," which he had not
yet sold, should be taken care of, and borrowing £133, 10s.
for the passage-money of himself and John Reid, one of his men,
embarked for old England.
At Aden considerable rain had fallen lately; he observed that
there was much more vegetation than when he was there before, and
it occurred to him that at the time of the Exodus the same effects
probably followed the storms of rain, lightning, and hail in Egypt.
Egypt was very far from green, so that Dr. Stanley must have
visited it at another part of the year. At Alexandria, when he went
on board the "Ripon," he found the Maharaja Dhuleep Singh and his
young Princess--the girl he had fancied and married from an English
Egyptian school. Paris is reached on the 21st July; a day is spent
in resting; and on the evening of the 23d he reaches Charing Cross,
and is regaled with what, after nearly eight years' absence, must
have been true music--the roar of the mighty Babylon.
The desponding views of his work which we find in such entries
in his Journal as that of 20th May must not be held to express his
deliberate mind. It must not be thought that he had thrown aside
the motto which had helped him as much as it had helped his royal
countryman, Robert Bruce--"Try again." He had still some arrows in
his quiver. And his short visit to Bombay was a source of
considerable encouragement. The merchants there, who had the East
African trade in their hands, encouraged him to hope that a
settlement for honest traffic might be established to the north of
the region over which the Portuguese claimed authority. As
Livingstone moved homeward he was revolving two projects. The first
was to expose the atrocious slave-trading of the Portuguese, which
had not only made all his labor fruitless, but had used his very
discoveries as channels for spreading fresh misery over Africa. The
thought warmed his blood, and he felt like a Highlander with his
hand on his claymore. The second project was to find means for a
new settlement at the head of the Rovuma, or somewhere else beyond
the Portuguese lines, which he would return in the end of the year
to establish. Writing a short book might help to accomplish both
these projects. As yet, the idea of finding the sources of the Nile
was not in his mind. It was at the earnest request of others that
he undertook the work that cost him so many years of suffering, and
at last his life.
CHAPTER XVII.
SECOND VISIT HOME.
Dr. Livingstone and Sir R. Murchison--At Lady Palmerston's
reception--at other places in London--Sad news of his son
Robert--His early death--Dr. Livingstone goes to Scotland--Pays
visits--Consultation with Professor Syme as to operation--Visit to
Duke of Argyll--to Ulva--He meets Dr. Duff--At launch of a Turkish
frigate--At Hamilton--Goes to Bath to British Association--Delivers
an Address--Dr. Colenso--At funeral of Captain Speke--Bath speech
offends the Portuguese--Charges of Lacerda--He visits Mr. and Mrs.
Webb-at Newstead--Their great hospitality--The Livingstone room--He
spends eight months there writing his book--He regains elasticity
and playfulness--His book--Charles Livingstone's share--He uses his
influence for Dr. Kirk--Delivers a lecture At Mansfield--Proposal
made to him by Sir R. Murchison to return to Africa--Letter from
Sir Roderick--His reply--He will not cease to be a
missionary--Letter to Mr. James Young--Overtures from Foreign
Office--Livingstone displeased--At dinner of Royal Academy--His
speech not reported--President Lincoln's assassination--Examination
by Committee of House of Commons--His opinion on the capacity of
the negro--He goes down to Scotland--Tom Brown's School
Days--His mother very ill--She rallies--He goes to
Oxford--Hears of his mother's death--Returns--He attends
examination of Oswell's school--His speech--Goes to London,
preparing to leave--Parts from Mr. and Mrs. Webb--Stays with Dr.
and Mrs. Hamilton--Last days in England.
On reaching London, Dr. Livingstone took tip his quarters at the
Tavistock Hotel; but he had hardly swallowed dinner, when he was
off to call on Sir Roderick and Lady Murchison.
"Sir Roderick took me off with him, just as I was, to Lady
Palmerston's reception. My lady very gracious--gave me tea herself.
Lord Palmerston looking well. Had two conversations with him about
slave-trade. Sir Roderick says that he is more intent on
maintaining his policy on that than on any other thing. And so is
she--wonderfully fine, matronly lady. Her daughters are grown up.
Lady Shaftesbury like her mother in beauty and grace. Saw and spoke
to Sir Charles Wood about India, 'his Eastern Empire,' as he
laughingly called it. Spoke to Duke and Duchess of Somerset. All
say very polite things, and all wonderfully considerate."
An invitation to dine with Lord Palmerston on the 29th detained
him for a few days from going down to Scotland.
"Monday, 25th July.--Went to Foreign Office....
Got a dress suit at Nicol & Co.'s, and dined with Lord and Lady
Dunmore. Very clever and intelligent man, and lady very sprightly.
Thence to Duchess of Wellington's reception. A grand
company--magnificent rooms. Met Lord and Lady Colchester, Mrs. F.
Peel, Lady Emily Peel, Lady de Redcliffe, Lord Broughton, Lord
Houghton, and many more whose names escaped me. Ladies wonderfully
beautiful--rich and rare were the gems they wore.
"26th July.--Go to Wimbledon with Mr. Murray, and see Sir
Bartle Frere's children.... See Lord Russell--his manner is very
cold, as all the Russells are. Saw Mr. Layard too; he is warm and
frank. Received an invitation from the Lord Mayor to dine with Her
Majesty's Ministers.
"27th July.--Hear the sad news that Robert is In the
American army.... Went to Lord Mayor Lawrence's to dinner...."
With reference to the "sad news" of Robert, which made his
father very heavy-hearted during the first part of his visit home,
it is right to state a few particulars, as the painful subject
found its way into print, and was not always recorded accurately.
Robert had some promising qualities, and those who knew and
understood him had good hopes of his turning out well. But he was
extremely restless, as if, to use Livingstone's phrase, he had got
"a deal of the vagabond nature from his father;" and school-life
was very irksome to him. With the view of joining his father, he
was sent to Natal, but he found no opportunity of getting thence to
the Zambesi. Leaving Natal, he found his way to America, and at
Boston he enlisted in the Federal army. The service was as hot as
could be. In one battle, two men were killed close to him by
shrapnel shell, a rifle bullet passed close to his head, and killed
a man behind him; other two were wounded close by him. His letters
to his sister expressed his regret at the course of his life, and
confessed that his troubles were due to his disobedience. So far
was he from desiring to trade on his father's name, that in
enlisting he assumed another, nor did any one in the army know
whose son it was that was fighting for the freedom of the slave.
Meeting the risks of battle with dauntless courage, he purposely
abstained, even in the heat of a charge, from destroying life. Not
long after, Dr. Livingstone learned that in one of his battles he
was wounded and taken prisoner; then came a letter from a hospital,
in which he again expressed his intense desire to travel. But his
career had come to its close. He died in his nineteenth year. His
body lies in the great national cemetery of Gettysburg, in
Pennsylvania, in opening which Lincoln uttered one of those
speeches that made his name dear to Livingstone. Whatever degree of
comfort or hope his father might derive from Robert's last letters,
he felt saddened by his unsatisfactory career. Writing to his
friend Moore (5th August) he says: "I hope your eldest son will do
well in the distant land to which he has gone. My son is in the
Federal army in America, and no comfort. The secret ballast is
often applied by a kind hand above, when to outsiders we appear to
be sailing gloriously with the wind."
"29th July.--Called on Mr. Gladstone; he was
very affable--spoke about the Mission, and asked if I had told Lord
Russell about it.... Visited Lady Franklin and Miss Cracroft, her
niece.... Dined with Lord and Lady Palmerston, Lady Shaftesbury,
and Lady Victoria Ashley, the Portuguese Minister, Count d'Azeglio
(Sardinian Minister), Mr. Calcraft--a very agreeable party. Mr.
Calcraft and I walked home after retiring. He is cousin to Colonel
Steele; the colonel has gone abroad with his daughter, who is
delicate."
"Saturday, 31st July, 1864.--Came down by the morning train
to Harburn, and met my old friend Mr. Young, who took me to
Limefield, and introduced me to a nice family."
Dr. Livingstone's relation to Mr. Young's family was very close
and cordial. Hardly one of the many notes and letters he wrote to
his friend fails to send greetings to "Ma-James," as he liked to
call Mrs. Young, after the African fashion. It is not only the
playful ease of his letters that shows how much he felt at home
with Mr. Young,--the same thing appears from the frequency with
which he sought his counsel in matters of business, and the value
which he set upon it.
"Sunday, 1st August.--Went-to the U.P. church,
and heard excellent sermons. Was colder this time than on my former
visit to Scotland.
"2d August.--Reached Hamilton. Mother did not know me at
first. Anna Mary, a nice sprightly child, told me that she
preferred Garibaldi buttons on her dress, as I walked down to Dr.
Loudon to thank him for his kindness to my mother.
"3d August.--Agnes, Oswell, and Thomas came. I did not
recognize Tom, he has grown so much. Has been poorly a long while;
congestion of the kidney, it is said. Agnes quite tall, and Anna
Mary a nice little girl."
The next few days were spent with his family, and in visits to
the neighborhood. He had a consultation with Professor Syme as to a
surgical operation recommended for an ailment that had troubled him
ever since his first great journey; he was strongly urged to have
the operation performed, and probably it would have been better if
he had; but he finally declined, partly because an old medical
friend was against it, but chiefly, as he told Sir* Roderick,
because the matter would get into the newspapers, and he did not
like the public to be speaking of his infirmities. On the 17th he
went to Inveraray to visit the Duke of Argyll. He was greatly
pleased with his reception, and his Journal records the most
trifling details. What especially charmed him was the considerate
forethought in making him feel at his ease. "On Monday morning I
had the honor of planting two trees beside those planted by Sir
John Lawrence and the Marquis of Lansdowne, and by the Princess of
Prussia and the Crown Prince. The coach came at twelve o'clock, and
I finished the most delightful visit I ever made."
Next day he went to Oban, and the day after by steamer to Iona
and Staffa, and thereafter to Aros, in Mull. Next day Captain
Greenhill took him in his yacht to Ulva.
"In 1848 the kelp and potatoes failed, and the proprietor, a
writer from Stirling, reduced the population from six hundred to
one hundred. None of my family remain. The minister, Mr. Fraser,
had made inquiries some years ago, and found an old woman who
remembered my grandfather living at Uamh, or the Cave. It is a
sheltered spot, with basaltic rocks jutting out of the ground below
the cave; the walls of the house remain, and the corn and potato
patches are green, but no one lives there...."
Returning to Oban on the 24th August, "... I then came to the
Crinan Canal, and at Glasgow end thereof met that famous
missionary, Dr. Duff, from India A fine, tall, noble-looking man,
with a white beard and a twitch in his muscles which shows that the
Indian climate has done its work on him.... Home to Hamilton."
The Highlanders everywhere claimed him; "they cheered me," he
writes to Sir Roderick, "as a man and a brother."
The British Association was to meet at Bath this autumn, and
Livingstone was to give a lecture on Africa. It was a dreadful
thought. "Worked at my Bath speech. A cold shiver comes over me
when I think of it. Ugh!" Then he went with his daughter Agnes to
see a beautiful sight, the launching of a Turkish frigate from Mr.
Napier's yard--"8000 tons weight plunged into the Clyde, and sent a
wave of its dirty water over to the other side." The Turkish
Ambassador, Musurus Pasha, was one of the party at Shandon, and he
and Livingstone traveled in the same carriage At one of the
stations they were greatly cheered by the Volunteers. "The cheers
are for you," Livingstone said to the Ambassador, with a smile.
"No," said the Turk "I am only what my master made me; you are what
you made yourself." When the party reached the Queen's Hotel, a
working man rushed across the road, seized Livingstone's hand,
saying, "I must shake your hand," clapped him on the back, and
rushed back again. "You'll not deny now," said the Ambassador,
"that that's for you."
Returning to Hamilton, he notes, on 4th September: "Church in
the forenoon to hear a stranger, in the afternoon to hear Mr.
Buchan give an excellent sermon." On 5th, 6th, 7th, he is at the
speech. On 8th he receives a most kind invitation from Mr. and Mrs.
Webb of Newstead Abbey, to make their house his home. Mr. Webb was
a very old friend, a great hunter, who had seen Livingstone at
Kolobeng, and formed an attachment to him which continued as warm
as ever to the last day of Livingstone's life. Livingstone and his
daughter Agnes reach Bath on the 15th, and become the guests of Dr.
and Miss Watson, of both of whom he writes in the highest
terms.
"On Sunday, heard a good sermon from Mr. Fleming Bishop Colenso
called on me. He was very much cheered by many people; it is
evident that they admire his pluck, and consider him a persecuted
man. Went to the theatre on Monday, 19th, to deliver my address.
When in the green-room, a loud cheering was made for Bishop
Colenso, and some hisses. It was a pity that he came to the British
Association, as it looks like taking sides. Sir Charles Lyell
cheered and clapped his hands in a most vigorous way. Got over the
address nicely. People very kind and indulgent--2500 persons
present, but it is a place easily spoken in."
When Bishop Colenso moved the vote of thanks to Dr. Livingstone
for his address, occasion was taken by some narrow and not very
scrupulous journals to raise a prejudice against him. He was
represented as sharing the Bishop's theological views. For this
charge there was no foundation, and the preceding extract from his
Journal will show that he felt the Bishop's presence to be somewhat
embarrassing. Dr. Livingstone was eminently capable of appreciating
Dr. Colenso's chivalrous backing of native races in Africa, while
he differed toto coelo from his theological views. In an
entry in his Journal a few days later he refers to an African
traveler who had got a high reputation without deserving it, for
"he sank to the low estate of the natives, and rather admired
Essays and Reviews"
The next passage we give from his Journal refers to the
melancholy end of another brother-traveler, of whom he always spoke
with respect:
"23d Sept.--Went to the funeral of poor Captain Speke,
who, when out shooting on the 15th, the day I arrived at Bath, was
killed by the accidental discharge of his gun. It was a sad shock
to me, for, having corresponded with him, I anticipated the
pleasure of meeting him, and the first news Dr. Watson gave me was
that of his death. He was buried at Dowlish, a village where his
family have a vault. Captain Grant, a fine fellow, put a wreath or
immortelle upon the coffin as it passed us in church. It was
composed of mignonette and wild violets."
The Bath speech gave desperate offense to the Portuguese.
Livingstone thought it a good sign, wrote playfully to Mr. Webb
that they were "cussin' and swearin' dreadful," and wondered if
they would keep their senses when the book came out. In a
postscript to the preface to The Zambesi and its
Tributaries, he says, "Senhor Lacerda has endeavored to
extinguish the facts adduced by me at Bath by a series of papers in
the Portuguese official journal; and their Minister for Foreign
Affairs has since devoted some of the funds of his Government to
the translation and circulation of Senhor Lacerda's articles in the
form of an English tract." He replies to the allegations of the
pamphlet on the main points. But he was too magnanimous to make
allusion to the shameless indecency of the personal charges against
himself. "It is manifest," said Lacerda, "without the least reason
to doubt, that Dr. Livingstone, under the pretext of propagating
the Word of God (this being the least in which he employed himself)
and the advancement of geographical and natural science, made all
his steps and exertions subservient to the idea of ... eventually
causing the loss to Portugal of the advantages of the rich commerce
of the interior, and in the end, when a favorable occasion arose
that of the very territory itself." Lacerda then quoted the bitter
letter of Mr. Rowley in illustration of Livingstone's plans and
methods, and urged remonstrance as a duty of the Portuguese
Government. "Nor," he continued, "ought the Government o£
Portugal to stop here. It ought, as we have said, to go further;
because from what his countrymen say of Livingstone--and to which
he only answers by a mere vain negation,--from what he
unhesitatingly declares of himself and his intentions, and from
what must be known to the Government by private information from,
their delegates, it is obvious that such men as Livingstone may
become extremely prejudicial to the interests of Portugal,
especially when resident in a public capacity in our African
possessions, if not efficiently watched, if their audacious and
mischievous actions are not restrained. If steps are not taken in a
proper and effective manner, so that they may be permitted only to
do good, if indeed good can come from such," etc.
"26th Sept.--Agnes and I go to-day to Newstead
Abbey, Notts. Reach it about 9 P.M., and find Mr. and Mrs. Webb all
I anticipated and more. A splendid old mansion with a wonderful
number of curiosities in it, and magnificent scenery around. It was
the residence of Lord Byron, and his furniture is kept" [in his
private rooms] "just as he left it. His character does not shine.
It appears to have been horrid.... He made a drinking cup of a
monk's skull found under the high altar, with profane verses on the
silver setting, and kept his wine in the stone coffin. These Mrs.
Webb buried, and all the bones she could find that had been
desecrated by the poet."
In a letter to Sir Thomas Maclear he speaks of the poet as one
of those who, like many others--some of them travelers who abused
missionaries,--considered it a fine thing to be thought awfully bad
fellows.
"27th.--Went through the whole house with our
kind hosts, and saw all the wonders, which would require many days
properly to examine....
"2d October.--Took Communion in the chapel of the Abbey. God
grant me to be and always to act as a true Christian.
"3d.--Mr. and Mrs. Webb kindness itself personified. A
blessing be on them and their children from the
Almighty!"
When first invited to reside at Newstead Abbey, Dr. Livingstone
declined, on the ground that he was to be busy writing a book, and
that he wished to have some of his children with him, and in the
case of Agnes, to let her have music lessons. His kind friends,
however, were resolved that these reasons should not stand in the
way, and arrangements were made by them accordingly. Dr.
Livingstone continued to be their guest for eight months, and
received from them all manner of assistance. Sometimes Mr. and Mrs.
Webb, Mrs. Goodlake (Mrs. Webb's mother), and his daughter Agnes
would all be busy copying his journals. The "Livingstone room," as
it is called, in the Sussex tower, is likely to be associated with
his name while the building lasts. It was his habit to rise early
and work at his book, to return to his task after breakfast and
continue till luncheon and in the afternoon have a long walk with
Mr. Webb. It is only when the book is approaching its close that we
find him working "till two in the morning." One of his chief
recreations was in the field of natural history, watching
experiments with the spawning of trout. He endeared himself to all,
high and low; was a special favorite with the children, and did not
lose opportunities to commend, in the way he thought best, those
high views of life and duty which had been so signally exemplified
in his own career. The playfulness of his nature found full and
constant scope at Newstead; he regained an almost boyish flow of
animal spirits, reveled in fun and frolic in his short notes to
friends like Mr. Young, or Mr. Webb when he happened to be absent;
wrote in the style of Mr. Punch, and called his opponents by
ludicrous names; yet never forgot the stern duty that loomed before
him, or allowed the enjoyment and abandon of the moment to
divert him from the death-struggle on behalf of Africa in which he
had yet to engage.
The book was at first to be a little one,--a blast of the
trumpet against the monstrous slave-trade of the Portuguese; but it
swelled to a goodly octavo, and embraced the history of the Zambesi
Expedition. Charles Livingstone had written a full diary, and in
order that his name might be on the title-page, and he might have
the profits of the American edition, his journal was made use of in
the writing of the book; but the arrangement was awkward; sometimes
Livingstone forgot the understanding of joint-authorship, and he
found that he could more easily have written the whole from the
foundation, At first it was designed that the book should appear
early in the summer of 1865, but when the printing was finished the
map was not ready; and the publication had to be delayed till the
usual season in autumn.
The entries in his Journal are brief, and of little general
interest during the time the book was getting ready. Most of them
have reference to the affairs of other people. As he finds that Dr.
Kirk is unable to undertake a work on the botany and natural
history of the Expedition, unless he should hold some permanent
situation, he exerts himself to procure a Government appointment
for him, recommending him strongly to Sir R. Murchison and others,
and is particularly gratified by a reply to his application from
the Earl of Dalhousie, who wrote that he regarded his request as a
command. He is pleased to learn that, through the kind efforts of
Sir Roderick, his brother Charles has been appointed Consul at
Fernando Po. He sees the American Minister, who promises to do all
he can for Robert, but almost immediately after, the report comes
that poor Robert has died in a hospital in Salisbury, North
Carolina. He delivers a lecture at the Mechanics' Institute at
Mansfield, but the very idea of a speech always makes him ill, and
in this case it brings on an attack of Hæmorrhoids, with
which he had not been troubled for long. He goes to London to a
meeting of the Geographical Society, and hears a paper of
Burton's--a gentleman from whose geographical views he dissents, as
he does from his views on subjects more important. In regard to his
book he says very little; four days, he tells us, were spent in
writing the description of the Victoria Falls; and on the 15th
April, 1865, he summons his daughter Agnes to take his pen and
write FINIS at the end of his manuscript. On leaving Newstead on
the 25th, he writes, "Parted with our good friends the Webbs. And
may God Almighty bless and reward them and their family!"
Some time before this, a proposal was made to him by Sir
Roderick Murchison which in the end gave a new direction to the
remaining part of his life. It was brought before him in the
following letter:
"Jan. 5, 1865.
"MY DEAR LIVINGSTONE:--As to your future, I am anxious to
know what your own wish is as respects a renewal of African
exploration.
"Quite irrespective of missionaries or political affairs, there is
at this moment a question of intense geographical interest to be
settled: namely, the watershed, or watersheds, of South Africa.
"How, if you would really like to be the person to finish off your
remarkable career by completing such a survey, unshackled by other
avocations than those of the geographical explorer, I should be
delighted to consult my friends of the Society, and take the best
steps to promote such an enterprise.
"For example, you might take your little steamer to the Rovuma,
and, getting up by water as far as possible in the rainy season,
then try to reach the south end of the Tanganyika. Thither you
might transport a light boat, or build one there, and so get to the
end of that sheet of water.
"Various questions might be decided by the way, and if you could
get to the west, and come out on that coast, or should be able to
reach the White Nile (!), you would bring back an unrivaled
reputation, and would have settled all the great disputes now
pending.
"If you do not like to undertake the purely geographical
work, I am of opinion that no one, after yourself, is so fitted
to carry it out as Dr. Kirk. I know that he thinks of settling down
now at home. But if he could delay this home-settlement for a
couple of years, he would not only make a large sum of money by his
book of travels, but would have a renown that would give him an
excellent introduction as a medical man.
"I have heard you so often talk of the enjoyment you feel when in
Africa, that I cannot believe you now think of anchoring for the
rest of your life on the mud and sand-banks of England.
"Let me know your mind on the subject. When is the book to appear?
Kind love to your daughter.--Yours sincerely,
"ROD'CK I. MURCHISON."
Livingstone begins his answer by assuring Sir Roderick that he
never contemplated settling down quietly in England; it would be
time enough for that when he was in his dotage. "I should like the
exploration you propose very much, and had already made up my mind
to go up the Rovuma, pass by the head of Lake Nyassa, and away west
or northwest as might be found practicable." He would have been at
this ere now, but his book chained him, and he feared that he could
not take back the "Lady Nyassa" to Africa, with the monsoon against
him, so that be must get a boat to explore the Rovuma.
"What my inclination leads me to prefer is to have
intercourse with the people, and do what I can by talking, to
enlighten them on the slave-trade, and give them some idea of our
religion. It may not be much that I can do, but I feel when doing
that I am not living in vain. You remember that when, to prevent
our coming to a standstill, I had to turn skipper myself, the task
was endurable only because I was determined that no fellow should
prove himself indispensable to our further progress. To be debarred
from spending most of my time in traveling, in exploration, and
continual intercourse with the natives, I always felt to be a
severe privation, and if I can get a few hearty native companions,
I shall enjoy myself, and feel that I am doing my duty. As soon as
my book is out, I shall start."
In Livingstone's Journal, 7th January, 1865, we find this entry:
"Answered Sir Roderick about going out. Said I could only feel in
the way of duty by working as a missionary." The answer is very
noteworthy in the view of what has so often been said against
Livingstone--that he dropped the missionary to become an explorer.
To understand the precise bearing of the proposal, and of
Livingstone's reply, it is necessary to say that Sir Roderick had a
conviction, which he never concealed, that the missionary
enterprise encumbered and impeded the geographical. He had a
special objection to an Episcopal mission, holding that the
planting of a Bishop and staff on territory dominated by the
Portuguese was an additional irritant, rousing ecclesiastical
jealousy, and bringing it to the aid of commercial and political
apprehensions as to the tendency of the English enterprise. Neither
mission nor colony could succeed in the present state of the
country; they could only be a trouble to the geographical explorer.
On this point Livingstone held his own views. He could only feel in
the line of duty as a missionary. Whatever he might or might not be
able to do in that capacity, he would never abandon it, and, in
particular, he would never come under an obligation to the
Geographical Society that he would serve them "unshackled by other
avocations than those of the geographical explorer."
A letter to Mr. James Young throws light on the feelings with
which he regarded Sir Roderick's proposal:
"20th January, 1865--I am not sure but I told
you already that Sir Roderick and I have been writing about going
out, and my fears that I must sell 'Lady Nyassa,' because the
monsoon will be blowing from Africa to India before I get out, and
it won't do for me to keep her idle. I must go down to the
Seychelles Islands (tak' yer speks and keek at the map or
gougrafy), then run my chance to get over by a dhow or man-of-war
to the Rovuma, going up that river in a boat, till we get to the
cataracts, and the tramp. I must take Belochees from India, and may
go down the lake to get Makololo, if the Indians don't answer. I
would not consent to go simply as a geographer, but as a
missionary, and do geography by the way, because I feel I am in the
way of duty when trying either to enlighten these poor people, or
open their land to lawful commerce."
It was at this time that Mr. Hayward, Q.C., while on a visit to
Newstead, brought an informal message from Lord Palmerston, who
wished to know what he could do for Livingstone. Had Livingstone
been a vain man, wishing a handle to his name, or had he even been
bent on getting what would be reasonable in the way of salary for
himself, or of allowance for his children, now was his chance of
accomplishing his object. But so single-hearted was he in his
philanthropy that such thoughts did not so much as enter his mind;
there was one thing, and one only, which he wished Lord Palmerston
to secure--free access to the highlands, by the Zambesi and
Shiré, to be made good by a treaty with Portugal. It is
satisfactory to record that the Foreign Office has at last made
arrangements to this effect.
While the proposal on the part of the President of the
Geographical Society was undergoing consideration, certain
overtures were made to Dr. Livingstone by the Foreign Office. On
the 11th of March he called at the office, at the request of Mr.
Layard, who propounded a scheme that he should have a commission
giving him authority over the chiefs, from the Portuguese boundary
to Abyssinia and Egypt; the office to carry no salary. When a
formal proposal to this effect was submitted to him, with the
additional proviso that he was to be entitled to no pension, he
could not conceal his irritation. For himself he was just as
willing as ever to work as before, without hope of earthly
recompense, and to depend on the petition, "Give us this day our
daily bread;" but he thought it ungenerous to take advantage of his
well-known interest in Africa to deprive him of the honorarium
which the most insignificant servant of Her Majesty enjoyed. He did
not like to be treated like a charwoman. As for the pension, he had
never asked it, and counted it offensive to be treated as if he had
shown a greed which required to be repressed. It came out,
subsequently, that the letter had been written by an underling, but
when Earl Russell was appealed to, he would only promise a salary
when Dr. Livingstone should have settled somewhere! The whole
transaction had a very ungracious aspect.
Before publishing his book, Dr. Livingstone had asked Sir
Roderick Murchison's advice as to the wisdom of speaking his mind
on two somewhat delicate points. In reply, Sir Roderick wrote: "If
you think you have been too hard as to the Bishop or the
Portuguese, you can modify the phrases. But I think that the truth
ought to be known, if only in vindication of your own conduct, and
to account for the little success attending your last mission."
We continue our extracts from his Journal:
"26th April, 1865.--In London. Horrified by news
of President Lincoln's assassination, and the attempt to murder
Seward."
"29th April.--Went down to Crystal Palace, with Agnes, to a
Saturday Concert. The music very fine. Met Waller, and lost a
train. Came up in hot haste to the dinner of the Royal Academy....
Sir Charles Eastlake, President; Archbishops of Canterbury and York
on each side of the chair; all the Ministers present, except Lord
Palmerston, who is ill of gout in the hand. Lord Russell, Lord
Granville, and Duke of Somerset sat on other side of table from Sir
Henry Holland, Sir Roderick, and myself. Lord Clarendon was close
enough to lean back and clap me on the shoulder, and ask me when I
was going out. Duke of Argyll, Bishops of Oxford and London, were
within earshot; Sir J. Romilly, the Master of the Rolls, was
directly in front, on the other side of our table. He said that he
watched all my movements with great interest.... Lord Derby made a
good speech. The speeches were much above the average. I was not
told that I was expected to speak till I got in, and this prevented
my eating. When Lord John Manners complimented me after my speech,
I mentioned the effect the anticipation had on me. To comfort me he
said that the late Sir Robert Peel never enjoyed a dinner in these
circumstances, but sat crumbling up his bread till it became quite
a heap on the table.... My speech was not reported."
"2d May.--Met Mr. Elwin, formerly editor of the
Quarterly. He said that Forster, one of our first-class
writers, had told him that the most characteristic speech was not
reported, and mentioned the heads--as, the slave-trade being of the
same nature as thuggee, garrotting; the tribute I paid to our
statesmen; and the way that Africans have been drawn, pointing to a
picture of a woman spinning. This non-reporting was much commented
on, which might, if I needed it, prove a solace to my wounded
vanity. But I did not feel offended. Everything good for me will be
given, and I take all as a little child from its father.
"Heard a capital sermon from Dr. Hamilton [Regent Square Church],
on President Lincoln's assassination. 'It is impossible but that
offenses will come,' etc. He read part of the President's address
at second inauguration. In the light of subsequent events it is
grand. If every drop of blood shed by the lash must be atoned for
by an equal number of white men's vital fluid,--righteous, O Lord,
are Thy judgments! The assassination has awakened universal
sympathy and indignation, and will lead to more cordiality between
the countries. The Queen has written an autograph letter to Mrs.
Lincoln, and Lords and Commons have presented addresses to Her
Majesty, praying her to convey their sentiments of horror at the
fearful crime."
"18th May, 1865.--Was examined by the Committee [of the
House of Commons] on the West Coast; was rather nervous and
confused, but let them know pretty plainly that I did not agree
with the aspersions cast on missions."
In a letter to Mr. Webb, he writes à propos of
this examination:
"The monstrous mistake of the Burton school is this:
they ignore the point-blank fact that the men that do the most for
the mean whites are the same that do the most for the mean blacks,
and you never hear one mother's son of them say, You do wrong to
give to the whites. I told the Committee I had heard people say
that Christianity made the blacks worse, but did not agree with
them. I might have said it was 'rot,' and truly. I can stand a good
deal of bosh, but to tell me that Christianity makes people
worse--ugh! Tell that to the young trouts. You know on what side I
am, and I shall stand to my side, Old Pam fashion, through thick
and thin. I don't agree with all my side say and do. I won't
justify many things, but for the great cause of human progress I am
heart and soul, and so are you."
Dr. Livingstone was asked at this time to attend a public
meeting on behalf of American freedom. It was not in his power to
go, but, in apologizing, he was at pains to express his opinion on
the capacity of the negro, in connection with what was going on in
the United States:
"Our kinsmen across the Atlantic deserve our warmest
sympathy. They have passed, and are passing, through trials, and
are encompassed with difficulties which completely dwarf those of
our Irish famine, and not the least of them is the question, what
to do with those freedmen for whose existence as slaves in America
our own forefathers have so much to answer. The introduction of a
degraded race from a barbarous country was a gigantic evil, and if
the race cannot be elevated, an evil beyond remedy. Millions can
neither be amalgamated nor transported, and the presence of
degradation is a contagion which propagates itself among the more
civilized. But I have no fears as to the mental and moral capacity
of the Africans for civilization and upward progress. We who
suppose ourselves to have vaulted at one bound to the extreme of
civilization, and smack our lips so loudly over our high elevation,
may find it difficult to realize the debasement to which slavery
has sunk those men, or to appreciate what, in the discipline of the
sad school of bondage, is in a state of freedom real and
substantial progress. But I, who have been intimate with Africans
who have never been defiled by the slave-trade, believe them to be
capable of holding an honorable rank in the family of
man."
Wherever slavery prevailed, or the effects of slavery were
found, Dr. Livingstone's testimony against it was clear and
emphatic. Neither personal friendship nor any other consideration
under the sun could repress it. When his friends Sir Roderick and
Mr. Webb afterward expressed their sympathy with Governor Eyre, of
Jamaica, he did not scruple to tell them how different an estimate
he had formed of the Governor's conduct.
We continue our extracts from his Journal and letters:
24th May.--Came down to Scotland by last night's
train; found mother very poorly; and, being now eighty-two, I fear
she may not have long to live among us."
27th May (to Mr. Webb)--"I have been reading Tom Brown's
School Days--a capital book. Dr. Arnold was a man worth his
weight in something better than gold. You know Oswell" [his early
friend] "was one of his Rugby boys. One could see his training in
always doing what was brave and true and right."
"2d June.--Tom better, but kept back in his education by his
complaint. Oswell getting on well at school at Hamilton. Anna Mary
well. Mother gradually becoming weaker. Robert we shall never hear
of again in this world, I fear; but the Lord is merciful and just
and right in all his ways. He would hear the cry for mercy in the
hospital at Salisbury. I have lost my part in that gigantic
struggle which the Highest guided to a consummation never
contemplated by the Southerners when they began; and many other
have borne more numerous losses."
"5th June.--Went about a tombstone for my dear Mary. Got a
good one of cast-iron to be sent out to the Cape.
"Mother very low.... Has been a good affectionate mother to us all.
The Lord be with her.... Whatever is good for me and mine the Lord
will give.
"To-morrow, Communion in kirk. The Lord strip off all
imperfections, wash away all guilt, breathe love and goodness
through all my nature, and make his image shine out from my
soul.
"Mother continued very low, and her mind ran on poor Robert.
Thought I was his brother, and asked me frequently, 'Where is your
brother? where is that puir laddie?'... Sisters most attentive....
Contrary to expectation she revived, and I went to Oxford. The
Vice-Chancellor offered me the theatre to lecture in, but I
expected a telegram if any change took place on mother. Gave an
address to a number of friends in Dr. Daubeny's chemical
class-room."
"Monday, 19th June.--A telegram came, saying that mother had
died the day before. I started at once for Scotland. No change was
observed till within an hour and a half of her departure.... Seeing
the end was near, sister Agnes said, 'The Saviour has come for you,
mother. You can "lippen" yourself to him?' She replied, 'Oh yes.'
Little Anna Mary was help up to her. She gave her the last look,
and said 'Bonnie wee lassie,' gave a few long inspirations, and all
was still, with a look of reverence on her countenance. She had
wished William Logan, a good Christian man, to lay her head in the
grave, if I were not there. When going away in 1858, she said to me
that she would have liked one of her laddies to lay her head in the
grave. It so happened that I was there to pay the last tribute to a
dear good mother."
The last thing we find him doing in Scotland is attending the
examination of Oswell's school, with Anna Mary, and seeing him
receive prizes. Dr. London, of Hamilton, the medical attendant and
much-valued friend of the Livingstones, furnishes us with a
reminiscence of this occasion. He had great difficulty in
persuading Livingstone to go. The awful bugbear was that he would
be asked to make a speech. Being assured that it would be thought
strange if, in a gathering of the children's parents, he were
absent, he agreed to go. And of course he had to speak. What he
said was pointed and practical, and in winding up, he said he had
just two things to say to them--"FEAR GOD, AND WORK HARD." These
appear to have been Livingstone's last public words in his native
Scotland.
His Journal is continued in London:
"8th August.--Went to Zoological Gardens with
Mr. Webb and Dr. Kirk; then to lunch with Miss Coutts" [Baroness
Burdett Coutts]. "Queen Emma of Honolulu is to be there. It is not
fair for High Church people to ignore the labors of the Americans,
for [the present state of Christianity] is the fruit of their
labors, and not of the present Bishop. Dined at Lady Franklin's
with Queen Emma; a nice, sensible person the Queen seems to be.
"9th August.--Parted with my friends Mr. and Mrs. Webb at
King's Cross station to-day. He gracefully said that he wished I
had been coming rather than going away, and she shook me very
cordially with both hands, and said, 'You will come back again to
us, won't you?' and shed a womanly tear. The good Lord bless and
save them both, and have mercy on their whole household!"
"11th August.--Went down to say good-bye to the
Duchess-Dowager of Sutherland, at Maidenhead. Garibaldi's rooms are
shown; a good man he was, but followed by a crowd of harpies who
tried to use him for their own purposes.... He was so utterly worn
out by shaking hands, that a detective policeman who was with him
in the carriage, put his hand under his cloak, and did the ceremony
for him.
"Took leave at Foreign Office. Mr. Layard very kind in his
expressions at parting, and so was Mr. Wylde.
"12th August.--"Went down to Wimbledon to dine with Mr.
Murray, and take leave. Mr. and Mrs. Oswell came up to say
farewell. He offers to go over to Paris at any time to bring Agnes"
[who was going to school there] "home, or do anything that a father
would. ["I love him," Livingstone writes to Mr. Webb, "with true
affection, and I believe he does the same to me; and yet we never
show it."]
"We have been with Dr. and Mrs. Hamilton for some time--good,
gracious people. The Lord bless them and their household! Dr. Kirk
and Mr. Waller go down to Folkestone to-morrow, and take leave of
us there. This is very kind. The Lord puts it into their hearts to
show kindness, and blessed be his name."
Dr. Livingstone's last weeks in England were passed under the
roof of the late Rev. Dr. Hamilton, author of Life in
Earnest, and could hardly have been passed in a more congenial
home. Natives of the same part of Scotland, nearly of an age, and
resembling each other much in taste and character, the two men drew
greatly to each other. The same Puritan faith lay at the basis of
their religious character, with all its stability and firmness. But
above all, they had put on charity, which is the bond of
perfectness. In Natural History, too, they had an equal enthusiasm.
In Dr. Hamilton, Livingstone found what he missed in many orthodox
men. On the evening of his last Sunday, he was prevailed on to give
an address in Dr. Hamilton's church, after having in the morning
received the Communion with the congregation. In his address he
vindicated his character as a missionary, and declared that it was
as much as ever his great object to proclaim the love of Christ,
which they had been commemorating that day. His prayers made a deep
impression; they were like the communings of a child with his
father. At the railway station, the last Scotch hands grasped by
him were those of Dr. and Mrs. Hamilton. The news of Dr. Hamilton's
death was received by Livingstone a few years after, in the heart
of Africa, with no small emotion. Their next meeting was in the
better land.
CHAPTER XVIII.
FROM ENGLAND TO BOMBAY AND ZANZIBAR.
Object of new journey--Double scheme--He goes to Paris with
Agnes--Baron Hausmann--Anecdote at Marseilles--He reaches
Bombay--Letter to Agnes--Reminiscences of Dr. Livingstone at Bombay
by Rev. D.C. Boyd--by Alex. Brown, Esq.--Livingstone's dress--He
visits the caves of Kenhari--Rumors of murder of Baron van der
Decken--He delivers a lecture at Bombay--Great success--He sells
the "Lady Nyassa"--Letter to Mr. Young--Letter to Anna Mary--Hears
that Dr. Kirk has got an appointment--Sets out for Zanzibar in
"Thule"--Letter to Mr. Young--His experience at sea--Letter to
Agnes--He reaches Zanzibar--Calls on Sultan--Presents the "Thule"
to him from Bombay Government--Monotony of Zanzibar life--Leaves in
"Penguin" for the continent.
The object for which Dr. Livingstone set out on his third and
last great African journey is thus stated in the preface to The
Zambesi and its Tributaries: "Our Government have supported the
proposal of the Royal Geographical Society made by my friend Sir
Roderick Murchison, and have united with that body to aid me in
another attempt to open Africa to civilizing influences, and a
valued private friend has given a thousand pounds for the same
object. I propose to go inland, north of the territory which the
Portuguese in Europe claim, and endeavor to commence that system on
the East which has been so eminently successful on the West Coast:
a system combining the repressive efforts of Her Majesty's cruisers
with lawful trade and Christian missions--the moral and material
results of which have been so gratifying. I hope to ascend the
Rovuma, or some other river north of Cape Delgado, and, in addition
to my other work, shall strive, by passing along the northern end
of Lake Nyassa, and round the southern end of Lake Tanganyika, to
ascertain the watershed of that part of Africa."
The first part of the scheme was his own, the second he had been
urged to undertake by the Geographical Society. The sums in aid
contributed by Government and the Geographical society were only
£500 each; but it was not thought that the work would occupy
a long time. The Geographical Society coupled their contribution
with some instructions as to observations and reports which seemed
to Dr. Livingstone needlessly stringent, and which certainly
ruffled his relation to the Society. The honorary position of
Consul at large he was willing to accept for the sake of the
influence which it gave him, though still retaining his opinion of
the shabbiness which had so explicitly bargained that he was to
have no salary and to expect no pension.
The truth is, if Livingstone had not been the most single-minded
and trustful of men, he would never have returned to Africa on such
terms. The whole sum placed at his disposal was utterly inadequate
to defray the cost of the Expedition, and support his family at
home. Had it not been for promises that were never fulfilled, he
would not have left his family at this time as he did. But in
nothing is the purity of his character seen more beautifully than
in his bearing toward some of those who had gained not a little
consideration by their connection with him, and had made him fair
promises, but left him to work on as best he might. No trace of
bitter feeling disturbed him or abated the strength of his love and
confidence.
Dr Livingston went first to Paris with his daughter, and left
her there for education. Passing on he reached Marseilles on the
19th August, and wrote her a few lines, in which he informed her
that the man who was now transforming Paris [Baron Hausmann] was a
Protestant, and had once taught a Sunday-school in the south of
France; and that probably he had greater pleasure in the first than
in the second work. The remark had a certain applicability to his
own case, and probably let out a little of his own feeling; it
showed at least his estimate of the relative place of temporal and
spiritual philanthropy. The prayer that followed was expressive of
his deepest feelings toward his best-beloved on earth: "May the
Almighty qualify you to be a blessing to those around you, wherever
your lot is cast. I know that you hate all that is mean and false.
May God make you good, and to delight in doing good to others. If
you ask He will give abundantly. The Lord bless you!"
From a Bombay gentleman who was his fellow-traveler to India a
little anecdote has casually come to our knowledge illustrating the
unobtrusiveness of Livingstone--his dislike to be made a lion of.
At the table-d'hôte of the hotel in Marseilles, where
some Bombay merchants were sitting, the conversation turned on
Africa in connection with ivory--an extensive article of trade in
Bombay. One friend dropped the remark, "I wonder where that old
chap Livingstone is now." To his surprise and discomfiture, a voice
replied, "Here he is." They were fast friends all through the
voyage that followed. Little of much interest happened during that
voyage. Livingstone writes that Palgrave was in Cairo when he
passed through, but he did not see him. Of Baker he could hear
nothing. Miss Tinné, the Dutch lady, of whom he thought
highly as a traveler, had not been very satisfactory to the
religious part of the English community at Cairo. Miss Whately was
going home for six weeks, but was to be back to her Egyptian Ragged
School. He saw the end of the Lesseps Canal, about the partial
opening of which they were making a great noise. Many thought it
would succeed, though an Egyptian Commodore had said to him, "It is
hombog." The Red Sea was fearfully hot and steamy. The "Lady
Nyassa" hung like a millstone around his neck, and he was prepared
to sell her for whatever she might bring. Bombay was reached on
11th September.
TO AGNES LIVINGSTONE.
"Bombay, 20th Sept., 1865.--... By advice of the Governor, I
went up to Nassick to see if the Africans there under Government
instruction would suit my purpose as members of the Expedition. I
was present at the examination of a large school under Mr. Price by
the Bishop of Bombay. It is partly supported by Government. The
pupils (108) are not exclusively African, but all showed very great
proficiency. They excelled in music. I found some of the Africans
to have come from parts I know--one from Ndonde on the Rovuma--and
all had learned some handicraft, besides reading, writing, etc.,
and it is probable that some of them will go back to their own
country with me. Eight have since volunteered to go. Besides these
I am to get some men from the 'Marine Battalion,' who have been
accustomed to rough it in various ways, and their pensions will be
given to their widows if they should die. The Governor (Sir Bartle
Frere) is going to do what he can for my success.
"After going back to Bombay I came up to near Poonah, and am now at
Government House, the guest of the Governor.
"Society here consists mainly of officers and their wives.... Miss
Frere, in the absence of Lady Frere, does the honors of the
establishment, and very nicely she does it. She is very clever, and
quite unaffected--very like her father....
"Christianity is gradually diffusing itself, leavening as it were
in various ways the whole mass. When a man becomes a professor of
Christianity, he is at present cast out, abandoned by all his
relations, even by wife and children. This state of things makes
some who don't care about Christian progress say that all Christian
servants are useless. They are degraded by their own countrymen,
and despised by others, but time will work changes. Mr. Maine, who
came out here with us, intends to introduce a law whereby a convert
deserted by his wife may marry again. It is in accordance with the
text in Corinthians--If an unbelieving wife depart, let her depart.
People will gradually show more sympathy with the poor fellows who
come out of heathenism, and discriminate between the worthy and
unworthy. You should read Lady Buff Gordon's Letters from,
Egypt. They show a nice sympathizing heart, and are otherwise
very interesting. She saw the people as they are. Most people see
only the outsides of things.... Avoid all nasty French novels. They
are very injurious, and effect a lasting injury on the mind and
heart. I go up to Government House again three days hence, and am
to deliver two lectures,--one at Poonah and one at
Bombay."
Some slight reminiscences of Livingstone at Bombay, derived from
admiring countrymen of his own, will not be out of place,
considering that the three or four months spent there was the last
period of his life passed in any part of the dominions of Great
Britain.
The Rev. Dugald C. Boyd, of Bombay (now of Portsoy, Banffshire),
an intimate friend of Dr. Stewart, of Lovedale, writing to a
correspondent on 10th October, 1865, says:
"Yesterday evening I had the pleasure of meeting
Livingstone at dinner in a very quiet way.... It was an exceedingly
pleasant evening. Dr. Wilson was in great 'fig,' and Livingstone
was, though quiet, very communicative, and greatly disposed to talk
about Africa.... I had known Mrs. Livingstone, and I had known
Robert and Agnes, his son and daughter, and I had known Stewart. He
spoke very kindly of Stewart, and seems to hope that he may yet
join him in Central Africa.... He is much stouter, better, and
healthier-looking than he was last year....
"12
th October.--Livingstone was at the
tamasha
yesterday. He was dressed very unlike a minister--more like a
post-captain or admiral. He wore a blue dress-coat, trimmed with
lace, and bearing a Government gilt button. In his hand he carried
a cocked hat. At the Communion on Sunday (he sat on Dr. Wilson's
right hand, who sat on my right) he wore a blue surtout, with
Government gilt buttons, and shepherd-tartan trousers; and he had a
gold band round his cap
[67]. I spent two hours In his society last
evening at Dr. Wilson's. He was not very complimentary to Burton.
He is to lecture in public this evening."
[67] Dr, Livingstone's habit of dressing as a
layman, and accepting the designation of David Livingstone,
Esquire, as readily as that of the Rev. Dr. Livingstone, probably
helped to propagate the idea that he had sunk the missionary in the
explorer. The truth, however, is, that from the first he wished to
be a lay missionary, not under any Society, and it was only at the
instigation of his friends that he accepted ordination. He had an
intense dislike of what was merely professional and conventional,
and he thought that as a free-lance he would have more influence.
Whether in this he sufficiently appreciated the position and office
of one set aside by the Church for the service of the gospel may be
a question: but there can be no question that he had the same view
of the matter from first to last. He would have worn a blue dress
and gilt buttons, if it had been suitable, as readily as any other,
at the most ardent period of his missionary life. His heart was as
truly that of a missionary under the Consul's dress as it had ever
been when he wore black, or whatever else he could get, in the
wilds of Africa. At the time of his encounter with the lion he wore
a coat of tartan, and he thought that that material might have had
some effect in preventing the usual irritating results of a lion's
bite.
Another friend, Mr. Alexander Brown, now of Liverpool, sends a
brief note of a very delightful excursion given by him, in honor of
Livingstone, to the caves of Kennery or Kenhari, in the island of
Salsette. There was a pretty large party. After leaving the railway
station, they rode on ponies to the caves.
"We spent a most charming day in the caves, and the
wild jungle around them. Dr. Wilson, you may believe, was in his
element, pouring forth volumes of Oriental lore in connection with
the Buddhist faith and the Kenhari caves, which are among the most
striking and interesting monuments of it in India. They are of
great extent, and the main temple is in good preservation. Doctor
Livingstone's almost boyish enjoyment of the whole thing impressed
me greatly. The stern, almost impassive, man seemed to unbend, and
enter most thoroughly into the spirit of a day in which pleasure
and instruction, under circumstances of no little interest, were so
delightfully combined."
At Bombay he heard disquieting tidings of the Hanoverian
traveler, Baron van der Decken. In his Journal he says:
"29th December, 1865.--The expedition of the
Baron van der Decken has met with a disaster up the Juba. He had
gone up 300 miles, and met only with the loss of his steam launch.
He then ran his steamer on two rocks and made two large holes in
her bottom. The Baron and Dr. Link got out in order to go to the
chief to conciliate him. He had been led to suspect war. Then a
large party came and attacked them, killing the artist Trenn and
the chief engineer. They were beaten off, and Lieutenant von Schift
with four survivors left in the boat, and in four days came down
the stream. Thence they came in a dhow to Zanzibar. It is feared
that the Baron may be murdered, but possibly not. It looks ill that
the attack was made after he landed.
"My times are in thy hand, O Lord! Go Thou with me and I am safe.
And above all, make me useful in promoting Thy cause of peace and
good-will among men."
The rumor of the Baron's death was subsequently confirmed. His
mode of treating the natives was the very opposite of
Livingstone's, who regarded the manner of his death as another
proof that it was not safe to disregard the manhood of the African
people.
The Bombay lecture was a great success. Dr. Wilson, Free Church
Missionary, was in the chair, and after the lecture tried to rouse
the Bombay merchants, and especially the Scotch ones, to help the
enterprise. Referring to the driblets that had been contributed by
Government and the Geographical Society, he proposed that in Bombay
they should raise as much as both. In his next letter to his
daughter, Livingstone tells of the success of the lecture, of the
subscription, which promised to amount to £1000 (it did not
quite do so), and of his wish that the Bombay merchants should use
the money for setting up a trading establishment in Africa. "I must
first of all find a suitable spot; then send back here to let it be
known. I shall then be off in my work for the Geographical Society,
and when that is done, if I am well, I shall come back to the first
station." He goes on to speak of the facilities he had received for
transporting Indian buffaloes and other animals to Africa, and of
the extraordinary kindness and interest of Sir Bartle Frere, and
the pains he had taken to commend him to the good graces of the
Sultan of Zanzibar, then in Bombay. He speaks pleasantly of his
sojourn with Dr. Wilson and other friends. He is particularly
pleased with the management and menu of a house kept by four
bachelors--and then he adds: "Your mamma was an excellent manager
of the house, and made everything comfortable. I suppose it is the
habit of attending to little things that makes such a difference in
different houses. As I am to be away from all luxuries soon, I may
as well live comfortably with the bachelors while I can."
To Mr. James Young he writes about the "Lady Nyassa," which he
had sold, after several advertisements, but only for £2300:
"The whole of the money given for her I dedicated to the great
object for which she was built. I am satisfied at having made the
effort; would of course have preferred to have succeeded, but we
are not responsible for results." In reference to the investment of
the money, it was intended ultimately to be sunk in Government or
railway securities; but meanwhile he had been recommended to invest
it in shares of an Indian bank. Most unfortunately, the bank failed
a year or two afterward; and thus the whole of the £6000,
which the vessel had cost Livingstone, vanished into air.
His little daughter Anna Mary had a good share of his attention
at Bombay:
"24th December, 1865.--I went last night to take
tea in the house of a Hindoo gentleman who is not a professed
Christian. It was a great matter for such to eat with men not of
his caste. Most Hindoos would shrink with horror from contact with
us. Seven little girls were present, belonging to two Hindoo
families. They were from four or five to eight years old. They were
very pleasant-looking, of olive complexions. Their hair was tied in
a knot behind, with a wreath of flowers round the knot; they had
large gold ear-rings and European dresses. One played very nicely
on the piano, while the rest sang very nicely a funny song, which
shows the native way of thinking about some of our customs. They
sang some nice hymns, and repeated some pieces, as the 'Wreck of
the Hesperus,' which was given at the examination of Oswell's
school. Then all sung, 'There is a happy land, far, far away,' and
it, with some of the Christian hymns, was beautiful. They speak
English perfectly, but with a little foreign twang. All joined in a
metrical prayer before retiring. They have been taught all by their
father, and it was very pleasant to see that this teaching had
brought out their natural cheerfulness. Native children don't look
lively, but these were brimful of fun. One not quite as tall as
yourself brought a child's book to me, and with great glee pointed
out myself under the lion. She can read fluently, as I suppose you
can by this time now. I said that I would like a little girl like
her to go with me to Africa to sing these pretty hymns to me there.
She said she would like to go, but should not like to have a black
husband. This is Christmas season, and to-morrow is held as the day
in which our Lord was born, an event which angels made known to
men, and it brought great joy, and proclaimed peace on earth and
good-will to men. That Saviour must be your friend, and He will be
if you ask Him so to be. He will forgive and save you, and take you
into his family."
On New Year's Day, 1860, he writes in his Journal: "The Governor
told me that he had much pleasure in giving Dr. Kirk an
appointment; he would telegraph to him to-day. It is to be at
Zanzibar, where he will be of great use in promoting all good
works."
It had been arranged that Dr. Livingstone was to cross to
Zanzibar in the "Thule," a steamer that had formed part of the
squadron of Captain Sherard Osborn in China, and which Livingstone
had now the honor of being commissioned to present to the Sultan of
Zanzibar, as a present from Sir Bartle Frere and the Bombay
Government.
We give a few extracts from his journal at sea:
"17th January.--Issued flannel to all the boys
from Nassick; the marines have theirs from Government. The boys
sing a couple of hymns every evening, and repeat the Lord's Prayer.
I mean to keep up this, and make this a Christian Expedition,
telling a little about Christ wherever we go. His love in coming
down to save men will be our theme. I dislike very much to make my
religion distasteful to others. This, with ----'s hypocritical
ostentation, made me have fewer religious services on the Zambesi
than would have been desirable, perhaps. He made religion itself
distasteful by excessive ostentation.... Good works gain the
approbation of the world, and though there is antipathy in the
human heart to the gospel of Christ, yet when Christians make their
good works shine all admire them. It is when great disparity exists
between profession and practice that we secure the scorn of
mankind. The Lord help me to act in all cases in this Expedition as
a Christian ought!"
"23d January.--My second book has been reviewed very
favorably by the Athenæum and the Saturday
Review, and by many newspapers. Old John Crawford gives a snarl
in the Examiner, but I can afford that it should be so. 4800
copies were sold on first night of Mr. Murray's sale. It is rather
a handsome volume. I hope it may do some good."
In a letter to Mr. James Young he writes of his voyage, and
discharges a characteristic spurt of humor at a mutual Edinburgh
acquaintance who had mistaken an order about a magic lantern:
"At sea, 300 miles from Zanzibar, 26th
January, 1866.--We have enjoyed fair weather in coming across
the weary waste of waters. We started on the 5th. The 'Thule,' to
be a pleasure yacht, is the most incorrigible roller ever known.
The whole 2000 miles has been an everlasting see-saw, shuggy-shoo,
and enough to tire the patience of even a chemist, who is the most
patient of all animals. I am pretty well gifted in that respect
myself, though I say it that shouldn't say it, but that Sandy
B----! The world will never get on till we have a few of those
instrument-makers hung. I was particular in asking him to get me
Scripture slides colored, and put in with the magic lantern, and he
has not put in one! The very object for which I wanted it is thus
frustrated, and I did not open it till we were at sea. O Sandy!
Pity Burk and Hare have no successors in Auld Reekie!...
"You will hear that I have the prospect of Kirk being out here. I
am very glad of it, as I am sure his services will be found
invaluable on the East Coast."
To his daughter Agnes he writes, à propos of the
rolling of the ship:
"Most of the marine Sepoys were sick. You would have
been a victim unless you had tried the new remedy of a bag of
pounded ice along the spine, which sounds as hopeful as the old
cure for toothache: take a mouthful of cold water, and sit on the
fire till it boils, you will suffer no more from toothache.... A
shark took a bite at the revolving vane of the patent log to-day.
He left some pieces of the enamel of his teeth in the brass, and
probably has the toothache. You will sympathize with him.... If you
ask Mr. Murray to send, by Mr. Conyngham, Buckland's Curiosities
of Natural History, and Mr. Gladstone's Address to the
Edinburgh Students, it will save me writing to him. When you
return home you will be scrutinized to see if you are spoiled. You
have only to act naturally and kindly to all your old friends to
disarm them of their prejudices. I think you will find the Youngs
true friends. Mrs. Williamson, of Widdieombe Hill, near Bath,
writes to me that she would like to show you her plans for the
benefit of poor orphans. If you thought of going to Bath it might
be well to get all the insight you could into that and every other
good work. It is well to be able to take a comprehensive view of
all benevolent enterprises, and resolve to do our duty in life in
some way or other, for we cannot live for ourselves alone. A life
of selfishness is one of misery, and it is unlike that of our
blessed Saviour, who pleased not Himself. He followed not his own
will even, but the will of his Father in heaven. I have read with
much pleasure a book called Rose Douglas. It is the life of
a minister's daughter--with fictitious names, but all true. She was
near Lanark, and came through Hamilton. You had better read it if
you come in contact with it."
Referring to an alarm, arising from the next house having taken
fire, of which she had written him, he adds playfully:
"You did not mention what you considered most precious
on the night of the fire; so I dreamed that I saw one young lady
hugging a German grammar to her bosom; another with a pair of
curling tongs, a tooth-pick, and a pinafore; another with a bunch
of used-up postage stamps and autographs in a crinoline turned
upside down, and a fourth lifted up Madame Hocédé and
insisted on carrying her as her most precious baggage. Her name,
which I did not catch, will go down to posterity alongside of the
ladies who each carried out her husband from the besieged city, and
took care never to let him hear the last on't afterward. I am so
penetrated with admiration of her that I enclose the wing of a
flying-fish for her. It lighted among us last night, while we were
at dinner, coming right through the skylight. You will make use of
this fact in the high-flying speech which you will deliver
to her in French."
Zanzibar is at length reached on the 28th January, after a
voyage of twenty-three days, tedious enough, though but half the
length of the cruise in the "Nyassa" two years before. To
Agnes:
"29th Jan.--We went to call to-day on the
Sultan. His Highness met us at the bottom of the stair, and as he
shook hands a brass band, which he got at Bombay, blared forth 'God
save the Queen'! This was excessively ridiculous, but I maintained
sufficient official gravity. After coffee and sherbet we came away,
and the wretched band now struck up 'The British Grenadier,' as if
the fact of my being only 5 feet 8, and Brebner about 2 inches
lower, ought not to have suggested 'Wee Willie Winkie' as more
appropriate. I was ready to explode, but got out of sight before
giving way."
Dr. Livingstone brought a very cordial recommendation to the
Sultan from Sir Bartle Frere, and experienced much kindness at his
hand. Being ill with toothache, the Sultan could not receive the
gift of the "Thule" in person, and it was presented through his
commodore.
Livingstone was detained in Zanzibar nearly two months waiting
for H.M.S. "Penguin," which was to convey him to the mouth of the
Rovuma. Zanzibar life was very monotonous--"It is the old, old way
of living--eating, drinking, sleeping; sleeping, drinking, eating.
Getting fat; slaving-dhows coming and slaving-dhows going away; bad
smells; and kindly looks from English folks to each other." The
sight of slaves in the Zanzibar market, and the recognition of some
who had been brought from Nyassa, did not enliven his visit, though
it undoubtedly confirmed his purpose and quickened his efforts to
aim another blow at the accursed trade. Always thinking of what
would benefit Africa, he writes to Sir Thomas Maclear urging very
strongly the starting of a line of steamers between the Cape,
Zanzibar, and Bombay: "It would be a most profitable one, and would
do great good, besides, in eating out the trade in slaves."
At last the "Penguin" came for him, and once more, and for the
last time, Livingstone left for the Dark Continent.
CHAPTER XIX.
FROM ZANZIBAR TO UJIJI.
Dr. Livingstone goes to mouth of Rovuma--His prayer--His
company--His herd of animals--Loss of his buffaloes--Good spirits
when setting out--Difficulties at Rovuma--Bad conduct of Johanna
men--Dismissal of his Sepoys--Fresh horrors of
slave-trade--Uninhabited tract--He reaches Lake Nyassa--Letter to
his son Thomas--Disappointed hopes--His double aim, to teach
natives and rouse horror of slave-trade--Tenor of religious
addresses--Wikatami remains behind--Livingstone finds no altogether
satisfactory station for commerce and missions--Question of the
watershed--Was it worth the trouble?--Overruled for good to
Africa--Opinion of Sir Bartle Frere--At Marenga's--The Johanna men
leave in a body--Circulate rumor of his murder--Sir Roderick
disbelieves it--Mr. E.D. Young sent out with Search
Expedition--Finds proof against rumor--Livingstone
half-starved--Loss of his goats--Review of 1866--Reflections on
Divine Providence--Letter to Thomas--His dog drowned--Loss of his
medicine-chest--He feels sentence of death passed on him--First
sight of Lake Tanganyika--Detained at Chitimba's--Discovery of Lake
Moero--Occupations during detention of 1867--Great privations and
difficulties--Illness--Rebellion among his men--Discovery of Lake
Bangweolo--Its oozy banks--Detention--Sufferings--He makes for
Ujiji--Very severe illness in beginning of 1869--Reaches
Ujiji--Finds his goods have been wasted and stolen--Most bitter
disappointment--His medicines, etc., at Unyanyembe--Letter to
Sultan of Zanzibar--Letters to Dr. Moffat and his daughter.
On the 19th of March, fortified by a firman from the Sultan to
all his people, and praying the Most High to prosper him, "by
granting him Influence in the eyes of the heathen, and blessing his
intercourse with them," Livingstone left Zanzibar in H.M.S.
"Penguin" for the mouth of the Rovuma. His company consisted of
thirteen Sepoys, ten Johanna men, nine Nassick boys, two Shupanga
men, and two Waiyau. Musa, one of the Johanna men, had been a
sailor in the "Lady Nyassa"; Susi and Amoda, the Shupanga men, had
been woodcutters for the "Pioneer"; and the two Waiyau lads,
Wikatani and Chuma, had been among the slaves rescued in 1861, and
had lived for some time at the mission station at Chibisa's.
Besides these, he carried with him a sort of menagerie in a
dhow--six camels, three buffaloes and a calf, two mules, and four
donkeys. What man but Dr. Livingstone would have encumbered himself
with such baggage, and for what conceivable purpose except the
benefit of Africa? The tame buffaloes of India were taken that he
might try whether, like the wild buffaloes of Africa, they would
resist the bite of the tsetse-fly; the other animals for the same
purpose. There were two words of which Livingstone might have said,
as Queen Mary said of Calais, that at his death they would be found
engraven on his heart--fever and tsetse; the one the great scourge
of man, the other of beast, in South Africa. To help to counteract
two such foes to African civilization no trouble or expense would
have been judged too great. Already he had lost nine of his
buffaloes at Zanzibar. It was a sad pity that owing to the
ill-treatment of the remaining animals by his people, who turned
out a poor lot, it could never be known conclusively whether the
tsetse-bite was fatal to them or not.
In spite of all he had suffered in Africa, and though he was
without the company of a single European, he had, in setting out,
something of the exhilarating feeling of a young traveler starting
on his first tour in Switzerland, deepened by the sense of nobility
which there is in every endeavor to do good to others. "The mere
animal pleasure of traveling in a wild unexplored country is very
great.... The sweat of one's brow is no longer a curse when one
works for God; it proves a tonic to the system, and is actually a
blessing." The Rovuma was found to have changed greatly since his
last visit, so that he had to land his goods twenty-five miles to
the north at Mikindany harbor, and find his way down to the river
farther up. The toil was fitted to wear out the strongest of his
men. Nothing could have been more grateful than the Sunday rest.
Through his Nassick boys, he tried to teach the Makondé--a
tribe that bore a very bad character, but failed; however, the
people were wonderfully civil, and, contrary to all previous usage,
neither inflicted fines nor made complaints, though the animals had
done some damage to their corn. He set this down as an answer to
his prayers for influence among the heathen.
His vexations, however, were not long of beginning. Both the
Sepoy marines and the Nassick boys were extremely troublesome, and
treated the animals abominably. The Johanna men were thieves. The
Sepoys became so intolerable that after four months' trial he sent
most of them back to the coast. It required an effort to resist the
effect of such, things, owing to the tendency of the mind to brood
over the ills of travel. The natives were not unkindly, but food
was very scarce. As they advanced, the horrors of the slave-trade
presented themselves in all their hideous aspects. Women were found
dead, tied to trees, or lying in the path shot and stabbed, their
fault having been inability to keep up with the party, while their
amiable owners, to prevent them from becoming the property of any
one else, put an end to their lives. In some instances the
captives, yet in the slave-sticks, were found not quite dead.
Brutality was sometimes seen in another form, as when some natives
laughed at a poor boy suffering from a very awkward form of hernia,
whose mother was trying to bind up the part. The slave-trade
utterly demoralized the people; the Arabs bought whoever was
brought to them, and the great extent of forest in the country
favored kidnapping; otherwise the people were honest.
Farther on they passed through an immense uninhabited tract,
that had once evidently had a vast population. Then, in the Waiyau
country, west of Mataka's, came a splendid district 3400 feet above
the sea, as well adapted for a settlement as Magomero, but it had
taken them four months to get at it, while Magomero was reached in
three weeks. The abandonment of that mission he would never cease
to regret. As they neared Lake Nyassa, slave parties became more
common. On the 8th August, 1866, they reached the lake, which
seemed to Livingstone like an old familiar friend which he never
expected to see again. He thanked God, bathed again in the
delicious water, and felt quite exhilarated.
Writing to his son Thomas, 28th August, he says:
"The Sepoys were morally unfit for travel, and then we
had hard lines, all of us. Food was not to be had for love or
money. Our finest cloths only brought miserable morsels of the
common grain. I trudged it the whole way, and having no animal food
save what turtle-doves and guinea-fowls we occasionally shot, I
became like one of Pharaoh's lean kine. The last tramp [to Nyassa]
brought us to a land of plenty. It was over a very fine country,
but quite depopulated.... The principal chief, named Mataka, lives
on the watershed overhanging this, but fifty miles or more distant
from this; his town contained a thousand houses--many of them
square, in imitation of the Arabs. Large patches of English peas in
full bearing grew in the moist hollows, or were irrigated. Cattle
showed that no tsetse existed. When we arrived, Mataka was just
sending back a number of cattle and captives to their own homes.
They had been taken by his people without his knowledge from
Nyassa. I saw them by accident: there were fifty-four women and
children, about a dozen young men and boys, and about twenty-five
or thirty head of cattle. As the act was spontaneous, it was the
more gratifying to witness....
"I sometimes remember you with some anxiety, as not knowing what
opening may be made for you in life.... Whatever you feel yourself
best fitted for, 'commit thy way to the Lord, trust also in Him,
and He will bring it to pass.' One ought to endeavor to devote the
peculiarities of his nature to his Redeemer's service, whatever
these may be."
Resting at the lake, and working up journal, lunars, and
altitudes, he hears of the arrival of an Englishman at Mataka's,
with cattle for him, "who had two eyes behind as well as two in
front--news enough for awhile." Zoology, botany, and geology engage
his attention as usual. He tries to get across the lake, but
cannot, as the slavers own all the dhows, and will neither lend nor
sell to him; he has therefore to creep on foot round its southern
end. Marks of destruction and desolation again shock the
eye--skulls and bones everywhere. At the point where the
Shiré leaves Nyassa, he could not but think of disappointed
hopes--the death of his dear wife, and of the Bishop, the
increasing vigor of the slave-trade, and the abandonment of the
Universities Mission. But faith assured him of good times coming,
though he might not live to see them. Would only he had seen
through the vista of the next ten years! Bishop Tozer done with
Africa, and Bishop Steere returning to the old neighborhood, and
resuming the old work of the Universities Mission; and his own
countrymen planted his name on the promontory on which he gazed so
sorrowfully, training the poor natives in the arts of civilization,
rearing Christian households among them, and proclaiming the
blessed Gospel of the God of love!
Invariably as he goes along, Dr. Livingstone aims at two things:
at teaching some of the great truths of Christianity, and rousing
consciences on the atrocious guilt of the slave-trade. In
connection with the former he discovers that his usual way of
conducting divine service--by the reading of prayers--does not give
ignorant persons any idea of an unseen Being; kneeling and praying
with the eyes shut is better. At the foot of the lake he goes out
of his way to remonstrate with Mukaté, one of the chief
marauders of the district. The tenor of his addresses is in some
degree shaped by the practices he finds so prevalent:
"We mention our relationship to our Father, the guilt of selling
any of his children, the consequences:--e.g. it begets war,
for as they don't like to sell their own, they steal from other
villagers, who retaliate. Arabs and Waiyau, invited into the
country by their selling, foster feuds,--wars and depopulation
ensue. We mention the Bible--future state--prayer; advise union,
that they would unite as one family to expel enemies, who came
first as slave-traders, and ended by leaving the country a
wilderness."
It was about this time that Wikatani, one of the two Waiyau boys
who had been rescued from slavery, finding, as he believed or said,
some brothers and sisters on the western shore of the lake, left
Livingstone and remained with them. There had been an impression in
some quarters, that, according to his wont, Livingstone had made
him his slave; to show the contrary, he gave him his choice of
remaining or going, and, when the boy chose to remain, he
acquiesced.
Dr. Livingstone had ere now passed over the ground where, if
anywhere, he might have hoped to find a station for a commercial
and missionary settlement, independent of the Portuguese. In this
hope he was rather disappointed. The only spot he refers to is the
district west of Mataka's, which, however, was so difficult of
access. Nearer the coast a mission might be established, and to
this project his mind turned afterward; but it would not command
the Nyassa district. On the whole he preferred the Zambesi and
Shiré valley, with all their difficulties. But the Rovuma
was not hopeless, and indeed, within the last few years, the
Universities Mission has occupied the district successfully.
The geographical question of the watershed had now to be
grappled with. It is natural to ask whether this question was of
sufficient importance to engage his main energies, and justify the
incalculable sacrifices undergone by him during the remaining six
years of his life. First of all, we must remember, it was not his
own scheme--it was pressed on him by Sir Roderick Murchison and the
Geographical Society; and it may perhaps be doubted whether, had he
foreseen the cost of the enterprise, he would have deemed the
object worthy of the price. But ever and anon, he seemed to be
close on what he was searching for, and certain to secure it by
just a little further effort; while as often, like the cup of
Tantalus, it was snatched from his grasp. Moreover, during a
life-time of splendid self-discipline, he had been training himself
to keep his promises, and to complete his tasks; nor could he in
any way see it his duty to break the one or leave the other
unfinished. He had undertaken to the Geographical Society to solve
that problem, and he would do it if it could be done. Wherever he
went he had always some opportunity to make known the father-hood
of God and his love in Christ, although the seed he sowed seemed
seldom to take root. Then he was gathering fresh information on the
state of the country and the habits of the people. He was
especially gathering information on the accursed slave-trade.
This question of the watershed, too, had fascinated his mind,
for he had a strong impression that the real sources of the Nile
were far higher than any previous traveler had supposed--far higher
than Lake Victoria Nyanza, and that it would be a service to
religion as well as science to discover the fountains of the stream
on whose bosom, in the dawn of Hebrew history, Moses had floated in
his ark of bulrushes. A strong impression lurked in his mind that
if he should only solve that old problem he would acquire such
influence that new weight would be given to his pleadings for
Africa; just as, at the beginning of his career, he had wished for
a commanding style of composition, to be able to rouse the
attention of the world to that ill-treated continent.
He was strongly disposed to think that in the account of the
sources given to Herodotus by the Registrar of Minerva in the
temple of Saïs, that individual was not joking, as the father
of history supposed. He thought that in the watershed the two
conical hills, Crophi and Mophi might be found, and the fountains
between them which it was impossible to fathom; and that it might
be seen that from that region there was a river flowing north to
Egypt, and another flowing south to a country that might have been
called Ethiopia. But whatever might be his views or aims, it was
ordained that in the wanderings of his last years he should bring
within the sympathies of the Christian world many a poor tribe
otherwise unknown; that he should witness sights, surpassing all he
had ever seen before of the inhumanity and horrors of the
slave-traffic--sights that harrowed his inmost soul; and that when
his final appeal to his countrymen on behalf of its victims came,
not from, his living voice but from his tomb, it should gather from
a thousand touching associations a thrilling power that would rouse
the world, and finally root out the accursed thing.
A very valuable testimony was borne by Sir Bartle Frere to the
real aims of Livingstone, and the value of his work, especially in
this last journey, in a speech delivered in the Glasgow Chamber of
Commerce, 10th November, 1876:
"The object," he said, "of Dr. Livingstone's
geographical and scientific explorations was to lead his countrymen
to the great work of Christianizing and civilizing the millions of
Central Africa. You will recollect how, when first he came back
from his wonderful journey, though we were all greatly startled by
his achievements and by what he told us, people really did not lay
what he said much to heart. They were stimulated to take up the
cause of African discovery again, and other travelers went out and
did excellent service; but the great fact which was from the very
first upon Livingstone's mind, and which he used to impress upon
you, did not make the impression he wished, and although a good
many people took more and more interest in the Civilization of
Africa and in the abolition of the slave-trade, which he pointed
out was the great obstacle to all progress, still it did not come
home to the people generally. It was not until his third and last
journey, when he was no more to return among us, that the
descriptions which he gave of the horrors of the slave-trade in the
interior really took hold upon the mind of the people of this
country, and made them determine that what used to be considered
the crotchet of a few religious minds and humanitarian sort of
persons, should be a phase of the great work which this country had
undertaken, to free the African races, and to abolish, in the first
place, the slave-trade by sea, and then, as we hope, the slaving by
land."
In September an Arab slaver was met at Marenga's, who told Musa,
one of the Johanna men, that all the country in front was full of
Mazitu, a warlike tribe; that forty-four Arabs and their followers
had been killed by them at Kasunga, and that he only had escaped.
Musa's heart was filled with consternation. It was in vain that
Marenga assured him that there were no Mazitu in the direction in
which he was going, and that Livingstone protested to him that he
would give them a wide berth. The Johanna men wanted an excuse for
going back, but in such a way that, when they reached Zanzibar,
they should get their pay. They left him in a body, and when they
got to Zanzibar, circulated a circumstantial report that he had
been murdered. In December, 1866, Musa appeared at Zanzibar, and
told how Livingstone had crossed Lake Nyassa to its western or
northwestern shore, and was pushing on west or northwest, when,
between Marenga and Maklisoora, a band of savages stopped their
way, and rushed on him and his small band of followers, now reduced
to twenty. Livingstone fired twice, and killed two; but, in the act
of reloading, three Mafite leaped upon him through the smoke, one
of them felled him with an axe-cut from behind, and the blow nearly
severed his head from his body. The Johanna men fled into the thick
jungle, and miraculously escaped. Returning to the scene of the
tragedy, they found the body of their master, and in a shallow
grave dug with some stakes, they committed his remains to the
ground, Many details were given regarding the Sepoys, and regarding
the after fortunes of Musa and his companions. Under
cross-examination Musa stood firmly to his story, which was
believed both by Dr. Seward and Dr. Kirk, of Zanzibar. But when the
tidings reached England, doubt was thrown on them by some of those
best qualified to judge. Mr. Edward D. Young, who had had dealings
with Musa, and knew him to be a liar, was suspicious of the story;
so was Mr. Horace Waller. Sir Roderick Murchison, too, proclaimed
himself an unbeliever, notwithstanding all the circumstantiality
and apparent conclusiveness of the tale. The country was resounding
with lamentations, the newspapers were full of obituary notices,
but the strong-minded disbelievers were not to be moved.
Sir Roderick and his friends of the Geographical Society
determined to organize a search expedition, and Mr. E. D. Young was
requested to undertake the task. In May, 1867, all was ready for
the departure of the Expedition; and on the 25th July, Mr. E. D.
Young, who was accompanied by Mr. Faulkner, John Reid, and Patrick
Buckley, cast anchor at the mouth of the Zambesi. A steel boat
named "The Search," and some smaller boats, were speedily launched,
and the party were moving up the river. We have no space for an
account of Mr. Young's most interesting journey, not even for the
detail of that wonderful achievement, the carrying of the pieces of
the "Search" past the Murchison Cataracts, and their reconstruction
at the top, without a single piece missing. The sum and substance
of Mr. Young's story was, that first, quite unexpectedly, he came
upon a man near the south end of Lake Nyassa, who had seen
Livingstone there, and who described him well, showing that he had
not crossed at the north end, as Musa had said, but, for some
reason, had come round by the south; then, the chief Marenga not
only told him of Livingstone's stay there, but also of the return
of Musa, after leaving him, without any story of his murder; also,
at Mapunda, they came on traces of the boy Wikatani, and learned
his story, though they did not see himself. The most ample proof of
the falsehood of Musa's story was thus obtained, and by the end of
1867, Mr. Young, after a most active, gallant, and successful
campaign, was approaching the shores of England [68]. No enterprise
could have brought more satisfactory results, and all in the
incredibly short period of eight months.
[68] See
The Search for Livingstone, by
E.D. Young: London, 1868.
Meanwhile, Livingstone, little thinking of all the commotion
that the knave Musa had created, was pushing on in the direction of
Lake Tanganyika. Though it was not true that he had been murdered,
it was true that he was half-starved. The want of other food
compelled him to subsist to a large extent on African maize, the
most tasteless and unsatisfying of food. It never produced the
feeling of sufficiency, and it would set him to dream of dinners he
had once eaten, though dreaming was not his habit, except when he
was ill. Against his will, the thought of delicious feasts would
come upon him, making it all the more difficult to be cheerful,
with, probably, the poorest fare on which life could be in any way
maintained, To complete his misery, his four goats were lost, so
that the one comfort of his table--a little milk along with his
maize--was taken from him when most eagerly sought and valued.
In reviewing the year 1866, he finds it less productive of
results than he had hoped for: "We now end 1866. It has not been so
fruitful or useful as I intended. Will try to do better in 1867,
and be better--more gentle and loving; and may the Almighty, to
whom I commit my way, bring my desires to pass, and prosper me! Let
all the sins of '66 be blotted out, for Jesus' sake. May He who was
full of grace and truth impress his character on mine:
grace--eagerness to show favor; truth--truthfulness, sincerity,
honor--for his mercy's sake."
Habitually brave and fearless though Livingstone was, it was not
without frequent self-stimulation, and acts of faith in unseen
truth, that the peace of his mind was maintained. In the midst of
his notes of progress, such private thoughts as the following occur
from time to time: "It seems to have been a mistake to imagine that
the Divine Majesty on high was too exalted to take any notice of
our mean affairs. The great minds among men are remarkable for the
attention they bestow on minutiæ. An astronomer cannot be
great unless his mind can grasp an infinity of very small things,
each of which, if unattended to, would throw his work out. A great
general attends to the smallest details of his army. The Duke of
Wellington's letters show his constant attention to minute details.
And so with the Supreme Mind, of the universe, as He is revealed to
us in his Son. 'The very hairs of your head are all numbered,' 'A
sparrow cannot fall to the ground without your Father,' 'He who
dwelleth in the light which no man can approach unto' condescends
to provide for the minutest of our wants, directing, guarding, and
assisting in each hour and moment, with an infinitely more vigilant
and excellent care than our own utmost self-love can ever attain
to. With the ever-watchful, loving eye constantly upon me, I may
surely follow my bent, and go among the heathen in front, bearing
the message of peace and good-will. All appreciate the statement
that it is offensive to our common Father to sell and kill his
children. I will therefore go, and may the Almighty help me to be
faithful!"
Writing to his son Thomas, 1st February, 1867, he complains
again of his terrible hunger:
The people have nothing to sell but a little
millet-porridge and mushrooms. "Woe is me! good enough to produce
fine dreams of the roast beef of old England, but nothing else. I
have become very thin, though I was so before; but now, if you
weighed me, you might calculate very easily how much you might get
for the bones. But--we got a cow yesterday, and I am to get milk
to-morrow.... I grieve to write it, poor poodle 'Chitane' was
drowned" [15th January, in the Chimbwé]; "he had to cross a
marsh a mile wide, and waist-deep.... I went over first, and forgot
to give directions about the dog--all were too much engaged in
keeping their balance to notice that he swam among them till he
died. He had more spunk than a hundred country dogs--took charge of
the whole line of march, ran to see the first in the line, then
back to the last, and barked to haul him up; then, when he knew
what hut I occupied, would not let a country cur come in sight of
it, and never stole himself. We have not had any difficulties with
the people, made many friends, imparted a little knowledge
sometimes, and raised a protest against slavery very
widely."
The year 1867 was signalized by a great calamity, and by two
important geographical feats. The calamity was the loss of his
medicine-chest. It had been intrusted to one of his most careful
people; but, without authority, a carrier hired for the day took it
and some other things to carry for the proper bearer, then bolted,
and neither carrier nor box could be found. "I felt," says
Livingstone, "as if I had now received the sentence of death, like
poor Bishop Mackenzie." With the medicine-chest was lost the power
of treating himself in fever with the medicine that had proved so
effectual. We find him not long after in a state of insensibility,
trying to raise himself from the ground, falling back with all his
weight, and knocking his head upon a box. The loss of the
medicine-box was probably the beginning of the end; his system lost
the wonderful power of recovery which it had hitherto shown; and
other ailments--in the lungs, the feet, and the bowels, that might
have been kept under in a more vigorous state of general health,
began hereafter to prevail against him.
The two geographical feats were--his first sight of Lake
Tanganyika, and his discovery of Lake Moero. In April he reached
Lake Liemba, as the lower part of Tanganyika was called. The
scenery was wonderfully beautiful, and the air of the whole region
remarkably peaceful. The want of medicine made an illness here very
severe; on recovering, he would have gone down the lake, but was
dissuaded, in consequence of his hearing that a chief was killing
all that came that way. He therefore returns to Chitimba's, and
resolves to explore Lake Moero, believing that there the question
of the watershed would be decided, At Chitimba's, he is detained
upward of three months, in consequence of the disturbed state of
the country. At last he gets the escort of some Arab traders, who
show him much kindness, but again he is prostrated by illness, and
at length he reaches Lake Moero, 8th November, 1867. He hears of
another lake, called Bembo or Bangweolo, and to hear of it is to
resolve to see it. But he is terribly wearied with two years'
traveling without having heard from home, and he thinks he must
first go to Ujiji, for letters and stores. Meanwhile, as the
traders are going to Casembe's, he accompanies them thither.
Casembe he finds to be a fierce chief, who rules his people with
great tyranny, cutting off their ears, and even their hands, for
the most trivial offenses. Persons so mutilated, seen in his
village, excite a feeling of horror. This chief was not one easily
got at, but Livingstone believed that he gained an influence with
him, only he could not quite overcome his prejudice against him.
The year 1867 ended with another severe attack of illness.
"The chief interest in Lake Moero," says Livingstone,
"is that it forms one of a chain of lakes, connected by a river
some 500 miles in length. First of all, the Chambezé rises
in the country of Mambwé, N.E. of Molemba; it then flows
southwest and west, till it reaches lat. 11° S., and long.
29° E., where it forms Lake Bemba or Bangweolo; emerging
thence, it assumes the name of Luapula, and comes down here to fall
into Moero. On going out of this lake it is known by the name of
Lualaba, as it flows N.W. in Rua to form another lake with many
islands, called Urengé or Ulengé. Beyond this,
information is not positive as to whether it enters Lake
Tanganyika, or another lake beyond that.... Since coming to
Casembe's, the testimony of natives and Arabs has been so united
and consistent, that I am but ten days from Lake Bemba or
Bangweolo, that I cannot doubt its accuracy."
The detentions experienced in 1867 were long and wearisome, and
Livingstone disliked them because he was never well when doing
nothing. His light reading must have been pretty well exhausted;
even Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, which accompanied him
in these wanderings, and which we have no doubt he read throughout,
must have got wearisome sometimes. He occupied himself in writing
letters, in the hope that somehow or sometime he might find an
opportunity of despatching them. He took the rainfall carefully
during the year, and lunars and other observations, when the sky
permitted. He had intended to make his observations more perfect on
this journey than on any previous one, but alas for his
difficulties and disappointments! A letter to Sir Thomas Maclear
and Mr. Mann, his assistant, gives a pitiful account of these: "I
came this journey with a determination to observe very carefully
all your hints as to occupations and observations, east and west,
north and south, but I have been so worried by lazy, deceitful
Sepoys, and thievish Johanna men, and indifferent instruments, that
I fear the results are very poor." He goes on to say that some of
his instruments were defective, and others went out of order, and
that his time-taker, one of his people, had no conscience, and
could not be trusted. The records of his observations,
notwithstanding, indicate much care and pains. In April, he had
been very unwell, taking fits of total insensibility, but as he had
not said anything of this to his people at home, it was to be kept
a secret.
His Journal for 1867 ends with a statement of the poverty of his
food, and the weakness to which he was reduced. He had hardly
anything to eat but the coarsest grain of the country, and no tea,
coffee, or sugar. An Arab trader, Mohamad Bogharib, who arrived at
Casembe's about the same time, presented him with a meal of
vermicelli, oil, and honey, and had some coffee and sugar;
Livingstone had had none since he left Nyassa.
The Journal for 1868 begins with a prayer that if he should die
that year, he might be prepared for it. The year was spent in the
same region, and was signalized by the discovery of Lake Bemba, or,
as it may more properly be called, Lake Bangweolo, Early in the
year he heard accounts of what interested him greatly--certain
underground houses in Rua, ranging along a mountain side for twenty
miles. In some cases the doorways were level with the country
adjacent; in others, ladders were used to climb up to them; inside
they were said to be very large, and not the work of men, but of
God. He became eagerly desirous to visit these mysterious
dwellings.
Circumstances turning out more favorable to his going to Lake
Bangweolo, Dr. Livingstone put off his journey to Ujiji, on which
his men had been counting, and much against the advice of Mohamad,
his trader friend and companion, determined first to see the lake
of which he had heard so much. The consequence was a rebellion
among his men. With the exception of five, they refused to go with
him. They had been considerably demoralized by contact with the
Arab trader and his slave-gang. Dr. Livingstone took this rebellion
with wonderful placidity, for in his own mind he could not greatly
blame them. It was no wonder they were tired of the everlasting
tramping, for he was sick of it himself. He reaped the fruit of his
mildness by the men coming back to him, on his return from the
lake, and offering their services. It cannot be said of him that he
was not disposed to make any allowance for human weakness. When
recording a fault, and how he dealt with it, he often adds,
"consciousness of my own defects makes me lenient." "I also have my
weaknesses."
The way to the lake was marked by fresh and lamentable tokens of
the sufferings of slaves. "24th June.--Six men-slaves were
singing as if they did not feel the weight and degradation of the
slave-sticks. I asked the cause of their mirth, and was told that
they rejoiced at the idea of 'coming back after death, and haunting
and killing those who had sold them,' Some of the words I had to
inquire about; for instance, the meaning of the words, 'to haunt
and kill by spirit power,' then it was, 'Oh, you sent me off to
Manga (sea-coast), but the yoke is off when I die, and back I shall
come to haunt and to kill you.' Then all joined in the chorus,
which was the name of each vendor. It told not of fun, but of the
bitterness and tears of such as were oppressed; and on the side of
the oppressors there was power. There be higher than they!"
His discovery of Lake Bangweolo is recorded as quietly as if it
had been a mill-pond: "On the 18th July, I walked a little way out,
and saw the shores of the lake for the first time, thankful that I
had come safely hither." The lake had several inhabited islands,
which Dr. Livingstone visited, to the great wonder of the natives,
who crowded around him in multitudes, never having seen such a
curiosity as a white man before. In the middle of the lake the
canoe-men whom he had hired to carry him across refused to proceed
further, under the influence of some fear, real or pretended, and
he was obliged to submit. But the most interesting, though not the
most pleasant, thing about the lake, was the ooze or sponge which
occurred frequently on its banks. The spongy places were slightly
depressed valleys, without trees or bushes, with grass a foot or
fifteen inches high; they were usually from two to ten miles long,
and from a quarter of a mile to a mile broad. In the course of
thirty geographical miles, he crossed twenty-nine, and that, too,
at the end of the fourth month of the dry season. It was necessary
for him to strip the lower part of his person before fording them,
and then the leeches pounced on him, and in a moment had secured
such a grip, that even twisting them round the fingers failed to
tear them off.
It was Dr. Livingstone's impression at this time that in
discovering Lake Bangweolo, with the sponges that fed it, he had
made another discovery--that these marshy places might be the real
sources of the three great rivers, the Nile, the Congo, and the
Zambesi. A link, however, was yet wanting to prove his theory. It
had yet to be shown that the waters that flowed from Lake Bangweolo
into Lake Moero, and thence northward by the river Lualaba, were
connected with the Nile system. Dr. Livingstone was strongly
inclined to believe that this connection existed; but toward the
close of his life he had more doubts of it, although it was left to
others to establish conclusively that the Lualaba was the Congo,
and sent no branch to the Nile.
On leaving Lake Bangweolo, detention occurred again as it had
occurred before. The country was very disturbed and very miserable,
and Dr. Livingstone was in great straits and want. Yet with a grim
humor he tells how, when lying in an open shed, with all his men
around him, he dreamed of having apartments at Mivart's Hotel. It
was after much delay that he found himself at last, under the
escort of a slave-party, on the way to Ujiji. Mr. Waller has
graphically described the situation. "At last he makes a start on
the 11th of December, 1868, with the Arabs, who are bound eastward
for Ujiji. It is a motley group, composed of Mohamad and his
friends, a gang of Unyamwezi hangers-on, and strings of wretched
slaves yoked together in their heavy slave-sticks. Some carry
ivory, others copper, or food for the march, while hope and fear,
misery and villainy, may be read off on the various faces that pass
in line out of this country, like a serpent dragging its accursed
folds away from the victim it has paralyzed with its fangs."
New Year's Day, 1869, found Livingstone laboring under a worse
attack of illness than any he had ever had before. For ten weeks to
come his situation was as painful as can be conceived. A continual
cough, night and day, the most distressing weakness, inability to
walk, yet the necessity of moving on, or rather of being moved on,
in a kind of litter arranged by Mohamad Bogharib,--where, with his
face poorly protected from the sun, he was jolted up and down and
sideways, without medicine or food for an invalid,--made the
situation sufficiently trying. His prayer was that he might hold
out to Ujiji, where he expected to find medicines and stores, with
the rest and shelter so necessary in his circumstances. So ill was
he, that he lost count of the days of the week and the month. "I
saw myself lying dead in the way to Ujiji, and all the letters I
expected there--useless. When I think of my children, the lines
ring through my head perpetually:
"'I shall look into your faces,
And listen to what you say;
And be often very near you
When you think I'm far away.'"
On the 26th February, 1869, he embarked in a canoe on
Tanganyika, and on the 14th March he reached the longed-for Ujiji,
on the eastern shore of the lake. To complete his trial, he found
that the goods he expected had been made away with in every
direction. A few fragments were about all he could find. Medicines,
wine, and cheese had been left at Unyanyembe, thirteen days
distant. A war was raging on the way, so that they could not be
sent for till the communications were restored.
To obviate as far as possible the recurrence of such a disaster
to a new store of goods which he was now asking Dr. Kirk to send
him, Livingstone wrote a letter to the Sultan of Zanzibar, 20th
April, 1869, in which he frankly and cordially acknowledged the
benefit he had derived from the letter of recommendation his
Highness had given him, and the great kindness of the Arabs,
especially Mohamad Bogharib, who had certainly saved his life. Then
he complains of the robbery of his goods, chiefly by one Musa bin
Salim, one of the people of the Governor of Unyanyembe, who had
bought ivory with the price, and another man who had bought a wife.
Livingstone does not expect his cloth and beads to be brought back,
or the price of the wife and ivory returned, but he says:
"I beg the assistance of your authority to prevent a fresh stock
of goods, for which I now send to Zanzibar, being plundered in the
same way. Had it been the loss of ten or twelve pieces of cloth
only, I should not have presumed to trouble your Highness about the
loss; but 62 pieces or gorahs out of 80, besides beads, is like
cutting a man's throat. If one or two guards of good character
could be sent by you, no one would plunder the pagasi next
time.
"I wish also to hire twelve or fifteen good freemen to act as
canoe-men or porters, or in any other capacity that may be
required. I shall be greatly obliged if you appoint one of your
gentlemen who knows the country to select that number, and give
them and their headman a charge as to their behavior. If they know
that you wish them to behave well it will have great effect. I wish
to go down Tanganyika, through Luanda and Chowambe, and pass the
river Karagwe, which falls into Lake Chowambe. Then come back to
Ujiji, visit Manyuema and Rua, and then return to Zanzibar, when I
hope to see your Highness in the enjoyment of health and
happiness."
Livingstone showed only his usual foresight in taking these
precautions for the protection of his next cargo of goods. In
stating so plainly his intended route, his purpose was doubtless to
prevent carelessness in executing his orders, such as might have
arisen had it been deemed uncertain where he was going, and whether
or not he meant to return by Zanzibar.
Of letters during the latter part of this period very few seem
to have reached their destination. A short letter to Dr. Moffat,
bearing date "Near Lake Moero, March, 1868," dwells dolefully on
his inability to reach Lake Bemba in consequence of the flooded
state of the country, and then his detention through the strifes of
the Arabs and the natives. The letter, however, is more occupied
with reviewing the past than narrating the present. In writing to
Dr. Moffat, he enters more minutely than he would have done with a
less intimate and sympathetic friend into the difficulties of his
lot--difficulties that had been increased by some from whom he
might have expected other things. He had once seen a map displayed
in the rooms of the Geographical Society, substantially his own,
but with another name in conspicuous letters. On the Zambesi he had
had difficulties, little suspected, of which in the meantime he
would say nothing to the public. A letter to his daughter Agnes,
after he had gone to Bangweolo, dwells also much on his past
difficulties--as if he felt that the slow progress he was making at
the moment needed explanation or apology. Amid such topics, almost
involuntary touches of the old humor occur: "I broke my teeth
tearing at maize and other hard food, and they are coming out. One
front tooth is out, and I have such an awful mouth. If you expect a
kiss from me, you must take it through a speaking-trumpet." In one
respect, amid all his trials, his heart seems to become more tender
than ever--in affection for his children, and wise and considerate
advice for their guidance. In his letter to Agnes, he adverts with
some regret to a chance he lost of saying a word for his family
when Lord Palmerston sent Mr. Hayward, Q.C., to ask him what he
could do to serve him. "It never occurred to me that he meant
anything for me or my children till I was out here. I thought only
of my work in Africa, and answered accordingly." It was only the
fear that his family would be in want that occasioned this
momentary regret at his disinterested answer to Lord
Palmerston.
CHAPTER XX.
MANYUEMA.
He sets out to explore Manyuema and the river Lualaba--Loss of
forty-two letters--His feebleness through illness--He arrives at
Bambarré--Becomes acquainted with the soko or
gorilla--Reaches the Luama River--Magnificence of the
country--Repulsiveness of the people--Cannot get a canoe to explore
the Lualaba--Has to return to Bambarré--Letter to Thomas,
and retrospect of his life--Letter to Sir Thomas Maclear and Mr.
Mann--Miss Tinné--He is worse in health than ever, yet
resolves to add to his programme and go round Lake
Bangweolo--Letter to Agnes--Review of the past--He sets out anew in
a more northerly direction--Overpowered by constant wet--Reaches
Nyangwe--Long detention--Letter to his brother John--Sense of
difficulties and troubles--Nobility of his spirit--He sets off with
only three attendants for the Lualaba--Suspicions of the
natives--Influence of Arab traders--Frightful difficulties of the
way--Lamed by foot-sores--Has to return to Bambarré--Long
and wearisome detention--Occupations--Meditations and
reveries--Death no terror--Unparalleled position and trials--He
reads his Bible from beginning to end four times--Letter to Sir
Thomas Maclear--To Agnes--His delight at her sentiments about his
coming home--Account of the soko--Grief to hear of death of Lady
Murchison--Wretched character of men sent from Zanzibar--At last
sets out with Mohamad--Difficulties--Slave-trade most
horrible--Cannot get canoes for Lualaba--Long waiting--New
plan--Frustrated by horrible massacre on banks of
Lualaba--Frightful scene--He must return to Ujiji--New
illness--Perils of journey to Ujiji--Life three times endangered in
one day--Reaches Ujiji--Shereef has sold off his goods--He is
almost in despair--Meets Henry M. Stanley and is relieved--His
contributions to Natural Science during last journeys--Professor
Owen in the Quarterly Review.
After resting for a few weeks at Ujiji, Dr. Livingstone set out,
12th July, 1869, to explore the Manyuema country. Ujiji was not a
place favorable for making arrangements; it was the resort of the
worst scum of Arab traders. Even to send his letters to the coast
was a difficult undertaking, for the bearers were afraid he would
expose their doings. On one day he despatched no fewer than
forty-two--enough, no doubt, to form a large volume; none of these
even arrived at Zanzibar, so that they must have been purposely
destroyed. The slave-traders of Urungu and Itawa, where he had
been, were gentlemen compared with those of Ujiji, who resembled
the Kilwa and Portuguese, and with whom trading was simply a system
of murder. Here lay the cause of Livingstone's unexampled
difficulties at this period of his life; he was dependent on men
who were not only knaves of the first magnitude, but who had a
special animosity against him, and a special motive to deceive,
rob, and obstruct him in every possible way.
After considerable deliberation he decided to go to Manyuema, in
order to examine the river Lualaba, and determine the direction of
its flow. This would settle the question of the watershed, and in
four or five months, if he should get guides and canoes, his work
would be done. On setting out from Ujiji he first crossed the lake,
and then proceeded inland on foot. He was still weak from illness,
and his lungs were so feeble that to walk up-hill made him pant. He
became stronger, however, as he went on, refreshed doubtless by the
interesting country through which he passed, and the aspect of the
people, who were very different from the tribes on the coast.
On the 21st September he arrived at Bambarré, in
Manyuema, the village of the Chief Moenékuss. He found the
people in a state of great isolation from the rest of the world,
with nothing to trust to but charms and idols,--both being bits of
wood. He made the acquaintance of the soko or gorilla, not a very
social animal, for it always tries to bite off the ends of its
captor's fingers and toes. Neither is it particularly intellectual,
for its nest shows no more contrivance than that of a cushat dove.
The curiosity of the people was very great, and sometimes it took
an interesting direction. "Do people die with you?" asked two
intelligent young men. "Have you no charm against death? Where do
people go after death?" Livingstone spoke to them of the great
Father, and of their prayers to Him who hears the cry of his
children; and they thought this to be natural.
He rested at Bambarré till the 1st of November, and then
went westward till he reached the Luamo River, and was within ten
miles of its confluence with the Lualaba. He found the country
surpassingly beautiful: "Palms crown the highest heights of the
mountains, and their gracefully-bent fronds wave beautifully in the
wind. Climbers of cable size in great numbers are hung among the
gigantic trees; many unknown wild fruits abound, some the size of a
child's head, and strange birds and monkeys are everywhere. The
soil is excessively rich, and the people, though isolated by old
feuds that are never settled, cultivate largely."
The country was very populous, and Livingstone so excited the
curiosity of the people that he could hardly get quit of the
crowds. It was not so uninteresting to be stared at by the women,
but he was wearied with the ugliness of the men. Palm-toddy did not
inspire them with any social qualities, but made them low and
disagreeable. They had no friendly feeling for him, and could not
be inspired with any. They thought that he and his people were like
the Arab traders, and they would not do anything for them. It was
impossible to procure a canoe for navigating the Lualaba, so that
there was nothing for it but to return to Bambarré, which
was reached on the 19th December, 1869.
A long letter to his son Thomas (Town of Moenékuss,
Manyuema Country, 24th September, 1869) gives a retrospect of this
period, and indeed, in a sense, of his life:
"My dear Tom,--I begin a letter, though I have no
prospect of being able to send it off for many months to come. It
is to have something in readiness when the hurry usual in preparing
a mail does arrive. I am in the Manyuema Country, about 150 miles
west of Ujiji, and at the town of Moenekoos or Moenékuss, a
principal chief among the reputed cannibals. His name means 'Lord
of the light-gray parrot with a red tail,' which abounds here, and
he points away still further west to the country of the real
cannibals. His people laugh, and say, 'Yes, we eat the flesh of
men,' and should they see the inquirer to be credulous, enter into
particulars. A black stuff smeared on the cheeks is the sign of
mourning, and they told one of my people who believes all they say
that it is animal charcoal made of the bones of the relatives they
have eaten. They showed him the skull of one recently devoured, and
he pointed it out to me in triumph. It was the skull of a gorilla,
here called 'soko,' and this they do eat. They put a bunch of
bananas in his way, and hide till he comes to take them, and spear
him. Many of the Arabs believe firmly in the cannibal propensity of
the Manyuema. Others who have lived long among them, and are
themselves three-fourths African blood, deny it. I suspect that
this idea must go into oblivion with those of people who have no
knowledge of fire, of the Supreme Being, or of language. The
country abounds in food,--goats, sheep, fowls, buffaloes, and
elephants: maize, holcuserghum, cassaba, sweet potatoes, and other
farinaceous eatables, and with ground-nuts, palm-oil, palms, and
other fat-yielding nuts, bananas, plantains, sugar-cane in great
plenty. So there is little inducement to eat men, but I wait for
further evidence.
"Not knowing how your head has fared, I sometimes feel greatly
distressed about you, and if I could be of any use I would leave my
work unfinished to aid you. But you will have every medical
assistance that can be rendered, and I cease not to beg the Lord
who healeth his people to be gracious to your infirmity.
"The object of my Expedition is the discovery of the sources of the
Nile. Had I known all the hardships, toil, and time involved, I
would of been of the mind of St. Mungo, of Glasgow, of whom the
song says that he let the Molendinar Burn 'rin by,' when he could
get something stronger. I would have let the sources 'rin by' to
Egypt, and never been made 'drumly' by my plashing through them.
But I shall make this country and people better known. 'This,'
Professor Owen said to me, 'is the first step; the rest will in due
time follow.' By different agencies the Great Ruler is bringing all
things into a focus. Jesus is gathering all things unto Himself,
and He is daily becoming more and more the centre of the world's
hopes and of the world's fears. War brought freedom to 4,000,000 of
the most hopeless and helpless slaves. The world never saw such
fiendishness as that with which the Southern slaveocracy clung to
slavery. No power in this world or the next would ever make them
relax their iron grasp. The lie had entered into their soul. Their
cotton was King. With it they would force England and France to
make them independent, because without it the English and French
must starve. Instead of being made a nation, they made a nation of
the North. War has elevated and purified the Yankees, and now they
have the gigantic task laid at their doors to elevate and purify
4,000,000 of slaves. I earnestly hope that the Northerners may not
be found wanting in their portion of the superhuman work. The day
for Africa is yet to come. Possibly the freed men may be an agency
in elevating their fatherland.
"England is in the rear. This affair in Jamaica brought out the
fact of a large infusion of bogiephobia in the English. Frightened
in early years by their mothers with 'Bogie Blackman,' they were
terrified out of their wits by a riot, and the sensation writers,
who act the part of the 'dreadful boys' who frightened aunts,
yelled out that emancipation was a mistake. 'The Jamaica negroes
were as savage as when they left Africa.' They might have put it
much stronger by saying, as the rabble that attended Tom Sayers's
funeral, or that collects at every execution at Newgate. But our
golden age is not in the past. It is in the future--in the good
time coming yet for Africa and for the world.
"The task I undertook was to examine the watershed of South Central
Africa. This was the way Sir Roderick put it, and though he
mentioned it as the wish of the Geographical Council, I suspect it
was his own idea; for two members of the Society wrote out
'instructions' for me, and the watershed was not mentioned. But
scientific words were used which the writers evidently did not
understand.
"The examination of the watershed contained the true scientific
mode of procedure, and Sir Roderick said to me: 'You will be the
discoverer of the sources of the Nile,' I shaped my course for a
path across the north end of Lake Nyassa, but to avoid the
certainty of seeing all my attendants bolting at the first sight
of, the wild tribes there, the Nindi, I changed off to go round the
south end, and if not, cross the middle. What I feared for the
north took place in the south when the Johanna men heard of the
Mazitu, though we were 150 miles from the marauders, and I offered
to go due west till past their beat. They were terrified, and ran
away as soon as they saw my face turned west. I got carriers from
village to village, and got on nicely with people who had never
engaged in the slave-trade; but it was slow work. I came very near
to the Mazitu three times, but obtained information in time to
avoid them. Once we were taken for Mazitu ourselves, and surrounded
by a crowd of excited savages. They produced a state of confusion
and terror, and men fled hither and thither with the fear of death
on them. Casembe would not let me go into his southern district
till he had sent men to see that the Mazitu, or, as they are called
in Lunda, the Watuta, had left. Where they had been all the food
was swept off, and we suffered cruel hunger. We had goods to buy
with, but the people had nothing to sell, and were living on herbs
and mushrooms. I had to feel every step of the way, and generally
was groping in the dark. No one knew anything beyond his own
district, and who cared where the rivers ran? Casembe said, when I
was going to Lake Bangweolo: 'One piece of water was just like
another (it is the Bangweolo water), but as your chief desired you
to visit that one, go to it. If you see a traveling party going
north, join it. If not, come back to me and I will send you safely
along my path by Moero;' and gave me a man's load of a fish like
whitebait. I gradually gained more light on the country, and slowly
and surely saw the problem of the fountains of the Nile developing
before my eyes. The vast volume of water draining away to the north
made me conjecture that I had been working at the sources of the
Congo too. My present trip to Manyuema proves that all goes to the
river of Egypt. In fact, the head-waters of the Nile are gathered
into two or three arms, very much as was depicted by Ptolemy in the
second century of our era. What we moderns can claim is rediscovery
of what had fallen into oblivion, like the circumnavigation of
Africa by the Phoenican admiral of one of the Pharaohs, B.C. 600.
He was not believed, because 'he had the sun on his right hand in
going round from east to west.' Though to us this stamps his tale
as genuine, Ptolemy was not believed, because his sources were
between 10 and 12 north latitude, and collected into two or three
great head branches. In my opinion, his informant must have visited
them.
"I cared nothing for money, and contemplated spending my life as a
hard-working, poor missionary. By going into the country beyond
Kuruman we pleased the Directors, but the praises they bestowed
excited envy. Mamma and you all had hard times. The missionaries at
Kuruman, and south of it, had comfortable houses and gardens. They
could raise wheat, pumpkins, maize, at very small expense, and
their gardens yielded besides apples, pears, apricots, peaches,
quinces, oranges, grapes, almonds, walnuts, and all vegetables, for
little more than the trouble of watering. A series or droughts
compelled us to send for nearly all our food 270 miles off. Instead
of help we had to pay the uttermost farthing for everything, and
got bitter envy besides. Many have thought that I was inflated by
the praises I had lavished upon me, but I made it a rule never to
read anything of praise. I am thankful that a kind Providence has
enabled me to do what will reflect honor on my children, and show
myself a stout-hearted servant of Him from whom comes every gift.
None of you must become mean, craven-hearted, untruthful, or
dishonest, for if you do, you don't inherit it from me. I hope that
you have selected a profession that suits your taste. It will make
you hold up your head among men, and is your most serious duty. I
shall not live long, And it would not be well to rely on my
influence. I could help you a little while living, but have little
else but what people call a great name to bequeath afterward. I am
nearly toothless, and in my second childhood. The green maize was
in one part the only food we could get with any taste. I ate the
hard fare, and was once horrified by finding most of my teeth
loose. They never fastened again, and generally became so loose as
to cause pain. I had to extract them, and did so by putting on a
strong thread with what sailors call a clove-hitch, tie the other
end to a stump above or below, as the tooth was upper or lower,
strike the thread with a heavy pistol or stick, and the tooth
dangled at the stump, and no pain was felt. Two upper front teeth
are thus out, and so many more, I shall need a whole set of
artificials. I may here add that the Manyuema stole the bodies of
slaves which were buried, till a threat was used. They said the
hyenas had exhumed the dead, but a slave was cast out by
Banyamwezi, and neither hyenas nor men touched it for seven days.
The threat was effectual. I think that they are cannibals, but not
ostentatiously so. The disgust expressed by native traders has made
them ashamed. Women never partook of human flesh. Eating sokos or
gorillas must have been a step in the process of teaching them to
eat men. The sight of a soko nauseates me. He is so hideously ugly,
I can conceive no other use for him than sitting for a portrait of
Satan. I have lost many months by rains, refusal of my attendants
to go into a canoe, and irritable eating ulcers on my feet from
wading in mud instead of sailing. They are frightfully common, and
often kill slaves. I am recovering, and hope to go down Lualaba,
which I would call Webb River or Lake; touch then another Lualaba,
which I will name Young's River or Lake; and then by the good hand
of our Father above turn homeward through Karagwe. As ivory-trading
is here like gold-digging, I felt constrained to offer a handsome
sum of money and goods to my friend Mohamad Bogharib for men. It
was better to do this than go back to Ujiji, and then come over the
whole 260 miles. I would have waited there for men from Zanzibar,
but the authority at Ujiji behaved so oddly about my letters, I
fear they never went to the coast. The worthless slaves I have saw
that I was at their mercy, for no Manyuema will go into the next
district, and they behaved as low savages who have been made free
alone can. Their eagerness to enslave and kill their own countrymen
is distressing....
"Give my love to Oswell and Anna Mary and the Aunties. I have
received no letter from any of you since I left home. The good Lord
bless you all, and be gracious to you.--Affectionately yours,
"DAVID LIVINGSTONE."
Another letter is addressed to Sir Thomas Maclear and Mr. Mann,
September, 1869. He enters at considerable length into his reasons
for the supposition that he had discovered, on the watershed, the
true sources of the Nile. He refers in a generous spirit to the
discoveries of other travelers, mistaken though he regarded their
views on the sources, and is particularly complimentary to Miss
Tinné:
"A Dutch lady whom I never saw, and of whom I know
nothing save from scraps in the newspapers, moves my sympathy more
than any other. By her wise foresight in providing a steamer, and
pushing on up the river after the severest domestic affliction--the
loss by fever of her two aunts--till after she was assured by Speke
and Grant that they had already discovered in Victoria Nyanza the
sources she sought, she proved herself a genuine explorer, and then
by trying to go S.W. on land. Had they not, honestly enough of
course, given her their mistaken views, she must inevitably, by
boat or on land, have reached the head-waters of the Nile. I cannot
conceive of her stopping short of Bangweolo. She showed such
indomitable pluck she must be a descendant of Van Tromp, who swept
the English Channel till killed by our Blake, and whose tomb every
Englishman who goes to Holland is sure to visit.
"We great he-beasts say, 'Exploration was not becoming her sex.'
Well, considering that at least 1600 years have elapsed since
Ptolemy's informants reached this region, and kings, emperors, and
all the great men of antiquity longed in vain to know the
fountains, exploration does not seem to have become the other sex
either. She came much further up than the two centurions sent by
Nero Caesar.
"I have to go down and see where the two arms unite,--the lost city
Meroe ought to be there,--then get back to Ujiji to get a supply of
goods which I have ordered from Zanzibar, turn bankrupt after I
secure them, and let my creditors catch me if they can, as I finish
up by going round outside and south of all the sources, so that I
may be sure no one will cut me out and say he found other sources
south of mine. This is one reason for my concluding trip; another
is to visit the underground houses in stone, and the copper mines
of Katanga which have been worked for ages (Malachite). I have
still a seriously long task before me. My letters have been delayed
inexplicably, so I don't know my affairs. If I have a salary I
don't know it, though the Daily Telegraph abused me for
receiving it when I had none. Of this alone I am sure--my friends
will all wish me to make a complete work of it before I leave, and
in their wish I join. And it is better to go in now than to do it
in vain afterward."
"I have still a seriously long task before me." Yet he had
lately been worse in health and weaker than he had ever been; he
was much poorer than he expected to be, and the difficulties had
proved far beyond any he had hitherto experienced. But so far from
thinking of taking things more easily than before, he actually
enlarges his programme, and resolves to "finish up by going round
outside and south of all the sources." His spirit seems only to
rise as difficulties are multiplied.
He writes to his daughter Agnes at the same time: "You remark
that you think you could have traveled as well as Mrs. Baker, and I
think so too. Your mamma was famous for roughing it in the bush,
and was never a trouble." The allusion carries him to old
days--their travels to Lake 'Ngami, Mrs. Livingstone's death, the
Helmores, the Bishop, Thornton. Then he speaks of recent troubles
and difficulties, his attack of pneumonia, from which he had not
expected to recover, his annoyances with his men, so unlike the old
Makololo, the loss of his letters and boxes, with the exception of
two from an unknown donor that contained the Saturday Review
and his old friend Punch for 1868. Then he goes over African
travelers and their achievements, real and supposed. He returns
again to the achievements of ladies, and praises Miss Tinné
and other women. "The death-knell of American slavery was rung by a
woman's hand. We great he-beasts say Mrs. Stowe exaggerated. From
what I have seen of slavery I say exaggeration is a simple
impossibility. I go with the sailor who, on seeing slave-traders,
said: 'If the devil don't catch these fellows, we might as well
have no devil at all.'"
The year 1870 was begun with the prayer that in the course of it
he might be able to complete his enterprise, and retire through the
Basango before the end of it. In February he hears with gratitude
of Mr. E.D. Young's Search Expedition up the Shiré and
Nyassa. In setting out anew he takes a more northerly course,
proceeding through paths blocked with very rank vegetation, and
suffering from choleraic illness caused by constant wettings. In
the course of a month the effects of the wet became overpowering,
and on 7th February Dr. Livingstone had to go into winter quarters.
He remained quiet till 26th June.
In April, 1870, from "Manyuema or Cannibal Country, say 150
miles N.W. of Ujiji," he began a letter to Sir Roderick Murchison,
but changed its destination to his brother John in Canada. He
notices his Immediate object--to ascertain where the Lualaba joined
the eastern branch of the Nile, and contrasts the lucid reasonable
problem set him by Sir Roderick with the absurd instructions he had
received from some members of the Geographical Society. "I was to
furnish 'a survey on successive pages of my journal,' 'latitudes
every night,' 'hydrography of Central Africa,' and because they
voted one-fifth or perhaps one-sixth part of my expenses, give them
'all my notes, copies if not the originals!' For mere board and no
lodgings I was to work for years and hand over the results to
them." Contrasted with such absurdities, Sir Roderick's proposal
had quite fascinated him. He had ascertained that the watershed
extended 800 miles from west to east, and had traversed it in every
direction, but at a cost which had been wearing out both to mind
and body. He drops a tear over the Universities Mission, but
becomes merry over Bishop Tozer strutting about with his crosier at
Zanzibar, and in a fine clear day getting a distant view of the
continent of which he claimed to be Bishop. He denounces the vile
policy of the Portuguese, and laments the indecision of some
influential persons who virtually upheld it. He is tickled with the
generous offer of a small salary, when he should settle somewhere,
that had been made to him by the Government, while men who had
risked nothing were getting handsome salaries of far greater
amount; but rather than sacrifice the good of Africa, HE WOULD
SPEND EVERY PENNY OF HIS PRIVATE MEANS. He seems surrounded by a
whole sea of difficulties, but through all, the nobility of his
spirit shines undimmed. To persevere in the line of duty is his
only conceivable course. He holds as firmly as ever by the old
anchor--"All will turn out right at last."
When ready, they set out on 26th June. Most of his people failed
him; but nothing daunted, he set off then with only three
attendants, Susi, Chuma, and Gardner, to the northwest for the
Lualaba. Whenever he comes among Arab traders he finds himself
suspected and hated because he is known to condemn their evil
deeds.
The difficulties by the way were terrible. Fallen trees and
flooded rivers made marching a perpetual struggle. For the first
time, Livingstone's feet failed him. Instead of healing as
hitherto, when torn by hard travel, irritating sores fastened upon
them, and as he had but three attendants, he had to limp back to
Bambarré, which he reached in the middle of July.
And here he remained in his hut for eighty days, till 10th
October, exercising patience, harrowed by the wickedness he could
not stop, extracting information from the natives, thinking about
the fountains of the Nile, trying to do some good among the people,
listening to accounts of soko-hunting, and last, not least, reading
his Bible. He did not leave Bambarré till 16th February,
1871. From what he had seen and what he had heard he was more and
more persuaded that he was among the true fountains of the Nile.
His reverence for the Bible gave that river a sacred character, and
to throw light on its origin seemed a kind of religious act. He
admits, however, that he is not quite certain about it, though he
does not see how he can be mistaken. He dreams that in his early
life Moses may have been in these parts, and if he should only
discover any confirmation of sacred history or sacred chronology he
would not grudge all the toil and hardship, the pain and hunger, he
had undergone. The very spot where the fountains are to be found
becomes defined in his mind. He even drafts a despatch which he
hopes to write, saying that the fountains are within a quarter of a
mile of each other!
Then he bethinks him of his friends who have done noble battle
with slavery, and half in fancy, half in earnest, attaches their
names to the various waters. The fountain of the Liambai or Upper
Zambesi he names Palmerston Fountain, in fond remembrance of that
good man's long and unwearied labor for the abolition of the
slave-trade. The lake formed by the Lufira is to be Lincoln Lake,
in gratitude to him who gave freedom to four millions of slaves.
The fountain of Lufira is associated with Sir Bartle Frere, who
accomplished the grand work of abolishing slavery in Sindia, in
Upper India. The central Lualaba is called the River Webb, after
the warm-hearted friend under whose roof he wrote The Zambesi
and its Tributaries; while the western branch is named the
Young River, to commemorate his early instructor in chemistry and
life-long friend, James Young. "He has shed pure white light in
many lowly cottages and in some rich palaces. I, too, have shed
light of another kind, and am fain to believe that I have performed
a small part in the grand revolution which our Maker has been for
ages carrying on, by multitudes of conscious and many unconscious
agents, all over the world [69]."
[69] See
Last Journals. vol. ii. pp 65,
66.
He is by no means unaware that death may be in the cup. But,
fortified as he was by an unalterable conviction that he was in the
line of duty, the thought of death had no influence to turn him
either to the right hand or to the left. For the first three years
he had a strong presentiment that he would fall. But it had passed
away as he came near the end, and now he prayed God that when he
retired it might be to his native home.
Probably no human being was ever in circumstances parallel to
those in which Livingstone now stood. Years had passed since he had
heard from home. The sound of his mother-tongue came to him only in
the broken sentences of Chuma or Susi or his other attendants, or
in the echoes of his own voice as he poured it out in prayer, or in
some cry of home-sickness that could not be kept in. In long pain
and sickness there had been neither wife nor child nor brother to
cheer him with sympathy, or lighten his dull hut with a smile. He
had been baffled and tantalized beyond description in his efforts
to complete the little bit of exploration which was yet necessary
to finish his task. His soul was vexed for the frightful
exhibitions of wickedness around him, where "man to man," instead
of brothers, were worse than wolves and tigers to each other.
During all his past life he had been sowing his seed weeping, but
so far was he from bringing back his sheaves rejoicing, that the
longer he lived the more cause there seemed for his tears. He had
not yet seen of the travail of his soul. In opening Africa he had
seemed to open it for brutal slave-traders, and in the only
instance in which he had yet brought to it the feet of men
"beautiful upon the mountains, publishing peace," disaster had
befallen, and an incompetent leader had broken up the enterprise.
Yet, apart from his sense of duty, there was no necessity for his
remaining there. He was offering himself a freewill-offering, a
living sacrifice. What could have sustained his heart and kept him
firm to his purpose in such a wilderness of desolation?
"I read the whole Bible through four times whilst I was in
Manyuema."
So he wrote in his Diary, not at the time, but the year after,
on the 3d October, 1871 [70]. The Bible gathers wonderful interest from
the circumstances in which it is read. In Livingstone's
circumstances it was more the Bible to him than ever. All his
loneliness and sorrow, the sickness of hope deferred, the yearnings
for home that could neither be repressed nor gratified, threw a new
light on the Word. How clearly it was intended for such as him, and
how sweetly it came home to him! How faithful, too, were its
pictures of human sin and sorrow! How true its testimony against
man, who will not retain God in his knowledge, but, leaving Him,
becomes vain in his imaginations and hard in his heart, till the
bloom of Eden is gone, and a waste, howling wilderness spreads
around! How glorious the out-beaming of Divine Love, drawing near
to this guilty race, winning and cherishing them with every
endearing act, and at last dying on the cross to redeem them! And
how bright the closing scene of Revelation--the new heaven and the
new earth wherein dwelleth righteousness--yes, he can appreciate
that attribute--the curse gone, death abolished, and all
tears wiped from the mourner's eye!
[70] See
Last Journals, vol. ii. p.
154.
So the lonely man in his dull hut is riveted to the well-worn
book; ever finding it a greater treasure as he goes along; and
fain, when he has reached its last page, to turn back to the
beginning, and gather up more of the riches which he has left upon
the road.
To Sir Thomas Maclear and Mr. Mann he writes during his
detention (September, 1870) on a leaf of his cheque-book, his paper
being done. He gives his theory of the rivers, enlarges on the
fertility of the country, bewails his difficulty in getting men, as
the Manyuema never go beyond their own country, and the traders,
who have only begun to come there, are too busy collecting ivory to
be able to spare men. "The tusks were left in the terrible forests,
where the animals were killed; the people, if treated civilly,
readily go and bring the precious teeth, some half rotten, or
gnawed by the teeth of a rodent called dezi. I think that mad
naturalists name it Aulocaudatus Swindermanus, or some equally wise
agglutination of syllables.... My chronometers are all dead; I hope
my old watch was sent to Zanzibar; but I have got no letters for
years, save some, three years old, at Ujiji. I have an intense and
sore longing to finish and retire, and trust that the Almighty may
permit me to go home."
In one of his letters to Agnes from Manyuema he quotes some
words from a letter of hers that he ever after cherished as a most
refreshing cordial:
"I commit myself to the Almighty Disposer of events, and if I
fall, will do so doing my duty, like one of his stout-hearted
servants. I am delighted to hear you say that, much as you wish me
home, you would rather hear of my finishing my work to my own
satisfaction than come merely to gratify you. That is a noble
sentence, and I felt all along sure that all my friends would wish
me to make a complete work of it, and in that wish, in spite of
every difficulty, I cordially joined. I hope to present to my young
countrymen an example of manly perseverance. I shall not hide from
you that I am made by it very old and shaky, my cheeks fallen in,
space round the eyes ditto; mouth almost toothless,--a few teeth
that remain, out of their line, so that a smile is that of a
he-hippopotamus,--a dreadful old fogie, and you must tell Sir
Roderick that it is an utter impossibility for me to appear in
public till I get new teeth, and even then the less I am seen the
better."
Another letter to Agnes from Manyuema gives a curious account of
the young soko or gorilla a chief had lately presented to him:
"She sits crouching eighteen inches high, and is the
most intelligent and least mischievous of all the monkeys I have
seen. She holds out her hand to be lifted and carried, and if
refused makes her face as in a bitter human weeping, and wrings her
hands quite humanly, sometimes adding a foot or third hand to make
the appeal more touching.... She knew me at once as a friend, and
when plagued by any one always placed her back to me for safety,
came and sat down on my mat, decently made a nest of grass and
leaves, and covered herself with the mat to sleep. I cannot take
her with me, though I fear that she will die before I return, from
people plaguing her. Her fine long black hair was beautiful when
tended by her mother, who was killed. I am mobbed enough alone; two
sokos--she and I--would not have got breath.
"I have to submit to be a gazing-stock. I don't altogether relish
it, here or elsewhere, but try to get over it good-naturedly, get
into the most shady spot of the village, and leisurely look at all
my admirers. When the first crowd begins to go away, I go into my
lodgings to take what food may be prepared, as coffee, when I have
it, or roasted maize infusion when I have none. The door is shut,
all save a space to admit light. It is made of the inner bark of a
gigantic tree, not a quarter of an inch thick, and slides in a
groove behind a post on each side of the doorway. When partially
open it is supported by only one of the posts. Eager heads
sometimes crowd the open space, and crash goes the thin door,
landing a Manyuema beauty on the floor. 'It was not I,' she gasps
out, 'it was Bessie Bell and Jeanie Gray that shoved me in, and--'
as she scrambles out of the lion's den, 'see they're laughing';
and; fairly out, she joins in the merry giggle too. To avoid
darkness or being half-smothered, I often eat in public, draw a
line on the ground, then 'toe the line,' and keep them out of the
circle. To see me eating with knife, fork, and spoon is wonderful.
'See!--they don't touch their food!--what oddities, to be
sure.'...
"Many of the Manyuema women are very pretty; their hands, feet,
limbs, and form are perfect. The men are handsome. Compared with
them the Zanzibar slaves are like London door-knockers, which some
atrocious iron-founder thought were like lions' faces. The way in
which these same Zanzibar Mohammedans murder the men and seize the
women and children makes me sick at heart. It is not slave-trade.
It is murdering free people to make slaves. It is perfectly
indescribable. Kirk has been working hard to get this murdersome
system put a stop to. Heaven prosper his noble efforts! He says in
one of his letters to me, 'It is monstrous injustice to compare the
free people in the interior, living under their own chiefs and
laws, with what slaves at Zanzibar afterward become by the
abominable system which robs them of their manhood. I think it is
like comparing the anthropologists with their ancestral
sokos.'...
"I am grieved to hear of the departure of good Lady Murchison. Had
I known that she kindly remembered me in her prayers, it would have
been great encouragement....
"The men sent by Dr. Kirk are Mohammedans, that is, unmitigated
liars. Musa and his companions are fair specimens of the lower
class of Moslems. The two head-men remained at Ujiji, to feast on
my goods, and get pay without work. Seven came to Bambarré,
and in true Moslem style swore that they were sent by Dr. Kirk to
bring me back, not to go with me, if the country were bad or
dangerous. Forward they would not go. I read Dr. Kirk's words to
them to follow wheresoever I led. 'No, by the old liar Mohamed,
they were to force me back to Zanzibar.' After a superabundance of
falsehood, it turned out that it all meant only an advance of pay,
though they had double the Zanzibar wages. I gave it, but had to
threaten on the word of an Englishman to shoot the ringleaders
before I got them to go. They all speak of English as men who do
not lie.... I have traveled more than most people, and with all
sorts of followers. The Christians of Kuruman and Kolobeng were out
of sight the best I ever had. The Makololo, who were very partially
Christianized, were next best--honest, truthful, and brave. Heathen
Africans are much superior to the Mohammedans, who are the most
worthless one can have."
Toward the end of 1870, before the date of this letter, he had
so far recovered that, though feeling the want of medicine as much
as of men, he thought of setting out, in order to reach and explore
the Lualaba, having made a bargain with Mohamad, for £270, to
bring him to his destination. But now he heard that Syde bin Habib,
Dugumbé, and others were on the way from Ujiji, perhaps
bringing letters and medicines for him. He cannot move till they
arrive; another weary time. "Sorely am I perplexed, and grieve and
mourn."
The New Year 1871 passes while he is at Bambarré, with
its prayer that he might be permitted to finish his task. At last,
on 4th February, ten of the men despatched to him from the coast
arrive, but only to bring a fresh disappointment. They were slaves,
the property of Banians, who were British subjects! and they
brought only one letter! Forty had been lost. There had been
cholera at Zanzibar, and many of the porters sent by Dr. Kirk had
died of it. The ten men came with a lie in their mouth; they would
not help him, swearing that the Consul told them not to go forward,
but to force Livingstone back. On the 10th they mutinied, and had
to receive an advance of pay. It was apparent that they had been
instructed by their Banian masters to baffle him in every way, so
that their slave-trading should not be injured by his disclosures.
Their two head-men, Shereef and Awathe, had refused to come farther
than Ujiji, and were reveling in his goods there. Dr. Livingstone
never ceased to lament and deplore that the men who had been sent
to him were so utterly unsuitable. One of them actually formed a
plot for his destruction, which was only frustrated through his
being overheard by one whom Livingstone could trust. Livingstone
wrote to his friends that owing to the inefficiency of the men, he
lost two years of time, about a thousand pounds in money, had some
2000 miles of useless traveling, and was four several times
subjected to the risk of a violent death.
At length, having arranged with the men, he sets out on 16th
February over a most beautiful country, but woefully difficult to
pass through. Perhaps it was hardly a less bitter disappointment to
be told, on the 25th, that the Lualaba flowed west-southwest, so
that after all it might be the Congo.
On the 29th March Livingstone arrived at Nyangwe, on the banks
of the Lualaba. This was the farthest point westward that he
reached in his last Expedition.
The slave-trade here he finds to be as horrible as in any other
part of Africa. He is heart-sore for human blood He is threatened,
bullied, and almost attacked. In some places, however, the rumor
spreads that he makes no slaves, and he is called "the good one."
His men are a ceaseless trouble, and for ever mutinying, or
otherwise harassing him. And yet he perseveres in his old kind way,
hoping by kindness to gain influence with them. Mohamad's people,
he finds, have passed him on the west, and thus he loses a number
of serviceable articles he was to get from them, and all the notes
made for him of the rivers they had passed. The difficulties and
discouragements are so great that he wonders whether, after all,
God is smiling on his work.
His own men circulate such calumnious reports against him that
he is unable to get canoes for the navigation of the Lualaba. This
leads to weeks and months of weary waiting, and yet all in vain;
but afterward he finds some consolation on discovering that the
navigation was perilous, that a canoe had been lost from the
inexperience of her crew in the rapids, so that had he been there,
he should very likely have perished, as his canoe would probably
have been foremost.
A change of plan was necessary. On 5th July he offered to
Dugumbé £400, with all the goods he had at Ujiji
besides, for men to replace the Banian slaves, and for the other
means of going up the Lomamé to Katanga, then returning and
going up Tanganyika to Ujiji. Dugumbé took a little time to
consult his friends before replying to the offer.
Meanwhile an event occurred of unprecedented horror, that showed
Livingstone that he could not go to Lomamé in the company of
Dugumbé. Between Dugumbé's people and another chief a
frightful system of pillage, murder, and burning of villages was
going on with horrible activity. One bright summer morning, 15th
July, when fifteen hundred people, chiefly women, were engaged
peacefully in marketing in a village on the banks of the Lualaba,
and while Dr. Livingstone was sauntering about, a murderous fire
was opened on the people, and a massacre ensued of such measureless
atrocity that he could describe it only by saying that it gave him
the impression of being in hell. The event was so superlatively
horrible, and had such an overwhelming influence on Livingstone,
that we copy at full length the description of it given in the
Last Journals:
"Before I had got thirty yards out, the discharge of
two guns in the middle of the crowd told me that slaughter had
begun; crowds dashed off from the place, and threw down their wares
in confusion, and ran. At the same time that the three opened fire
on the mass of people near the upper end of the market-place,
volleys were discharged from a party down near the creek on the
panic-stricken women, who dashed at the canoes. These, some fifty
or more, were jammed in the creek, and the men forgot their paddles
in the terror that seized all. The canoes were not to be got out,
for the creek was too small for so many; men and women, wounded by
the balls, poured into them, and leaped and scrambled into the
water, shrieking A long line of heads in the river showed that
great numbers struck out for an island a full mile off; in going
toward it they had to put the left shoulder to a current of about
two miles an hour; if they had struck away diagonally to the
opposite bank, the current would have aided them, and, though
nearly three miles off, some would have gained land; as it was, the
heads above water showed the long line of those that would
inevitably perish.
"Shot after shot continued to be fired on the helpless and
perishing. Some of the long line of heads disappeared quietly;
whilst other poor creatures threw their arms high, as if appealing
to the great Father above, and sank. One canoe took in as many as
it could hold, and all paddled with hands and arms; three canoes,
got out in haste, picked up sinking friends, till all went down
together, and disappeared. One man in a long canoe, which could
have held forty or fifty, had clearly lost his head; he had been
out in the stream before the massacre began, and now paddled up the
river nowhere, and never looked to the drowning. By and by all the
heads disappeared; some had turned down stream toward the bank, and
escaped. Dugumbé put people into one of the deserted vessls
to save those in the water, and saved twenty-one; but one woman
refused to be taken on board, from thinking that she was to be made
a slave of; she preferred the chance of life by swimming to the lot
of a slave. The Bagenya women are expert in the water, as they are
accustomed to dive for oysters, and those who went down stream may
have escaped, but the Arabs themselves estimated the loss of life
at between 330 and 400 souls. The shooting-party near the canoes
were so reckless, they killed two of their own people; and a
Banyamwezi follower, who got into a deserted canoe to plunder, fell
into the water, went down, then came up again, and down to rise no
more.
"After the terrible affair in the water, the party of Tagamoio, who
was the chief perpetrator, continued to fire on the people there,
and fire their villages. As I write I hear the loud wails on the
left bank over those who are there slain, ignorant of their many
friends now in the depths of Lualaba. Oh, let Thy kingdom come! No
one will ever know the exact loss on this bright sultry summer
morning; it gave me the impression of being in Hell. All the slaves
in the camp rushed at the fugitives on land, and plundered them;
women were for hours collecting and carrying loads of what had been
thrown down in terror."
The remembrance of this awful scene was never effaced from
Livingstone's heart. The accounts of it published in the newspapers
at home sent a thrill of horror through the country. It was
recorded at great length in a despatch to the Foreign Secretary,
and indeed, it became one of the chief causes of the appointment of
a Royal Commission to investigate the subject of the African
slave-trade, and of the mission of Sir Bartle Frere to Africa to
concert measures for bringing it to an end.
Dugumbé had not been the active perpetrator of the
massacre, but, he was mixed up with the atrocities that had been
committed, and Livingstone could have nothing to do with him. It
was a great trial, for, as the Banian men were impracticable, there
was nothing for it now but to go back to Ujiji, and try to get
other men there with whom he would repeat the attempt to explore
the river. For twenty-one months, counting from the period of their
engagement, he had fed and clothed these men, all in vain, and now
he had to trudge back forty-five days, a journey equal, with all
its turnings and windings, to six hundred miles. Livingstone was
ill, and after such an exciting time he would probably have had an
attack of fever, but for another ailment to which he had become
more especially subject. The intestinal canal had given way, and he
was subject to attacks of severe internal hæmorrhage, one of
which came on him now [71]. It appeared afterward that had he gone
with Dugumbé, he would have been exposed to an assault in
force by the Bakuss, as they made an attack on the party and routed
them, killing two hundred. If Livingstone had been among them, he
might have fallen in this engagement. So again, he saw how present
disappointments work for good.
[71] His friends say that for a considerable time
before he had been subject to the most grievous pain from
hæmorrhoids. His sufferings were often
excruciating.
The journey back to Ujiji, begun 20th July, 1871, was a very
wretched one. Amid the universal desolation caused by the very
wantonness of the marauders, it was impossible for Livingstone to
persuade the natives that he did not belong to the same-set.
Ambushes were set for him and his company in the forest. On the 8th
August they came to an ambushment all prepared, but it had been
abandoned for some unknown reason. By and by, on the same day, a
large spear flew past Livingstone, grazing his neck; the native who
flung it was but ten yards off; the hand of God alone saved his
life [72].
Farther on, another spear was thrown, which missed him by a foot.
On the same day a large tree, to which fire had been applied to
fell it, came down within a yard of him. Thus on one day he was
delivered three times from impending death. He went on through the
forest, expecting every minute to be attacked, having no fear, but
perfectly indifferent whether he should be killed or not. He lost
all his remaining calico that day, a telescope, umbrella, and five
spears. By and Thy he was prostrated with grievous illness. As soon
as he could move he went onward, but he felt as if dying on his
feet. And he was ill-rigged for the road, for the light French
shoes to which he was reduced, and which had been cut to ease his
feet till they would hardly hang together, failed to protect him
from the sharp fragments of quartz with which the road was strewed.
He was getting near to Ujiji, however, where abundant of goods and
comforts were no doubt safely stowed away for him, and the hope of
relief sustained him under all his trials.
[72] The head of this spear is among the
Livingstone relics at Newstead Abbey.
At last, on the 23d October, reduced to a living skeleton, he
reached Ujiji. What was his misery, instead of finding the
abundance of goods he had expected, to learn that the wretch
Shereef, to whom they had been consigned, had sold off the whole,
not leaving one yard of calico out of 3000, or one string of beads
out of 700 pounds! The scoundrel had divined on the Koran, found
that Livingstone was dead, and would need the goods no more.
Livingstone had intended, if he could not get men at Ujiji to go
with him to the Lualaba, to wait there till suitable men should be
sent up from the coast; but he had never thought of having to wait
in beggary. If anything could have aggravated the annoyance, it was
to see Shereef come, without shame, to salute him, and tell him on
leaving, that he was going to pray; or to see his slaves passing
from the market with all the good things his property had bought!
Livingstone applied a term to him which he reserved for men--black
or white--whose wickedness made them alike shameless and stupid--he
was a "moral idiot."
It was the old story of the traveler who fell among thieves that
robbed him of all he had; but where was the good Samaritan? The
Government and the Geographical Society appeared to have passed by
on the other side. But the good Samaritan was not as far off as
might have been thought. One morning Syed bin Majid, an Arab
trader, came to him with a generous offer to sell some ivory and
get goods for him; but Livingstone had the old feeling of
independence, and having still a few barter goods left, which he
had deposited with Mohamad bin Saleh before going to Manyuema, he
declined for the present Syed's generous offer. But the kindness of
Syed was not the only proof that he was not forsaken. Five days
after he reached Ujiji the good Samaritan appeared from another
quarter. As Livingstone had been approaching Ujiji from the
southwest, another white man had been approaching it from the east.
On 28th October, 1871, Henry Moreland Stanley, who had been sent to
look for him by Mr. James Gordon Bennett, Jr., of the New York
Herald newspaper, grasped the hand of David Livingstone. An
angel from heaven could hardly have been more welcome. In a moment
the sky brightened. Stanley was provided with ample stores, and was
delighted to supply the wants of the traveler. The sense of
sympathy, the feeling of brotherhood, the blessing of fellowship,
acted like a charm. Four good meals a day, instead of the spare and
tasteless food of the country, made a wonderful change on the outer
man; and in a few days Livingstone was himself again--hearty and
happy and hopeful as before.
Before closing this chapter and entering on the last two years
of Livingstone's life, which have so lively an interest of their
own, it will be convenient to glance at the contributions to
natural science which he continued to make to the very end. In
doing this, we avail ourselves of a very tender and Christian
tribute to the memory of his early friend, which Professor Owen
contributed to the Quarterly Review, April, 1875, after the
publication of Livingstone's Last Journals.
Mr. Owen appears to have been convinced by Livingstone's
reasoning and observations, that the Nile sources were in the
Bangweolo watershed--a supposition now ascertained to have been
erroneous. But what chiefly attracted and delighted the great
naturalist was the many interesting notices of plants and animals
scattered over the Last Journals. These Journals contain
important contributions both to economic and physiological botany.
In the former department, Livingstone makes valuable observations
on plants useful in the arts, such as gum-copal, papyrus, cotton,
india-rubber, and the palm-oil tree; while in the latter, his
notices of "carnivorous plants," which catch insects that probably
yield nourishment to the plant, of silicified wood and the like,
show how carefully he watched all that throws light on the life and
changes of plants. In zoölogy he was never weary of observing,
especially when he found a strange-looking animal with strange
habits. Spiders, ants, and bees of unknown varieties were brought
to light, but the strangest of his new acquaintances were among the
fishy tribes. He found fish that made long excursions on land,
thanks to the wet grass through which they would wander for miles,
thus proving that "a fish out of water" is not always the best
symbol for a man out of his element. There were fish, too, that
burrowed in the earth; but most remarkable at first sight were the
fish that appeared to bring forth their young by ejecting them from
their mouths. If Bruce or Du Chaillu had made such a statement,
remarks Professor Owen, what ridicule would they not have
encountered! But Livingstone was not the man to make a statement of
what he had not ascertained, or to be content until he had found a
scientific explanation of it. He found that in the branchial
openings of the fish, there occur bags or pouches, on the same
principle as the pouch of the opossum, where the young may be
lodged for a time for protection or nourishment, and that when the
creatures are discharged through the mouth into the water, it is
only from a temporary cradle where they were probably enjoying
repose, beyond the reach of enemies.
Perhaps the greatest of Livingstone's scientific discoveries
during this journey was that "of a physical condition of the
earth's surface in elevated tracts of the great continent, unknown
before." The bogs or earth-sponges, that from his first
acquaintance with them gave him so much trouble, and at last proved
the occasion of his death, were not only remarkable in themselves,
but-interesting as probably explaining the annual inundations of
most of the rivers. Wherever there was a plain sloping toward a
narrow opening in hills or higher ground, there were the conditions
for an African sponge. The vegetation falls down and rots, and
forms a rich black loam, resting often, two or three feet thick, on
a bed of pure river sand. The early rains turn the vegetation into
slush, and fill the, pools. The later rains, finding the pools
already full, run off to the rivers, and form the inundation. The
first rains occur south of the equator when the sun goes vertically
over any spot, and the second or greater rains happen in his course
north again. This, certainly, was the case as observed on the
Zambesi and Shiré, and taking the different times for the
sun's passage north of the equator, it explained the inundations of
the Nile.
Such notices show that in his love of nature, and in his careful
observation of all her agencies and processes, Livingstone, in his
last journeys, was the same as ever. He looked reverently on all
plants and animals, and on the solid earth in all its aspects and
forms, as the creatures of that same God whose love in Christ it
was his heart's delight to proclaim. His whole life, so varied in
its outward employments, yet so simple and transparent in its one
great object, was ruled by the conviction that the God of nature
and the God of revelation were one. While thoroughly enjoying his
work as a naturalist, Professor Owen frankly admits that it was but
a secondary object of his life. "Of his primary work the record is
on high, and its imperishable fruits remain on earth. The seeds of
the Word of Life implanted lovingly, with pains and labor, and
above-all with faith; the out-door scenes of the simple Sabbath
service; the testimony of Him to whom the worship was paid, given
in terms of such simplicity as were fitted to the comprehension of
the dark-skinned listeners,--these seeds will not have been
scattered by him in vain. Nor have they been sown in words alone,
but in deeds, of which some part of the honor will redound to his
successors. The teaching by forgiveness of injuries,--by trust,
however unworthy the trusted,--by that confidence which imputed his
own noble nature to those whom he would win,--by the practical
enforcement of the fact that a man might promise and perform--might
say the thing he meant,--of this teaching by good deeds, as well as
by the words of truth and love, the successor who treads in the
steps of LIVINGSTONE, and accomplishes the discovery he aimed at,
and pointed the way to, will assuredly the benefit [73]."
[73] Quarterly Review, April, 1875, pp.
498, 499.
CHAPTER XXI.
LIVINGSTONE AND STANLEY.
Mr. Gordon Bennett sends Stanley in search of
Livingstone--Stanley at Zanzibar--Starts for Ujiji--Reaches
Unyanyembe--Dangerous illness--War between Arabs and
natives--Narrow escape of Stanley--Approach to Ujiji--Meeting with
Livingstone--Livingstone's story--Stanley's news--Livingstone's
goods and men at Bagamoio--Stanley's accounts of
Livingstone--Refutation of foolish and calumnious charges--They go
to the north of the lake--Livingstone resolves not to go home, but
to get fresh men and return to the sources--Letter to Agnes--to Sir
Thomas Maclear--The travelers go to Unyanyembe--More plundering of
stores--Stanley leaves for Zanzibar--Stanley's bitterness of heart
at parting--Livingstone's intense gratitude to Stanley--He intrusts
his Journal to him, and commissions him to send servants and stores
from Zanzibar--Stanley's journey to the coast--Finds Search
Expedition at Bagamoio--Proceeds to England--Stanley's
reception--Unpleasant feelings--Éclaircissement--England
grateful to Stanley.
The meeting of Stanley and Livingstone at Ujiji was as unlikely
an occurrence as could have happened, and, along with many of the
earlier events in Livingstone's life, serves to show how
wonderfully an Unseen Hand shaped and guarded his path. Neither
Stanley nor the gentleman who sent him had any personal interest in
Livingstone. Mr. Bennett admitted frankly that he was moved neither
by friendship nor philanthropy, but by regard to his business and
interest as a journalist. The object of a journal was to furnish
its readers with the news which they desired to know; the readers
of the New York Herald desired to know about Livingstone; as
a journalist, it was his business to find out and tell them. Mr.
Bennett determined that, cost what it might, he would find out, and
give the news to his readers. These were the very unromantic
notions, with an under-current probably of better quality, that
were passing through his mind at Paris, on the 16th October, 1869,
when he sent a telegram to Madrid, summoning Henry M. Stanley, one
of the "own correspondents" of his paper, to "come to Paris on
important business." On his arrival, Mr. Bennett asked him bluntly,
"Where do you think Livingstone is?" The correspondent could not
tell--could not even tell whether he was alive. "Well," said Mr.
Bennett, "I think he is alive, and that he may be found, and I am
going to send you to find him." Mr. Stanley was to have whatever
money should be found necessary; only he was to find Livingstone.
It is very mysterious that he was not to go straight to Africa--he
was to visit Constantinople, Palestine, and Egypt first. Then, from
India, he was to go to Zanzibar; get into the interior, and find
him if alive; obtain all possible news of his discoveries; and if
he were dead, get the fact fully verified, find out the place of
his burial, and try to obtain possession of his bones, that they
might find a resting-place at home.
It was not till January, 1871, that Stanley reached Zanzibar. To
organize an expedition into the interior was no easy task for one
who had never before set foot in Africa. To lay all his plans
without divulging his object would, perhaps, have been more
difficult if it had ever entered into any man's head to connect the
New York Herald with a search for Livingstone. But
indomitable vigor and perseverance succeeded, and by the end of
February and beginning of March, one hundred and ninety-two persons
in all had started in five caravans at short intervals from
Bagamoio for Lake Tanganyika, two white men being of the party
besides Stanley, with horses, donkeys, bales, boats, boxes, rifles,
etc., to an amount that made the leader of the expedition ask
himself how such an enormous weight of material could ever be
carried into the heart of Africa.
The ordinary and extraordinary risks and troubles of travel in
these parts fell to Mr. Stanley's lot in unstinted abundance. But
when Unyanyembe was reached, the half-way station to Ujiji,
troubles more than extraordinary befell. First, a terrible attack
of fever that deprived him of his senses for a fortnight. Then came
a worse trouble. The Arabs were at war with a chief Mirambo, and
Stanley and his men, believing they would help to restore peace
more speedily, sided with the Arabs. At first they were apparently
victorious, but immediately after, part of the Arabs were attacked
on their way home by Mirambo, who lay in ambush for them, and were
defeated. Great consternation prevailed. The Arabs retreated in
panic, leaving Stanley, who was ill, to the tender mercies of the
foe. Stanley, however, managed to escape. After this experience of
the Arabs in war, he resolved to discontinue his alliance with
them. As the usual way to Ujiji was blocked, he determined to try a
route more to the south. But his people had forsaken him. One of
his two English companions was dead, the other was sick and had to
be sent back. Mirambo was still threatening. It was not till the
20th September that new men were engaged by Stanley, and his party
were ready to move.
They marched slowly, with various adventures and difficulties,
until, by Mr. Stanley's reckoning, on the 10th November (but by
Livingstone's earlier), they were close on Ujiji. Their approach
created an extraordinary excitement. First one voice saluted them
in English, then another; these were the salutations of
Livingstone's servants, Susi and Chuma. By and by the Doctor
himself appeared. "As I advanced slowly toward him," says Mr.
Stanley, "I noticed he was pale, looked wearied, had a gray beard,
wore a bluish cap with a faded gold band round it, had on a
red-sleeved waistcoat and a pair of gray tweed trousers. I would
have run to him, only I was a coward in the presence of such a
mob,--would have embraced him, only he, being an Englishman, I did
not know how he would receive me; so I did what cowardice and false
pride suggested was the best thing--walked deliberately to him,
took off my hat and said, 'Dr. Livingstone, I presume?' 'Yes,' said
he, with a kind smile, lifting his cap slightly. I replace my hat
on my head, and he puts on his cap, and we both grasp hands, and
then I say aloud--'I thank God, Doctor, I have been permitted to
see you.' He answered, 'I feel thankful that I am here to welcome
you.'"
The conversation began--but Stanley could not remember what it
was. "I found myself gazing at him, conning the wonderful man at
whose side I now sat in Central Africa. Every hair of his head and
beard, every wrinkle of his face, the wanness of his features, and
the slightly wearied look he bore, were all imparting intelligence
to me--the knowledge I craved for so much ever since I heard the
words, 'Take what you want, but find Livingstone,' What I saw was
deeply interesting intelligence to me and unvarnished truth. I was
listening and reading at the same time. What did these dumb
witnesses relate to me?
"Oh, reader, had you been at my side on this day in Ujiji, how
eloquently could be told the nature of this man's work? Had you
been there but to see and hear! His lips gave me the details; lips
that never lie. I cannot repeat what he said; I was too much
engrossed to take my notebook out, and begin to stenograph his
story. He had so much to say that he began at the end, seemingly
oblivious of the fact that five or six years had to be accounted
for. But his account was oozing out; it was growing fast into grand
proportions--into a most marvelous history of deeds."
And Stanley, too, had wonderful things to tell the Doctor. "The
news," says Livingstone, "he had to tell one who had been two full
years without any tidings from Europe made my whole frame thrill.
The terrible fate that had befallen France, the telegraphic cables
successfully laid in the Atlantic, the election of General Grant,
the death of good Lord Clarendon, my constant friend; the proof
that Her Majesty's Government had not forgotten me in voting
£1000 for supplies, and many other points of interest,
revived emotions that had lain dormant in Manyuema." As Stanley
went on, Livingstone kept saying, "You have brought me new
life--you have brought me new life."
There was one piece of news brought by Stanley to Livingstone
that was far from satisfactory. At Bagamoio, on the coast, Stanley
had found a caravan with supplies for Livingstone that had been
despatched from Zanzibar three or four months before, the men in
charge of which had been lying idle there all that time on the
pretext that they were waiting for carriers. A letter-bag was also
lying at Bagamoio, although several caravans for Ujiji had left in
the meantime. On hearing that the Consul at Zanzibar, Dr. Kirk, was
coming to the neighborhood to hunt, the party at last made off.
Overtaking them at Unyanyembe, Stanley took charge of Livingstone's
stores, but was not able to bring them on; only he compelled the
letter-carrier to come on to Ujiji with his bag. At what time, but
for Stanley, Livingstone would have got his letters, which after
all were a year on the way, he could not have told. For his stores,
or such fragments of them as might remain, he had afterward to
trudge all the way to Unyanyembe. His letters conveyed the news
that Government had voted a thousand pounds for his relief, and
were besides to pay him a salary [74]. The unpleasant feeling he had had so long
as to his treatment by Government was thus at last somewhat
relieved. But the goods that had lain in neglect at Bagamoio, and
were now out of reach at Unyanyembe, represented one-half the
Government grant, and would probably be squandered, like his other
goods, before he could reach them.
[74] The intimation of salary was premature.
Livingstone got a pension of £800 afterward, which lasted
only for a year and a half.
The impression made on Stanley by Livingstone was remarkably
vivid; and the portrait drawn by the American will be recognized as
genuine by every one who knows what manner of man Livingstone
was:
"I defy any one to be in his society long without
thoroughly fathoming him, for in him there is no guile, and what is
apparent on the surface is the thing that is in him.... Dr.
Livingstone is about sixty years old, though after he was restored
to health he looked like a man who had not passed his fiftieth
year. His hair has a brownish color yet, but is here and there
streaked with gray lines over the temples; his beard and moustaches
are very gray. His eyes, which are hazel, are remarkably bright; he
has a sight keen as a hawk's. His teeth alone indicate the weakness
of age; the hard fare of Lunda has made havoc in their lines. His
form, which soon assumed a stoutish appearance, is a little over
the ordinary height, with the slightest possible bow in the
shoulders. When walking he has a firm but heavy tread, like that of
an overworked or fatigued man. He is accustomed to wear a naval cap
with a semicircular peak, by which he has been identified
throughout Africa. His dress, when first I saw him, exhibited
traces of patching and repairing, but was scrupulously clean.
"I was led to believe that Livingstone possessed a splenetic,
misanthropic temper; some have said that he is garrulous; that he
is demented; that he is utterly changed from the David Livingstone
whom people knew as the reverend missionary; that he takes no notes
or observations but such as those which no other person could read
but himself, and it was reported, before I proceeded to Africa,
that he was married to an African princess.
"I respectfully beg to differ with all and each of the above
statements. I grant he is not an angel; but he approaches to that
being as near as the nature of a living man will allow. I never saw
any spleen or misanthropy in him: as for being garrulous, Dr.
Livingstone is quite the reverse; he is reserved, if anything; and
to the man who says Dr. Livingstone is changed, all I can say is,
that he never could have known him, for it is notorious that the
Doctor has a fund of quiet humor, which he exhibits at all times
when he is among friends." [After repudiating the charge as to his
notes, and observations, Mr. Stanley continues:] "As to the report
of his African marriage, it is unnecessary to say more than that it
is untrue, and it is utterly beneath a gentleman even to hint at
such a thing in connection with the name of Dr. Livingstone.
"You may take any point in Dr. Livingstone's character, and analyze
it carefully, and I would challenge any man to find a fault in
it.... His gentleness never forsakes him; his hopefulness never
deserts him. No harassing anxieties, distraction of mind, long
separation from home and kindred, can make him complain. He thinks
'all will come out right at last'; he has such faith in the
goodness of Providence. The sport of adverse circumstances, the
plaything of the miserable beings sent to him from Zanzibar--he has
been baffled and worried, even almost to the grave, yet he will not
desert the charge imposed upon him by his friend Sir Roderick
Murchison. To the stern dictates of duty, alone, has he sacrificed
his home and ease, the pleasures, refinements, and luxuries of
civilized life. His is the Spartan heroism, the inflexibility of
the Roman, the enduring resolution of the Anglo-Saxon--never to
relinquish his work, though his heart yearns for home; never to
surrender his obligations until he can write FINIS to his work.
"There is a good-natured abandon about Livingstone which was
not lost on me. Whenever he began to laugh, there was a contagion
about it that compelled me to imitate him. It was such a laugh as
Teufelsdröckh's--a laugh of the whole man from head to heel.
If he told a story, he related it in such a way as to convince one
of its truthfulness; his face was so lit up by the sly fun it
contained, that I was sure the story was worth relating, and worth
listening to.
"Another thing that especially attracted my attention was his
wonderfully retentive memory. If we remember the many years he has
spent in Africa, deprived of books, we may well think it an
uncommon memory that can recite whole poems from Byron, Burns,
Tennyson, Longfellow, Whittier, and Lowell....
"His religion is not of the theoretical kind, but it is a constant,
earnest, sincere practice. It is neither demonstrative nor loud,
but manifests itself in a quiet, practical way, and is always at
work. It is not aggressive, which sometimes is troublesome if not
impertinent. In him religion exhibits its loveliest features; it
governs his conduct not only toward his servants but toward the
natives, the bigoted Mohammedans, and all who come in contact with
him. Without it, Livingstone, with his ardent temperament, his
enthusiasm, his high spirit and courage, must have become
uncompanionable, and a hard master. Religion has tamed him and made
him a Christian gentleman; the crude and willful have been refined
and subdued; religion has made him the most companionable of men
and indulgent of masters--a man whose society is pleasurable to a
degree....
"From being thwarted and hated in every possible way by the Arabs
and half-castes upon his first arrival at Ujiji, he has, through
his uniform kindness and mild, pleasant temper, won all hearts. I
observed that universal respect was paid to him. Even the
Mohammedans never passed his house without calling to pay their
compliments, and to say, 'The blessing of God rest on you!' Each
Sunday morning he gathers his little flock around him, and reads
prayers and a chapter from the Bible, in a natural, unaffected, and
sincere tone; and afterward delivers a short address in the
Kisawahili language, about the subject read to them, which is
listened to with evident interest and attention."
It was agreed that the two travelers should make a short
excursion to the north end of Lake Tanganyika, to ascertain whether
the lake had an outlet there. This was done, but it was found that
instead of flowing out, the river Lugizé flowed into the
lake, so that the notion that the lake discharged itself northward
turned out to be an error. Meanwhile, the future arrangements of
Dr. Livingstone were matter of anxious consideration. One thing was
fixed and certain from the beginning: Livingstone would not go home
with Stanley. Much though his heart yearned for home and
family--all the more that he had just learned that his son Thomas
had had a dangerous accident,--and much though he needed to recruit
his strength and nurse his ailments, he would not think of it while
his work remained unfinished. To turn back to those dreary sponges,
sleep in those flooded plains, encounter anew that terrible
pneumonia which was "worse than ten fevers," or that distressing
hæmorrhage which added extreme weakness to extreme
agony--might have turned any heart; Livingstone never flinched from
it. What a reception awaited him if he had gone home to England!
What welcome from friends and children, what triumphal cheers from
all the great Societies and savants, what honors from all
who had honors to confer, what opportunity of renewing efforts to
establish missions and commerce, and to suppress the slave traffic!
Then he might return to Africa in a year, and finish his work. If
Livingstone had taken this course, no whisper would have been heard
against it. The nobility of his soul never rose higher, his utter
abandonment of self, his entire devotion to duty, his right
honorable determination to work while it was called to-day never
shone more brightly than when he declined all Stanley's entreaties
to return home, and set his face steadfastly to go back to the bogs
of the watershed. He writes in his journal: "My daughter Agnes
says, 'Much as I wish you to come home, I had rather that you
finished your work to your own satisfaction, than return merely to
gratify me.' Rightly and nobly said, my darling Nannie; vanity
whispers pretty loudly, 'She is a chip of the old block,' My
blessing on her and all the rest."
After careful consideration of various plans, it was agreed that
he should go to Unyanyembe, accompanied by Stanley, who would
supply him there with abundance of goods, and who would then hurry
down to the coast, organize a new expedition composed of fifty or
sixty faithful men to be sent on to Unyanyembe, by whom Livingstone
would be accompanied back to Bangweolo and the sources, and then to
Rua, until his work should be completed, and he might go home in
peace.
A few extracts from Livingstone's letters will show us how he
felt at this remarkable crisis. To Agnes:
"Tanganyika, 18th November, 1871--[After
detailing his troubles in Manyuema, the loss of all his goods at
Ujiji, and the generous offer of Syed bin Majid, he continues:]
"Next I heard of an Englishman being at Unyamyembe with boats,
etc., but who he was, none could tell. At last, one of my people
came running out of breath and shouted, 'An Englishman coming!' and
off he darted back again to meet him. An American flag at the head
of a large caravan showed the nationality of the stranger. Baths,
tents, saddles, big kettles, showed that he was not a poor Lazarus
like me. He turned out to be Henry M. Stanley, traveling
correspondent of the New York Herald, sent specially to find
out if I were really alive, and, if dead, to bring home my bones.
He had brought abundance of goods at great expense, but the
fighting referred to delayed him, and he had to leave a great part
at Unyamyembe. To all he had I was made free. [In a later letter,
Livingstone says; 'He laid all he had at my service, divided his
clothes into two heaps, and pressed one heap upon me; then his
medicine-chest; then his goods and everything he had, and to coax
my appetite, often cooked dainty dishes with his own hand.'] He
came with the true American characteristic generosity. The tears
often started into my eyes on every fresh proof of kindness. My
appetite returned, and I ate three or four times a day, instead of
scanty meals morning and evening. I soon felt strong, and never
wearied with the strange news of Europe and America he told. The
tumble down of the French Empire was like a dream...."
A long letter to his friend Sir Thomas Maclear and Mr. Mann, of
the same date, goes over his travels in Manyuema, his many
disasters, and then his wonderful meeting with Mr. Stanley at
Ujiji. Speaking of the unwillingness of the natives to believe in
the true purpose of his journey, he says: "They all treat me with
respect, and are very much afraid of being written against; but
they consider the sources of the Nile to be a sham; the true object
of my being sent is to see their odious system of slaving, and
if indeed my disclosures should lead to the suppression of the
East Coast slave-trade, I would esteem that as a far greater feat
than the discovery of all the sources together. It is awful,
but I cannot speak of the slaving for fear of appearing guilty of
exaggerating. It is not trading; it is murdering for captives to be
made into slaves." His account of himself in the journey from
Nyangwe is dreadful: "I was near a fourth lake on this central
line, and only eighty miles from Lake Lincoln on our west, in fact
almost in sight of the geographical end of my mission, when I was
forced to return [through the misconduct of his men] between 400
and 500 miles. A sore heart, made still sorer by the sad scenes I
had seen of man's inhumanity to man, made this march a terrible
tramp--the sun vertical, and the sore heat reacting on the physical
frame. I was in pain nearly every step of the way, and arrived a
mere ruckle of bones to find myself destitute." In speaking of the
impression made by Mr. Stanley's kindness: "I am as cold and
non-demonstrative as we islanders are reputed to be, but this
kindness was overwhelming. Here was the good Samaritan and no
mistake. Never was I more hard pressed; never was help more
welcome."
During thirteen months Stanley received no fewer than ten
parcels of letters and papers sent up by Mr. Webb, American Consul
at Zanzibar, while Livingstone received but one. This was an
additional ground for faith in the efficiency of Stanley's
arrangements.
The journey to Unyanyembe was somewhat delayed by an attack of
fever which Stanley had at Ujiji, and it was not till the 27th
December that the travelers set out. On the way Stanley heard of
the death of his English attendant Shaw, whom he had left unwell.
On the 18th of February, 1872, they reached Unyanyembe, where a new
chapter of the old history unfolded itself. The survivor of two
head-men employed by Ludha Damji had been plundering Livingstone's
stores, and had broken open the lock of Mr. Stanley's store-room
and plundered him likewise. Notwithstanding, Mr. Stanley was able
to give Livingstone a large amount of calico, beads, brass wire,
copper sheets, a tent, boat, bath, cooking-pots, medicine-chest,
tools, books, paper, medicines, cartridges, and shot. This, with
four flannel shirts that had come from Agnes, and two pairs of
boots, gave him the feeling of being quite set up.
On the 14th of March Mr. Stanley left Livingstone for Zanzibar,
having received from him a commission to send him up fifty trusty
men, and some additional stores. Mr. Stanley had authority to draw
from Dr. Kirk the remaining half of the Government grant, but lest
it should have been expended, he was furnished with a cheque for
5000 rupees on Dr. Livingstone's agents at Bombay. He was likewise
intrusted with a large folio MS.* volume containing his journals
from his arrival at Zanzibar, 28th January, 1866, to February 20,
1872, written out with all his characteristic care and beauty.
Another instruction had been laid upon him. If he should find
another set of slaves on the way to him, he was to send them back,
for Livingstone would on no account expose himself anew to the
misery, risk, and disappointment he had experienced from the kind
of men that had compelled him to turn back at Nyangwe.
Dr. Livingstone's last act before Mr. Stanley left him was to
write his letters--twenty for Great Britain, six for Bombay, two
for New York, and one for Zanzibar. The two for New York were for
Mr. Bennett of the New York Herald, by whom Stanley had been
sent to Africa.
Mr. Stanley has freely unfolded to us the bitterness of his
heart in parting from Livingstone. "My days seem to have been spent
in an Elysian field; otherwise, why should I so keenly regret the
near approach of the parting hour? Have I not been battered by
successive fevers, prostrate with agony day after day lately? Have
I not raved and stormed in madness? Have I not clenched my fists in
fury, and fought with the wild strength of despair when in
delirium? Yet, I regret to surrender the pleasure I have felt in
this man's society, though so dearly purchased.... March
14th.--We had a sad breakfast together. I could not eat, my
heart was too full; neither did my companion seem to have an
appetite. We found something to do which kept us longer together.
At eight o'clock I was not gone, and I had thought to have been off
at five A.M.... We walked side by side; the men lifted their voices
in a song. I took long looks at Livingstone, to impress his
features thoroughly on my memory.... 'Now, my dear Doctor, the best
friends must part. You have come far enough; let me beg of you to
turn back.' 'Well,' Livingstone replied, 'I will say this to you:
You have done what few men could do,--far better than some great
travelers I know. And I am grateful to you for what you have done
for me. God guide you safe home, and bless you, my friend,'--'And
may God bring you safe back to us all, my dear friend.
Farewell!'--'Farewell!"... My friendly reader, I wrote the above
extracts in my Diary on the evening of each day. I look at them now
after six months have passed away; yet I am not ashamed of them; my
eyes feel somewhat dimmed at the recollection of the parting. I
dared not erase, nor modify what I had penned, while my feelings
were strong. God grant that if ever you take to traveling in Africa
you will get as noble and true a man for your companion as David
Livingstone! For four months and four days I lived with him in the
same house, or in the same boat, or in the same tent, and I never
found a fault in him. I am a man of a quick temper, and often
without sufficient cause, I daresay, have broken the ties of
friendship; but with Livingstone I never had cause for resentment,
but each day's life with him added to my admiration for him."
If Stanley's feeling for Livingstone was thus at the warmest
temperature, Livingstone's sense of the service done to him by
Stanley was equally unqualified. Whatever else he might be or might
not be, he had proved a true friend to him. He had risked his life
in the attempt to reach him, had been delighted to share with him
every comfort he possessed, and to leave with him ample stores of
all that might be useful to him in his effort to finish his work.
Whoever may have been to blame for it, it is certain that
Livingstone had been afflicted for years, and latterly worried
almost to death, by the inefficency and worthlessness of the men
sent to serve him. In Stanley he found one whom he could trust
implicitly to do everything that zeal and energy could contrive in
order to find him efficient men and otherwise carry out his plans.
It was Stanley therefore whom he commissioned to send him up men
from Zanzibar. It was Stanley to whom he intrusted his Journal and
other documents. Stanley had been his confidental friend for four
months--the only white man to whom he talked for six years. It was
matter of life and death to Livingstone to be supplied for this
concluding piece of work far better than he had been for years
back. What man in his senses would have failed in these
circumstances to avail himself to the utmost of the services of one
who had shown himself so efficient; would have put him aside to
fall back on others, albeit his own countrymen, who, with all their
good-will, had not been able to save him from robbery, beggary, and
a half-broken heart.
Stanley's journey from Unyanyembe to Bagamoio was a perpetual
struggle against hostile natives, flooded roads, slush, mire, and
water, roaring torrents, ants and mosquitos, or, as he described
it, the ten plagues of Egypt. On his reaching Bagamoio, on the 6th
May, he found a new surprise. A white man dressed in flannels and
helmet appeared, and as he met Stanley congratulated him on his
splendid success. It was Lieutenant Henn, R.N., a member of the
Search Expedition which the Royal Geographical Society and others
had sent out to look for Livingstone. The resolution to organize
such an Expedition was taken after news had come to England of the
war between the Arabs and the natives at Unyanyembe, stopping the
communication with Ujiji, and rendering it impossible, as it was
thought, for Mr. Stanley to get to Livingstone's relief. The
Expedition had been placed under command of Lieutenant Dawson,
R.N., with Lieutenant Henn as second, and was joined by the Rev.
Charles New, a Missionary from Mombasa, and Mr. W. Oswell
Livingstone, youngest son of the Doctor. Stanley's arrival at
Bagamoio had been preceded by that of some of his men, who brought
the news that Livingstone had been found and relieved. On hearing
this, Lieutenant Dawson hurried to Zanzibar to see Dr. Kirk, and
resigned his command. Lieutenant Henn soon after followed his
example by resigning too. They thought that as Dr. Livingstone had
been relieved there was no need for their going on. Mr. New
likewise declined, to proceed. Mr. W. Oswell Livingstone was thus
left alone, at first full of the determination to go on to his
father with the men whom Stanley was providing; but owing to the
state of his health, and under the advice of Dr. Kirk, he, too,
declined to accompany the Expedition, so that the men from Zanzibar
proceeded to Unyanyembe alone.
On the 29th of May, Stanley, with Messrs. Henn, Livingstone,
New, and Morgan, departed in the "Africa" from Zanzibar, and in due
time reached Europe.
It was deeply to be regretted that an enterprise so beautiful
and so entirely successful as Mr. Stanley's should have been in
some degree marred by ebullitions of feeling little in harmony with
the very joyous event. The leaders of the English Search Expedition
and their friends felt, as they expressed it, that the wind had
been taken out of their sails. They could not but rejoice that
Livingstone had been found and relieved, but it was a bitter
thought that they had had no hand in the process. It was galling to
their feelings as Englishmen that the brilliant service had been
done by a stranger, a newspaper correspondent, a citizen of another
country. On a small scale that spirit of national jealousy showed
itself, which on a wider arena has sometimes endangered the
relations of England and America.
When Stanley reached England, it was not to be overwhelmed with
gratitude. At first the Royal Geographical Society received him
coldly. Instead of his finding Livingstone, it was surmised that
Livingstone had found him. Strange things were said of him at the
British Association at Brighton. The daily press actually
challenged his truthfulness; some of the newspapers affected to
treat his whole story as a myth. Stanley says frankly that this
reception gave a tone of bitterness to his book--How I Found
Livingstone--which it would not have had if he had understood
the real state of things. But the heart of the nation was sound;
the people believed in Stanley, and appreciated his service. At
last the mists cleared away, and England acknowledged its debt to
the American. The Geographical Society gave him the right hand of
fellowship "with a warmth and generosity never to be forgotten."
The President apologized for the words of suspicion he had
previously used. Her Majesty the Queen presented Stanley with a
special token of her regard. Unhappily, in the earlier stages of
the affair, wounds had been inflicted which are not likely ever to
be wholly healed. Words were spoken on both sides which cannot be
recalled. But the great fact remains, and will be written on the
page of history, that Stanley did a noble service to Livingstone,
earning thereby the gratitude of England and of the civilized
world.
CHAPTER XXII.
FROM UNYANYEMBE TO BANGWEOLO.
Livingstone's long wait at Unyanyembe--His plan of
operations--His fifty-ninth, birthday--Renewal of
self-dedication--Letters to Agnes--to New York
Herald--Hardness of the African battle--Waverings of judgment,
whether Lualaba was the Nile or the Congo--Extracts from
Journal--Gleams of humor--Natural history--His distress on hearing
of the death of Sir Roderick Murchison--Thoughts on
mission-work--Arrival of his escort--His happiness in his new
men--He starts from Unyanyembe--Illness--Great amount of rain--Near
Bangweolo--Incessant moisture--Flowers of the forest--Taking of
observations regularly prosecuted--Dreadful state of the country
from rain--Hunger--Furious attack of ants--Greatness of
Livingstone's sufferings--Letters to Sir Thomas Maclear, Mr. Young,
his brother, and Agnes--His sixtieth birthday--Great weakness in
April--Sunday services and observations continued--Increasing
illness--The end approaching--Last written words--Last day of his
travels--He reaches Chitambo's village, in Ilala--Is found on his
knees dead, on morning of 1st May--Courage and affection of his
attendants--His body embalmed--Carried toward shore--Dangers and
sufferings during the march--The party meet Lieutenant Cameron at
Unyanyembe--Determine to go on--Ruse at
Kasekéra--Death of Dr. Dillon--The party reach Bagamoio, and
the remains are placed on board a cruiser--The Search Expeditions
from England--to East Coast under Cameron--to West Coast under
Grandy--Explanation of Expeditions by Sir Henry
Rawlinson--Livingstone's remains brought to England--Examined by
Sir W. Fergusson and others--Buried in Westminster
Abbey--Inscription on slab--Livingstone's wish for a forest
grave--Lines from Punch--Tributes to his memory--Sir Bartle
Frere--The Lancet--Lord Polwarth--Florence Nightingale.
When Stanley left Livingstone at Unyanyembe there was nothing
for the latter but to wait there until the men should come to him
who were to be sent up from Zanzibar Stanley left on the 14th
March; Livingstone calculated that he would reach Zanzibar on the
1st May, that his men would be ready to start about the 22d May,
and that they ought to arrive at Unyanyembe on the 10th or 15th
July. In reality, Stanley did not reach Bagamoio till the 6th May,
the men were sent off about the 25th, and they reached Unyanyembe
about the 9th August. A month more than had been counted on had to
be spent at Unyanyembe, and this delay was all the more trying
because it brought the traveler nearer to the rainy season.
The intention of Dr. Livingstone, when the men should come, was
to strike south by Ufipa, go round Tanganyika, then cross the
Chambeze, and bear away along the southern shore of Bangweolo,
straight west to the ancient fountains; from them in eight days to
Katanga copper mines; from Katanga, in ten days, northeast to the
great underground excavations, and back again to Katanga; from
which N.N.W. twelve days to the head of Lake Lincoln. "There I hope
devoutly," he writes to his daughter, "to thank the Lord of all,
and turn my face along Lake Kamolondo, and over Lualaba,
Tanganyika, Ujiji, and home."
His stay at Unyanyembe was a somewhat dreary one; there was
little to do and little to interest him. Five days after Stanley
left him occurred his fifty-ninth birthday. How his soul was
exercised appears from the renewal of his self-dedication recorded
in his Journal:
"19th March, Birthday.--My Jesus, my King, my
Life, my All; I again dedicate my whole self to Thee. Accept me,
and grant, O gracious Father, that ere this year is gone I may
finish my task. In Jesus' name I ask it. Amen. So let it be. DAVID
LIVINGSTONE."
Frequent letters were written to his daughter from Unyanyembe,
and they dwelt a good deal upon his difficulties, the treacherous
way in which he had been treated, and the indescribable toil and
suffering which had been the result. He said that in complaining to
Dr. Kirk of the men whom he had employed, and the disgraceful use
they had made of his (Kirk's) name, he never meant to charge him
with being the author of their crimes, and it never occurred to him
to say to Kirk, "I don't believe you to be the traitor they imply;"
but Kirk took his complaint in high dudgeon as a covert attack upon
himself, and did not act toward him as he ought to have done,
considering what he owed him. His cordial and uniform testimony of
Stanley was, "altogether he has behaved right nobly."
On the 1st May he finished a letter for the New York
Herald, and asked God's blessing on it. It contained the
memorable words afterward inscribed on the stone to his memory in
Westminster Abbey: "All I can add in my loneliness is, may Heaven's
rich blessing come down on every one--American, English, or
Turk--who will help to heal the open sore of the world." It
happened that the words were written precisely a year before his
death.
Amid the universal darkness around him, the universal ignorance
of God and of the grace and love of Jesus Christ, it was hard to
believe that Africa should ever be won. He had to strengthen his
faith amid this universal desolation. We read in his Journal:
"13th May.--He will keep his word--the gracious
One, full of grace and truth; no doubt of it. He said: 'Him that
cometh unto me, I will in no wise cast out;' and 'Whatsoever ye
shall ask in my name, I will give it.' He WILL keep his word: then
I can come and humbly present my petition, and it will be all
right. Doubt is here inadmissible, surely, D.L."
His mind ruminates on the river system of the country and the
probability of his being in error:
"2l
st May.--I wish I had some of the assurance
possessed by others, but I am oppressed with the apprehension that,
after all, it may turn out that I have been following the Congo;
and who would risk being put into a cannibal pot, and converted
into black man for
it?"
"31
st May.--In reference to this Nile source, I have been
kept in perpetual doubt and perplexity. I know too much to be
positive. Great Lualaba, or Lualubba, as Manyuema say, may turn out
to be the Congo, and Nile a shorter river after all
[75]. The fountains
flowing north and south seem in favor of its being the Nile. Great
westing is in favor of the Congo."
[75] From false punctuation, this passage is
unintelligible in the
Last Journals, vol. ii. p.
193.
"24
th June.--The medical education has led me to a continual
tendency to suspend the judgment. What a state of blessedness it
would have been, had I possessed the dead certainty of the
homoeopathic persuasion, and as soon as I found the Lakes
Bangweolo, Moero, and Kamolondo, pouring out their waters down the
great central valley, bellowed out, 'Hurrah! Eureka!' and gone home
in firm and honest belief that I had settled it, and no mistake.
Instead of that, I am even now not at all 'cock-sure' that I have
not been following down what may after all be the
Congo."
We now know that this was just what he had been doing. But we
honor him all the more for the diffidence that would not adopt a
conclusion while any part of the evidence was wanting, and that led
him to encounter unexampled risks and hardships before he would
affirm his favorite view as a fact. The moral lesson thus enforced
is invaluable. We are almost thankful that Livingstone never got
his doubts solved, it would have been such a disappointment; even
had he known that in all time coming the great stream which had
cast on him such a resistless spell would be known as the
Livingstone River, and would perpetuate the memory of his life and
his efforts for the good of Africa.
Occasionally his Journal gives a gleam, of humor: "18th
June.--The Ptolemaic map defines people according to their
food,--the Elephantophagi, the Struthiophagi, the Ichthiophagi, and
the Anthropophagi, If we followed the same sort of classification,
our definition would be by the drink, thus: the tribe of
stout-guzzlers, the roaring potheen-fuddlers, the
whisky-fishoid-drinkers, the vin-ordinaire bibbers, the
lager-beer-swillers, and an outlying tribe of the brandy cocktail
persuasion."
Natural History furnishes an unfailing interest: "19th
June.--Whydahs, though full-fledged, still gladly take a feed
from their dam, putting down the breast to the ground, and cocking
up the bill and chirruping in the most engaging manner and winning
way they know. She still gives them a little, but administers a
friendly shove-off too. They all pick up feathers or grass, and hop
from side to side of their mates, as if saying, 'Come, let us play
at making little houses.' The wagtail has shaken her young quite
off, and has a new nest. She warbles prettily, very much like a
canary, and is extremely active in catching flies, but eats crumbs
of bread-and-milk too. Sun-birds visit the pomegranate flowers, and
eat insects therein too, as well as nectar. The young whydah birds
crouch closely together at night for heat. They look like a woolly
ball on a branch. By day they engage in pairing and coaxing each
other. They come to the same twig every night. Like children, they
try and lift heavy weights of feathers above their strength."
On 3d July a very sad entry occurs: "Received a note from
Oswell, written in April last, containing the sad intelligence of
Sir Roderick's departure from among us. Alas! alas! this is the
only time in my life I ever felt inclined to use the word, and it
bespeaks a sore heart; the best friend I ever had,--true, warm, and
abiding,--he loved me more than I deserved; he looks down on me
still." This entry indicates extraordinary depth of emotion. Sir
Roderick exercised a kind of spell on Livingstone. Respect for him
was one of the subordinate motives that induced him to undertake
this journey. The hope of giving him satisfaction was one of the
subordinate rewards to which he looked forward. His death was to
Livingstone a kind of scientific widowhood, and must have deprived
him of a great spring to exertion in this last wandering. On Sir
Roderick's part the affection for him was very great. "Looking
back," says his biographer, Professor Geikie, "upon his scientific
career when not far from its close, Murchison found no part of it
which brought more pleasing recollections than the support he had
given to African explorers--Speke, Grant, notably Livingstone. 'I
rejoice,' he said, 'in the steadfast tenacity with which I have
upheld my confidence in the ultimate success of the last-named of
these brave men. In fact, it was the confidence I placed in the
undying vigor of my dear friend Livingstone which has sustained me
in the hope that I might live to enjoy the supreme delight of
welcoming him back to his own country.' But that consummation was
not to be. He himself was gathered to his rest just six days before
Stanley brought news and relief to the forlorn traveler on Lake
Tanganyika. And Livingstone, while still in pursuit of his quest,
and within ten months of his death, learned in the heart of Africa
the tidings which he chronicled in his journal [76]."
[76] Life of Sir R. I. Murchison, vol. ii.
pp. 297-8.
At other times he is ruminating on mission-work:
"10th July.--No great difficulty would be
encountered in establishing a Christian mission a hundred miles or
so from the East Coast.... To the natives the chief attention of
the mission should be directed. It would not be desirable or
advisable to refuse explanation to others; but I have avoided
giving offense to intelligent Arabs, who, having pressed me, asking
if I believed in Mohamed, by saying, 'No, I do not; I am a child of
Jesus bin Miriam,' avoiding anything offensive in my tone, and
often adding that Mohamed found their forefathers bowing down to
trees and stones, and did good to them by forbidding idolatry, and
teaching the worship of the only One God. This they all know, and
it pleases them to have it recognized. It might be good policy to
hire a respectable Arab to engage free porters, and conduct the
mission to the country chosen, and obtain permission from the chief
to build temporary houses.... A couple of Europeans beginning and
carrying on a mission without a staff of foreign attendants,
implies coarse country fare, it is true; but this would be nothing
to those who at home amuse themselves with vigils, fasting, etc. A
great deal of power is thus lost in the Church. Fastings and
vigils, without a special object in view, are time run to waste.
They are made to minister to a sort of self-gratification, instead
of being turned to account for the good of others. They are like
groaning in sickness: some people amuse themselves when ill with
continuous moaning. The forty days of Lent might be annually spent
in visiting adjacent tribes, and bearing unavoidable hunger and
thirst with a good grace. Considering the greatness of the object
to be attained, men might go without sugar, coffee, tea, as I went
from September, 1866, to December, 1868, without
either."
On the subject of Missions he says, at a later period, 8th
November: "The spirit of missions is the spirit of our Master; the
very genius of his religion. A diffusive philanthropy is
Christianity itself. It requires perpetual propagation to attest
its genuineness."
Thanks to Mr. Stanley and the American Consul, who made
arrangements in a way that drew Livingstone's warmest gratitude,
his escort arrived at last, consisting of fifty-seven men and boys.
Several of these had gone with Mr. Stanley from Unyanyembe to
Zanzibar; among the new men were some Nassick pupils who had been
sent from Bombay to join Lieutenant Dawson. John and Jacob
Wainwright were among these. To Jacob Wainwright, who was
well-educated, we owe the earliest narrative that appeared of the
last eight months of Livingstone's career. How happy he was with
the men now sent to him appears from a letter to Mr. Stanley,
written very near his death: "I am perpetually reminded that I owe
a great deal to you for the men, you sent. With one exception, the
party is working like a machine. I give my orders to Manwa Sera,
and never have to repeat them." Would that he had had such a
company before!
On the 25th August the party started. On the 8th October they
reached Tanganyika, and rested, for they were tired, and several
were sick, including Livingstone, who had been ill with his bowel
disorder. The march went on slowly, and with few incidents. As the
season advanced, rain, mist, swollen streams, and swampy ground
became familiar. At the end of the year they were approaching the
river Chambeze. Christmas had its thanksgiving: "I thank the good
Lord for the good gift of his Son, Jesus Christ our Lord."
In the second week of January they came near Bangweolo, and the
reign of Neptune became incessant. We are told of cold rainy
weather; sometimes a drizzle, sometimes an incessant pour; swollen
streams and increasing sponges,--making progress a continual
struggle. Yet, as he passes through a forest, he has an eye to its
flowers, which are numerous and beautiful:
"There are many flowers in the forest; marigolds, a
white jonquil-looking flower without smell, many orchids, white,
yellow, and pink asclepias, with bunches of French-white flowers,
clematis--Methonica gloriosa, gladiolus, and blue and deep
purple polygalas, grasses with white starry seed-vessels, and
spikelets of brownish red and yellow. Besides these, there are
beautiful blue flowering bulbs, and new flowers of pretty, delicate
form and but little scent. To this list may be added balsams,
composite of blood-red color and of purple; other flowers of liver
color, bright canary yellow, pink orchids on spikes thickly covered
all round, and of three inches in length; spiderworts of fine blue
or yellow or even pink. Different colored asclepiadeæ;
beautiful yellow and red umbelliferous flowering plants; dill and
wild parsnips; pretty flowering aloes, yellow and red, in one whorl
of blossoms; peas and many other flowering plants which I do not
know."
Observations were taken with unremitting diligence, except when,
as was now common, nothing could be seen in the heavens. As they
advanced, the weather became worse. It rained as if nothing but
rain were ever known in the watershed. The path lay across flooded
rivers, which were distinguished by their currents only from the
flooded country along their banks. Dr. Livingstone had to be
carried over the rivers on the back of one of his men, in the
fashion so graphically depicted on the cover of the Last
Journals. The stretches of sponge that came before and after
the rivers, with their long grass and elephant-holes, were scarcely
less trying. The inhabitants were, commonly, most unfriendly to the
party; they refused them food, and, whenever they could, deceived
them as to the way. Hunger bore down on the party with its bitter
gnawing. Once a mass of furious ants attacked the Doctor by night,
driving him in despair from hut to hut. Any frame but one of Iron
must have succumbed to a single month of such a life, and before a
week was out, any body of men, not held together by a power of
discipline and a charm of affection unexampled in the history of
difficult expeditions, would have been scattered to the four winds.
Livingstone's own sufferings were beyond all previous example.
About this time he began an undated letter--his last--to his old
friends Sir Thomas Maclear and Mr. Mann. It was never finished, and
never despatched; but as one of the latest things he ever wrote, it
is deeply interesting, as showing how clear, vigorous, and
independent his mind was to the very last:
"LAKE BANGWEOLO, SOUTH CENTRAL AFRICA.
"MY DEAR FRIENDS MACLEAR AND MANN,--... My work at present is
mainly retracing my steps to take up the thread of my exploration.
It counts in my lost time, but I try to make the most of it by
going round outside this lake and all the sources, so that no one
may come afterward and cut me out. I have a party of good men,
selected by H. M. Stanley, who, at the instance of James Gordon
Bennett, of the New York Herald, acted the part of a good
Samaritan truly, and relieved my sore necessities. A dutiful son
could not have done more than he generously did. I bless him. The
men, fifty-six in number, have behaved as well as Makololo. I
cannot award them higher praise, though they have not the courage
of that brave kind-hearted people. From Unyanyembe we went due
south to avoid an Arab war which had been going on for eighteen
months. It is like one of our Caffre wars, with this difference--no
one is enriched thereby, for all trade is stopped, and the Home
Government pays nothing. We then went westward to Tanganyika, and
along its eastern excessively mountainous bank to the end. The heat
was really broiling among the rocks. No rain had fallen, and the
grass being generally burned off, the heat rose off the black ashes
as if out of an oven, yet the flowers persisted in coming out of
the burning soil, and generally without leaves, as if it had been a
custom that they must observe by a law of the Medes and Persians.
This part detained us long; the men's limbs were affected with a
sort of subcutaneous inflammation,--black rose or erysipelas,--and
when I proposed mildly and medically to relieve the tension it was
too horrible to be thought of, but they willingly carried the
helpless. Then we mounted up at once into the high, cold region
Urungu, south of Tanganyika, and into the middle of the rainy
season, with well-grown grass and everything oppressively green;
rain so often that no observations could be made, except at wide
intervals. I could form no opinion as to our longitude, and but
little of our latitudes. Three of the Baurungu chiefs, one a great
friend of mine, Nasonso, had died, and the population all turned
topsy-turvy, so I could make no use of previous observations. They
elect sisters' or brothers' sons to the chieftainship, instead of
the heir-apparent. Food was not to be had for either love or
money.
"I was at the mercy of guides who did not know their own country,
and when I insisted on following the compass, they threatened, 'no
food for five or ten days in that line.' They brought us down to
the back or north side of Bangweolo, while I wanted to cross the
Chambeze and go round its southern side. So back again
southeastward we had to bend. The Portuguese crossed this Chambeze
a long time ago, and are therefore the first European discoverers.
We were not black men with Portuguese names like those for whom the
feat of crossing the continent was eagerly claimed by Lisbon
statesmen. Dr. Lacerda was a man of scientific attainments, and
Governor of Tette, but finding Cazembe at the rivulet called
Chungu, he unfortunately succumbed to fever ten days after his
arrival. He seemed anxious to make his way across to Angola. Misled
by the similarity of Chambeze to Zambesi, they all thought it to be
a branch of the river that flows past Tette, Senna, and Shupanga,
by Luabo and Kongoné to the sea.
"I rather stupidly took up the same idea from a map saying
'Zambesi' (eastern branch), believing that the map printer had some
authority for his assertion. My first crossing was thus as
fruitless as theirs, and I was less excusable, for I ought to have
remembered that while Chambeze is the true native name of the
northern river, Zambesi is not the name of the southern river at
all. It is a Portugese corruption of Dombazi, which we adopted
rather than introduce confusion by new names, in the same way that
we adopted Nyassa instead of Nyanza ia Nyinyesi == Lake of the
Stars, which the Portuguese, from hearsay, corrupted into Nyassa.
The English have been worse propagators of nonsense than
Portuguese. 'Geography of Nyassa' was thought to be a learned way
of writing the name, though 'Nyassi' means long grass and nothing
else. It took me twenty-two months to eliminate the error into
which I was led, and then it was not by my own acuteness, but by
the chief Cazembe, who was lately routed and slain by a party of
Banyamwezi. He gave me the first hint of the truth, and that rather
in a bantering strain: 'One piece of water is just like another;
Bangweolo water is just like Moero water, Chambeze water like
Luapula water; they are all the same; but your chief ordered you to
go to the Bangweolo, therefore by all means go, but wait a few
days, till I have looked out for good men as guides, and good food
for you to eat,' etc. etc.
"I was not sure but that it was all royal chaff, till I made my way
back south to the head-waters again, and had the natives of the
islet Mpabala slowly moving the hands all around the great expanse,
with 183° of sea horizon, and saying that is Chambeze, forming
the great Bangweolo, and disappearing behind that western headland
to change its name to Luapula, and run down past Cazembe to Moero.
That was the moment of discovery, and not my passage or the
Portuguese passage of the river. If, however, any one chooses to
claim for them the discovery of Chambeze as one line of drainage of
the Nile Valley, I shall not fight with him; Culpepper's astrology
was in the same way the forerunner of the Herschels' and the other
astronomers that followed."
To another old friend, Mr. James Young, he wrote about the same
time: "Opere peracto ludemus--the work being finished, we
will play--you remember in your Latin Rudiments lang syne. It is
true for you, and I rejoice to think it is now your portion, after
working nobly, to play. May you have a long spell of it! I am
differently situated; I shall never be able to play.... To me it
seems to be said, 'If thou forbear to deliver them that are drawn
unto death, and those that be ready to be slain; if thou sayest,
Behold we knew it not, doth not He that pondereth the heart
consider, and He that keepeth thy soul doth He not know, and shall
He not give to every one according to his works?' I have been led,
unwittingly, into the slaving field of the Banians and Arabs in
Central Africa. I have seen the woes inflicted, and I must still
work and do all I can to expose and mitigate the evils. Though hard
work is still to be my lot, I look genially on others more favored
in their lot. I would not be a member of the 'International,' for I
love to see and think of others enjoying life.
"During a large part of this journey I had a strong presentiment
that I should never live to finish it. It is weakened now, as I
seem to see the end toward which I have been striving looming in
the distance. This presentiment did not interfere with the
performance of any duty; it only made me think a great deal more of
the future state of being."
In his latest letters there is abundant evidence that the great
desire of his heart was to expose the slave-trade, rouse public
feeling, and get that great hindrance to all good for ever swept
away.
"Spare no pains," he wrote to Dr. Kirk in 1871, "in attempting
to persuade your superior to this end, and the Divine blessing will
descend on you and yours."
To his daughter Agnes he wrote (15th August, 1872): "No one can
estimate the amount of God-pleasing good that will be done, if, by
Divine favor, this awful slave-trade, into the midst of which I
have come, be abolished. This will be something to have lived for,
and the conviction has grown in my mind that it was for this
end I have been detained so long."
To his brother in Canada he says (December, 1872): "If the good
Lord permits me to put a stop to the enormous evils of the inland
slave-trade, I shall not grudge my hunger and toils. I shall bless
his name with all my heart. The Nile sources are valuable to me
only as a means of enabling me to open my mouth with power among
men. It is this power I hope to apply to remedy an enormous evil,
and join my poor little helping hand in the enormous revolution
that in his all-embracing Providence He has been carrying on for
ages, and is now actually helping forward. Men may think I covet
fame, but I make it a rule never to read aught written in my
praise."
Livingstone's last birthday (19th March, 1873) found him in much
the same circumstances as before. "Thanks to the Almighty Preserver
of men for sparing me thus far on the journey of life. Can I hope
for ultimate success? So many obstacles have arisen. Let not Satan
prevail over me, O my good Lord Jesus." A few days after (24th
March): "Nothing earthly will make me give up my work in despair. I
encourage myself in the Lord my God, and go forward."
In the beginning of April, the bleeding from the bowels, from
which he had been suffering, became more copious, and his weakness
was pitiful; still he longed for strength to finish his work. Even
yet the old passion for natural history was strong; the aqueous
plants that abounded everywhere, the caterpillars that after eating
the plants ate one another, and were such clumsy swimmers; the fish
with the hook-shaped lower jaw that enabled them to feed as they
skimmed past the plants; the morning summons of the cocks and
turtle-doves; the weird scream of the fish eagle--all engaged his
interest. Observations continued to be taken, and the Sunday
services were always held.
But on the 21st April a change occurred. In a shaky hand he
wrote: "Tried to ride, but was forced to lie down, and they carried
me back to vil. exhausted." A kitanda or palanquin had to be made
for carrying him. It was sorry work, for his pains were
excruciating and his weakness excessive. On the 27th April [77] he was apparently
at the lowest ebb, and wrote in his Journal the last words he ever
penned--"Knocked up quite, and remain == recover sent to buy milch
goats. We are on the banks of R. Molilamo."
[77] This was the eleventh anniversary of his
wife's death.
The word "recover" seems to show that he had no presentiment of
death, but cherished the hope of recovery; and Mr. Waller has
pointed out, from his own sad observation of numerous cases in
connection with the Universities Mission, that malarial poisoning
is usually unattended with the apprehension of death, and that in
none of these instances, any more than in the case of Livingstone,
were there any such messages, or instructions, or expressions of
trust and hope as are usual on the part of Christian men when death
is near.
The 29th of April was the last day of his travels. In the
morning he directed Susi to take down the side of the hut that the
kitanda might be brought along, as the door would not admit it, and
he was quite unable to walk to it. Then came the crossing of a
river; then progress through swamps and plashes; and when they got
to anything like a dry plain, he would ever and anon beg of them to
lay him down. At last they got him to Chitambo's village, in Ilala,
where they had to put him under the eaves of a house during a
drizzling rain, until the hut they were building should be got
ready.
Then they laid him on a rough bed in the hut, where he spent the
night. Next day he lay undisturbed. He asked a few wandering
questions about the country--especially about the Luapula. His
people knew that the end could not be far off. Nothing occurred to
attract notice during the early part of the night, but at four in
the morning, the boy who lay at his door called in alarm for Susi,
fearing that their master was dead. By the candle still burning
they saw him, not in bed, but kneeling at the bedside with his head
buried in his hands upon the pillow. The sad yet not unexpected
truth soon became evident: he had passed away on the furthest of
all his journeys, and without a single attendant. But he had died
in the act of prayer--prayer offered in that reverential attitude
about which he was always so particular; commending his own spirit,
with all his dear ones, as was his wont, into the hands of his
Saviour; and commending AFRICA--his own dear Africa--with all her
woes and sins and wrongs, to the Avenger of the oppressed and the
Redeemer of the lost.
If anything were needed to commend the African race, and prove
them possessed of qualities fitted to make a noble nation, the
courage, affection, and persevering loyalty shown by his attendants
after his death might well have this effect. When the sad event
became known among the men, it was cordially resolved that every
effort should be made to carry their master's remains to Zanzibar.
Such an undertaking was extremely perilous, for there were not
merely the ordinary risks of travel to a small body of natives, but
there was also the superstitious horror everywhere prevalent
connected with the dead. Chitambo must be kept in ignorance of what
had happened, otherwise a ruinous fine would be sure to be
inflicted on them. The secret, however, oozed out, but happily the
chief was reasonable. Susi and Chuma, the old attendants of
Livingstone, became now the leaders of the company, and they
fulfilled their task right nobly. The interesting narrative of Mr.
Waller at the end of the Last Journals tells us how calmly
yet efficiently they set to work. Arrangements were made for drying
and embalming the body, after removing and burying the heart and
other viscera. For fourteen days the body was dried in the sun.
After being wrapped in calico, and the legs bent inward at the
knees, it was enclosed in a large piece of bark from a Myonga-tree
in the form of a cylinder; over this a piece of sail-cloth was
sewed; and the package was lashed to a pole, so as to be carried by
two men. Jacob Wainwright carved an inscription on the Mvula tree
under which the body had rested, and where the heart was buried,
and Chitambo was charged to keep the grass cleared away, and to
protect two posts and a cross-piece which they erected to mark the
spot.
They then set out on their homeward march. It was a serious
journey, for the terrible exposure had affected the health of most
of them, and many had to lie down through sickness. The tribes
through which they passed were generally friendly, but not always.
At one place they had a regular fight. On the whole, their progress
was wonderfully quiet and regular. Everywhere they found that the
news of the Doctor's death had got before them. At one place they
heard that a party of Englishmen, headed by Dr. Livingstone's son,
on their way to relieve his father, had been seen at Bagamoio some
months previously. As they approached Unyanyembe, they learned that
the party was there, but when Chuma ran on before, he was
disappointed to find that Oswell Livingstone was not among them.
Lieutenant Cameron, Dr. Dillon, and Lieutenant Murphy were there,
and heard the tidings of the men with deep emotion. Cameron wished
them to bury the remains where they were, and not run the risk of
conveying them through the Ugogo country; but the men were
inflexible, determined to carry out their first intention. This was
not the only interference with these devoted and faithful men.
Considering how carefully they had gathered all Livingstone's
property, and how conscientiously, at the risk of their lives, they
were carrying it to the coast, to transfer it to the British Consul
there, it was not warrantable in the new-comers to take the boxes
from them, examine their contents, and carry off a part of them.
Nor do we think Lieutenant Cameron was entitled to take away the
instruments with which all Livingstone's observations had been made
for a series of seven years, and use them, though only temporarily,
for the purpose of his Expedition, inasmuch as he thereby made it
impossible so to reduce Livingstone's observations as that correct
results should be obtained from them. Sir Henry Rawlinson seems not
to have adverted to this result of Mr. Cameron's act, in his
reference to the matter from the chair of the Geographical
Society.
On leaving Unyanyembe the party were joined by Lieutenant
Murphy, not much to the promotion of unity of action or harmonious
feeling. At Kasekéra a spirit of opposition was shown by the
inhabitants, and a ruse was resorted to so as to throw them
off their guard. It was resolved to pack the remains in such form
that when wrapped in calico they should appear like an ordinary
bale of merchandise. A fagot of mapira stalks, cut into lengths of
about six feet, was then swathed in cloth, to imitate a dead body
about to be buried. This was sent back along the way to Unyanyembe,
as if the party had changed their minds and resolved to bury the
remains there. The bearers, at nightfall, began to throw away the
mapira rods, and then the wrappings, and when they had thus
disposed of them they returned to their companions. The villagers
of Kasekéra had now no suspicion, and allowed the party to
pass unmolested. But though one tragedy was averted, another was
enacted at Kasekéra--the dreadful suicide of Dr. Dillon
while suffering from dysentery and fever.
The cortége now passed on without further incident, and
arrived at Bagamoio in February, 1874. Soon after they reached
Bagamoio a cruiser arrived from Zanzibar, with the acting Consul,
Captain Prideaux, on board, and the remains were conveyed to that
island previous to their being sent to England.
The men that for nine long months remained steadfast to their
purpose to pay honor to the remains of their master, in the midst
of innumerable trials and dangers and without hope of reward, have
established a strong claim to the gratitude and admiration of the
world. Would that the debt were promptly repaid in efforts to free
Africa from her oppressors, and send throughout all her borders the
Divine proclamation, "Glory to God in the highest, on earth peace,
good-will to men."
In regard to the Search party to which reference has been made,
it may be stated that when Livingstone's purpose to go back to the
barbarous regions where he had suffered so much before became known
in England it excited a feeling of profound concern. Two
Expeditions were arranged. That to the East Coast, organized by the
Royal Geographical Society, was placed under Lieutenant Cameron,
and included in its ranks Robert Moffat, a grandson of Dr.
Moffat's, who (as has been already stated) fell early a sacrifice
to fever. The members of the Expedition suffered much from
sickness; it was broken up at Unyanyembe, when the party bearing
the remains of Dr. Livingstone was met. The other party, under
command of Lieutenant Grandy, was to go to the West Coast, start
from Loanda, strike the Congo, and move on to Lake Lincoln. This
Expedition was fitted out solely at the cost of Mr. Young. He was
deeply concerned for the safety of his friend, knowing how he was
hated by the slave-traders whose iniquities he had exposed, and
thinking it likely that if he once reached Lake Lincoln he would
make for the west coast along the Congo. The purpose of these
Expeditions is carefully explained in a letter addressed to Dr.
Livingstone by Sir Henry Rawlinson, then President of the Royal
Geographical Society:
"LONDON, November 20, 1872.
"DEAR DR. LIVINGSTONE,--You will no doubt have heard of Sir Bartle
Frere's deputation to Zanzibar long before you receive this, and
you will have learnt with heartfelt satisfaction that there is now
a definite prospect of the infamous East African slave-trade being
suppressed. For this great end, if it be achieved, we shall be
mainly indebted to your recent letters, which have had a powerful
effect on the public mind in England, and have thus stimulated the
action of the Government. Sir Bartle will keep you informed of his
arrangements, if there are any means of communicating with the
interior, and I am sure you will assist him to the utmost of your
power in carrying out the good work in which he is engaged.
"It was a great disappointment to us that Lieutenant Dawson's
Expedition, which we fitted out in the beginning of the year with
such completeness, did not join you at Unyanyembe, for it could not
have failed to be of service to you in many ways. We are now trying
to aid you with a second Expedition under Lieutenant Cameron, whom
we have sent out under Sir Bartle's orders, to join you if possible
in the vicinity of Lake Tanganyika, and attend to your wishes in
respect to his further movements. We leave it entirely to your
discretion whether you like to keep Mr. Cameron with you or to send
him on to the Victoria Nyanza, or any other points that you are
unable to visit yourself. Of course the great point of interest
connected with your present exploration is the determination of the
lower course of the Lualaba. Mr. Stanley still adheres to the view,
which you formerly held, that it drains into the Nile; but if the
levels which you give are correct, this is impossible. At any rate,
the opinion of the identity of the Congo and Lualaba is now
becoming so universal that Mr. Young has come forward with a
donation of £2000 to enable us to send another Expedition to
your assistance up that river, and Lieutenant Grandy, with a crew
of twenty Kroomen, will accordingly be pulling up the Congo before
many months are over. Whether he will really be able to penetrate
to your unvisited lake, or beyond it to Lake Lincoln, is, of
course, a matter of great doubt; but it will at any rate be
gratifying to you to know that support is approaching you both from
the west and east. We all highly admire and appreciate your
indomitable energy and perseverance, and the Geographical Society
will do everything in its power to support you, so as to compensate
in some measure for the loss you have sustained in the death of
your old friend Sir Roderick Murchison. My own tenure of office
expires in May, and it is not yet decided who is to succeed me, but
whoever may be our President, our interest in your proceedings will
not slacken. Mr. Waller will, I daresay, have told you that we have
just sent a memorial to Mr. Gladstone, praying that a pension may
be at once conferred upon your daughters, and I have every hope
that our prayer may be successful. You will see by the papers, now
sent to you, that there has been much acrimonious discussion of
late on African affairs. I have tried myself in every possible way
to throw oil on the troubled waters, and begin to hope now for
something like peace. I shall be very glad to hear from you if you
can spare time to send me a line, and will always keep a watchful
eye over your interests.--I remain, yours very truly,
"H.C. RAWLINSON."
The remains were brought to Aden on board the "Calcutta," and
thereafter transferred to the P. and O. steamer "Malwa," which
arrived at Southampton on the 15th of April. Mr. Thomas
Livingstone, eldest surviving son of the Doctor, being then in
Egypt on account of his health [78], had gone on board at Alexandria. The body
was conveyed to London by special train and deposited in the rooms
of the Geographical Society in Saville Row.
[78] Thomas never regained robust health. He died
at Alexandria, 15th March, 1876.
In the course of the evening the remains were examined by Sir
William Fergusson and several other medical gentleman, including
Dr. Loudon, of Hamilton, whose professional skill and great
kindness to his family had gained for him a high place in the
esteem and love of Livingstone. To many persons it had appeared so
incredible that the remains should have been brought from the heart
of Africa to London, that some conclusive identification of the
body seemed to be necessary to set all doubt at rest. The state of
the arm, the one that had been broken by the lion, supplied the
crucial evidence. "Exactly in the region of the attachment of the
deltoid to the humerus" (said Sir William Fergusson in a
contribution to the Lancet, April 18, 1874), "there were the
indications of an oblique fracture. On moving the arm there were
the indications of an ununited fracture. A closer identification
and dissection displayed the false joint that had so long ago been
so well recognized by those who had examined the arm in former
days.... The first glance set my mind at rest, and that, with the
further examination, made me as positive as to the identification
of these remains as that there has been among us in modern times
one of the greatest men of the human race--David Livingstone."
On Saturday, April 18, 1874, the remains of the great traveler
were committed to their resting-place near the centre of the nave
of Westminster Abbey. Many old friends of Livingstone came to be
present, and many of his admirers, who could not but avail
themselves of the opportunity to pay a last tribute of respect to
his memory. The Abbey was crowded in every part from which the
spectacle might be seen. The pall-bearers were Mr. H.M. Stanley,
Jacob Wainwright, Sir T. Steele, Dr. Kirk, Mr. W.F. Webb, Rev.
Horace Waller, Mr. Oswell, and Mr. E.D. Young. Two of these, Mr.
Waller and Dr. Kirk, along with Dr. Stewart, who was also present,
had assisted twelve years before at the funeral of Mrs. Livingstone
at Shupanga. Dr. Moffat, too, was there, full of sorrowful
admiration. Amid a service which was emphatically impressive
throughout, the simple words of the hymn, sung to the tune of
Tallis, were peculiarly touching:
"O God of Bethel! by whose hand
Thy people still are fed,
Who through this weary pilgrimage
Hast all our fathers led."
The black slab that now marks the resting-place of Livingstone
bears this inscription:
BROUGHT BY FAITHFUL HANDS
OVER LAND AND SEA,
HERE RESTS
DAVID LIVINGSTONE,
MISSIONARY, TRAVELER, PHILANTHROPIST,
BORN MARCH 19, 1813,
AT BLANTYRE, LANARKSHIRE.
DIED MAY 4,
[79] 1873,
AT CHITAMBO'S VILLAGE, ILALA.
[79] In the
Last Journals the date is 1st
May; on
the stone, 4th May. The attendants could not quite
determine the day.
For thirty years his life was spent in an unwearied
effort to evangelize
the native races, to explore the undiscovered secrets,
and abolish the desolating slave-trade of Central Africa,
and where, with his last words he wrote:
"All I can say in my solitude is, may Heaven's rich blessing
come down on every one--American, English, Turk--
who will help to heal this open sore of the world."
Along the right border of the stone are the words:
TANTUS AMOR VERI, NIHIL EST QUOD NOSCERE MALIM
QUAM FLUVII CAUSAS PER SÆCULA TANTA LATEHTES.
And along the left border:
OTHER SHEEP I HAVE WHICH ARE NOT OF THIS FOLD,
THEM ALSO I MUST BRING, AND THEY SHALL HEAR MY VOICE.
On the 25th June, 1868, not far from the northern border of that
lake Bangweolo on whose southern shore he passed away, Dr.
Livingstone came on a grave in a forest. He says of it:
"It was a little rounded mound, as if the occupant sat in it in
the usual native way; it was strewed over with flour, and a number
of the large blue beads put on it; a little path showed that it had
visitors. This is the sort of grave I should prefer: to be in the
still, still forest, and no hand ever disturb my bones. The graves
at home always seemed to me to be miserable, especially those in
the cold, damp clay, and without elbow-room; but I have nothing to
do but wait till He who is over all decides where I have to lay me
down and die. Poor Mary lies on Shupanga brae, 'and beeks fornent
the sun.'"
"He who is over all" decreed that while his heart should lie in
a leafy forest, in such a spot as he loved, his bones should repose
in a great Christian temple, where many, day by day, as they read
his name, would recall his noble Christian life, and feel how like
he was to Him of whom it is written: "The Spirit of the Lord God is
upon me; because the Lord hath anointed me to preach good tidings
to the meek: He hath sent me to bind up the broken-hearted, to
proclaim liberty to the captives, and the opening of the prison to
them that are bound; to proclaim the acceptable year of the Lord,
and the day of vengeance of our God; to comfort all that mourn; to
appoint unto them that mourn in Zion, to give unto them beauty for
ashes, the oil of joy for mourning, the garment of praise for the
spirit of heaviness; that they might be called trees of
righteousness, the planting of the Lord; that He might be
glorified."
"Droop half-mast colors, bow, bareheaded crowds,
As this plain coffin o'er the side is slung,
To pass by woods of masts and ratlined shrouds,
As erst by Afric's trunks, liana-hung.
'Tis the last mile of many thousands trod
With failing strength but never-failing will,
By the worn frame, now at its rest with God,
That never rested from its fight with ill.
Or if the ache of travel and of toil
Would sometimes wring a short, sharp cry of pain
From agony of fever, blain, and boil,
'Twas but to crush it down and on again!
He knew not that the trumpet he had blown
Out of the darkness of that dismal land,
Had reached and roused an army of its own
To strike the chains from the slave's fettered
hand.
Now we believe, he knows, sees all is well;
How God had stayed his will and shaped his way,
To bring the light to those that darkling dwell
With gains that life's devotion well repay.
Open the Abbey doors and bear him in
To sleep with king and statesman, chief and sage,
The missionary come of weaver-kin,
But great by work that brooks no lower wage.
He needs no epitaph to guard a name
Which men shall prize while worthy work is known;
He lived and died for good--be that his fame:
Let marble crumble: this is
Living--stone."--Punch.
Eulogiums on the dead are often attempts, sometimes sufficiently
clumsy, to conceal one-half of the truth and fill the eye with the
other. In the case of Livingstone there is really nothing to
conceal. In tracing his life in these pages we have found no need
for the brilliant colors of the rhetorician, the ingenuity of the
partisan, or the enthusiasm of the hero-worshiper. We have felt,
from first to last, that a plain, honest statement of the truth
regarding him would be a higher panegyric than any ideal picture
that could be drawn. The best tributes paid to his memory by
distinguished countrymen were the most literal--we might almost say
the most prosaic. It is but a few leaves we can reproduce of the
many wreaths that were laid on his tomb.
Sir Bartle Frere, as President of the Royal Geographical
Society, after a copious notice of his life, summed it up in these
words: "As a whole, the work of his life will surely be held up in
ages to come as one of singular nobleness of design, and of
unflinching energy and self-sacrifice in execution. It will be long
ere any one man will be able to open so large an extent of unknown
land to civilized mankind. Yet longer, perhaps, ere we find a
brighter example of a life of such continued and useful
self-devotion to a noble cause."
In a recent letter to Dr. Livingstone's eldest daughter, Sir
Bartle Frere (after saying that he was first introduced to Dr.
Livingstone by Mr. Phillip, the painter, as "one of the noblest men
he had ever met," and rehearsing the history of his early
acquaintance) remarks:
"I could hardly venture to describe my estimate of his character
as a Christian further than by saying that I never met a man who
fulfilled more completely my idea of a perfect Christian
gentleman,--actuated in what he thought and said and did by the
highest and most chivalrous spirit, modeled on the precepts of his
great Master and Exemplar.
"As a man of science, I am less competent to judge, for my
knowledge of his work is to a great extent second-hand; but
derived, as it is, from observers like Sir Thomas Maclear, and
geographers like Arrowsmith, I believe him to be quite unequaled as
a scientific traveler, in the care and accuracy with which he
observed. In other branches of science I had more opportunities of
satisfying myself, and of knowing how keen and accurate was his
observation, and how extensive his knowledge of everything
connected with natural science; but every page of his journals, to
the last week of his life, testified to his wonderful natural
powers and accurate observation. Thirdly, as a missionary and
explorer I have always put him in the very first rank. He seemed to
me to possess in the most wonderful degree that union of opposite
qualities which were required for such a work as opening out
heathen Africa to Christianity and civilization. No man had a
keener sympathy with even the most barbarous and unenlightened;
none had a more ardent desire to benefit and improve the most
abject. In his aims, no man attempted, on a grander or more
thorough scale, to benefit and improve those of his race who most
needed improvement and light. In the execution of what he
undertook, I never met his equal for energy and sagacity, and I
feel sure that future ages will place him among the very first of
those missionaries, who, following the apostles, have continued to
carry the light of the gospel to the darkest regions of the world,
throughout the last 1800 years. As regards the value of the work he
accomplished, it might be premature to speak,--not that I think it
possible I can over-estimate it, but because I feel sure that every
year will add fresh evidence to show how well-considered were the
plans he took in hand, and how vast have been the results of the
movements he set in motion."
The generous and hearty appreciation of Livingstone by the
medical profession was well expressed in the words of the
Lancet: "Few men have disappeared from our ranks more
universally deplored, as few have served in them with a higher
purpose, or shed upon them the lustre of a purer devotion."
Lord Polwarth, in acknowledging a letter from Dr. Livingstone's
daughter, thanking him for some words on her father, wrote thus: "I
have long cherished the memory of his example, and feel that the
truest beauty was his essentially Christian spirit. Many admire in
him the great explorer and the noble-hearted philanthropist; but I
like to think of him, not only thus, but as a man who was a servant
of God, loved his Word intensely, and while he spoke to men of God,
spoke more to God of men,
"His memory will never perish, though the first freshness, and
the impulse it gives just now, may fade; but his prayers will be
had in everlasting remembrance, and unspeakable blessings will yet
flow to that vast continent he opened up at the expense of his
life. God called and qualified him for a noble work, which, by
grace, he nobly fulfilled, and we can love the honored servant, and
adore the gracious Master."
Lastly, we give the beautiful wreath of Florence Nightingale,
also in the form of a letter to Dr. Livingstone's daughter:
"LONDON,
Feb. 18
th,1874.
"DEAR MISS LIVINGSTONE,--I am only one of all England which is
feeling with you and for you at this moment.
"But Sir Bartle Frere encourages me to write to you.
"We cannot help still yearning to hear of some hope that your great
father may be still alive.
"God knows; and in knowing that He knows who is all wisdom,
goodness, and power, we must find our rest.
"He has taken away, if at last it be as we fear, the greatest man
of his generation, for Dr. Livingstone stood alone.
"There are few enough, but a few statesmen. There are few enough,
but a few great in medicine, or in art, or in poetry. There are a
few great travelers. But Dr. Livingstone stood alone as the great
Missionary Traveler, the bringer-in of civilization; or rather the
pioneer of civilization--he that cometh before--to races lying in
darkness.
"I always think of him as what John the Baptist, had he been living
in the nineteenth century, would have been.
"Dr. Livingstone's fame was so world-wide that there were other
nations who understood him even better than we did.
"Learned philologists from Germany, not at all orthodox in their
opinions, have yet told me that Dr. Livingstone was the only man
who understood races, and how to deal with them for good; that he
was the one true missionary. We cannot console ourselves for our
loss. He is irreplaceable.
"It is not sad that he should have died out there. Perhaps it was
the thing, much as he yearned for home, that was the fitting end
for him. He may have felt it so himself.
"But would that he could have completed that which he offered his
life to God to do!
"If God took him, however, it was that his life was completed in
God's sight; his work finished, the most glorious work of our
generation.
"He has opened those countries for God to enter in. He struck the
first blow to abolish a hideous slave-trade.
"He, like Stephen, was the first martyr.
"'He climbed the steep ascent of heaven,
Through peril, toil, and pain;
O God! to us may grace be given
To follow in his train!'
"To us it is very dreary, not to have seen him again, that he
should have had none of us by him at the last; no last word or
message.
"I feel this with regard to my dear father and one who was more
than mother to me, Mrs. Bracebridge, who went with me to the
Crimean war, both of whom were taken from me last month.
"How much more must we feel it, with regard to out great discoverer
and hero, dying so far off!
"But does he regret it? How much he must know now! how much he must
have enjoyed!
"Though how much we would give to know
his thoughts,
alone with God, during the latter days of his life.
"May we not say, with old Baxter (something altered from that
verse)?
"'My knowledge of that life is small,
The eye of faith is dim;
But 'tis enough that Christ knows all,
And he will be with Him.'
"Let us think only of him and of his present happiness, his eternal
happiness, and may God say to us: 'Let not your heart be troubled,'
Let us exchange a 'God bless you,' and fetch a real blessing from
God in saying so.
"Florence Nightingale"
CHAPTER XXIII.
POSTHUMOUS INFLUENCE.
History of his life not completed at his death--Thrilling effect
of the tragedy of Ilala--Livingstone's influence on the
slave-trade--His letters from Manyuema--Sir Bartle Frere's mission
to Zanzibar--Successful efforts of Dr. Kirk with Sultan of
Zanzibar--The land route--The sea route--Slave-trade declared
illegal--Egypt--The Soudan--Colonel Gordon--Conventions with
Turkey--King Mtesa of Uganda--Nyassa district--Introduction of
lawful commerce--Various commercial enterprises in
progress--Influence of Livingstone on exploration--Enterprise of
newspapers--Exploring undertakings of various
nations--Livingstone's personal service to science--His hard work
in science the cause of respect--His influence on missionary
enterprise--Livingstonia--Dr. Stewart.--Mr. E.D.
Young--Blantyre--The Universities Mission under Bishop Steere--Its
return to the mainland and to Nyassa district--Church Missionary
Society at Nyanza--London Missionary Society at Tanganyika--French,
Inland, Baptist, and American missions--Medical missions--The Fisk
Livingstone hall--Livingstone's great legacy to Africa, a spotless
Christian name and character--Honors of the future.
The heart of David Livingstone was laid under the mvula-tree in
Ilala, and his bones in Westminster Abbey; but his spirit marched
on. The history of his life is not completed with the record of his
death. The continual cry of his heart to be permitted to finish his
work was answered, answered thoroughly, though not in the way he
thought of. The thrill that went through the civilized world when
his death and all its touching circumstances became known, did more
for Africa than he could have done had he completed his task and
spent years in this country following it up. From the worn-out
figure kneeling at the bedside in the hut in Ilala an electric
spark seemed to fly, quickening hearts on every side. The statesman
felt it; it put new vigor into the despatches he wrote and the
measures he devised with regard to the slave-trade. The merchant
felt it, and began to plan in earnest how to traverse the continent
with roads and railways, and open it to commerce from shore to
centre. The explorer felt it, and started with high purpose on new
scenes of unknown danger. The missionary felt it,--felt it a
reproof of past languor and unbelief, and found himself lifted up
to a higher level of faith and devotion. No parliament of
philanthropy was held; but the verdict was as unanimous and as
hearty as if the Christian world had met and passed the
resolution--"Livingstone's work shall not die: AFRICA SHALL
LIVE."
A rapid glance at the progress of events during the seven years
that have elapsed since the death of Livingstone will show best
what influence he wielded after his death. Whether we consider the
steps that have been taken to suppress the slave-trade, the
progress of commercial undertakings, the successful journeys of
explorers stimulated by his example who have gone from shore to
shore, or the new enterprises of the various missionary bodies,
carried out by agents with somewhat of Livingstone's spirit, we
shall see what a wonderful revolution he effected,--how entirely he
changed the prospects of Africa.
Livingstone himself had the impression that his long and weary
detention in Manyuema was designed by Providence to enable him to
know and proclaim to the world the awful horrors of the
slave-trade. When his despatches and letters from that region were
published in this country, the matter was taken up in the highest
quarters. After the Queen's Speech had drawn the attention of
Parliament to it, a Royal Commission, and then a Select Committee
of the House of Commons, prepared the way for further action. Sir
Bartle Frere was to Zanzibar, with the view of negotiating a treaty
with the Sultan, to render illegal all traffic in slaves by sea.
Sir Bartle was unable to persuade the Sultan, but left the matter
in the hands of Dr. Kirk, who succeeded in 1873 in negotiating the
treaty, and got the shipment of slaves prohibited over a sea-board
of nearly a thousand miles. But the slave-dealer was too clever to
yield; for the route by sea he simply substituted a route by land,
which, instead of diminishing the horrors of the traffic, actually
made them greater. Dr. Kirk's energies had to be employed in
getting the land traffic placed in the same category as that by
sea, and here, too, he was successful, so that within the dominions
of the Sultan of Zanzibar, the slave-trade, as a legal enterprise,
came to an end.
But Zanzibar was but a fragment of Africa. In no other part of
the continent was it of more importance that the traffic should be
arrested than in Egypt, and in parts of the Empire of Turkey in
Africa under the control of the Sultan. The late Khedive of Egypt
was hearty in the cause, less, perhaps, from dislike of the
slave-trade, than from his desire to hold good rank among the
Western powers, and to enjoy the favorable opinion of England. By
far the most important contribution of the Khedive to the cause lay
in his committing the vast region of the Soudan to the hands of our
countryman, Colonel Gordon, whose recent resignation of the office
has awakened so general regret. Hating the slave-trade, Colonel
Gordon employed his remarkable influence over native chiefs and
tribes in discouraging it, and with great effect. To use his own
words, recently spoken to a friend, he cut off the slave-dealers in
their strongholds, and he made all his people love him. Few men,
indeed, have shown more of Livingstone's spirit in managing the
natives than Gordon Pasha, or furnished better proof that for
really doing away with the slave-trade more is needed than a good
treaty--there must be a hearty and influential Executive to carry
out its provisions. Our conventions with Turkey have come to little
or nothing. They have shared the usual fate of Turkish promises.
Even the convention announced with considerable confidence in the
Queen's speech on 5th February, 1880, if the tenor of it be as it
has been reported in the Temps newspaper, leaves far too
much in the hands of the Turks, and unless it be energetically and
constantly enforced by this country, will fail in its object. To
this end, however, we trust that the attention of our Government
will be earnestly directed. The Turkish traffic is particularly
hateful, for it is carried on mainly for purposes of sensuality and
show.
The abolition of the slave-trade by King Mtesa, chief of
Waganda, near Lake Victoria Nyanza, is one of the most recent
fruits of the agitation. The services of Mr. Mackay, a countryman
of Livingstone's, and an agent of the Church Missionary Society,
contributed mainly to this remarkable result.
Such facts show that not only has the slave-trade become illegal
in some of the separate states of Africa, but that an active spirit
has been roused against it, which, if duly directed, may yet
achieve much more. The trade, however, breeds a reckless spirit,
which cares little for treaties or enactments, and is ready to
continue the traffic as a smuggling business after it has been
declared illegal. In the Nyassa district, from which to a large
extent it has disappeared, it is by no means suppressed. It is
quite conceivable that it may revive after the temporary alarm of
the dealers has subsided. The remissness, and even the connivance,
of the Portuguese authorities has been a great hindrance to its
abolition. All who desire to carry out the noble object of
Livingstone's life will therefore do well to urge her Majesty's
Ministers, members of Parliament, and all who have influence, to
renewed and unremitting efforts toward the complete and final
abolition of the traffic throughout the whole of Africa. To this
consummation the honor of Great Britain is conspicuously pledged,
and it is one to which statesmen of all parties have usually been
proud to contribute.
If we pass from the slave-trade to the promotion of lawful
commerce, we find the influence of Livingstone hardly less apparent
in not a few undertakings recently begun. Animated by the memory of
his four months' fellowship with Livingstone, Mr. Stanley has
undertaken the exploration of the Congo or Livingstone River,
because it was a work that Livingstone desired to be done. With a
body of Kroomen and others he is now at work making a road from
near Banza Noki to Stanley Pool. He takes a steamer in sections to
be put together above the Falls, and with it he intends to explore
and to open to commerce the numerous great navigable tributaries of
the Livingstone River. Mr. Stanley has already established steam
communication between the French station near the mouth of the
Congo and his own station near Banza Noki or Embomma. The
"Livingstone Central African Company, Limited," with Mr. James
Stevenson, of Glasgow, as chairman, has constructed a road along
the Murchison Rapids, thus making the original route of Livingstone
available between Quilimane and the Nyassa district, and is doing
much more to advance Christian civilization. France, Belgium,
Germany, and Italy have all been active in promoting commercial
schemes. A magnificent proposal has been made, under French
auspices, for a railway across the Soudan. There is a proposal from
Manchester to connect the great lakes with the sea by a railway
from the coast opposite Zanzibar. Another scheme is for a railway
from the Zambesi to Lake Nyassa. A telegraph through Egypt has been
projected to the South African colonies of Britain, passing by
Nyassa and Shiré. An Italian colony on a large scale has
been projected in the dominions of Menelek, king of Shoa, near the
Somali land. Any statement of the various commercial schemes begun
or contemplated would probably be defective, because new
enterprises are so often appearing. But all this shows what a new
light has burst on the commercial world as to the capabilities of
Africa in a trading point of view. There seems, indeed, no reason
why Africa should not furnish most of the products which at present
we derive from India. As a market for our manufactures, it is
capable, even with a moderate amount of civilization, of becoming
one of our most extensive customers. The voice that proclaimed
these things in 1857 was the voice of one crying in the wilderness;
but it is now repeated in a thousand echoes.
In stimulating African exploration the influence of Livingstone
was very decided. He was the first of the galaxy of modern African
travelers, for both in the Geographical Society and in the world at
large his name became famous before those of Baker, Grant, Speke,
Burton, Stanley, and Cameron. Stanley, inspired first by the desire
of finding him, became himself a remarkable and successful
traveler. The same remark is applicable to Cameron. Not only did
Livingstone stimulate professed geographers, but, what was truly a
novelty in the annals of exploration, he set newspaper companies to
open up Africa. The New York Herald, having found
Livingstone, became hungry for new discoveries, and enlisting a
brother-in-arms, Mr. Edwin Arnold and the Daily Telegraph,
the two papers united to send Mr. Stanley "to fresh woods and
pastures new." Under the auspices of the African Exploration
Society, and the directions of the Royal Geographical, Mr. Keith
Johnston and Mr. Joseph Thomson undertook the exploration of the
country between Dar es Salaam and Lake Nyassa, the former falling a
victim to illness, the latter penetrating through unexplored
regions to Nyassa, and subsequently extending his journey to
Tanganyika. We can but name the international enterprise resulting
from Brussels Conference; the French researches of Lieutenant de
Semellé and of de Brazza; the various German Expeditions of
Dr. Lenz, Dr. Pogge, Dr. Fischer, and Herr Denhardts; and the
Portuguese exploration on the west, from Benguela to the
head-waters of the Zambesi. Africa does not want for explorers, and
generally they are men bent on advancing legitimate commerce and
the improvement of the people. It would be a comfort if we could
think of all as having this for their object; but tares, we fear,
will always be mingled with the good seed; and if there have been
travelers who have led immoral lives and sought their own amusement
only, and traders who by trafficking in rum and such things have
demoralized the natives, they have only shown that in some natures
selfishness is too deeply imbedded to be affected by the noblest
examples.
Livingstone himself traveled twenty-nine thousand miles in
Africa, and added to the known part of the globe about a million
square miles. He discovered Lakes 'Ngami, Shirwa, Nyassa, Moero,
and Bangweolo; the upper Zambesi, and many other rivers; made known
the wonderful Victoria Falls; also the high ridges flanking the
depressed basin of the central plateau; he was the first European
to traverse the whole length of Lake Tanganyika, and to give it its
true orientation; he traversed in much pain and sorrow the vast
watershed near Lake Bangweolo, and, through no fault of his own,
just missed the information that would have set at rest all his
surmises about the sources of the Nile. His discoveries were never
mere happy guesses or vague descriptions from the accounts of
natives; each spot was determined with the utmost precision, though
at the time his head might be giddy from fever or his body
tormented with pain. He strove after an accurate notion of the form
and structure of the continent; Investigated its geology,
hydrography, botany, and zoölogy; and grappled with the two
great enemies of man and beast that prey on it--fever and tsetse.
Yet all these were matters apart from the great business of his
life. In science he was neither amateur nor dilettante, but a
careful, patient, laborious worker. And hence his high position,
and the respect he inspired in the scientific world. Small men
might peck and nibble at him, but the true kings of science,--the
Owens, Murchisons, Herschels, Sedgwicks, and Fergussons--honored
him the more the longer they knew him. We miss an important fact in
his life if we do not take note of the impression which he made on
such men.
Last, but not least, we note the marvelous expansion of
missionary enterprise in Africa since Livingstone's death. Though
he used no sensational methods of appeal, he had a wonderful power
to draw men to the mission field. In his own quiet way, he not only
enlisted recruits, but inspired them with the enthusiasm of their
calling. Not even Charles Simeon, during his long residence at
Cambridge, sent more men to India than Livingstone drew to Africa
in his brief visit to the Universities. It seemed as if he suddenly
awakened the minds of young men to a new view of the grand purposes
of life. Mr. Monk wrote to him truly, "That Cambridge visit of
yours. lighted a candle which will NEVER, NEVER go out."
At the time of his death there was no missionary at work in the
great region of Shiré and Nyassa on which his heart was so
much set. The first to take possession were his countrymen of
Scotland. The Livingstonia mission and settlement of the Free
Church, planned by Dr. Stewart, of Lovedale, who had gone out to
reconnoitre in 1863, and begun in 1875, has now three stations on
the lake, and has won the highest commendation of such travelers as
the late Consul Elton [80]. Much of the success of this enterprise is
due to Livingstone's old comrade, Mr. E.D. Young, R.N., who led the
party, and by his great experience and wonderful way of managing
the natives, laid not only the founders of Livingstonia, but the
friends of Africa, under obligations that have never been
sufficiently acknowledged [81]. In concert with the "Livingstone Central
African Company," considerable progress has been made in exploring
the neighboring regions, and the recent exploit of Mr. James
Stewart, C.E., one of the lay helpers of the Mission, in traversing
the country between Nyassa and Tanganyika, is an important
contribution to geography [82]. It would have gratified Livingstone to
think that in conducting this settlement several of the Scotch
Churches were practically at one--Free, Reformed, and United
Presbyterian; while at Blantyre, on the Shiré, the
Established Church of Scotland, with a mission and a colony of
mechanics, has taken its share in the work.
[80] Lakes and Mountains of Africa, pp.
277, 280.
[81] See his work.
Nyassa: London,
1877.
[82] See
Transactions of Royal Geographical
Society, 1880.
Under Bishop Steere, the successor of Bishop Tozer, the
Universities Mission has re-occupied part of the mainland, and the
freed-slave village of Masasi, situated between the sea and Nyassa,
to the north of the Rovuma, enjoys a measure of prosperity which
has never been interrupted during the three or four years of its
existence. Other stations have been formed, or are projected, one
of them on the eastern margin of the lake. The Church Missionary
Society has occupied the shores of Victoria Nyanza, achieving great
results amid many trials and sacrifices, at first wonderfully aided
and encouraged by King Mtesa, though, as we write, we hear accounts
of a change of policy which is grievously disappointing. Lake
Tanganyika has been occupied by the London Missionary Society.
The "Société des Missions
Évangéliques," of Paris, has made preparations for
occupying the Barotse Valley, near the head-waters of the Zambesi.
The Livingstone Inland Mission has some missionaries on the
Atlantic Coast at the mouth of the Congo, and others who are
working inward, while a monthly journal is edited by Mrs. Grattan
Guinness, entitled The Regions Beyond. The Baptist
Missionary Society has a mission in the same district, toward the
elucidation of which the Rev. J. T. Comber's Explorations Inland
from Mount Cameroons and through Congo to Mkouta have thrown
considerable light.
More recently still, the American Board of Commissioners for
Foreign Missions, having resolved to devote to Africa Mr. Otis's
munificent bequest of a million dollars, appointed the Rev. Dr.
Means to collect information as to the most suitable openings for
missions in Central Africa; and on his recommendation, after
considering the claims of seven other localities, have decided to
adopt as their field the region of Bihé and the Coanza, an
upland tract to the east of Benguela, healthy and suitable for
European colonization, and as yet not occupied by any missionary
body. Thus the Old World and the New are joining their forces for
the evangelization of Africa. And they are not only occupying
regions which Livingstone recommended, but are trying to work his
principle of combining colonization with missions, so as to give
their people an actual picture of Christianity as it is exemplified
in the ordinary affairs of life.
Besides missions on the old principle, Medical Missions have
received a great impulse through Livingstone. When mission work in
Central Africa began to be seriously entertained, men like Dr.
Laws, the late Dr. Black, and the late Dr. Smith, all medical
missionaries, were among the first to offer their services. The
Edinburgh Medical Mission made quite a new start when it gave the
name of Livingstone to its buildings. Another institution that has
adopted the name for a hall in which to train colored people for
African work is the Fisk University, Tennessee, made famous by the
Jubilee Singers.
In glancing at these results of Livingstone's influence in the
mission field, we must not forget that of all his legacies to
Africa by far the highest was the spotless name and bright
Christian character which have become associated every where with
its great missionary explorer. From the first day of his sojourn in
Africa to the last, "patient continuance in well-doing" was the
great charm through which he sought, with God's blessing, to win
the confidence of Africa. Before the poorest African he maintained
self-restraint and self-respect as carefully as in the best society
at home. No prevailing relaxation of the moral code in those wild,
dark regions ever lowered his tone or lessened his regard for the
proprieties of Christian or civilized life. Scandal is so rampant
among the natives of Africa that even men of high character have
sometimes suffered from its lying tongue; but in the case of
Livingstone there was such an enamel of purity upon his character
that no filth could stick to it, and none was thrown. What
Livingstone did in order to keep his word to his poor attendants
was a wonder in Africa, as it was the admiration of the world. His
way of trusting them, too, was singularly winning. He would go up
to a fierce chief, surrounded by his grinning warriors, with the
same easy gait and kindly smile with which he would have approached
his friends at Kuruman or Hamilton. It was the highest tribute that
the slave-traders in the Zambesi district paid to his character
when for their own vile ends they told the people that they were
the children of Livingstone. It was the charm of his name that
enabled Mr. E.D. Young, while engaged in founding the Livingstonia
settlement, to obtain six hundred carriers to transport the pieces
of the Ilala steamer past the Murchison Cataracts, carrying loads
of great weight for forty miles, at six yards of calico each,
without a single piece of the vessel being lost or thrown away. The
noble conduct of the band that for eight months carried his remains
toward the coast was a crowning proof of the love he inspired.
Nearly every day some new token comes to light of the affection
and honor with which he was regarded all over Central Africa. On
12th April, 1880, the Rev. Chauncy Maples, of the Universities
Mission, in a paper read to the Geographical Society, describing a
journey to the Rovuma and the Makonde country, told of a man he
found there, with the relic of an old coat over his right shoulder,
evidently of English manufacture. It turned out, from the man's
statement, that ten years ago a white man, the donor of the coat,
had traveled with him to Mataka's, whom to have once seen and
talked with was to remember for life; a white man who treated black
men as his brothers, and whose memory would be cherished all along
the Rovuma Valley after they were all dead and gone; a short man
with a bushy moustache, and a keen piercing eye, whose words were
always gentle, and whose manners were always kind; whom, as a
leader, it was a privilege to follow, and who knew the way to the
hearts of all men.
That early and life-long prayer of Livingstone's--that he might
resemble Christ--was fulfilled in no ordinary degree. It will be an
immense benefit to all future missionaries in Africa that, in
explaining to the people what practical Christianity means, they
will have but to point to the life and character of the man whose
name will stand first among African benefactors in centuries to
come. A foreigner has remarked that, "in the nineteenth century,
the white has made a man out of the black; in the twentieth
century, Europe will make a world out of Africa." When that world
is made, and generation after generation of intelligent Africans
look back on its beginnings, as England looks back on the days of
King Alfred, Ireland of St. Patrick, Scotland of St. Columba, or
the United States of George Washington, the name that will be
encircled by them with brightest honor is that of DAVID
LIVINGSTONE. Mabotsa, Chonuane, and Kolobeng will be visited with
thrilling interest by many a pilgrim, and some grand memorial pile
in Ilala will mark the spot where his heart reposes. And when
preachers and teachers speak of this man, when fathers tell their
children what Africa owes to him, and when the question is asked
what made him so great and so good, the answer will be, that he
lived by the faith of the Son of God, and that the love of Christ
constrained him to live and die for Africa.
APPENDIX.
No. I.
EXTRACTS FROM PAPER ON "MISSIONARY SACRIFICES."
It is something to be a missionary. The morning stars sang
together and all the sons of God shouted for joy, when they first
saw the field which the first missionary was to fill. The great and
terrible God, before whom angels veil their faces, had an Only Son,
and He was sent to the habitable parts of the earth as a missionary
physician. It is something to be a follower, however feeble, in the
wake of the Great Teacher and only Model Missionary that ever
appeared among men; and now that He is Head over all things, King
of kings and Lord of lords, what commission is equal to that which
the missionary holds from Him? May we venture to invite young men
of education, when laying down the plan of their lives, to take a
glance at that of missionary? We will magnify the office.
The missionary is sent forth as a messenger of the Churches,
after undergoing the scrutiny and securing the approbation of a
host of Christian ministers, who, by their own talent and worth,
have risen to the pastorate over the most intelligent and
influential churches in the land, and who, moreover, can have no
motive to influence their selection but the desire to secure the
most efficient instrumentality for the missionary work. So much
care and independent investigation are bestowed on the selection as
to make it plain that extraneous influences can have but small
power. No pastor can imagine that any candidate has been accepted
through his recommendations, however warm these may have been; and
the missionary may go forth to the heathen, satisfied that in the
confidence of the directors he has a testimonial infinitely
superior to letters-apostolic from the Archbishop of Canterbury, or
from the Vatican at Borne. A missionary, surely, cannot undervalue
his commission, as soon as it is put into his hands.
But what means the lugubrious wail that too often bursts from
the circle of his friends? The tears shed might be excused if he
were going to Norfolk Island at the Government expense. But
sometimes the missionary note is pitched on the same key. The white
cliffs of Dover become immensely dear to those who never cared for
masses of chalk before. Pathetic plaints are penned about laying
their bones on a foreign shore, by those who never thought of
making aught of their bones at home. (Bone-dust is dear nowhere, we
think.) And then there is the never-ending talk and wringing of
hands over missionary "sacrifices." The man is surely going to be
hanged, instead of going to serve in Christ's holy Gospel! Is this
such service as He deserves who, though rich, for our sakes became
poor? There is so much in the manner of giving; some bestow
their favors so gracefully, their value to the recipient is
doubled. From others, a gift is as good as a blow in the face. Are
we not guilty of treating our Lord somewhat more scurvily than we
would treat our indigent fellow-men? We stereotype the word
"charity" in our language, as applicable to a contribution to his
cause. "So many charities,--we cannot afford them." Is not the word
ungraciously applied to the Lord Jesus, as if He were a poor
beggar, and an unworthy one too? His are the cattle on a thousand
hills, the silver and the gold; and worthy is the Lamb that was
slain. We treat Him ill. Bipeds of the masculine gender assume the
piping phraseology of poor old women in presence of Him before whom
the Eastern Magi fell down and worshiped,--ay, and opened their
treasures, and presented unto Him gifts: gold, frankincense, and
myrrh. They will give their "mites" as if what they do give were
their "all." It is utterly unfair to magnify the little we do for
Him by calling it a sacrifice, or pretend we are doing all we can
by assuming the tones of poor widows. He asks a willing mind,
cheerful obedience; and can we not give that to Him who made his
Father's will in our salvation as his meat and his drink, till He
bowed his head and gave up the ghost?
Hundreds of young men annually leave our shores as cadets. All
their friends rejoice when they think of them bearing the
commissions of our Queen. When any dangerous expedition is planned
by Government, more volunteers apply than are necessary to man it.
On the proposal to send a band of brave men in search of Sir John
Franklin, a full complement for the ships could have been procured
of officers alone, without any common sailors. And what thousands
rushed to California, from different parts of America, on the
discovery of the gold! How many husbands left their wives and
families! How many Christian men tore themselves away from all home
endearments to suffer, and toil, and perish by cold and starvation
on the overland route! How many sank from fever and exhaustion on
the banks of Sacramento! Yet no word of sacrifices there. And why
should we so regard all we give and do for the Well-beloved of our
souls? Our talk of sacrifices is ungenerous and heathenish....
It is something to be a missionary. He is sometimes inclined, in
seasons of despondency and trouble, to feel as if forgotten. But
for whom do more prayers ascend?--prayers from the secret place,
and from those only who are known to God. Mr. Moffat met those in
England who had made his mission the subject of special prayer for
more than twenty years, though they had no personal knowledge of
the missionary. Through the long fifteen years of no success, of
toil and sorrow, these secret ones were holding up his hands. And
who can tell how often his soul may have been refreshed through
their intercessions?...
It is something to be a missionary. The heart is expanded and
filled with generous sympathies; sectarian bigotry is eroded, and
the spirit of reclusion which makes it doubtful if some
denominations have yet made up their minds to meet those who differ
with them in heaven loses much of its fire....
There are many puzzles and entanglements, temptations, trials,
and perplexities, which tend to inure the missionary's virtue. The
difficulties encountered prevent his faith from growing languid. He
must walk by faith, and though the horizon be all dark and
lowering, he must lean on Him whom, having not seen, he loves. The
future--a glorious future--is that for which he labors. It lies
before him as we have seen the lofty coast of Brazil. No chink in
the tree-covered rocks appears to the seaman; but he glides right
on. He works toward the coast, and when he enters the gateway by
the sugar-loaf hill, there opens to the view in the Bay of Rio a
scene of luxuriance and beauty unequaled in the world beside.
The missionary's head will lie low, and others will have entered
into his labors, before his ideal is realized. The Future for which
he works is one which, though sure, has never yet been seen. The
earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the glory of the Lord.
The missionary is a harbinger of the good time coming. When he
preaches the Gospel to a tribe which has long sat in darkness, the
signs of the coming of the Son of Man are displayed, The glorious
Sun of Righteousness is near the horizon. He is the herald of the
dawn, for come He will whose right it is to reign; and what a
prospect appears, when we think of the golden age which has not
been, but must yet come! Messiah has sat on the Hill of Zion for
1800 years. He has been long expecting that his enemies shall be
made his footstool; and may we not expect, too, and lift up our
heads, seeing the redemption of the world draweth nigh? The bow in
the cloud once spread its majestic arch over the smoke of the fat
of lambs ascending as a sweet-smelling savor before God--a sign of
the covenant of peace--and the flickering light of the Shechinah
often intimated the good-will of Jehovah. But these did not more
certainly show the presence of the Angel of the Covenant than does
the shaking among the nations the presence and energy of God's Holy
Spirit; and to be permitted to rank as a fellow-worker with Him is
a mercy of mercies. O Love Divine! how cold is our love to Thee!
True, the missionary of the present day is only a stepping-stone to
the future; but what a privilege he possesses! He is known to "God
manifest in the flesh, justified in the Spirit, seen of angels,
preached unto the Gentiles, believed on in the world, received up
into Glory." Is that not enough?
Who would not be a missionary? His noble enterprise is in exact
accordance with the spirit of the age, and what is called the
spirit of the age is simply the movement of multitudes of minds in
the same direction. They move according to the eternal and
all-embracing decrees of God. The spirit of the age is one of
benevolence, and it manifests itself in numberless ways--ragged
schools, baths and wash-houses, sanitary reform, etc. Hence
missionaries do not live before their time. Their great idea of
converting the world to Christ is no chimera: it is Divine.
Christianity will triumph. It is equal to all it has to perform. It
is not mere enthusiasm to imagine a handful of missionaries capable
of converting the millions of India. How often they are cut off
just after they have acquired the language! How often they retire
with broken-down constitutions before effecting anything! How often
they drop burning tears over their own feebleness amid the
defections of those they believed to be converts! Yes! but that
small band has the decree of God on its side. Who has not admired
the band of Leonidas at the pass of Thermopylæ? Three hundred
against three million. Japhet, with the decree of God on his side,
only 300 strong, contending for enlargement with Shem and his
3,000,000. Consider what has been effected during the last fifty
years. There is no vaunting of scouts now. No Indian gentlemen
making themselves merry about the folly of thinking to convert the
natives of India; magnifying the difficulties of caste; and setting
our ministers into brown studies and speech-making in defense of
missions. No mission has yet been an entire failure. We who see
such small segments of the mighty cycles of God's providence often
imagine some to be failures which God does not. Eden was such a
failure, The Old World was a failure under Noah's preaching. Elijah
thought it was all up with Israel. Isaiah said: "Who hath believed
our report, and to whom is the arm of the Lord revealed?" And
Jeremiah wished his head were waters, his eyes a fountain of tears,
to weep over one of God's plans for diffusing his knowledge among
the heathen. If we could see a larger arc of the great providential
cycle, we might sometimes rejoice when we weep; but God giveth not
account of any of his matters. We must just trust to his wisdom.
Let us do our duty. He will work out a glorious consummation. Fifty
years ago missions could not lift up their heads. But missions now
are admitted by all to be one of the great facts of the age, and
the sneers about "Exeter Hall" are seen by every one to embody a
risus sardonicus. The present posture of affairs is, that
benevolence is popular. God is working out in the human heart his
great idea, and all nations shall see his glory.
Let us think highly of the weapons we have received for the
accomplishment of our work. The weapons of our warfare are not
carnal but spiritual, and mighty through God to the casting down of
strongholds. They are--Faith in our Leader, and in the presence of
his Holy Spirit; a full, free, unfettered Gospel; the doctrine of
the cross of Christ,--an old story, but containing the mightiest
truths ever uttered--mighty for pulling down the strongholds of
sin, and giving liberty to the captives. The story of Redemption,
of which Paul said, "I am not ashamed of the gospel of Christ," is
old, yet in its vigor, eternally young.
This work requires zeal for God and love for souls. It needs
prayer from the senders and the sent, and firm reliance on Him who
alone is the Author of conversion. Souls cannot be converted or
manufactured to order. Great deeds are wrought in unconsciousness,
from constraining love to Christ; in humbly asking, Lord, what wilt
thou have me to do? in the simple feeling, we have done that which
was our duty to do. They effect works, the greatness of which it
will remain for posterity to discern. The greatest works of God in
the kingdom of grace, like his majestic movements in nature, are
marked by stillness in the doing of them, and reveal themselves by
their effects. They come up like the sun, and show themselves by
their own light. The kingdom of God cometh not with observation.
Luther simply followed the leadings of the Holy Spirit in the
struggles of his own soul. He wrought out what the inward impulses
of his own breast prompted him to work, and behold, before he was
aware, he was in the midst of the Reformation. So, too, it was with
the Plymouth pilgrims, with their sermons three times a day on
board the Mayflower. Without thinking of founding an empire,
they obeyed the sublime teachings of the Spirit, the promptings of
duty and the spiritual life. God working mightily in the human
heart is the spring of all abiding spiritual power; and it is only
as men follow out the sublime promptings of the inward spiritual
life, that they do great things for God.
The movement of not one mind only, but the consentaneous
movement of a multitude of minds in the same direction, constitutes
what is called the spirit of the age. This spirit is neither the
law of progress nor blind development, but God's all-eternal,
all-embracing purpose, the doctrine which recognizes the hand of
God in all events, yet leaves all human action free. When God
prepared an age for a new thought, the thought is thrust into the
age as an instrument into a chemical solution--the crystals cluster
round it immediately. If God prepares not, the man has lived before
his time. Huss and Wycliffe were like voices crying in the
wilderness, preparing the way for a brighter future; the time had
not yet come.
Who would not be a missionary? "They that be wise shall shine as
the brightness of the firmament, and they that turn many to
righteousness as the stars for ever and ever." Is God not preparing
the world for missions which will embrace the whole of Adam's
family? The gallant steamships circumnavigate the globe. Emigration
is going on at a rate to which the most renowned crusades of
antiquity bear no proportion. Many men go to and fro, and knowledge
is increased. No great emigration ever took place in our world
without accomplishing one of God's great designs. The tide of the
modern emigration flows toward the West. The wonderful amalgamation
of races will result in something grand. We believe this, because
the world is becoming better, and because God is working mightily
in the human mind. We believe it, because God has been preparing
the world for something glorious. And that something, we
conjecture, will be a fuller development of the missionary idea and
work.
There will yet be a glorious consummation of Christianity. The
last fifty years have accomplished wonders. On the American
Continent, what a wonderful amalgamation of races we have
witnessed, how wonderfully they have been fused into that one
American people--type and earnest of a larger fusion which
Christianity will yet accomplish, when, by its blessed power, all
tribes and tongues and races shall become one holy family. The
present popularity of beneficence promises well for the missionary
cause in the future. Men's hearts are undergoing a process of
enlargement, Their sympathies are taking a wider scope. The world
is getting closer, smaller--quite a compact affair. The world for
Christ will yet be realized. "The earth shall be filled with the
knowledge of the Lord as the waters cover the sea."
No. II.
TREATMENT OF AFRICAN FEVER.
In July, 1859, when the Expedition to the Zambesi had been there
about a year. Dr. Livingstone drew up and forwarded to Sir James
Clark, Bart., M.D., a very full report on the treatment of African
fever. The report details at length a large number of cases, the
circumstances under which the attack was experienced, the remedies
administered, and their effects. In order to ward off the disease
in the mangrove swamps, which were justly described as hotbeds of
fever, a dose of quinine was administered daily to each European,
amounting to two grains, and taken in sherry wine. When an attack
of the disease occurred, and the stomach did not refuse the
remedies, Dr. Livingstone administered a dose of calomel with resin
of jalap, followed by quinine. These remedies were in almost all
cases successful, and the convalescence of the patient was
wonderfully rapid. The "pills" which Dr. Livingstone often referred
to were composed of resin of jalap, calomel, rhubarb, and quinine.
It was usually observed that active employment kept off fever, and
that on high lands its attacks were much less violent. Where the
stomach refused the remedies a blister was usually the most
effectual means of stopping the sickness.
Experience did not confirm the prophylactic action of quinine;
exemption from attack in unfavorable situations was rather ascribed
to active exercise, good diet, and to absence of damp, exposure to
sun, and excessive exertion. Even while navigating an unhealthy
part of the Shiré, and while, owing to the state of the
vessel, the beds were constantly damp, good health was enjoyed,
owing to the regular exercise and good fare.
In the upper regions of the Shiré, Dr. Livingstone says
he and his companions were exposed in the early hours of the
morning to the dew from the long grass, marching during the day
over rough country under the tropical sun, and then sleeping in the
open air; but though they had discontinued the daily use of quinine
they Were perfectly well, as were also their native attendants.
This was one of the considerations that gave him such confidence in
the healthiness of the Shiré highlands.
Two or three years later, in writing to a friend, Dr.
Livingstone thanked him for having sent him a missionary journal,
which he greatly enjoyed--The News of the Churches and Journal
of Missions. To show the very unusual pleasure which this
Journal gave him, he proposed to send a communication to the
editor, but said he was somewhat afraid to do so, lest it should
meet the fate of many a paper forwarded to editors at an earlier
period of his life. Mustering courage, he did send a letter, and we
find it in the number of the journal for August, 1862. It is
entitled, "A Note that may be useful to Missionaries in Africa,"
and consists of a statement of the remedy for fever, and an account
of its operation. He had been led to think of this from seeing in
the News of the Churches for February, 1861, a reference to
his remedy in an account of the death of the Helmores. The
proportions of the several ingredients are given--"for a full-grown
man six or eight grains of resin of jalap, and the same amount of
rhubarb, with four grains of calomel, and four of quinine, made
into pills with spirit of cardamoms. On taking effect, quinine (not
the unbleached kind), in four grains or larger doses is given every
two hours or so, till the ears ring, or deafness ensues; this last
is an essential part of the cure."
The last part of the letter is a description of Lake Nyassa, and
a statement of its importance for purposes of civilization and
Christianity.
The News of the Churches was projected in 1854 by the
late Rev. Andrew Cameron, D.D., and the present writer, and
conducted by them for a time; in 1862 it was in the hands of the
Rev. Gavin Carlyle, now of Ealing.
No. III.
LETTER TO DR. TIDMAN, AS TO FUTURE OPERATIONS.
QUILIMANE, 23d May, 1856.
THE REV. DR. TIDMAN.
DEAR SIR,--Having by the good providence of our Heavenly Father
reached this village on the 20th curt., I was pleased to find a
silence of more than four years broken by your letter of the 24th
August, 1855. I found, also, that H.M.'s brigatine "Dart" had
called at this port several times in order to offer me a passage
homeward, but on the last occason in which this most friendly act
was performed, her commander, with an officer of marines and five
seamen, were unfortunately lost on the very dangerous bar at the
mouth of the Quilimane River. This sad event threw a cold shade
over all the joy I might otherwise have experienced on reaching the
Eastern Coast. I felt as if it would have been easier for me to
have died for them than to bear the thought of so many being cut
off from all the joys of life in generously attempting to render me
a service. As there is no regular means of proceeding from this to
the Cape, I remain here in the hope of meeting another cruiser,
which the kindness of Commodore Trotter has led me to expect, in
preference to going by a small Arab or Portuguese trading vessel to
some point on the "overland route to India." And though I may
possibly reach you as soon as a letter, it appears advisable to
state in writing my thoughts respecting one or two very important
points in your communication.
Accompanied by many kind expressions of approbation, which I
highly value on account of having emanated from a body of men whose
sole object in undertaking the responsibility and labor of the
Direction must have been a sincere desire to promote the interests
of the kingdom of our Lord among the heathen, I find the intimation
that the Directors are restricted in their power of aiding plans
connected only remotely with the spread of the gospel. And it is
added, also, that even though certain very formidable obstacles
should prove surmountable, the "financial circumstances of the
Society are not such as to afford any ground of hope that it would
be, within any definite period, in a position to enter upon
untried, remote, and difficult fields of labor."
If I am not mistaken, these statements imply a resolution on the
part of the gentlemen now in the Direction, to devote the
decreasing income of the Society committed to their charge to parts
of the world of easy access, and in which the missionaries may
devote their entire time and energies to the dissemination of the
truths of the gospel with reasonable hopes of speedy success. This,
there can be no doubt, evinces a sincere desire to perform their
duty faithfully to their constituents, to the heathen, and to our
Lord and Master, yet while still retaining that full conviction of
the purity of their motives, which no measure adopted during the
sixteen years of my connection with the Society has for a moment
disturbed, I feel constrained to view "the untried, remote, and
difficult fields," to which I humbly yet firmly believe God has
directed my steps, with a resolution widely different from that
which their words imply. As our aims and purposes will now appear
in some degree divergent--on their part from a sort of paralysis
caused by financial decay, and on mine from the simple continuance
of an old determination to devote my life and my all to the service
of Christ, in whatever way He may lead me in inter-tropical
Africa--it seems natural, while yet without the remotest idea of
support from another source, to give some of the reasons for
differing with those with whom I have hitherto been so happily
connected.
It remains vividly on my memory that some twenty years ago,
while musing how I might spend my life so as best to promote the
glory of the Lord Jesus, I came to the conclusion that from the
cumulative nature of gospel influence the outskirts even of the
Empire of China presented the most inviting field for evangelical
effort in the world. I was also much averse to being connected with
any Society, having a strong desire to serve Christ in
circumstances which would free my services from all professional
aspect. But the solicitations of friends in whose judgment I had
confidence led to my offers of service to the London Missionary
Society. The "Opium War" was then adduced as a reason why that
remote, difficult, and untried field of labor should stand in
abeyance before the interior of Africa, to which, in opposition to
my own judgment, I was advised to proceed. I did not, however, go
with any sort of reluctance, for I had great respect for the
honored men by whom the advice was given, and unbounded confidence
in the special providence of Him who has said, "Commit thy way unto
the Lord, etc. In all thy ways acknowledge Him, and He shall direct
thy steps." I was contented with the way in which I had been led,
and happy in the prospect of being made instrumental in winning
some souls to Christ.
The Directors wished me to endeavor to carry the gospel to the
tribes north of the Kuruman. Having remained at that station
sufficient time only to recruit my oxen, I proceeded in the
direction indicated, and while learning the language I visited the
Bakhatla, Bakwains, Bangwaketse, and Bamangwato tribes, in order to
select a suitable locality for a mission, in the hope of succeeding
in making a second Kuruman or central station, which would, by
God's blessing, influence a large circumference. I chose Mabotsa,
no one who has seen that country since has said the choice was
injudicious. The late Rev. Dr. Philip alone was opposed to this
plan on account of solicitude for my safety, "because Mosilikatse
was behind the Cashan mountains thirsting for the blood of the
first white man who should fall into his hands. And no man would in
his sober senses build his house on the crater of a volcano."
Having removed to the Bakwains of Sechéle, I spent some of
the happiest years of my life in missionary labor, and was favored
in witnessing a gratifying measure of success in the spread of the
knowledge of the gospel. The good seed was widely sown, and is not
lost. It will yet bear fruit, though I may not live to see it. In
the pursuit of my plan I tried to plant among the tribes around by
means of native teachers and itineracies. We have heard again and
again of a "preparatory work going on" in India, but who ever heard
of such in Africa? A village of 600 or 800 may have one, or even
two missionaries, with school-masters and schoolmistresses, and the
nearest population, fifty or one hundred miles off, cannot feel
their influence. Believers will not, in many cases, go beyond the
circle of their own friends and acquaintances.
I was happy in having two worthy men of color, to aid me in
diffusing a knowledge of Christ among the Eastern tribes, but the
Boers forbade us to preach unto the Gentiles that they might be
saved. My attention was turned to Sebituane by Sechéle at
the very time this happened, but I had no intention of leaving the
Bakwains. Droughts succeeded, and these, with perpetual threats and
annoyances from the Boers, so completely distracted the mind of the
tribe that our operations were almost suspended. It is well known
that food for the mind has but little savor for starving stomachs.
The famine, and the unmistakable determination of the Boers to
enslave my people, at last made me look to the north seriously.
There was no precipitancy. Letters went to and from India
respecting my project before resolving to leave, and I went at
last, after being obliged to send my family to Kuruman in order to
be out of the way of a threatened attack of the Boers. When we
reached Lake 'Ngami, about which so much has been said, I
immediately asked for guides to take me to Sebituane, because to
form a settlement in which the gospel might be planted was the
great object for which I had come. Guides were refused, and the
Bayeiye were prevented from ferrying me across the Zouga. I made a
raft, but after working in the water for hours it would not carry
me. (I have always been thankful, since I knew how alligators
abound there, that I was not then killed by one.) Next year affairs
were not improved at Kolobeng, and while attempting the north again
fever drove us back. In both that and the following year I took my
family with me in order to obviate the loss of time which returning
for them would occasion. The Boers subsequently, by relieving me of
all my goods, freed me from the labor of returning to Kolobeng at
all.
Of the circumstances attending our arrival at Sebituane's, and
the project of opening up a path to the coast, you are already so
fully aware, from having examined and awarded your approbation, I
need scarcely allude to it. Double the time has been expended to
that which I anticipated, but as it chiefly arose from sickness,
the loss of time was unavoidable. The same cause produced
interruptions in preaching the gospel--as would have been the case
had I been indisposed anywhere else.
The foregoing short notices of all the plans which I can bring
to my recollection since my arrival in Africa lead me to the
question, which of the plans it is that the Directors particularize
when they say they are restricted in their power of aiding plans
only remotely connected with the spread of the gospel. It cannot be
the last surely, for I had their express approval before leaving
Cape Town, and they yield to none in admiration of the zeal with
which it has been executed. Then which is it?
As it cannot be meant to apply in the way of want of funds
deciding the suspension of operations which would make the
connection remote enough with the spread of the gospel by us, I am
at a loss to understand the phraseology, and therefore trust that
the difficulty may be explained. The difficulties are mentioned in
no captious spirit, though, from being at a loss as to the precise
meaning of the terms, I may appear to be querulous. I am not
conscious of any diminution of the respect and affection with which
I have always addressed you. I am, yours affectionately, DAVID
LIVINGSTON.
No. IV.
LORD CLARENDON'S LETTER TO SEKELETU.
From THE EARL OF CLARENDON, Principal
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Her Majesty, the Queen of
Great Britain, to our esteemed Friend SEKELETU, Chief of the
Makololo, in South Central Africa.
The Queen our Sovereign and the British Government have learned
with much pleasure from her Majesty's servant, Dr. Livingstone, the
kind manner in which you co-operated with him in his endeavors to
find a path from your country to the sea on the West Coast, and
again, when he was following the course of the river Zambesi from
your town to the Eastern Coast, by furnishing him on each occasion
with canoes, provisions, oxen, and men, free of expense; and we
were pleased to hear that you, your elders and people, are all
anxious to have direct intercourse with the English nation, and to
have your country open to commerce and civilization.
Ours is a great commercial and Christian nation, and we desire
to live in peace with all men. We wish others to sleep soundly as
well as ourselves; and we hate the trade in slaves. We are all the
children of one common Father; and the slave-trade being hateful to
Him, we give you a proof of our desire to promote your prosperity
by joining you in the attempt to open up your country to peaceful
commerce. With this view the Queen sends a small steam-vessel to
sail along the river Zambesi, which you know and agreed to be the
best pathway for conveying merchandise, and for the purpose of
exploring which Dr. Livingstone left you the last time. This is, as
all men know, "God's pathway;" and you will, we trust, do all that
you can to keep it a free pathway for all nations, and let no one
be molested when traveling on the river.
We are a manufacturing people, and make all the articles which
you see and hear of as coming from the white men. We purchase
cotton and make it into cloth; and if you will cultivate cotton and
other articles, we are willing to buy them. No matter how much you
may produce, our people will purchase it all. Let it be known among
all your people, and among all the surrounding tribes, that the
English are the friends and promoters of all lawful commerce, but
that they are the enemies of the slave-trade and slave-hunting.
We assure you, your elders and people, of our friendship, and we
hope that the kindly feelings which you entertain toward the
English may be continued between our children's children; and, as
we have derived all our greatness from the Divine religion we
received from Heaven, it will be well if you consider it carefully
when any of our people talk to you about it.
We hope that Her Majesty's servants and people will be able to
visit you from time to time in order to cement our friendship, and
to promote mutual welfare; and, in the meantime, we recommend you
to the protection of the Almighty.
Written at London, the nineteenth day of February, 1858. Your
affectionate friend, CLARENDON.
Letters similar to the above were sent to many of the other
chiefs known to Livingstone.
No. V.
PUBLIC HONORS AWARDED TO DR. LIVINGSTONE.
A complete list of these honors is not easy to construct; the
following may be regarded as embracing the chief, but it does not
embrace mere addresses presented to him, of which there were
many:
1850. Royal Geographical Society of London award him the Royal
Donation of 25 guineas, placed by her Majesty at the disposal of
the Council (Silver Chronometer).
1854. French Geographical Society award a Silver Medal.
1854. University of Glasgow confer degree of LL.D.
1855. Royal Geographical Society of London award Patron's Gold
Medal.
1857. French Geographical Society award annual prize for the
most important geographical discovery.
1857. Freedom of city of London, in box of value of fifty
guineas, As a testimonial in recognition of his zealous and
persevering exertions in the important discoveries he has made in
Africa, by which geographical, geological, and their kindred
sciences have been advanced; facts ascertained that may extend the
trade and commerce of this country, and hereafter secure to the
native tribes of the vast African continent the blessings of
knowledge and civilization.
1857. Freedom of city of Glasgow, presented in testimony of
admiration of his undaunted intrepidity and fortitude: amid
difficulties, privations, and dangers, during a period of many
years, while traversing an extensive region in the interior of
Africa, hitherto unexplored by Europeans, and of appreciation of
the importance of his services, extending to the fostering of
commerce, the advancement of civilization, and the diffusion of
Christianity among heathen nations.
1857. Freedom of city of Edinburgh, of Dundee, and many other
towns.
1857. Corresponding Member of American Geographical and
Statistical Society, New York.
1857. Corresponding Member of Royal Geographical Society of
London.
1857. Corresponding Member of Geographical Society of Paris.
1857. Corresponding Member of the K.K. Geographical Society of
Vienna.
1857. The Faculty of Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow "elect
that worthy, eminent, and learned Surgeon and Naturalist, David
Livingstone, LL.D., to be an Honorary Fellow,"
1857. Medal awarded by the Universal Society for the
Encouragement of Arts and Industry.
1857. University of Oxford confer degree of D.C.L.
1857. Elected F.R.S.
1858. Appointed Commander of Zambesi Expedition and her
Majesty's Consul at Tette, Quilimane, and Senna.
1872. Gold Medal awarded by Italian Geographical Society.
1874. A memoir of Livingstone having been read by the Secretary
at a meeting of the Russian Geographical Society cordially
recognizing his merit, the whole assembly--a very large one--by
rising, paid a last tribute of respect to his
memory.--Lancet, 7th March, 1874.
Any omissions in this list notified to the author will be
supplied in future editions.
Printed in the United States of America