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Title: A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 16

Author: Robert Kerr

Release date: August 7, 2005 [eBook #16471]
Most recently updated: December 12, 2020

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, VOLUME 16 *** 


A


GENERAL


HISTORY AND COLLECTION


OF


VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,


ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:


FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS


OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE,


BY SEA AND LAND,


FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME.




BY


ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.




ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.


VOL. XVI.


WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:


AND T. CADELL, LONDON.


MDCCCXXIV.


[pg vi]








CONTENTS OF VOL. XVI.


CHAP. III. Transactions at Otaheite, and the Society
Islands; and prosecution of the Voyage to
the Coast of North America, 1



SECT.


I. An Eclipse of the Moon observed. The
Island Toobouai discovered. Its Situation,
Extent, and Appearance. Intercourse
with its Inhabitants. Their Persons,
Dresses, and Canoes described. Arrival
at Oheitepeha Bay, at Otaheite.
Omai's Reception and imprudent Conduct.
Account of Spanish Ships twice
visiting the Island. Interview with the
Chief of this District. The Olla, or God,
of Bolabola. A mad Prophet. Arrival
in Matavai Bay, 1


II. Interview with Otoo, King of the Island,
Imprudent Conduct of Omai. Employments
on Shore. European Animals landed.
Particulars about a Native who had
visited Lima. About Oedidee. A Revolt
in Eimeo. War with that Island determined
upon, in a Council of Chiefs. A
human Sacrifice on that Account. A particular
Relation of the Ceremonies at the
great Morai, where the Sacrifice was offered.
Other barbarous Customs of this
People, 16


III. Conference with Towha. Heevas described.
Omai and Oedidee give Dinners. Fireworks
exhibited. A remarkable Present
of Cloth. Manner of preserving the Body
[pg vii]
of a dead Chief. Another human Sacrifice.
Riding on Horseback. Otoo's Attention
to supply Provisions, and prevent
Thefts. Animals given to him. Etary,
and the Deputies of a Chief, have Audiences.
A mock Fight of two War Canoes.
Naval Strength of these Islands.
Manner of conducting a War,  35


IV. The Day of Sailing fixed. Peace made with
Eimeo. Debates about it, and Otoo's
Conduct blamed. A Solemnity at the
Morai on the Occasion, described by Mr
King. Observations upon it. Instance
of Otoo's Art. Omai's War-Canoe, and
Remarks upon his Behaviour. Otoo's Present,
and Message to the King of Great
Britain. Reflections on our Manner of
Traffic, and on the good Treatment we
met with at Otaheite. Account of the
Expedition of the Spaniards. Their Fictions
to depreciate the English. Wishes
expressed that no Settlement may be
made. Omai's Jealousy of another Traveller, 48


V. Arrival at Eimeo. Two Harbours there,
and an Account of them. Visit from Maheine,
Chief of the Island. His Person
described. A Goat stolen, and sent back
with the Thief. Another Goat stolen, and
secreted. Measures taken on the Occasion.
Expedition cross the Island. Houses
and Canoes burnt. The Goat delivered
up, and Peace restored. Some Account
of the Island, &c. 62


VI. Arrival at Huaheine. Council of the Chiefs.
Omai's Offerings, and Speech to the Chiefs.
His Establishment in this Island agreed to.
A House built, and Garden planted for
him. Singularity of his Situation. Measures
taken to insure his Safety. Damage
done by Cock-roaches on board the Ships.
A Thief detected and punished. Fireworks
exhibited. Animals left with Omai.
His Family. Weapons. Inscription on
his House. His Behaviour on the Ships
leaving the Island. Summary View of his
[pg viii]
Conduct and Character. Account of the
two New Zealand Youths, 71


VII. Arrival at Ulietea. Astronomical Observations.
A Marine deserts, and is delivered
up. Intelligence from Omai. Instructions
to Captain Clerke. Another Desertion of
a Midshipman and a Seaman. Three of
the chief Persons of the Island confined
on that Account. A Design to seize Captains
Cook and Clerke discovered. The
two Deserters brought back, and the Prisoners
released. The Ships sail. Refreshments
received at Ulietea. Present and
former State of that Island. Account of
its dethroned King, and of the late Regent
of Huaheine, 87


VIII. Arrival at Bolabola. Interview with Opoony.
Reasons for purchasing Monsieur de Bougainville's
Anchor. Departure from the
Society Islands. Particulars about Bolabola.
History of the Conquest of Otaha
and Ulietea. High Reputation of the Bolabola
Men. Animals left there and at Ulietea.
Plentiful Supply of Provisions, and
Manner of salting Pork on Board. Various
Reflections relative to Otaheite and
the Society Islands. Astronomical and
Nautical Observations made there, 99


IX. Accounts of Otaheite still imperfect. The
prevailing Winds. Beauty of the Country.
Cultivation. Natural Curiosities.
The Persons of the Natives. Diseases.
General Character. Love of Pleasure.
Language. Surgery and Physic. Articles
of Food. Effects of drinking Ava.
Times and Manner of Eating. Connexions
with the Females. Circumcision.
System of Religion. Notions about the
Soul and a future Life. Various Superstitions.
Traditions about the Creation.
An historical Legend. Honours paid to
the King. Distinction of Ranks. Punishment
of Crimes. Peculiarities of the
neighbouring Islands. Names of their
Gods. Names of Islands they visit. Extent
of their Navigation, 110


[pg ix]X. Progress of the Voyage, after leaving the
Society Islands. Christmas Island discovered,
and Station of the Ships there.
Boats sent ashore. Great Success in
catching Turtle. An Eclipse of the Sun
observed. Distress of two Seamen who
had lost their Way. Inscription left in a
Bottle. Account of the Island. Its Soil.
Trees and Plants. Birds. Its Size. Form.
Situation. Anchoring Ground, 139


XI. Some Islands discovered. Account of the
Natives of Atooi, who came off to the
Ships, and their Behaviour on going on
Board. One of them killed. Precautions
used to prevent Intercourse with the Females.
A Watering-place found. Reception
upon landing. Excursion into the
Country. A Morai visited and described.
Graves of the Chiefs, and of the human
Sacrifices, there buried. Another Island,
called Oneeheow, visited. Ceremonies
performed by the Natives, who go off to
the Ships. Reasons for believing that
they are Cannibals. A Party sent ashore,
who remain two Nights. Account of what
passed on landing. The Ships leave the
Islands, and proceed to the North, 148


XII. The Situation of the Islands now discovered.
Their Names. Called the Sandwich Islands.
Atooi described. The Soil. Climate. Vegetable
Productions. Birds. Fish. Domestic
Animals. Persons of the Inhabitants.
Their Disposition. Dress. Ornaments.
Habitations. Food. Cookery.
Amusements. Manufactures. Working-tools.
Knowledge of Iron accounted for.
Canoes. Agriculture. Account of one of
their Chiefs. Weapons. Customs agreeing
with those of Tongataboo and Otaheite.
Their Language the same. Extent
of this Nation throughout the Pacific
Ocean. Reflections on the useful Situation
of the Sandwich Islands, 172


XIII. Observations made at the Sandwich Islands,
on the Longitude, Variation of the Compass
and Tides. Prosecution of the Voyage.
[pg x]
Remarks on the Mildness of the Weather,
as far as the Latitude 44° North.
Paucity of Sea Birds, in the Northern Hemisphere.
Small Sea Animals described.
Arrival on the Coast of America. Appearance
of the Country. Unfavourable Winds
and boisterous Weather. Remarks on
Martin de Aguilar's River, and Juan de
Fuca's pretended Strait. An Inlet discovered,
where the Ship's anchor. Behaviour
of the Natives, 195



CHAP. IV. Transactions, amongst the Natives of North America;
Discoveries along that Coast and the
Eastern Extremity of Asia, Northward to Icy
Cape; and return Southward to the Sandwich
Islands, 207



SECT.


I. The Ships enter the Sound, and moor in a
Harbour. Intercourse with the Natives.
Articles brought to barter. Thefts committed.
The Observatories erected, and
Carpenters set to work. Jealousy of the
Inhabitants of the Sound to prevent other
Tribes having Intercourse with the Ships.
Stormy and rainy Weather. Progress
round the Sound. Behaviour of the Natives
at their Villages. Their Manner of
drying Fish, &c. Remarkable Visit from
Strangers, and introductory Ceremonies.
A second Visit to one of the Villages.
Leave to cut Grass, purchased. The Ships
sail. Presents given and received at parting, 207


II. The Name of the Sound, and Directions for
Sailing into it. Account of the adjacent
Country. Weather. Climate. Trees.
Other Vegetable Productions. Quadrupeds,
whose Skins were brought for Sale.
Sea Animals. Description of a Sea-Otter.
Birds. Water Fowl. Fish. Shell-fish, &c.
Reptiles. Insects. Stones, &c. Persons
of the Inhabitants. Their Colour. Common
Dress and Ornaments. Occasional
Dresses, and monstrous Decorations of
wooden Masks. Their general Dispositions.
Songs. Musical Instruments. Their
[pg xi]
Eagerness to possess Iron and other Metals, 221


III. Manner of Building the Houses in Nootka
Sound. Inside of them described. Furniture
and Utensils. Wooden Images. Employments
of the Men. Of the Women.
Food, Animal and Vegetable. Manner of
preparing it. Weapons. Manufactures
and Mechanic Arts. Carving and Painting.
Canoes. Implements for Fishing and
Hunting. Iron Tools. Manner of procuring
that Metal. Remarks on their Language,
and a Specimen of it. Astronomical
and Nautical Observations made in
Nootka Sound, 239


IV. A Storm, after sailing from Nootka Sound.
Resolution springs a Leak. Pretended
Strait of Admiral de Fonte passed unexamined.
Progress along the Coast of America.
Behring's Bay. Kaye's Island. Account
of it. The Ships come to an Anchor.
Visited by the Natives. Their Behaviour.
Fondness for Beads and Iron.
Attempt to plunder the Discovery. Resolution's
Leak stopped; Progress up the
Sound. Messrs Gore and Roberts sent to
examine its Extent. Reasons against a
Passage to the North through it. The
Ships proceed down it to the open Sea 260


V. The Inlet called Prince William's Sound.
Its Extent. Persons of the Inhabitants described.
Their Dress. Incision of the Under-lip.
Various other Ornaments. Their
Boats. Weapons. Fishing and hunting
Instruments. Utensils. Tools. Uses Iron
is applied to. Food. Language, and a
Specimen of it. Animals. Birds. Fish.
Iron and Beads, whence received, 279


VI. Progress along the Coast. Cape Elizabeth.
Cape St Hermogenes. Accounts of Beering's
Voyage very defective. Point Banks.
Cape Douglas. Cape Bede. Mount St
Augustin. Hopes of finding a Passage up
an Inlet. The Ships proceed up it. Indubitable
Marks of its being a River. Named
[pg xii]
Cook's River. The Ships return down it.
Various Visits from the Natives. Lieutenant
King lands, and takes Possession of
the Country. His Report. The Resolution
runs aground on a Shoal. Reflections
on the Discovery of Cook's River. The
considerable Tides in it accounted for, 291


VII. Discoveries after leaving Cook's River.
Island of St Hermogenes. Cape Whitsunday.
Cape Greville. Cape Barnabas. Two-headed
Point. Trinity Island. Beering's
Foggy Island. A beautiful Bird described.
Kodiak and the Schumagin Islands. A
Russian Letter brought on Board by a
Native. Conjectures about it. Rock Point.
Halibut Island. A Volcano Mountain.
Providential Escape. Arrival of the Ships
at Oonalaschka. Intercourse with the Natives
there. Another Russian Letter. Samganoodha
Harbour described, 306


VIII. Progress Northward, after leaving Oonalashka.
The Islands Oonella and Acootan.
Ooneemak. Shallowness of the Water
along the Coast. Bristol Bay. Round
Island. Calm Point. Cape Newenham.
Lieutenant Williamson lands, and his Report.
Bristol Bay, and its Extent. The
Ships obliged to return on account of
Shoals. Natives come off to the Ships.
Death of Mr Anderson; his Character;
and Island named after him. Point
Rodney. Sledge Island, and Remarks
on landing there. King's Island. Cape
Prince of Wales, the Western Extreme of
America. Course Westward. Anchor in
a Bay on the Coast of Asia, 323


IX. Behaviour of the Natives, the Tschutski, on
seeing the Ships. Interview with some of
them. Their Weapons. Persons. Ornaments
Clothing. Winter and Summer
Habitations. The Ships cross the Strait, to
the Coast of America. Progress Northward.
Cape Mulgrave. Appearance of
Fields of Ice. Situation of Icy Cape, the
Sea blocked up with Ice. Sea-horses killed,
and used as Provisions. These Animals
[pg xiii]
described. Dimensions of one of
them. Cape Lisburne. Fruitless Attempt
to get through the Ice at a Distance from
the Coast. Observations on the Formation
of this Ice. Arrival on the Coast of
Asia. Cape North. The Prosecution of
the Voyage deferred to the ensuing Year, 338


X. Return from Cape North, along the Coast of
Asia. Views of the Country. Burney's
Island. Cape Serdze Kamen, the Northern
Limit of Beering's Voyage. Pass the
East Cape of Asia. Description and Situation
of it. Observations on Muller.
The Tschutski. Bay of Saint Laurence.
Two other Bays, and Habitations of the
Natives. Beering's Cape Tschukotskoi.
Beering's Position of this Coast accurate.
Island of Saint Laurence. Pass to the
American Coast. Cape Derby. Bald
Head. Cape Denbigh, on a Peninsula.
Besborough Island. Wood and Water
procured. Visits from the Natives. Their
Persons and Habitations. Produce of the
Country. Marks that the Peninsula had
formerly been surrounded by the Sea.
Lieutenant King's Report. Norton Sound.
Lunar Observations there. Stæhlin's Map
proved to be erroneous. Plan of future
Operations, 353


XI. Discoveries after leaving Norton Sound.
Stuart's Island. Cape Stephens. Point
Shallow-Water. Shoals on the American
Coast. Clerke's Island. Gore's Island.
Pinnacle Island. Arrival at Oonalashka.
Intercourse with the Natives and Russian
Traders. Charts of the Russian Discoveries,
communicated by Mr Ismyloff.
Their Errors pointed out. Situation of the
Islands visited by the Russians. Account
of their Settlement at Oonalashka. Of the
Natives of the Island. Their Persons.
Dress. Ornaments. Food. Houses and
domestic Utensils. Manufactures. Manner
of producing Fire. Canoes. Fishing
and Hunting Implements. Fishes, and
Sea Animals. Sea and Water Fowls, and
[pg xiv]
Land Birds. Land Animals and Vegetables.
Manner of burying the Dead. Resemblance
of the Natives on this Side of
America to the Greenlanders and Esquimaux.
Tides. Observations for determining
the Longitude of Oonalashka. 369


XII. Departure from Oonalashka, and future
Views. The Island Amoghta. Situation
of a remarkable Rock. Strait between
Oonalashka and Oonella repassed. Progress
to the South. Melancholy Accident
on board the Discovery. Mowee, one of the
Sandwich Islands, discovered. Intercourse
with the Natives. Visit from Terreeoboo.
Another Island, called Owhyhee, discovered.
The Ships ply to Windward to get
round it. An Eclipse of the Moon observed.
The Crew refuse to drink Sugar-cane
Beer. Cordage deficient in Strength.
Commendation of the Natives of Owhyhee.
The Resolution gets to Windward of
the Island. Her Progress down the South-East
Coast. Views of the Country, and
Visits from the Natives. The Discovery
joins. Slow Progress Westward. Karakakooa
Bay examined by Mr Bligh. Vast
Concourse of the Natives. The Ships anchor
in the Bay, 402



CHAP. V. Captain King's Journal of the Transactions on
Returning to the Sandwich Islands, 421



SECT.


I. Description of Karakakooa Bay. Vast Concourse
of the Natives. Power of the
Chiefs over the Inferior People. Visit
from Koah, a Priest and Warrior. The
Morai at Kakooa described. Ceremonies
at the Landing of Captain Cook. Observatories
erected. Powerful Operation of
the Taboo. Method of Salting Pork in
Tropical Climates. Society of Priests discovered.
Their Hospitality and Munificence.
Reception of Captain Cook. Artifice
of Koah. Arrival of Terreeoboo,
King of the Island. Returned by Captain
Cook, 421


II. Farther Account of Transactions with the
Natives. Their Hospitality. Propensity
[pg xv]
to Theft. Description of a Boxing Match.
Death of one of our Seamen. Behaviour
of the Priests at his Funeral. The Wood
Work and Images on the Morai purchased.
The Natives inquisitive about our Departure.
Their Opinion about the Design of
our Voyage. Magnificent Presents of
Terreeoboo to Captain Cook. The Ships
leave the Island. The Resolution damaged
in a Gale, and obliged to return, 434


III. Suspicious Behaviour of the Natives, on our
Return to Karakakooa Bay. Theft on
Board the Discovery, and its Consequences.
The Pinnace attacked, and the Crew
obliged to quit her. Captain Cook's Observations
on the Occasion. Attempt at
the Observatory. The Cutter of the Discovery
stolen. Measures taken by Captain
Cook for its Recovery. Goes on
Shore to invite the King on Board. The
King being stopped by his Wife and the
Chiefs, a Contest arises. News arrives of
one of the Chiefs being killed by one of
our People. Ferment on this Occasion.
One of the Chiefs threatens Captain Cook,
and is shot by him. General Attack by
the Natives. Death of Captain Cook.
Account of the Captain's Services, and a
Sketch of his Character, 446


IV. Transactions at Owhyhee subsequent to the
Death of Captain Cook. Gallant Behaviour
of the Lieutenant of Marines. Dangerous
Situation of the Party at the Morai.
Bravery of one of the Natives. Consultation
respecting future Measures. Demand
of the Body of Captain Cook. Evasive
and insidious Conduct of Koah and
the Chiefs. Insolent Behaviour of the
Natives. Promotion of Officers. Arrival
of two Priests with Part of the Body. Extraordinary
Behaviour of two Boys. Burning
of the Village of Kakooa. Unfortunate
Destruction of the Dwellings of the
Priests. Recovery of the Bones of Captain
Cook. Departure from Karakakooa
Bay, 460


[pg xvi]V. Departure from Karakakooa in Search of a
Harbour on the South-East Side of Mowee.
Driven to Leeward by the Easterly
Winds and Current. Pass the Island of
Tahoorowha. Description of the South-West
Side of Mowee. Run along the
Coasts of Ranai and Morotoi to Woahoo.
Description of the North-East Coast of
Woahoo. Unsuccessful Attempt to Water.
Passage to Atooi. Anchor in Wymoa
Bay. Dangerous Situation of the
Watering Party on Shore. Civil Dissensions
in the Islands. Visit from the contending
Chiefs. Anchor off Oneeheow.
Final Departure from the Sandwich Islands, 492









[pg 1]


A


GENERAL HISTORY,


AND


COLLECTION


OF


VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.




PART III. BOOK III.


(CONTINUED.)




CHAPTER III.


TRANSACTIONS AT OTAHEITE, AND THE SOCIETY ISLANDS;
AND PROSECUTION OF THE VOYAGE TO THE
COAST OF NORTH AMERICA.


SECTION I.


An Eclipse of the Moon observed.—The Island Toobouai discovered.—Its
Situation, Extent, and Appearance.—Intercourse
with its Inhabitants.—Their Persons, Dresses, and
Canoes described.—Arrival at Oheitepeha Bay, at Otaheite.—Omai's
Reception and imprudent Conduct.—Account of
Spanish Ships twice visiting the Island.—Interview with the
Chief of this District.—The Olla, or God, of Bolabola.—A
mad Prophet.—Arrival in Matavai Bay.


Having, as before related,1 taken our final leave of
the Friendly Islands, I now resume my narrative of
the voyage. In the evening of the 17th of July, at eight
o'clock, the body of Eaoo bore N.E. by N., distant three or
[pg 2]
four leagues. The wind was now at E., and blew a fresh
gale. With it I stood to the S., till half an hour past six
o'clock the next morning, when a sudden squall, from the
same direction, took our ship aback; and, before the sails
could be trimmed on the other tack, the main-sail and the
top-gallant sails were much torn.


The wind kept between the S.W. and S.E., on the 19th
and 20th, afterward, it veered to the E., N.E., and N. The
night between the 20th and 21st, an eclipse of the moon
was observed as follows, being then in the latitude of
22° 57-1/2' S.:




 Apparent time, A.M.


  H.M.S.


Beginning, byMr King, at03250}


 Mr Bligh, at03325}Mean long. 186° 57-1/2'.


 Myself, at03335}


 


End, byMr King at14456}Mean long. 186° 28-1/2'.


 Mr Bligh at1446}Time keep. 186° 58-1/2'.


 Myself, at14456}




The latitude and longitude are those of the ship, at
8h 56m a.m., being the time when the sun's altitude was taken
for finding the apparent time. At the beginning of
the eclipse, the moon was in the zenith, so that it was
found most convenient to make use of the sextants, and to
make the observations by the reflected image, which was
brought down to a convenient altitude. The same was done
at the end, except by Mr King, who observed with a night
telescope. Although the greatest difference between our
several observations is no more than fifty seconds, it, nevertheless,
appeared to me that two observers might differ
more than double that time, in both the beginning and end.
And, though the times are noted to seconds, no such accuracy
was pretended to. The odd seconds set down above,
arose by reducing the time, as given by the watch, to apparent
time.


I continued to stretch to the E.S.E., with the wind at
N.E. and N., without meeting with any thing worthy of
note, till seven o'clock in the evening of the 29th, when we
had a sudden and very heavy squall of wind from the N.
At this time we were under single reefed topsails, courses,
and stay-sails. Two of the latter were blown to pieces,
[pg 3]
and it was with difficulty that we saved the other sails. After
this squall, we observed several lights moving about on
board the Discovery, by which we concluded, that something
had given way; and, the next morning, we saw that
her main-top-mast had been lost. Both wind and weather
continued very unsettled till noon, this day, when the latter
cleared up, and the former settled in the N.W. quarter.
At this time, we were in the latitude of 28° 6' S., and our
longitude was 198° 23' E. Here we saw some pintado
birds, being the first since we left the land.


On the 31st, at noon, Captain Clerke made a signal to
speak with me. By the return of the boat which I sent on
board his ship, he informed me, that the head of the main-mast
had been just discovered to be sprung, in such a
manner as to render the rigging of another top-mast very
dangerous; and that, therefore, he must rig something
lighter in its place. He also informed me, that he had lost
his main-top-gallant-yard, and that he neither had another,
nor a spar to make one, on board. The Resolution's sprit-sail
top-sail yard which I sent him, supplied this want. The
next day, he got up a jury top-mast, on which he set a
mizen-top-sail, and this enabled him to keep way with the
Resolution.


The wind was fixed in the western board, that is, from
the N., round by the W. to S., and I steered E.N.E. and
N.E., without meeting with anything remarkable, till eleven
o'clock in the morning of the 8th of August, when land
was seen, bearing N.N.E., nine or ten leagues distant. At
first, it appeared in detached hills, like so many separate
islands; but, as we drew nearer, we found that they were
all connected, and belonged to one and the same island. I
steered directly for it, with a fine gale at S.E. by S.; and
at half-past six o'clock in the afternoon, it extended from
N. by E., to N.N.E. 3/4 E., distant three or four leagues.


The night was spent standing off and on; and at day-break
the next morning, I steered for the N.W., or lee-side
of the island; and as we stood round its S. or S.W. part,
we saw it every where guarded by a reef of coral rock, extending,
in some places, a full mile from the land, and a
high surf breaking upon it. Some thought that they saw
land to the southward of this island; but, as that was to the
windward, it was left undetermined. As we drew near, we
saw people on different parts of the coast, walking, or
[pg 4]
running along the shore, and in a little time after we had
reached the lee-side of the island, we saw them launch two
canoes, into which above a dozen men got, and paddled toward
us.


I now shortened sail, as well to give these canoes time
to come up with us, as to sound for anchorage. At the distance
of about half a mile from the reef, we found from
forty to thirty-five fathoms water, over a bottom of fine
sand. Nearer in, the bottom was strewed with coral rocks.
The canoes having advanced to about the distance of a
pistol-shot from the ship, there stopped. Omai was employed,
as he usually had been on such occasions, to use all
his eloquence to prevail upon the men in them to come
nearer; but no entreaties could induce them to trust themselves
within our reach. They kept eagerly pointing to the
shore with their paddles, and calling to us to go thither;
and several of their countrymen who stood upon the beach
held up something white, which we considered also as an
invitation to land. We could very well have done this, as
there was good anchorage without the reef, and a break or
opening in it, from whence the canoes had come out, which
had no surf upon it, and where, if there was not water for
the ships, there was more than sufficient for the boats. But
I did not think proper to risk losing the advantage of a fair
wind, for the sake of examining an island that appeared to
be of little consequence. We stood in no need of refreshments,
if I had been sure of meeting with them there; and
having already been so unexpectedly delayed in my progress
to the Society Islands, I was desirous of avoiding
every possibility of farther retardment. For this reason,
after making several unsuccessful attempts to induce these
people to come alongside, I made sail to the N., and left
them, but not without getting from them, during their vicinity
to our ship, the name of their island, which they
called Toobouai.


It is situated in the latitude of 23° 25' S., and in 210 37'
E. longitude. Its greatest extent, in any direction, exclusive
of the reef, is not above five or six miles. On the
N.W. side, the reef appears in detached pieces, between
which the sea seems to break upon the shore. Small as the
island is, there are hills in it of a considerable elevation. At
the foot of the hills, is a narrow border of flat land, running
quite round it, edged with a white sand beach. The hills
[pg 5]
are covered with grass, or some other herbage, except a
few steep rocky cliffs at one part, with patches of trees interspersed
to their summits. But the plantations are more
numerous in some of the vallies, and the flat border is
quite covered with high, strong trees, whose different kinds
we could not discern, except some cocoa-palms, and a few
of the etoa. According to the information of the men in
the canoes, their island is stocked with hogs and fowls, and
produces the several fruits and roots that are found at the
other islands in this part of the Pacific Ocean.


We had an opportunity, from the conversation we had
with those who came off to us, of satisfying ourselves, that
the inhabitants of Toobouai speak the Otaheite language,
a circumstance that indubitably proves them to be of the
same nation. Those of them whom we saw in the canoes
were a stout copper-coloured people, with straight black
hair, which some of them wore tied in a bunch on the
crown of the head, and others flowing about the shoulders.
Their faces were somewhat round and full, but the
features, upon the whole, rather flat, and their countenances
seemed to express some degree of natural ferocity. They
had no covering but a piece of narrow stuff wrapped about
the waist, and made to pass between the thighs, to cover
the adjoining parts; but some of those whom we saw upon
the beach, where about a hundred persons had assembled,
were entirely clothed with a kind of white garment. We
could observe, that some of our visitors in the canoes wore
pearl shells hang about the neck as an ornament. One of
them kept blowing a large conch-shell, to which a reed
near two feet long was fixed; at first, with a continued tone
of the same kind, but he afterward converted it into a kind
of musical instrument, perpetually repeating two or three
notes, with the same strength. What the blowing the conch
portended, I cannot say, but I never found it the messenger
of peace.


Their canoes appeared to be about thirty feet long, and
two feet above the surface of the water, as they floated.
The fore part projected a little, and had a notch cut across,
as if intended to represent the mouth of some animal. The
after part rose, with a gentle curve, to the height of two or
three feet, turning gradually smaller, and, as well as the
upper part of the sides, was carved all over. The rest of the
sides, which were perpendicular, were curiously incrustated
[pg 6]
with flat white shells, disposed nearly in concentric semicircles,
with the curve upward. One of the canoes carried
seven, and the other eight men, and they were managed
with small paddles, whose blades were nearly round. Each
of them had a pretty long outrigger; and they sometimes
paddled, with the two opposite sides together so close, that
they seemed to be one boat with two outriggers, the rowers
turning their faces occasionally to the stern, and pulling
that way, without paddling the canoes round. When they
saw us determined to leave them, they stood up in their
canoes, and repeated something very loudly in concert, but
we could not tell whether this was meant as a mark of their
friendship or enmity. It is certain, however, that they had
no weapons with them, nor could we perceive with our
glasses that those on shore had any.2


After leaving this island, from the discovery of which
future navigators may possibly derive some advantage, I
steered to the N. with a fresh gale at E. by S., and, at day-break
in the morning of the 12th, we saw the island of
Maitea. Soon after, Otaheite made its appearance; and at
noon, it extended from S.W. by W. to W.N.W.; the point
of Oheitepeha bay bearing W., about four leagues distant.
I steered for this bay, intending to anchor there, in order
to draw what refreshments I could from the S.E. part of
the island, before I went down to Matavai, from the neighbourhood
of which station I expected my principal supply.
We had a fresh gale easterly, till two o'clock in the afternoon,
when, being about a league from the bay, the wind
suddenly died away, and was succeeded by baffling light
airs from every direction, and calms by turns. This lasted
about two hours. Then we had sudden squalls, with rain,
from the E. These carried us before the bay, where we got
a breeze from the land, and attempted in vain to work in
to gain the anchoring-place. So that at last about nine
o'clock, we were obliged to stand out, and to spend the
night at sea.


When we first drew near the island, several canoes came
off to the ship, each conducted by two or three men; but,
as they were common fellows, Omai took no particular
[pg 7]
notice of them, nor they of him. They did not even seem to
perceive that he was one of their countrymen, although
they conversed with him for some time. At length, a chief
whom I had known before, named Ootee, and Omai's brother-in-law,
who chanced to be now at this corner of the
island, and three or four more persons, all of whom knew
Omai before he embarked with Captain Furneaux, came
on board. Yet there was nothing either tender or striking
in their meeting. On the contrary, there seemed to be a
perfect indifference on both sides, till Omai, having taken
his brother down into the cabin, opened the drawer where
he kept his red feathers, and gave him a few. This being
presently known amongst the rest of the natives upon deck,
the face of affairs was entirely turned, and Ootee, who
would hardly speak to Omai before, now begged that they
might be tayos (friends), and exchange names. Omai accepted
of the honour, and confirmed it with a present of
red feathers, and Ootee, by way of return, sent ashore for
a hog. But it was evident to every one of us, that it was
not the man, but his property, they were in love with. Had
he not shewn to them his treasure of red feathers, which is
the commodity in greatest estimation at the island, I question
much whether they would have bestowed even a cocoa-nut
upon him. Such was Omai's first reception amongst
his countrymen. I own, I never expected it would be
otherwise; but still I was in hopes that the valuable cargo
of presents with which the liberality of his friends in England
had loaded him, would be the means of raising him
into consequence, and of making him respected, and even
courted by the first persons throughout the extent of the
Society Islands. This could not but have happened, had
he conducted himself with any degree of prudence; but,
instead of it, I am sorry to say that he paid too little regard
to the repeated advice of those who wished him well,
and suffered himself to be duped by every designing knave.
From the natives who came off to us, in the course of
this day, we learnt that two ships had twice been in Oheitepeha
Bay, since my last visit to this island in 1774, and
that they had left animals there such as we had on board.
But, on farther enquiry, we found they were only hogs,
dogs, goats, one bull, and the male of some other animal,
which, from the imperfect description now given us, we
could not find out. They told us that these ships had come
[pg 8]
from a place called Reema, by which we guessed that Lima,
the capital of Peru, was meant, and that these late visitors
were Spaniards. We were informed that the first time they
came, they built a house, and left four men behind them,
viz. two priests, a boy or servant, and a fourth person called
Mateema, who was much spoken of at this time, carrying
away with them, when they sailed, four of the natives;
that, in about ten months, the same two ships returned,
bringing back two of the islanders, the other two having
died at Lima, and that, after a short stay, they took away
their own people; but that the house which they had built
was left standing.


The important news of red feathers being on board our
ships, having been conveyed on shore by Omai's friends,
day had no sooner begun to break, next morning, than we
were surrounded by a multitude of canoes, crowded with
people, bringing hogs and fruits to market. At first, a
quantity of feathers, not greater than what might be got
from a tom-tit, would purchase a hog of forty or fifty
pounds weight. But, as almost every body in the ships was
possessed of some of this precious article of trade, it fell in
its value above five hundred per cent. before night. However,
even then, the balance was much in our favour, and
red feathers continued to preserve their superiority over
every other commodity. Some of the natives would not
part with a hog, unless they received an axe in exchange;
but nails and beads, and other trinkets, which, during our
former voyages, had so great a run at this island, were now
so much despised, that few would deign so much as to look
at them.


There being but little wind all the morning, it was nine
o'clock before we could get to an anchor in the bay, where
we moored with the two bowers. Soon after we had anchored,
Omai's sister came on board to see him. I was happy
to observe, that, much to the honour of them both,
their meeting was marked with expressions of the tenderest
affection, easier to be conceived than to be described.


This moving scene having closed, and the ship being
properly moored, Omai and I went ashore. My first object
was to pay a visit to a man whom my friend represented as
a very extraordinary personage indeed, for he said that he
was the god of Bolabola. We found him seated under one
of those small awnings which they usually carry in their
[pg 9]
larger canoes. He was an elderly man, and had lost the use
of his limbs, so that he was carried from place to place upon
a hand-barrow. Some called him Olla, or Orra, which
is the name of the god of Bolabola, but his own proper
name was Etary. From Omai's account of this person, I
expected to have seen some religious adoration paid to him.
But, excepting some young plantain trees that lay before
him, and upon the awning under which he sat, I could observe
nothing by which he might be distinguished from
their other chiefs. Omai presented to him a tuft of red
feathers, tied to the end of a small stick; but, after a little
conversation on indifferent matters with this Bolabola man,
his attention was drawn to an old woman, the sister of his
mother. She was already at his feet, and had bedewed
them plentifully with tears of joy.


I left him with the old lady, in the midst of a number of
people who had gathered round him, and went to take a
view of the house said to be built by the strangers who had
lately been here. I found it standing at a small distance
from the beach. The wooden materials of which it was
composed seemed to have been brought hither, ready prepared,
to be set up occasionally; for all the planks were
numbered. It was divided into two small rooms; and in
the inner one were a bedstead, a table, a bench, some old
hats, and other trifles, of which the natives seemed to be
very careful, as also of the house itself, which had suffered
no hurt from the weather, a shed having been built over it.
There were scuttles all around, which served as air holes;
and, perhaps, they were also meant to fire from with muskets,
if ever this should have been found necessary. At a
little distance from the front stood a wooden cross, on the
transverse part of which was cut the following inscription:


 


Christus vincit.


 


And on the perpendicular part (which confirmed our conjecture
that the two ships were Spanish),


 


Carolus III. imperat. 1774.


 


On the other side of the post I preserved the memory of
the prior visits of the English, by inscribing,


 


Georgius Tertius Rex,


Annis 1767,


1769, 1773, 1774, & 1777.


 


[pg 10]


The natives pointed out to us, near the foot of the cross,
the grave of the commodore of the two ships, who had
died here while they lay in the bay the first time. His
name, as they pronounced it, was Oreede. Whatever the
intentions of the Spaniards in visiting this island might
be, they seemed to have taken great pains to ingratiate
themselves with the inhabitants, who, upon every occasion,
mentioned them with the strongest expressions of esteem,
and veneration.


I met with no chief of any considerable note on this occasion,
excepting the extraordinary personage above described.
Waheiadooa, the sovereign of Tiaraboo (as this part of the
island is called), was now absent; and I afterward found
that he was not the same person, though of the same name
with the chief whom I had seen here during my last voyage;
but his brother, a boy of about ten years of age, who
had succeeded upon the death of the elder Waheiadooa,
about twenty months before our arrival. We also learned
that the celebrated Oberea was dead; but that Otoo and
all our other friends were living.


When I returned from viewing the house and cross
erected by the Spaniards, I found Omai holding forth to a
large company; and it was with some difficulty that he
could be got away to accompany me on board, where I
had an important affair to settle.


As I knew that Otaheite, and the neighbouring islands,
could furnish us with a plentiful supply of cocoa-nuts, the
liquor of which is an excellent succedaneum for any artificial
beverage, I was desirous of prevailing upon my people
to consent to be abridged, during our stay here, of their
stated allowance of spirits to mix with water. But as this
stoppage of a favourite article, without assigning some reason,
might have occasioned a general murmur, I thought
it most prudent to assemble the ship's company, and to
make known to them the intent of the voyage, and the extent
of our future operations. To induce them to undertake
which with cheerfulness and perseverance, I took notice
of the rewards offered by parliament to such of his
majesty's subjects as shall first discover a communication
between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, in any direction
whatever, in the northern hemisphere; and also to such as
shall first penetrate beyond the 39th degree of northern
latitude. I made no doubt, I told them, that I should find
[pg 11]
them willing to co-operate with me in attempting, as far as
might be possible, to become entitled to one or both these
rewards; but that, to give us the best chance of succeeding,
it would be necessary to observe the utmost economy
in the expenditure of our stores and provisions, particularly
the latter, as there was no probability of getting a supply
any where, after leaving these islands. I strengthened
my argument by reminding them that our voyage must
last at least a year longer than had been originally supposed,
by our having already lost the opportunity of getting
to the north this summer. I begged them to consider
the various obstructions and difficulties we might still meet
with, and the aggravated hardships they would labour under,
if it should be found necessary to put them to short
allowance of any species of provisions, in a cold climate.
For these very substantial reasons, I submitted to them
whether it would not be better to be prudent in time, and
rather than to run the risk of having no spirits left, when
such a cordial would be most wanted, to consent to be
without their grog now, when we had so excellent a liquor
as that of cocoa-nuts to substitute in its place; but that,
after all, I left the determination entirely to their own
choice.


I had the satisfaction to find that this proposal did not
remain a single moment under consideration; being unanimously
approved of immediately, without any objection.
I ordered Captain Clerk to make the same proposal to his
people, which they also agreed to. Accordingly we stopped
serving grog, except on Saturday nights, when the companies
of both ships had full allowance of it, that they might
drink the healths of their female friends in England, lest
these, amongst the pretty girls of Otaheite, should be
wholly forgotten.3


The next day, we began some necessary operations; to
inspect the provisions that were in the main and fore-hold;
[pg 12]
to get the casks of beef and pork, and the coals out of the
ground tier, and to put some ballast in their place. The
caulkers were set to work to caulk the ship, which she
stood in great need of, having at times made much water
on our passage from the Friendly Islands. I also put on
shore the bull, cows, horses, and sheep, and appointed two
men to look after them while grazing; for I did not intend
to leave any of them at this part of the island.


During the two following days, it hardly ever ceased
raining. The natives, nevertheless, came to us from every
quarter, the news of our arrival having rapidly spread.
Waheiadooa, though at a distance, had been informed of
it; and, in the afternoon of the 16th, a chief, named Etorea,
under whose tutorage he was, brought me two hogs as
a present from him, and acquainted me that he himself
would be with us the day after. And so it proved; for I
received a message from him the next morning, notifying
his arrival, and desiring I would go ashore to meet him.
Accordingly, Omai and I prepared to pay him a formal visit.
On this occasion, Omai, assisted by some of his friends,
dressed himself, not after the English fashion, nor that of
Otaheite, nor that of Tongataboo, nor in the dress of any
country upon earth, but in a strange medley of all that he
was possessed of.


Thus equipped, on our landing, we first visited Etary,
who, carried on a hand-barrow, attended us to a large
house, where he was set down, and we seated ourselves on
each side of him. I caused a piece of Tongataboo cloth
to be spread out before us, on which I laid the presents I
intended to make. Presently the young chief came, attended
by his mother, and several principal men, who all
seated themselves at the other end of the cloth, facing us.
Then a man, who sat by me, made a speech, consisting of
short and separate sentences, part of which was dictated by
those about him. He was answered by one from the opposite
side, near the chief. Etary spoke next, then Omai,
and both of them were answered from the same quarter.
These orations were entirely about my arrival, and connexions
with them. The person who spoke last told me,
among other things, that the men of Reema, that is, the
Spaniards, had desired them not to suffer me to come into
Oheitepeha Bay, if I should return any more to the island,
for that it belonged to them; but that they were so far
[pg 13]
from paying any regard to this request, that he was authorised
now to make a formal surrender of the province
of Tiaraboo to me, and of every thing in it; which marks
very plainly that these people are no strangers to the policy
of accommodating themselves to present circumstances.
At length, the young chief was directed by his attendants
to come and embrace me, and, by way of confirming
this treaty of friendship, we exchanged names. The
ceremony being closed, he and his friends accompanied me
on board to dinner.


Omai had prepared a maro, composed of red and yellow
feathers, which he intended for Otoo, the king of the
whole island; and, considering where we were, it was a
present of very great value. I said all that I could to persuade
him not to produce it now, wishing him to keep it on
board till an opportunity should offer of presenting it to
Otoo with his own hands. But he had too good an opinion
of the honesty and fidelity of his countrymen to take
my advice. Nothing would serve him but to carry it ashore
on this occasion, and to give it to Waheiadooa, to be by
him forwarded to Otoo, in order to its being added to the
royal maro. He thought by this management that he
should oblige both chiefs; whereas he highly disobliged
the one, whose favour was of the most consequence to him,
without gaining any reward from the other. What I had
foreseen happened, for Waheiadooa kept the maro for
himself, and only sent to Otoo a very small piece of feathers,
not the twentieth part of what belonged to the magnificent
present.


On the 19th, this young chief made me a present of ten
or a dozen hogs, a quantity of fruit, and some cloth. In
the evening, we played off some fire-works, which both
astonished and entertained the numerous spectators.


This day, some of our gentlemen in their walks found
what they were pleased to call a Roman Catholic chapel.
Indeed, from their account, this was not to be doubted, for
they described the altar, and every other constituent part
of such a place of worship. However, as they mentioned,
at the same time, that two men who had the care of it,
would not suffer them to go in, I thought that they might
be mistaken, and had the curiosity to pay a visit to it myself.
The supposed chapel proved to be a toopapaoo, in
which the remains of the late Waheiadooa lay, as it were,
[pg 14]
in state. It was in a pretty large house, which was inclosed
with a low pallisade. The toopapaoo was uncommonly
neat, and resembled one of those little houses or
awnings belonging to their large canoes. Perhaps it had
originally been employed for that purpose. It was covered
and hung round with cloth and mats of different colours,
so as to have a pretty effect. There was one piece
of scarlet broad-cloth, four or five yards in length, conspicuous
among the other ornaments, which, no doubt, had
been a present from the Spaniards. This cloth, and a few
tassels of feathers, which our gentlemen supposed to be
silk, suggested to them the idea of a chapel, for, whatever
else was wanting to create a resemblance, their imagination
supplied; and, if they had not previously known that there
had been Spaniards lately here, they could not possibly
have made the mistake. Small offerings of fruit and roots
seemed to be daily made at this shrine, as some pieces were
quite fresh. These were deposited upon a whatta, or altar,
which stood without the pallisades; and within these we
were not permitted to enter. Two men constantly attended
night and day, not only to watch over the place, but
also to dress and undress the toopapaoo. For when I first
went to survey it, the cloth and its appendages were all
rolled up; but, at my request, the two attendants hung it
out in order, first dressing themselves in clean white robes.
They told me that the chief had been dead twenty months.


Having taken in a fresh supply of water, and finished all
our other necessary operations, on the 22d, I brought off
the cattle and sheep which had been put on shore here to
graze, and made ready for sea.


In the morning of the 23d, while the ships were unmooring,
Omai and I landed to take leave of the young
chief. While we were with him, one of those enthusiastic
persons whom they call Eatooas, from a persuasion that
they are possessed with the spirit of the divinity, came and
stood before us. He had all the appearance of a man not
in his right senses; and his only dress was a large quantity
of plantain leaves, wrapped round his waist. He spoke
in a low squeaking voice, so as hardly to be understood, at
least not by me. But Omai said that he comprehended
him perfectly, and that he was advising Waheiadooa not
to go with me to Matavai; an expedition which I had never
heard that he intended, nor had I ever made such a
[pg 15]
proposal to him. The Eatooa also foretold that the ships
would not get to Matavai that day. But in this he was
mistaken; though appearances now rather favoured his
prediction, there not being a breath of wind in any direction.
While he was prophesying, there fell a very heavy
shower of rain, which made every one run for shelter but
himself, who seemed not to regard it. He remained squeaking
by us about half an hour, and then retired. No one
paid any attention to what he uttered, though some laughed
at him. I asked the chief what he was, whether an
Earee, or a Toutou? and the answer I received was, that
he was taata eno; that is, a bad man. And yet, notwithstanding
this, and the little notice any of the natives seemed
to take of the mad prophet, superstition has so far got
the better of their reason, that they firmly believe such
persons to be possessed with the spirit of the Eatooa.
Omai seemed to be very well instructed about them. He
said that, during the fits that come upon them, they know
nobody, not even their most intimate acquaintances; and
that, if any one of them happens to be a man of property,
he will very often give away every moveable he is possessed
of, if his friends do not put them out of his reach; and,
when he recovers, will enquire what had become of those
very things which he had but just before distributed, not
seeming to have the least remembrance of what he had
done while the fit was upon him.4


As soon as I got on board, a light breeze springing up at
east, we got under sail, and steered for Matavai Bay, where
the Resolution anchored the same evening. But the Discovery
did not get in till the next morning; so that half
of the man's prophecy was fulfilled.


Footnote 1: (return) 
See the conclusion of Sect. IX. Chap. II.


Footnote 2: (return) 
This is the island on which Fletcher Christian, chief mutineer of
the
Bounty, attempted to form a settlement in 1789, as we shall have occasion
to notice when treating of another voyage.—E.


Footnote 3: (return) 
If it is to be judged of by its effects, certainly the most
suitable test
of excellence, we must allow that in this particular instance, Captain
Cook displayed true eloquence. The merit, indeed, is not inconsiderable,
of inducing so great a sacrifice as his crew now made; and, on the other
hand, due commendation ought to be allowed to their docility. This incident
altogether is exceedingly striking, and might, one should think, be
very advantageously studied by all who are in authority over vulgar
minds.—E.


Footnote 4: (return) 
What is the origin of that singular notion which is found amongst
the lower orders in most countries, that divine inspiration is often consequent
on temporary or continued derangement? Surely it cannot be
derived from any correct opinions respecting the Author of truth and
knowledge. We must ascribe it, then, to ignorance, and some feeling of
dread as to his power; or rather perhaps, we ought to consider it as the
hasty offspring of surprise, on the occasional display of reason, even in a
common degree, where the faculties are understood to be disordered.
Still it is singular, that the observers should have recourse for explanation
to so injurious and so improbable a supposition, as that of supernatural
agency. What has often, been said of sol-lunar and astral influence
on the human mind, the opinion of which is pretty widely spread over the
world, may be interpreted so as perfectly to agree with the
theoretical solution
of the question now proposed, the heavenly bodies being amongst
the first and the most generally established objects of religious apprehension
and worship. It is curious enough, that what may be called the
converse of the proposition, viz. that derangement follows or is accompanied
with inspiration, whether religious or common, should almost as extensively
have formed a part of the popular creed. The reason of this
notion again, is not altogether the same as that of the former; it has its
origin probably in the observation, that enthusiasm with respect to any
one subject, which, in the present case, is to be regarded as the appearance
or expression of inspiration, usually unfits a person for the requisite
attention to any other. The language of mankind accordingly quite falls
in with this observation, and nothing is more general than to speak of a
man being mad, who exhibits a more than ordinary ardour in the pursuit
of some isolated object. Still, however, there seems a tacit acknowledgement
amongst mankind, that the human mind can profitably attend to
only one thing at a time, and that all excellence in any pursuit is the result
of restricted unintermitting application: And hence it is, that enthusiasm,
though perhaps admitted to be allied to one of the highest evils
with which our nature can be visited, is nevertheless imagined to be an
indication of superior strength of intellect. The weakest minds, on the
contrary, are the most apprehensive of ridicule, and in consequence are
most cautious, by a seeming indifference as to objects, to avoid the dangerous
imputation of a decided partiality. Such persons, however, forming
undoubtedly the greater portion of every society, console themselves
and one another under the consciousness of debility, by the sense of their
safety, and by the fashionable custom of dealing out wise reflections on
those more enterprising minds, whose eccentricities or ardour, provoke
their admiration.—E.


[pg 16]


SECTION II.


Interview with Otoo, King of the Island.—Imprudent Conduct
of Omai.—Employments on Shore.—European Animals
landed.—Particulars about a Native who had visited
Lima.—About Oedidee—A Revolt in Eimeo.—War with
that Island determined upon, in a Council of Chiefs.—A
human Sacrifice on that Account.—A particular Relation
of the Ceremonies at the great Morai, where the Sacrifice
was offered.—Other barbarous Customs of this People.


About nine o'clock in the morning, Otoo, the king of
the whole island, attended by a great number of canoes
full of people, came from Oparre, his place of residence
and having landed on Matavai Point, sent a message on
board, expressing his desire to see me there. Accordingly
[pg 17]
I landed, accompanied by Omai, and some of the officers.
We found a prodigious number of people assembled on
this occasion, and in the midst of them was the king, attended
by his father, his two brothers, and three sisters.
I went up first and saluted him, being followed by Omai,
who kneeled and embraced his legs. He had prepared
himself for this ceremony, by dressing himself in his very
best suit of clothes, and behaved with a great deal of respect
and modesty. Nevertheless, very little notice was
taken of him. Perhaps envy had some share in producing
this cold reception. He made the chief a present of a
large piece of red feathers, and about two or three yards of
gold cloth; and I gave him a suit of fine linen, a gold-laced
hat, some tools, and, what was of more value than all
the other articles, a quantity of red feathers, and one of the
bonnets in use at the Friendly Islands.


After the hurry of this visit was over, the king and the
whole royal family accompanied me on board, followed by
several canoes, laden with all kinds of provisions, in quantity
sufficient to have served the companies of both ships
for a week. Each of the family owned, or pretended to
own, a part; so that I had a present from every one of
them, and every one of them had a separate present in return
from me, which was the great object in view. Soon
after, the king's mother, who had not been present at the
first interview, came on board, bringing with her a quantity
of provisions and cloth, which she divided between me
and Omai. For, although he was but little noticed at
first by his countrymen, they no sooner gained the knowledge
of his riches, than they began to court his friendship.
I encouraged this as much as I could, for it was my wish
to fix him with Otoo. As I intended to leave all my European
animals at this island, I thought he would be able
to give some instruction about the management of them,
and about their use. Besides, I knew and saw, that the
farther he was from his native island, he would be the better
respected. But, unfortunately, poor Omai rejected my
advice, and conducted himself in so imprudent a manner,
that he soon lost the friendship of Otoo, and of every other
person of note in Otaheite. He associated with none but
vagabonds and strangers, whose sole views were to plunder
him. And, if I had not interfered, they would not have
left him a single article worth the carrying from the island.
[pg 18]
This necessarily drew upon him the ill-will of the principal
chiefs, who found that they could not procure, from any
one in the ships, such valuable presents as Omai bestowed
on the lowest of the people, his companions.


As soon as we had dined, a party of us accompanied
Otoo to Oparre, taking with us the poultry, with which we
were to stock the island. They consisted of a peacock and
hen (which Lord Besborough was so kind as to send me
for this purpose, a few days before I left London); a turkey-cock
and hen; one gander, and three geese; a drake
and four ducks. All these I left at Oparre, in the possession
of Otoo; and the geese and ducks began to breed before
we sailed. We found there a gander, which the natives
told us, was the same that Captain Wallis had given
to Oberea ten years before; several goats, and the Spanish
bull, whom they kept tied to a tree near Otoo's house. I
never saw a finer animal of his kind. He was now the
property of Etary, and had been brought from Oheitepeha
to this place, in order to be shipped for Bolabola. But it
passes my comprehension, how they can contrive to carry
him in one of their canoes. If we had not arrived, it would
have been of little consequence who had the property of
him, as, without a cow, he could be of no use; and none
had been left with him. Though the natives told us, that
there were cows on board the Spanish ships, and that they
took them away with them, I cannot believe this, and
should rather suppose, that they had died in the passage
from Lima. The next day, I sent the three cows, that I
had on board, to this bull; and the bull, which I had
brought, the horse and mare, and sheep, I put ashore at
Matavai.


Having thus disposed of these passengers, I found my
self lightened of a very heavy burthen. The trouble and
vexation that attended the bringing this living cargo thus
far, is hardly to be conceived. But the satisfaction that I
felt, in having been so fortunate as to fulfil his majesty's
humane design, in sending such valuable animals, to supply
the wants of two worthy nations, sufficiently recompensed
me for the many anxious hours I had passed, before
this subordinate object of my voyage could be carried
into execution.


As I intended to make some stay here, we set up the two
observatories on Matavai Point. Adjoining to them, two
[pg 19]
tents were pitched for the reception of a guard, and of such
people as it might be necessary to leave on shore, in different
departments. At this station, I entrusted the command
to Mr King, who, at the same time, attended the observations,
for ascertaining the going of the time-keeper, and
other purposes. During our stay, various necessary operations
employed the crews of both ships. The Discovery's
main-mast was carried ashore, and made as good as ever.
Our sails and water-casks were repaired, the ships were
caulked, and the rigging all overhauled. We also inspected
all the bread that we had on board in casks; and had
the satisfaction to find that but little of it was damaged.


On the 26th, I had a piece of ground cleared for a garden,
and planted it with several articles, very few of which,
I believe, the natives, will ever look after. Some melons,
potatoes, and two pine-apple plants, were in a fair way of
succeeding before we left the place. I had brought from
the Friendly Islands several shaddock trees. These I also
planted here; and they can hardly fail of success, unless
their growth should be checked by the same premature curiosity,
which destroyed a vine planted by the Spaniards at
Oheitepeha. A number of the natives got together to taste
the first fruit it bore; but, as the grapes were still sour,
they considered it as little better than poison, and it was
unanimously determined to tread it under foot. In that
state, Omai found it by chance, and was overjoyed at the
discovery. For he had a full confidence, that, if he had
but grapes, he could easily make wine. Accordingly, he
had several slips cut off from the tree, to carry away with
him; and we pruned and put in order the remains of it.
Probably, grown wise by Omai's instructions, they may
now suffer the fruit to grow to perfection, and not pass so
hasty a sentence upon it again.


We had not been eight and forty hours at anchor in
Matavai Bay, before we were visited by all our old friends,
whose names are recorded in the account of my last voyage.
Not one of them came empty-handed; so that we
had more provisions than we knew what to do with. What
was still more, we were under no apprehensions of exhausting
the island, which presented to our eyes every mark of
the most exuberant plenty, in every article of refreshment.


Soon after our arrival here, one of the natives, whom the
Spaniards had carried with them to Lima, paid us a visit;
[pg 20]
but, in his external appearance, he was not distinguishable
from the rest of his countrymen. However, he had not
forgot some Spanish words which he had acquired, though
he pronounced them badly. Amongst them, the most frequent
were, si Sennor; and, when a stranger was introduced
to him, he did not fail to rise up and accost him, as well as
he could.


We also found here the young man whom we called Oedidee,
but whose real name is Heete-heete. I had carried
him from Ulietea in 1773, and brought him back in 1774;
after he had visited the Friendly Islands, New Zealand,
Easter Island, and the Marqueses, and been on board my
ship, in that extensive navigation, about seven months. He
was, at least, as tenacious of his good breeding, as the man
who had been at Lima; and yes, Sir, or if you please, Sir,
were as frequently repeated by him, as si Sennor was by the
other. Heete-heete, who is a native of Bolabola, had arrived
in Otaheite about three months before, with no other
intention, that we could learn, than to gratify his curiosity,
or, perhaps, some other favourite passion; which are very
often the only objects of the pursuit of other travelling gentlemen.
It was evident, however, that he preferred the
modes, and even garb, of his countrymen, to ours. For,
though I gave him some clothes, which our Admiralty
Board had been pleased to send for his use (to which I
added a chest of tools, and a few other articles, as a present
from myself), he declined wearing them, after a few days.
This instance, and that of the person who had been at
Lima, may be urged as a proof of the strong propensity natural
to man, of returning to habits acquired at an early
age, and only interrupted by accident. And, perhaps, it
may be concluded, that even Omai, who had imbibed almost
the whole English manners, will, in a very short time
after our leaving him, like Oedidee, and the visiter of Lima,
return to his own native garments.1


[pg 21]


In the morning of the 27th, a man came from Oheitepeha,
and told us, that two Spanish ships had anchored in
that bay the night before; and, in confirmation of this intelligence,
he produced a piece of coarse blue cloth, which,
he said, he got out of one of the ships, and which, indeed,
to appearance, was almost quite new. He added, that
Mateema was in one of the ships, and that they were to
come down to Matavai in a day or two. Some other circumstances
which he mentioned, with the foregoing ones,
gave the story so much the air of truth, that I dispatched
Lieutenant Williamson in a boat, to look into Oheitepeha
bay; and, in the mean time, I put the ships into a proper
posture of defence. For, though England and Spain were
in peace when I left Europe, for aught I knew, a different
scene might, by this time, have opened. However, on farther
enquiry, we had reason to think that the fellow who
brought the intelligence had imposed upon us; and this
was put beyond all doubt, when Mr Williamson returned
next day, who made his report to me, that he had been at
Oheitepeha, and found that no ships were there now, and
that none had been there since we left it. The people of
this part of the island where we now were, indeed, told us,
from the beginning, that it was a fiction invented by those
of Tiaraboo. But what view they could have, we were at a
loss to conceive, unless they supposed that the report would
have some effect in making us quit the island, and, by that
means, deprive the people of Otaheite-nooe of the advantages
they might reap from our ships continuing there; the
inhabitants of the two parts of the island being inveterate
enemies to each other.


From the time of our arrival at Matavai, the weather
had been very unsettled, with more or less rain every day,
till the 29th; before which we were not able to get equal
altitudes of the sun for ascertaining the going of the
[pg 22]
time-keeper. The same cause also retarded the caulking and
other necessary repairs of the ships.


In the evening of this day, the natives made a precipitate
retreat, both from on board the ships, and from our station
on shore. For what reason, we could not, at first, learn;
though, in general, we guessed it arose from their knowing
that some theft had been committed, and apprehending
punishment on that account. At length, I understood what
had happened. One of the surgeon's mates had been in
the country to purchase curiosities, and had taken with
him four hatchets for that purpose. Having employed
one of the natives to carry them for him, the fellow took
an opportunity to run off with so valuable a prize. This
was the cause of the sudden flight, in which Otoo himself,
and his whole family, had joined; and it was with difficulty
that I stopped them, after following them two or three
miles. As I had resolved to take no measures for the recovery
of the hatchets, in order to put my people upon their
guard against such negligence for the future, I found no
difficulty in bringing the natives back, and in restoring
every thing to its usual tranquillity.


Hitherto, the attention of Otoo and his people had been
confined to us; but, next morning, a new scene of business
opened, by the arrival of some messengers from Eimeo, or
(as it is much oftener called by the natives) Morea,2 with
intelligence, that the people in that island were in arms;
and that Otoo's partizans there had been worsted, and obliged
to retreat to the mountains. The quarrel between
the two islands, which commenced in 1774, as mentioned
in the account of my last voyage, had, it seems, partly subsisted
ever since. The formidable armament which I saw
at that time, and described, had sailed soon after I then left
Otaheite; but the malcontents of Eimeo had made so stout
a resistance, that the fleet had returned without effecting
much; and now another expedition was necessary.


On the arrival of these messengers, all the chiefs, who
happened to be at Matavai, assembled at Otoo's house,
where I actually was at the time, and had the honour to be
admitted into their council. One of the messengers opened
the business of the assembly, in a speech of considerable
[pg 23]
length. But I understood little of it, besides its general
purport, which was to explain the situation of affairs in
Eimeo; and to excite the assembled chiefs of Otaheite to
arm on the occasion. This opinion was combated by others
who were against commencing hostilities; and the debate
was carried on with great order, no more than one man
speaking at a time. At last, they became very noisy, and
I expected that our meeting would have ended like a Polish
diet. But the contending great men cooled as fast as
they grew warm, and order was soon restored. At length,
the party for war prevailed; and it was determined, that a
strong force should be sent to assist their friends in Eimeo.
But this resolution was far from being unanimous. Otoo,
during the whole debate, remained silent; except that,
now and then, he addressed a word or two to the speakers.
Those of the council, who were for prosecuting the war,
applied to me for my assistance; and all of them wanted
to know what part I would take. Omai was sent for to be
my interpreter; but, as he could not be found, I was obliged
to speak for myself, and told them, as well as I could,
that as I was not thoroughly acquainted with the dispute,
and as the people of Eimeo had never offended me, I could
not think myself at liberty to engage in hostilities against
them. With this declaration they either were, or seemed,
satisfied. The assembly then broke up; but, before I left
them, Otoo desired me to come to him in the afternoon,
and to bring Omai with me.


Accordingly, a party of us waited upon him at the appointed
time; and we were conducted by him to his father,
in whose presence the dispute with Eimeo was again
talked over. Being very desirous of devising some method
to bring about an accommodation, I sounded the old chief
on that head. But we found him deaf to any such proposal,
and fully determined to prosecute the war. He repeated
the solicitations which I had already resisted, about
giving them my assistance. On our enquiring into the
cause of the war, we were told, that, some years ago, a brother
of Waheiadooa, of Tiaraboo, was sent to Eimeo, at
the request of Maheine, a popular chief of that island, to
be their king; but that he had not been there a week before
Maheine, having caused him to be killed, set up for
himself, in opposition to Tierataboonooe, his sister's son,
who became the lawful heir; or else had been pitched
[pg 24]
upon, by the people of Otaheite, to succeed to the government
on the death of the other.


Towha, who was a relation of Otoo, and chief of the district
of Tettaha, a man of much weight in the island, and
who had been commander-in-chief of the armament fitted
out against Eimeo in 1774, happened not to be at Matavai
at this time; and, consequently, was not present at any of
these consultations. It, however, appeared that he was no
stranger to what was transacted; and that he entered with
more spirit into the affair than any other chief. For, early
in the morning of the 1st of September, a messenger arrived
from him to acquaint Otoo that he had killed a man
to be sacrificed to the Eatooa, to implore the assistance of
the god against Eimeo. This act of worship was to be performed
at the great Morai at Attahooroo; and Otoo's presence,
it seems, was absolutely necessary on that solemn
occasion.


That the offering of human sacrifices is part of the religious
institutions of this island, had been mentioned by
Mons. de Bougainville, on the authority of the native
whom he carried with him to France. During my last visit
to Otaheite, and while I had opportunities of conversing
with Omai on the subject, I had satisfied myself that there
was too much reason to admit that such a practice, however
inconsistent with the general humanity of the people,
was here adopted. But as this was one of those extraordinary
facts, about which many are apt to retain doubts, unless
the relater himself has had ocular proof to confirm
what he had heard from others, I thought this a good opportunity
of obtaining the highest evidence of its certainty,
by being present myself at the solemnity; and, accordingly,
proposed to Otoo that I might be allowed to accompany
him. To this he readily consented; and we immediately
set out in my boat, with my old friend Potatou,
Mr Anderson, and Mr Webber; Omai following in a
canoe.


In our way we landed upon a little island, which lies off
Tettaha, where we found Towha and his retinue. After
some little conversation between the two chiefs, on the
subject of the war, Towha addressed himself to me, asking
my assistance. When I excused myself, he seemed angry,
thinking it strange, that I, who had always declared myself
to be the friend of their island, would not now go and fight
[pg 25]
against its enemies. Before we parted, he gave to Otoo
two or three red feathers, tied up in a tuft, and a lean half-starved
dog was put into a canoe that was to accompany us.
We then embarked again, taking on board a priest who
was to assist at the solemnity.


As soon as we landed at Attahooroo, which was about
two o'clock in the afternoon, Otoo expressed his desire
that the seamen might be ordered to remain in the boat;
and that Mr Anderson, Mr Webber, and myself, might
take off our hats as soon as we should come to the morai,
to which we immediately proceeded, attended by a great
many men and some boys, but not one woman. We found
four priests, and their attendants, or assistants, waiting for
us. The dead body, or sacrifice, was in a small canoe that
lay on the beach, and partly in the wash of the sea, fronting
the morai. Two of the priests, with some of their attendants,
were sitting by the canoe, the others at the morai.
Our company stopped about twenty or thirty paces from
the priests. Here Otoo placed himself; we, and a few
others, standing by him, while the bulk of the people remained
at a greater distance.


The ceremonies now began. One of the priest's attendants
brought a young plantain-tree, and laid it down before
Otoo. Another approached with a small tuft of red feathers,
twisted on some fibres of the cocoa-nut husk, with
which he touched one of the king's feet, and then retired
with it to his companions. One of the priests, seated at the
morai, facing those who were upon the beach, now began a
long prayer, and at certain times, sent down young plantain-trees,
which were laid upon the sacrifice. During this
prayer, a man, who stood by the officiating priest, held in
his hands two bundles, seemingly of cloth. In one of them,
as we afterward found, was the royal maro; and the other,
if I may be allowed the expression, was the ark of the Eatooa.
As soon as the prayer was ended, the priests at the
morai, with their attendants, went and sat down by those
upon the beach, carrying with them the two bundles. Here
they renewed their prayers; during which the plantain-trees
were taken, one by one, at different times, from off the sacrifice,
which was partly wrapped up in cocoa leaves and
small branches. It was now taken out of the canoe, and
laid upon the beach, with the feet to the sea. The priests
placed themselves around it, some sitting and others
[pg 26]
standing, and one or more of them repeated sentences for about
ten minutes. The dead body was now uncovered, by removing
the leaves and branches, and laid in a parallel direction
with the sea-shore. One of the priests then standing
at the feet of it, pronounced a long prayer, in which he
was at times joined by the others, each holding in his hand
a tuft of red feathers. In the course of this prayer, some
hair was pulled off the head of the sacrifice, and the left
eye taken out, both which were presented to Otoo, wrapped
up in a green leaf. He did not however touch it, but gave
to the man who presented it, the tuft of feathers which he
had received from Towha. This, with the hair and eye,
was carried back to the priests. Soon after, Otoo sent to
them another piece of feathers, which he had given me in
the morning to keep in my pocket. During some part of
this last ceremony, a kingfisher making a noise in the trees,
Otoo turned to me, saying, "That is the Eatooa" and
seemed to look upon it to be a good omen.


The body was then carried a little way, with its head towards
the morai, and laid under a tree, near which were fixed
three broad thin pieces of wood, differently but rudely
carved. The bundles of cloth were laid on a part of the
morai, and the tufts of red feathers were placed at the feet
of the sacrifice, round which the priests took their stations,
and we were now allowed to go as near as we pleased. He
who seemed to be the chief priest sat at a small distance,
and spoke for a quarter of an hour, but with different tones
and gestures, so that he seemed often to expostulate with
the dead person, to whom he constantly addressed himself;
and sometimes asked several questions, seemingly with respect
to the propriety of his having been killed. At other
times, he made several demands, as if the deceased either
now had power himself, or interest with the divinity, to engage
him to comply with such requests. Amongst which,
we understood, he asked him to deliver Eimeo, Maheine its
chief, the hogs, women, and other things of the island, into
their hands; which was, indeed, the express intention of
the sacrifice. He then chanted a prayer, which lasted near
half an hour, in a whining, melancholy tone, accompanied
by two other priests; and in which Potatou and some
others joined. In the course of this prayer, some more hair
was plucked by a priest from the head of the corpse, and
put upon one of the bundles. After this, the chief priest
[pg 27]
prayed alone, holding in his hand the feathers which came
from Towha. When he had finished, he gave them to another,
who prayed in like manner. Then all the tufts of
feathers were laid upon the bundles of cloth, which closed
the ceremony at this place.


The corpse was then carried up to the most conspicuous
part of the morai, with the feathers, the two bundles of
cloth, and the drums; the last of which beat slowly. The
feathers and bundles were laid against the pile of stones,
and the corpse at the foot of them. The priests having
again seated themselves round it, renewed their prayers,
while some of their attendants dug a hole about two feet
deep, into which they threw the unhappy victim, and covered
it over with earth and stones. While they were putting
him into the grave, a boy squeaked aloud, and Omai
said to me, that it was the Eatooa. During this time, a fire
having been made, the dog before-mentioned, was produced,
and killed, by twisting his neck and suffocating him.
The hair was singed off, and the entrails taken out, and
thrown into the fire, where they were left to consume. But
the heart, liver, and kidneys were only roasted, by being
laid on hot stones for a few minutes; and the body of the
dog, after being besmeared with the blood, which had been
collected into a cocoa-nut shell, and dried over the fire,
was, with the liver, &c. carried and laid down before the
priests, who sat praying round the grave. They continued
their ejaculations over the dog for some time, while two
men, at intervals, beat on two drums very loud; and a boy
screamed, as before, in a loud, shrill voice, three different
times. This, as we were told, was to invite the Eatooa to
feast on the banquet that they had prepared for him. As
soon as the priests had ended their prayers, the carcass of
the dog, with what belonged to it, were laid on a whatta, or
scaffold, about six feet high, that stood close by, on which
lay the remains of two other dogs, and of two pigs, which
had lately been sacrificed, and, at this time, emitted an intolerable
stench. This kept us at a greater distance, than
would otherwise have been required of us. For after the
victim was removed from the sea-side toward the morai, we
were allowed to approach as near as we pleased. Indeed,
after that, neither seriousness nor attention were much observed
by the spectators. When the dog was put upon the
whatta, the priests and attendants gave a kind of shout,
[pg 28]
which closed the ceremonies for the present. The day being
now also closed, we were conducted to a house belonging
to Potatou, where we were entertained, and lodged for
the night. We had been told that the religious rites were
to be renewed in the morning; and I would not leave the
place, while any thing remained to be seen.


Being unwilling to lose any part of the solemnity, some
of us repaired to the scene of action pretty early, but found
nothing going forward. However, soon after a pig was sacrificed,
and laid upon the same whatta with the others.
About eight o'clock, Otoo took us again to the morai, where
the priests, and a great number of men, were by this time
assembled. The two bundles occupied the place in which
we had seen them deposited the preceding evening; the
two drums stood in the front of the morai, but somewhat
nearer it than before, and the priests were beyond them.
Otoo placed himself between the two drums, and desired
me to stand by him.


The ceremony began, as usual, with bringing a young
plantain-tree, and laying it down at the king's feet. After
this a prayer was repeated by the priests, who held in their
hands several tufts of red feathers, and also a plume of ostrich
feathers, which I had given to Otoo on my first arrival,
and had been consecrated to this use. When the
priests had made an end of the prayer, they changed their
station, placing themselves between us and the morai; and
one of them, the same person who had acted the principal
part the day before, began another prayer, which lasted
about half an hour. During the continuance of this, the
tufts of feathers were, one by one, carried and laid upon the
ark of the Eatooa.


Some little time after, four pigs were produced, one of
which was immediately killed, and the others were taken to
a sty hard by, probably reserved for some future occasion
of sacrifice. One of the bundles was now untied; and it
was found, as I have before observed, to contain the maro,
with which these people invest their kings, and which seems
to answer, in some degree, to the European ensigns of
royalty, it was carefully taken out of the cloth, in which,
it had been wrapped up, and spread at full length upon the
ground before the priests. It is a girdle, about five yards
long; and fifteen inches broad; and, from its name, seems
to be put on in the same manner as is the common maro,
[pg 29]
or piece of cloth, used by these people to wrap round the
waist. It was ornamented with red and yellow feathers,
but mostly with the latter, taken from a dove found upon
the island. The one end was bordered with eight pieces,
each about the size and shape of a horse-shoe, having their
edges fringed with black feathers. The other end was
forked, and the points were of different lengths. The feathers
were in square compartments, ranged in two rows,
and otherwise so disposed, as to produce a pleasing effect.
They had been first pasted or fixed upon some of their own
country cloth, and then sewed to the upper end of the pendant
which Captain Wallis had displayed, and left flying
ashore, the first time that he landed at Matavai. This was
what they told us; and we had no reason to doubt it, as we
could easily trace the remains of an English pendant.
About six or eight inches square of the maro was unornamented,
there being no feathers upon that space, except a
few that had been sent by Waheiadooa, as already mentioned.
The priests made a long prayer, relative to this part of
the ceremony; and, if I mistook not, they called it the
prayer of the maro. When it was finished, the badge of
royalty was carefully folded up, put into the cloth, and deposited
again upon the morai.


The other bundle, which I have distinguished by the
name of the ark, was next opened at one end. But we were
not allowed to go near enough to examine its mysterious
contents. The information we received was, that the Eatooa,
to whom they had been sacrificing, and whose name
is Ooro, was concealed in it, or rather what is supposed to
represent him. This sacred repository is made of the twisted
fibres of the husk of the cocoa-nut, shaped somewhat
like a large fig, or sugar-loaf, that is, roundish, with one end
much thicker than the other. We had very often got small
ones from different people, but never knew their use before.


By this time, the pig that had been killed, was cleaned,
and the entrails taken out. These happened to have a considerable
share of those convulsive motions, which often appear,
in different parts, after an animal is killed; and this
was considered by the spectators as a very favourable omen
to the expedition on account of which the sacrifices had
been offered. After being exposed for some time, that
those who chose might examine their appearances, the
[pg 30]
entrails were carried to the priests, and laid down before
them. While one of their number prayed, another inspected
the entrails more narrowly, and kept turning them gently
with a stick. When they had been sufficiently examined,
they were thrown into the fire, and left to consume. The
sacrificed pig and its liver, &c. were now put upon the
whatta, where the dog had been deposited the day before;
and then all the feathers, except the ostrich plume, were
enclosed with the Eatooa in the ark, and the solemnity finally
closed.


Four double canoes lay upon the beach, before the place
of sacrifice, all the morning. On the fore part of each of
these was fixed a small platform, covered with palm-leaves,
tied in mysterious knots; and this also is called a morai.
Some cocoa-nuts, plantains, pieces of bread-fruit, fish, and
other things, lay upon each of these naval morais. We were
told that they belonged to the Eatooa, and that they were
to attend the fleet designed to go against Eimeo.


The unhappy victim, offered to the object of their worship
upon this occasion, seemed to be a middle-aged man;
and, as we were told, was a toutou, that is, one of the lowest
class of the people. But, after all my enquiries, I could
not learn that he had been pitched upon on account of any
particular crime committed by him meriting death. It is
certain, however, that they generally make choice of such
guilty persons for their sacrifices, or else of common, low
fellows who stroll about, from place to place, and from
island to island, without having any fixed abode, or any visible
way of getting an honest livelihood; of which description
of men, enough are to be met with at these
islands. Having had an opportunity of examining the appearance
of the body of the poor sufferer now offered up, I
could observe, that it was bloody about the head and face,
and a good deal bruised upon the right temple, which
marked the manner of his being killed. And we were told,
that he had been privately knocked on the head with a
stone.


Those who are devoted to suffer, in order to perform this
bloody act of worship, are never apprised of their fate, till
the blow is given that puts an end to their existence.
Whenever any one of the great chiefs thinks a human sacrifice
necessary, on any particular emergency, he pitches
upon the victim. Some of his trusty servants are then sent,
[pg 31]
who fall upon him suddenly, and put him to death with a
club, or by stoning him. The king is next acquainted with
it, whose presence, at the solemn rites that follow, is, as I
was told, absolutely necessary; and indeed on the present
occasion, we could observe, that Otoo bore a principal
part. The solemnity itself is called Poore Eree, or chief's
prayer; and the victim, who is offered up, Taata-taboo, or
consecrated man. This is the only instance where we have
heard the word taboo used at this island, where it seems to
have the same mysterious signification as at Tonga, though
it is there applied to all cases where things are not to be
touched. But at Otaheite, the word raa serves the same
purpose, and is full as extensive in its meaning.


The morai, (which undoubtedly is a place of worship, sacrifice,
and burial, at the same time,) where the sacrifice
was now offered, is that where the supreme chief of the
whole island is always buried, and is appropriated to his family,
and some of the principal people. It differs little
from the common ones, except in extent. Its principal part
is a large oblong pile of stones, lying loosely upon each;
other, about twelve or fourteen feet high; contracted toward
the top, with a square area on each side, loosely paved
with pebble stones, under which the bones of the chiefs are
buried. At a little distance from the end nearest the sea
is the place where the sacrifices are offered, which, for a
considerable extent, is also loosely paved. There is here a
very large scaffold, or whatta, on which the offerings of
fruits and other vegetables are laid. But the animals are
deposited on a smaller one, already mentioned, and the human
sacrifices are buried under different parts of the pavement.
There are several other reliques which ignorant
superstition had scattered about this place; such as small
stones, raised in different parts of the pavement, some with
bits of cloth tied round them, others covered with it; and
upon the side of the large pile, which fronts the area, are
placed a great many pieces of carved wood, which are supposed
to be sometimes the residence of their divinities, and
consequently held sacred. But one place more particular
than the rest, is a heap of stones at one end of the large
whatta, before which the sacrifice was offered, with a kind
of platform at one side. On this are laid the sculls of all
the human sacrifices, which are taken up after they have
been several months under ground. Just above them are
placed a great number of the pieces of wood; and it was
[pg 32]
also here, where the maro, and the other bundle supposed
to contain the god Ooro (and which I call the ark), were
laid during the ceremony, a circumstance which denotes
its agreement with the altar of other nations.


It is much to be regretted, that a practice so horrid in
its own nature, and so destructive of that inviolable right
of self-preservation which every one is born with, should
be found still existing; and (such is the power of superstition
to counteract the first principles of humanity!) existing
amongst a people, in many other respects, emerged
from the brutal manners of savage life. What is still worse,
it is probable that these bloody rites of worship are prevalent
throughout all the wide-extended islands of the Pacific
Ocean. The similarity of customs and language, which
our late voyages have enabled us to trace, between the
most distant of these islands, makes it not unlikely that
some of the more important articles of their religious institutions
should agree. And indeed we had the most authentic
information, that human sacrifices continue to be offered
at the Friendly Islands. When I described the Natche
at Tongataboo, I mentioned that on the approaching sequel
of that festival, we had been told that ten men were to be
sacrificed. This may give us an idea of the extent of this
religious massacre in that island. And though we should
suppose that never more than one person is sacrificed on
any single occasion at Otaheite, it is more than probable
that these occasions happen so frequently, as to make a
shocking waste of the human race, for I counted no less than
forty-nine sculls of former victims, lying before the morai,
where we saw one more added to the number. And as none
of those sculls had as yet suffered any considerable change
from the weather, it may hence be inferred, that no great
length of time had elapsed, since, at least, this considerable
number of unhappy wretches had been offered upon this
altar of blood.


The custom, though no consideration can make it cease
to be abominable, might be thought less detrimental in
some respects, if it served to impress any awe for the divinity
or reverence for religion upon the minds of the multitude.
But this is so far from being the case, that though a
great number of people had assembled at the morai on this
occasion, they did not seem to shew any proper reverence
for what was doing or saying during the celebration of the
rites. And Omai happening to arrive, after they had begun,
[pg 33]
many of the spectators flocked round him, and were engaged
the remainder of the time in making him relate some
of his adventures, which they listened to with great attention,
regardless of the solemn offices performing by their
priests. Indeed, the priests themselves, except the one who
chiefly repeated the prayers, either from their being familiarized
to such objects, or from want of confidence in the
efficacy of their institutions, observed very little of that solemnity
which is necessary to give to religious performances
their due weight. Their dress was only an ordinary
one, they conversed together without scruple, and the only
attempt made by them to preserve any appearance of decency,
was by exerting their authority to prevent the people
from coming upon the very spot where the ceremonies
were performed, and to suffer us as strangers to advance a
little forward. They were, however, very candid in their
answers to any questions that were put to them concerning
the institution. And particularly on being asked what the
intention of it was, they said that it was an old custom,
and was agreeable to their god, who delighted in, or in
other words, came and fed upon the sacrifices; in consequence
of which, he complied with their petitions. Upon
its being objected that he could not feed on these, as he was
neither seen to do it, nor were the bodies of the animals
quickly consumed, and that as to the human victim, they
prevented his feeding on him by burying him. But to all
this they answered, that he came in the night, but invisibly,
and fed only on the soul, or immaterial part, which,
according to their doctrine, remains about the place of sacrifice,
until the body of the victim be entirely wasted by
putrefaction.


It were much to be wished, that this deluded people may
learn to entertain the same horror of murdering their fellow-creatures,
in order to furnish such an invisible banquet
to their god, as they now have of feeding corporeally on
human flesh themselves. And yet we have great reason to
believe, that there was a time when they were cannibals.
We were told (and indeed partly saw it) that it is a necessary
ceremony when a poor wretch is sacrificed, for the
priest to take out the left eye. This he presents to the king,
holding it to his mouth, which he desires him to open; but
instead of putting it in, immediately withdraws it. This
they call "eating the man," or "food for the chief;" and
[pg 34]
perhaps we may observe here some traces of former times,
when the dead body was really feasted upon.


But not to insist upon this, it is certain, that human sacrifices
are not the only barbarous custom we find still prevailing
amongst this benevolent humane people. For besides
cutting out the jaw-bones of their enemies slain in
battle, which they carry about as trophies, they, in some
measure, offer their bodies as a sacrifice to the Eatooa.
Soon after a battle, in which they have been victors, they
collect all the dead that have fallen into their hands and
bring them to the morai, where, with a great deal of ceremony,
they dig a hole, and bury them all in it, as so many
offerings to the gods; but their sculls are never after taken
up.


Their own great chiefs that fall in battle are treated in a
different manner. We were informed, that their late king
Tootaha, Tubourai-tamaide, and another chief, who fell
with them in the battle fought with those of Tiaraboo, were
brought to this morai at Attahooroo. There their bowels
were cut out by the priests before the great altar, and the
bodies afterward buried in three different places, which
were pointed out to us, in the great pile of stones that compose
the most conspicuous part of this morai. And their
common men who also fell in this battle, were all buried in
one hole at the foot of the pile. This, Omai, who was present,
told me, was done the day after the battle, with much
pomp and ceremony, and in the midst of a great concourse
of people, as a thanksgiving-offering to the Eatooa, for the
victory they had obtained; while the vanquished had taken
refuge in the mountains. There they remained a week or
ten days, till the fury of the victors was over, and a treaty
set on foot, by which it was agreed, that Otoo should be
declared king of the whole island, and the solemnity of investing
him with the maro was performed at the same morai
with great pomp, in the presence of all the principal men
of the country.3


Footnote 1: (return) 
Captain Cook's remark has often been exemplified in other instances.
The tendency to revert to barbarism is so strong, as to need to be continually
checked by the despotism of refined manners, and all the healthful
emulations of civilized societies. Perhaps the rather harsh observation of
Dr Johnson, that there is always a great deal of scoundrelism in a low
man, is more strictly applicable to the cases of savages in general, than to
even the meanest member of any cultivated community. But in the case
of a superiorly endowed individual situate amongst a mass of ruder
beings,
to all of whom he is attached by the strongest ties of affection and
early acquaintance, another powerfully deranging cause is at work in addition
to the natural tendency to degenerate, viz. the necessity of accommodating
himself to established customs and opinions. The former agent
alone, we know, has often degraded Europeans. Is it to be thought wonderful
then, that, where both principles operate, a man of Omai's character
should speedily relinquish foreign acquirements, and retrograde into his
original barbarity?—E.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Morea, according to Dr Forster, is a district in Eimeo. See his
Observations,
p. 217.


Footnote 3: (return) 
We must trespass a little on the reader's patience as was formerly
threatened. But on so curious, and indeed so exceedingly important a
subject as human sacrifices, it is allowable to claim the serious attention of
every intelligent being. Who can withhold anxiety from an enquiry into
the reality of the fact, as a fundamental part of religion in every nation at
some period of its history—or dare to affect indifference as to the origin
and meaning of so portentous and horrible a rite? It will be our
study to
be as brief as possible in conveying the information respecting both, which
every man ought to possess, who values correct opinions respecting the
moral condition of our nature. First, then, as to the universality of the
practice. This is of course to be ascertained from testimony. And
perhaps on no subject in the history of mankind, is there a more decided
agreement in the assertions of different witnesses. We shall run over the
various nations of the earth, of whom we have any thing like satisfactory
evidence. Here we avail ourselves of the labours of several authors, as Dr
Jenkin, De Paauw, Mr Bryant, Mr Parkhurst, Dr Magee, and others. We
commence with the Egyptians, of whom alone, we believe, any doubt as
to their being implicated in the practice has been entertained. Thus Dr
Forster, in his Observations on Cook's Second Voyage, excepts them from
his remark that all the ancient nations sacrificed men, saying that where-ever
it is affirmed in old writers that these people were addicted to it, we
are to understand them as alluding to the Arabian shepherds, who at one
time subdued Egypt. Such was the opinion of the writer of this note, but
more attentive enquiry has induced him, in this instance, to disregard the
distinction. Diodorus Siculus and Plutarch, quoted by Dr Magee, mention
their sacrificing red-haired men at the tomb of Osiris; and from other
sources, it appears that they had a custom of sacrificing a virgin to the
river Nile, by flinging her into its stream. The Phoenicians, Canaanites,
Moabites, Ammonites, and other neighbouring people, were in the habit
of sacrificing their children to their idols, especially Moloch, on certain,
calamities, and for various reasons. See on this head some of the commentators
on Scripture, as Ainsworth on Levit. 18th, and still more particularly,
consult Selecta Sacra Braunii, a work formerly referred to. The
Ethiopians, according to the Romance of Heliodorus, admitted to be good
authority as to manners, &c. sacrificed their children to the sun and
moon. The Scythians, as related in the curious description given of them
by Herodotus, in Melpom. 62, particularly honoured the god Mars, by
sacrificing to him every hundredth captive. This they did, he says, by
cutting
their throats, &c. The same author informs us of the Persians, that
they had a custom of burying persons alive, generally young ones it would
seem, in honour of the river Strymon, considered by them as a deity. Polym.
114. In this he is confirmed by Plutarch. Other writers, also, charge
the Persians with using human sacrifices, as is shewn by Dr Magee. The
same may be said of the Chinese and Indians, according to works mentioned
by that gentleman. The case of the latter people has been made
notorious by Dr Buchanan. With respect to the Grecian states in general,
we have the most indubitable evidence of the prevalence of supplicating
their gods by human sacrifices, when going against their enemies, as
we see done by the Otaheitans, and on other occasions. The Roman history,
in its early state especially, abounds in like examples, as every reader
will be prepared to prove. The practice was shockingly prevalent
amongst the Carthaginians and other inhabitants of Africa. The writer
above quoted, specifies the works which mention it, and has enumerated
the authorities for asserting the same of a great many other ancient people,
as the Getae, Leucadians, Goths, Gauls, Heruli, Britons, Germans;
besides the Arabians, Cretans, Cyprians, Rhodians, Phocians, and the inhabitants
of Chios, Lesbos, Tenedos, and Pella. The northern nations,
without exception, are chargeable with the same enormity. Of this, satisfactory
evidence has been adduced by Dr Magee from various authors, as
Mr Thorkelin in his Essay on the Slave Trade, Mallet, in his work on
Northern Antiquities, &c. And it is well known that the evil existed
amongst the Mexicans, Peruvians, and other people of America, in a degree
surpassing its magnitude in any other country. The perusal of the
present narrative, and of other accounts of voyages, will evince the continuance
of the practice throughout more recent people. On the whole
then, we assert, that the fact of the universality of human sacrifice amongst
the various nations of the world is perfectly well authenticated. Let us
next say a word or two respecting its origin and meaning. Here we shall
find it necessary to consider the origin and meaning of sacrifice in general,
as it is self-evident that the notion of sacrifice is previous to the selection
of the subjects for it, that of human beings differing only in degree of
worth or excellence from those of any other kind. What then could induce
mankind universally to imagine, that sacrifices of animals could be
agreeable to those beings whom they judged superior to themselves, and
the proper objects of religious adoration? Reason gives no sanction to the
practice; on the contrary, most positively condemns it, as unnecessary,
unjust, cruel, and therefore more likely to incur displeasure than to obtain
favour. Besides, it must always have been expensive, and very often dangerous,
so that we must entirely discard the notion of a sense of interest
having given occasion to it, unless we can prove, that some valuable consequence
was to result from it. This however cannot be done without
first shewing its acceptableness to the Being whose regard is thereby solicited.
There remain, perhaps, only two other motives which we can conceive
to have given origin to the custom, viz. some instinctive principle of
our nature by which we are led to it, independent of either reason
or a
sense of interest, as in the case of our appetites, and a positive injunction
or command to that effect by some being who has the requisite authority
over our conduct. The author so often alluded to, Dr Magee, who has
so profoundly considered this subject in his work on Atonement, &c. rejects
the former supposition, affirming that we have no natural instinct to
gratify, in spilling the blood of an innocent creature; and, as he has also
set aside the other two notions, of course, he adopts the latter as sufficient
for the solution of the question. The writer concurs in this opinion,
but at the same time, he thinks it of the utmost importance to observe,
that as the original injunction or command was assuredly subsequent to
the sense of moral delinquency, and was directed in the view of a relief to
the conscience of man, so the continuance of the practice, according to
any perversion of the primitive and consequently proper institution, is always
connected with, and in fact implies, the existence of a feeling of
personal demerit and danger. In other words, he conceives there is a
suitableness betwixt the operation of man's conscience and that effectual
remedy for its uneasiness to which the original institution of animal sacrifices
pointed. But it does not follow from this, that man's conscience or
reason, or any thing else within him, could ever have made the discovery
of the remedy. A sense of his need of it, would undoubtedly set him on
various efforts to relieve himself, but this, it is probable, would be as blind
a principle as the appetite of hunger, and as much would require aid from
an external power. Among the devices to which it might have recourse,
very possibly, the notion of giving up a darling object, ought to be included;
so it would appear, thought a king of Moab, spoken of by Micah the
prophet, chap. 6th, "Shall I give my first-born for my transgression," &c.
But even admitting this, we still see the primary difficulty remaining, viz.
what reason is there for imagining that the gift in any shape, and more
especially when slaughtered, will be accepted? We are driven then to
contemplate the revelation of the divine will as the only adequate explanation;
and this, it is evident, we must consider as having been handed
down by a corrupt process of tradition, among the various nations of the
earth. It would be easy to urge arguments in behalf of this opinion. But
already the matter has gone beyond common bounds, and the writer dare
not hazard another remark. All he shall do then, is to commend this interesting
topic to the reader's attention, and to request, that due allowances
be made for the omission of certain qualifications which are requisite
for some of the remarks now made, but which the limits of the note
could not allow to be inserted.—E.


[pg 35]


SECTION III.


Conference with Towha.—Heevas described.—Omai and Oedidee
give Dinners.—Fireworks exhibited.—A remarkable
Present of Cloth.—Manner of preserving the Body of a
dead Chief.—Another human Sacrifice.—Riding on Horseback.—Otoo's
Attention to supply Provisions, and prevent
Thefts.—Animals given to him.—Etary, and the Deputies
of a Chief, have Audiences.—A mock Fight of two War
Canoes.—Naval Strength of these Islands.—Manner of
conducting a War.


The close of the very singular scene exhibited at the
morai, which I have faithfully described in the last chapter,
[pg 36]
leaving us no other business in Attahooroo, we embarked
about noon, in order to return to Matavai; and, in our
way, visited Towha, who had remained on the little island
[pg 37]
where we met him the day before. Some conversation
passed between Otoo and him, on the present posture of
public affairs; and then the latter solicited me once more
to join them in their war against Eimeo. By my positive
refusal I entirely lost the good graces of this chief.


Before we parted, he asked us if the solemnity at which
we had been present answered our expectations; what opinion
we had of its efficacy; and whether we performed
such acts of worship in our own country? During the
[pg 38]
celebration of the horrid ceremony, we had preserved a profound
silence; but as soon as it was closed, had made no
scruple in expressing our sentiments very freely about it to
Otoo, and those who attended him; of course, therefore,
I did not conceal my detestation of it in this conversation
with Towha. Besides the cruelty of the bloody custom, I
strongly urged the unreasonableness of it; telling the chief,
that such a sacrifice, far from making the Eatooa propitious
to their nation, as they ignorantly believed, would be
the means of drawing down his vengeance; and that, from
this very circumstance, I took upon me to judge, that their
intended expedition against Maheine would be unsuccessful.
This was venturing pretty far upon conjecture; but
still, I thought, that there was little danger of being mistaken.
For I found, that there were three parties in the
island, with regard to this war; one extremely violent for
it; another perfectly indifferent about the matter; and the
third openly declaring themselves friends to Maheine and
his cause. Under these circumstances, of disunion distracting
their councils, it was not likely that such a plan of
military operations would be settled as could insure even a
probability of success. In conveying our sentiments to
Towha, on the subject of the late sacrifice, Omai was made
use of as our interpreter; and he entered into our arguments
with so much spirit, that the chief seemed to be in
great wrath; especially when he was told, that if he had
put a man to death in England, as he had done here, his
rank would not have protected him from being hanged
for it. Upon this, he exclaimed, maeno! maeno! [vile!
vile!] and would not hear another word. During this debate,
many of the natives were present, chiefly the attendants
and servants of Towha himself; and when Omai began
to explain the punishment that would be inflicted in
England, upon the greatest man, if he killed the meanest
servant, they seemed to listen with great attention; and
were probably of a different opinion from that of their master
on this subject.


After leaving Towha, we proceeded to Oparre, where
Otoo pressed us to spend the night. We landed in the
evening; and, on our road to his house, had an opportunity
of observing in what manner these people amuse themselves
in their private heevas. About an hundred of them
were found sitting in a house; and in the midst of them
[pg 39]
were two women, with an old man behind each of them
beating very gently upon a drum; and the women at intervals
singing in a softer manner than I ever heard at
their other diversions. The assembly listened with great
attention; and were seemingly almost absorbed in the
pleasure the music gave them; for few took any notice of
us, and the performers never once stopped. It was almost
dark before we reached Otoo's house, where we were entertained
with one of their public heevas, or plays, in which
his three sisters appeared as the principal characters. This
was what they call a heeva raä, which is of such a nature,
that nobody is to enter the house or area where it is exhibited.
When the royal sisters are the performers, this is
always the case. Their dress, on this occasion, was truly
picturesque and elegant; and they acquitted themselves,
in their parts, in a very distinguished manner; though
some comic interludes, performed by four men seemed to
yield greater pleasure to the audience, which was numerous.
The next morning we proceeded to Matavai, leaving
Otoo at Oparre; but his mother, sisters, and several other
women attended me on board, and Otoo himself followed
soon after.


While Otoo and I were absent from the ships, they had
been but sparingly supplied with fruit, and had few visitors.
After our return, we again overflowed with provisions and
with company.


On the 4th, a party of us dined ashore with Omai, who
gave excellent fare, consisting of fish, fowls, pork, and puddings.
After dinner, I attended Otoo, who had been one
of the party, back to his house, where I found all his servants
very busy getting a quantity of provisions ready for
me. Amongst other articles, there was a large hog, which
they killed in my presence. The entrails were divided into
eleven portions, in such a manner that each of them contained
a bit of every thing. These portions were distributed
to the servants, and some dressed theirs in the same
oven with the hog, while others carried off, undressed,
what had come to their share. There was also a large pudding,
the whole process in making which, I saw. It was
composed of bread-fruit, ripe plantains, taro, and palm or
pandanus nuts, each rasped, scraped, or beat up fine, and
baked by itself. A quantity of juice, expressed from cocoa-nut
kernels, was put into a large tray or wooden vessel.
[pg 40]
The other articles, hot from the oven, were deposited in
this vessel; and a few hot stones were also put in to make
the contents simmer. Three or four men made use of sticks
to stir the several ingredients, till they were incorporated
one with another, and the juice of the cocoa-nut was turned
to oil; so that the whole mass, at last, became of the
consistency of a hasty-pudding. Some of these puddings
are excellent; and few that we make in England equal
them. I seldom or never dined without one when I could
get it, which was not always the case. Otoo's hog being
baked, and the pudding, which I have described, being
made, they, together with two living hogs, and a quantity
of bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts, were put into a canoe, and
sent on board my ship, followed by myself, and all the
royal family.


The following evening, a young ram, of the Cape breed,
that had been lambed, and with great care brought up on
board the ship, was killed by a dog. Incidents are of more
or less consequence, as connected with situation. In our
present situation, desirous as I was to propagate this useful
race amongst these islands, the loss of the ram was a serious
misfortune; as it was the only one I had of that
breed; and I had only one of the English breed left.


In the evening of the 7th, we played off some fireworks
before a great concourse of people. Some were highly entertained
with the exhibition; but by far the greater number
of spectators were terribly frightened; insomuch, that
it was with difficulty we could prevail upon them to keep
together to see the end of the shew. A table-rocket was
the last. It flew off the table, and dispersed the whole
crowd in a moment; even the most resolute among them
fled with precipitation.


The next day, a party of us dined with our former ship-mate,
Oedidee, on fish and pork. The hog weighed about
thirty pounds; and it may be worth mentioning, that it
was alive, dressed, and brought upon the table within the
hour. We had but just dined, when Otoo came and asked
me if my belly was full. On my answering in the affirmative,
he said, "Then, come along with me." I accordingly
went with him to his father's, where I found some people
employed in dressing two girls with a prodigious quantity
of fine cloth, after a very singular fashion: The one end
of each piece of cloth, of which there were a good many,
[pg 41]
was held up over the heads of the girls, while the remainder
was wrapped round their bodies, under the arm-pits;
then the upper ends were let fall, and hung down in folds
to the ground, over the other, so as to bear some resemblance
to a circular hoop-petticoat. Afterward, round the
outside of all, were wrapped several pieces of differently-coloured
cloth, which considerably increased the size; so
that it was not less than five or six yards in circuit, and the
weight of this singular attire was as much as the poor girls
could support. To each were hang two taames, or breast-plates,
by way of enriching the whole, and giving it a picturesque
appearance. Thus equipped, they were conducted
on board the ship, together with several hogs, and a
quantity of fruit, which, with the cloth, was a present to
me from Otoo's father. Persons of either sex, dressed in
this manner, are called atee; but, I believe, it is never practised,
except when large presents of cloth are to be made.
At least, I never saw it practised upon any other occasion;
nor, indeed, had I ever such a present before; but both
Captain Clerke and I had cloth given to us afterward, thus
wrapped round the bearers. The next day, I had a present
of five hogs and some fruit from Otoo; and one hog and
some fruit from each of his sisters. Nor were other provisions
wanting. For two or three days, great quantities of
mackerel had been caught by the natives, within the reef,
in seines; some of which they brought to the ships and
tents and sold.


Otoo was not more attentive to supply our wants, by a
succession of presents, than he was to contribute to our
amusement, by a succession of diversions. A party of us
having gone down to Oparre on the 10th, he treated us
with what may be called a play. His three sisters were the
actresses; and the dresses that they appeared in were new
and elegant; that is, more so than we had usually met
with at any of these islands. But the principal object I had
in view, this day, in going to Oparre, was to take a view of
an embalmed corpse, which some of our gentlemen had
happened to meet with at that place, near the residence of
Otoo. On enquiry, I found it to be the remains of Tee, a
chief well known to me when I was at this island during
my last voyage. It was lying in a toopapaoo, more elegantly
constructed than their common ones, and in all respects
[pg 42]
similar to that lately seen by us at Oheitepeha, in which
the remains of Waheiadooa are deposited, embalmed in
the same manner. When we arrived at the place, the body
was under cover, and wrapped up in cloth within the toopapaoo;
but, at my desire, the man who had the care of it,
brought it out, and laid it upon a kind of bier, in such a
manner, that we had as full a view of it as we could wish;
but we were not allowed to go within the pales that enclosed
the toopapaoo. After he had thus exhibited the corpse,
he hung the place with mats and cloth, so disposed as to
produce a very pretty effect. We found the body not only
entire in every part; but, what surprised us much more,
was, that putrefaction seemed scarcely to be begun, as
there was not the least disagreeable smell proceeding from
it; though the climate is one of the hottest, and Tee had
been dead above four months. The only remarkable alteration
that had happened, was a shrinking of the muscular
parts and eyes; but the hair and nails were in their original
state, and still adhered firmly; and the several joints
were quite pliable, or in that kind of relaxed state which
happens to persons who faint suddenly. Such were Mr Anderson's
remarks to me, who also told me, that on his enquiring
into the method of effecting this preservation of
their dead bodies, he had been informed, that, soon after
their death, they are disembowlled, by drawing the intestines,
and other viscera, out at the anus; and the whole cavity
is then filled or stuffed with cloth, introduced through
the same part; that when any moisture appeared on the
skin, it was carefully dried up, and the bodies afterward
rubbed all over with a large quantity of perfumed cocoa-nut
oil; which, being frequently repeated, preserved them
a great many months; but that, at last, they gradually
moulder away. This was the information Mr Anderson received;
for my own part, I could not learn any more about
their mode of operation than what Omai told me, who said,
that they made use of the juice of a plant which grows
amongst the mountains, of cocoa-nut oil, and of frequent
washing with sea-water. I was also told, that the bodies of
all their great men, who die a natural death, are preserved
in this manner; and that they expose them to public view
for a very considerable time after. At first, they are laid
out every day, when it does not rain; afterward, the
[pg 43]
intervals become greater and greater; and, at last, they are seldom
to be seen.1


In the evening we returned from Oparre, where we left
Otoo, and all the royal family; and I saw none of them till
the 12th; when all, but the chief himself, paid me a visit.
He, as they told me, was gone to Attahooroo, to assist, this
day, at another human sacrifice, which the chief of Tiaraboo
had sent thither to be offered up at the morai. This
second instance, within the course of a few days, was too
melancholy a proof how numerous the victims of this
bloody superstition are amongst this humane people. I
would have been present at this sacrifice too, had I known
of it in time; for now it was too late. From the very same
cause, I missed being present at a public transaction, which
had passed at Oparre the preceding day, when Otoo, with
all the solemnities observed on such occasions, restored to
the friends and followers of the late king Tootaha, the
lands and possessions which had been withheld from them,
ever since his death. Probably, the new sacrifice was the
concluding ceremony of what may be called the reversal
of attainder.


The following evening, Otoo returned from exercising
this most disagreeable of all his duties as sovereign; and
the next day, being now honoured with his company, Captain
Clerke and I, mounted on horseback, took a ride
round the plain of Matavai, to the very great surprise of a
great train of people who attended on the occasion, gazing
upon us with as much astonishment as if we had been centaurs.
Omai, indeed, had once or twice before this, attempted
to get on horseback; but he had as often been
thrown off, before he could contrive to seat himself; so
that this was the first time they had seen any body ride a
horse. What Captain Clerke and I began, was, after this,
repeated every day, while we staid, by one or another of
our people. And yet the curiosity of the natives continued
still unabated. They were exceedingly delighted with these
animals, after they had seen the use that was made of
them; and, as far as I could judge, they conveyed to them
a better idea of the greatness of other nations, than all the
[pg 44]
other novelties put together that their European visitors
had carried amongst them. Both the horse and mare were
in good case, and looked extremely well.


The next day, Etary, or Olla, the god of Bolabola, who
had, for several days past, been in the neighbourhood of
Matavai, removed to Oparre, attended by several sailing
canoes. We were told that Otoo did not approve of his being
so near our station, where his people could more easily
invade our property. I must do Otoo the justice to say,
that he took every method prudence could suggest to prevent
thefts and robberies; and it was more owing to his
regulations, than to our own circumspection, that so few
were committed. He had taken care to erect a little house
or two, on the other side of the river, behind our post; and
two others, close to our tents, on the bank between the river
and the sea. In all these places some of his own people
constantly kept watch; and his father generally resided
on Matavai point; so that we were, in a manner, surrounded
by them. Thus stationed, they not only guarded us in
the night from thieves, but could observe every thing that
passed in the day; and were ready to collect contributions
from such girls as had private connections with our people;
which was generally done every morning. So that the measures
adopted by him to secure our safety, at the same
time served the more essential purpose of enlarging his
own profits.


Otoo informing me that his presence was necessary at
Oparre, where he was to give audience to the great personage
from Bolabola; and asking me to accompany him,
I readily consented, in hopes of meeting with something
worth our notice. Accordingly I went with him, in the
morning of the 16th, attended by Mr Anderson. Nothing,
however, occurred on this occasion that was either interesting
or curious. We saw Etary and his followers present
some coarse cloth and hogs to Otoo; and each article was
delivered with some ceremony, and a set speech. After
this, they, and some other chiefs, held a consultation about
the expedition to Eimeo. Etary, at first, seemed to disapprove
of it; but, at last, his objections were over-ruled.
Indeed, it appeared next day, that it was too late to deliberate
about this measure; and that Towha, Potatou, and
another chief, had already gone upon the expedition with
the fleet of Attahooroo. For a messenger arrived in the
[pg 45]
evening, with intelligence that they had reached Eimeo,
and that there had been some skirmishes, without much
loss or advantage on either side.


In the morning of the 18th, Mr Anderson, myself, and
Omai, went again with Otoo to Oparre, and took with us
the sheep which I intended to leave upon the island, consisting
of an English ram and ewe, and three Cape ewes,
all of which I gave to Otoo. As all the three cows had taken
the bull, I thought I might venture to divide them,
and carry some to Ulieta. With this view, I had them
brought before us; and proposed to Etary, that if he would
leave his bull with Otoo, he should have mine, and one of
the three cows; adding, that I would carry them for him
to Ulieta; for I was afraid to remove the Spanish bull, lest
some accident should happen to him, as he was a bulky,
spirited beast. To this proposal of mine, Etary, at first,
made some objections; but, at last, agreed to it; partly
through the persuasion of Omai. However, just as the
cattle were putting into the boat, one of Etary's followers
valiantly opposed any exchange whatever being made.
Finding this, and suspecting that Etary had only consented
to the proposed arrangement, for the present moment,
to please me; and that, after I was gone, he might take
away his bull, and then Otoo would not have one, I thought
it best to drop the idea of an exchange, as it could not be
made with the mutual consent of both parties; and finally
determined to leave them all with Otoo, strictly enjoining
him never to suffer them to be removed from Oparre, not
even the Spanish bull, nor any of the sheep, till he should
get a stock of young ones; which he might then dispose of
to his friends, and send to the neighbouring islands.


This being settled, we left Etary and his party to ruminate
upon their folly, and attended Otoo to another place
hard by, where we found the servants of a chief, whose
name I forgot to ask, waiting with a hog, a pig, and a dog,
as a present from their master to the sovereign. These
were delivered with the usual ceremonies, and with an harangue
in form, in which the speaker, in his master's name,
enquired after the health of Otoo, and of all the principal
people about him. This compliment was echoed back in
the name of Otoo, by one of his ministers; and then the
dispute with Eimeo was discussed, with many arguments
for and against it. The deputies of this chief were for
[pg 46]
prosecuting the war with vigour, and advised Otoo to offer a
human sacrifice. On the other hand, a chief, who was in
constant attendance on Otoo's person, opposed it, seemingly
with great strength of argument. This confirmed me
in the opinion, that Otoo himself never entered heartily
into the spirit of this war. He now received repeated messages
from Towha, strongly soliciting him to hasten to his
assistance. We were told, that his fleet was, in a manner,
surrounded by that of Maheine; but that neither the one
nor the other durst hazard an engagement.


After dining with Otoo, we returned to Matavai, leaving
him at Oparre. This day, and also the 19th, we were very
sparingly supplied with fruit. Otoo hearing of this, he and
his brother, who had attached himself to Captain Clerke,
came from Oparre, between nine and ten o'clock in the
evening, with a large supply for both ships. This marked
his humane attention more strongly than any thing he had
hitherto done for us. The next day, all the royal family
came with presents; so that our wants were not only relieved,
but we had more provisions than we could consume.


Having got all our water on board, the ships being
caulked, the rigging overhauled, and everything put in order,
I began to think of leaving the island, that I might
have sufficient time to spare for visiting the others in this
neighbourhood. With this view, we removed from the shore
our observatories and instruments, and bent the sails.
Early the next morning, Otoo came on board to acquaint
me, that all the war canoes of Matavai, and of three other
districts adjoining, were going to Oparre to join those belonging
to that part of the island; and that there would
be a general review there. Soon after, the squadron of Matavai
was all in motion; and, after parading awhile about
the bay, assembled ashore, near the middle of it. I now
went in my boat to take a view of them.


Of those with stages, on which they fight, or what they
call their war-canoes, there were about sixty, with near as
many more of a smaller size. I was ready to have attended
them to Oparre; but, soon after, a resolution was taken
by the chiefs, that they should not move till the next day.
I looked upon this to be a fortunate delay, as it afforded
me a good opportunity to get some insight into their manner
of fighting. With this view, I expressed my wish to
Otoo, that he would order some of them to go through the
[pg 47]
necessary manoeuvres. Two were accordingly ordered out
into the bay; in one of which, Otoo, Mr King, and myself,
embarked; and Omai went on board the other. When
we had got sufficient sea-room, we faced, and advanced
upon each other, and retreated by turns, as quick as our
rowers could paddle. During this, the warriors on the
stages flourished their weapons, and played a hundred antic
tricks, which could answer no other end, in my judgment,
than to work up their passions, and prepare them
for fighting. Otoo stood by the side of our stage, and gave
the necessary orders, when to advance, and when to retreat.
In this, great judgment and a quick eye, combined together
seemed requisite, to seize every advantage that might
offer, and to avoid giving any advantage to the adversary.
At last, after advancing and retreating to and from each
other, at least a dozen of times, the two canoes closed, head
to head, or stage to stage; and, after a short conflict, the
troops on our stage were supposed to be all killed, and we
were boarded by Omai and his associates. At that very
instant, Otoo, and all our paddlers leaped over-board, as if
reduced to the necessity of endeavouring to save their lives
by swimming.


If Omai's information is to be depended upon, their naval
engagements are not always conducted in this manner.
He told me, that they sometimes begin with lashing the
two vessels together, head to head, and then fight till all
the warriors are killed, on one side or the other. But this
close combat, I apprehend, is never practised, but when
they are determined to conquer or die. Indeed, one or the
other must happen; for all agree that they never give
quarter, unless it be to reserve their prisoners for a more
cruel death the next day.


The power and strength of these islands lie entirely in
their navies. I never heard of a general engagement on
land; and all their decisive battles are fought on the water.
If the time and place of conflict are fixed upon by
both parties, the preceding day and night are spent in
diversions and feasting. Toward morning, they launch the
canoes, put every thing in order, and, with the day, begin
the battle; the fate of which generally decides the dispute.
The vanquished save themselves by a precipitate flight;
and such as reach the shore, fly with their friends to the
[pg 48]
mountains; for the victors, while their fury lasts, spare neither
the aged, nor women, nor children. The next day,
they assemble at the morai, to return thanks to the Eatooa
for the victory, and to offer up the slain as sacrifices, and
the prisoners also, if they have any. After this a treaty is
set on foot; and the conquerors, for the most part, obtain
their own terms; by which, particular districts of land,
and sometimes whole islands, change their owners. Omai
told us, that he was once taken a prisoner by the men of
Bolabola, and carried to that island, where he and some
others would have been put to death the next day, if they
had not found means to escape in the night.


As soon as this mock-fight was over, Omai put on his
suit of armour, mounted a stage in one of the canoes, and
was paddled all along the shore of the bay; so that every
one had a full view of him. His coat of mail did not draw
the attention of his countrymen so much as might have
been expected. Some of them, indeed, had seen a part of
it before; and there were others, again, who had taken
such a dislike to Omai, from his imprudent conduct at this
place, that they would hardly look at any thing, however
singular, that was exhibited by him.


Footnote 1: (return) 
The method of embalming, above described, is very different from
that practised among the Egyptians and other ancient people. For an account
of the latter, the reader may turn to Beloe's Herodotus, vol. i.
where observations are collected from several authors.—E.



SECTION IV.


The Day of Sailing fixed.—Peace made with Eimeo.—Debates
about it, and Otoo's Conduct blamed.—A Solemnity
at the Morai on the Occasion, described by Mr King.—Observations
upon it.—Instance of Otoo's Art.—Omai's War-Canoe,
and Remarks upon his Behaviour.—Otoo's Present,
and Message to the King of Great Britain.—Reflections on
our Manner of Traffic, and on the good Treatment we met
with at Otaheite.—Account of the Expedition of the Spaniards.—Their
Fictions to depreciate the English.—Wishes
expressed that no Settlement may be made.—Omai's Jealousy
of another Traveller.


Early in the morning of the 22d, Otoo and his father
came on board, to know when I proposed sailing. For,
having been informed that there was a good harbour at
Eimeo, I had told them that I should visit that island on
[pg 49]
my way to Huaheine; and they were desirous of taking a
passage with me, and of their fleet sailing, at the time, to
reinforce Towha. As I was ready to take my departure, I
left it to them to name the day; and the Wednesday following
was fixed upon, when I was to take on board Otoo,
his father, mother, and, in short, the whole family. These
points being settled, I proposed setting out immediately
for Oparre, where all the fleet, fitted out for the expedition,
was to assemble this day, and to be reviewed.


I had but just time to get into my boat, when news was
brought, that Towha had concluded a treaty with Maheine,
and had returned with his fleet to Attahooroo. This unexpected
event made all further proceedings, in the military
way, quite unnecessary; and the war-canoes, instead of
rendezvousing at Oparre, were ordered home to their respective
districts. This alteration, however, did not hinder
me from following Otoo to Oparre, accompanied by Mr
King and Omai. Soon after our arrival, and while dinner
was preparing, a messenger arrived from Eimeo, and related
the conditions of the peace, or rather of the truce, it
being only for a limited time. The terms were disadvantageous
to Otaheite; and much blame was thrown upon
Otoo, whose delay, in sending reinforcements, had obliged
Towha to submit to a disgraceful accommodation. It was
even currently reported, that Towha, resenting his not being
supported, had declared, that, as soon as I should leave
the island, he would join his forces to those of Tiaraboo,
and attack Otoo at Matavai, or Oparre. This called upon
me to declare, in the most public manner, that I was determined
to espouse the interest of my friend against any
such combination; and that whoever presumed to attack
him, should feel the weight of my heavy displeasure, when
I returned again to their island. My declaration, probably,
had the desired effect; and, if Towha had any such
hostile intention at first, we soon heard no more of the report.
Whappai, Otoo's father, highly disapproved of the
peace, and blamed Towha very much for concluding it.
This sensible old man wisely judged, that my going down
with them to Eimeo must have been of singular service to
their cause, though I should take no other part whatever in
the quarrel. And it was upon this that he built all his arguments,
and maintained, that Otoo had acted properly by
[pg 50]
waiting for me; though this had prevented his giving assistance
to Towha so soon as he expected.


Our debates at Oparre, on this subject, were hardly ended,
before a messenger arrived from Towha, desiring Otoo's
attendance, the next day, at the morai in Attahooroo, to
give thanks to the gods for the peace he had concluded;
at least, such was Omai's account to me of the object of
this solemnity. I was asked to go; but being much out of
order, was obliged to decline it. Desirous, however, of
knowing what ceremonies might be observed on so memorable
an occasion, I sent Mr King and Omai, and returned
on board my ship, attended by Otoo's mother, his three
sisters, and eight more women. At first, I thought that
this numerous train of females came into my boat with no
other view than to get a passage to Matavai. But when we
arrived at the ship, they told me, they intended passing the
night on board, for the express purpose of undertaking the
cure of the disorder I complained of; which was a pain of
the rheumatic kind, extending from the hip to the foot. I
accepted the friendly offer, had a bed spread for them upon
the cabin floor, and submitted myself to their directions.
I was desired to lay myself down amongst them. Then, as
many of them as could get round me, began to squeeze me
with both hands, from head to foot, but more particularly
on the parts where the pain was lodged, till they made my
bones crack, and my flesh became a perfect mummy. In
short, after undergoing this discipline about a quarter of an
hour, I was glad to get away from them. However, the
operation gave me immediate relief, which encouraged me
to submit to another rubbing-down before I went to bed;
and it was so effectual, that I found myself pretty easy all
the night after. My female physicians repeated their prescription
the next morning, before they went ashore, and
again, in the evening, when they returned on board; after
which, I found the pains entirely removed; and the cure
being perfected, they took their leave of me the following
morning. This they call romee; an operation which, in
my opinion, far exceeds the flesh brush, or any thing of the
kind that we make use of externally. It is universally practised
amongst these islanders; being sometimes performed
by the men, but more generally by the women. If, at any
time, one appears languid and tired, and sits down by any
[pg 51]
of them, they immediately begin to practise the romee upon
his legs; and I have always found it to have an exceedingly
good effect.1


In the morning of the 25th, Otoo, Mr King, and Omai,
returned from Attahooroo; and Mr King gave me the following
account of what he had seen:


"Soon after you left me, a second messenger came from
Towha to Otoo, with a plantain-tree. It was sun-set when
we embarked in a canoe and left Oparre. About nine
o'clock we landed at Tettaha, at that extremity which
joins to Attahooroo. Before we landed, the people called
to us from the shore; probably, to tell us that Towha was
there. The meeting of Otoo and this chief, I expected,
would afford some incident worthy of observation. Otoo,
and his attendants, went and seated themselves on the
beach, close to the canoe in which Towha was. He was
then asleep; but his servants having awakened him, and
mentioning Otoo's name, immediately a plantain-tree and
a dog were laid at Otoo's feet; and many of Towha's people
came and talked with him, as I conceived, about their
expedition to Eimeo. After I had, for some time, remained
seated close to Otoo, Towha neither stirring from his canoe,
nor holding any conversation with us, I went to him. He
asked me if Toote was angry with him. I answered, No:
that he was his taio; and that he had ordered me to go to
Attahooroo to tell him so. Omai now had a long conversation
with this chief; but I could gather no information
of any kind from him. On my returning to Otoo, he seemed
desirous that I should go to eat, and then to sleep. Accordingly,
Omai and I left him. On questioning Omai, he
said, the reason of Towha's not stirring from his canoe, was
his being lame; but that, presently, Otoo and he would
converse together in private. This seemed true; for in a
little time, those we left with Otoo came to us; and, about
ten minutes after, Otoo himself arrived, and we all went to
sleep in his canoe.


"The next morning, the ava was in great plenty. One
man drank so much that he lost his senses. I should have
supposed him to be in a fit, from the convulsions that agitated
him. Two men held him, and kept plucking off his
[pg 52]
hair by the roots. I left this spectacle to see another that
was more affecting. This was the meeting of Towha and
his wife, and a young girl, whom I understood to be his
daughter. After the ceremony of cutting their heads, and
discharging a tolerable quantity of blood and tears, they
washed, embraced the chief, and seemed unconcerned.
But the young girl's sufferings were not yet come to an end.
Terridiri2 arrived; and she went, with great composure, to
repeat the same ceremonies to him, which she had just
performed on meeting her father. Towha had brought a
large war-canoe from Eimeo. I enquired if he had killed
the people belonging to her; and was told, that there was
no man in her when she was captured.


"We left Tettaha about ten or eleven o'clock, and landed
close to the morai of Attahooroo a little after noon.
There lay three canoes hauled upon the beach, opposite
the morai, with three hogs exposed in each: their sheds, or
awnings, had something under them which I could not discern.
We expected the solemnity to be performed the
same afternoon; but as neither Towha nor Potatou had
joined us, nothing was done.


"A chief from Eimeo came with a small pig, and a
plantain-tree, and placed them at Otoo's feet. They talked
some time together; and the Eimeo chief often repeating
the words, Warry, warry, 'false,' I supposed that Otoo was
relating to him what he had heard, and that the other denied
it.


"The next day (Wednesday) Towha and Potatou, with
about eight large canoes, arrived, and landed near the morai.
Many plantain-trees were brought, on the part of different
chiefs to Otoo. Towha did not stir from his canoe.
The ceremony began by the principal priest bringing out
the maro wrapped up, and a bundle shaped like a large sugar-loaf.
These were placed at the head of what I understood
to be a grave. Then three priests came, and sat
down opposite, that is, at the other end of the grave;
bringing with them a plantain-tree, the branch of some
other tree, and the sheath of the flower of the cocoa-nut
tree.


"The priests, with these things in their hands, separately
[pg 53]
repeated sentences; and, at intervals, two, and sometime
all three, sung a melancholy ditty, little attended to by the
people. This praying and singing continued for an hour.
Then, after a short prayer, the principal priest uncovered
the maro; and Otoo rose up, and wrapped it about him,
holding, at the same time, in his hand, a cap or bonnet,
composed of the red feathers of the tail of the tropic bird,
mixed with other feathers of a dark colour. He stood in
the middle space, facing the three priests, who continued
their prayers for about ten minutes; when a man, starting
from the crowd, said something which ended with the
word heiva! and the crowd echoed back to him, three
times, Earee! This, as I had been told before, was the
principal part of the solemnity.


"The company now moved to the opposite side of the
great pile of stones, where is, what they call, the king's morai,
which is not unlike a large grave. Here the same ceremony
was performed over again, and ended in three
cheers. The maro was now wrapped up, and increased in
its splendour by the addition of a small piece of red feathers,
which one of the priests gave Otoo when he had it
on, and which he stuck into it.


"From this place, the people went to a large hut, close
by the morai, where they seated themselves in much greater
order than is usual among them. A man of Tiaraboo then
made an oration, which lasted about ten minutes. He was
followed by an Attahooroo man; afterward Potatou spoke
with much greater fluency and grace than any of them;
for, in general, they spoke in short broken sentences, with
a motion of the hand that was rather awkward. Tooteo,
Otoo's orator, spoke next; and, after him, a man from
Eimeo. Two or three more speeches were made; but not
much attended to. Omai told me, that the speeches declared,
that they should not fight, but all be friends. As
many of the speakers expressed themselves with warmth,
possibly there were some recriminations and protestations
of their good intentions. In the midst of their speaking, a
man of Attahooroo got up, with a sling fastened to his
waist, and a large stone placed upon his shoulder. After
parading near a quarter of an hour, in the open space, repeating
something in a singing tone, he threw the stone
down. This stone, and a plantain-tree that lay at Otoo's
feet, were, after the speeches ended, carried to the morai:
[pg 54]
and one of the priests, and Otoo with him, said something
upon the occasion.


"On our return to Oparre, the sea-breeze having set in,
we were obliged to land; and had a pleasant walk through
almost the whole extent of Tettaha to Oparre. A tree,
with two bundles of dried leaves suspended upon it, marked
the boundary of the two districts. The man who had performed
the ceremony of the stone and sling came with us.
With him, Otoo's father had a long conversation. He
seemed very angry. I understood, he was enraged at the
part Towha had taken in the Eimeo business."


From what I can judge of this solemnity, as thus described
by Mr King, it had not been wholly a thanksgiving,
as Omai told us, but rather a confirmation of the
treaty, or perhaps both. The grave, which Mr King speaks
of, seems to be the very spot where the celebration of the
rites began, when the human sacrifice, at which I was present,
was offered, and before which the victim was laid, after
being removed from the sea side. It is at this part of
the morai also that they first invest their kings with the
maro. Omai, who had been present when Otoo was made
king, described to me the whole ceremony, when we were
here; and I find it to be almost the same as this that Mr
King has now described, though we understood it to be
upon a very different occasion. The plantain-tree, so often
mentioned, is always the first thing introduced, not only in
all their religious ceremonies, but in all their debates, whether
of a public or private nature. It is also used on other
occasions; perhaps many more than we know of. While
Towha was at Eimeo, one or more messengers came from
him to Otoo every day. The messenger always came with
a young plantain-tree in his hand, which he laid down at
Otoo's feet, before he spoke a word; then seated himself
before him, and related what he was charged with. I have
seen two men in such high dispute that I expected they
would proceed to blows; yet, on one laying a plantain-tree
before the other, they have both become cool, and carried
on the argument without farther animosity. In short, it is,
upon all occasions, the olive-branch of these people.


The war with Eimeo, and the solemn rites which were
the consequence of it, being thus finally closed, all our
friends paid us a visit on the 26th; and, as they knew that
we were upon the point of sailing, brought with them more
[pg 55]
hogs than we could take off their hands. For, having no
salt left, to preserve any, we wanted no more than for present
use.


The next day, I accompanied Otoo to Oparre; and, before
I left it, I looked at the cattle and poultry, which I had
consigned to my friend's care at that place. Every thing
was in a promising way, and properly attended to. Two
of the geese, and two of the ducks were sitting; but the
pea and turkey hens had not begun to lay. I got from
Otoo four goats; two of which I intended to leave at Ulietea,
where none had as yet been introduced; and the other
two I proposed to reserve for the use of any other islands I
might meet with in my passage to the north.


A circumstance which I shall now mention of Otoo will
shew that these people are capable of much address and art
to gain their purposes. Amongst other things which, at
different times, I had given to this chief, was a spying-glass.
After having it in his possession two or three days,
tired of its novelty, and probably finding it of no use to
him, he carried it privately to Captain Clerke, and told him
that, as he had been his very good friend, he had got a
present for him which he knew would be agreeable. "But,"
says Otoo, "you must not let Toote know it, because he
wants it, and I would not let him have it." He then put
the glass into Captain Clerke's hands; at the same time
assuring him that he came honestly by it. Captain Clerke,
at first, declined accepting it; but Otoo insisted upon it,
and left it with him. Some days after, he put Captain
Clerke in mind of the glass, who, though he did not want
it, was yet desirous of obliging Otoo; and, thinking that a
few axes would be of more use at this island, produced four
to give him in return. Otoo no sooner saw this, than he
said, "Toote offered me five for it." "Well," says Captain
Clerke, "if that be the case, your friendship for me shall
not make you a loser, and you shall have six axes." These
he accepted; but desired again, that I might not be told
what he had done.


Our friend Omai got one good thing, at this island, for
the many good things he gave away. This was a very fine
double-sailing canoe, completely equipped, and fit for the
sea. Some time before, I had made up for him a suit of
English colours; but he thought these too valuable to be
used at this time; and patched up a parcel of colours, such
[pg 56]
as flags and pendants, to the number of ten or a dozen,
which he spread on different parts of his vessel, all at the
same time; and drew together as many people to look at
her, as a man of war would, dressed, in an European port.
These streamers of Omai were a mixture of English, French,
Spanish, and Dutch, which were all the European colours
that he had seen. When I was last at this island, I gave to
Otoo an English jack and pendant, and to Towha a pendant,
which I now found they had preserved with the
greatest care.


Omai had also provided himself with a good stock of
cloth and cocoa-nut oil, which are not only in greater
plenty, but much better at Otaheite, than at any of the
Society Islands, insomuch that they are articles of trade.
Omai would not have behaved so inconsistently, and so
much unlike himself, as he did in many instances, but for
his sister and brother-in-law, who, together with a few
more of their acquaintance, engrossed him entirely to
themselves, with no other view than to strip him of every
thing he had got. And they would, undoubtedly, have
succeeded in their scheme, if I had not put a stop to it in
time, by taking the most useful articles of his property into
my possession. But even this would not have saved
Omai from ruin, if I had suffered these relations of his to
have gone with, or to have followed us to, his intended
place of settlement, Huaheine. This they had intended;
but I disappointed their farther views of plunder, by forbidding
them to shew themselves in that island, while I remained
in the neighbourhood; and they knew me too well
not to comply.


On the 28th, Otoo came on board, and informed me
that be had got a canoe, which he desired I would take
with me, and carry home, as a present from him to the
Earee rahie no Pretane; it being the only thing, he said,
that he could send worth his majesty's acceptance. I was
not a little pleased with Otoo, for this mark of his gratitude.
It was a thought entirely his own, not one of us having
given him the least hint about it; and it shewed, that
he fully understood to whom he was indebted for the most
valuable presents that he had received. At first, I thought
that this canoe had been a model of one of their vessels of
war; but I soon found that it was a small evaa, about sixteen
feet long. It was double, and seemed to have been
[pg 57]
built for the purpose; and was decorated with all those
pieces of carved work which they usually fix upon their canoes.
As it was too large for me to take on board, I could
only thank him for his good intention; but it would have
pleased him much better if his present could have been
accepted.


We were detained here some days longer than I expected,
by light breezes from the west, and calms by turns; so
that we could not get out of the bay. During this time,
the ships were crowded with our friends, and surrounded
by a multitude of canoes; for not one would leave the
place till we were gone. At length, at three o'clock in the
afternoon of the 29th, the wind came at east, and we
weighed anchor.


As soon as the ships were under sail, at the request of
Otoo, and to gratify the curiosity of his people, I fired seven
guns, loaded with shot; after which, all our friends,
except him, and two or three more, left us with such marks
of affection and grief, as sufficiently shewed how much
they regretted our departure. Otoo being desirous of seeing
the ship sail, I made a stretch out to sea, and then in
again; when be also bid us farewell, and went ashore in his
canoe.


The frequent visits we had lately paid to this island,
seem to have created a full persuasion, that the intercourse
will not be discontinued. It was strictly enjoined to me by
Otoo, to request, in his name, the Earee rahie no Pretane to
send him, by the next ships, red feathers, and the birds that
produce them; axes; half a dozen muskets, with powder
and shot; and by no means to forget horses.


I have occasionally mentioned my receiving considerable
presents from Otoo, and the rest of the family, without specifying
what returns I made. It is customary for these people,
when they make a present, to let us know what they
expect in return; and we find it necessary to gratify them;
so that, what we get by way of present, comes dearer than
what we get by barter. But, as we were sometimes pressed
by occasional scarcity, we could have recourse to our friends
for a present, or supply, when we could not get our wants
relieved by any other method; and, therefore, upon the
whole, this way of traffic was full as advantageous to us as
to the natives. For the most part, I paid for each separate
article as I received it, except in my intercourse with Otoo.
[pg 58]
His presents generally came so fast upon me, that no account
was kept between us. Whatever he asked for, that
I could spare, he had whenever he asked for it; and I always
found him moderate in his demands.


If I could have prevailed upon Omai to fix himself at
Otaheite, I should not have left it so soon as I did. For
there was not a probability of our being better or cheaper
supplied with refreshments at any other place than we continued
to be here, even at the time of our leaving it. Besides,
such a cordial friendship and confidence subsisted
between us and the inhabitants, as could hardly be expected
any where else; and it was a little extraordinary, that
this friendly intercourse had never once been suspended
by any untoward accident; nor had there been a theft
committed that deserves to be mentioned. Not that I believe
their morals, in this respect, to be much mended, but
am rather of opinion that their regularity of conduct was
owing to the fear the chiefs were under, of interrupting a
traffic which they might consider as the means of securing
to themselves a more considerable share of our commodities,
than could have been got by plunder or pilfering. Indeed,
this point I settled at the first interview with their
chiefs, after my arrival. For, observing the great plenty
that was in the island, and the eagerness of the natives to
possess our various articles of trade, I resolved to make the
most of these two favourable circumstances, and explained
myself, in the most decisive terms, that I would not suffer
them to rob us, as they had done upon many former occasions.
In this, Omai was of great use, as I instructed him
to point out to them the good consequences of their honest
conduct, and the fatal mischiefs they must expect to suffer
by deviating from it.


It is not always in the power of the chiefs to prevent robberies;
they are frequently robbed themselves, and complain
of it as a great evil. Otoo left the most valuable
things he had from me in my possession, till the day before
we sailed; and the reason he gave for it was, that they
were no where so safe. Since the bringing in of new riches,
the inducements to pilfering must have increased. The
chiefs, sensible of this, are now extremely desirous of chests.
They seemed to set much value upon a few that the Spaniards
had left amongst them; and they were continually
asking us for some. I had one made for Otoo, the
[pg 59]
dimensions of which, according to his own directions, were eight
feet in length, five in breadth, and about three in depth.
Locks and bolts were not a sufficient security; but it must
be large enough for two people to sleep upon, by way of
guarding it in the night.


It will appear a little extraordinary that we, who had a
smattering of their language, and Omai, besides, for an interpreter,
could never get any clear account of the time
when the Spaniards arrived, how long they stayed, and
when they departed. The more we enquired into this matter,
the more we were convinced of the inability of most of
these people to remember, or note the time, when past
events happened; especially if it exceeded ten or twenty
months. It however appeared, by the date of the inscription
upon the cross, and by the information we received
from the most intelligent of the natives, that two ships arrived
at Oheitepeha in 1774, soon after I left Matavai,
which was in May, the same year. They brought with
them the house and live-stock before mentioned. Some
said that, after landing these things, and some men, they
sailed in quest of me, and returned in about ten days. But
I have some doubt of the truth of this, as they were never
seen either at Huaheine, or at Ulietea. The live-stock
they left here consisted of one bull, some goats, hogs, and
dogs, and the male of some other animal, which we afterward
found to be a ram, and, at this time, was at Bolabola,
whither the bull was also to have been transported.


The hogs are of a large kind; have already greatly improved
the breed originally found by us upon the island;
and, at the time of our late arrival, were very numerous.
Goats are also in tolerable plenty, there being hardly a
chief of any note who has not got some. As to the dogs
that the Spaniards put ashore, which are of two or three
sorts, I think they would have done the island a great deal
more service if they had hanged them all, instead of leaving
them upon it. It was to one of them that my young
ram fell a victim.


When these ships left the island, four Spaniards remained
behind. Two were priests, one a servant, and the fourth
made himself very popular among the natives, who distinguish
him by the name of Mateema. He seems to have
been a person who had studied their language; or, at
least, to have spoken it so as to be understood; and to
[pg 60]
have taken uncommon pains to impress the minds of the
islanders with the most exalted ideas of the greatness of
the Spanish nation, and to make them think meanly of the
English. He even went so far as to assure them, that we
no longer existed as an independent nation; that Pretane
was only a small island, which they, the Spaniards, had entirely
destroyed; and, for me, that they had met with me
at sea, and, with a few shot, had sent my ship, and every
soul in her, to the bottom; so that my visiting Otaheite,
at this time, was, of course, very unexpected. All this,
and many other improbable falsehoods, did this Spaniard
make these people believe. If Spain had no other views,
in this expedition, but to depreciate the English, they had
better have kept their ships at home; for my returning
again to Otaheite was considered as a complete confutation
of all that Mateema had said.


With what design the priests stayed, we can only guess.
If it was to convert the natives to the catholic faith, they
have not succeeded in any one instance. But it does not
appear that they ever attempted it; for, if the natives are
to be believed, they never conversed with them, either on
this, or on any other subject. The priests resided constantly
in the house at Oheitepeha; but Mateema roved about,
visiting most parts of the island. At length, after he and
his companions had stayed ten months, two ships came to
Oheitepeha, took them on board, and sailed again in five
days. This hasty departure shews that, whatever design
the Spaniards might have had upon this island, they had
now laid it aside. And yet, as I was informed by Otoo,
and many others, before they went away, they would have
the natives believe that they still meant to return, and to
bring with them houses, all kinds of animals, and men and
women who were to settle, live, and die on the island.
Otoo, when he told me this, added, that if the Spaniards
should return, he would not let them come to Matavai
Fort, which, he said, was ours. It was easy to see that the
idea pleased him; little thinking that the completion of it
would, at once, deprive him of his kingdom, and the people
of their liberties. This shews with what facility a settlement
might be made at Otaheite, which, grateful as I
am for repeated good offices, I hope will never happen.
Our occasional visits may, in some respects, have benefitted
its inhabitants; but a permanent establishment amongst
[pg 61]
them, conducted as most European establishments amongst
Indian nations have unfortunately been, would, I fear,
give them just cause to lament that our ships had ever
found them out. Indeed, it is very unlikely that any measure
of this kind should ever be seriously thought of, as it
can neither serve the purposes of public ambition, nor of
private avarice; and, without such inducements, I may
pronounce that it will never be undertaken.3


I have already mentioned the visit that I had from one
of the two natives of this island, who had been carried by
the Spaniards to Lima. I never saw him afterward, which
I rather wondered at, as I had received him with uncommon
civility. I believe, however, that Omai had kept him
at a distance from me, by some rough usage; jealous that
[pg 62]
there should be another traveller upon the island who
might vie with himself. Our touching at Teneriffe was a
fortunate circumstance for Omai; as he prided himself in
having visited a place belonging to Spain as well as this
man. I did not meet with the other, who had returned
from Lima; but Captain Clerke, who had seen him, spoke
of him as a low fellow, and as a little out of his senses. His
own countrymen, I found, agreed in the same account of
him. In short, these two adventurers seemed to be held
in no esteem. They had not, indeed, been so fortunate as
to return home with such valuable acquisitions of property
as we had bestowed upon Omai; and, with the advantages
he reaped from his voyage to England, it must be his own
fault if he should sink into the same state of insignificance.


Footnote 1: (return) 
See Captain Wallis's account of the same operation performed on
himself, and his first lieutenant, in this Collection, vol. xii. p. 197.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Terridiri was Oberea's son. See an account of the royal family of
Otaheite, in this Collection, vol. xii. p. 482.


Footnote 3: (return) 
We may have occasion hereafter to make mention of several
subsequent
visits to this island, on the part of our countrymen. It is evident,
that Captain Cook was far from being well pleased with the consequences
which had already resulted to its inhabitants from their intercourse with
Europeans. Unfortunately, it is impracticable to give a more agreeable
picture of the condition of the island as influenced by future visits.
Cook's solicitude, in behalf of these people, is extremely commendable,
and it is to this we must ascribe his opinion of the impolicy of attempting
settlements amongst them. Is it wonderful, that to a man of his humanity
and discernment, any other effect should seem likely to proceed from
the undertaking, than what would augment his concern that ever Otaheite
felt the necessity of being obliged to his countrymen? One motive alone,
perhaps, not contemplated by him in reasoning on the purposes which
might induce to such an attempt, gave some promise of compensating for
former evils, without being likely to entail others, which would still leave
the balance of good and bad consequences a subject of regret. We allude
to the intentions of the missionaries, who projected a settlement on the
island in 1796, &c. But the friends of humanity have not hitherto had
cause to rejoice at the amount of the new benefits conferred. The advocates
for such labours, indeed, require to arm themselves with patience,
unless they can satisfy themselves with the conviction of having willed a
good work. Besides, even they ought to anticipate the certainty, that,
were their intentions realized, intruders of very different principles, and
with very different motives, would speedily mar the fruits of their benevolence.
Such reflections, it may be said, are discouraging. What opinion,
then, ought we to entertain of the wisdom of labours, which had
been undertaken without a full view of obvious causes threatening their
ultimate failure? It would little alleviate the mortification of disappointment,
to exclaim, as is often done on such occasions, "Who could have
thought it?" But the most enlightened judges of such undertakings, will
not only advert to the probable occurrence of such mischief, but also be
well aware of the existence of other untoward circumstances, extremely
well calculated to render any fears of subsequent deterioration altogether
superfluous!—E.


SECTION V.


Arrival at Eimeo.—Two Harbours there, and an Account of
them.—Visit from Maheine, Chief of the Island.—His Person
described.—A Goat stolen, and sent back with the Thief.—Another
Goat stolen, and secreted.—Measures taken on
the Occasion.—Expedition cross the Island.—Houses and
Canoes burnt.—The Goat delivered up, and Peace restored.
Some Account of the Island, &c.


As I did not give up my design of touching at Eimeo,
at day-break, in the morning of the 30th, after leaving
Otaheite, I stood for the north end of the island; the harbour
which I wished to examine being at that part of it.
Omai, in his canoe, having arrived there long before us,
had taken some necessary measures to shew us the place.
However, we were not without pilots, having several men
of Otaheite on board, and not a few women. Not caring
to trust entirely to these guides, I sent two boats to examine
the harbour; and, on their making the signal for
safe anchorage, we stood in with the ships, and anchored
close up to the head of the inlet, in ten fathoms water, over
a bottom of soft mud, and moored with a hawser fast to the
shore.


This harbour, which is called Taloo, is situated upon the
[pg 63]
north side of the island, in the district of Oboonohoo, or
Poonohoo. It runs in south, or south by east, between the
hills, above two miles. For security and goodness of its
bottom, it is not inferior to any harbour that I have met
with at any of the islands in this ocean; and it has this
advantage over most of them, that a ship can sail in and
out, with the reigning trade wind; so that the access and
recess are equally easy. There are several rivulets that fall
into it. The one, at the head, is so considerable as to admit
boats to go a quarter of a mile up, where we found the
water perfectly fresh. Its banks are covered with the pooroo
tree, as it is called by the natives, which makes good
firing, and which they set no value upon; so that wood
and water are to be got here with great facility.


On the same side of the island, and about two miles to
the eastward, is the harbour of Parowroah, much larger
within than that of Taloo; but the entrance, or opening
in the reef (for the whole island is surrounded by a reef of
coral rock) is considerably narrower, and lies to leeward of
the harbour. These two defects are so striking, that the
harbour of Taloo must always have a decided preference,
It is a little extraordinary, that I should have been three
times at Otaheite before, and have once sent a boat to Eimeo,
and yet not know till now that there was a harbour
in it. On the contrary, I always understood there was not.
Whereas, there are not only the two above mentioned, but
one or two more on the south side of the island. But these
last are not so considerable as the two we have just described.


We had no sooner anchored, than the ships were crowded
with the inhabitants, whom curiosity alone brought on
board; for they had nothing with them for the purposes
of barter. But, the next morning, this deficiency was supplied;
several canoes then arriving from more distant parts,
which brought with them abundance of bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts,
and a few hogs. These they exchanged for hatchets,
nails, and beads; for red feathers were not so much
sought after here as at Otaheite. The ship being a good
deal pestered with rats, I hauled her within thirty yards of
the shore, as near as the depth of water would allow, and
made a path for them to get to the land, by fastening hawsers
to the trees. It is said, that this experiment has
[pg 64]
sometimes succeeded; but, I believe, we got clear of very few,
if any, of the numerous tribe that haunted us.1


In the morning of the 2d, Maheine, the chief of the
island, paid me a visit. He approached the ship with great
caution, and it required some persuasion to get him on
board. Probably, he was under some apprehensions of mischief
from us, as friends of the Otaheitans; these people
not being able to comprehend how we can be friends with
any one, without adopting, at the same time, his cause
against his enemies. Maheine was accompanied by his
wife, who, as I was informed, is sister to Oamo, of Otaheite,
of whose death we had an account while we were at
this island. I made presents to both of them of such things
as they seemed to set the highest value upon; and, after a
stay of about half-an-hour, they went away. Not long after,
they returned with a large hog, which they meant as a
return to my present; but I made them another present to
the full value of it. After this they paid a visit to Captain
Clerke.


This chief who, with a few followers, has made himself,
in a manner, independent of Otaheite, is between forty
and fifty years old. He is bald-headed, which is rather an
uncommon appearance in these islands at that age. He
wore a kind of turban, and seemed ashamed to shew his
head. But whether they themselves considered this deficiency
of hair as a mark of disgrace, or whether they entertained
a notion of our considering it as such, I cannot
[pg 65]
say. We judged that the latter supposition was the truth,
from this circumstance, that they had seen us shave the
head of one of their people whom we had caught stealing.
They therefore concluded, that this was the punishment
usually inflicted by us upon all thieves; and one or
two of our gentlemen, whose heads were not overburthened
with hair, we could observe, lay under violent suspicions
of being tetos.


In the evening, Omai and I mounted on horseback, and
took a ride along the shore to the eastward. Our train was
not very numerous, as Omai had forbid the natives to follow
us; and many complied; the fear of giving offence
getting the better of their curiosity. Towha had stationed
his fleet in this harbour; and though the war lasted but a
few days, the marks of its devastation were every where to
be seen. The trees were stripped of their fruit; and all the
houses in the neighbourhood had been pulled down or
burnt.


Having employed two or three days in getting up all our
spirit casks to tar their heads, which we found necessary, to
save them from the efforts of a small insect to destroy
them, we hauled the ship off into the stream, on the 6th,
n the morning, intending to put to sea the next day; but
an accident happened that prevented it, and gave me a
good deal of trouble. We had sent our goats ashore, in
the day-time, to graze, with two men to look after them;
notwithstanding which precaution, the natives had contrived
to steal one of them this evening. The loss of this
goat would have been of little consequence, if it had not
interfered with my views of stocking other islands with
these animals; but this being the case, it became necessary
to recover it, if possible. The next morning, we got intelligence
that it had been carried to Maheine, the chief,
who was at this time at Parowroah harbour. Two old men
offered to conduct any of my people, whom I might think
proper to send to him, to bring back the goat. Accordingly,
I dispatched them in a boat, charged with a threatening
message to Maheine, if the goat was not immediately
given up to me, and also the thief.


It was only the day before that this chief had requested
me to give him two goats. But, as I could not spare them,
unless at the expense of other lands that might never have
another opportunity to get any, and had besides heard that
[pg 66]
there were already two upon this island, I did not gratify
him. However, to shew my inclination to assist his views
in this respect, I desired Tidooa, an Otaheite chief, who
was present, to beg Otoo, in my name, to send two of these
animals to Maheine; and, by way of insuring a compliance
with this request, I sent to Otoo, by this chief a large
piece of red feathers, equal to the value of the two goats
that I required. I expected that this arrangement would
have been satisfactory to Maheine and all the other chiefs
of the island; but the event shewed that I was mistaken.


Not thinking that any one would dare to steal a second,
at the very time I was taking measures to recover the first,
the goats were put ashore again this morning; and, in the
evening, a boat was sent to bring them on board. As our
people were getting them into the boat, one was carried off
undiscovered. It being immediately missed, I made no
doubt of recovering it without much trouble, as there had
not been time to carry it to any considerable distance.
Ten or twelve of the natives set out soon after, different
ways, to bring it back, or to look for it; for not one of
them would own that it was stolen, but all tried to persuade
us that it had strayed into the woods; and indeed I
thought so myself. I was convinced to the contrary, however,
when I found that not one of those who went in pursuit
of it returned; so that their only view was to amuse
me till their prize was beyond my reach; and night coming
on, put a stop to all farther search. About this time the
boat returned with the other goat, bringing also one of the
men who had stolen it; the first instance of the kind that
I had met with amongst these islands.


The next morning, I found that most of the inhabitants
in the neighbourhood had moved off; carrying with them
a corpse which lay on a toopapaoo, opposite the ship; and
that Maheine himself had retired to the most distant part
of the island. It seemed now no longer doubtful, that a
plan had been laid to steal what I had refused to give;
and that, though they had restored one, they were resolved
to keep the other, which was a she-goat, and big with
kid. I was equally fixed in my resolution that they should
not keep it. I therefore applied to the two old men who
had been instrumental in getting back the first. They told
me that this had been carried to Watea, a district on the
south side of the island, by Hamoa, the chief of that place;
[pg 67]
but that if I would send any body for it, it would be delivered
up. They offered to conduct some of my people
cross the island; but, on my learning from them that a
boat might go and return the same day, I sent one, with
two petty officers, Mr Roberts and Mr Shuttleworth; one
to remain with the boat, in case she could not get to the
place, while the other should go with the guides, and one
or two of our people.


Late in the evening the boat returned; and the officers
informed me, that, after proceeding as far in the boat as
rocks and shoals would permit, Mr Shuttleworth, with two
marines, and one of the guides, landed and travelled to
Watea, to the house of Hamoa, where the people of the
place amused them for some time, by telling that the goat
would soon be brought, and pretended they had sent for
it. It however never came; and the approach of night
obliged Mr Shuttleworth to return to the boat without it.


I was now very sorry that I had proceeded so far, as I
could not retreat with any tolerable credit, and without
giving encouragement to the people of the other islands
we had yet to visit, to rob us with impunity. I asked Omai
and the two old men what methods I should next take;
and they, without hesitation, advised me to go with a
party of men into the country, and shoot every soul I
should meet with. This bloody counsel I could not follow;
but I resolved to march a party of men cross the island;
and at day-break the next morning, set out with thirty-five
of my people, accompanied by one of the old men, by
Omai, and three or four of his attendants. At the same
time I ordered Lieutenant Williamson, with three armed
boats, round the western part of the island, to meet us.


I had no sooner landed with my party, than the few natives,
who still remained in the neighbourhood, fled before
us. The first man that we met with upon our march run
some risk of his life; for Omai, the moment he saw him,
asked me if he should shoot him; so fully was he persuaded
that I was going to carry his advice into execution. I
immediately ordered both him and our guide to make it
known that I did not intend to hurt, much less to kill, a
single native. These glad tidings flew before us like lightning,
and stopped the flight of the inhabitants; so that no
one quitted his house, or employment, afterward.


As we began to ascend the ridge of hills over which lay
[pg 68]
our road, we got intelligence that the goat had been carried
that way before us; and, as we understood, could not
as yet have passed the hills; so that we marched up in
great silence, in hopes of surprising the party who were
bearing off the prize. But when we had got to the uppermost
plantation on the side of the ridge, the people there
told us, that what we were in search of had indeed been
kept there the first night, but had been carried the next
morning to Watea, by Hamoa. We then crossed the ridge
without making any further enquiry, till we came within
sight of Watea, where some people shewed us Hamoa's
house, and told us that the goat was there; so that I made
no doubt of getting it immediately upon my arrival. But
when I reached the house, to my very great surprise, the
few people we met with denied that they had ever seen it,
or knew any thing about it; even Hamoa himself came,
and made the same declaration.


On our first coming to the place, I observed several men
running to and fro in the woods, with clubs and bundles of
darts in their hands; and Omai, who followed them, had
some, stones thrown at him; so that it seemed as if they
had intended to oppose any step I should take by force;
but on seeing my party was too strong, had dropped the design.
I was confirmed in this notion, by observing that
all their houses were empty. After getting a few of the
people of the place together, I desired Omai to expostulate
with them on the absurdity of the conduct they were
pursuing; and to tell them, that, from the testimony of
many on whom I could depend, I was well assured that the
goat was in their possession; and, therefore, insisted upon
its being delivered up, otherwise I would burn their houses
and canoes. But, notwithstanding all that I or Omai could
say, they continued to deny their having any knowledge
of it. The consequence was, that I set fire to six or eight
houses, which were presently consumed, with two or three
war-canoes that lay contiguous to them. This done, I
marched off to join the boats, which were about seven or
eight miles from us; and, in our way, we burnt six more
war-canoes, without any one attempting to oppose us; on
the contrary, many assisted, though probably more out of
fear than good-will. In one place, Omai, who had advanced
a little before, came back with information, that a great
many men were getting together to attack us. We made
[pg 69]
ready to receive them; but, instead of enemies, we found
petitioners, with plantain-trees in their hands, which they
laid down at my feet, and begged that I would spare a canoe
that lay close by, which I readily complied with.


At length, about four in the afternoon, we got to the
boats that were waiting at Wharrarade, the district belonging
to Tiarataboonoue; but this chief, as well as all
the principal people of the place, had fled to the hills;
though I touched not a single thing that was their property,
as they were the friends of Otoo. After resting ourselves
here about an hour, we set out for the ships, where
we arrived about eight o'clock in the evening. At that
time no account of the goat had been received; so that
the operations of this day had not produced the desired
effect.


Early next morning, I dispatched one of Omai's men to
Maheine, with this peremptory message, that, if he persisted
in his refusal, I would not leave him a single canoe
upon the island, and that he might expect a continuation
of hostilities as long as the stolen animal remained in his
possession. And, that the messenger might see that I was
in earnest, before he left me, I sent the carpenter to break
up three or four canoes that lay ashore at the head of the
harbour. The plank was carried on board, as materials for
building a house for Omai, at the place where he intended
to settle. I afterward went, properly accompanied, to the
next harbour, where we broke up three or four more canoes,
and burnt an equal number; and then returned on
board about seven in the evening. On my arrival, I found
that the goat had been brought back, about half an hour
before; and, on enquiry, it appeared that it had come
from the very place where I had been told, the day before,
by the inhabitants, that they knew nothing of it. But, in
consequence of the message I sent to the chief in the morning,
it was judged prudent to trifle with me no longer.


Thus ended this troublesome, and rather unfortunate business;
which could not be more regretted on the part of
the natives than it was on mine. And it grieved me to reflect,
that, after refusing the pressing solicitations of my
friends at Otaheite to favour their invasion of this island,
I should so soon find myself reduced to the necessity of
engaging in hostilities against its inhabitants, which,
[pg 70]
perhaps, did them more mischief than they had suffered from
Towha's expedition.2


The next morning our intercourse with the natives was
renewed; and several canoes brought to the ships bread-fruit
and cocoa-nuts to barter; from whence it was natural
for me to draw this conclusion, that they were conscious it
was their own fault if I had treated them with severity;
and that the cause of my displeasure being removed, they
had a full confidence that no further mischief would ensue.


About nine o'clock, we weighed with a breeze down the
harbour; but it proved so faint and variable, that it was
noon before we got out to sea, when I steered for Huaheine,
attended by Omai in his canoe. He did not depend
entirely upon his own judgment, but had got on board a
pilot. I observed that they shaped as direct a course for
the island as I could do.


At Eimeo, we abundantly supplied the ships with firewood.
We had not taken in any at Otaheite, where the
procuring this article would have been very inconvenient;
there not being a tree at Matavai but what is useful to the
inhabitants. We also got here good store of refreshments,
both in hogs and vegetables; that is, bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts;
little else being in season. I do not know that
there is any difference between the produce of this island
and of Otaheite; but there is a very striking difference in
their women that I can by no means account for. Those
of Eimeo are of low stature, have a dark hue, and, in general,
forbidding features. If we met with a fine woman
among them, we were sure, upon enquiry, to find that she
had come from some other island.


The general appearance of Eimeo is very different from
that Otaheite. The latter rising in one steep hilly body,
has little low land, except some deep valleys; and the flat
border that surrounds the greatest part of it toward the
[pg 71]
sea. Eimeo, on the contrary, has hills running in different
directions, which are very steep and rugged, leaving, in the
interspaces, very large valleys, and gently-rising grounds
about their sides. These hills, though of a rocky disposition,
are, in general, covered, almost to their tops, with
trees; but the lower parts, on the sides, frequently only
with fern. At the bottom of the harbour, where we lay, the
ground rises gently to the foot of the hills, which run
across nearly in the middle of the island; but its flat border,
on each side, at a very small distance from the sea,
becomes quite steep. This gives it a romantic cast, which
renders it a prospect superior to any thing we saw at Otaheite.
The soil, about the low grounds, is a yellowish and
pretty stiff mould; but, upon the lower hills, it is blacker
and more loose; and the stone that composes the hills, is,
when broken, of a blueish colour, but not very compact
texture, with some particles of glimmer interspersed. These
particles seem worthy of observation. Perhaps the reader
will think differently of my judgment, when I add, that,
near the station of our ships, were two large stones, or rather
rocks, concerning which the natives have some superstitious
notions. They consider them as eatooas, or divinities;
saying, that they are brother and sister, and that they
came by some supernatural means from Ulieta.


Footnote 1: (return) 
A French traveller in Greece, it is believed Sonnini, makes mention
of such an artifice having been used with success by a vessel that put into
one of the islands he visited; but in this case the transference was made,
not into the island, but into another vessel, containing apples, of which
rats are known to be exceedingly fond. A hawser was secretly fastened
to the latter, so as to form a communication betwixt the two vessels.
On the following morning, it is said, not a rat was found in the one which
originally contained them, the whole having gone over during the night to
the other. So much for the efficacy of the stratagem. The reader will
be at no loss to decide as to the morality of having recourse to it. Mr
Bingley relates another method of getting rid of these vermin, which
seems to be abundantly serviceable, and which certainly has honesty in
its favour. The Valiant man of war, on its return from the Havannah,
was so shockingly infested with them, that they destroyed a hundred
weight of biscuit daily. The ship was smoked between decks in order to
suffocate them, which had the desired effect. In proof of this, he says,
that six hampers were for some time filled every day with the dead animals.—E.


Footnote 2: (return) 
It is impossible not to think that Cook carried his resentment
farther
than the necessity of the case required; at least we may say, that the
necessity, besides being in a great degree of his own creating, did not
warrant such extensive aggression. His confessing his regret and concern
must be allowed to prove this, and at the same time to indicate the tenderness
of his moral feelings. It is one of the wisest precepts of practical
wisdom, not to commit one's self farther in threatenings, or vindictive
resolutions, than it will be quite safe and convenient to carry into
effect.—E.


SECTION VI.


Arrival at Huaheine.—Council of the Chiefs.—Omai's Offerings,
and Speech to the Chiefs.—His Establishment in this
Island agreed to.—A House built, and Garden planted for
him.—Singularity of his Situation.—Measures taken to insure
his Safety.—Damage done by Cock-roaches on board
the Ships.—A Thief detected and punished.—Fire-works exhibited.—Animals
left with Omai.—His Family.—Weapons.—Inscription
on his House.—His Behaviour on the
Ships leaving the Island.—Summary View of his Conduct
and Character.—Account of the two New Zealand Youths.


Having left Eimeo with a gentle breeze and fine weather,
at day-break, the next morning we saw Huaheine,
extending from S.W. by W. 1/2 W., to W. by N. At noon,
we anchored at the north entrance of Owharre harbour,
[pg 72]
which is on the west side of the island. The whole afternoon
was spent in warping the ships into a proper birth
and mooring. Omai entered the harbour just before us, in
his canoe, but did not land. Nor did he take much notice
of any of his countrymen, though many crowded to see
him; but far more of them came off to the ships, insomuch
that we could hardly work on account of their numbers.
Our passengers presently acquainted them with what we
had done at Eimeo, and multiplied the number of houses
and canoes that we had destroyed, by ten at least. I was
not sorry for this exaggerated account, as I saw that it
made a great impression upon all who heard it; so that I
had hopes it would induce the inhabitants of this island to
behave better to us than they had done during my former
visits.


While I was at Otaheite, I had learned that my old
friend Oree was no longer the chief of Huaheine; and that,
at this time, he resided at Ulietea. Indeed, he never had
been more than regent during the minority of Taireetareea,
the present earee rahie; but he did not give up the regency
till he was forced. His two sons, Opoony and Towha,
were the first who paid me a visit, coming on board before
the ship was well in the harbour, and bringing a present
with them.


Our arrival brought all the principal people of the island
to our ships, on the next morning, being the 13th. This
was just what I wished, as it was high time to think of settling
Omai; and the presence of these chiefs, I guessed,
would enable me to do it in the most satisfactory manner.
He now seemed to have an inclination to establish himself
at Ulietea; and if he and I could have agreed about the
mode of bringing that plan to bear, I should have had no
objection to adopt it. His father had been dispossessed by
the men of Bolabola, when they conquered Ulietea, of
some land in that island; and I made no doubt of being
able to get it restored to the son in an amicable manner.
For that purpose it was necessary that he should be upon
good terms with those who now were masters of the island;
but he was too great a patriot to listen to any such thing;
and was vain enough to suppose that I would reinstate him
in his forfeited lands by force. This made it impossible to
fix him at Ulietea, and pointed out to me Huaheine as the
proper place. I, therefore, resolved to avail myself of the
[pg 73]
presence of the chief men of the island, and to make this
proposal to them.


After the hurry of the morning was over, we got ready to
pay a formal visit to Taireetareea, meaning then to introduce
this business. Omai dressed himself very properly on
the occasion, and prepared a handsome present for the
chief himself, and another for his eatooa. Indeed, after he
had got clear of the gang that surrounded him at Otaheite,
he behaved with such prudence as to gain respect. Our
landing drew most of our visitors from the ships; and they,
as well as those that were on shore, assembled in a large
house. The concourse of people, on this occasion, was
very great; and, amongst them, there appeared to be a
greater proportion of personable men and women than we
had ever seen in one assembly, at any of these new islands.
Not only the bulk of the people seemed, in general, much
stouter and fairer than those of Otaheite, but there was also
a much greater number of men who appeared to be of consequence,
in proportion to the extent of the island, most of
whom had exactly the corpulent appearance of the chiefs
of Wateeoo. We waited some time for Taireetareea, as I
would do nothing till the earee rahie came; but, when he
appeared, I found that his presence might have been dispensed
with, as he was not above eight or ten years of age.
Omai, who stood at a little distance from this circle of
great men, began with making his offering to the gods,
consisting of red feathers, cloth, &c. Then followed another
offering, which was to be given to the gods by the
chief; and after that, several other small pieces and tufts of
red feathers were presented. Each article was laid before
one of the company, who, I understood, was a priest, and
was delivered with a set speech or prayer, spoken by one
of Omai's friends, who sat by him, but mostly dictated by
himself. In these prayers, he did not forget his friends in
England, nor those who had brought him safe back. The
earee rahie no Pretane, Lord Sandwich, Toote, Tatee,1 were
mentioned in every one of them. When Omai's offerings
and prayers were finished, the priest took each article, in
the same order in which it had been laid before him, and
after repeating a prayer, sent it to the morai, which, as
[pg 74]
Omai told us, was at a great distance, otherwise the offerings
would have been made there.


These religious ceremonies having been performed, Omai
sat down by me, and we entered upon business, by giving
the young chief my present, and receiving his in return;
and, all things considered, they were liberal enough on both
sides. Some arrangements were next agreed upon, as to the
manner of carrying on the intercourse betwixt us; and I
pointed out the mischievous consequences that would attend
their robbing us, as they had done during my former visits.
Omai's establishment was then proposed to the assembled
chiefs.


He acquainted them, "that he had been carried by us
into our country, where he was well received by the great
king and his earees, and treated with every mark of regard
and affection while he staid amongst us; that he had been
brought back again, enriched, by our liberality, with a variety
of articles which would prove very useful to his countrymen;
and that, besides the two horses which were to remain
with him, several other new and valuable animals had
been left at Otaheite, which would soon multiply, and furnish
a sufficient number for the use of all the islands in the
neighbourhood. He then signified to them that it was my
earnest request, in return for all my friendly offices, that
they would give him a piece of land to build a house upon,
and to raise provisions for himself and servants; adding,
that if this could not be obtained for him in Huaheine, either
by gift or by purchase, I was determined to carry him
to Ulietea, and fix him there."


Perhaps I have here made a better speech for my friend
than he actually delivered; but these were the topics I dictated
to him. I observed that what he concluded with,
about carrying him to Ulietea, seemed to meet with the
approbation of all the chiefs; and I instantly saw the reason.
Omai had, as I have already mentioned, vainly flattered
himself that I meant to use force in restoring him to
his father's lands in Ulietea, and he had talked idly, and
without any authority from me, on this subject, to some of
the present assembly, who dreamed of nothing less than a
hostile invasion of Ulietea, and of being assisted by me to
drive the Bolabola men out of that island. It was of consequence,
therefore, that I should undeceive them; and, in
order to this, I signified, in the most peremptory manner,
[pg 75]
that I neither would assist them in such an enterprise, nor
suffer it to be put in execution, while I was in their seas;
and that, if Omai fixed himself in Ulietea, he must be introduced
as a friend, and not forced upon the Bolabola
men as their conqueror.


This declaration gave a new turn to the sentiments of
the council. One of the chiefs immediately expressed himself
to this effect: "That the whole island of Huaheine,
and every thing in it, were mine; and that, therefore, I
might give what portion of it I pleased to my friend."
Omai, who, like the rest of his countrymen, seldom sees
things beyond the present moment, was greatly pleased to
hear this, thinking, no doubt, that I should be very liberal,
and give him enough. But to offer what it would have been
improper to accept, I considered as offering nothing at all,
and, therefore, I now desired that they would not only assign
the particular spot, but also the exact quantity of land
which they would allot for the settlement. Upon this, some
chiefs who had already left the assembly, were sent for;
and, after a short consultation among themselves, my request
was granted by general consent, and the ground immediately
pitched upon, adjoining to the house where our
meeting was held. The extent, along the shore of the
harbour, was about two hundred yards; and its depth, to
the foot of the hill, somewhat more; but a proportional
part of the hill was included in the grant.


This business being settled to the satisfaction of all parties,
I set up a tent ashore, established a post, and erected
the observatories. The carpenters of both ships were also
set to work to build a small house for Omai, in which he
might secure the European commodities that were his property.
At the same time, some hands were employed in
making a garden for his use, planting shaddocks, vines,
pine-apples, melons, and the seeds of several other vegetable
articles; all of which I had the satisfaction of observing
to be in a flourishing state before I left the island.


Omai now began seriously to attend to his own affairs,
and repented heartily of his ill-judged prodigality while at
Otaheite. He found at Huaheine, a brother, a sister, and a
brother-in-law; the sister being married. But these did
not plunder him, as he had lately been by his other relations.
I was sorry, however, to discover that, though they
were too honest to do him any injury, they were of too
[pg 76]
little consequence in the island to do him any positive good.
They had neither authority nor influence to protect his person,
or his property; and, in that helpless situation, I had
reason to apprehend that he run great risk of being stripped
of every thing he had got from us, as soon as he should
cease to have us within his reach, to enforce the good behaviour
of his countrymen, by an immediate appeal to our
irresistible power.


A man who is richer than his neighbours is sure to be
envied, by numbers who wish to see him brought down to
their own level. But in countries where civilization, law,
and religion impose their restraints, the rich have a reasonable
ground of security. And besides there being, in all
such communities, a diffusion of property, no single individual
need fear, that the efforts of all the poorer sort can
ever be united to injure him, exclusively of others who are
equally the objects of envy. It was very different with
Omai. He was to live amongst those who are strangers, in
a great measure, to any other principle of action besides
the immediate impulse of their natural feelings. But, what
was his principal danger, he was to be placed in the very
singular situation of being the only rich man in the community
to which he was to belong. And having, by a fortunate
connection with us, got into his possession an accumulated
quantity of a species of treasure which none of his
countrymen could create by any art or industry of their
own; while all coveted a share of this envied wealth, it was
natural to apprehend that all would be ready to join in attempting
to strip its sole proprietor.


To prevent this, if possible, I advised him to make a proper
distribution of some of his moveables to two or three
of the principal chiefs, who, being thus gratified themselves,
might be induced to take him under their patronage,
and protect him from the injuries of others. He promised
to follow my advice; and I heard, with satisfaction,
before I sailed, that this very prudent step had been taken.
Not trusting, however, entirely to the operations of gratitude,
I had recourse to the more forcible motive of intimidation.
With this view, I took every opportunity of notifying
to the inhabitants, that it was my intention to return
to their island again, after being absent the usual time; and
that, if I did not find Omai in the same state of security in
which I was now to leave him, all those whom, I should then
[pg 77]
discover to have been his enemies, might expect to feel the
weight of my resentment. This threatening declaration;
will, probably, have no inconsiderable effect; for our successive
visits of late years have taught these people to believe
that our ships are to return at certain periods; and
while they continue to be impressed with such a notion,
which I thought it a fair stratagem to confirm, Omai has
some prospect of being permitted to thrive upon his new
plantation.


While we lay in this harbour, we carried ashore the
bread remaining in the bread-room, to clear it of vermin.
The number of cock-roaches that infested the ship, at this
time, is incredible. The damage they did us was very considerable;
and every method devised by us to destroy
them proved ineffectual. These animals which, at first,
were a nuisance, like all other insects, had now become a
real pest, and so destructive, that few things were free from,
their ravages. If food of any kind was exposed, only for a
few minutes, it was covered with them, and they soon
pierced it full of holes, resembling a honey-comb. They
were particularly destructive to birds which had been stuffed
and preserved as curiosities, and what was worse, were uncommonly
fond of ink, so that the writing on the labels
fastened to different articles were quite eaten out; and the
only thing that preserved books from them was the closeness
of the binding, which prevented these devourers getting
between the leaves. According to Mr Anderson's observations,
they were of two sorts, the blatta orientalis and
germanica. The first of these had been carried home in the
ship from her former voyage, where they withstood the severity
of the hard winter in 1776, though she was in dock
all the time. The others had only made their appearance
since our leaving New Zealand, but had increased so fast,
that they now not only did all the mischief mentioned
above, but had even got amongst the rigging, so that when
a sail was loosened, thousands of them fell upon the decks.
The orientates, though in infinite numbers, scarcely came
out but in the night, when they made every thing in the
cabins seem as if in motion, from the particular noise in
crawling about. And, besides their disagreeable appearance,
they did great mischief to our bread, which was so
bespattered with their excrement, that it would have been
badly relished by delicate feeders.


[pg 78]


The intercourse of trade and friendly offices was carried
on between us and the natives, without being disturbed by
any one accident, till the evening of the 22d, when a man
found means to get into Mr Bayly's observatory, and to
carry off a sextant unobserved. As soon as I was made acquainted
with the theft, I went ashore, and got Omai to
apply to the chiefs to procure restitution. He did so; but
they took no steps toward it, being more attentive to a
heeva that was then acting, till I ordered the performers of
the exhibition to desist. They were now convinced that I
was in earnest, and began to make some enquiry after the
thief, who was sitting in the midst of them, quite unconcerned,
insomuch that I was in great doubt of his being the
guilty person, especially as he denied it. Omai, however,
assuring me that he was the man, I sent him on board the
ship, and there confined him. This raised a general ferment
amongst the assembled natives; and the whole body
fled in spite of all my endeavours to stop them. Having
employed Omai to examine the prisoner, with some difficulty
he was brought to confess where he had hid the sextant;
but, as it was now dark, we could not find it till day-light
the next morning, when it was brought back unhurt.
After this, the natives recovered from their fright, and began
to gather about us as usual. And, as to the thief, he
appearing to be a hardened scoundrel, I punished him more
severely than I had ever done any one culprit before. Besides
having his head and beard shaved, I ordered both his
ears to be cut off and then dismissed him.2


[pg 79]


This, however, did not deter him from giving us farther
trouble; for, in the night between the 24th and 25th, a general
alarm was spread, occasioned, as was said, by one of
our goats being stolen by this very man. On examination,
we found that all was safe in that quarter. Probably, the
goats were so well guarded, that he could not put his design
in execution. But his hostilities had succeeded against
another object, and it appeared that he had destroyed and
carried off several vines and cabbage-plants in Omai's
grounds; add he publicly threatened to kill him, and to
burn his house as soon as we should leave the island. To
prevent the fellow's doing me and Omai any more mischief,
I had him seized, and confined again on board the ship,
with a view of carrying him off the island; and it seemed
to give general satisfaction to the chiefs, that I meant thus
to dispose of him. He was from Bolabola; but there were
too many of the natives here ready to assist him in any of
his designs, whenever he should think of executing them.
I had always met with more troublesome people in Huaheine
than in any other of the neighbouring islands; and it
was only fear, and the want of opportunities, that induced
them to behave better now. Anarchy, seemed to prevail
amongst them. Their nominal sovereign the earee rahie, as
I have before observed, was but a child; and I did not find
that there was any one man, or set of men who managed
the government for him; so that, whenever any misunderstanding
[pg 80]
happened between us, I never knew, with sufficient
precision, where to make application, in order to bring
about an accommodation, or to procure redress. The
young chiefs mother would, indeed, sometimes exert herself,
but I did not perceive that she had greater authority
than many others.


Omai's house being nearly finished, many of his moveables
were carried ashore on the 26th. Amongst a variety
of other useless articles was a box of toys, which, when exposed
to public view, seemed greatly to please the gazing
multitude. But, as to his pots, kettles, dishes, plates, drinking-mugs,
glasses, and the whole train of our domestic accommodations,
hardly any one of his countrymen would
so much as look at them. Omai himself now began to
think that they were of no manner of use to him; that a
baked hog was more savoury food than a boiled one, that a
plantain-leaf made as good a dish or plate as pewter, and
that a cocoa-nut shell was as convenient a goblet as a blackjack.
And, therefore, he very wisely disposed of as many
of these articles of English furniture for the kitchen and
pantry, as he could find purchasers for, amongst the people
of the ships; receiving from them in return, hatchets and
other iron tools, which had a more intrinsic value in this
part of the world, and added more to his distinguishing superiority
over those with whom he was to pass the remainder
of his days.


In the long list of the presents bestowed upon him in
England, fire-works had not been forgot. Some of these we
exhibited in the evening of the 28th, before a great concourse
of people, who beheld them with a mixture of pleasure
and fear. What remained, after the evening's entertainment,
were put in order, and left with Omai, agreeably
to their original destination. Perhaps we need not lament
it as a serious misfortune, that the far greater share of this
part of his cargo, had been already expended in exhibitions
at other islands, or rendered useless by being kept so
long.


Between midnight and four in the morning of the 30th,
the Bolabola man, whom I had in confinement, found
means to make his escape out' of the ship. He carried with
him the shackle of the bilbo-bolt that was about his leg,
which was taken from him, as soon as he got on shore, by
one of the chiefs, and given to Omai, who came on board
[pg 81]
very early in the morning, to acquaint me that his mortal
enemy was again let loose upon him. Upon enquiry, it appeared
that not only the sentry placed over the prisoner,
but the whole watch upon the quarter-deck where he was
confined, had laid themselves down to sleep. He seized the
opportunity to take the key of the irons out of the binnacle-drawer,
where he had seen it put, and set himself at liberty.
This escape convinced me that my people had been
very remiss in their night duty, which made it necessary to
punish those who were now in fault, and to establish some
new regulations to prevent the like negligence for the future.
I was not a little pleased to hear, afterward, that the
fellow who escaped had transported himself to Ulietea; in
this, seconding my views of putting him a second time in
irons.3


As soon as Omai was settled in his new habitation, I began
to think of leaving the island; and got every thing off
from the shore, this evening, except the horse and mare,
and a goat big with kid, which were left in the possession
of our friend, with whom we were now finally to part. I
also gave him a boar and two sows of the English breed;
and he had got a sow or two of his own. The horse covered
the mare while we were at Otaheite; so that I consider
the introduction of a breed of horses into these islands as
likely to have succeeded, by this valuable present.


The history of Omai will, perhaps, interest a very numerous
class of readers more than any other occurrence of a
voyage, the objects of which do not, in general, promise
much entertainment. Every circumstance, therefore, which
may serve to convey a satisfactory account of the exact situation
in which he was left, will be thought worth preserving;
and the following particulars are added, to complete
the view of his domestic establishment. He had picked up
at Otaheite four or five toutous; the two New Zealand
youths remained with him; and his brother, and some
others, joined him at Huaheine; so that his family consisted
already of eight or ten persons, if that can be called a
[pg 82]
family to which not a single female as yet belonged, nor I
doubt was likely to belong, unless its master became less
volatile. At present, Omai did not seem at all disposed to
take unto himself a wife.


The house which we erected for him was twenty-four feet
by eighteen, and ten feet high. It was composed of boards,
the spoils of our military operations at Eimeo; and, in
building it, as few nails as possible were used, that there
might be no inducement, from the love of iron, to pull it
down. It was settled, that, immediately after our departure,
he should begin to build a large house after the fashion of
his country, one end of which was to be brought over that
which we had erected, so as to enclose it entirely for greater
security. In this work, some of the chiefs promised to
assist him; and, if the intended building should cover the
ground which he marked out, it will be as large as most
upon the island.


His European weapons consisted of a musket, bayonet,
and cartouch-box, a fowling-piece, two pair of pistols, and
two or three swords or cutlasses. The possession of these
made him quite happy, which was my only view in giving
him such presents. For I was always of opinion that he
would have been happier without fire-arms, and other European
weapons, than with them, as such implements of
war, in the hands of one, whose prudent use of them I had
some grounds for mistrusting, would rather increase his
dangers than establish his superiority. After he had got on
shore every thing that belonged to him, and was settled in
his house, he had most of the officers of both ships, two or
three times, to dinner; and his table was always well supplied
with the very best provisions that the island produced.


Before I sailed, I had the following inscription cut upon
the outside of his house:—


 


Georgius Tertius, Rex, 2 Novembris, 1777.


Naves  { Resolution, Jac. Cook, Pr.


 { Discovery, Car. Clerke, Pr.


 


On the 2d of November, at four in the afternoon, I took
the advantage of a breeze which then sprung up at E., and
sailed out of the harbour. Most of our friends remained
on board till the ships were under sail; when, to gratify
[pg 83]
their curiosity, I ordered five guns to be fired. They then
all took their leave, except Omai, who remained till we were
at sea. We had come to sail by a hawser fastened to the
shore. In casting the ship, it parted, being cut by the
rocks, and the outer end was left behind, as those who cast
it off did not perceive that it was broken, so that it became
necessary to send a boat to bring it on board. In this boat,
Omai went ashore, after taking a very affectionate farewell
of all the officers. He sustained himself with a manly resolution
till he came to me. Then his utmost efforts to
conceal his tears failed; and Mr King, who went in the
boat, told me, that he wept all the time in going ashore.


It was no small satisfaction to reflect, that we had brought
him safe back to the very spot from which he was taken.
And yet, such is the strange nature of human affairs, that
it is probable we left him in a less desirable situation than
he was in before his connection with us. I do not by this
mean, that because he has tasted the sweets of civilized life,
he must become more miserable from being obliged to
abandon all thoughts of continuing them. I confine myself
to this single disagreeable circumstance, that the advantages
he received from us have placed him in a more hazardous
situation, with respect to his personal safety. Omai,
from being much caressed in England, lost sight of his original
condition; and never considered in what manner his
acquisitions, either of knowledge or of riches, would be estimated
by his countrymen at his return, which were the
only things he could have to recommend him to them now,
more than before, and on which he could build either his
future greatness or happiness. He seemed even to have
mistaken their genius in this respect, and, in some measure,
to have forgotten their customs, otherwise he must have
known the extreme difficulty there would be in getting
himself admitted as a person of rank, where there is, perhaps,
no instance of a man's being raised from an inferior
station by the greatest merit. Rank seems to be the very
foundation of all distinction here, and, of its attendant,
power; and so pertinaciously, or rather blindly adhered to,
that, unless a person has some degree of it, he will certainly
be despised and hated, if he assumes the appearance of
exercising any authority. This was really the case, in some
measure, with Omai, though his countrymen were pretty
cautious of expressing their sentiments while we remained
[pg 84]
amongst them. Had he made a proper use of the presents
he brought with him from England, this, with the knowledge
he had acquired by travelling so far, might have enabled
him to form the most useful connections. But we
have given too many instances, in the course of our narrative,
of his childish inattention to this obvious means of advancing
his interest. His schemes seemed to be of a higher
though ridiculous nature, indeed I might say meaner; for
revenge, rather than a desire of becoming great, appeared
to actuate him from the beginning. This, however, maybe
excused, if we consider that it is common to his countrymen.
His father was, doubtless, a man of considerable
property in Ulietea, when that island was conquered by
those of Bolabola, and, with many others, sought refuge in
Huaheine, where he died, and left Omai, with some other
children; who, by that means, became totally dependent.
In this situation he was taken up by Captain Furneaux, and
carried to England. Whether he really expected, from his
treatment there, that any assistance would be given him
against the enemies of his father and his country, or whether
he imagined that his own personal courage and superiority
of knowledge would be sufficient to dispossess the
conquerors of Ulietea, is uncertain; but, from the beginning
of the voyage, this was his constant theme. He would
not listen to our remonstrances on so wild a determination,
but flew into a passion if more moderate and reasonable
counsels were proposed for his advantage. Nay, so infatuated
and attached to his favourite scheme was he, that he
affected to believe these people would certainly quit the
conquered island, as soon as they should hear of his arrival
in Otaheite. As we advanced, however, on our voyage, he
became more sensible of his error; and, by the time we
reached the Friendly Islands, had even such apprehensions
of his reception at home, that, as I have mentioned in my
journal, he would fain have staid behind at Tongataboo,
under Feenou's protection. At these islands, he squandered
away much of his European treasure very unnecessarily;
and he was equally imprudent, as I also took notice of
above, at Tiaraboo, where he could have no view of making
friends, as he had not any intention of remaining there. At
Matavai, he continued the same inconsiderate behaviour,
till I absolutely put a stop to his profusion; and he formed
such improper connections there, that Otoo, who was at
[pg 85]
first much disposed to countenance him, afterward openly
expressed his dislike of him, on account of his conduct. It
was not, however, too late to recover his favour; and he
might have settled, to great advantage, in Otaheite, as he
had formerly lived several years there, and was now a good
deal noticed by Towha, whose valuable present, of a very
large double canoe, we have seen above. The objection to
admitting him to some rank would have also been much
lessened, if he had fixed at Otaheite; as a native will always
find it more difficult to accomplish such a change of
state amongst his countrymen, than a stranger who naturally
claims respect. But Omai remained undetermined to the
last, and would not, I believe, have adopted my plan of settlement
in Huaheine, if I had not so explicitly refused to
employ force in restoring him to his father's possessions.
Whether the remains of his European wealth, which after
all his improvident waste, was still considerable, will be
more prudently administered by him, or whether the steps
I took, as already explained, to insure him protection in
Huaheine, shall have proved effectual, must be left to the
decision of future navigators of this ocean, with whom it
cannot but be a principal object of curiosity to trace the
future fortunes of our traveller. At present, I can only conjecture
that his greatest danger will arise from the very impolitic
declarations of his antipathy to the inhabitants of
Bolabola. For these people, from a principle of jealousy,
will, no doubt, endeavour to render him obnoxious to those
of Huaheine; as they are at peace with that island at present,
and may easily effect their designs, many of them living
there. This is a circumstance, which, of all others, he
might the most easily have avoided. For they were not
only free from any aversion to him, but the person mentioned
before, whom we found at Tiaraboo as an ambassador,
priest, or god, absolutely offered to reinstate him in
the property that was formerly his father's. But he refused
this peremptorily; and, to the very last, continued determined
to take the first opportunity that offered of satisfying
his revenge in battle. To this, I guess, he was not a little
spurred by the coat of mail he brought from England;
clothed in which, and in possession of some fire-arms, he
fancied that he should be invincible.


Whatever faults belonged to Omai's character, they were
more than overbalanced by his great good-nature and
[pg 86]
docile disposition. During the whole time he was with me, I
very seldom had reason to be seriously displeased with his
general conduct. His grateful heart always retained the
highest sense of the favours he had received in England,
nor will he ever forget those who honoured him with their
protection and friendship, during his stay there. He had
a tolerable share of understanding, but wanted application
and perseverance to exert it; so that his knowledge of
things was very general, and, in many instances, imperfect.
He was not a man of much observation. There were many
useful arts, as well as elegant amusements, amongst the
people of the Friendly Islands, which he might have conveyed
to his own, where they probably would have been
readily adopted, as being so much in their own way. But
I never found that he used the least endeavour to make
himself master of any one. This kind of indifference is indeed
the characteristic foible of his nation. Europeans
have visited them at times for these ten years past, yet we
could not discover the slightest trace of any attempt to
profit by this intercourse, nor have they hitherto copied after
us in any one thing. We are not, therefore, to expert
that Omai will be able to introduce many of our arts and
customs amongst them, or much improve those to which
they have been long habituated. I am confident, however,
that he will endeavour to bring to perfection the various
fruits and vegetables we planted, which will be no small acquisition.
But the greatest benefit these islands are likely
to receive from Omai's travels, will be in the animals that
have been left upon them, which, probably, they never
would have got, had he not come to England. When these
multiply, of which I think there is little doubt, Otaheite
and the Society Islands will equal, if not exceed, any place
in the known word, for provisions.


Omai's return, and the substantial proofs he brought
back with him of our liberality, encouraged many to offer
themselves as volunteers to attend me to Pretane. I took
every opportunity of expressing my determination to reject
all such applications. But, notwithstanding this, Omai,
who was very ambitious of remaining the only great traveller,
being afraid lest I might be prevailed upon to put others
in a situation of rivalling him, frequently put me in mind
that Lord Sandwich had told him no others of his countrymen
were to come to England.


[pg 87]


If there had been the most distant probability of any
ship being again sent to New Zealand, I would have brought
the two youths of that country home with me, as both of
them were very desirous of continuing with us. Tiarooa, the
eldest, was an exceedingly well-diposed young man, with
strong natural sense, and capable of receiving any instruction.
He seemed to be fully sensible of the inferiority
of his own country to these islands, and resigned himself,
though perhaps with reluctance, to end his days in ease
and plenty in Huaheine. But the other was so strongly attached
to us, that he was taken out of the ship, and carried
ashore by force. He was a witty, smart boy; and, on that
account, much noticed on board.4


Footnote 1: (return) 
Cook and Clerke.


Footnote 2: (return) 
We cannot suffer this action to be passed over, without expressing
indignation
at the cruelty and injustice that marked it. Not even the fair
reputation of Cook for meekness and humanity ought to deter any one
from affixing the proper term to such conduct. He had no right to award
so severe a treatment, even though he had authority to take cognizance of
the man's former and general character, which, however, it is impossible,
on any satisfactory principle, to demonstrate. It was both the duty and
the interest of Captain Cook to conform to the established maxims and
decisions of the people whom he visited, which, whatever their own practice
had been, would have proved amply severe, as we have already had
occasion to observe; but no superiority of power on his part, could warrant
the introduction of unrecognized, and to these islanders it is probable,
quite unheard-of modes of punishment. A suspicion, some persons
may think a very unfair one, lurks in the mind of the writer, that the captain
had rather forgotten himself during this voyage, and that presuming,
in some degree, on his established fame and consequence, be exercised a
greater latitude of power than his original caution and sense of responsibility
would have permitted him to hazard, at an earlier period of his career.
Such undoubtedly is human nature, and it can by no means be interpreted
as an unjust aspersion, that Cook was not exempted from its
common infirmities. Captain King, as we shall afterwards find, makes a
remark on his acquired confidence with respect to the savages, in the latter
part of his professional life, which, though in the most delicate manner
imaginable, seems very readily to fall in with the suspicion now stated.
As might have been expected, the over severe, and, at all events, imprudently
managed punishment, failed to operate beneficially on the poor
wretch that was subjected to it Perhaps it will be discovered to hold
universally,
that wherever the appearance of revenge characterizes an act of
retributive justice, a feeling of the same principle hardens the breast of the
culprit, besides influencing the speculative judgments of those who witness
it But it were foolish to expect, that either one or other will avow the
existence of so dangerous a motive. The only excuse that offers itself in.
behalf of Captain Cook's conduct on this occasion, is stated in what he
immediately mentions of the anarchy existing in this island. But even
that is only a palliation in part, and does not reach to the full amount of
the case. Let the reader judge.—E.


Footnote 3: (return) 
Might not so spirited a fellow as this, by proper treatment, have
been
made a most useful agent? How many talents are often lost to society,
because governments are more necessitated, or at least more accustomed,
to punish transgressions, than willing to be at the pains of rewarding ability
and fostering genius! And yet the latter process, it might not be difficult
to prove, would be much less expensive than the former.—E.


Footnote 4: (return) 
Some particulars respecting the subsequent history of Omai and the
two New Zealanders, are related in the account of Captain Bligh's voyage
in 1788. We ought not to anticipate matter which properly belongs to
another period and subject. It seems right, however, in the present instance,
to set the reader's expectations at rest, though the doing so be
somewhat afflictive to his feelings. Omai died a natural death about thirty
months after Captain Cook's departure, but not till he had the satisfaction
of experiencing the importance of the arms and ammunition he was
master of, in a successful engagement which his countrymen had with the
people of Ulietea and Bolabola. Peace soon followed, but it does not
seem that his exertions on this occasion procured him any additional possessions
or elevation of rank. From the good character, however, which
his countrymen gave of him, it appeared that he had conducted himself
with such general propriety as gained their applause. The New Zealanders
did not long survive him, but scarcely any satisfactory information
of their history could be obtained.—E.


SECTION VII.


Arrival at Ulietea.—Astronomical Observations.—A Marine
deserts, and is delivered up.—Intelligence from Omai.—Instructions
to Captain Clerke.—Another Desertion of a Midshipman
and a Seaman.—Three of the chief Persons of the
Island confined on that Account.—A Design to seize Captains
Cook and Clerke, discovered.—The two Deserters
brought back, and the Prisoners released.—The Ships sail.—Refreshments
received at Ulietea.—Present and former State
of that Island.—Account of its dethroned King, and of the
late Regent of Huaheine.


The boat which carried Omai ashore, never to join us
again, having returned to the ship, with the remainder of
[pg 88]
the hawser, we hoisted her in, and immediately stood over
for Ulietea, where I intended to touch next. At ten o'clock
at night, we brought-to, till four the next morning, when
we made sail round the south end of the island, for the
harbour of Ohamaneno. We met with calms and light airs
of wind, from different directions, by turns; so that, at
noon, we were still a league from the entrance of the harbour.
While we were thus detained, my old friend Oreo,
chief of the island, with his son and Pootoe, his son-in-law,
came off to visit us.


Being resolved to push for the harbour, I ordered all the
boats to be hoisted out, and sent them a-head to tow, being
assisted by a slight breeze from the southward. This breeze
failed too soon, and being succeeded by one from the E.,
which blew right out of the harbour, we were obliged to
come to an anchor at its entrance at two o'clock, and to
warp in, which employed us till night set in. As soon as
we were within the harbour, the ships were surrounded
with canoes filled with people, who brought hogs and fruit
to barter with us for our commodities, so that wherever we
went we found plenty.


Next morning, being the 4th, I moored the ship head
and stern close to the north shore, at the head of the harbour;
hauled up the cables on deck, and opened one of the
ballast-ports. From this a slight stage was made to the
land, being at the distance of about twenty feet, with a
view to get clear of some of the rats that continued to infest
us. The Discovery moored alongside the south shore
for the same purpose. While this work was going forward,
I returned Oreo's visit. The present I made him on the
occasion, consisted of a linen gown, a shirt, a red-feathered
cap from Tongataboo, and other things of less value. I
then brought him and some of his friends on board to dinner.


On the 6th, we set up the observatories, and got the necessary
instruments on shore. The two following days we
observed the sun's azimuths, both on board and ashore,
with all the compasses, in order to find the variation; and
in the night of the latter, observed an occultation of σ Capricorni,
by the moon's dark limb. Mr Bayly and I agreed
in fixing the time of its happening, at six minutes and fifty-four
seconds and a half past ten o'clock. Mr King made
it half a second sooner. Mr Bayly observed with the achromatic
[pg 89]
telescope belonging to the board of longitude; Mr
King, with the reflector belonging also to the board; and
I made use of my own reflector of eighteen inches. There
was also an immersion of  π Capricorni behind the moon's
dark limb, some time before, but it was observed by Mr
Bayly alone. I attempted to trace it with a small achromatic,
but found its magnifying power not sufficient.


Nothing worthy of note happened till the night between
the 12th and 13th, when John Harrison, a marine, who was
sentinel at the observatory, deserted, carrying with him his
musket and accoutrements. Having in the morning got intelligence
which way he had moved off, a party was sent
after him; but they returned in the evening, after an ineffectual
enquiry and search. The next day I applied to the
chief to interest himself in this matter. He promised to
send a party of his men after him, and gave me hopes that
he should be brought back the same day. But this did not
happen; and I had reason to suspect that no steps had been
taken by him. We had at this time a great number of the
natives about the ships, and some thefts were committed;
the consequence of which being dreaded by them, very
few visitors came near us the next morning. The chief
himself joined in the alarm, and he and his whole family
fled. I thought this a good opportunity to oblige them to
deliver up the deserter; and having got intelligence that he
was at a place called Hamoa, on the other side of the
island, I went thither with two armed boats, accompanied
by one of the natives; and, in our way, we found the chief,
who also embarked with me. I landed about a mile and a
half from the place, with a few people, and marched briskly
up to it, lest the sight of the boat should give the alarm,
and allow the man time to escape to the mountains. But
this precaution was unnecessary, for the natives there had
got information of my coming, and were prepared to deliver
him up.


I found Harrison, with the musket lying before him, sitting
between two women, who, the moment that I entered
the house, rose up to plead in his behalf. As it was highly
proper to discourage such proceedings, I frowned upon
them, and bid them begone. Upon this they burst into
tears, and walked off. Paha, the chief of the district, now
came with a plantain tree, and a sucking pig, which he
would have presented to me as a peace-offering. I rejected
[pg 90]
it, and ordered him out of my sight; and having embarked
with the deserter on board the first boat that arrived,
returned to the ships. After this, harmony was again
restored. The fellow had nothing to say in his defence,
but that the natives had enticed him away; and this might
in part be true, as it was certain that Paha, and also the
two women above-mentioned, had been at the ship the day
before he deserted. As it appeared that he remained upon
his post till within a few minutes of the time when he was
to have been relieved, the punishment that I inflicted upon
him was not very severe.


Though we had separated from Omai, we were still near
enough to have intelligence of his proceedings; and I had
desired to hear from him. Accordingly, about a fortnight
after our arrival at Ulietea, he sent two of his people in a
canoe, who brought me the satisfactory intelligence that
he remained undisturbed by the people of the island, and
that every thing went well with him, except that his goat had
died in kidding. He accompanied this intelligence with a
request, that I would send him another goat and two axes.
Being happy to have this additional opportunity of serving
him, the messengers were sent back to Huaheine on the
18th, with the axes and two kids, male and female, which
were spared for him out of the Discovery.


The next day I delivered to Captain Clerke instructions
how to proceed in case of being separated from me, after
leaving these islands; and it may not be improper to give
them a place here.


By Captain James Cook, Commander of his Majesty's Sloop
the Resolution.


"Whereas the passage from the Society Islands to the
northern coast of America, is of considerable length, both
in distance and in time, and as a part of it must be performed
in the very depth of winter, when gales of wind
and bad weather must be expected, and may possibly occasion
a separation, you are to take all imaginable care to
prevent this. But if, notwithstanding all our endeavours to
keep company, you should be separated from me, you are
first to look for me where you last saw me. Not seeing me
in five days, you are to proceed (as directed by the
[pg 91]
instructions of their lordships, a copy of which you have
already received) for the coast of New Albion; endeavouring
to fall in with it in the latitude of 45°.


"In that latitude, and at a convenient distance from the
land, you are to cruize for me ten days. Not seeing me in
that time, you are to put into the first convenient port in
or to the north of that latitude, to recruit your wood and
water, and to procure refreshments.


"During your stay in port, you are constantly to keep
a good look-out for me. It will be necessary, therefore, to
make choice of a station, situated as near the sea-coast as
is possible, the better to enable you to see me when I shall
appear in the offing.


"If I do not join you before the 1st of next April, you
are to put to sea, and proceed northward to the latitude
56°; in which latitude, and at a convenient distance from
the coast, never exceeding fifteen leagues, you are to cruize
for me till the 10th of May.


"Not seeing me in that time, you are to proceed northward,
and endeavour to find a passage into the Atlantic
Ocean, through Hudson's or Baffin's Bays, as directed by
the above-mentioned instructions.


"But if you should fail in finding a passage through either
of the said bays, or by any other way, as the season of
the year may render it unsafe for you to remain in high
latitudes, you are to repair to the harbour of St Peter and
St Paul, in Kamtschatka, in order to refresh your people,
and to pass the winter.


"But, nevertheless, if you find that you cannot procure
the necessary refreshments at the said port, you are at liberty
to go where you shall judge most proper; taking
care, before you depart, to leave with the governor an account
of your intended destination, to be delivered to me
upon my arrival; and in the spring of the ensuing year,
1779, you are to repair back to the above-mentioned port,
endeavouring to be there by the 10th of May, or sooner.


"If, on your arrival, you receive no orders from, or account
of me, so as to justify your pursuing any other measures
than what are pointed out in the before-mentioned
instructions, your future proceedings are to be governed
by them.


"You are also to comply with such parts of said instructions
as have not been executed, and are not contrary to
[pg 92]
these orders. And in case of your inability, by sickness or
otherwise, to carry these, and the instructions of their
lordships into execution, you are to be careful to leave
them with the next officer in command, who is hereby required
to execute them in the best manner he can.


"Given under my hand, on board the Resolution, at
Ulietea, the 18th day of November 1777.


"J. COOK.



"To Captain Charles Clerke, Commander
of his Majesty's Sloop the Discovery,"



While we lay moored to the shore we heeled and scrubbed
both sides of the bottoms of the ships. At the same
time we fixed some tin-plates under the binds, first taking
off the old sheathing, and putting in a piece unfilled, over
which the plates were nailed. These plates I had from the
ingenious Mr Pelham, secretary to the commissioners for
victualling his majesty's navy, with a view of trying whether
tin would answer the same end as copper on the bottoms
of ships.


On the 24th, in the morning, I was informed that a midshipman
and a seaman, both belonging to the Discovery,
were missing. Soon after we learnt from the natives, that
they went away in a canoe the preceding evening, and
were, at this time, at the other end of the island. As the
midshipman was known to have expressed a desire to remain
at these islands, it seemed pretty certain that he and
his companion had gone off with this intention; and Captain
Clerke set out in quest of them with two armed boats
and a party of marines. His expedition proved fruitless,
for he returned in the evening, without having got any certain
intelligence where they were. From the conduct of
the natives, Captain Clerke seemed to think that they intended
to conceal the deserters; and, with that view, had
amused him with false information the whole day, and directed
him to search for them in places where they were
not to be found. The Captain judged right; for the next
morning we were told that our runaways were at Otaha.
As these two were not the only persons in the ships who
wished to end their days at these favourite islands, in order
to put a stop to any further desertion, it was necessary
to get them back at all events; and, that the natives might
be convinced that I was in earnest, I resolved to go after
[pg 93]
them myself; having observed, from repeated instances,
that they seldom offered to deceive me with false information.


Accordingly, I set out the next morning with two armed
boats, being accompanied by the chief himself. I proceeded
as he directed, without stopping any where, till we
came to the middle of the east side of Otaha. There we
put ashore, and Oreo dispatched a man before us, with orders
to seize the deserters, and keep them till we should
arrive with the boats. But when we got to the place where
we expected to find them, we were told that they had quitted
this island, and gone over to Bolabola the day before.
I did not think proper to follow them thither, but returned
to the ships, fully determined, however, to have recourse to
a measure which, I guessed, would oblige the natives to
bring them back.


In the night, Mr Bayly, Mr King, and myself, observed
an immersion of Jupiter's third satellite. It happened, by
the observation of




Mr Bayly, at2h37m54s


Mr King, at23724in the morning.


Myself, at23744




Mr Bayly and Mr King observed with Dolland's three-and-a-half
inch achromatic telescope, and with the greatest
magnifying power. I observed with a two-feet Gregorian
reflector, made by Bird.


Soon after day-break, the chief, his son, daughter, and
son-in-law, came on board the Resolution. The three last
I resolved to detain till the two deserters should be brought
back. With this view, Captain Clerke invited them to go
on board his ship; and, as soon as they arrived there, confined
them in his cabin. The chief was with me when the
news reached him. He immediately acquainted me with it,
supposing that this step had been taken without my knowledge,
and, consequently, without my approbation. I instantly
undeceived him; and then he began to have apprehensions
as to his own situation, and his looks expressed
the utmost perturbation of mind. But I soon made him
easy as to this; by telling him, that he was at liberty to
leave the ship whenever he pleased, and to take such measures
as he should judge best calculated to get our two
men back; that, if he succeeded, his friends on board the
Discovery should be delivered up, if not, that I was
[pg 94]
determined to carry them away with me. I added, that his own
conduct, as well as that of many of his men, in not only assisting
these two men to escape, but in being, even at this
very time, assiduous in enticing others to follow them,
would justify any step I could take to put a stop to such
proceedings.


This explanation of the motives upon which I acted,
and which we found means to make Oreo and his people,
who were present, fully comprehend, seemed to recover
them, in a great measure, from that general consternation
into which they were at first thrown. But, if relieved from
apprehensions about their own safety, they continued under
the deepest concern for those who were prisoners.
Many of them went under the Discovery's stern in canoes,
to bewail their captivity, which they did with long and
loud exclamations. Poedooa! for so the chief's daughter
was called, resounded from every quarter; and the women
seemed to vie with each other in mourning her fate with
more significant expressions of their grief than tears and
cries, for there were many bloody heads upon the occasion.


Oreo himself did not give way to unavailing lamentations,
but instantly began his exertions to recover our deserters,
by dispatching a canoe to Bolabola, with a message
to Opoony, the sovereign of that island, acquainting him
with what had happened, and requesting him to seize the
two fugitives, and send them back. The messenger, who
was no less a man than the father of Pootoe, Oreo's son-in-law,
before he set out came to receive my commands. I
strictly enjoined him not to return without the deserters,
and to tell Opoony, from me, that, if they had left Bolabola,
he must send canoes to bring them back, for I suspected
that they would not long remain in one place.


The consequence, however, of the prisoners was so great,
that the natives did not think proper to trust to the return
of our people for their release; or, at least, their impatience
was so great, that it hurried them to meditate an attempt
which might have involved them in still greater distress,
had it not been fortunately prevented. Between five
and six o'clock in the evening, I observed that all their canoes
in and about the harbour began to move off, as if
some sudden panic had seized them. I was ashore, abreast
of the ship at the time, and enquired in vain to find out
[pg 95]
the cause, till our people called to as from the Discovery,
and told us, that a party of the natives had seized Captain
Clerke and Mr Gore, who had walked out a little way from
the ships. Struck with the boldness of this plan of retaliation,
which seemed to counteract me so effectually in my
own way, there was no time to deliberate. I instantly ordered
the people to arm; and in less than five minutes, a
strong party, under the command of Mr King, was sent to
rescue our two gentlemen. At the same time, two armed
boats, and a party under Mr Williamson, went after the
flying canoes, to cut off their retreat to the shore. These
several detachments were hardly out of sight, before an account
arrived that we had been misinformed, upon which
I sent and called them all in.


It was evident, however, from several corroborating circumstances,
that the design of seizing Captain Clerke had
really been in agitation amongst the natives. Nay, they
made no secret in speaking of it the next day. But their
first and great plan of operations was to have laid hold of
me. It was my custom, every evening, to bathe in the fresh
water. Very often I went alone, and always without arms.
Expecting me to go as usual this evening, they had determined
to seize me, and Captain Clerke too, if he had accompanied
me. But I had, after confining Oreo's family,
thought it prudent to avoid putting myself in their power;
and had cautioned Captain Clerke and the officers not to
go far from the ships. In the course of the afternoon the
chief asked me three several times, if I would not go to
the bathing-place; and when he found, at last, that I
could not be prevailed upon, he went off with the rest of
his people, in spite of all that I could do or say to stop
him. But as I had no suspicion, at this time, of their design,
I imagined that some sudden fright had seized them,
which would, as usual, soon be over. Finding themselves
disappointed as to me, they fixed on those who were more
in their power. It was fortunate for all parties that they
did not succeed, and not less fortunate that no mischief
was done on the occasion; for not a musket was fired, except
two or three to stop the canoes. To that firing, perhaps,
Messrs Clerke and Gore owed their safety;1 for, at
[pg 96]
that very instant, a party of the natives, armed with clubs,
were advancing toward them, and, on hearing the report
of the muskets, they dispersed.


This conspiracy, as it may be called, was first discovered
by a girl, whom one of the officers had brought from
Huaheine. She, overhearing some of the Ulieteans say,
that they would seize Captain Clerke and Mr Gore, ran
to acquaint the first of our people that she met with.
Those who were charged with the execution of the design
threatened to kill her as soon as we should leave the island,
for disappointing them. Being aware of this, we contrived
that her friends should come, some days after, and take
her out of the ship, to convey her to a place of safety,
where she might lie concealed till they should have an opportunity
of sending her back to Huaheine.


On the 27th, our observatories were taken down, and every
thing we had ashore carried on board; the moorings of the
ships were cast off, and we transported them a little way down
the harbour, where they came to an anchor again. Toward
the afternoon the natives began to shake off their fears,
gathering round and on board the ships as usual, and the
awkward transactions of the day before seemed to be forgotten
on both sides.


The following night the wind blew in hard squalls from
S. to E. attended with heavy showers of rain. In one of the
squalls, the cable by which the Resolution was riding, parted
just without the hawse. We had another anchor ready
to let go, so that the ship was presently brought up again.
In the afternoon the wind became moderate, and we hooked
the end of the best small bower-cable, and got it again
into the hawse.


Oreo, the chief, being uneasy, as well as myself, that no
account had been received from Bolabola, set out this
evening for that island, and desired me to follow him the
next day with the ships. This was my intention, but the
wind would not admit of our getting to sea. But the same
wind which kept us in the harbour, brought Oreo back
from Bolabola, with the two deserters. They had reached
Otaha the same night they deserted; but, finding it impossible
to get to any of the islands to the eastward (which
[pg 97]
was their intention) for want of wind, they had proceeded
to Bolabola, and from thence to the small island Toobaee,
where they were taken by the father of Pootoe, in consequence
of the first message sent to Opoony. As soon as
they were on board, the three prisoners were released.
Thus ended an affair which had given me much trouble
and vexation. Nor would I have exerted myself so resolutely
on the occasion, but for the reasons before mentioned,
and to save the son of a brother officer from being lost
to his country.


The wind continued constantly between the N. and W.
and confined us in the harbour till eight o'clock in the
morning of the 7th of December, when we took the advantage
of a light breeze which then sprung up at N.E.,
and, with the assistance of all the boats, got out to sea,
with the Discovery in company.


During the last week we had been visited by people
from all parts of the island, who furnished us with a large
stock of hogs and green plantains. So that the time we lay
wind-bound in the harbour was not entirely lost; green
plantains being an excellent substitute for bread, as they
will keep good a fortnight or three weeks. Besides this
supply of provisions, we also completed our wood and water.


The inhabitants of Ulietea seemed, in general, smaller
and blacker than those of the other neighbouring islands,
and appeared also less orderly, which, perhaps, may be
considered as the consequence of their having become
subject to the natives of Bolabola. Oreo, their chief, is
only a sort of deputy of the sovereign of that island; and
the conquest seems to have lessened the number of subordinate
chiefs resident among them; so that they are less
immediately under the inspection of those whose interest
it is to enforce due obedience to authority. Ulietea, though
now reduced to this humiliating state, was formerly, as we
were told, the most eminent of this cluster of islands, and,
probably, the first seat of government; for, they say, that
the present royal family of Otaheite is descended from
that which reigned here before the late revolution. Ooroo,
the dethroned monarch of Ulietea, was still alive when we
were at Huaheine, where he resides, a royal wanderer, furnishing,
in his person, an instance of the instability of
power; but, what is more remarkable, of the respect paid
[pg 98]
by these people to particular families, and to the customs
which have once conferred sovereignty; for they suffer Ooroo
to preserve all the ensigns which they appropriate to
majesty, though he has lost his dominions.


We saw a similar instance of this while we were at
Ulietea. One of the occasional visitors I now had was my
old friend Oree, the late chief of Huaheine. He still preserved
his consequence; came always at the head of a numerous
body of attendants, and was always provided with
such presents as were very acceptable. This chief looked
much better now than I had ever seen him during either
of my former voyages. I could account for his improving
in health as he grew older, only from his drinking less copiously
of ava in his present station as a private gentleman,
than he had been accustomed to do when he was regent.2


Footnote 1: (return) 
Perhaps they owed their safety principally to Captain Clerke's
walking
with a pistol in his hand, which he once fired. This circumstance is
omitted both in Captain Cook's and Mr Andersen's journal, but it is
here
mentioned on the authority of Captain King.—D.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Captain Cook had seen Oree in 1769, when he commanded the
Endeavour;
also twice during his second voyage in 1772.—D.


[pg 99]


SECTION VIII.


Arrival at Bolabola.—Interview with Opoony.—Reasons for
purchasing Monsieur de Bougainville's Anchor.—Departure
from the Society Islands.—Particulars about Bolabola.—History
of the Conquest of Otaha and Ulieta.—High
Reputation of the Bolabola Men.—Animals left there and
at Ulietea.—Plentiful Supply of Provisions, and Manner
of salting Pork on Board.—Various Reflections relative to
Otaheite and the Society Islands.—Astronomical and Nautical
Observations made there.


As soon as we had got clear of the harbour, we took our
leave of Ulietea, and steered for Bolabola. The chief, if
not sole object I had in view by visiting that island was, to
procure from its monarch, Opoony, one of the anchors
which Monsieur de Bougainville had lost at Otaheite.
This having afterwards been taken up by the natives there,
had, as they informed me, been sent by them as a present
to that chief. My desire to get possession of it did not
arise, from our being in want of anchors; but having expended
all the hatchets, and other iron tools which we had
brought from England, in purchasing refreshments, we
were now reduced to the necessity of creating a fresh assortment
of trading articles, by fabricating them out of the
spare iron we had on board; and in such conversions, and
in the occasional uses of the ships, great part of that had
been already expended. I thought that M. de Bougainville's
anchor would supply our want of this useful material;
and I made no doubt that I should be able to tempt
Opoony to part with it.


Oreo, and six or eight men more from Ulietea, took a
passage with us to Bolabola. Indeed most of the natives in
general, except the chief himself, would have gladly taken
a passage with us to England. At sunset, being the length
of the south point of Bolabola, we shortened sail, and spent
the night making short boards. At day-break, on the 8th,
we made sail for the harbour, which is on the west side of
the island. The wind was scant, so that we had to ply up,
and it was nine o'clock before we got near enough to send
[pg 100]
away a boat to sound the entrance, for I had thoughts of
running the ships in, and anchoring for a day or two.


When the boat returned, the master, who was in her,
reported, that though at the entrance of the harbour the
bottom was rocky, there was good ground within, and the
depth of water twenty-seven and twenty-five fathoms; and
that there was room to turn the ships in, the channel being
one-third of a mile broad. In consequence of this report,
we attempted to work the ships in. But the tide, as
well as the wind, being against us, after making two or
three trips, I found that it could not be done till the tide
should turn in our favour. Upon this I gave up the design
of carrying the ships into the harbour; and having ordered
the boats to be got ready, I embarked in one of them,
accompanied by Oreo and his companions, and was rowed
in for the island.


We landed where the natives directed us, and soon after
I was introduced to Opoony, in the midst of a great
concourse of people. Having no time to lose, as soon as
the necessary formality of compliments was over, I asked
the chief to give me the anchor, and produced the present
I had prepared for him, consisting of a linen night-gown,
a shirt, some gauze handkerchiefs, a looking-glass, some
beads and other toys, and six axes. At the sight of these
last there was a general outcry. I could only guess the
cause, by Opoony's absolutely refusing to receive my present
till I should get the anchor. He ordered three men to
go and deliver it to me; and, as I understood, I was to
send by them what I thought proper in return. With these
messengers we set out in our boat for an island, lying at
the north side of the entrance into the harbour, where the
anchor had been deposited. I found it to be neither so
large nor so perfect as I expected. It had originally weighed
seven hundred pounds, according to the mark that was
upon it; but the ring, with part of the shank and two
palms, were now wanting. I was no longer at a loss to
guess the reason of Opoony's refusing my present. He
doubtless thought that it so much exceeded the value of
the anchor in its present state, that I should be displeased
when I saw it. Be this as it may, I took the anchor as I
found it, and sent him every article of the present that I
at first intended. Having thus completed my negociation,
[pg 101]
I returned on board, and having hoisted in the boats, made
sail from the island to the north.1


While the boats were hoisting in, some of the natives
came off in three or four canoes to see the ships, as they
said. They brought with them a few cocoa-nuts and one
pig, which was the only one we got at the island. I make
no doubt, however, that if we had staid till the next day, we
should have been plentifully supplied with provisions; and
I think the natives would feel themselves disappointed
when they found that we were gone. But as we had already
a very good stock, both of hogs and of fruit on
board, and very little of any thing left to purchase more,
I could have no inducement to defer any longer the prosecution
of our voyage.


The harbour of Bolabola, called Oteavanooa, situated
on the west side of the island, is one of the most capacious
that I ever met with; and though we did not enter it, it
was a satisfaction to me that I had an opportunity of employing
my people to ascertain its being a very proper
place for the reception of ships.


The high double-peaked mountain, which is in the
middle of the island, appeared to be barren on the east
side; but on the west side, has trees or bushes on its most
craggy parts. The lower grounds, all round toward the
sea, are covered with cocoa-palms and bread-fruit trees,
[pg 102]
like the other islands of this ocean; and the many little
islets that surrounded it on the inside of the reef, add both
to the amount of its vegetable productions and to the number
of its inhabitants.


But still, when we consider its very small extent, being
not more than eight leagues in compass, it is rather remarkable
that its people should have attempted, or have
been able to atchieve the conquest of Ulietea and Otaha,
the former of which islands is, of itself, at least double its
size. In each of my three voyages, we had heard much of
the war that produced this great revolution. The result of
our enquiries, as to the circumstances attending it, may
amuse the reader; and I give it as a specimen of the history
of our friends, in this part of the world, as related to
us by themselves.2


Ulietea, and Otaha which adjoins it, lived long in friendship,
or, as the natives express it, were considered as two
brothers, inseparable by any interested views. They also
admitted the island of Huaheine as their friend, though
not so intimate. Otaha, however, like a traitor, leagued
with Bolabola, and they resolved jointly to attack Ulietea;
whose people called in their friends of Huaheine to assist
them against these two powers. The men of Bolabola were
encouraged by a priestess, or rather prophetess, who foretold
that they should be successful; and, as a proof of the
certainty of her prediction, she desired, that a man might
be sent to the sea, at a particular place, where, from a
great depth, a stone would ascend. He went, accordingly,
in a canoe to the place mentioned; and was going to
dive to see where this stone lay, when, behold, it started up
to the surface spontaneously into his hand! The people
were astonished at the sight: The stone was deposited as
sacred in the house of the Eatooa; and is still preserved at
Bolabola, as a proof of this woman's influence with the divinity.
Their spirits being thus elevated with the hopes of
victory, the canoes of Bolabola set out to engage those of
Ulietea and Huaheine, which being strongly fastened together
with ropes, the encounter lasted long, and would
probably, notwithstanding the prediction and the miracle,
have ended in the overthrow of the Bolabola fleet, if that
[pg 103]
of Otaha had not, in the critical moment, arrived. This
turned the fortune of the day, and their enemies were defeated
with great slaughter. The men of Bolabola, prosecuting
their victory, invaded Huaheine two days after,
which they knew must be weakly defended, as most of its
warriors were absent. Accordingly, they made themselves
masters of that island. But many of its fugitives having
got to Otaheite, there told their lamentable story; which
so grieved those of their countrymen, and of Ulietea, whom,
they met with in that island, that they obtained some assistance
from them. They were equipped with only ten
fighting canoes; but, though their force was so inconsiderable,
they conducted the expedition with so much prudence,
that they landed at Huaheine at night, when dark,
and, falling upon the Bolabola men by surprise, killed
many of them, forcing the rest to fly. So that, by this
means, they got possession of their island again, which
now remains independent, under the government of its
own chiefs. Immediately after the defeat of the united
fleets of Ulietea and Huaheine, a proposal was made to
the Bolabola men by their allies of Otaha, to be admitted
to an equal share of the conquests. The refusal of this
broke the alliance; and in the course of the war, Otaha
itself, as well as Ulietea, was conquered; and both now remain
subject to Bolabola; the chiefs who govern them being
only deputies of Opoony, the sovereign of that island.
In the reduction of the two islands, five battles were fought
at different places, in which great numbers were slain on
both sides.


Such was the account we received. I have more than
once remarked, how very imperfectly these people recollect
the exact dates of past events. And with regard to this
war, though it happened not many years ago, we could
only guess at the time of its commencement and its conclusion,
from collateral circumstances, furnished by our
own observation, as the natives could not satisfy our enquiries
with any precision. The final conquest of Ulietea,
which closed the war, we know had been made before I
was there in the Endeavour, in 1769; but we may infer,
that peace had not been very long restored, as we could
then see marks of recent hostilities having been committed
upon that island. Some additional light may be thrown
upon this enquiry, by attending to the age of Teereetareea,
[pg 104]
the present chief of Huaheine. His looks shewed that he
was not above ten or twelve years old; and we were informed
that his father had been killed in one of the battles.
As to the time when the war began, we had no better rule
for judging than this, that the young people of about twenty
years of age, of whom we made enquiries, could scarcely
remember the first battles; and I have already mentioned,
that Omai's countrymen, whom we found at Wateoo, knew
nothing of this war; so that its commencement was subsequent
to their voyage.


Ever since the conquest of Ulietea and Otaha, the Bolabola
men have been considered by their neighbours as invincible;
and such is the extent of their fame, that even
at Otaheite, which is almost out of their reach, if they are
not dreaded, they are, at least, respected for their valour.
It is said that they never fly in battle, and that they always
beat an equal number of the other islanders. But,
besides these advantages, their neighbours seem to ascribe
a great deal to the superiority of their god, who, they believed,
detained us at Ulietea by contrary winds, as being
unwilling that we should visit an island under his special
protection.


How high the Bolabola men are now in estimation at
Otaheite, may be inferred from Monsieur de Bougainville's
anchor having been conveyed to them. To the same cause
we must ascribe the intention of transporting to their island
the Spanish bull. And they had already got possession of
a third European curiosity, the male of another animal,
brought to Otaheite by the Spaniards. We had been,
much puzzled, by the imperfect description of the natives,
to guess what this could be; but Captain Clerke's deserters,
when brought back from Bolabola, told me, that the
animal had been there shewn to them, and that it was a
ram. It seldom happens but that some good arises out of
evil, and if our two men had not deserted, I should not
have known this. In consequence of their information, at
the same time that I landed to meet Opoony, I carried
ashore a ewe, which we had brought from the Cape of Good
Hope; and I hope that by this present I have laid the
foundation for a breed of sheep at Bolabola. I also left at
Ulietea, under the care of Oreo, an English boar and sow,
and two goats. So that not only Otaheite, but all the
neighbouring islands, will, in a few years, have their race
[pg 105]
of hogs considerably improved; and, probably, be stocked
with all the valuable animals which have been transported
hither by their European visitors.


When once this comes to pass, no part of the world
will equal these islands in variety and abundance of refreshments
for navigators. Indeed, even in their present
state, I know no place that excels them. After repeated
trials in the course of several voyages we find, when they
are not disturbed by intestine broils, but live in amity with
one another, which has been the case for some years past,
that their productions are in the greatest plenty; and, particularly,
the most valuable of all the articles, their hogs.


If we had had a larger assortment of goods, and a sufficient
quantity of salt on board, I make no doubt that we
might have salted as much pork as would have served both
ships near twelve months. But our visiting the Friendly
Islands, and our long stay at Otaheite and the neigbourhood,
quite exhausted our trading commodities, particularly
our axes, with which alone, hogs, in general, were to
be purchased. And we had hardly salt enough to cure fifteen
puncheons of meat; of these, five were added to our
stock of provisions at the Friendly Islands, and the other
ten at Otaheite. Captain Clerke also salted a proportionable
quantity for his ship.


The process was the same that had been adopted by me
in my last voyage; and it may be worth while to describe
it again. The hogs were killed in the evening; as soon
as they were cleaned, they were cut up, the bone taken
out, and the meat salted when it was hot. It was then
laid in such a position as to permit the juices to drain from
it, till the next morning, when it was again salted, packed
into a cask, and covered with pickle. Here it remained
for four or five days, or a week; after which it was taken
out and examined, piece by piece, and if there was any
found to be in the least tainted, as sometimes happened,
it was separated from the rest, which was repacked into
another cask, headed up, and filled with good pickle. In
about eight or ten days time it underwent a second examination;
but this seemed unnecessary, as the whole was
generally found to be perfectly cured. A mixture of bay
and of white salt answers the best, but either of them will
do alone. Great care should be taken that none of the
large blood vessels remain in the meat; nor must too great
[pg 106]
a quantity be packed together, at the first salting, lest the
pieces in the middle should heat, and, by that means, prevent
the salt from penetrating them. This once happened
to us, when we killed a larger quantity than usual. Rainy
sultry weather is unfavourable for salting meat in tropical
climates.


Perhaps the frequent visits Europeans have lately made
to these islanders, may be one great inducement to their
keeping up a large stock of hogs, as they have had experience
enough to know, that, whenever we come, they may
be sure of getting from us what they esteem a valuable
consideration for them. At Otaheite they expect the return
of the Spaniards every day, and they will look for the
English two or three years hence, not only there, but at the
other islands. It is to no purpose to tell them that you
will not return; they think you must, though not one of
them knows, or will give himself the trouble to enquire, the
reason of your coming.


I own I cannot avoid expressing it as my real opinion,
that it would have been far better for these poor people,
never to have known our superiority in the accommodations
and arts that make life comfortable, than, after once
knowing it, to be again left and abandoned to their original
incapacity of improvement. Indeed, they cannot be
restored to that happy mediocrity in which they lived before
we discovered them, if the intercourse between us
should be discontinued. It seems to me that it has become
in a manner incumbent on the Europeans to visit
them once in three or four years, in order to supply them
with those conveniences which we have introduced among
them, and have given them a predilection for. The want
of such occasional supplies will probably be felt very heavily
by them, when it may be too late to go back to their
old less perfect contrivances, which they now despise, and
have discontinued since the introduction of ours. For by
the time that the iron tools, of which they are now possessed,
are worn out, they will have almost lost the knowledge
of their own. A stone-hatchet is, at present, as rare a thing
amongst them, as an iron one was eight years ago; and a
chisel of bone or stone is not to be seen. Spike-nails have
supplied the place of these last, and they are weak enough
to fancy that they have got an inexhaustible store of them;
for these were not now at all sought after. Sometimes,
[pg 107]
however, nails much smaller than a spike would still be taken
in exchange for fruit. Knives happened, at present,
to be in great esteem at Ulietea, and axes and hatchets remained
unrivalled by any other of our commodities at all
the islands. With respect to articles of mere ornament,
these people are as changeable as any of the polished nations
of Europe; so that what pleases their fancy, while a
fashion is in vogue, may be rejected, when another whim
has supplanted it. But our iron tools are so strikingly useful,
that they will, we may confidently pronounce, continue
to prize them highly; and be completely miserable,
if, neither possessing the materials, nor trained up to the
art of fabricating them, they should cease to receive supplies
of what may now be considered as having become necessary
to their comfortable existence.3


Otaheite, though not comprehended in the number of
what we have called the Society Islands, being inhabited
by the same race of men, agreeing in the same leading
features of character and manners, it was fortunate, that
we happened to discover this principal island before the
others; as the friendly and hospitable reception we there
met with, of course, led us to make it the principal place
of resort, in our successive visits to this part of the Pacific
Ocean. By the frequency of this intercourse, we have had
better opportunities of knowing something about it and its
inhabitants, than about the other similar but less considerable
islands in its vicinity. Of these, however, we have
seen enough to satisfy us, that all that we observed and
have related of Otaheite, may, with trifling variations, be
applied to them.


Too much seems to have been already known and published
[pg 108]
in our former relations, about some of the modes of
life that made Otaheite so agreeable an abode to many on
board our ships; and, if I could now add any finishing
strokes to a picture, the outlines of which have been already
drawn with sufficient accuracy, I should still have hesitated
to make this journal the place for exhibiting a view of licentious
manners, which could only serve to disgust those
for whose information I write. There are, however, many
parts of the domestic, political, and religious institutions of
these people, which, after all our visits to them, are but imperfectly
understood. The foregoing narrative of the incidents
that happened during our stay, will probably be
thought to throw some additional light; and, for farther
satisfaction, I refer to Mr Anderson's remarks.


Amidst our various subordinate employments, while at
these islands, the great objects of our duty were always attended
to. No opportunity was lost of making astronomical
and nautical observations; from which the following
table was drawn up:




Place.Latitude.Longitude.Variation ofDip of the


 South.Eastthe Compass.Needle.


Matavai Point, Otaheite,17° 24-1/4'210° 22' 28"5° 34' East29° 12'


Owharre Harbour, Huaheine,16° 42-3/4'208° 52' 24"5° 13-1/2" East28° 28'


Ohamaneno Harbour, Ulietea,16° 45-1/2'208° 25' 22"6° 19' East29°  5'




[Transcriber's Note: It is possible that the compass variation at Owharre Harbour should read 5° 13-1/2'
not 5° 13-1/2" (minutes not seconds)]


The longitude of the three several places is deduced from
the mean of 145 sets of observations made on shore; some
at one place, and some at another; and carried on to each
of the stations by the time-keeper. As the situation of
these places was very accurately settled, during my former
voyages, the above observations were now made chiefly
with a view of determining how far a number of lunar observations
might be depended upon, and how near they
would agree with those made upon the same spot in 1769,
which fixed Matavai Point to be in 210° 27' 30". The difference,
it appears, is only of 5' 2"; and, perhaps, no other
method could have produced a more perfect agreement.
Without pretending to say which of the two computations
is the nearest the truth, the longitude of 210° 22' 28", or,
which is the same thing, 208° 25' 22", will be the longitude
we shall reckon from with the time-keeper, allowing it to be
losing, on mean time, 1,"69 each day, as found by the mean
[pg 109]
of all the observations made at these islands for that purpose.


On our arrival at Otaheite, the error of the time-keeper
in longitude was,




byGreenwich rate,1° 18' 58"


 Tongataboo rate,0° 16' 40"




Some observations were also made on the tide; particularly
at Otaheite and Ulietea, with a view of ascertaining
its greatest rise at the first place. When we were there,
in my second voyage, Mr Wales thought he had discovered
that it rose higher than I had observed it to do, when I
first visited Otaheite, in 1769. But the observations we
now made proved that it did not; that is, that it never
rose higher than twelve or fourteen inches at most. And
it was observed to be high-water nearly at noon, as well at
the quadratures, as at the full and change of the moon.


To verify this, the following observations were made at
Ulietea:




Day ofWater at a standMean TimePerpendicular


theofrise


Month.fromtoHigh Water.Inches.


November 6.11h 15m12h 20m11h 48m5,5


7.11  401  0012  205,2


8.11  3512  5012  125,0


9.11  401  1612  285,5


10.11  251  1012  186,5


11.12  001  4012  205,0


12.11  001  0512  025,7


13.9  3011  4010  358,0


14.11  1012  5012  008,0


15.9  2011  3010  259,2


16.10  0012  0011  009,0


17.10  4512  1511  308,5


18.10  2512  1011  189,0


19.11  001  0012  008,0


20.11  302  0012  457,0


21.11  001  0012  008,0


22.11  301  0712  188,0


23.12  001  3012  456,5


24.11  301  4012  355,5


25.11  401  5012  454,7


26.11  001  3012  155,2




[pg 110]


Having now finished all that occurs to me, with regard
to these islands, which make so conspicuous a figure in the
list of our discoveries, the reader will permit me to suspend
the prosecution of my journal, while he peruses the following
section, for which I am indebted to Mr Anderson.


Footnote 1: (return) 
Here again is a trait of genuine nobility, sufficient, we have no
doubt, to reinstate our commander in the good graces of every reader.
On the other hand, there is something so truly honest on the part of
Opoony and his people in declining the acceptance of the present, till
Cook had seen the article he was bargaining for, that we cannot help
giving them high credit for moral attainments. How forcibly does such a
conduct prove the existence of a sense of the law, which says, "Do to
others, as you would that others should do to you." It is curious, that
some authors have maintained, that no such law is recognised among mankind
till they are made acquainted with divine revelation. But these
persons have confounded together two things, which are quite distinct,—a
sense of the obligation of such a law, and a disposition and power to
obey it. The former may exist, and indeed more generally does exist,
without the latter. But we see, by the present example, that both may
operate, where, according to this opinion, no such thing as either could
be found. Here, however, we would not take it upon us to affirm any
thing in respect of the motives which influenced the obedience. In so
far as our fellow-creatures alone are concerned, it is barely and simply
our actions which ought to be considered. It is the prerogative of a higher
tribunal to judge of the heart and the principles it contains.—E.


Footnote 2: (return) 
For this, as for many other particulars about these people, we are
indebted to Mr Anderson.—D.


Footnote 3: (return) 
Captain Cook's reasoning here is irresistibly convincing; yet it is
very remarkable that no practical benefit resulted from it, in favour of the
people whose cause he pleads. One can scarcely account, far less apologize,
for the extraordinary fact, that nearly eleven years, from the date
of this voyage, had elapsed, before any British vessel touched at Otaheite,
and that even then the visit was an accidental one. Soon afterwards, however,
Lieutenant Bligh was ordered to visit it, for the purpose, not of conferring
benefits on it, but of procuring the bread-fruit tree, for our West
India possessions. Of the changes which had happened in that interval,
it would be improper to make any mention in this place. The reader
nevertheless may be informed, that much of the evil, which Captain
Cook had foreseen, really occurred. The want of iron tools especially
was most severely felt.—E.


SECTION IX.


Accounts of Otaheite still imperfect.—The prevailing Winds.—Beauty of the
Country.—Cultivation.—Natural Curiosities.—The
Persons of the Natives.—Diseases.—General Character.—Love
of Pleasure.—Language.—Surgery and Physic.—Articles
of Food.—Effects of drinking Ava.—Times and
Manner of Eating.—Connexions with the Females.—Circumcision.—System of
Religion.—Notions about the Soul
and a future Life.—Various Superstitions.—Traditions
about the Creation.—An historical Legend.—Honours paid
to the King.—Distinction of Ranks.—Punishment of Crimes.—Peculiarities of the
neighbouring Islands.—Names of their
Gods.—Names of Islands they visit.—Extent of their Navigation.


To what has been said of Otaheite, in the accounts of
the successive voyages of Captain Wallis, Mons. de Bougainville,
and Captain Cook, it would, at first sight, seem
superfluous to add any thing, as it might be supposed, that
little could be now produced but a repetition of what has
been told before. I am, however, far from being of that
opinion; and will venture to affirm, though a very accurate
description of the country, and of the most obvious customs
of its inhabitants, has been already given, especially
by Captain Cook, that much still remains untouched; that,
in some instances, mistakes have been made, which later
and repeated observation has been able to rectify; and
that, even now, we are strangers to many of the most important
institutions that prevail amongst these people. The
truth is, our visits, though frequent, have been but transient;
many of us had no inclination to make enquiries;
more of us were unable to direct our enquiries properly;
and we all laboured, though not to the same degree, under
the disadvantages attending an imperfect knowledge of the
language of those, from whom alone we could receive any
[pg 111]
information. The Spaniards had it more in their power to
surmount this bar to instruction; some of them having resided
at Otaheite much longer than any other European visitors.
As, with their superior advantages, they could not
but have had an opportunity of obtaining the fullest information
on most subjects relating to this island, their account
of it would, probably, convey more authentic and
accurate intelligence, than, with our best endeavours, any
of us could possibly obtain. But, as I look upon it to be
very uncertain, if not very unlikely, that we shall ever have
any communication from that quarter, I have here put together
what additional intelligence, about Otaheite, and its
neighbouring islands, I was able to procure, either from,
Omai, while on board the ship, or by conversing with the
other natives, while we remained among them.


The wind, for the greatest part of the year, blows from
between E.S.E., and E.N.E. This is the true trade-wind,
or what the natives call Maaraee; and it sometimes blows
with considerable force. When this is the case, the weather
is often cloudy, with showers of rain; but, when the
wind is more moderate, it is clear, settled, and serene. If
the wind should veer farther to the southward, and become
S.E., or S.S.E., it then blows more gently, with a smooth
sea, and is called Maooui. In those months, when the sun
is nearly vertical, that is, in December and January, the
winds and weather are both very variable; but it frequently
blows from W.N.W., or N.W. This wind is what they
call Toerou; and is generally attended by dark, cloudy
weather, and frequently by rain, it sometimes blows
strong, though generally moderate; but seldom lasts longer
than five or six days without interruption; and is the only
wind in which the people of the islands to leeward come to
this in their canoes. If it happens to be still more northerly,
it blows with less strength, and has the different appellation
of Era-potaia; which they feign to be the wife of the
Toerou; who, according to their mythology, is a male.


The wind from S.W., and W.S.W., is still more frequent
than the former; and, though it is, in general, gentle, and
interrupted by calms, or breezes from the eastward, yet it
sometimes blows in brisk squalls. The weather attending
it is commonly dark; cloudy, and rainy, with a close, hot
air; and often accompanied by a great deal of lightning
and thunder. It is called Etoa, and often succeeds the
[pg 112]
Toerou; as does also the Farooa, which is still more southerly;
and, from its violence, blows down houses and
trees, especially the cocoa-palms, from their loftiness; but
it is only of a short duration.


The natives seem not to have a very accurate knowledge
of these changes, and yet pretend to have drawn some general
conclusions from their effects; for they say, when the
sea has a hollow sound, and dashes slowly on the shore, or
rather on the reef without, that it portends good weather,
but, if it has a sharp sound, and the waves succeed each
other fast, that the reverse will happen.


Perhaps there is scarcely a spot in the universe that affords
a more luxuriant prospect than the S.E. part of Otaheite.
The hills are high and steep; and, in many places,
craggy. But they are covered to the very summits with
trees and shrubs, in such a manner, that the spectator can
scarcely help thinking, that the very rocks possess the property
of producing and supporting their verdant clothing.
The flat land which bounds those hills toward the sea, and
the interjacent valleys also, teem with various productions
that grow with the most exuberant vigour, and at once fill
the mind of the beholder with the idea, that no place upon
earth can out-do this, in the strength and beauty of vegetation.
Nature has been no less liberal in distributing rivulets,
which are found in every valley; and as they approach
the sea, often divide into two or three branches, fertilizing
the flat lands through which they run. The habitations of
the natives are scattered without order upon these flats;
and many of them appearing toward the shore, presented a
delightful scene, viewed from our ships; especially as the
sea within the reef, which bounds the coast, is perfectly
still, and affords a safe navigation at all times for the inhabitants,
who are often seen paddling in their canoes indolently
along in passing from place to place, or in going to
fish. On viewing these charming scenes, I have often regretted
my inability to transmit to those who have had no
opportunity of seeing them, such a description as might, in
some measure, convey an impression similar to what must
be felt by every one who has been fortunate enough to be
upon the spot.


It is doubtless the natural fertility of the country, combined
with the mildness and serenity of the climate, that
renders the natives so careless in their cultivation, that, in
[pg 113]
many places, though, overflowing with the richest productions,
the smallest traces of it cannot be observed. The
cloth-plant, which is raised by seeds brought from the
mountains, and the ava, or intoxicating pepper, which they
defend from the sun when very young, by covering them
with leaves of the bread-fruit tree, are almost the only
things to which they seem to pay any attention, and these
they keep very clean.


I have enquired very carefully into their manner of cultivating
the bread-fruit tree, but was always answered that
they never planted it. This, indeed, must be evident to
every one who will examine the places where the young
trees come up. It will be always observed that they spring
from the roots of the old ones, which ran along near the
surface of the ground; so that the bread-fruit trees may be
reckoned those that would naturally cover the plains, even
supposing that the island was not inhabited, in the same
manner that the white-barked trees, found at Van Diemen's
Land, constitute the forests there. And from this we may
observe, that the inhabitant of Otaheite, instead of being
obliged to plant his bread, will rather be under a necessity
of preventing its progress; which, I suppose, is sometimes
done, to give room for trees of another sort, to afford him
some variety in his food.


The chief of these are the cocoa-nut and plantain; the
first of which can give no trouble, after it has raised itself
a foot or two above the ground; but the plantain requires
a little more care; for, after it is planted, it shoots up, and,
in about three months, begins to bear fruit; during which
time it gives young shoots, which supply a succession of
fruit. For the old stocks are cut down as the fruit is taken
off.


The products of the island, however, are not so remarkable
for their variety, as great abundance; and curiosities
of any kind are not numerous. Amongst these we may
reckon a pond or lake of fresh water at the top of one of
the highest mountains, to go to and return from which
takes three or four days; it is remarkable for its depth, and
has eels of an enormous size in it, which are sometimes
caught by the natives, who go upon this water, in little
floats of two or three wild plantain trees fastened together.
This is esteemed one of the greatest natural curiosities of
the country; insomuch, that travellers, who come from the
[pg 114]
other islands, are commonly asked, amongst the first things,
by their friends, at their return, if they have seen it? There
is also a sort of water, of which there is only one small pond
upon the island, as far distant as the lake, and, to appearance,
very good, with a yellow sediment at the bottom;
but it has a bad taste, and proves fatal to those who drink
any quantity, or makes them break out in blotches if they
bathe in it.


Nothing could make a stronger impression, at first sight,
on our arrival here, than the remarkable contrast between
the robust make and dark colour of the people of Tongataboo,
and a sort of delicacy and whiteness which distinguish
the inhabitants of Otaheite. It was even some time before
that difference could preponderate in favour of the Otaheiteans;
and then only, perhaps, because we became accustomed
to them, the marks which had recommended the
others began to be forgotten. Their women, however,
struck us as superior in every respect, and as possessing all
those delicate characteristics which distinguish them from,
the other sex in many countries. The beard, which the
men here wear long, and the hair, which is not cut so
short as is the fashion at Tongataboo, made also a great
difference; and we could not help thinking that on every
occasion they shewed a greater degree of timidity and
fickleness. The muscular appearance, so common amongst
the Friendly Islanders, and which seems a consequence of
their being accustomed to much action, is lost here, where
the superior fertility of their country enables the inhabitants
to lead a more indolent life; and its place is supplied
by a plumpness and smoothness of the skin, which, though
perhaps more consonant with our ideas of beauty, is no
real advantage, as it seems attended with a kind of languor
in all their motions, not observable in the others. This observation
is fully verified in their boxing and wrestling,
which may be called little better than the feeble efforts of
children, if compared to the vigour with which these exercises
are performed at the Friendly Islands.


Personal endowments being in great esteem amongst
them, they have recourse to several methods of improving
them, according to their notions of beauty. In particular,
it is a practice, especially among the Erreoes, or unmarried
men of some consequence, to undergo a kind of physical
operation to render them fair. This is done by remaining
[pg 115]
a month or two in the house; during which time they wear
a great quantity of clothes, eat nothing but bread-fruit, to
which they ascribe a remarkable property in whitening
them. They also speak, as if their corpulence and colour,
at other times, depended upon their food; as they are obliged,
from the change of seasons, to use different sorts at
different times.


Their common diet is made up of, at least, nine-tenths of
vegetable food, and, I believe, more particularly the mahee,
or fermented bread-fruit, which enters almost every meal,
has a remarkable effect upon them, preventing a costive
habit, and producing a very sensible coolness about them,
which could not be perceived in us who fed on animal
food. And it is, perhaps, owing to this temperate course
of life that they have so few diseases among them.


They only reckon five or six, which might be called
chronic, or national disorders; amongst which are the
dropsy and the fefai, or indolent swellings before mentioned
as frequent at Tongataboo. But this was before the arrival
of the Europeans; for we have added to this short catalogue,
a disease which abundantly supplies the place of all
the others; and is now almost universal. For this they
seem to have no effectual remedy. The priests, indeed,
sometimes give them a medley of simples; but they own
that it never cures them. And yet they allow that in a few
cases, nature, without the assistance of a physician, exterminates
the poison of this fatal disease, and a perfect recovery
is produced. They say, that if a man is infected with
it, he will often communicate it to others in the same
house, by feeding out of the same utensils or handling
them; and that, in this case, they frequently die, while he
recovers; though we see no reason why this should happen.


Their behaviour on all occasions seems to indicate a
great openness and generosity of disposition. Omai, indeed,
who, as their countryman, should be supposed rather
willing to conceal any of their defects, has often said that
they are sometimes cruel in punishing their enemies. According
to his representation, they torment them very deliberately;
at one time tearing out small pieces of flesh
from different parts; at another taking out the eyes; then
cutting off the nose; and, lastly, killing them by opening
the belly. But this only happens on particular occasions.
[pg 116]
If cheerfulness argues a conscious innocence, one would
suppose that their life is seldom sullied by crimes. This,
however, I rather impute to their feelings, which, though
lively, seem in no case permanent; for I never saw them,
in any misfortune, labour under the appearance of anxiety
after the critical moment was past. Neither does care
ever seem to wrinkle their brow. On the contrary, even
the approach of death does not appear to alter their usual
vivacity. I have seen them when brought to the brink of
the grave by disease, and when preparing to go to battle;
but in neither case ever observed their countenances overclouded
with melancholy or serious reflection.


Such a disposition leads them to direct all their aims
only to what can give them pleasure and ease. Their
amusements all tend to excite and continue their amorous
passions; and their songs, of which they are immoderately
fond, answer the same purpose. But as a constant succession
of sensual enjoyments must cloy, we found, that they
frequently varied them to more refined subjects, and had
much pleasure in chaunting their triumphs in war, and
their occupations in peace; their travels to other islands,
and adventures there; and the peculiar beauties, and superior
advantages of their own island over the rest, or of
different parts of it over other less favourite districts. This
marks, that they receive great delight from music; and
though they rather expressed a dislike to our complicated
compositions, yet were they always delighted with the
more melodious sounds produced singly on our instruments,
as approaching nearer to the simplicity of their own.


Neither are they strangers to the soothing effects produced
by particular sorts of motion, which, in some cases,
seem to allay any perturbation of mind, with as much success
as music. Of this, I met with a remarkable instance.
For on walking one day about Matavai Point, where our
tents were erected, I saw a man paddling in a small canoe,
so quickly, and looking about with such eagerness, on each
side, as to command all my attention. At first, I imagined
that he had stolen something from one of the ships, and
was pursued; but, on waiting patiently, saw him repeat his
amusement. He went out from the shore, till he was near
the place where the swell begins to take its rise; and,
watching its first motion very attentively, paddled before it,
with great quickness, till he found that it overtook him,
[pg 117]
and had acquired sufficient force to carry his canoe before
it, without passing underneath. He then sat motionless,
and was carried along, at the same swift rate as the wave,
till it landed him upon the beach. Then he started out,
emptied his canoe, and went in search of another swell.
I could not help concluding, that this man felt the most
supreme pleasure, while he was driven on, so fast and so
smoothly, by the sea; especially as, though the tents and
ships were so near, he did not seem, in the least, to envy,
or even to take any notice of, the crowds of his countrymen
collected to view them as objects which were rare and
curious. During my stay, two or three of the natives came
up, who seemed to share his felicity, and always called out,
when there was an appearance of a favourable swell, as he
sometimes missed it, by his back being turned, and looking
about for it. By them I understood, that this exercise,
which is called ehorooe, was frequent amongst them; and
they have probably more amusements of this sort, which
afford them at least as much pleasure as skaiting, which
is the only one of ours, with whose effects I could compare
it.


The language of Otaheite, though doubtless radically the
same with that of New Zealand and the Friendly Islands,
is destitute of that guttural pronunciation, and of some
consonants, with which those latter dialects abound. The
specimens we have already given are sufficient to mark
wherein the variation chiefly consists, and to shew, that,
like the manners of the inhabitants, it has become soft and
soothing. During the former voyage, I had collected a
copious vocabulary, which enabled me the better to compare
this dialect with that of the other islands; and, during
this voyage, I took every opportunity of improving my
acquaintance with it, by conversing with Omai, before we
arrived, and by my daily intercourse with the natives, while
we now remained there.1 It abounds with beautiful and figurative
expressions, which, were it perfectly known, would,
I have no doubt, put it upon a level with many of the languages
that are most in esteem for their warm and bold
images. For instance, the Otaheiteans express their
[pg 118]
notions of death very emphatically, by saying, "That the
soul goes into darkness; or rather into night." And, if
you seem to entertain any doubt, in asking the question,
"if such a person is their mother?" they immediately reply,
with surprise, "Yes, the mother that bore me." They
have one expression, that corresponds exactly with the
phraseology of the scriptures, where we read of the "yearning
of the bowels." They use it on all occasions, when the
passions give them uneasiness; as they constantly refer
pain from grief, anxious desire, and other affections, to the
bowels, as its seat; where they likewise suppose all operations
of the mind are performed. Their language admits
of that inverted arrangement of words, which so much distinguishes
the Latin and Greek from most of our modern
European tongues, whose imperfections require a more orderly
construction, to prevent ambiguities. It is so copious,
that for the bread-fruit alone, in its different states,
they have above twenty names; as many for the taro root;
and about ten for the cocoa-nut. Add to this, that, besides
the common dialect, they often expostulate, in a kind of
stanza or recitative, which is answered in the same manner.


Their arts are few and simple; yet, if we may credit
them, they perform cures in surgery, which our extensive
knowledge in that branch has not, as yet, enabled us to
imitate. In simple fractures, they bind them up with
splints; but if part of the substance of the bone be lost,
they insert a piece of wood, between the fractured ends,
made hollow like the deficient part. In five or six days,
the rapaoo, or surgeon, inspects the wound, and finds the
wood partly covered with growing flesh. In as many more
days, it is generally entirely covered; after which, when
the patient has acquired some strength, he bathes in the
water, and recovers. We know that wounds will heal over
leaden bullets; and, sometimes, though rarely, over other
extraneous bodies. But what makes me entertain some
doubt of the truth of so extraordinary skill, as in the above
instance, is, that in other cases which fell under my own
observation, they are far from being so dexterous. I have
seen the stump of an arm, which was taken off, after being
shattered by a fall from a tree, that bore no marks of skilful
operation, though some allowance be made for their
defective instruments. And I met with a man going about
[pg 119]
with a dislocated shoulder, some months after the accident,
from their being ignorant of a method to reduce it; though
this be considered as one of the simplest operations of our
surgery. They know that fractures or luxations of the
spine are mortal, but not fractures of the skull; and they
likewise know, from experience, in what parts of the body
wounds prove fatal. They have sometimes pointed out
those inflicted by spears, which, if made in the direction
they mentioned, would certainly have been pronounced
deadly by us, and yet these people have recovered.


Their physical knowledge seems more confined; and
that, probably because their diseases are fewer than their
accidents. The priests, however, administer the juices of
herbs in some cases; and women who are troubled with
after-pains, or other disorders after child-bearing, use a remedy
which one would think needless in a hot country.
They first heat stones, as when they bake their food; then
they lay a thick cloth over them, upon which is put a quantity
of a small plant of the mustard kind; and these are
covered with another cloth. Upon this they seat themselves
and sweat plentifully, to obtain a cure. The men
have practised the same method for the venereal lues, but
find it ineffectual. They have no emetic medicines.


Notwithstanding the extreme fertility of the island, a
famine frequently happens, in which it is said many perish.
Whether this be owing to the failure of some seasons, to
over-population, which must sometimes almost necessarily
happen, or to wars, I have not been able to determine;
though the truth of the fact may fairly be inferred, from the
great economy that they observe with respect to their food,
even when there is plenty. In times of scarcity, after their
bread-fruit and yams are consumed, they have recourse to
various roots, which grow without cultivation upon the
mountains. The patarra, which is found in vast quantities,
is what they use first. It is not unlike a very large
potatoe or yam, and good when in its growing state; but
when old, is full of hard stringy fibres. They then eat
two other roots, one not unlike taro; and lastly, the eohee.
This is of two sorts; one of them possessing deleterious
qualities, which obliges them to slice and macerate it in
water a night before they bake and eat it. In this respect,
it resembles the cassava root of the West Indies; but it
forms a very insipid moist paste, in the manner they dress
[pg 120]
it. However, I have seen them eat it at times when no
such scarcity reigned. Both this and the patarra are creeping
plants: the last with ternate leaves.


Of animal food a very small portion falls at any time to
the share of the lower class of people, and then it is either
fish, sea-eggs, or other marine productions; for they seldom
or ever eat pork. The Eree de hoi2 alone is able to
furnish pork every day; and inferior chiefs, according to
their riches, once a week, fortnight, or month. Sometimes
they are not even allowed that; for, when the island is impoverished
by war or other causes, the chief prohibits his
subjects to kill any hogs; and this prohibition, we were
told, is in force sometimes for several months, or even for
a year or two. During that restraint the hogs multiply so
fast, that there are instances of their changing their domestic
state, and turning wild. When it is thought proper
to take off the prohibition, all the chiefs assemble at the
king's place of abode, and each brings with him a present
of hogs. The king then orders some of them to be killed,
on which they feast; and, after that, every one returns
home with liberty to kill what he pleases for his own use.
Such a prohibition was actually in force on our last arrival
here; at least in all those districts of the island that are
immediately under the direction of Otoo. And, lest it
should have prevented our going to Matavai after leaving
Oheitepeha, he sent a message to assure us, that it should
be taken off as soon as the ships arrived there. With respect
to us we found it so; but we made such a consumption
of them, that, I have no doubt, it would be laid on
again as soon as we sailed. A similar prohibition is also
sometimes extended to fowls.


It is also amongst the better sort that the ava is chiefly
used. But this beverage is prepared somewhat differently,
from that which we saw so much of at the Friendly Islands.
For they pour a very small quantity of water upon the root
here, and sometimes roast or bake and bruise the stalks,
without chewing it previously to its infusion. They also
use the leaves of the plant here, which are bruised, and
[pg 121]
water poured upon them, as upon the root. Large companies
do not assemble to drink it in that sociable way
which is practised at Tongataboo. But its pernicious effects
are more obvious here; perhaps owing to the manner
of preparing it, as we often saw instances of its intoxicating,
or rather stupifying powers. Some of us, who had
been at these islands before, were surprised to find many
people, who, when we saw them last, were remarkable for
their size and corpulency, now almost reduced to skeletons;
and, upon enquiring into the cause of this alteration,
it was universally allowed to be the use of the ava. The
skins of these people were rough, dry, and covered with
scales, which, they say, every now and then fall off, and
their skin is, as it were, renewed. As an excuse for a practice
so destructive, they allege, that it is adopted to prevent
their growing too fat; but it evidently enervates them,
and, in all probability, shortens their days. As its effects
had not been so visible during our former visits, it is not
unlikely that this article of luxury had never been so much
abused as at this time. If it continues to be so fashionable,
it bids fair to destroy great numbers.


The times of eating at Otaheite are very frequent. Their
first meal, or (as it may rather be called) their last, as they
go to sleep after it, is about two o'clock in the morning;
and the next is at eight. At eleven, they dine; and again,
as Omai expressed it, at two, and at five; and sup at eight.
In this article of domestic life, they have adopted some
customs which are exceedingly whimsical. The women,
for instance, have not only the mortification of being obliged
to eat by themselves, and in a different part of the
house from the men, but, by a strange kind of policy, are
excluded from a share of most of the better sorts of food.
They dare not taste turtle, nor fish of the tunny kind, which
is much esteemed; nor some particular sorts of the best
plantains; and it is very seldom that even those of the first
rank are suffered to eat pork. The children of each sex
also eat apart; and the women generally serve up their
own victuals; for they would certainly starve before any
grown man would do them such an office. In this, as well
as in some other customs relative to their eating, there is a
mysterious conduct which we could never thoroughly comprehend.
When we enquired into the reasons of it, we
[pg 122]
could get no other answer, but that it is right and necessary
that it should be so.


In other customs respecting the females, there seems to
be no such obscurity; especially as to their connexions
with the men. If a young man and woman, from mutual
choice, cohabit, the man gives the father of the girl such
things as are necessary in common life; as hogs, cloth, or
canoes, in proportion to the time they are together; and,
if he thinks that he has not been sufficiently paid for his
daughter, he makes no scruple of forcing her to leave her
friend, and to cohabit with another person who may be
more liberal. The man, on his part, is always at liberty to
make a new choice; but, should his consort become pregnant,
he may kill the child; and, after that, either continue
his connexion with the mother, or leave her. But if
he should adopt the child, and suffer it to live, the parties
are then considered as in the married state, and they commonly
live together ever after. However, it is thought no
crime in the man to join a more youthful partner to his first
wife, and to live with both. The custom of changing their
connexions is, however, much more general than this last;
and it is a thing so common, that they speak of it with
great indifference. The Erreoes are only those of the better
sort, who, from their fickleness, and their possessing the
means of purchasing a succession of fresh connexions, are
constantly roaming about; and, from having no particular
attachment, seldom adopt the more settled method mentioned
above. And so agreeable is this licentious plan of
life to their disposition, that the most beautiful of both
sexes thus commonly spend their youthful days, habituated
to the practice of enormities which would disgrace the most
savage tribes; but are peculiarly shocking amongst a people
whose general character, in other respects, has evident
traces of the prevalence of humane and tender feelings.3
[pg 123]
When an Erreoe woman is delivered of a child, a piece of
cloth, dipped in water, is applied to the mouth and nose,
which suffocates it.


[pg 124]


As in such a life, their women must contribute a very
large share of its happiness, it is rather surprising, besides
the humiliating restraints they are laid under with regard
[pg 125]
to food, to find them often treated with a degree of harshness,
or rather brutality, which one would scarcely suppose
a man would bestow on an object for whom he had the
least affection. Nothing, however, is more common, than
to see the men beat them without mercy; and, unless this
treatment is the effect of jealousy, which both sexes, at
least, pretend to be sometimes infected with, it will be difficult
to account for it. It will be less difficult to admit
this as the motive, as I have seen several instances where
the women have preferred personal beauty to interest;
though, I must own, that even in these cases, they seem
scarcely susceptible of those delicate sentiments that are
the result of mutual affection; and, I believe, that there is
less Platonic love in Otaheite than in any other country.


Cutting, or inciding the foreskin, should be mentioned
here as a practice adopted amongst them from a notion of
cleanliness; and they have a reproachful epithet in their
language for those who do not observe that custom. When
[pg 126]
there are five or six lads pretty well grown up in a neighbourhood,
the father of one of them goes to a Tahoua, or
man of knowledge, and lets him know. He goes with the
lads to the top of the hills, attended by a servant, and seating
one of them properly, introduces a piece of wood underneath
the foreskin, and desires him to look aside at
something he pretends is coming; having thus engaged
the young man's attention to another object, he cuts
through the skin upon the wood with a shark's tooth, generally
at one stroke. He then separates, or rather turns
back the divided parts; and having put on a bandage, proceeds
to perform the same operation on the other lads. At
the end of five days they bathe, and the bandages being
taken off, the matter is cleaned away. At the end of five
days more they bathe again, and are well; but a thickness
of the prepuce, where it was cut, remaining, they go again
to the mountains with the Tahoua and servant; and a fire
being prepared, and some stones heated, the Tahoua puts
the prepuce between two of them, and squeezes it gently,
which removes the thickness. They then return home, having
their heads, and other parts of their bodies, adorned
with odoriferous flowers; and the Tahoua is rewarded for
his services by their fathers, in proportion to their several
abilities, with presents of hogs and cloth; and if they be
poor, their relations are liberal on the occasion.


Their religious system is extensive, and, in many instances,
singular; but few of the common people have a
perfect knowledge of it; that being confined chiefly to
their priests, who are pretty numerous. They do not seem
to pay respect to one god, as possessing pre-eminence;
but believe in a plurality of divinities, who are all very
powerful; and in this case, as different parts of the island,
and the other islands in the neighbourhood, have different
ones, the inhabitants of each, no doubt, think that they
have chosen the most eminent, or, at least, one who is invested
with power sufficient to protect them, and to supply
all their wants. If he should not answer their expectations,
they think it no impiety to change; as has very lately happened
in Tiarabooa, where, in the room of the two divinities
formerly honoured there, Oraa,4 god of Bolabola, had
[pg 127]
been adopted, I should suppose, because he is the protector
of a people who have been victorious in war; and as,
since they have made this change, they have been very
successful themselves against the inhabitants of Otaheite-nooe,
they impute it entirely to Oraa, who, as they literally
say, fights their battles.


Their assiduity in serving their gods is remarkably conspicuous.
Not only the whattas, or offering-places of the
morais, are commonly loaded with fruits and animals, but
there are few houses where you do not meet with a small
place of the same sort near them. Many of them are so rigidly
scrupulous, that they will not begin a meal without
first laying aside a morsel for the Eatooa; and we had an
opportunity, during this voyage, of seeing their superstitious
zeal carried to a most pernicious height, in the instance
of human sacrifices; the occasions of offering which,
I doubt, are too frequent. Perhaps they have recourse to
them when misfortunes occur; for they asked, if one of
our men, who happened to be confined, when we were detained
by a contrary wind, was taboo? Their prayers are
also very frequent, which they chaunt, much after the manner
of their songs in their festive entertainments. And the
women, as in other cases, are also obliged to shew their
inferiority in religious observances; for it is required of
them, that they should partly uncover themselves as they
pass the morais, or take a considerable circuit to avoid
them. Though they have no notion that their god must
always be conferring benefits, without sometimes forgetting
them, or suffering evil to befall them, they seem to
regard this less than the attempts of some more inauspicious
being to hurt them. They tell us, that Etee is an evil
spirit, who sometimes does them mischief; and to whom,
as well as to their god, they make offerings. But the mischiefs
they apprehend from any superior invisible beings,
are confined to things merely temporal.


They believe the soul to be both immaterial and immortal.
They say that it keeps fluttering about the lips during
the pangs of death; and that then it ascends and mixes
with, or, as they express it, is eaten by the deity. In this
state it remains for some time; after which it departs to a
certain place, destined for the reception of the souls of
men where it exists in eternal night; or, as they sometimes
say, in twilight or dawn. They have no idea of any
[pg 128]
permanent punishment after death, for crimes that they
have committed on earth; for the souls of good and of
bad men are eat indiscriminately by God. But they certainly
consider this coalition with the deity as a kind of
purification necessary to be undergone before they enter a
state of bliss. For, according to their doctrine, if a man
refrain from all connexion with women some months before
death, he passes immediately into his eternal mansion,
without such a previous union; as if already, by this abstinence,
he were pure enough to be exempted from the general
lot.


They are, however, far from entertaining those sublime
conceptions of happiness, which our religion, and indeed
reason, gives us room to expect hereafter. The only great
privilege they seem to think they shall acquire by death is
immortality; for they speak of spirits being, in some measure,
not totally divested of those passions which actuated
them when combined with material vehicles. Thus, if souls,
who were formerly enemies, should meet, they have many
conflicts; though, it should seem, to no purpose, as they
are accounted invulnerable in this invisible state. There
is a similar reasoning with regard to the meeting of man
and wife. If the husband dies first, the soul of the wife is
known to him on its arrival in the land of spirits. They resume
their former acquaintance, in a spacious house, called
tourooa, where the souls of the deceased assemble to recreate
themselves with the gods. She then retires with him,
to his separate habitation, where they remain for ever, and
have an offspring; which, however, is entirely spiritual, as
they are neither married, nor are their embraces supposed
to be the same as with corporeal beings.


Some of their notions about the deity are extravagantly
absurd: They believe that he is subject to the power of
those very spirits to whom he has given existence; and
that, in their turn, they frequently eat or devour him,
though he possess the power of re-creating himself. They
doubtless use this mode of expression, as they seem incapable
of conversing about immaterial things, without
constantly referring to material objects to convey their
meaning. And in this manner they continue the account,
by saying, that, in the tourooa, the deity enquires if they
intend, or not, to destroy him? And that he is not able to
alter their determination. This is known to the inhabitants
[pg 129]
on earth, as well as to the spirits; for when the moon is in
its wane, it is said that they are then devouring their Eatooa;
and that as it increases he is renewing himself. And
to this accident, not only the inferior, but the most eminent
gods are liable. They also believe, that there are
other places for the reception of souls at death. Thus,
those who are drowned in the sea remain there; where
they think that there is a fine country, houses, and every
thing that can make them happy. But, what is more singular,
they maintain, that not only all other animals, but
trees, fruit, and even stones, have souls, which at death, or
upon being consumed or broken, ascend to the divinity,
with whom they first mix, and afterwards pass into the
mansion allotted to each.


They imagine that their punctual performance of religious
offices procures for them every temporal blessing. And
as they believe that the animating and powerful influence
of the divine spirit is every where diffused, it is no wonder
that they join to this many superstitious opinions about
its operations. Accordingly, they believe that sudden
deaths, and all other accidents, are effected by the immediate
action of some divinity. If a man only stumble
against a stone and hurt his toe, they impute it to an Eatooa;
so that they may be literally said, agreeably to their
system, to tread enchanted ground. They are startled in
the night on approaching a toopapaoo, where the dead are
exposed, in the same manner that many of our ignorant
and superstitious people are with the apprehensions of
ghosts, and at the sight of a church-yard; and they have
an equal confidence in dreams, which they suppose to be
communications either from their god, or from the spirits
of their departed friends, enabling those favoured with
them to foretell future events; but this kind of knowledge
is confined to particular people. Omai pretended to have
his gift. He told us, that the soul of his father had intimated
to him in a dream, on the 26th of July 1776, that he
should go on shore at some place within three days; but
he was unfortunate in this first attempt to persuade us that
he was a prophet; for it was the 1st of August before we
got into Teneriffe. Amongst them, however, the dreamers
possess a reputation little inferior to that of their inspired
priests and priestesses, whose predictions they implicitly
believe, and are determined by them in all undertakings of
[pg 130]
consequence. The priestess who persuaded Opoony to invade
Ulietea, is much respected by him; and he never
goes to war without consulting her. They also, in some
degree, maintain our old doctrine of planetary influence;
at least, they are sometimes regulated in their public counsels
by certain appearances of the moon; particularly
when lying horizontally, or much inclined on the convex
part, on its first appearance after the change, they are encouraged
to engage in war with confidence of success.


They have traditions concerning the creation, which, as
might be expected, are complex and clouded with obscurity.
They say, that a goddess, having a lump or mass of
earth suspended in a cord, gave it a swing, and scattered
about pieces of land, thus constituting Otaheite and the
neighbouring islands, which were all peopled by a man
and woman, originally fixed at Otaheite. This, however,
only respects their own immediate creation; for they have
notions of an universal one before this; and of lands, of
which they have now no other knowledge than what is
mentioned in the tradition. Their most remote account
reaches to Tatooma and Tapuppa, male and female stones
or rocks, who support the congeries of land and water, or
our globe underneath. These produced Totorro, who was
killed, and divided into land; and after him Otaia and
Oroo were begotten, who were afterward married, and produced,
first, land, and then a race of gods. Otaia is killed,
and Oroo marries a god, her son, called Teorrhaha, whom
she orders to create more land, the animals, and all sorts
of food found upon the earth; as also the sky, which is
supported by men called Teeferei. The spots observed in
the moon, are supposed to be groves of a sort of trees
which once grew in Otaheite, and being destroyed by some
accident, their seeds were carried up thither by doves,
where they now flourish.


They have also many legends, both religious and historical;
one of which latter, relative to the practice of eating
human flesh, I shall give the substance of, as a specimen
of their method. A long time since there lived in
Otaheite two men, called Taheeai, the only name they yet
have for cannibals; none knew from whence they came,
or in what manner they arrived at the island. Their habitation
was in the mountains, from whence they used to issue,
and kill many of the natives, whom they afterward
[pg 131]
devoured, and by that means prevented the progress of
population. Two brothers, determined to rid their country
of such a formidable enemy, used a stratagem for their destruction,
with success. These still lived farther upward
than the Taheeai, and in such a situation that they could
speak with them without greatly hazarding their own safety;
they invited them to accept of an entertainment that
should be provided for them, to which these readily consented.
The brothers then taking some stones, heated
them in a fire, and thrusting them into pieces of mahee,
desired one of the Taheeai to open his mouth; on which
one of these pieces was dropped in, and some water poured
down, which made a boiling or hissing noise, in quenching
the stone, and killed him. They entreated the other to
do the same; but he declined it, representing the consequences
of his companion's eating. However, they assured
him that the food was excellent, and its effects only temporary;
for that the other would soon recover. His credulity
was such that be swallowed the bait, and shared the
fate of the first. The natives then cut them in pieces,
which they buried; and conferred the government of the
island on the brothers, as a reward for delivering them
from such monsters. Their residence was in the district
called Whapaeenoo; and to this day there remains a
bread-fruit tree, once the property of the Taheeais. They
had also a woman, who lived with them, and had two teeth
of a prodigious size. After they were killed, she lived at
the island Otaha; and when dead, was ranked amongst
their deities. She did not eat human flesh, as the men;
but, from the size of her teeth, the natives still call any
animal that has a fierce appearance, or is represented with
large tusks, Taheeai.


Every one must allow that this story is just as natural as
that of Hercules destroying the hydra, or the more modern
one of Jack the giant-killer. But I do not find that
there is any moral couched under it, any more than under
most old fables of the same kind, which have been received
as truths only during the prevalence of the same ignorance
that marked the character of the ages in which
they were invented. It, however, has not been improperly
introduced, as serving to express the horror and detestation
entertained here against those who feed upon human
flesh. And yet, from some circumstances, I have been led
[pg 132]
to think that the natives of these isles were formerly cannibals.
Upon asking Omai, he denied it stoutly; yet mentioned
a fact, within his own knowledge, which almost
confirms such an opinion. When the people of Bolabola,
one time, defeated those of Huaheine, a great number of
his kinsmen were slain. But one of his relations had, afterward,
an opportunity of revenging himself, when the
Bolabola men were worsted in their turn, and cutting a
piece out of the thigh of one of his enemies, he broiled,
and eat it. I have also frequently considered the offering
of the person's eye, who is sacrificed, to the chief, as a vestige
of a custom which once really existed to a greater extent,
and is still commemorated by this emblematical ceremony.


The being invested with the maro, and the presiding at
human sacrifices, seem to be the peculiar characteristics
of the sovereign. To these, perhaps, may be added the
blowing a conch-shell, which produces a very loud sound.
On hearing it, all his subjects are obliged to bring food of
every sort to his royal residence, in proportion to their
abilities. On some other occasions, they carry their veneration
for his very name to an extravagant and very destructive
pitch. For if, on his accession to the maro, any
words in their language be found to have a resemblance
to it in sound, they are changed for others; and if any
man be bold enough not to comply, and continue to use
those words, not only he, but all his relations, are immediately
put to death. The same severity is exercised toward
those who shall presume to apply this sacred name
to any animal. And, agreeably to this custom of his countrymen,
Omai used to express his indignation, that the
English should give the names of prince or princess to their
favourite horses or dogs. But while death is the punishment
for making free with the name of their sovereign, if
abuse be only levelled at his government, the offender
escapes with the forfeiture of lands and houses.


The king never enters the house of any of his subjects,
but has, in every district where he visits, houses belonging
to himself. And if, at any time, he should be obliged
by accident to deviate from this rule, the house thus honoured
with his presence, and every part of its furniture,
is burnt. His subjects not only uncover to him, when present,
down to the waist; but if he be at any particular
[pg 133]
place, a pole, having a piece of cloth tied to it, is set up
somewhere near, to which they pay the same honours.
His brothers are also entitled to the first part of the ceremony;
but the women only uncover to the females of the
royal family. In short, they seem even superstitious in their
respect to him, and esteem his person little less than sacred.
And it is, perhaps, to these circumstances, that he
owes the quiet possession of his dominions. For even the
people of Tiaraboo allow him the same honours as his
right; though, at the same time, they look upon their
own chief as more powerful; and say, that he would succeed
to the government of the whole island, should the
present reigning family become extinct. This is the more
likely, as Waheiadooa not only possesses Tiaraboo, but
many districts of Opooreanoo. His territories, therefore, are
almost equal in extent to those of Otoo; and he has, besides,
the advantage of a more populous and fertile part of the
island. His subjects, also, have given proofs of their superiority,
by frequent victories over those of Otaheite-nooe,
whom they affect to speak of as contemptible warriors,
easily to be worsted, if at any time their chief should wish
to put it to the test.


The ranks of people, besides the Eree de hoi and his
family, are the Erees, or powerful chiefs; the Manahoone,
or vassals; and the Teou, or Toutou, servants, or rather
slaves. The men of each of these, according to the regular
institution, form their connexions with women of their
respective ranks; but if with any inferior one, which frequently
happens, and a child be born, it is preserved, and
has the rank of the father, unless he happens to be an
Eree, in which case it is killed. If a woman of condition
should choose an inferior person to officiate as a husband,
the children he has by her are killed. And if a Teou be
caught in an intrigue with a woman of the blood-royal, he
is put to death. The son of the Eree de hoi succeeds his
father in title and honours as soon as he is born; but if he
should have no children, the brother assumes the government
at his death. In other families, possessions always descend
to the eldest son; but he is obliged to maintain his
brothers and sisters, who are allowed houses on his estates.


The boundaries of the several districts, into which Otaheite
is divided, are, generally, either rivulets, or low hills,
which, in many places, jut out into the sea. But the
[pg 134]
subdivisions into particular property, are marked by large
stones, which have remained from one generation to another.
The removal of any of these gives rise to quarrels,
which are decided by arms; each party bringing his
friends into the field. But if any one complain to the Eree
de hoi, he terminates the difference amicably. This is an
offence, however, not common; and long custom seems to
secure property here as effectually as the most severe laws
do in other countries. In conformity also to ancient practice
established amongst them, crimes of a less general
nature are left to be punished by the sufferer, without referring
them to a superior. In this case, they seem to think
that the injured person will judge as equitably as those
who are totally unconcerned; and as long custom has allotted
certain punishments for crimes of different sorts, he
is allowed to inflict them, without being amenable to any
other person. Thus, if any one be caught stealing, which
is commonly done in the night, the proprietor of the goods
may put the thief instantly to death; and if any one should
enquire of him after the deceased, it is sufficient to acquit
him, if he only informs them of the provocation he had to
kill him. But so severe a punishment is seldom inflicted,
unless the articles that are stolen be reckoned very valuable;
such as breast-plates and plaited hair. If only cloth,
or even hogs, be stolen, and the thief escape, upon his being
afterward discovered, if he promise to return the same
number of pieces of cloth, or of hogs, no farther punishment
is inflicted. Sometimes, after keeping out of the way
for a few days, he is forgiven, or, at most, gets a slight
beating. If a person kill another in a quarrel, the friends
of the deceased assemble, and engage the survivor and his
adherents. If they conquer, they take possession of the
house, lands, and goods of the other party; but if conquered,
the reverse takes place. If a Manahoone kill the
Toutou, or slave of a chief, the latter sends people to take
possession of the lands and house of the former, who flies
either to some other part of the island, or to some of the
neighbouring islands. After some months he returns, and
finding his stock of hogs much increased, he offers a large
present of these, with some red feathers, and other valuable
articles, to the Toutou's master, who generally accepts
the compensation, and permits him to repossess his house
and lands. This practice is the height of venality and
[pg 135]
injustice; and the slayer of the slave seems to be under no
farther necessity of absconding, than to impose upon the
lower class of people, who are the sufferers. For it does
not appear that the chief has the least power to punish
this Manahoone; but the whole management marks a collusion
between him and his superior, to gratify the revenge
of the former, and the avarice of the latter. Indeed, we
need not wonder that the killing of a man should be considered
as so venial an offence, amongst a people who do
not consider it as any crime at all to murder their own
children. When talking to them, about such instances of
unnatural cruelty, and asking, whether the chiefs or principal
people were not angry, and did not punish them? I
was told, that the chief neither could nor would interfere
in such cases; and that every one had a right to do with
his own child what he pleased.


Though the productions, the people, and the customs
and manners of all the islands in the neighbourhood, may,
in general, be reckoned the same as at Otaheite, there are
a few differences which should be mentioned, as this may
lead to an enquiry about more material ones hereafter, if
such there be, of which we are now ignorant.


With regard to the little island Mataia, or Osnaburgh
Island, which lies twenty leagues east of Otaheite, and belongs
to a chief of that place, who gets from thence a kind
of tribute, a different dialect from that of Otaheite is there
spoken. The men of Mataia also wear their hair very long;
and when they fight, cover their arms with a substance
which is beset with sharks' teeth, and their bodies with a
sort of shagreen, being skin of fishes. At the same time
they are ornamented with polished pearl-shells, which make
a prodigious glittering in the sun; and they have a very
large one, that covers them before, like a shield or breast
plate.


The language of Otaheite has many words, and even
phrases, quite unlike those of the islands to the westward
of it, which all agree; and this island is remarkable for
producing great quantities of that delicious fruit we call
apples, which are found in none of the others, except Eimeo.
It has also the advantage of producing an odoriferous
wood, called eahoi, which is highly valued at the other
isles, where there is none; nor even in the south-east peninsula,
or Tiaraboo, though joining it. Huaheine and
[pg 136]
Eimeo, again, are remarkable for producing greater quantities
of yams than the other islands. And at Mourooa there
is a particular bird, found upon the hills, much esteemed
for its white feathers; at which place there is also said to
be some of the apples, though it be the most remote of
the Society Islands from Otaheite and Eimeo, where they
are produced.


Though the religion of all the islands be the same, each
of them has its particular, or tutelar god; whose names,
according to the best information I could receive, are set
down in the following list:




Gods of the Isles,


 


Huaheine, Tanne.


Ulietea, Oore.


Otaha, Tanne.


Bolabola, Oraa.


Mourooa, Otoo, ee weiahoo.


Toobaee, Tamouee.


Tabooymanoo, or Saunders's Island, which is subject to Huaheine, Taroa.


Eimeo, Oroo hadoo.


 Otaheite-nooe,Ooroo.


Otaheite,


 Tiaraboo,Opoonooa andwhom they have


  Whatooteeree,lately changed


   for Oraa, god


   of Bolabola.


Mataia or Osnaburgh Island Tooboo, toobooai, Ry maraiva.


The Low Isles, Eastward Tammaree.




Besides the cluster of high islands from Mataia to Mourooa
inclusive, the people of Otaheite are acquainted with
a low uninhabited island, which they name Mopeeha, and
seems to be Howe's Island, laid down to the westward of
Mourooa in our late charts of this ocean. To this the inhabitants
of the most leeward islands sometimes go. There
are also several low islands, to the north-eastward of
[pg 137]
Otaheite, which they have sometimes visited, but not constantly;
and are said to be only at the distance of two days'
sail, with a fair wind. They were thus named to me:


 


Mataeeva,


Oanaa, called Oannah, in Dalrymple's letter to Hawkesworth


Taboohoe,


Awehee,


Kaoora,


Orootooa,


Otavaoo, where are large pearls.


 


The inhabitants of these isles come more frequently to
Otaheite and the other neighbouring high islands, from
whose natives they differ in being of a darker colour, with
a fiercer aspect, and differently punctured. I was informed,
that at Mataeeva, and others of them, it is a custom
for the men to give their daughters to strangers who arrive
amongst them; but the pairs must be five nights lying
near each other, without presuming to proceed farther.
On the sixth evening, the father of the young woman,
treats his guest with food, and informs his daughter, that
she must, that night, receive him as her husband. The
stranger, however, must not offer to express the least dislike,
though the bed-fellow allotted to him should be ever
so disagreeable; for this is considered as an unpardonable
affront, and is punished with death. Forty men of Bolabola,
who, incited by curiosity, had roamed as far as Mataeeva
in a canoe, were treated in this manner; one of them
having incautiously mentioned his dislike of the woman
who fell to his lot, in the hearing of a boy, who informed
her father. In consequence of this the Mateevans fell upon
them; but these warlike people killed three times their
own number; though with the loss of all their party, except
five. These hid themselves in the woods, and took an
opportunity, when the others were burying their dead, to
enter some houses, where, having provided themselves with
victuals and water, they carried them on board a canoe, in
which they made their escape; and, after passing Mataia,
at which they would not touch, at last arrived safe at Eimeo.
The Bolabolans, however, were sensible enough that
their travellers had been to blame; for a canoe from
[pg 138]
Mateeva, arriving some time after at Bolabola, so far were
they from retaliating upon them for the death of their
countrymen, that they acknowledged they had deserved
their fate, and treated their visitors kindly.


These low isles are, doubtless, the farthest navigation
which those of Otaheite and the Society Islands perform
at present. It seems to be a groundless supposition, made
by Mons. de Bougainville, that they made voyages of the
prodigious extent5 he mentions; for I found, that it is
reckoned a sort of a prodigy, that a canoe, once driven by
a storm from Otaheite, should have fallen in with Mopeeha,
or Howe's Island, though so near, and directly to leeward.
The knowledge they have of other distant islands
is, no doubt, traditional; and has been communicated to
them by the natives of those islands, driven accidentally
upon their coasts, who, besides giving them the names,
could easily inform them of the direction in which the
places lie from whence they came, and of the number of
days they had been upon the sea. In this manner, it may
be supposed, that the natives of Wateeoo have increased
their catalogue by the addition of Otaheite and its neighbouring
isles, from the people we met with there, and also
of the other islands these had heard of. We may thus account
for that extensive knowledge attributed by the gentlemen
of the Endeavour to Tupia in such matters. And,
with all due deference to his veracity, I presume that it
was, by the same means of information, that he was able
to direct the ship to Oheteroa, without having ever been
there himself, as he pretended; which, on many accounts,
is very improbable.6


Footnote 1: (return) 
See this Vocabulary at the end of Captain Cook's second voyage.
Many corrections and additions to it were now made by this indefatigable
enquirer; but the specimens of the language of Otaheite, already in
the hands of the public, seem sufficient for every useful purpose.—D.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Mr Anderson, invariably in his manuscript, writes Eree de
hoi. According
to Captain Cook's mode, it is Eree rahie. This is one of the numerous
instances that perpetually occur, of our people's representing the
same word differently.—D.


Footnote 3: (return) 
That the Caroline Islands are inhabited by the same tribe or
nation,
whom Captain Cook found, it such immense distances, spread throughout
the South Pacific Ocean, has been satisfactorily established in some preceding
notes The situation of the Ladrones, or Marianne Islands, still
farther north than the Carolines, but at no great distance from them, is
favourable, at first sight, to the conjecture, that the same race also peopled
that cluster; and, on looking into Father Le Gobien's history of them,
this conjecture appears to be actually confirmed by direct evidence.
One
of the greatest singularities of the Otaheite manners, is the existence of
the society of young men called Erreoes, of whom some account is given
in the preceding paragraph. Now we learn from Father Le Gobien, that
such a society exists also amongst the inhabitants of the Ladrones. His
words are: Les Urritoes sont parmi eux les jeuns gens qui vivent avec des
maitresses, sans vouloir s'engager dans les liens du mariage. That there
should be young men in the Ladrones, as well as in Otaheite, who live
with mistresses, without being inclined to enter into the married state,
would not, indeed, furnish the shadow of any peculiar resemblance between
them. But that the young men in the Ladrones, and in Otaheite,
whose manners are thus licentious, should be considered as a distinct
confraternity,
called by a particular name; and that this name should be the
same in both places: this singular coincidence of custom, confirmed by
that of language, seems to furnish an irrefragable proof of the inhabitants
of both places being the same nation. We know, that it is the general
property of the Otaheite dialect, to soften the pronunciation of its words.
And, it is observable, that, by the omission of one single letter (the consonant
t),
our Arreoys (as spelled in Hawkesworth's collection), or Erreoes
(according to Mr Anderson's orthography), and the Urritoes of the
Ladrones, are brought to such a similitude of sound (the only rule of
comparing two unwritten languages), that we may pronounce them to be
the same word, without exposing ourselves to the sneers of supercilious
criticism.


One or two more such proofs, drawn from similarity of language, in
very significant words, may be assigned. Le Gobien tells us, that the people
of the Ladrones worship their dead, whom they call Anitis. Here,
again, by dropping the consonant n, we have a word that bears a strong
resemblance to that which so often occurs in Captain Cook's voyages,
when speaking of the divinities of his islands, whom he calls Eatooas.
And it may be matter of curiosity to remark, that what is called an
Aniti,
at the Ladrones, is, as we learn from Cantova (Lettres Edifiantes et
Curieuses,
tom. xv. p. 309, 310.) at the Caroline Islands, where dead chiefs
are also worshipped, called a Tahutup; and that, by softening or sinking
the strong sounding letters, at the beginning and at the end of this latter
word, the Ahutu of the Carolines, the Aiti of the Ladrones, and
the Eatooa
of the South Pacific Islands, assume such a similarity in pronunciation
(for we can have no other guide), as strongly marks one common original.
Once more; we learn from Le Gobien, that the Marianne people
call their chiefs Chamorris, or Chamoris. And by softening the
aspirate
Ch into T, and the harshness of r into l (of which
the vocabularies of the
different islands give us repeated instances), we have the Tamole of the
Caroline Islands, and the Tamolao, or Tamaha, of the Friendly
ones.


If these specimens of affinity of language should be thought too scanty,
some very remarkable instances of similarity of customs and institutions
will go far to remove every doubt. 1. A division into three classes, of
nobles, of middle rank, and the common people, or servants, was found,
by Captain Cook, to prevail, both at the Friendly and the Society
Islands.
Father Le Gobien expressly tells us, that the same distinction prevails at
the Ladrones: Il y a trois états, parmi les insulaires, la noblesse, le
moyen,
et le menu. 2. Numberless instances occur in Captain Cook's voyage to
prove the great subjection under which the people of his islands are to
their chiefs. We learn from Le Gobien, that it is so also at the Ladrones:
La noblesse est d'un fierté incroyable, et tien le peuple dans un abaisement
qu'on ne pourroit imaginer en Europe, &c. 3. The diversions of the natives
at Wateeo, the Friendly, and the Society Islands, have been copiously
described by Captain Cook. How similar are those which Le Gobien
mentions in the following words, as prevailing at the Ladrones!—Ils se
divertissent à danser, courir, sautir, lutter, pour s'exercer, et éprouver
leur forces. Ils prennent grand plaisir à raconter les avantures de leurs
ancétres, et à reciter des vers de leurs poëtes. 4. The principal share
sustained
by the women, in the entertainments at Captain Cook's islands,
appears sufficiently from a variety of instances in this work; and we cannot
read what Le Gobien says of the practice at the Ladrones, without
tracing the strongest resemblance—Dans leurs assemblées elles se mettent
doux ou trieze femmes en rond, debout, sans se remuer. Dans cette attitude
elles chantent les vers fabuleux de leurs poëtes avec un agrément, et
une justesse qui plairoit en Europe. L'accord de leur voix est admirable,
et ne cede en rien à la musique concertée. Elles ont dans les mains de petits
coquilles, dont elles se servent avec beaucoup de precision. Elles soutiennent
leur voix, et animent leur chants avec une action si vive, et des
gestes si expressives, qu'elles charment ceux qui les voient, et qui les
entendent.
5. We read in Captain Cook's first voyage, that at Otaheite
garlands of the fruit of the palm-tree and cocoa-leaves, with other things
particularly consecrated to funeral solemnities, are deposited about the
places where they lay their dead; and that provisions and water are also
left at a little distance. How conformable to this is the practice at the
Ladrones, as described by Le Gobien!—Ils font quelques repas autour du
tombeau; car on en eleve toujours un sur le lieu ou le corps est enterré, ou
dans le voisinage; on le charge de fleurs, de branches de palmiers, de
coquillages,
et de tout ce qu'ils ont de plus precieux. 6. It is the custom at
Otaheite not to bury the skulls of the chiefs with the rest of the bones,
but to put them into boxes made for that purpose. Here again, we find
the same strange custom prevailing at the Ladrones; for Le Gobien expressly
tells us, qui'ls gardent les cranes, en leur
maisons, that they put
these skulls into little baskets (petites corbeilles); and that these
dead
chiefs are the Anitis, to whom their priests address their invocations.
7. The people at Otaheite, as we learn from Captain Cook, in his account
of Tee's embalmed corpse, make use of cocoa-nut oil, and other ingredients,
in rubbing the dead bodies. The people of the Ladrones, Father Le
Gobien tells us, sometimes do the same—D'autres frottent les morts
d'huile odoriferante. 8. The inhabitants of Otaheite believe the immortality
of the soul; and that there are two situations after death, somewhat
analogous to our heaven and hell; but they do not suppose, that their
actions here in the least influence their future state. And in the
account
given in this Voyage of the religious opinions entertained at the Friendly
Islands, we find there exactly the same doctrine. It is very observable,
how conformable to this is the belief of the inhabitants of the Ladrones—Ils
sont persuadés (says Le Gobien) de l'immortalité de l'áme. Ils
reconnoissent
même un Paradis et un Enfer, dont ils se forment des idées assez
bizarres. Ce n'est point, selon eux, la vertu ni le crime, qui conduit
dans ces lieux là; les bonnes ou les mauvaises actions n'y servent de rien.
9. One more very singular instance of agreement shall close this long list.
In Captain Cook's account of the New Zealanders, we find that, according
to them, the soul of the man who is killed, and whose flesh is devoured,
is doomed to a perpetual fire; while the souls of all who die a natural
death, ascend to the habitations of the gods. And, from Le Gobien, we
learn that this very notion is adopted by his islanders—Si on a le malkeur
de mourir de mort violente, on a l'enfer pour leur portage.


Surely such a concurrence of very characteristic conformities cannot
be the result of mere accident; and, when combined with the specimens
of affinity of language mentioned at the beginning of this note, it should
seem that we are fully warranted, from premises thus unexceptionable, to
draw a certain conclusion, that the inhabitants of the various islands
discovered
or visited by Captain Cook in the South Pacific Ocean, and those
whom the Spaniards found settled upon the Ladrones or Mariannes, in
the northern hemisphere, carried the same language, customs, and opinions
from one common centre, from which they had emigrated; and
that, therefore, they may be considered as scattered members of the same
nation.


See Pere Le Gobien's Histoire des Iles Mariannes, Book ii. or the summary
of it in Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes, T. ii. p.
492-512,
from which the materials for this note have been extracted.—D.


Footnote 4: (return) 
We have another instance of the same word being differently
pronounced
by our people. Captain Cook, as appears above, speaks of Olla
as the Bolabola god.—D.


Footnote 5: (return) 
See Bougainville's Voyage autour du Monde, p. 228, where we
are
told that these people sometimes navigate at the distance of more than
three hundred leagues.—D.


Footnote 6: (return) 
Though much of Mr Anderson's account of Otaheite, &c. be very
similar to what has been given in the preceding relations, yet it must be
allowed to possess too great merit to warrant omission or alteration. He
has been fortunate, certainly, in delineating the manners and opinions of
the people; and perhaps, on the whole, his information bears more decisive
marks of care and intimate acquaintance than any other we possess
on the subject. This, it may be said, is no very high merit; because, having
the benefit of pretty extensive labours, he had only to compare a
picture with its original, as presented to his notice, and was under no
necessity
of dividing his attention among a multiplicity of unconnected objects.
Still this remark is not just, unless it be shewn that he has merely
affirmed the likeness or unlikeness he observed betwixt them, and
specified
the peculiarities of resemblance or dissimilarity. In place of doing so,
however, he has executed another picture. But such analogical reasoning
is more fanciful than judicious; and even were it correctly applicable
to the case, it is evident, that no one would be entitled to decide as
to the respective merits of the productions, who was not familiar with the
objects which they represented. Now, the fact is, that Mr Anderson had
no opportunity of availing himself of what others had done before, unless
we except the avowedly imperfect delineations in Hawkesworth's Narrative,
from which we can scarcely believe he could derive material assistance.
The reader will understand this at once, by considering, that neither
Cook's account of his second voyage, nor the productions of Mr Forster,
had been published before the commencement of this expedition.
It may, however, be imagined, that Cook himself would communicate to
Mr Anderson such particulars of his former journal as were likely to aid
him in his present researches. Even this supposition is exceedingly unnecessary;
because, it appears from the Memoir of Cook, in the Biog.
Brit. that that officer rather received assistance from Mr Anderson during
the former navigation; and we shall afterwards see reason to consider
him as possessed of abilities, and a talent for observation, which rendered
him very independent of others. His description, therefore, is to
be judged an original one, and as such is entitled to the highest distinction.
It may indeed be somewhat chargeable with the exaggerations of
a warm fancy, especially as to what is said of the religious notions of
these islanders, which perhaps assume more of system and regularity
through the medium of Mr A.'s report, than it is altogether likely would
be found to exist in their popular creeds. This is easily understood, without
any aspersion on his veracity. For, as it will be allowed that he possessed
greater compass of mind, and was more in the habit of exercising
thought than the people whose opinions he described, so it may thence be
readily inferred, that, what to them was confused and unconnected, as is
commonly the case with the superstitions of the illiterate in all countries,
his philosophical genius, working on obvious and remote analogies,
wrought
into order, and stamped with the semblance, at least, of theoretical
consistency.
We had at one time purposed to offer a few remarks on certain
parts of his description, but, on second thoughts, it occurred, that, on the
whole, the subject had received a very ample share of attention in the
course of these voyages.—E.


[pg 139]


SECTION X.


Progress of the Voyage, after leaving the Society Islands.—Christmas
Island discovered, and Station of the Ships there.—Boats
sent ashore.—Great Success in catching Turtle.—An
Eclipse of the Sun observed.—Distress of two Seamen
who had lost their Way.—Inscription left in a Bottle.—Account
of the Island.—Its Soil.—Trees and Plants.—Birds.—Its
Size.—Form.—Situation.—Anchoring Ground.


After leaving Bolabola, I steered to the northward, close-hauled,
with the wind between N.E. and E., hardly ever
having it to the southward of E., till after we had crossed
[pg 140]
the Line, and had got into N. latitudes. So that our course,
made good, was always to the W. of N., and sometimes no
better than N.W.


Though seventeen months had now elapsed since our departure
from England, during which, we had not, upon
the whole, been unprofitably employed, I was sensible, that
with regard to the principal object of my instructions, our
voyage was, at this time, only beginning; and, therefore,
my attention to every circumstance that might contribute
toward our safety and our ultimate success, was now to be
called forth anew. With this view I had examined into
the state of our provisions at the last islands; and, as soon
as I had left them, and got beyond the extent of my former
discoveries, I ordered a survey to be taken of all the
boatswain's and carpenter's stores that were in the ships,
that I might be fully informed of the quantity, state, and
condition of every article; and, by that means, know how
to use them to the greatest advantage.


Before I sailed from the Society Islands, I lost no opportunity
of enquiring of the inhabitants, if there were any
islands in a N. or N.W. direction from them; but I did not
find that they knew of any. Nor did we meet with any
thing that indicated the vicinity of land, till we came to
about the latitude of 8° S., where we began to see birds,
such as boobies, tropic, and men-of-war birds, tern, and
some other sorts. At this time our longitude was 205° E.
Mendana, in his first voyage in 1568,1 discovered an island
which he named Isla de Jesus, in latitude 6° 45' S., and
1450 leagues from Callao, which is 200° E. longitude from
Greenwich. We crossed this latitude near a hundred
leagues to the eastward of this longitude, and saw there
many of the above-mentioned birds, which are seldom
known to go very far from land.


In the night, between the 22d and 23d, we crossed the
Line in the longitude of 203° 15' E. Here the variation of
the compass was 6° 30' E. nearly.


[pg 141]


On the 24th, about half an hour after day-break, land
was discovered bearing N.E. by E. 1/2 E. Upon a nearer approach,
it was found to be one of those low islands so common
in this ocean, that is, a narrow bank of land inclosing
the sea within. A few cocoa-nut trees were seen in two or
three places; but, in general, the land had a very barren
appearance. At noon, it extended from N.E. by E. to S.
by E. 1/2 E., about four miles distant. The wind was at
E.S.E., so that we were under a necessity of making a few
boards, to get up to the lee or west side, where we found
from forty to twenty and fourteen fathoms water, over a
bottom of fine sand, the least depth about half a mile from,
the breakers, and the greatest about one mile. The meeting
with soundings determined me to anchor, with a view
to try to get some turtles, for the island seemed to be a
likely place to meet with them, and to be without inhabitants.
Accordingly we dropped anchor in thirty fathoms;
and then a boat was dispatched to examine whether it was
practicable to land, of which I had some doubt, as the sea
broke in a dreadful surf all along the shore. When the
boat returned, the officer, whom I had entrusted with this
examination, reported to me that he could see no place
where a boat could land, but that there was great abundance
of fish in the shoal water, without the breakers.


At day-break, the next morning, I sent two boats, one
from each ship, to search more accurately for a landing-place;
and, at the same time, two others to fish at a grappling
near the shore. These last returned about eight
o'clock, with upward of two hundred weight of fish. Encouraged
by this success, they were dispatched again after
breakfast; and I then went in another boat, to take a view
of the coast and attempt landing, but this I found to be
wholly impracticable. Toward noon, the two boats, sent on
the same search, returned. The master, who was in that
belonging to the Resolution, reported to me, that about a league
and a half to the N., was a break in the land, and a
channel into the lagoon, consequently, that there was a fit
place for landing; and that he had found the same soundings
off this entrance, as we had where we now lay. In
consequence of this report the ships weighed anchor, and,
after two or three trips, came to again in twenty fathoms
water, over a bottom of fine dark sand, before a small island
that lies at the entrance of the lagoon, and on each side of
[pg 142]
which there is a channel leading into it, but only fit for
boats. The water in the lagoon itself is all very shallow.


On the 26th, in the morning, I ordered Captain Clerke
to send a boat, with an officer, to the S.E. part of the lagoon,
to look for turtles; and Mr King and I went each in
a boat to the N.E. part. I intended to have gone to the
most easterly extremity, but the wind blew too fresh to allow
it, and obliged us to land more to leeward, on a sandy
flat, where we caught one turtle, the only one that we saw
in the lagoon. We walked, or rather waded, through the
water to an island, where finding nothing but a few birds, I
left it, and proceeded to the land that bounds the sea to the
N.W., leaving Mr King to observe the sun's meridian altitude.
I found this land to be even more barren than the
island I had been upon; but walking over to the sea-coast,
I saw five turtles close to the shore. One of these we caught,
and the rest made their escape. Not seeing any more I returned
on board, as did Mr King soon after, without having
seen one turtle. We, however, did not despair of getting
a supply; for some of Captain Clerke's officers, who had
been ashore on the land to the southward of the channel
leading into the lagoon, had been more fortunate, and
caught several there.


In the morning of the 27th, the pinnace and cutter, under
the command of Mr King, were sent to the S.E. part
of the island, within the lagoon, and the small cutter to the
northward, where I had been the day before, both parties
being ordered upon the same service, to catch turtles. Captain
Clerke having had some of his people on shore all
night, they had been so fortunate as to turn between forty
and fifty on the sand, which were brought on board with
all expedition this day. And, in the afternoon, the party I
had sent northward returned with six. They were sent back
again, and remained there till we left the island, having in
general pretty good success.


On the 28th, I landed in company with Mr Bayly, on the
island which lies between the two channels into the lagoon,
to prepare the telescopes for observing the approaching
eclipse of the sun, which was one great inducement to my
anchoring here. About noon, Mr King returned with one
boat and eight turtles, leaving seven behind to be brought
by the other boat, whose people were employed in catching
more; and, in the evening, the same boat was sent with
[pg 143]
water and provisions for them. Mr Williamson now went
to superintend this duty in the room of Mr King, who remained
on board to attend the observation of the eclipse.


The next day, Mr Williamson dispatched the two boats
back to the ship, laden with turtles. At the same time, he
sent me a message, desiring that the boats might be ordered
round by sea, as he had found a landing-place on the
S.E. side of the island, where most of the turtles were
caught; so that by sending the boats thither, the trouble
would be saved of carrying them over the land to the inside
of the lagoon, as had been hitherto done. The boats were
accordingly dispatched to the place which he pointed out.


On the morning of the 30th, the day when the eclipse
was to happen, Mr King, Mr Bayly, and myself, went
ashore on the small island above-mentioned, to attend the
observation. The sky was over-cast till past nine o'clock,
when the clouds about the sun dispersed long enough to
take its altitude, to rectify the time by the watch we made
use of. After this, it was again obscured, till about thirty
minutes past nine, and then we found that the eclipse was
begun. We now fixed the micrometers to the telescopes,
and observed or measured the uneclipsed part of the sun's
disk. At these observations I continued about three-quarters
of an hour before the end, when I left off, being, in
fact, unable to continue them longer, on account of the
great heat of the sun, increased by the reflection from the
sand.


The sun was clouded at times; but it was clear when the
eclipse ended, the time of which was observed as follows:




 Mr Bayly 0  26   3


ByMr Kingat0  26   1Apparent Time p.m.


 Myself 0  25  37




Mr Bayly and I observed with the large achromatic telescopes,
and Mr King with a reflector. As Mr Bayly's telescope
and mine were of the same magnifying power, I
ought not to have differed so much from him as I did.
Perhaps, it was, in part, if not wholly owing to a protuberance
in the moon, which escaped my notice, but was seen
by both the other gentlemen.


In the afternoon, the boats and turtling party, at the
S.E. part of the island, all returned on board, except a seaman
belonging to the Discovery, who had been missing
two days. There were two of them at first who had lost
[pg 144]
their way, but disagreeing about the most probable track to
bring them back to their companions, they had separated,
and one of them joined the party, after having been absent
twenty-four hours, and been in great distress. Not a drop
of fresh water could be had, for there is none upon the
whole island; nor was there a single cocoa-nut tree on that
part of it. In order to allay his thirst, be had recourse to
the singular expedient of killing turtles, and drinking their
blood. His mode of refreshing himself, when weary, of
which he said he felt the good effects, was equally whimsical.
He undressed himself, and lay down for some time in
the shallow water upon the beach.2


It was a matter of surprise to every one, how these two
men could contrive to lose themselves. The land over
which they had to travel, from the sea-coast to the lagoon,
where the boats lay, was not more than three miles across,
nor was there any thing to obstruct their view, for the
country was a flat, with a few shrubs scattered upon it, and
from many parts of it, the masts of the ships could easily be
seen. But this was a rule of direction they never once
thought of; nor did they recollect in what quarter of the
island the ships had anchored, and they were as much at a
loss how to get back to them, or to the party they had
straggled from, as if they had but just dropped from the
clouds. Considering how strange a set of beings the generality
of seamen are, when on shore, instead of being
[pg 145]
surprised that these two men should thus lose their way, it is
rather to be wondered at, that no more of the party were
missing. Indeed, one of those who landed with me was in
a similar situation; but he had sagacity enough to know
that the ships were to leeward, and got on board almost as
soon as it was discovered that he had been left behind.


As soon as Captain Clerke knew that one of the stragglers
was still in this awkward situation, he sent a party in
search of him; but neither the man nor the party having
come back, the next morning I ordered two boats into the
lagoon, to go different ways, in prosecution of the search.
Not long after, Captain Clerke's party returned with their
lost companion; and my boats having now no object left,
I called them back by signal. This poor fellow must have
suffered far greater distress than the other straggler, not
only as having been lost a longer time, but as we found
that he was too squeamish to drink turtle's blood.


Having some cocoa-nuts and yams on board, in a state
of vegetation, I ordered them to be planted on the little
island where we had observed the eclipse, and some melon-seeds
were sown in another place. I also left, on the little
island, a bottle containing this inscription:


 


Georgius, Tertius, Rex, 31 Decembris, 1777.


Naves     {Resolution, Jac. Cook, Pr.


 {Discovery, Car. Clerke, Pr.


 


On the 1st of January, 1778, I sent boats to bring on
board all our parties from the land, and the turtles they had
caught. Before this was completed it was late in the afternoon,
so that I did not think proper to sail till next morning.
We got at this island, to both ships, about three hundred
turtles, weighing, one with another, about ninety or a
hundred pounds. They were all of the green kind, and perhaps
as good as any in the world. We also caught, with
hook and line, as much fish as we could consume during
our stay. They consisted principally of cavallies of different
sizes, large and small snappers, and a few of two sorts
of rock-fish, one with numerous spots of blue, and the other
with whitish streaks scattered about.


The soil of this island, in some places, is light and black,
evidently composed of decayed vegetables, the dung of
birds, and sand. There are other places again, where
[pg 146]
nothing but marine productions, such as broken coral stones
and shells are to be seen. These are deposited in long narrow
ridges, lying in a parallel direction with the sea-coast,
not unlike a ploughed field, and must have been thrown up
by the waves, though, at this time, they do not reach within
a mile of some of these places. This seems to furnish an
incontestible proof that the island has been produced by
accessions from the sea, and is in a state of increase; for
not only the broken pieces of coral, but many of the shells,
are too heavy and large to have been brought by any birds,
from the beach, to the places where they now lie. Not a
drop of fresh water was any where found, though frequently
dug for. We met with several ponds of salt water, which
had no visible communication with the sea, and must, therefore,
in all probability, be filled by the water filtrating
through the sand in high tides. One of the lost men found
some salt on the S.E. part of the island. But though this
was an article of which we were in want, a man who could
lose himself, as he did, and not know whether he was travelling
east, west, north, or south, was not to be depended
upon as a fit guide to conduct us to the place.


There were not the smallest traces of any human being
having ever been here before us; and, indeed, should any
one be so unfortunate as to be accidentally driven upon the
island, or left there, it is hard to say, that he could be able
to prolong existence. There is, indeed, abundance of birds
and fish, but no visible means of allaying thirst, nor any
vegetable that could supply the place of bread, or correct
the bad effects of an animal diet, which, in all probability,
would soon prove fatal alone. On the few cocoa-trees upon
the island, the number of which did not exceed thirty,
very little fruit was found; and, in general, what was found,
was either not fully grown, or had the juice salt, or brackish.
So that a ship touching here, must expect nothing but
fish and turtles, and of these an abundant supply may be
depended upon.


On some parts of the land were a few low trees. Mr
Anderson gave me an account also of two small shrubs, and,
of two or three small plants, all which we had seen on Palmerston's
Island and Otakootaia. There was also a species
of sida or Indian mallow, a sort of purslain, and another
small plant, that seemed, from its leaves, a mesembryanthemum,
with two species of grass. But each of these
[pg 147]
vegetable productions was in so small a quantity, and grew with
so much languor, that one is almost surprised that the species
do not become extinct.


Under the low trees above-mentioned, sat infinite numbers
of a new species of tern, or egg-bird. These are
black above and white below, with a white arch on the
forehead, and are rather larger than the common noddy.
Most of them had lately hatched their young, which lay
under old ones upon the bare ground. The rest had eggs,
of which they only lay one, larger than that of a pigeon,
bluish and speckled with black. There were also a good
many common boobies, a sort that are almost like a gannet,
and a sooty or chocolate-coloured one, with a white
belly. To this list we must add men-of-war birds, tropic-birds,
curlews, sand-pipers, a small land-bird like a hedge-sparrow,
land-crabs, small lizards, and rats.


As we kept our Christmas here, I called this discovery
Christmas Island. I judge it to be about fifteen or twenty
leagues in circumference. It seemed to be of a semicircular
form, or like the moon in the last quarter, the two horns
being the N. and S. points, which bear from each other
nearly N. by E., and S. by W., four or five leagues distant.
This west side, or the little isle at the entrance into the lagoon,
upon which we observed the eclipse, lies in the latitude
of 1° 59' N., and in the longitude of 202° 30' E., determined
by a considerable number of lunar observations,
which differed only 7' from the time-keeper, it being so
much less. The variation of the compass was 6° 22-1/2' E.,
and the dip of the north end of the needle 11° 54'.


Christmas Island, like most others in this ocean, is bounded
by a reef of coral-rocks, which extends but a little way
from the shore. Farther out than this reef, on the west
side, is a bank of fine sand, extending a mile into the sea.
On this bank is good anchorage, in any depth between
eighteen and thirty fathoms. In less than the first-mentioned
depth, the reef would be too near; and, in more
than the last, the edge of the bank would not be at a sufficient
distance. During the time we lay here, the wind
blew constantly a fresh gale at E., or E. by S., except one
or two days. We had, always, a great swell from the northward,
which broke upon the reef in a prodigious surf. We
had found this swell before we came to the island, and it
continued for some days after we left it.


Footnote 1: (return) 
See Dalrymple's Collection, vol. i. p. 45.


Footnote 2: (return) 
The practice is deserving of a better epithet. It is highly
judicious,
and may often be adopted with the best effects. The use of the cold bath
in cases of fever is not materially different; and it is most certain, that
washing the body with either cold or warm water, is one of the best methods
of relieving the sense of weariness consequent on fatiguing exercise.
Some caution is undoubtedly required in using it; but on the whole, there
is much less danger in the application than is commonly imagined. The
natural indications are chiefly to be regarded. Thus it is not likely that a
person already cooled down below the natural standard, so as to feel positively
cold or chilly, will run the risk of greater reduction of temperature
by immersion in cold water; and on the other hand, when most
warm, in which state such reduction is safest, there is the greatest inclination
to have recourse to it. It is advisable to employ friction with
cloths in most cases, but more especially where perspiration has been
brought on, in which state, cold bathing, unless preceded by that process
in such a degree as to excite a sense of heat on the surface, is improper,
for a reason above assigned, perspiration always occasioning a reduction of
temperature. This subject is an important one, but could not be discussed
here; there seemed, however, some good end likely to be answered by at
least directing attention to it.—E.


[pg 148]


SECTION XI.


Some Islands discovered.—Account of the Natives of Atooi,
who came off to the Ships, and their Behaviour on going on
board.—One of them killed.—Precautions used to prevent
Intercourse with the Females.—A Watering-place found.—Reception
upon landing.—Excursion into the Country.—A
Morai visited and described.—Graves of the Chiefs, and of
the human Sacrifices, there buried.—Another Island, called
Oneeheow, visited.—Ceremonies performed by the Natives,
who go off to the Ships.—Reasons for believing that they are
Cannibals.—A Party sent ashore, who remain two Nights.—Account
of what passed on landing.—The Ships leave, the
Islands, and proceed to the North.


On the 2d of January, at day-break, we weighed anchor,
and resumed our course to the N., having fine weather, and
a gentle breeze at E., and E.S.E., till we got into the latitude
of 7° 45' N., and the longitude of 205° E., where we
had one calm day. This was succeeded by a N.E. by E.,
and E.N.E. wind. At first it blew faint, but freshened as
we advanced to the N. We continued to see birds every
day of the sorts last mentioned, sometimes in greater numbers
than others, and between the latitude of 10° and 11°,
we saw several turtles. All these are looked upon as signs
of the vicinity of land. However, we discovered none till
day-break, in the morning of the 18th, when an island
made its appearance, bearing N.E. by E.; and soon after,
we saw more land bearing N., and entirely detached from
the former. Both had the appearance of being high land.
At noon, the first bore N.E. by E. 1/2 E., by estimation about
eight or nine leagues distant; and an elevated hill, near the
east end of the other, bore N. 1/2 W. Our latitude, at this
time, was 21° 12' N., and longitude 200° 41' E. We had
now light airs and calms by turns, so that, at sunset, we
were not less than nine or ten leagues from the nearest
land.


On the 19th, at sun-rise, the island first seen, bore E.,
several leagues distant. This being directly to windward,
which prevented our getting near it, I stood for the
other, which we could reach; and, not long after,
[pg 149]
discovered a third island in the direction of W.N.W., as far distant
as land could be seen. We had now a fine breeze at
E. by N., and I steered for the east end of the second
island, which, at noon, extended from N. 1/2 E. to W.N.W.
1/4 W., the nearest part being about two leagues distant. At
this time, we were in some doubt whether or no the land
before us was inhabited; but this doubt was soon cleared
up, by seeing some canoes coming off from the shore toward
the ships. I immediately brought-to, to give them
time to join us. They had from three to six men each;
and, on their approach, we were agreeably surprised to find
that they spoke the language of Otaheite, and of the other
islands we had lately visited. It required but very little address
to get them to come along-side; but no entreaties
could prevail upon any of them to come on board. I tied
some brass medals to a rope, and gave them to those in one
of the canoes, who, in return, tied some small mackerel to
the rope as an equivalent. This was repeated; and some
small nails, or bits of iron, which they valued more than
any other article, were given them. For these they exchanged
more fish and a sweet potatoe, a sure sign that
they had some notion of bartering, or, at least, of returning
one present for another. They had nothing else in their
canoes, except some large gourd shells, and a kind of fishing-net;
but one of them offered for sale the piece of stuff
that he wore round his waist, after the manner of the other
islands. These people were of a brown colour; and, though
of the common size, were stoutly made. There was little
difference in the casts of their colour, but a considerable
variation in their features, some of their visages not being
very unlike those of Europeans. The hair of most of them
was cropt pretty short, others had it flowing loose, and, with
a few, it was tied in a bunch on the crown of the head. In
all it seemed to be naturally black; but most of them had
stained it, as is the practice of the Friendly Islanders, with
some stuff which gave it a brown or burnt colour. In general
they wore their beards. They had no ornaments about
their persons, nor did we observe that their ears were perforated;
but some were punctured on the hands, or near
the groin, though in a small degree; and the bits of cloth
which they wore, were curiously-stained with red, black,
and white colours. They seemed very mild, and had no
arms of any kind, if we except some small stones, which
[pg 150]
they had evidently brought for their own defence, and these
they threw overboard when they found that they were not
wanted.


Seeing no signs of an anchoring-place at this eastern extreme
of the island, I bore away to leeward, and ranged
along the S.E. side, at the distance of half a league from
the shore. As soon as we made sail the canoes left us; but
others came off as we proceeded along the coast, bringing
with them roasting-pigs, and some very fine potatoes, which
they had exchanged, as the others had done, for whatever
was offered to them. Several small pigs were purchased for
a sixpenny nail, so that we again found ourselves in a land
of plenty, and just at the time when the turtle, which we
had so fortunately procured at Christmas Island, were nearly
expended. We passed several villages, some seated near
the sea, and others farther up the country. The inhabitants
of all of them crowded to the shore, and collected
themselves on the elevated places to view the ships. The
land upon this side of the island rises in a gentle slope,
from the sea to the foot of the mountains, which occupy
the centre of the country, except at one place near the east
end, where they rise directly from the sea, and seemed to
be formed of nothing but stone, or rocks lying in horizontal
strata. We saw no wood but what was up in the interior
part of the island, except a few trees about the villages,
near which, also, we could observe several plantations of
plantains and sugar-canes, and spots that seemed cultivated
for roots.


We continued to sound, without striking ground with a
line of fifty fathoms, till we came abreast of a low point,
which is about the middle of the east side of the island, or
rather nearer the N.W. end. Here we met with twelve and
fourteen fathoms over a rocky bottom. Being past this
point, from which the coast trended more northerly, we had
twenty, then sixteen, twelve, and, at last, five fathoms over
a sandy bottom. The last soundings were about a mile
from the shore. Night now put a stop to any farther researches,
and we spent it standing off and on. The next
morning we stood in for the land, and were met by several
canoes filled with people, some of whom took courage
and ventured on board.


In the course of my several voyages I never before met
with the natives of any place so much astonished, as these
[pg 151]
people were upon entering a ship. Their eyes were continually
flying from object to object; the wildness of their
looks and gestures fully expressing their entire ignorance
about every thing they saw, and strongly marking to us,
that, till now, they had never been visited by Europeans,
nor been acquainted with any of our commodities, except
iron; which, however, it was plain, they had only heard of,
or had known it in some small quantity, brought to them
at some distant period. They seemed only to understand
that it was a substance much better adapted to the purposes
of cutting or of boring of holes, than any thing their
own country produced. They asked for it by the name of
hamaite, probably referring to some instrument, in the making
of which iron could be usefully employed; for they
applied that name to the blade of a knife, though we could
be certain that they had no idea of that particular instrument,
nor could they at all handle it properly. For the
same reason they frequently called iron by the name of toe,
which, in their language, signifies a hatchet, or rather a
kind of adze. On asking them what iron was, they immediately
answered, "We do not know; you know what it is,
and we only understand it as toe, or hamaite." When we
shewed them some beads, they asked first, "What they
were;" and then "whether they should eat them." But on
their being told that they were to be hung in their ears,
they returned them as useless. They were equally indifferent
as to a looking-glass, which was offered them, and returned
it for the same reason; but sufficiently expressed
their desire for hamaite and toe, which they wished might be
very large. Plates of earthen-ware, china-cups, and other
such things, were so new to them, that they asked if they
were made of wood, but wished to have some, that they
might carry them to be looked at on shore. They were, in
some respects, naturally well-bred; or, at least, fearful of
giving offence, asking whether they should sit down, whether
they should spit upon the deck, and the like. Some of
them repeated a long prayer before they came on board;
and others afterward sung and made motions with their
hands, such as we had been accustomed to see in the dances
of the islands we had lately visited. There was another circumstance
in which they also perfectly resembled those
other islanders. At first, on their entering the ship, they
endeavoured to steal every thing they came near, or rather
[pg 152]
to take it openly, as what we either should not resent, or
not hinder. We soon convinced them of their mistake;
and if they, after some time, became less active in appropriating
to themselves whatever they took a fancy to, it was
because they found that we kept a watchful eye over them.


At nine o'clock, being pretty near the shore, I sent three
armed boats, under the command of Lieutenant Williamson,
to look for a landing-place, and for fresh water. I ordered
him, that if he should find it necessary to land in
search of the latter, not to suffer more than one man to go
with him out of the boats. Just as they were putting off
from the ship, one of the natives having stole the butcher's
cleaver, leaped overboard, got into his canoe, and hastened
to the shore, the boats pursuing him in vain.


The order not to permit the crews of the boats to go on
shore was issued, that I might do every thing in my power
to prevent the importation of a fatal disease into this island,
which I knew some of our men now laboured under, and
which, unfortunately, had been already communicated by
us to other islands in these seas. With the same view I
ordered all female visitors to be excluded from the ships.
Many of them had come off in the canoes. Their size, colour,
and features did not differ much from those of the
men; and though their countenances were remarkably open
and agreeable, there were few traces of delicacy to be seen,
either in their faces, or other proportions. The only difference
in their dress was their having a piece of cloth about
the body, reaching from near the middle to half-way down
the thighs, instead of the maro worn by the other sex. They
would as readily have favoured us with their company on
board as the men; but I wished to prevent all connection,
which might, too probably, convey an irreparable injury to
themselves, and, through their means, to the whole nation.
Another necessary precaution was taken, by strictly enjoining,
that no person known to be capable of propagating the
infection, should be sent upon duty out of the ships.


Whether these regulations, dictated by humanity, had
the desired effect or no, time only can discover. I had been
equally attentive to the same object, when I first visited the
Friendly Islands, yet I afterwards found, with real concern,
that I had not succeeded. And I am much afraid that this
will always be the case in such voyages as ours, whenever it
is necessary to have a number of people on shore. The
[pg 153]
opportunities and inducements to an intercourse between the
sexes are then too numerous to be guarded against; and,
however confident we may be of the health of our men, we
are often undeceived too late. It is even a matter of doubt
with me, if it be always in the power of the most skilful of
the faculty to pronounce, with any certainty, whether a
person who has been under their care, in certain stages of
this malady, is so effectually cured, as to leave no possibility
of his being still capable of communicating the taint.
I think I could mention some instances which justify my
presuming to hazard this opinion. It is likewise well known,
that amongst a number of men, there are, generally, to be
found some so bashful as to endeavour to conceal their labouring
under any symptoms of this disorder. And there
are others again, so profligate, as not to care to whom they
communicate it. Of this last we had an instance at Tongataboo,
in the gunner of the Discovery, who had been stationed
on shore to manage the trade for that ship. After
he knew that he had contracted this disease, he continued
to have connections with different women, who were supposed
not to have already contracted it. His companions
expostulated with him without effect, till Captain Clerke,
hearing of this dangerous irregularity of conduct, ordered
him on board.1


While the boats were occupied in examining the coast,
we stood on and off with the ships, waiting for their return.
About noon, Mr Williamson came back, and reported that
he had seen a large pond behind a beach near one of the
villages, which the natives told him contained fresh water,
and that there was anchoring-ground before it. He also reported
that he had attempted to land in another place, but
was prevented by the natives, who, coming down to the
boats in great numbers, attempted to take away the oars,
musquets, and, in short, every thing that they could lay
hold of, and pressed so thick upon him, that he was obliged
to fire, by which one man was killed. But this unhappy
[pg 154]
circumstance I did not know till after we had left the island,
so that all my measures were directed as if nothing of the
kind had happened. Mr Williamson told me, that after the
man fell, his countrymen took him up, carried him off, and
then retired from the boat; but still they made signals for
our people to land, which he declined. It did not appear
to Mr Williamson, that the natives had any design to kill,
or even to hurt, any of his party; but they seemed excited
by mere curiosity, to get from them what they had, being,
at the same time, ready to give in return, any thing of their
own.


After the boats were on board, I dispatched one of them
to lie in the best anchoring-ground; and as soon as she had
got to this station, I bore down with the ships, and anchored
in twenty-five fathoms water, the bottom a fine grey
sand. The east point of the road, which was the low point
before-mentioned, bore S. 51° E., the west point N. 65° W.,
and the village, behind which the water was said to be,
N.E. by E., distant one mile. But, little more than a quarter
of a mile from us, there were breakers, which I did not
see till after the Resolution was placed. The Discovery anchored
to the eastward of us, and farther from the land.
The ships being thus stationed, between three and four
o'clock, I went ashore with three armed boats, and twelve
marines, to examine the water, and to try the disposition
of the inhabitants, several hundreds of whom were assembled
on a sandy beach before the village; behind it was a
narrow valley, the bottom of which was occupied by the
piece of water.


The very instant I leaped on shore, the collected body of
the natives all fell flat upon their faces, and remained in
that very humble posture, till, by expressive signs, I prevailed
upon them to rise. They then brought a great many
small pigs, which they presented to me, with plantain trees,
using much the same ceremonies that we had seen practised
on such occasions, at the Society and other islands;
and a long prayer being spoken by a single person, in which
others of the assembly sometimes joined. I expressed my
acceptance of their proffered friendship, by giving them, in
return, such presents as I had brought with me from the
ship for that purpose. When this introductory business was
finished, I stationed a guard upon the beach, and got some
of the natives to conduct me to the water, which proved to
[pg 155]
be very good, and in a proper situation for our purpose. It
was so considerable, that it may be called a lake; and it
extended farther up the country than we could see. Having
satisfied myself about this very essential point, and about
the peaceable disposition of the natives, I returned on board,
and then gave orders that every thing should be in readiness
for landing and filling our water-casks in the morning,
when I went ashore with the people employed in that service,
having a party of marines with us for a guard, who
were stationed on the beach.


As soon as we landed, a trade was set on foot for hogs
and potatoes, which the people of the island gave us in exchange
for nails and pieces of iron, formed into something
like chisels. We met with no obstruction in watering; on
the contrary, the natives assisted our men in rolling the
casks to and from the pool, and readily performed whatever
we required. Every thing thus going on to my satisfaction,
and considering my presence on the spot as unnecessary,
I left the command to Mr Williamson, who had
landed with me, and made an excursion into the country,
up the valley, accompanied by Mr Anderson and Mr Webber;
the former of whom was as well qualified to describe
with the pen, as the latter was to represent with his pencil,
every thing we might meet with worthy of observation. A
numerous train of natives followed us; and one of them,
whom I had distinguished for his activity in keeping the
rest in order, I made choice of as our guide. This man,
from time to time, proclaimed our approach; and every one
whom we met, fell prostrate upon the ground, and remained
in that position till we had passed. This, as I afterward
understood, is the mode of paying their respect to their own
great chiefs. As we ranged down the coast from the east,
in the ships, we had observed at every village one or more
elevated white objects, like pyramids or other obelisks; and
one of these, which I guessed to be at least fifty feet high,
was very conspicuous from the ship's anchoring station, and
seemed to be at no great distance up this valley. To have
a nearer inspection of it, was the principal object of my
walk. Our guide perfectly understood that we wished to
be conducted to it. But it happened to be so placed, that
we could not get at it, being separated from us by the pool
of water. However, there being another of the same kind
within our reach, about half a mile off, upon our side of the
[pg 156]
valley, we set out to visit that. The moment we got to it,
we saw that it stood in a burying-ground, or morai, the resemblance
of which, in many respects to those we were so
well acquainted with at other islands in this ocean, and particularly
Otaheite, could not but strike us; and we also soon
found, that the several parts that compose it, were called
by the same names. It was an oblong space, of considerable
extent, surrounded by a wall of stone, about four feet
high. The space inclosed was loosely paved with smaller
stones; and at one end of it, stood what I call the pyramid,
but, in the language of the island, is named henananoo,
which appeared evidently to be an exact model of the larger
one, observed by us from the ships. It was about four feet
square at the base, and about twenty feet high. The four
sides were composed of small poles interwoven with twigs
and branches, thus forming an indifferent wicker-work, hollow
or open within, from bottom to top. It seemed to be
rather in a ruinous state; but there were sufficient remaining
marks to shew that it had originally been covered with
a thin light grey cloth, which these people, it would seem,
consecrate to religions purposes, as we could see a good
deal of it hanging in different parts of the morai, and some
of it had been forced upon me when I first landed. On each
side of the pyramid were long pieces of wicker-work, called
hereanee, in the same ruinous condition, with two slender
poles, inclining to each other, at one corner, where some
plantains were laid upon a board, fixed at the height of five
or six feet. This they called herairemy; and informed us,
that the fruit was an offering to their god, which makes it
agree exactly with the whatta of Otaheite. Before the henananoo
were a few pieces of wood, carved into something
like human figures, which, with a stone near two feet high,
covered with pieces of cloth, called hoho, and consecrated
to Tongarooa, who is the god of these people, still more and
more reminded us of what we used to meet with in the morais
of the islands we had lately left. Adjoining to these,
on the outside of the morai, was a small shed, no bigger
than a dog-kennel, which they called hareepahoo; and before
it was a grave, where, as we were told, the remains of
a woman lay.


On the farther side of the area of the morai, stood a house
or shed, about forty feet long, ten broad in the middle, each
end being narrower, and about ten feet high. This, which,
[pg 157]
though much longer, was lower than their common dwelling
places, we were informed, was called hemanaa. The
entrance into it was at the middle of the side, which was in
the morai. On the farther side of this house, opposite the
entrance, stood two wooden images, cut out of one piece,
with pedestals, in all about three feet high, neither very indifferently
designed or executed. These were said to be Eatooa
no Veheina, or representations of goddesses. On the head
of one of them was a carved helmet, not unlike those worn,
by the ancient warriors; and on that of the other, a cylindrical
cap, resembling the head-dress at Otaheite, called
tomou; and both of them had pieces of cloth tied about the
loins, and hanging a considerable way down. At the side
of each, was also a piece of carved wood, with bits of the
cloth hung on them, in the same manner; and between, or
before, the pedestals, lay a quantity of fern, in a heap. It
was obvious, that this had been deposited there, piece by
piece, and at different times; for there was of it, in all
states, from what was quite decayed, to what was still fresh
and green.


In the middle of the house, and before the two images,
was an oblong space, inclosed by a low edging of stone,
and covered with shreds of the cloth so often mentioned.
This, on enquiry, we found was the grave of seven chiefs,
whose names were enumerated, and the place was called
Heneene. We had met already with so many striking instances
of resemblance, between the burying-place we were
now visiting, and those of the islands we had lately come
from in the South Pacific, that we had little doubt in our
minds, that the resemblance existed also, in the ceremonies
practised here, and particularly in the horrid one of offering
human sacrifices. Our suspicions were too soon confirmed
by direct evidence. For, on coming out of the house,
just on one side of the entrance, we saw a small square
place, and another still less, near it; and on asking what
these were, our guide immediately informed us, that in
the one was buried a man who had been sacrificed; a Taa-ta
(Tanata or Tangata, in this country) taboo (tafoo, as here
pronounced); and in the other, a hog, which had also been
made an offering to the divinity. At a little distance from
these, near the middle of the morai, were three more of
these square inclosed places, with two pieces of carved wood
at each, and upon them a heap of fern. These, we were
[pg 158]
told, were the graves of three chiefs; and before them was
an oblong, inclosed space, to which our conductor also gave
the name of Tangata taboo; telling us, so explicitly, that we
could not mistake his meaning, that three human sacrifices
had been buried there; that is, one at the funeral of each
chief. It was with most sincere concern, that I could trace,
on such undoubted evidence, the prevalence of these bloody
rites, throughout this immense ocean, amongst people disjoined
by such a distance, and even ignorant of each other's
existence, though so strongly marked as originally of the
same nation. It was no small addition to this concern, to
reflect, that every appearance led us to believe, that the
barbarous practice was very general here. The island seemed
to abound with such places of sacrifice as this which we
were now visiting, and which appeared to be one of the
most inconsiderable of them, being far less conspicuous than
several others which we had seen, as we sailed along the
coast, and particularly than that on the opposite side of the
water, in this valley, the white henananoo, or pyramid, of
which, we were now almost sure, derived its colour only
from pieces of the consecrated cloth laid over it. In several
parts, within the inclosure of this burying-ground, were
planted trees of the cordia sebestina some of the morinda
citrifolia,
and several plants of the etee, or jeejee, of Tongataboo,
with the leaves of which the hemanaa was thatched;
and, as I observed, that this plant was not made use of in
thatching their dwelling-houses, probably it is reserved entirely
for religious purposes.


Our road to and from the morai, which I have described,
lay through the plantations. The greatest part of the ground
was quite flat, with ditches full of water intersecting different
parts, and roads that seemed artificially raised to some
height. The interspaces were, in general, planted with taro,
which grows here with great strength, as the fields are sunk
below the common level, so as to contain the water necessary
to nourish the roots. This water probably comes from
the same source, which supplies the large pool from which
we filled our casks. On the drier spaces were several spots,
where the cloth-mulberry was planted, in regular rows;
also growing vigorously, and kept very clean. The cocoa-trees
were not in so thriving a state, and were all low, but
the plantain-trees made a better appearance, though they
were not large. In general, the trees round this village, and
[pg 159]
which were seen at many of those which we passed before
we anchored, are the cordia sebestina, but of a more diminutive
size than the product of the southern isles. The greatest
part of the village stands near the beach, and consists of
above sixty houses there; but, perhaps, about forty more
stand scattered about, farther up the country, toward the
burying-place.


After we had examined, very carefully, every thing that
was to be seen about the morai, and Mr Webber had taken
drawings of it, and of the adjoining country, we returned
by a different route. I found a great crowd assembled at
the beach, and a brisk trade for pigs, fowls, and roots, going
on there, with the greatest good order, though I did not
observe any particular person, who took the lead amongst
the rest of his countrymen. At noon, I went on board to
dinner, and then sent Mr King to command the party
ashore. He was to have gone upon that service in the
morning, but was then detained in the ship, to make lunar
observations. In the afternoon I landed again, accompanied
by Captain Clerke, with a view to make another excursion
up the country. But, before this could be put in
execution, the day was too far spent, so that I laid aside my
intention for the present, and it so happened that I had not
another opportunity. At sun-set, I brought every body on
board, having procured, in the course of the day, nine tons
of water; and, by exchanges, chiefly for nails and pieces of
iron, about seventy or eighty pigs, a few fowls, a quantity
of potatoes, and a few plantains and taro roots. These people
merited our best commendations, in this commercial intercourse,
never once attempting to cheat us, either ashore
or alongside the ships. Some of them, indeed, as already
mentioned, at first betrayed a thievish disposition, or rather
they thought, that they had a right to every thing they
could lay their hands upon; but they soon laid aside a conduct,
which, we convinced them, they could not persevere
in with impunity.


Amongst the articles which they brought to barter this
day, we could not help taking notice of a particular sort of
cloak and cap, which, even in countries where dress is more
particularly attended to, might be reckoned elegant. The
first are nearly of the size and shape of the short cloaks
worn by the women in England, and by the men in Spain
reaching to the middle of the back, and tied loosely before.
[pg 160]
The ground of them is a net-work, upon which the most
beautiful red and yellow feathers are so closely fixed, that
the surface might be compared to the thickest and richest
velvet, which they resemble, both as to the feel, and the
glossy appearance. The manner of varying the mixture is
very different, some having triangular spaces of red and
yellow, alternately, others a kind of crescent; and some, that
were entirely red, had a broad yellow border, which made
them appear, at some distance, exactly like a scarlet cloak
edged with gold lace. The brilliant colours of the feathers,
in those that happened to be new, added not a little to their
fine appearance, and we found that they were in high estimation
with their owners, for they would not, at first, part
with one of them for any thing that we offered, asking no
less a price than a musket. However, some were afterward
purchased for very large nails. Such of them as were of
the best sort, were scarce; and it should seem, that they
are only used on the occasion of some particular ceremony,
or diversion; for the people who had them, always made
some gesticulations, which we had seen used before by those
who sung.


The cap is made almost exactly like a helmet, with the
middle part, or crest, sometimes of a hand's breadth; and
it sits very close upon the head, having notches to admit
the ears. It is a frame of twigs and osiers, covered with a
net work, into which are wrought feathers, in the same
manner as upon the cloaks, though rather closer, and less
diversified, the greater part being red, with some black
yellow, or green stripes on the sides, following the curve direction
of the crest. These, probably, complete the dress,
with the cloaks, for the natives sometimes appeared in both
together.


We were at a loss to guess from whence they could get
such a quantity of these beautiful feathers, but were soon
informed as to one sort, for they afterward brought great
numbers of skins of small red birds for sale, which were often
tied up in bunches of twenty or more, or had a small
wooden skewer run through their nostrils. At the first,
those that were bought, consisted only of the skin from behind
the wings forward, but we afterwards got many with
the hind part, including the tail and feet. The first, however,
struck us at once with the origin of the fable formerly
adopted, of the birds of paradise wanting legs, and
[pg 161]
sufficiently explained that circumstance. Probably the people
of the islands east of the Moluccas, from whence the skins
of the birds of paradise are brought, cut off their feet, for
the very reason assigned by the people of Atooi, for the like
practice, which was, that they thereby can preserve them
with greater ease, without losing any part which they reckon
valuable. The red-bird of our island was judged by Mr
Anderson to be a species of merops, about the size of a sparrow,
of a beautiful scarlet colour, with a black tail and
wings, and an arched bill, twice the length of the head,
which, with the feet, was also of a reddish colour. The contents
of the heads were taken out, as in the birds of paradise;
but it did not appear that they used any other method
to preserve them, than by simple drying, for the skins,
though moist, had neither a taste nor smell that could give
room to suspect the use of antiputrescent substances.2


In the night, and all the morning, on the 22d, it rained
almost continually. The wind was at S.E., S.S.E., and S.,
which brought in a short, chopping sea; and as there were
breakers little more than two cables length from the stern
of our ship, her situation was none of the safest. The surf
[pg 162]
broke so high against the shore, that we could not land in
our boats; but the day was not wholly lost, for the natives
ventured in their canoes, to bring off to the ships hogs and
roots, which they bartered as before. One of our visitors,
on this occasion, who offered some fish-hooks to sale, was
observed to have a very small parcel, tied to the string of
one of them, which he separated with great care, and reserved
for himself, when he parted with the hook. Being
asked what it was, he pointed to his belly, and spoke something
of its being dead, at the same time saying, it was
bad, as if he did not wish to answer any more questions
about it. On seeing him so anxious to conceal the contents
of this parcel, he was requested to open it, which he
did with great reluctance and some difficulty, as it was
wrapped up in many folds of cloth. We found that it contained
a thin bit of flesh, about two inches long, which, to
appearance, had been dried, but was now wet with salt water.
It struck us, that it might be human flesh, and that
these people might, perhaps, eat their enemies, as we knew
that this was the practice of some of the natives of the
South Sea islands. The question being put to the person
who produced it, he answered, that the flesh was part of a
man. Another of his countrymen, who stood by him, was
then asked, whether it was their custom to eat those killed
in battle? and he immediately answered in the affirmative.


There were some intervals of fair weather in the afternoon,
and the wind then inclined to the E. and N.E. but,
in the evening, it veered back again to S.S.E., and the
rain also returned, and continued all night. Very luckily,
it was not attended with much wind. We had, however,
prepared for the worst, by dropping the small bower-anchor,
and striking our top-gallant-yards.


At seven o'clock the next morning, a breeze of wind
springing up at N.E., I took up the anchors, with a view of
removing the ship farther out. The moment that the last
anchor was up, the wind veered to the E., which made it
necessary to set all the sail we could, in order to clear the
shore; so that, before we had tolerable sea-room, we were
driven some distance to leeward. We made a stretch off,
with a view to regain the road; but having very little wind,
and a strong current against us, I found that this was not
to be effected. I therefore dispatched Messrs King and
Williamson ashore, with three boats, for water, and to trade
[pg 163]
for refreshments. At the same time, I sent an order to
Captain Clerke to put to sea after me, if he should see that
I could not recover the road. Being in hopes of finding
one, or perhaps a harbour, at the west end of the island, I
was the less anxious about getting back to my former station.
But as I had sent the boats thither, we kept to windward
as much as possible, notwithstanding which, at noon,
we were three leagues to leeward. As we drew near the
west end of the island, we found the coast to round gradually
to the N.E., without forming a creek, or cove, to shelter
a vessel from the force of the swell, which rolled in from
the N., and broke upon the shore in a prodigious surf, so
that all hopes of finding a harbour here vanished.


Several canoes came off in the morning, and followed us
as we stood out to sea, bartering their roots and other articles.
Being very averse to believe these people to be cannibals,
notwithstanding the suspicious circumstance which
had happened the day before, we took occasion now to
make some more enquiries about this. A small wooden instrument,
beset with sharks teeth, had been purchased; and
from its resemblance to the saw or knife used by the New
Zealanders, to dissect the bodies of their enemies, it was
suspected to have the same use here. One of the natives
being asked about this, immediately gave the name of the
instrument, and told us, that it was used to cut out the
fleshy part of the belly, when any person was killed. This
explained and confirmed the circumstance above-mentioned,
of the person pointing to his belly. The man, however,
from whom we now had this information, being asked, if
his countrymen eat the part thus cut out? denied it strongly,
but, upon the question being repeated, shewed some degree
of fear, and swam to his canoe. Just before he reached
it, he made signs, as he had done before, expressive of
the use of the instrument. And an old man, who sat foremost
in the canoe, being then asked whether they eat the
flesh? answered in the affirmative, and laughed, seemingly
at the simplicity of such a question. He affirmed the fact,
on being asked again; and also said, it was excellent food,
or, as he expressed it, "savoury eating."3


[pg 164]


At seven o'clock in the evening, the boats returned, with
two tons of water, a few hogs, a quantity of plantains, and
some roots. Mr King informed me, that a great number
[pg 165]
of the inhabitants were at the watering or landing place.
He supposed that they had come from all parts of the island.
They had brought with them a great many fine fat hogs to
barter, but my people had not commodities with them equal
to the purchase. This, however, was no great loss, for we
had already got as many on board as we could well manage
for immediate use, and, wanting the materials, we could not
have salted them. Mr King also told me, that a great deal
of rain had fallen ashore, whereas, out at sea, we had only
a few showers; and that the surf had run so high, that it
was with great difficulty our men landed, and got back into
the boats.


We had light airs and calms, by turns, with showers of
rain, all night, and at day-break, in the morning of the
24th, we found that the currents had carried the ship to the
N.W. and N., so that the west end of the island, upon which
we had been, called Atooi by the natives, bore E., one
league distant; another island, called Oreehoua, W. by S.,
and the high land of a third island, called Oneeheow, from
S.W. by W. to W.S.W. Soon after, a breeze sprung up
at N.; and, as I expected that this would bring the Discovery
to sea, I steered for Oneeheow, in order to take a
nearer view of it, and to anchor there, if I should find a
convenient place. I continued to steer for it, till past eleven
o'clock, at which time we were about two leagues from
it. But not seeing the Discovery, and being doubtful whether
they could see us, I was fearful lest some ill consequence
might attend our separating so far. I therefore gave
up the design of visiting Oneeheow for the present, and
stood back to Atooi, with an intent to anchor again in the
road, to complete our water. At two o'clock in the
[pg 166]
afternoon, the northerly wind died away, and was succeeded by
variable light airs and calms, that continued till eleven at
night, with which we stretched to the S.E., till day-break
in the morning of the 25th, when we tacked and stood in
for Atooi road, which bore about N. from us; and, soon
after, we were joined by the Discovery.


We fetched in with the land about two leagues to leeward
of the road, which, though so near, we never could recover,
for what we gained at one time, we lost at another; so that,
by the morning of the 29th, the currents had carried us
westward, within three leagues of Oneeheow. Being tired
with plying so unsuccessfully, I gave up all thoughts of getting
back to Atooi, and came to the resolution of trying,
whether we could not procure what we wanted at the other
island, which was within our reach. With this view, I sent
the master in a boat, to sound the coast, to look out for a
landing-place, and, if he should find one, to examine if
fresh water could be conveniently got in its neighbourhood.
To give him time to execute his commission, we followed,
under an easy sail, with the ships. As soon as we were
abreast, or to the westward of the south point of Oneeheow,
we found thirty, twenty-five, and twenty fathoms water,
over a bottom of coral sand, a mile from the shore.


At ten o'clock the master returned, and reported that he
had landed in one place, but could find no fresh water; and
that there was anchorage all along the coast. Seeing a village
a little farther to leeward, and some of the islanders,
who had come off to the ships, informing us, that fresh water
might be got there, I ran down, and came to an anchor
before it, in twenty-six fathoms water, about three quarters
of a mile from the shore. The S.E. point of the island bore
S. 65° E., three miles distant; the other extreme of the
island bore N. by E., about two or three miles distant; a
peaked hill, inland, N.E. 1/4 E.; and another island, called
Tahoora, which was discovered the preceding evening,
bore S. 61° W., distant seven leagues.


Six or seven canoes had come off to us, before we anchored,
bringing some small pigs and potatoes, and a good
many yams and mats. The people in them resembled those
of Atooi, and seemed to be equally well acquainted with the
use of iron, which they asked for also by the names of hamaite
and toe, parting readily with all their commodities for
pieces of this precious metal. Several more canoes soon
[pg 167]
reached the ships, after they had anchored; but the natives
in these seemed to have no other object, than to pay us a
formal visit. Many of them came readily on board, crouching
down upon the deck, and not quitting that humble posture,
till they were desired to get up. They had brought
several females with them, who remained alongside in the
canoes, behaving with far less modesty than their countrywomen
of Atooi; and, at times, all joining in a song, not
remarkable for its melody, though performed in very exact
concert, by beating time upon their breasts with their hands.
The men who had come on board did not stay long; and
before they departed, some of them requested our permission
to lay down, on the deck, locks of their hair.


These visitors furnished us with an opportunity of agitating
again, this day, the curious enquiry, whether they were
cannibals; and the subject did not take its rise from any
questions of ours, but from a circumstance that seemed to
remove all ambiguity. One of the islanders, who wanted
to get in at the gun-room port, was refused, and at the same
time asked, whether, if he should come in, we would kill
and eat him? accompanying this question with signs so expressive,
that there could be no doubt about his meaning.
This gave a proper opening to retort the question as to this
practice; and a person behind the other, in the canoe, who
paid great attention to what was passing, immediately answered,
that if we were killed on shore, they would certainly
eat us. He spoke with so little emotion, that it appeared
plainly to be his meaning, that they would not destroy
us for that purpose, but that their eating us would be the
consequence of our being at enmity with them. I have
availed myself of Mr Anderson's collections for the decision
of this matter, and am sorry to say, that I cannot see
the least reason to hesitate in pronouncing it to be certain,
that the horrid banquet of human flesh is as much relished
here, amidst plenty, as it is in New Zealand.


In the afternoon, I sent Lieutenant Gore, with three
armed boats, to look for the most convenient landing-place;
and, when on shore, to search for fresh water. In
the evening he returned, having landed at the village above-mentioned,
and acquainted me that he had been conducted
to a well half a mile up the country; but, by his account,
the quantity of water it contained was too inconsiderable
[pg 168]
for our purpose, and the road leading to it exceedingly
bad.


On the 30th, I sent Mr Gore ashore again, with a guard
of marines, and a party to trade with the natives for refreshments.
I intended to have followed soon after, and
went from the ship with that design. But the surf had increased
so much by this time, that I was fearful, if I got
ashore, I should not be able to get off again. This really
happened to our people who had landed with Mr Gore, the
communication between them and the ships, by our own
boats, being stopped. In the evening, they made a signal
for the boats, which were sent accordingly; and, not long
after, they returned with a few yams and some salt. A
tolerable quantity of both had been procured in the course
of the day; but the surf was so great, that the greatest part
of both these articles had been lost in conveying them to
the boats. The officer and twenty men, deterred by the
danger of coming off, were left ashore all night; and, by
this unfortunate circumstance, the very thing happened,
which, as I have already mentioned, I wished so heartily to
prevent, and vainly imagined I had effectually guarded
against. The violence of the surf, which our own boats
could not act against, did not hinder the natives from coming
off to the ships in their canoes. They brought refreshments
with them, which were purchased in exchange
for nails, and pieces of iron-hoops; and I distributed a good
many pieces of ribbon, and some buttons, as bracelets,
amongst the women in the canoes. One of the men had
the figure of a lizard punctured upon his breast, and upon
those of others were the figures of men badly imitated.
These visitors informed us, that there was no chief, or Hairee,
of this island; but that it was subject to Teneooneoo,
a chief of Atooi; which island, they said, was not governed
by a single chief, but that there were many to whom
they paid the honour of moe, or prostration; and, amongst
others, they named, Otaeaio and Terarotoa. Among other
things, which these people now brought off, was a small
drum, almost like those of Otaheite.


About ten or eleven o'clock at night, the wind veered to
the S., and the sky seemed to forebode a storm. With
such appearances, thinking that we were rather too near
the shore, I ordered the anchors to be taken up, and
[pg 169]
having carried the ships into forty-two fathoms, came to
again in that safer station. The precaution, however, proved
to be unnecessary; for the wind, soon after, veered to
N.E., from which quarter it blew a fresh gale, with squalls,
attended with very heavy showers of rain.


This weather continued all the next day; and the sea
ran so high, that we had no manner of communication with
our party on shore; and even the natives themselves durst
not venture out to the ships in their canoes. In the evening,
I sent the master in a boat up to the S.E. head, or
point of the island, to try if he could land under it. He returned
with a favourable report; but it was too late, now,
to send for our party till the next morning; and thus they
had another night to improve their intercourse with the
natives.


Encouraged by the master's report, I sent a boat to the
S.E. point, as soon as day-light returned, with an order to
Mr Gore, that, if he could not embark his people from the
spot where they now were, to march them up to the point.
As the boat could not get to the beach, one of the crew
swam ashore, and carried the order. On the return of the
boat, I went myself with the pinnace and launch up to the
point, to bring the party on board; taking with me a ram-goat
and two ewes, a boar and sow-pig of the English
breed, and the seeds of melons, pumpkins, and onions, being
very desirous of benefiting these poor people, by furnishing
them with some additional articles of food. I
landed with the greatest ease, under the west side of the
point, and found my party already there, with some of the
natives in company. To one of them, whom Mr Gore
had observed assuming some command over the rest, I
gave the goats, pigs, and seeds. I should have left these
well-intended presents at Atooi, had we not been so unexpectedly
driven from it.


While the people were engaged in filling four water-casks,
from a small stream occasioned by the late rain, I
walked a little way up the country, attended by the man
above-mentioned, and followed by two others carrying the
two pigs. As soon as we got upon a rising ground, I stopped
to look round me, and observed a woman, on the opposite
side of the valley where I landed, calling to her
countrymen who attended me. Upon this, the chief began
to mutter something which I supposed was a prayer;
[pg 170]
and the two men, who carried the pigs, continued to walk
round me all the time, making, at least, a dozen circuits
before the other had finished his oration. This ceremony
being performed; we proceeded, and presently met people
coming from all parts, who, on being called to by my attendants,
threw themselves prostrate on their faces, till I
was out of sight. The ground, through which I passed,
was in a state of nature, very stony, and the soil seemed
poor. It was, however, covered with shrubs and plants,
some of which perfumed the air, with a more delicious
fragrancy than I had met with at any other of the islands
visited by us in this ocean. Our people, who had been obliged
to remain so long on shore, gave me the same account
of those parts of the island which they had traversed. They
met with several salt ponds, some of which had a little water
remaining, but others had none; and the salt that was
left in them was so thin, that no great quantity could have
been procured. There was no appearance of any running
stream; and though they found some small wells, in which
the fresh water was tolerably good, it seemed scarce. The
habitations of the natives were thinly scattered about; and
it was supposed, that there could not be more than five
hundred people upon the island, as the greatest part were
seen at the marketing-place of our party, and few found
about the houses by those who walked up the country.
They had an opportunity of observing the method of living
amongst the natives, and it appeared to be decent and
cleanly. They did not, however, see any instance of the
men and women eating together; and the latter seemed
generally associated in companies by themselves. It was
found, that they burnt here the oily nuts of the dooe dooe
for lights in the night, as at Otaheite; and that they baked
their hogs in ovens, but, contrary to the practice of the Society
and Friendly Islands, split the carcases through their
whole length. They met with a positive proof of the existence
of the taboo (or, as they pronounce it, the tafoo), for
one woman fed another who was under that interdiction.
They also observed some other mysterious ceremonies;
one of which was performed by a woman, who took a small
pig, and threw it into the surf, till it was drowned, and then
tied up a bundle of wood, which she also disposed of in the
same manner. The same woman, at another time, beat
with a stick upon a man's shoulders, who sat down for that
[pg 171]
purpose. A particular veneration seemed to be paid here
to owls, which they have very tame; and it was observed
to be a pretty general practice amongst them, to pull out
one of their teeth;4 for which odd custom, when asked the
reason, the only answer that could be got was, that it was
teeha, which was also the reason assigned for another of
their practices, the giving a lock of their hair.


After the water-casks had been filled and conveyed into
the boat, and we had purchased from the natives a few
roots, a little salt, and some salted fish, I returned on board
with all the people, intending to visit the island the next
day. But, about seven o'clock in the evening, the anchor
of the Resolution started, and she drove off the bank. As
we had a whole cable out, it was some time before the anchor
was at the bows; and then we had the launch to hoist
up alongside, before we could make sail. By this unlucky
accident, we found ourselves, at day-break next morning,
three leagues to the leeward of our last station; and, foreseeing
that it would require more time to recover it than I
chose to spend, I made the signal for the Discovery to
weigh and join us. This was done about noon, and we immediately
stood away to the northward, in prosecution of
our voyage. Thus, after spending more time about these
islands than was necessary to have answered all our purposes,
we were obliged to leave them before we had completed
our water, and got from them such a quantity of refreshments
as their inhabitants were both able and willing
to have supplied us with. But, as it was, our ship procured
from them provisions, sufficient for three weeks at least;
and Captain Clerke, more fortunate than us, got, of their
vegetable productions, a supply that lasted his people upward
of two months. The observations I was enabled to
make, combined with those of Mr Anderson, who was a
very useful assistant on all such occasions, will furnish materials
for the next section.


Footnote 1: (return) 
One can scarcely help smiling at the mode Dr Kippis uses to express
his abhorrence of this man's conduct. It may be seen in his account of
this voyage, given in the Biog. Brit. "If I knew the rascal's name," says
he, "I would hang it up, as far as lies in my power, to everlasting infamy!"
Undoubtedly it richly deserved such treatment, but there was no
necessity for the doctor exhibiting such keenness for the office of
executioner.—E.


Footnote 2: (return) 
It is matter of real curiosity to observe, how very extensively the
predilection for red feathers is spread throughout all the islands of the
Pacific
Ocean; and the additional circumstance, mentioned in this paragraph,
will, probably, be looked upon by those who amuse themselves in
tracing the wonderful migrations of the same family, or tribe, as a confirmation
of that hypothesis, (built indeed on other instances of resemblance,)
which considers New Guinea, and its neighbouring East India
islands, from whence the Dutch bring their birds of Paradise, as originally
peopled by the same race, which Captain Cook found at every island from
New Zealand to this new group, to which Atooi belongs.


What Mr Sonnerat tells us, about the bird of Paradise, agrees perfectly
with the account here given of the preserved red-birds. Speaking of the
Papous, he proceeds thus: "Ils nous présenterent plusieurs especes
d'oiseaux,
aussi élégants par leur forme, que brillants par l'éclat de leur couleurs.
La dépouille des oiseaux sert à la parure des Chefs, qui la portent
attachée à leurs bonnets en forme d'aigrettes. Mais en preparant les
peaux, ils coupent les pieds. Les Hollandois, qui trafiquent sur ces cotes,
y achetent de ces peaux ainsi préparées, les transportent en Perse, à Surate,
dans les Indes, où ils les vendent fort chère aux habitans riches, qui
en font des aigrettes pour leurs turbans, et pour le casque des guerriers,
et qui en parent leur chevaux. C'est de là qu'est venue l'opinion, qu'une
de ces especes d'oiseaux (l'oiseau de pardis) n'a point de pattes. Les
Hollandois
ont accrédité ces fables, qui, en jettant du merveilleux sur l'objet
dont ils traffiquoient, étoient propres à le rendre plus précieux, et á en
rechausser
la valeur."—Voyage à la Nouvelle Guinée, p. 154.—D.


Footnote 3: (return) 
Of this there can be no doubt, if the assertions of those who have
tried it be entitled to credit. When the reluctance, then, to use it is once
overcome, there is no reason to think it would ever be abandoned, if it
could be safely and conveniently procured. We have instances of this
on
record. Some persons necessitated, let us allow, to have recourse to it,
have continued the practice, where the doing so required the repeated
commission of murder. We formerly alluded to instances of this kind, and
we see in the case of the people before us, that hunger is not the only motive
for so abominable a repast. Admitting even that it were the original
one, we should expect the practice to be relinquished whenever other food
was to be had in sufficient quantity. But this we know by many proofs is
not the case; and perhaps, indeed, it will be found, that this odium is
fully as prevalent in savage countries, where nature has been bountiful, as
in those where a more stinted hand has inflicted poverty on the inhabitants.
The causes, then, and the remedies of this most shocking enormity,
are to be looked for in other circumstances than the scarcity or the
profusion of food. Here we may be allowed to join in opinion with Dr
Robertson. "Human flesh was never used as common food in any country,
and the various relations concerning people who reckoned it among
the stated means of subsistence, flow from the credulity and mistakes of
travellers. The rancour of revenge first prompted men to this barbarous
action." In addition to his opinion and that of the authors quoted by him,
in his History of America, lib. 4, the reader may advantageously consult Dr
Forster's Observations. If the sentiments maintained by these writers be
correct, we may expect to find cannibalism in almost every country where
the spirit of revenge is not curbed by principle, or directed by the authority
of a well-organized government. Here the evidence of these voyages
and of others which we could mention, must be allowed considerable importance.
There is the strongest reason, indeed, to believe that the inhabitants
of all the South Sea islands are now chargeable with this inhumanity,
or are but recently recovered from its dominion. We might easily
enlarge on this subject, but what has been said, it is probable, is sufficient
to direct the attention of the reader, which is all we could find, room
to do in the narrow compass of a note. But it is probable, that to most
persons, the observations of a late navigator, Captain Krusenstern, will be
admitted as decisive of the question of fact, without further enquiry. They
may have another effect too, viz. to destroy that delusion which many
persons labour under as to the innocence and amiableness of mankind in
a state of nature. "Notwithstanding," says he, "the favourable account
in Captain Cook's voyages of the Friendly, the Society, and the Sandwich
islands, and the enthusiasm with which Forster undertakes their defence
against all those who should make use of any harsh expression with regard
to them, I cannot refrain from declaring the inhabitants of all the islands
of this ocean to be savages, but as ranking generally, perhaps with a very
trifling exception, with those men who are still one degree below the brute
creation. In a word, they are all cannibals: We need only recollect the
islanders who have already been proved to belong to this class;—for instance,
the New Zealanders, the cruel inhabitants of Fidji, the Navigateur,
the Mendoza, Washington, the Tolomon, and Sandwich islands, the
islands of Louisiade and New Caledonia. The good name which the
inhabitants of the Friendly islands had acquired has suffered very
much by
the affair of Captain Bligh, and the visit of D'Entrecasteaux, and it may
now be maintained, with some degree of certainty, that they have in this
respect the same taste as their neighbours in the Fidji islands, and the
Isles des Navigateurs." He has more to the same effect, and is particular
in shewing how even the Society islanders, whom he admits to be the
most humane and civilized of all the natives of this region, are notwithstanding
deformed with horrid crimes, from which the passage to cannibalism
is very easy, supposing even that certain suspicious circumstances
do not warrant the opinion that they are but recently emerged from it.
And as to the people of New Caledonia, again, of whom Cook spoke so
highly, he alludes to the more recent information of D'Entrecasteaux, as
giving indisputable proof of their being addicted to the same abominable
enormity.—E.


Footnote 4: (return) 
It is very remarkable, that, in this custom, which one would think
is
so unnatural, as not to be adopted by two different tribes, originally
unconnected,
the people of this island, and Dampier's natives on the west
side of New Holland, at such an immense distance, should be found to
agree.—D.


[pg 172]


SECTION XII.


The Situation of the Islands now discovered.—Their Names.—Called
the Sandwich Islands.—Atooi described.—The
Soil.—Climate.—Vegetable Productions.—Birds.—Fish.—Domestic
Animals.—Persons of the Inhabitants.—Their
Disposition.—Dress.—Ornaments.—Habitations.—Food.—Cookery.—Amusements.—Manufactures.—Working-tools.—Knowledge
of Iron accounted for.—Canoes.—Agriculture.—Account
of one of their Chiefs.—Weapons.—Customs
agreeing with those of Tongataboo and Otaheite.—Their
Language the same.—Extent of this Nation throughout
the Pacific Ocean.—Reflections on the useful Situation
of the Sandwich Islands.


It is worthy of observation, that the islands in the Pacific
Ocean, which our late voyages have added to the geography
of the globe, have been generally found lying in
groups or clusters; the single intermediate islands, as yet
discovered, being few in proportion to the others; though,
probably, there are many more of them still unknown,
which serve as steps between the several clusters. Of what
number this newly-discovered Archipelago consists, must
be left for future investigation. We saw five of them,
whose names, as given to us by the natives, are Woahoo,
Atooi, Oneeheow, Orrehoua, and Tahoora. The last is a
small elevated island, lying four or five leagues from the
S.E. point of Oneeheow, in the direction of S., 69° W.
We were told, that it abounds with birds, which are its only
inhabitants. We also got some information of the existence
of a low uninhabited island in the neighbourhood,
whose name is Tammata pappa. Besides these six, which
we can distinguish by their names, it appeared, that the
inhabitants of those with whom we had intercourse, were
acquainted with some other islands both to the eastward
and westward. I named the whole group the Sandwich
Islands, in honour of the Earl of Sandwich. Those that I
saw, are situated between the latitude of 21° 30', and 22°
15' N., and between the longitude of 199° 20', and 201°
30' E.


Of Woahoo, the most easterly of these islands, seen by
[pg 173]
us, which lies in the latitude of 21° 36', we could get no
other intelligence, but that it is high land, and is inhabited.


We had opportunities of knowing some particulars about
Oneeheow, which have been mentioned already. It lies
seven leagues to the westward of our anchoring-place at
Atooi; and is not above fifteen leagues in circuit. Its
chief vegetable produce is yams, if we may judge from
what was brought to us by the natives. They have salt,
which they call patai, and is produced in salt ponds. With
it they cure both fish and pork; and some salt fish, which
we got from them, kept very well, and were found to be
very good. This island is mostly low land, except the
part facing Atooi, which rises directly from the sea to a
good height; as does also the S.E. point of it, which terminates
in a round hill. It was on the west side of this
point where our ships anchored.


Of Oreehoua we know nothing more than that it is a
small elevated island, lying close to the north side of Oneeheow.


Atooi, which is the largest, being the principal scene of
our operations, I shall now proceed to lay before my readers
what information I was able to collect about it, either
from actual observation, while on shore, or from conversation
with its inhabitants, who were perpetually on board
the ships while we lay at anchor; and who, in general,
could be tolerably well understood, by those of us who had
acquired an acquaintance with the dialects of the South
Pacific Islands. It is, however, to be regretted, that we
should have been obliged, so soon, to leave a place, which,
as far as our opportunities of knowing reached, seemed to
be highly worthy of a more accurate examination.


Atooi, from what we saw of it, is, at least, ten leagues in
length from east to west; from whence its circuit may
nearly be guessed, though it appears to be much broader
at the east than at the west point, if we may judge from the
double range of hills which appeared there. The road, or
anchoring-place, which we occupied, is on the south-west
side of the island, about six miles from the west end, before
a village which has the name of Wymoa. As far as we
sounded, we found, that the bank has a fine grey sand at
the bottom, and is free from rocks; except a little to the
eastward of the village, where there spits out a shoal, on
which are some rocks and breakers; but they are not far
[pg 174]
from the shore. This road would be entirely sheltered
from the trade-wind, if the height of the land, over which
it blows, did not alter its direction, and make it follow that
of the coast; so that it blows at N.E., on one side of the
island, and at E.S.E., or S.E., on the other, falling obliquely
upon the shore. Thus the road, though situated on the
lee side of the island, is a little exposed to the trade-wind;
but, notwithstanding this defect, is far from being a bad
station, and much superior to those which necessity obliges
ships daily to use, in regions where the winds are both more
variable and more boisterous; as at Teneriffe, Madeira, the
Azores, and elsewhere. The landing too is more easy than
at most of those places; and, unless in very bad weather,
always practicable. The water to be got in the neighbourhood
is excellent, and easy to be conveyed to the boats.
But no wood can be cut at any distance, convenient enough
to bring it from, unless the natives could be prevailed upon
to part with the few etooa trees (for so they call the cordia
sebestina,) that grow about their villages, or a sort called
dooe dooe, that grow farther up the country.


The land, as to its general appearance, does not, in the
least, resemble any of the islands we have hitherto visited
within the tropic, on the south side of the equator; if we
except its hills near the centre, which are high, but slope
gently to the sea, or lower lands. Though it be destitute
of the delightful borders of Otaheite, and of the luxuriant
plains of Tongataboo, covered with trees, which at once afford
a friendly shelter from the scorching sun, and an enchanting
prospect to the eye, and food for the natives,
which may be truly said to drop from the trees into their
mouths, without the laborious task of rearing; though, I
say, Atooi be destitute of these advantages, its possessing a
greater quantity of gently-rising land, renders it, in some
measure, superior to the above favourite islands, as being
more capable of improvement.


The height of the land within, the quantity of clouds
which we saw, during the whole time we staid, hanging
over it, and frequently on the other parts, seems to put it
beyond all doubt, that there is a sufficient supply of water;
and that there are some running streams which we did not
see, especially in the deep valleys, at the entrance of which
the villages commonly stand. From the wooded part to
the sea, the ground is covered with an excellent sort of
[pg 175]
grass, about two feet high, which grows sometimes in tufts,
and, though not very thick at the place where we were,
seemed capable of being converted into plentiful crops of
fine hay. But not even a shrub grows naturally on this
extensive space.


In the break, or narrow valley, through which we had
our road to the morai, the soil is of a brownish black colour,
somewhat loose; but as we advanced upon the high
ground, it changed to a reddish brown, more stiff and
clayey, though, at this time, brittle from its dryness. It is
most probably the same all over the cultivated parts; for,
what adhered to most of the potatoes, bought by us, which,
no doubt, came from very different spots, was of this sort.
Its quality, however, may be better understood from its
products, than from its appearance. For the vale, or moist
ground, produces taro, of a much larger size than any we
had ever seen; and the higher ground furnishes sweet potatoes,
that often weigh ten, and sometimes twelve or fourteen
pounds; very few being under two or three.


The temperature of the climate may be easily guessed
from the situation of the island. Were we to judge of it
from our experience, it might be said to be very variable;
for, according to the generally received opinion, it was
now the season of the year, when the weather is supposed
to be most settled, the sun being at his greatest annual distance.
The heat was at this time very moderate; and few
of those inconveniences, which many tropical countries are
subject to, either from heat or moisture, seem to be experienced
here, as the habitations of the natives are quite
close; and they salt both fish and pork, which keep well,
contrary to what has usually been observed to be the case,
when this operation is attempted in hot countries. Neither
did we find any dews of consequence, which may, in
some measure, be accounted for, by the lower part of the
country being destitute of trees.


The rock that forms the sides of the Valley, and which
seems to be the same with that seen by us at different parts
of the coast, is a greyish black, ponderous stone; but honey-combed,
with some very minute shining particles, and
some spots of a rusty colour interspersed. The last gives
it often a reddish cast, when at a distance. It is of an immense
depth, but seems divided into strata, though nothing
is interposed. For the large pieces always broke off to a
[pg 176]
determinate thickness, without appearing to have adhered
to those below them. Other stones are probably much
more various, than in the southern islands. For, during
our short stay, besides the lapis lydius, which seems common
all over the South Sea, we found a species of cream-coloured
whetstone, sometimes variegated with blacker or
whiter veins, as marble; or in pieces, as brecciæ; and
common writing slate, as well as a coarser sort; but we
saw none of them in their natural state; and the natives
brought some pieces of a coarse whitish pumice-stone.
We got also a brown sort of hæmatites, which, from being
strongly attracted by the magnet, discovered the quantity
of metal that it contained, and seems to belong to the second
species of Cronstedt, though Linnæus has placed it
amongst his intractabilia. But its variety could not be discovered;
for what we saw of it, as well as the slates and
whetstones, was cut artificially.


Besides the vegetable articles bought by us as refreshments,
amongst which were, at least, five or six varieties of
plantains, the island produces bread-fruit; though it seems
to be scarce, as we saw only one tree, which was large, and
had some fruit upon it. There are also a few cocoa-palms;
yams, as we were told, for we saw none; the kappe of the
Friendly Islands, or Virginian arum; the etooa tree, and
sweet-smelling gardenia, or cape jasmine. We saw several
trees of the dooe dooe, so useful at Otaheite, as bearing the
oily nuts, which are stuck upon a kind of skewer, and
burnt as candles. Our people saw them used, in the same
manner, at Oneeheow. We were not on shore at Atooi
but in the day-time, and then we saw the natives wearing
these nuts, hung on strings, round the neck. There is a
species of sida, or Indian mallow, somewhat altered, by the
climate, from what we saw at Christmas Island; the morinda
citrifolia, which is called none; a species of convolvulus;
the ava, or intoxicating pepper; and great numbers
of gourds. These last grow to a very large size, and are
of a vast variety of shapes, which probably is effected by
art. Upon the dry sand, about the village, grew a plant,
that we had never seen in these seas, of the size of a common
thistle, and prickly, like that; but bearing a fine flower,
almost resembling a white poppy. This, with another
small one, were the only uncommon plants, which our short
excursion gave us an opportunity of observing.


[pg 177]


The scarlet birds, already described, which were brought
for sale, were never met with alive; but we saw a single
small one, about the size of a canary-bird, of a deep crimson
colour; a large owl; two large brown hawks, or kites;
and a wild duck. The natives mentioned the names of several
other birds; amongst which we knew the otoo, or
blueish heron; and the torata, a sort of whimbrel, which
are known by the same names at Otaheite; and it is probable,
that there are a great many sorts, judging by the
quantity of fine yellow, green, and very small, velvet-like,
black feathers used upon the cloaks, and other ornaments
worn by the inhabitants.


Fish and other marine productions were, to appearance,
not various; as, besides the small mackarel, we only saw
common mullets; a sort of a dead white, or chalky colour;
a small brownish rock-fish, spotted with blue; a turtle,
which was penned up in a pond; and three or four sorts
of fish salted. The few shell-fish that we saw, were chiefly
converted into ornaments, though they neither had beauty
nor novelty to recommend them.


The hogs, dogs, and fowls, which were the only tame or
domestic animals that we found here, were all of the same
kind that we met with at the South Pacific Islands. There
were also small lizards, and some rats, resembling those
seen at every island at which we had, as yet, touched.


The inhabitants are of a middling stature, firmly made,
with some exceptions, neither remarkable for a beautiful
shape, nor for striking features, which rather express an
openness and good-nature, than a keen intelligent disposition.
Their visage, especially amongst the women, is sometimes
round; but others have it long; nor can we say that
they are distinguished as a nation, by any general cast of
countenance. Their colour is nearly of a nut-brown; and.
it may be difficult to make a nearer comparison, if we take
in all the different hues of that colour; but some individuals
are darker. The women have been already mentioned
as being little more delicate than the men in their formation;
and I may say, that, with a very few exceptions, they
have little claim to those peculiarities that distinguish the
sex in other countries. There is, indeed, a more remarkable
equality in the size, colour, and figure of both sexes,
than in most places I have visited. However, upon the
whole, they are far from being ugly, and appear to have
[pg 178]
few natural deformities of any kind. Their skin is not very
soft, nor shining; perhaps for want of oiling, which is practised
at the southern islands; but their eyes and teeth are,
in general, very tolerable. The hair, for the greatest part
is straight, though in some frizzling; and though its natural
colour be commonly black, it is stained, as at the
Friendly and other islands. We saw but few instances of
corpulence; and these oftener amongst the women than the
men; but it was chiefly amongst the latter that personal
defects were observed, though, if any of them can claim
a share of beauty, it was most conspicuous amongst the
young men.


They are vigorous, active, and most expert swimmers;
leaving their canoes upon the most trifling occasion, diving
under them, and swimming to others, though at a
great distance. It was very common to see women with
infants at the breast, when the surf was so high, that they
could not land in the canoes, leap overboard, and, without
endangering their little ones, swim to the shore, through a
sea that looked dreadful.


They seem to be blest with a frank cheerful disposition;
and were I to draw any comparisons, should say, that they
are equally free from the fickle levity which distinguishes
the natives of Otaheite, and the sedate east observable
amongst many of those of Tongataboo. They seem to live
very sociably in their intercourse with one another; and,
except the propensity to thieving, which seems innate in
most of the people we have visited in this ocean, they were
exceedingly friendly to us. And it does their sensibility
no little credit, without flattering ourselves, that when they
saw the various articles of our European manufacture, they
could not help expressing their surprise, by a mixture of
joy and concern, that seemed to apply the case as a lesson
of humility to themselves; and, on all occasions, they appeared
deeply impressed with a consciousness of their own
inferiority; a behaviour which equally exempts their national
character from the preposterous pride of the more
polished Japanese, and of the ruder Greenlander. It was
a pleasure to observe with how much affection the women
managed their infants, and how readily the men lent their
assistance to such a tender office; thus sufficiently distinguishing
themselves from those savages, who esteem a wife
[pg 179]
and child as things rather necessary, than desirable or worthy
of their notice.


From the numbers which we saw collected at every village,
as we sailed past, it may be supposed, that the inhabitants
of this island are pretty numerous. Any computation,
that we make, can be only conjectural. But, that
some notion may be formed, which shall not greatly err on
either side, I would suppose, that, including the straggling
houses, there might be, upon the whole island, sixty such,
villages, as that before which we anchored; and that, allowing
five persons to each house, there would be, in every
village, five hundred; or thirty thousand upon the island.
This number is certainly not exaggerated; for we had
sometimes three thousand persons at least upon the beach;
when it could not be supposed that above a tenth part of
the inhabitants were present.


The common dress both of the women and of the men
has been already described. The first have often much
larger pieces of cloth wrapped round them, reaching from
just below the breasts to the hams or lower; and several
were seen with pieces thrown loosely about the shoulders,
which covered the greatest part of the body; but the children
when very young are quite naked. They wear nothing
upon the head; but the hair in both sexes is cut in
different forms; and the general fashion, especially among
the women, is to have it long before and short behind.
The men often had it cut or shaved on each side, in such a
manner, that the remaining part, in some measure, resembles
the crest of their caps or helmets formerly described.
Both sexes, however, seem very careless about their hair,
and have nothing like combs to dress it with. Instances
of wearing it in a singular manner were sometimes met
with among the men, who twist it into a number of separate
parcels, like the tails of a wig, each about the thickness of
a finger; though the greatest part of these, which are so
long that they reach far down the back, we observed were
artificially fixed upon the head over their own hair.1


It is remarkable, that, contrary to the general practice of
the islands we had hitherto discovered in the Pacific Ocean,
[pg 180]
the people of the Sandwich Islands have not their ears perforated;
nor have they the least idea of wearing ornaments
in them. Both sexes, nevertheless, adorn themselves with
necklaces made of bunches of small black cord, like our
hat-string, often above a hundred-fold; exactly like those
of Wateeoo; only that instead of the two little balls on the
middle before, they fix a small bit of wood, stone, or shell,
about two inches long, with a broad hook turning forward
at its lower part well polished. They have likewise necklaces
of many strings of very small shells, or of the dried
flowers of the Indian mallow. And sometimes a small human
image of bone, about three inches long, neatly polished,
is hung round the neck. The women also wear bracelets
of a single shell, pieces of black wood, with bits of
ivory interspersed and well polished, fixed by a string drawn
very closely through them; or others of hogs' teeth laid
parallel to each other, with the concave part outward, and
the points cut off, fastened together as the former; some
of which made only of large boars' tusks are very elegant.
The men sometimes wear plumes of the tropic-bird's feathers
stuck in their heads; or those of cocks, fastened
round neat polished sticks two feet long, commonly decorated
at the lower part with oora; and for the same purpose,
the skin of a white dog's tail is sewed over a stick
with its tuft at the end. They also frequently wear on the
head a kind of ornament of a finger's thickness or more,
covered with red and yellow feathers curiously varied and
tied behind; and on the arm, above the elbow, a kind of
broad shell-work, grounded upon net-work.


The men are frequently punctured, though not in any
particular part, as the Otaheiteans and those of Tongataboo.
Sometimes there are a few marks upon their hands
or arms, and near the groin; but frequently we could observe
none at all; though a few individuals had more of
this sort of ornament, than we had usually seen at other
places, and ingeniously executed in a great variety of lines
and figures on the arms and fore-part of the body; on
which latter, some of them had the figure of the taame, or
breast-plate of Otaheite, though we did not meet with the
thing itself amongst them. Contrary to the custom of the
Society and Friendly Islands, they do not slit or cut off
part of the prepuce; but have it universally drawn over the
[pg 181]
glans, and tied with a string as practised by some of the
natives of New Zealand.


Though they seem to have adopted the mode of living
in villages, there is no appearance of defence or fortification
near any of them; and the houses are scattered about
without any order, either with respect to their distances
from each other, or their position in any particular direction.
Neither is there any proportion as to their size;
some being large and commodious, from forty to fifty feet
long, and twenty or thirty broad, while others of them are
mere hovels. Their figure is not unlike oblong corn or
hay-stacks; or, perhaps, a better idea may be conceived
of them, if we suppose the roof of a barn placed on the
ground, in such a manner as to form a high, acute ridge,
with two very low sides hardly discernible at a distance.
The gable at each end corresponding to the sides, makes
these habitations perfectly close all round; and they are
well thatched with long grass, which is laid on slender
poles disposed with some regularity. The entrance is
made indifferently in the end or side, and is an oblong
hole, so low, that one must rather creep than walk in; and
is often shut up by a board of planks fastened together,
which serves as a door, but having no hinges, must be removed
occasionally. No light enters the house but by this
opening; and though such close habitations may afford a
comfortable retreat in bad weather, they seem but ill
adapted to the warmth of the climate. They are, however,
kept remarkably clean; and their floors are covered with
a large quantity of dried grass, over which they spread
mats to sit and sleep upon. At one end stands a kind of
bench about three feet high, on which their household
utensils are placed. The catalogue is not long. It consists
of gourd-shells, which they convert into vessels that
serve as bottles to hold water, and as baskets to contain
their victuals, and other things with covers of the same;
and of a few wooden bowls and trenchers of different sizes.
Judging from what we saw growing, and from what was
brought to market, there can be no doubt, that the greatest
part of their vegetable food consists of sweet potatoes,
taro, and plantains; and that bread-fruit and yams are rather
to be esteemed rarities. Of animal food they can be
in no want; as they have abundance of hogs, which run
without restraint about the houses; and if they eat dogs,
[pg 182]
which is not improbable, their stock of these seemed to be
very considerable. The great number of fishing-hooks
found amongst them, shewed that they derive no inconsiderable
supply of animal food from the sea. But it should
seem, from their practice of salting fish, that the openness
of their coast often interrupts the business of catching
them; as it may be naturally supposed, that no set of people
would ever think of preserving quantities of food artificially,
if they could depend upon a daily regular supply
of it in its fresh state. This sort of reasoning, however,
will not account for their custom of salting their pork, as
well as their fish, which are preserved in gourd-shells. The
salt, of which they use a great quantity for this purpose, is
of a red colour, not very coarse, and seems to be much the
same with what our stragglers found at Christmas Island.
It has its colour doubtless from a mixture of the mud at
the bottom of the part where it is formed; for some of it
that had adhered in lumps, was of a sufficient whiteness
and purity.


They bake their vegetable food with heated stones, as at
the southern islands; and from the vast quantity, which we
saw dressed at one time, we suspected that the whole village,
or, at least, a considerable number of people joined
in the use of a common oven. We did not see them dress
any animal food at this island; but Mr Gore's party, as already
mentioned, had an opportunity of satisfying themselves,
that it was dressed at Oneeheow in the same sort of
ovens, which leaves no doubt of this being also the practice
in Atooi; especially as we met with no utensil there
that could be applied to the purpose of stewing or boiling.
The only artificial dish we met with was a taro pudding,
which, though a disagreeable mess from its sourness, was
greedily devoured by the natives. They eat off a kind of
wooden plates or trenchers; and the women, as far as we
could judge from one instance, if restrained from feeding
at the same dish with the men, as at Otaheite, are at least
permitted to eat in the same place near them.


Their amusements seem pretty various; for during our
short stay, several were discovered. The dances at which
they used the feathered-cloaks and caps were not seen;
but from the motions which they made with their hands
on other occasions, when they sung, we could form some
judgment that they are, in some degree at least, similar to
[pg 183]
those we had met with at the southern islands, though not
executed so skilfully. Neither had they amongst them
either flutes or reeds, and the only two musical instruments
which we observed were of an exceedingly rude kind.
One of them does not produce a melody exceeding that of
a child's rattle. It consists of what may be called a conic
cap inverted, but scarcely hollowed at the base above a
foot high, made of a coarse sedge-like plant, the upper
part of which, and the edges, are ornamented with beautiful
red feathers, and to the point, or lower part, is fixed a
gourd-shell larger than the fist. Into this is put something
to rattle, which is done by holding the instrument by the
small part, and shaking or rather moving it from place to
place briskly, either to different sides or backward and forward
just before the face, striking the breast with the other
hand at the same time. The other musical instrument (if
either of them deserve that name) was a hollow vessel of
wood, like a platter, combined with the use of two sticks,
on which one of our gentlemen saw a man performing. He
held one of the sticks, about two feet long, as we do a fiddle
with one hand, and struck it with the other, which was
smaller, and resembled a drum-stick, in a quicker or slower
measure; at the same time beating with his foot upon the
hollow vessel that lay inverted upon the ground, and thus
producing a tune that was by no means disagreeable. This
music was accompanied by the vocal performance of some
women, whose song had a pleasing and tender effect.


We observed great numbers of small polished rods,
about four or five feet long, somewhat thicker than the
rammer of a musket, with a tuft of long white dog's hair
fixed on the small end. These are probably used in their
diversions. We saw a person take one of them in his hand,
and holding it up, give a smart stroke, till he brought it
into an horizontal position, striking with the foot on the
same side upon the ground, and with his other hand beating
his breast at the same time. They play at bowls with
pieces of whetstone mentioned before, of about a pound
weight, shaped somewhat like a small cheese, but rounded
at the sides and edges, which are very nicely polished; and
they have other bowls of the same sort, made of a heavy
reddish, brown clay, neatly glazed over with a composition
of the same colour, or of a coarse dark-grey slate. They
also use, in the manner that we throw quoits, small flat
[pg 184]
rounded pieces of the writing slate of the diameter of the
bowls, but scarcely a quarter of an inch thick, also well polished.
From these circumstances, one would be induced
to think that their games are rather trials of skill than of
strength.


In every thing manufactured by these people, there appears
to be an uncommon degree of neatness and ingenuity.
Their cloth, which is the principal manufacture, is
made from the morus papyrifera; and doubtless in the same
manner as at Otaheite and Tongataboo; for we bought
some of the grooved sticks with which it is beaten. Its
texture, however, though thicker, is rather inferior to that
of the cloth of either of the other places; but in colouring
or staining it, the people of Atooi display a superiority of
taste, by the endless variation of figures which they execute.
One would suppose, on seeing a number of their
pieces, that they had borrowed their patterns from some
mercer's shop, in which the most elegant productions of
China and Europe are collected; besides some original
patterns of their own. Their colours, indeed, except the
red, are not very bright; but the regularity of the figures
and stripes is truly surprising; for, as far as we know, they
have nothing like stamps or prints, to make the impressions.
In what manner they produce their colours, we had
not opportunities of learning; but, besides the party coloured
sorts, they have some pieces of plain white cloth,
and others of a single colour, particularly dark-brown and
light-blue. In general, the pieces which they brought to
us were about two feet broad, and four or five yards long,
being the form and quantity that they use for their common
dress or maro; and even these we sometimes found
were composed of pieces sewed together; an art which we
did not find to the southward, but is strongly, though not
very neatly, performed here. There is also a particular
sort that is thin, much resembling oil-cloth; and which is
actually either oiled or soaked in some kind of varnish, and
seems to resist the action of water pretty well.


They fabricate a great many white mats, which are strong,
with many red stripes, rhombuses, and other figures, interwoven
on one side; and often pretty large. These probably
make a part of their dress occasionally; for they
put them on their backs when they offered them to sale.
[pg 185]
But they make others coarser, plain and strong, which they
spread over their floors to sleep upon.


They stain their gourd-shells prettily with undulated lines,
triangles, and other figures of a black colour; instances of
which we saw practised at New Zealand. And they seem
to possess the art of varnishing; for some of these stained
gourd-shells are covered with a kind of lacker; and, on
other occasions, they use a strong size, or gluey substance,
to fasten their things together. Their wooden dishes and,
bowls, out of which they drink their ova, are of the etooa-tree,
or cordia, as neat as if made in our turning-lathe, and
perhaps better polished. And amongst their articles of
handicraft, may be reckoned small square fans of mat or
wicker-work, with handles tapering from them of the same,
or of wood; which are neatly wrought with small cords of
hair, and fibres of the cocoa-nut coir intermixed. The
great variety of fishing-hooks are ingeniously made; some
of bone, others of wood pointed with bone, and many of
pearl shell. Of the last, some are like a sort that we saw
at Tongataboo; and others simply curved, as the common
sort at Otaheite, as well as the wooden ones. The bones
are mostly small, and composed of two pieces; and all the
different sorts have a barb, either on the inside, like ours,
or on the outside, opposite the same part; but others have
both, the outer one being farthest from the point. Of this
last sort, one was procured nine inches long, of a single
piece of bone, which doubtless belonged to some large
fish. The elegant form and polish of this could not certainly
be outdone by any European artist, even if he should add
all his knowledge in design to the number and convenience
of his tools. They polish their stones by constant
friction, with pumice-stone in water; and such of their
working instruments, or tools, as I saw, resembled those of
the Southern Islands. Their hatchets, or rather adzes, were
exactly of the same pattern, and either made of the same
sort of blackish stone, or of a clay-coloured one. They
have also little instruments, made of a single shark's tooth,
some of which are fixed to the fore-part of a dog's jawbone,
and others to a thin wooden handle of the same
shape; and at the other end there is a bit of string fastened
through a small perforation. These serve as knives occasionally,
and are perhaps used in carving.


The only iron tools, or rather bits of iron, seen amongst
[pg 186]
them, and which they had before our arrival, were a piece
of iron hoop, about two inches long, fitted into a wooden
handle;2 and another edge-tool, which our people guessed
to be made of the point of a broad-sword. Their having
the actual possession of these, and their so generally knowing
the use of this metal, inclined some on board to think
that we had not been the first European visitors of these
islands. But it seems to me, that the very great surprise
expressed by them on seeing our ships, and their total ignorance
of the use of fire-arms, cannot be reconciled with
such a notion. There are many ways by which such people
may get pieces of iron, or acquire the knowledge of the
existence of such a metal, without having ever had an immediate
connection with nations that use it. It can hardly
be doubted, that it was unknown to all the inhabitants of
this sea, before Magalhaens led the way into it; for no
discoverer, immediately after his voyage, ever found any
of this metal in their possession; though, in the course of
our late voyages, it has been observed, that the use of it
was known at several islands, to which no former European
ships had ever, as far as we know, found their way.
At all the places where Mendana touched in his two voyages,
it must have been seen and left; and this would extend
the knowledge of it, no doubt, to all the various
islands with which those whom he had visited had any immediate
intercourse. It might even be carried farther;
and where specimens of this favourite article could not be
procured, descriptions might, in some measure, serve to
make it known when afterward seen. The next voyage to
the southward of the Line, in which any intercourse was
had with the natives of this ocean, was that of Quiros,
who landed at Sagittaria, the Island of Handsome People,
and at Tierra del Espiritu Santo; at all which places, and
at those with whom they had any communication, it must
of consequence have been made known. To him succeeded,
in this navigation, Le Maire and Schouten, whose connections
with the natives commenced much farther to the
eastward, and ended at Cocos and Horn Islands. It was
not surprising, that when I visited Tongataboo, in 1773, I
should find a bit of iron there, as we knew that Tasman
[pg 187]
had visited it before me; but let us suppose, that he had
never discovered the Friendly Islands, our finding iron,
amongst them would have occasioned much speculation;
though we have mentioned before the method by which
they had gained a renewal of their knowledge of this metal,
which confirms my hypothesis. For Neeootaboo taboo,
or Boscawen's Island, where Captain Wallis's ships left it,
and from whence Poulaho received it, lies some degrees to
the north-west of Tongataboo. It is well known, that
Roggewein lost one of his ships on the Pernicious Islands;
which, from their situation, are probably not unknown to,
though not frequently visited by, the inhabitants of Otaheite
and the Society Islands. It is equally certain, that
these last people had a knowledge of iron, and purchased
it with the greatest avidity, when Captain Wallis discovered
Otaheite; and this knowledge could only have been
acquired through the medium of those neighbouring islands
where it had been originally left. Indeed, they acknowledge
that this was actually the case; and they have told
us since, that they held it in such estimation before Captain
Wallis's arrival, that a chief of Otaheite, who had got
two nails into his possession, received no small emolument,
by letting out the use of these to his neighbours for the
purpose of boring holes, when their own methods failed, or
were thought too tedious.3 The men of the Society Islands
whom we found at Wateeoo, had been driven thither,
long after the knowledge and use of iron had thus been
introduced amongst their countrymen; and though probably
they had no specimen of it with them, they would
naturally, and with ease, communicate at that island their
knowledge of this valuable material by description. From
the people of Wateeoo, again, those of Hervey's Island
might derive that desire to possess some of it, of which we
had proofs during our short intercourse with them.


The consideration of these facts sufficiently explains,
how the knowledge of iron has been conveyed throughout
[pg 188]
this ocean to islands which never have had an immediate
intercourse with Europeans; and it may easily be conceived,
that wherever the history of it only has been reported,
or a very small quantity of it has been left, the greater
eagerness will be shewn by the natives to get copious supplies
of it. The application of these particulars to the instance
now under consideration, is obvious. The people of
Atooi and Oneeheow, without having ever been visited by
Europeans before us, might have received it from intermediate
islands lying between them and the Ladrones,
which have been frequented by the Spaniards almost ever
since the date of Magalhaens's voyage. Or if the distant
western situation of the Ladrones should render this solution
less probable, is there not the extensive continent of
America to windward, where the Spaniards have been settled
for more than two hundred years; during which long
period of time, shipwrecks must have frequently happened
on its coasts? It cannot be thought at all extraordinary,
that part of such wrecks containing iron, should, by the
easterly trade wind, be, from time to time, cast upon islands
scattered about this vast ocean. The distance of Atooi
from America is no argument against this supposition.
But even if it were, it would not destroy it. This ocean is
traversed every year by Spanish ships; and it is obvious,
that, besides the accident of losing a mast and its appendages,
casks with iron hoops, and many other things containing
iron, may be thrown or may fall overboard during
so long a passage, and thus find their way to land. But
these are not mere conjectures and possibilities; for one
of my people actually did see some wood in one of the
houses at Wymoa, which he judged to be fir. It was worm-eaten,
and the natives gave him to understand, that it had
been driven ashore by the waves of the sea; and we had
their own express testimony, that they had got the inconsiderable
specimens of iron, found amongst them, from
some place to the eastward.


From this digression (if it can be called so) I return to
the observations made during our stay at Atooi; and some
account must now be given of their canoes. These, in general,
are about twenty-four feet long, and have the bottom,
for the most part, formed of a single piece or log of
wood, hollowed out to the thickness of an inch, or an inch
and a half, and brought to a point at each end. The sides
[pg 189]
consist of three boards, each about an inch thick, and neatly
fitted and lashed to the bottom part. The extremities,
both at head and stern, are a little raised, and both are
made sharp, somewhat like a wedge; but they flatten more
abruptly; so that the two sideboards join each other side
by side, for more than a foot. As they are not more than
fifteen or eighteen inches broad, those that go single (for
they sometimes join them as at the other islands) have
outriggers, which are shaped and fitted with more judgment
than any I had before seen. They are rowed by paddles,
such as we had generally met with; and some of them
have a light triangular sail, like those of the Friendly
Islands, extending to a mast and boom. The ropes used for
their boats, and the smaller cords for their fishing-tackle,
are strong and well made.


What we saw of their agriculture, furnished sufficient
proofs that they are not novices in that art. The vale
ground has already been mentioned as one continued plantation
of taro, and a few other things, which have all the
appearance of being well attended to. The potatoe fields,
and spots of sugar-cane, or plantains on the higher grounds,
are planted with the same regularity; and always in some
determinate figure, generally as a square or oblong; but
neither these, nor the others, are enclosed with any kind of
fence, unless we reckon the ditches in the low grounds
such, which, it is more probable, are intended to convey
water to the taro. The great quantity and goodness of
these articles may also, perhaps, be as much attributed to
skilful culture as to natural fertility of soil, which seems
better adapted to them than to bread-fruit and cocoa-nut
trees; the few which we saw of these latter not being in
a thriving state, which will sufficiently account for the preference
given to the culture of the other articles, though
more labour be required to produce them. But, notwithstanding
this skill in agriculture, the general appearance of
the island shewed, that it was capable of much more extensive
improvement, and of maintaining, at least, three
times the number of the inhabitants that are at present
upon it; for the far greater part of it, that now lies quite
waste, seemed to be as good a soil as those parts of it that
are in cultivation. We must therefore conclude, that these
people, from some cause, which we were not long enough
amongst them to be able to trace, do not increase in that
[pg 190]
proportion, which would make it necessary to avail themselves
of the extent of their island, toward raising a greater
quantity of its vegetable productions for their subsistence.


Though I did not see a chief of any note, there were
however several, as the natives informed us, who reside
upon Atooi, and to whom they prostrate themselves as a
mark of submission; which seems equivalent to the moe,
moea, paid to the chiefs of the Friendly Islands, and is
called here hamoea, or moe. Whether they were at first
afraid to shew themselves, or happened to be absent, I
cannot say; but, after I had left the island, one of these
great men made his appearance, and paid a visit to Captain
Clerke, on board the Discovery. He came off in a
double canoe; and, like the king of the Friendly Islands,
paid no regard to the small canoes that happened to lie in
his way, but ran against, or over them, without endeavouring
in the least to avoid them. And it was not possible for
these poor people to avoid him, for they could not manage
their canoes; it being a necessary mark of their submission
that they should lie down till he had passed. His
attendants helped him into the ship, and placed him on
the gangway. Their care of him did not cease then; for
they stood round him, holding each other by the hands;
nor would they suffer any one to come near him but Captain
Clerke himself. He was a young man, clothed from
head to foot, and accompanied by a young woman, supposed
to be his wife. His name was said to be Tamahano.
Captain Clerke made him some suitable presents; and received
from him, in return, a large bowl, supported by two
figures of men, the carving of which, both as to the design
and execution, shewed some degree of skill. This bowl, as
our people were told, used to be filled with the kava or ava,
(as it is called at Otaheite), which liquor they prepare and
drink here as at the other islands in this ocean. Captain
Clerke could not prevail upon this great man to go below,
nor to move from the place where his attendants had first
fixed him. After staying some time in the ship, he was
carried again into his canoe, and returned to the island,
receiving the same honours from all the natives as when
he came on board. The next day several messages were
sent to Captain Clerke, inviting him to return the visit
ashore, and acquainting him that the chief had prepared a
large present on that occasion. But, being anxious to get
[pg 191]
to sea, and join the Resolution, the Captain did not think
it advisable to accept of the invitation.


The very short and imperfect intercourse which we had
with the natives, put it out of our power to form any accurate
judgment of the mode of government established
amongst them; but, from the general resemblance of customs,
and particularly from what we observed of the honours
paid to their chiefs, it seems reasonable to believe,
that it is of the same nature with that which prevails
throughout all the islands we had hitherto visited; and
probably their wars amongst themselves are equally frequent.
This, indeed, might be inferred from the number
of weapons which we found them possessed of, and from,
the excellent order these were kept in. But we had direct
proof of the fact from their own confession; and, as we
understood, these wars are between the different districts
of their own island, as well as between it and their neighbours
of Oneeheow and Orrehoua, we need scarcely assign
any other cause besides this to account for the appearance
already mentioned, of their population bearing
no proportion to the extent of their ground capable of cultivation.


Besides their spears or lances, made of a fine chesnut-coloured
wood, beautifully polished, some of which are barbed
at one end, and flattened to a point at the other, they
have a sort of weapon which we had never seen before,
and not mentioned by any navigator, as used by the natives
of the South Sea. It is somewhat like a dagger, in
general about a foot and a half long, sharpened at one or
both ends, and secured to the hand by a string. Its use is
to stab in close fight; and it seems well adapted to the
purpose. Some of these may be called double daggers, having
a handle in the middle, with which they are better
enabled to strike different ways. They have also bows and
arrows; but, both from their apparent scarcity and their
slender make, it may almost be presumed that they never
use them in battle. The knife or saw, formerly mentioned,
with which they dissect the dead bodies, may also be ranked
amongst their weapons, as they both strike and cut with
it when closely engaged. It is a small flat wooden instrument,
of an oblong shape, about a foot long, rounded at
the corners, with a handle almost like one sort of the patoos
of New Zealand; but its edges are entirely
[pg 192]
surrounded with sharks' teeth, strongly fixed to it, and pointing
outward; having commonly a hole in the handle, through
which passes a long string, which is wrapped several times
round the wrist. We also suspected that they use slings on
some occasions; for we got some pieces of the hæmatites,
or blood-stone, artificially made of an oval shape, divided
longitudinally, with a narrow groove in the middle of the
convex part. To this the person, who had one of them, applied
a cord of no great thickness, but would not part with
it, though he had no objection to part with the stone,
which must prove fatal, when thrown with any force, as it
weighed a pound. We likewise saw some oval pieces of
whetstone, well polished, but somewhat pointed toward
each end, nearly resembling in shape some stones which
we had seen at New Caledonia in 1774, and used there in
their slings.


What we could learn of their religions institutions, and
the manner of disposing of their dead, which may properly
be considered as closely connected, has been already
mentioned. And as nothing more strongly points out the
affinity between the manners of these people and of the
Friendly and Society Islands, I must just mention some
other circumstances to place this in a strong point of view,
and at the same time to shew how a few of the infinite
modifications, of which a few leading principles are capable,
may distinguish any particular nation. The people
of Tongataboo inter their dead in a very decent manner,
and they also inter their human sacrifices; but they do
not offer, or expose any other animal, or even vegetable,
to their gods, as far as we know. Those of Otaheite do not
inter their dead, but expose them to waste by time and
putrefaction, though the bones are afterward buried; and
as this is the case, it is very remarkable that they should
inter the entire bodies of their human sacrifices. They also
offer other animals and vegetables to their gods; but
are by no means attentive to the state of the sacred places
where those solemn rites are performed; most of their morais
being in a ruinous condition, and bearing evident marks
of neglect. The people of Atooi, again, inter both their
common dead and human sacrifices, as at Tongataboo;
but they resemble those of Otaheite in the slovenly state
of their religious places, and in offering vegetables and animals
to their gods.


[pg 193]


The taboo also prevails in Atooi in its full extent, and
seemingly with much more rigour than even at Tongataboo.
For the people here always asked, with great eagerness
and signs of fear to offend, whether any particular
thing, which they desired to see, or we were unwilling to
shew, was taboo, or, as they pronounced the word, tafoo?
The maia, ruä, or forbidden articles at the Society Islands,
though doubtless the same thing, did not seem to be so
strictly observed by them, except with respect to the dead,
about whom we thought them more superstitious than any
of the others were. But these are circumstances with which
we are not as yet sufficiently acquainted to be decisive
about; and I shall only just observe, to shew the similitude
in other matters connected with religion, that the
priests, or tahounas, here, are as numerous as at the other
islands; if we may judge, from our being able, during our
short stay, to distinguish several saying their poore or prayer.


But whatever resemblance we might discover, in the general
manners of the people of Atooi to those of Otaheite,
these, of course, were less striking than the coincidence of
language, indeed, the languages of both places may be
said to be almost, word for word, the same. It is true, that
we sometimes remarked particular words to be pronounced
exactly as we had found at New Zealand and the Friendly Islands;
but, though all the four dialects are indisputably
the same, these people, in general, have neither the strong
guttural pronunciation of the former, nor a less degree of
it, which also distinguishes the latter; and they have not
only adopted the soft mode of the Otaheitans, in avoiding
harsh sounds, but the whole idiom of their language; using
not only the same affixes and suffixes to their words, but
the same measure and cadence in their songs; though, in
a manner, somewhat less agreeable. There seems, indeed,
at first hearing, some disagreement to the ear of a stranger;
but it ought to be considered, that the people of Otaheite,
from their frequent connections with the English,
had learnt it, in some measure, to adapt themselves to our
scanty knowledge of their language, by using not only the
most common, but even corrupted expressions, in conversation
with us; whereas, when they conversed among themselves,
and used the several parts necessary to propriety
of speech, they were scarcely at all understood by those
amongst us, who had made the greatest proficiency in their
[pg 194]
vocabulary. A catalogue of words was collected at Atooi
by Mr Anderson, who lost no opportunity of making our
voyage useful to those who amuse themselves in tracing
the migrations of the various tribes or families that have
peopled the globe, by the most convincing of all arguments,
that drawn from affinity of language.


How shall we account for this nation's having spread itself,
in so many detached islands, so widely disjoined from
each other, in every quarter of the Pacific Ocean! We find
it, from New Zealand, in the south, as far as the Sandwich
Islands to the north! And, in another direction, from Easter
Island to the Hebrides! that is, over an extent of sixty
degrees of latitude, or twelve hundred leagues, north and
south! and eighty-three degrees of longitude, or sixteen
hundred and sixty leagues east and west! How much farther,
in either direction, its colonies reach is not known;
but what we know already, in consequence of this and our
former voyage, warrants us in pronouncing it to be, though
perhaps not the most numerous, certainly, by far, the most
extensive nation upon the earth.4


Had the Sandwich Islands been discovered at an early
period by the Spaniards, there is little doubt that they
would have taken advantage of so excellent a situation, and
have made use of Atooi, or some other of the islands, as a
refreshing place to the ships that sail annually from Acapulco
for Manilla. They lie almost midway between the
first place and Guam, one of the Ladrones, which is at
present their only port in traversing this vast ocean; and
it would not have been a week's sail out of their common
route to have touched at them; which could have been
done without running the least hazard of losing the passage,
as they are sufficiently within the verge of the easterly
trade-wind. An acquaintance with the Sandwich Islands
would have been equally favourable to our Buccaneers,
who used sometimes to pass from the coast of America to
the Ladrones, with a stock of food and water scarcely sufficient
to preserve life. Here they might always have found
plenty, and have been within a month's sure sail of the
very part of California, which the Manilla ship is obliged
to make, or else have returned to the coast of America,
[pg 195]
thoroughly refitted, after an absence of two months. How
happy would Lord Anson have been, and what hardships
would he have avoided, if he had known that there was a
group of islands half way between America and Tinian,
where all his wants could have been effectually supplied;
and in describing which, the elegant historian of that voyage
would have presented his reader with a more agreeable
picture than I have been able to draw in this chapter!5


Footnote 1: (return) 
The print of Horn Island, which we meet with in Mr Dalrymple's
account
of Le Maire and Schouten's voyage, represents some of the natives
of that island with such long tails hanging from their heads as are here
described. See Dalrymple's Voyages to the South Pacific, vol. ii. p. 58.—D


Footnote 2: (return) 
Captain King, we are told, purchased this, and had it in his
possession
at the time of publishing this account.—E.


Footnote 3: (return) 
A similar instance of profitable revenue, drawn from the use of
nails
by the chiefs of the Caroline Islands, is mentioned by Father Cantova:
"Si, par hazard, un vaisseau étranger laisse dans leurs Isles quelques
vieux morceaux de fer, ils appartiennent de droit aux Tamoles, qui en
font faire des outils, le mieux qu'il est possible. Ces outils sent un fond
le Tamole tire un revenu considerable, car il les donne à louage, et ce
louage se paye assez chere."—P. 314.


Footnote 4: (return) 
See more about the great extent of the colonies of this nation in
the
Introductory Preface.


Footnote 5: (return) 
We defer considering the curious subject of the identity and origin
of the people that inhabit the South Sea, till other relations shall have
put the reader in possession of the facts requisite for the discussion. Of
the Sandwich Islands, we shall hereafter probably have mere complete
information than is now given.—E.


SECTION XIII.


Observations made at the Sandwich Islands, on the Longitude,
Variation of the Compass and Tides.—Prosecution of the
Voyage.—Remarks on the Mildness of the Weather, as far
as the Latitude 44° North.—Paucity of Sea Birds, in the
Northern Hemisphere.—Small Sea Animals described.—Arrival
on the Coast of America.—Appearance of the Country.—Unfavourable
Winds and boisterous Weather.—Remarks
on Martin de Aguilar's River, and Juan de Fuca's
pretended Strait.—An Inlet discovered, where the Ships anchor.—Behaviour
of the Natives.


After the Discovery had joined us, we stood away to
the northward, close hauled, with a gentle gale from the
east; and nothing occurring, in this situation, worthy of a
place in my narrative, the reader will permit me to insert
here the nautical observations which I had opportunities
of making relative to the islands we had left; and which
we had been fortunate enough to add to the geography of
this part of the Pacific Ocean.


The longitude of the Sandwich Islands was determined
by seventy-two sets of lunar observations; some of which
were made while we were at anchor in the road of Wymoa;
others before we arrived, and after we left it, and
[pg 196]
reduced to it by the watch or time-keeper. By the mean
result of these observations, the longitude of the road is




  200° 13'  0" East.


Time-keeperGreenwich rate,200°   0' 0"


 Ulietea rate,200° 21'  0"


The latitude of the road, by the


   mean of two meridian observations 21° 56' 15" North.


   of the sun




The observations for the variation of the compass did
not agree very well among themselves. It is true, they were
not all made exactly in the same spot. The different situations,
however, could make very little difference. But
the whole will be seen, by casting an eye on the following
table.




Time.Latitude.Longitude.Compass.EastMean


    variation.Variation.


Jan. 18th. A.M.21° 12'200° 41'Gregory's 10° 10' 10"


   Knight's9° 20'  5"90° 51' 38"


   Martin's 10°  4' 40"


19th. P.M.21° 51'200° 20'Knight's10°  2' 10"10° 37' 10"


   Gregory's11° 12' 30"


28th. A.M.21° 22'199° 56'Gregory's9°  1' 20"


   Knight's9°  1' 25"9° 26' 57"


   Martin's10° 18'  5"


28th. P.M.21° 36'199° 50'Gregory's11° 21' 15"


   Knight's10° 40'  0"11° 12' 50"


   Martin's11° 37' 50"


 


Means of the21° 29'200° 12'  10° 17' 11"


 above




On January 18.   21° 12'   200° 41' the north end of the needle dipped 42° 1' 7".


The tides at the Sandwich Islands are so inconsiderable,
that, with the great surf which broke against the shore, it
was hardly possible to tell, at any time, whether we had
high or low water, or whether it ebbed or flowed. On the
south side of Atooi, we generally found a current setting to
the westward, or north-westward. But when we were at
anchor off Oneeheow, the current set nearly north-west
and south-east, six hours one way and six the other, and
so strong as to make the ships tend, though the wind blew
[pg 197]
fresh. This was certainly a regular tide; and, as far as I
could judge, the flood came from the north-west.


I now return to the progress of our voyage. On the 7th,
being in the latitude of 29° N. and in the longitude of 200°
E. the wind veered to S.E. This enabled us to steer N.E.
and E.; which course we continued, till the 12th, when
the wind had veered round by the S. and W. to N.E. and
E.N.E. I then tacked and stood to the northward, our latitude
being 30° N. and our longitude 206° 15' E. Notwithstanding
our advanced latitude, and its being the winter
season, we had only begun, for a few days past, to feel
a sensation of cold in the mornings and evenings. This is
a sign of the equal and lasting influence of the sun's heat,
at all seasons, to 30° on each side the line. The disproportion
is known to become very great after that. This must
be attributed almost entirely to the direction of the rays of
the sun, independent of the bare distance, which is by no
means equal to the effect.


On the 19th, being now in the latitude of 37° N. and in
the longitude of 206° E. the wind veered to S.E.; and I
was enabled again to steer to the E. inclining to the N.
We had, on the 25th, reached the latitude of 42° 30', and
the longitude of 219°; and then we began to meet with
the rock-weed, mentioned by the writer of Lord Anson's
voyage, under the name of sea-leek, which the Manilla
ships generally fall in with. Now and then a piece of wood
also appeared. But if we had not known that the continent
of North America was not far distant, we might, from
the few signs of the vicinity of land hitherto met with,
have concluded, that there was none within some thousand
leagues of us. We had hardly seen a bird, or any other
oceanic animal, since we left Sandwich Islands.


On the 1st of March, our latitude being now 44° 49' N.,
and our longitude 228° E. we had one calm day. This
was succeeded by a wind from the N. with which I stood
to the E. close hauled, in order to make the land. According
to the charts, it ought not to have been far from us.
It was remarkable, that we should still carry with us such
moderate and mild weather so far to the northward, and so
near the coast of an extensive continent, at this time of
the year. The present season either must be uncommon
for its mildness, or we can assign no reason why Sir Francis
Drake should have met with such severe cold, about
[pg 198]
this latitude, in the month of June. Viscaino, indeed, who
was near the same place in the depth of winter, says little
of the cold, and speaks of a ridge of snowy mountains
somewhere on the coast, as a thing rather remarkable.1
Our seeing so few birds, in comparison of what we met
with in the same latitudes to the south of the Line, is another
singular circumstance, which must either proceed
from a scarcity of the different sorts, or from a deficiency
of places to rest upon. From hence, we may conclude, that,
beyond 40° in the southern hemisphere, the species are
much more numerous, and the isles where they inhabit also
more plentifully scattered about, than any where between
the coast of California and Japan, in or near that
latitude.


During a calm, on the morning of the 2d, some parts of
the sea seemed covered with a kind of slime, and some
small sea-animals were swimming about. The most conspicuous
of which were of the gelatinous or medusa kind, almost
globular; and another sort smaller, that had a white
or shining appearance, and were very numerous. Some of
these last were taken up, and put into a glass cup with
some salt water, in which they appeared like small scales
or bits of silver, when at rest, in a prone situation. When
they began to swim about, which they did, with equal ease,
upon their backs, sides, or belly, they emitted the brightest
colours of the most precious gems, according to their position
with respect to the light. Sometimes they appeared
quite pellucid, at other times assuming various tints of
blue, from a pale sapphirine to a deep violet colour; which
were frequently mixed with a ruby or opaline redness; and
glowed with a strength sufficient to illuminate the vessel
and water. These colours appeared most vivid when the
glass was held to a strong light; and mostly vanished on
the subsiding of the animals to the bottom, when they had
a brownish cast. But, with candle light, the colour was,
chiefly, a beautiful pale green, tinged with a burnished
gloss; and, in the dark, it had a faint appearance of glowing
fire. They proved to be a new species of oniscus, and,
from their properties, were, by Mr Anderson, (to whom we
[pg 199]
owe this account of them), called oniscus fulgens; being
probably an animal which has a share in producing some
sorts of that lucid appearance, often observed near ships
at sea in the night. On the same day two large birds settled
on the water, near the ship. One of these was the
procellaria maxima (the quebrantahuessos), and the other,
which was little more than half the size, seemed to be of
the albatross kind. The upper part of the wings, and tip of
the tail, were black, with the rest white; the bill yellowish;
upon the whole not unlike the sea-gull, though larger.


On the 6th at noon, being in the latitude of 44° 10' N.,
and the longitude of 234-1/2° E., we saw two seals and several
whales; and at day-break the next morning, the long-looked-for
coast of New Albion2 was seen, extending from
N.E. to S.E., distant ten or twelve leagues. At noon our
latitude was 44° 33' N., and our longitude 235° 20' E.;
and the land extended from N.E. 1/2 N. to S.E. by S. about
eight leagues distant. In this situation we had seventy-three
fathoms water, over a muddy bottom, and about a
league farther off found ninety fathoms. The land appeared
to be of a moderate height, diversified with hills and
valleys, and almost every where covered with wood. There
was, however, no very striking object on any part of it, except
one hill, whose elevated summit was flat. This bore
E. from us at noon. At the northern extreme the land
formed a point, which I called Cape Foulweather, from the
very bad weather that we soon after met with. I judge it
to lie in the latitude of 44° 55' N., and in the longitude of
235° 54' E.


We had variable light airs and calms till eight o'clock
in the evening, when a breeze sprung up at S.W. With it
I stood to the N.W., under an easy sail, waiting for day-light,
to range along the coast. But at four, next morning,
the wind shifted to N.W., and blew in squalls, with rain.
Our course was N.E. till near ten o'clock, when, finding
that I could make no progress on this tack, and seeing nothing
like a harbour, I tacked, and stood off S.W. At
this time Cape Foulweather bore N.E. by N. about eight
leagues distant. Toward noon the wind veered more to the
[pg 200]
westward, and the weather became fair and clear; so that
we were enabled to make lunar observations. Having reduced
all those that we had made since the 19th of last
month to the present ones, by the time-keeper, amounting
in the whole to seventy-two sets, their mean result determined
the longitude to be 235° 15' 26" E., which was 14'
11" less than what the time-keeper gave. This longitude
is made use of for settling that of the coast; and I have
not a doubt of its being within a very few miles of the
truth.


Our difficulties now began to increase. In the evening
the wind came to the N.W., blowing in squalls, with hail
and sleet; and the weather being thick and hazy, I stood
out to sea till near noon the next day, when I tacked, and
stood in again for the land, which made its appearance at
two in the afternoon, bearing E.N.E. The wind and weather
continued the same; but, in the evening, the former
veered more to the W. and the latter grew worse, which
made it necessary to tack and stand off till four the next
morning, when I ventured to stand in again.


At four in the afternoon we saw the island, which, at six,
extended from N.E. 1/2 E. to S.E. by S. about eight leagues
distant. In this situation we tacked, and sounded; but a
line of a hundred and sixty fathoms did not reach the
ground. I stood off till midnight, then stood in again; and
at half-past six we were within three leagues of the land,
which extended from N. by E. 1/2 E. to S. 1/2 E.; each extreme
about seven leagues distant. Seeing no signs of a
harbour, and the weather being still unsettled, I tacked,
and stretched off S.W. having then fifty-five fathoms water,
over a muddy bottom.


That part of the land which we were so near when we
tacked, is of a moderate height, though in some places it
rises higher within. It was diversified with a great many
rising grounds and small hills; many of which were entirely
covered with tall, straight trees; and others, which were
lower, and grew in spots like coppices; but the interspaces,
and sides of many of the rising grounds, were clear.
The whole, though it might make an agreeable summer
prospect, had now an uncomfortable appearance; as the
bare grounds towards the coast were all covered with snow,
which seemed to be of a considerable depth between the
little hills and rising grounds; and in several places,
[pg 201]
toward the sea, might easily have been mistaken, at a distance,
for white cliffs. The snow on the rising grounds was
thinner spread; and farther inland, there was no appearance
of any; from whence we might, perhaps, conclude,
that what we saw toward the sea, had fallen during the
night; which was colder than any we had experienced
since our arrival on the coast; and we had sometimes a
kind of sleet. The coast seemed every where almost straight,
without any opening or inlet; and it appeared to terminate
in a kind of white sandy beach; though some on
board thought that appearance was owing to the snow.
Each extreme of the land that was now before us, seemed
to shoot out into a point. The northern one was the same
which we had first seen on the 7th; and on that account I
called it Cape Perpetua. It lies in the latitude of 44° 6' N.,
and in the longitude of 235° 57'E. The southern extreme
before us, I named Cape Gregory.3 Its latitude is 43° 30',
and its longitude 235° 57' E. It is a remarkable point; the
land of it rising almost directly from the sea to a tolerable
height, while that on each side of it is low.


I continued standing off till one in the afternoon. Then
I tacked, and stood in, hoping to have the wind off from
the land in the night. But in this I was mistaken; for at
five o'clock it began to run to the west and south-west, which,
obliged me once more to stand out to sea. At this time,
Cape Perpetua bore N.E. by N.; and the farthest land we
could see to the south of Cape Gregory bore S. by E., perhaps
ten or twelve leagues distant. If I am right in this
estimation, its latitude will be 43° 10', and its longitude
235° 55' E., which is nearly the situation of Cape Blanco,
discovered or seen by Martin d'Aguilar, on the 19th of
January, 1603. It is worth observing, that in the very latitude
where we now were, geographers have been pleased
to place a large entrance or strait, the discovery of which
they take upon them to ascribe to the same navigator;
whereas nothing more is mentioned in the account of his
voyage, than his having seen, in this situation, a large river,
which he would have entered, but was prevented by
the currents.4


[pg 202]


The wind, as I have observed, had veered to S.W. in
the evening; but it was very unsettled, and blew in squalls,
with snow showers. In one of these, at midnight, it shifted
at once to W.N.W. and soon increased to a very hard
gale, with heavy squalls, attended with sleet or snow.
There was no choice now; and we were obliged to stretch
to the southward, in order to get clear of the coast. This
was done under courses and two close-reefed top-sails; being
rather more sail than the ships could safely bear; but
it was necessary to carry it to avoid the more pressing danger
of being forced on shore. This gale continued till
eight o'clock in the morning of the 18th; when it abated,
and I stood in again for the land. We had been forced a
considerable way backward; for at the time of our tacking,
we were in the latitude of 42° 45', and in the longitude of 233° 30'.


The wind continued at W. and N.W.; storms, moderate
weather, and calms, succeeding each other by turns, till the
morning of the 21st; when, after a few hours calm, a breeze
sprung up at S.W. This bringing with it fair weather, I
steered north-easterly, in order to fall in with the land, beyond
that part of it where we had already so unprofitable
been tossed about for the last fortnight. In the evening,
the wind veered to the westward; and at eight o'clock the
next morning, we saw the land, extending from N.E. to E.
nine leagues distant. At this time we were in the latitude
of 47° 5' N. and in the longitude of 235° 10' E.


I continued to stand to the north, with a fine breeze at
W. and W.N.W. till near seven o'clock in the evening,
when I tacked to wait for day-light. At this time we were
in forty-eight fathoms water, and about four leagues from
the land, which extended from N. to S.E. 1/2 E. and a small
round hill, which had the appearance of being an island,
bore N. 3/4 E., distant six or seven leagues, as I guessed; it
appears to be of a tolerable height, and was but just to be
seen from the deck. Between this island or rock, and the
northern extreme of the land, there appeared to be a small
opening, which flattered us with the hopes of finding an
harbour. These hopes lessened as we drew nearer; and at
last we had some reason to think that the opening was
closed by low land. On this account I called the point of
land to the north of it Cape Flattery. It lies in the latitude
of 48° 15' N., and in the longitude of 235° 3' E. There is
[pg 203]
a round hill of a moderate height over it; and all the land
upon this part of the coast is of a moderate and pretty
equal height, well covered with wood, and had a very pleasant
and fertile appearance. It is in this very latitude where
we now were, that geographers have placed the pretended
strait of Juan de Fuca. But we saw nothing like it; nor is
there the least probability that ever any such thing existed.5


I stood off to the southward till midnight, when I tacked,
and steered to the N.W. with a gentle breeze at S.W.
intending to stand in for the land as soon as day-light
should appear. But, by that time, we were reduced to two
courses and close-reefed top-sails, having a very hard gale,
with rain, right on shore; so that, instead of running in for
the land, I was glad to get an offing, or to keep that which
we had already got. The south-west wind was, however,
but of short continuance; for in the evening it veered
again to the west. Thus had we perpetually strong west
and north-west winds to encounter. Sometimes, in an evening,
the wind would become moderate, and veer to the
southward; but this was always a sure prelude to a storm,
which blew the hardest at S.S.E. and was attended with
rain and sleet. It seldom lasted above four or six hours,
before it was succeeded by another gale from the N.W.
which, generally, brought with it fair weather. It was, by
the means of these southerly blasts, that we were enabled
to get to the north-west at all.


At length, at nine o'clock in the morning of the 29th, as
we were standing to the N.E. we again saw the land, which,
at noon, extended from N.W. by W. to E.S.E. the nearest
part about six leagues distant. Our latitude was now
49° 29' N. and our longitude 232° 29' E. The appearance
of the country differed much from that of the parts which
we had before seen; being full of high mountains, whose
summits were covered with snow. But the valleys between
them, and the grounds on the sea coast, high as well as
low, were covered to a considerable breadth with high,
straight trees, that formed a beautiful prospect as of one
vast forest. The south-east extreme of the land formed a
[pg 204]
low point off which are many breakers, occasioned by
sunken rocks. On this account it was called Point Breakers.
It lies in the latitude of 49° 15' N., and in the longitude
of 233° 20' E., and the other extreme in about the
latitude of 50°, and the longitude of 232°. I named this
last Woody Point. It projects pretty much out to the S.W.
and is high land. Between these two points the shore
forms a large bay, which I called Hope Bay; hoping, from
the appearance of the land, to find in it a good harbour.
The event proved that we were not mistaken.


As we drew nearer the coast, we perceived the appearance
of two inlets; one in the N.W., and the other in the
N.E. corner of the bay. As I could not fetch the former, I
bore up for the latter; and passed some breakers, or sunken
rocks, that lay a league or more from the shore. We
had nineteen and twenty fathoms water half a league without
them; but as soon as we had passed them, the depth
increased to thirty, forty, and fifty fathoms, with a sandy
bottom; and farther in we found no ground with the
greatest length of line. Notwithstanding appearances, we
were not yet sure that there were any inlets; but as we
were in a deep bay, I had resolved to anchor, with a view
to endeavour to get some water, of which, by this time, we
were in great want. At length, as we advanced, the existence
of the inlet was no longer doubtful. At five o'clock
we reached the west point of it, where we were becalmed
for some time. While in this situation, I ordered all the
boats to be hoisted out to tow the ships in. But this was
hardly done, before a fresh breeze sprung up again at N.W.
with which we were enabled to stretch up into an arm
of the inlet, that was observed by us to run into the N.E.
There we were again becalmed, and obliged to anchor in
eighty-five fathoms water, and so near the shore as to reach
it with a hawser. The wind failed the Discovery before she
got within the arm, where she anchored, and found only
seventy fathoms.


We no sooner drew near the inlet than we found the
coast to be inhabited; and at the place where we were first
becalmed, three canoes came off to the ship. In one of
these were two men, in another six, and in the third ten.
Having come pretty near us, a person in one of the two
last stood up, and made a long harangue, inviting us to
land, as we guessed, by his gestures. At the same time he
[pg 205]
kept strewing handfuls of feathers towards us;6 and some
of his companions threw handfuls of a red dust or powder
in the same manner. The person who played the orator,
wore the skin of some animal, and held in each hand something
which rattled as he kept shaking it. After tiring
himself with his repeated exhortations, of which we did
not understand a word, he was quiet; and then others took
it, by turns, to say something, though they acted their part
neither so long, nor with so much vehemence, as the other.
We observed, that two or three had their hair quite strewed
over with small white feathers; and others had large
ones stuck into different parts of the head. After the tumultuous
noise had ceased, they lay at a little distance
from the ship, and conversed with each other in a very
easy manner; nor did they seem to shew the least surprise
or distrust. Some of them, now and then, got up, and said
something after the manner of their first harangues; and
one sung a very agreeable air, with a degree of softness
and melody which we could not have expected; the word
haela being often repeated as the burden of the song. The
breeze which soon after sprung up, bringing us nearer to
the shore, the canoes began to come off in greater numbers;
and we had at one time thirty-two of them near the ship,
carrying from three to seven or eight persons each, both
men and women. Several of these stood up in their canoes,
haranguing and making gestures, after the manner of our
first visitors. One canoe was remarkable for a singular
head, which had a bird's eye and bill, of an enormous size,
painted on it; and a person, who was in it, who seemed to
be a chief, was no less remarkable for his uncommon appearance;
having many feathers hanging from his head,
and being painted in an extraordinary manner.7 He held
in his hand a carved bird of wood, as large as a pigeon,
with which he rattled as the person first mentioned had
[pg 206]
done; and was no less vociferous in his harangue, which
was attended with some expressive gestures.


Though our visitors behaved very peaceably, and could
not be suspected of any hostile intention, we could not prevail
upon any of them to come on board. They shewed
great readiness, however, to part with any thing they had,
and took from us whatever we offered them in exchange,
but were more desirous of iron than of any other of our articles
of commerce; appearing to be perfectly acquainted
with the use of that metal. Many of the canoes followed
us to our anchoring-place; and a group, of about ten or a
dozen of them, remained alongside the Resolution most
part of the night.


These circumstances gave us a reasonable ground of
hope, that we should find this a comfortable station to
supply all our wants, and to make us forget the hardships
and delays experienced during a constant succession of
adverse winds and boisterous weather, almost ever since
our arrival upon the coast of America.


Footnote 1: (return) 
See Torquemada's Narrative of Viscaino's Expedition in 1602 and
1603, in the second volume of Vanegas's History of California, English
translation, from p. 229 to p. 308.—D.


Footnote 2: (return) 
This part of the west side of North America was so named by Sir
Francis Drake.—D.


Footnote 3: (return) 
In our calendar, the 7th of March is distinguished by the name of
Perpetua M, and the 12th by that of Gregory B.—D.


Footnote 4: (return) 
See the History of California, Eng. trans. vol. ii. p. 292.—D.


Footnote 5: (return) 
See Michael Locke's apocryphal account of Juan de Fuca and his
pretended strait, in Purchas, vol. iii. p. 849-852, and many later
Collections.—D.


Footnote 6: (return) 
The natives of this coast, twelve degrees farther south, also
brought
feathers as presents to Sir Francis Drake on his arrival.—See an account
of his voyage in Campbell's edit. of Harris, vol. i. p. 18—D. And in
this collection, vol. x.—E.


Footnote 7: (return) 
Viscaino met with natives on the coast of California, while he was
in the harbour of San Diego, who were painted or besmeared with black
and white, and had their heads loaded with feathers.—History of California,
vol. ii. p. 272.—D.


[pg 207]


CHAPTER IV.


TRANSACTIONS AMONGST THE NATIVES OF NORTH AMERICA;
DISCOVERIES ALONG THAT COAST AND THE
EASTERN EXTREMITY OF ASIA, NORTHWARD TO ICY
CAPE; AND RETURN SOUTHWARD TO THE SANDWICH
ISLANDS.


SECTION I.


The Ships enter the Sound, and moor in a Harbour.—Intercourse
with the Natives.—Articles brought to barter.—Thefts
committed.—The Observatories erected, and Carpenters
set to work.—Jealousy of the Inhabitants of the Sound
to prevent other Tribes having Intercourse with the Ships.—Stormy
and rainy Weather.—Progress round the Sound.—Behaviour
of the Natives at their Villages.—Their Manner
of drying fish, &c.—Remarkable Visit from Strangers,
and introductory Ceremonies.—A second Visit to one of the
Villages.—Leave to cut Grass, purchased.—The Ships sail.—Presents
given and received at parting.


The ships having happily found so excellent shelter in
an inlet, the coasts of which appeared to be inhabited by
a race of people, whose inoffensive behaviour promised a
friendly intercourse, the next morning, after coming to
anchor, I lost no time in endeavouring to find a commodious
harbour where we might station ourselves during our
continuance in the Sound. Accordingly, I sent three
armed boats, under the command of Mr King, upon this
service; and soon after, I went myself, in a small boat, on
the same search. I had very little trouble in finding what
we wanted. On the N.W. of the arm we were now in,
and not far from the ships, I met with a convenient snug
cove well suited to our purpose. Mr King was equally
[pg 208]
successful; for he returned about noon, with an account of
a still better harbour, which he had seen and examined,
lying on the N.W. side of the land. But as it would have
required more time to carry the ships thither, than to the
cove where I had been, which was immediately within our
reach, this reason operated to determine my choice in favour
of the latter situation. But being apprehensive, that
we should not be able to transport our ships to it, and to
moor them properly, before night came on, I thought it
best to remain where we were till next morning; and, that
no time might be lost, I employed the remainder of the
day to some useful purposes, ordering the sails to be unbent,
the top-masts to be struck, and the fore-mast of the
Resolution to be unrigged, in order to fix a new bib, one
of the old ones being decayed.


A great many canoes, filled with the natives, were about
the ships all day, and a trade commenced betwixt us and
them, which was carried on with the strictest honesty on
both sides. The articles which they offered to sale were
skins of various animals, such as bears, wolves, foxes, deer,
rackoons, pole-cats, martins, and, in particular, of the sea-otters,
which are found at the islands E. of Kamtschatka.
Besides the skins in their native shape, they also brought
garments made of them, and another sort of cloathing
made of the bark of a tree, or some plant like hemp; weapons,
such as bows, arrows, and spears; fish-hooks, and instruments
of various kinds; wooden-vizors of many different
monstrous figures; a sort of woollen stuff, or blanketing;
bags filled with red ochre; pieces of carved work, beads,
and several other little ornaments of thin brass and iron,
shaped like a horse-shoe, which they hang at their noses;
and several chisels, or pieces of iron, fixed to handles.
From their possessing which metals, we could infer that
they had either been visited before by some civilized nation,
or had connections with tribes on their continent, who
had communication with them. But the most extraordinary
of all the articles which they brought to the ships for
sale, were human skulls, and hands not yet quite stripped
of the flesh, which they made our people plainly understand
they had eaten; and, indeed, some of them had evident
marks that they had been upon the fire. We had but
too much reason to suspect, from this circumstance, that
the horrid practice of feeding on their enemies is as
[pg 209]
prevalent here, as we had found it to be at New Zealand and
other South Sea Islands. For the various articles which
they brought, they took in exchange knives, chisels, pieces
of iron and tin, nails, looking-glasses, buttons, or any kind
of metal. Glass-beads they were not fond of, and cloth of
every sort they rejected.


We employed the next day in hauling our ships into the
cove, where they were moored head and stern, fastening
our hawsers to the trees on shore. On heaving up the anchor
of the Resolution, we found, notwithstanding the great
depth of water in which it was let go, that there were rocks
at the bottom. These had done some considerable damage
to the cable; and the hawsers that were carried out to warp
the ship into the cove also got foul of rocks, from which
it appeared that the whole bottom was strewed with them.
The ship being again very leaky in her upper works, I ordered
the carpenters to go to work to caulk her, and to repair
such other defects as, on examination, we might discover.


The fame of our arrival brought a great concourse of
the natives to our ships in the course of this day. We
counted above a hundred canoes at one time, which might
be supposed to contain, at an average, five persons each;
for few of them had less than three on board; great numbers
had seven, eight, or nine, and one was manned with
no less than seventeen. Amongst these visitors, many now
favoured us with their company for the first time, which
we could guess, from their approaching the ships with their
orations and other ceremonies. If they had any distrust or
fear of us at first, they now appeared to have laid it aside;
for they came on board the ships, and mixed with our people
with the greatest freedom. We soon discovered, by
this nearer intercourse, that they were as light-fingered as
any of our friends in the islands we had visited in the course
of the voyage. And they were far more dangerous thieves;
for, possessing sharp iron-instruments, they could cut a
hook from a tackle, or any other piece of iron from a rope,
the instant that our backs were turned. A large hook,
weighing between twenty and thirty pounds, several smaller
ones, and other articles of iron, were lost in this manner.
And, as to our boats, they stripped them of every bit of
iron that was worth carrying away, though we had always
men left in them as a guard. They were dexterous enough
[pg 210]
in effecting their purposes; for one fellow would contrive
to amuse the boat-keeper, at one end of a boat, while another
was pulling out the iron-work at the other. If we
missed a thing immediately after it had been stolen, we
found little difficulty in detecting the thief, as they were
ready enough to impeach one another. But the guilty
person generally relinquished his prize with reluctance, and
sometimes we found it necessary to have recourse to force.


The ships being securely moored, we began our other
necessary business the next day. The observatories were
carried ashore, and placed upon an elevated rock on one
side of the cove, close to the Resolution. A party of men,
with an officer, was sent to cut wood, and to clear a place
for the conveniency of watering. Others were employed
to brew spruce-beer, as pine-trees abounded here. The
forge was also set up, to make the iron-work wanting for
the repairs of the fore-mast. For, besides one of the bibs
being defective, the larboard trestle-tree and one of the
cross-trees were sprung.


A considerable number of the natives visited us daily;
and every now and then we saw new faces. On their first
coming, they generally went through a singular mode of
introducing themselves. They would paddle, with all their
strength, quite round both ships, a chief, or other principal
person in the canoe, standing up with a spear, or some
other weapon, in his hand, and speaking, or rather hollowing,
all the time. Sometimes the orator of the canoe
would have his face covered with a mask, representing either
a human visage, or that of some animal; and, instead
of a weapon, would hold a rattle in his hand, as before described.
After making this circuit round the ships, they
would come alongside, and begin to trade without further
ceremony. Very often, indeed, they would first give us a
song, in which all in the canoe joined, with a very pleasing
harmony.


During these visits, they gave us no other trouble than
to guard against their thievish tricks. But, in the morning
of the 4th, we had a serious alarm. Our party on shore,
who were employed in cutting wood, and filling water, observed,
that the natives all around them were arming themselves
in the best manner they could; those, who were not
possessed of proper weapons, preparing sticks, and collecting
stones. On hearing this, I thought it prudent to arm
[pg 211]
also; but, being determined to act upon the defensive, I
ordered all our workmen to retreat to the rock, upon which
we had placed our observatories, leaving the natives in
quiet possession of the ground where they had assembled,
which was within a stone's throw of the Resolution's stern.
Our fears were ill-grounded; these hostile preparations
were not directed against us, but against a body of their
own countrymen, who were coming to fight them; and our
friends of the Sound, on observing our apprehensions, used
their best endeavours to convince us that this was the case.
We could see that they had people looking out on each
point of the cove, and canoes frequently passed between
them and the main body assembled near the ships. At
length, the adverse party, in about a dozen large canoes,
appeared off the S. point of the cove, where they stopped,
and lay drawn up in a line of battle, a negotiation having
commenced. Some people in canoes, in conducting the
treaty, passed between the two parties, and there was some
speaking on both sides. At length, the difference, whatever
it was, seemed to be compromised; but the strangers
were not allowed to come alongside the ships, nor to have any
trade or intercourse with us. Probably we were the
cause of the quarrel; the strangers, perhaps, being desirous
to share in the advantages of a trade with us, and our first
friends, the inhabitants of the Sound, being determined to
engross us entirely to themselves. We had proofs of this
on several other occasions, nay, it appeared, that even those
who lived in the Sound were not united in the same cause;
for the weaker were frequently obliged to give way to the
stronger party, and plundered of every thing, without attempting
to make the least resistance.


We resumed our work in the afternoon, and the next
day rigged the fore-mast; the head of which being rather
too small for the cap, the carpenter went to work, to fix a
piece on one side, to fill up the vacant space. In cutting
into the mast-head for this purpose, and examining the
state of it, both cheeks were found to be so rotten, that
there was no possibility of repairing them, and it became
necessary to get the mast out, and to fix new ones upon it.
It was evident, that one of the cheeks had been defective
at the first, and that the unsound part had been cut out,
and a piece put in, which had not only weakened the mast-head,
but had, in a great measure, been the occasion of
[pg 212]
rotting every other part of both cheeks. Thus, when we
were almost ready to put to sea, we had all our work to do
over again; and, what was still more provoking, an additional
repair was to be undertaken, which would require
some time to be completed. But, as there was no remedy,
we immediately set about it. It was fortunate for the voyage,
that these defects were discovered, when we were in
a place, where the materials requisite were to be procured.
For, amongst the drift-wood, in the cove where the ships
lay, were some small seasoned trees very fit for our purpose.
One of these was pitched upon, and the carpenters
began, without loss of time, to make out of it two new
cheeks.


In the morning of the 7th, we got the fore-mast out, and
hauled it ashore, and the carpenters of the ships were set
to work upon it. Some parts of the lower standing rigging
having been found to be very much decayed, as we had
time now to put them in order, while the carpenters were
repairing the fore-mast, I ordered a new set of main-rigging
to be fitted, and a more perfect set of fore-rigging to
be selected out of the best parts of the old.


From the time of our putting into the Sound till now,
the weather had been exceedingly fine, without either wind
or rain. That comfort, at the very moment when the continuance
of it would have been of most service, was withdrawn.
In the morning of the 8th, the wind freshened at
S.E., attended with thick hazy weather and rain. In the
afternoon the wind increased; and, toward the evening, it
blew very hard indeed. It came, in excessively heavy
squalls, from over the high land on the opposite shore,
right into the cove, and, though the ships were very well
moored, put them in some danger. These tempestuous
blasts succeeded each other pretty quick, but they were of
short duration, and in the intervals between them we had
a perfect calm. According to the old proverb, Misfortunes
seldom come single; the mizen was now the only mast on
board the Resolution that remained rigged, with its top-mast
up. The former was so defective, that it could not
support the latter during the violence of the squalls, but
gave way at the head under the rigging. About eight
o'clock the gale abated; but the rain continued with very
little intermission for several days; and, that the carpenters
might be enabled to proceed in their labours, while it
[pg 213]
prevailed, a tent was erected over the fore-mast, where they
could work with some degree of convenience.


The bad weather which now came on, did not, however,
hinder the natives from visiting us daily; and, in such circumstances,
their visits were very advantageous to us. For
they frequently brought us a tolerable supply of fish, when
we could not catch any ourselves with hook and line; and
there was not a proper place near us where we could draw
a net. The fish which they brought us were either sardines,
or what resembled them much; a small kind of
bream; and sometimes small cod.


On the 11th, notwithstanding the rainy weather, the
main-rigging was fixed and got over head; and our employment,
the day after, was to take down the mizen-mast,
the head of which proved to be so rotten, that it dropped
off while in the slings. In the evening we were visited by
a tribe of natives whom we had never seen before, and
who, in general, were better-looking people than most of
our old friends, some of whom attended them. I prevailed
upon these visitors to go down into the cabin for the first
time, and observed, that there was not a single object that
fixed the attention of most of them for a moment; their
countenances marking, that they looked upon all our novelties
with the utmost indifference. This, however, was
not without exception; for a few of the company shewed
a certain degree of curiosity.


In the afternoon of the next day, I went into the woods
with a party of our men, and cut down a tree for a mizen-mast.
On the day following, it was brought to the place
where the carpenters were employed upon the fore-mast.
In the evening the wind, which had been, for some time,
westerly, veered to S.E., and increased to a very hard gale,
with rain, which continued till eight o'clock the next morning,
when it abated, and veered again to the W.


The fore-mast being by this time finished, we hauled it
alongside; but the bad weather prevented our getting it
in till the afternoon; and we set about rigging it with the
greatest expedition, while the carpenters were going on
with the mizen-mast on shore. They had made very considerable
progress in it on the 16th, when they discovered
that the stick upon which they were at work was sprung, or
wounded, owing, as supposed, to some accident in cutting
it down. So that all their labour was thrown away, and it
[pg 214]
became necessary to get another tree out of the woods,
which employed all hands above half a day. During these
various operations, several of the natives, who were about
the ships, looked on with an expressive silent surprise,
which we did not expect; from their general indifference
and inattention.


On the 18th, a party of strangers, in six or eight canoes,
came into the cove, where they remained, looking at us,
for some time, and then retired, without coming alongside
either ship. We supposed, that our old friends, who were
more numerous at this time about us, than these new visitors,
would not permit them to have any intercourse with
us. It was evident, upon this and several other occasions,
that the inhabitants of the adjoining parts of the Sound engrossed
us entirely to themselves; or if, at any time, they
did not hinder strangers from trading with us, they contrived
to manage the trade for them in such a manner, that
the price of their commodities was always kept up; while
the value of ours was lessening every day. We also found,
that many of the principal natives, who lived near us, carried
on a trade with more distant tribes, in the articles they
had procured from us. For we observed that they would
frequently disappear for four or five days at a time, and
then return with fresh cargoes of skins and curiosities,
which our people were so passionately fond of, that they
always came to a good market. But we received most benefit
from such of the natives as visited us daily. These,
after disposing of all their little trifles, turned their attention
to fishing; and we never failed to partake of what
they caught. We also got from these people a considerable
quantity of very good animal oil, which they had reserved
in bladders. In this traffic some would attempt to
cheat us, by mixing water with the oil; and, once or twice,
they had the address to carry their imposition so far, as to
fill their bladders with mere water, without a single drop of
oil. It was always better to bear with these tricks, than to
make them the foundation of a quarrel; for our articles of
traffic consisted, for the most part, of mere trifles; and yet
we were put to our shifts to find a constant supply even of
these. Beads, and such other toys, of which I had still
some left, were in little estimation. Nothing would go
down with our visitors but metal; and brass had, by this
time, supplanted iron, being so eagerly sought after, that
[pg 215]
before we left this place, hardly a bit of it was left in the
ships, except what belonged to our necessary instruments.
Whole suits of clothes were stripped of every button; bureaus
of their furniture; and copper-kettles, tin-cannisters,
candle-sticks, and the like, all went to wreck; so that our
American friends here got a greater medley and variety of
things from us, than any other nation whom we had visited
in the course of the voyage.


After a fortnight's bad weather, the 19th proving a fair
day, we availed ourselves of it, to get up the top-masts and
yards, and to fix up the rigging. And, having now finished
most of our heavy work, I set out the next morning to
take a view of the Sound. I first went to the W. point,
where I found a large village, and, before it, a very snug
harbour, in which was from nine to four fathoms water,
over a bottom of fine sand. The people of this village,
who were numerous, and to most of whom I was well
known, received me very courteously; every one pressing
me to go into his house, or rather his apartment; for several
families live under the same roof. I did not decline
the invitations, and my hospitable friends, whom I visited,
spread a mat for me to sit down upon, and shewed me
every other mark of civility. In most of the houses were
women at work, making dresses of the plant or bark before
mentioned, which they executed exactly in the same manner
that the New Zealanders manufacture their cloth.
Others were occupied in opening sardines. I had seen a
large quantity of them brought on shore from canoes, and
divided by measure amongst several people, who carried
them up to their houses, where the operation of curing
them by smoke-drying is performed. They hang them on
small rods, at first, about a foot from the fire; afterward
they remove them higher and higher, to make room for
others, till the rods, on which the fish hang, reach the top
of the house. When they are completely dried, they are
taken down and packed close in bales, which they cover
with mats. Thus they are kept till wanted; and they are
not a disagreeable article of food. Cod, and other large
fish, are also cured in the same manner by them; though
they sometimes dry these in the open air, without fire.


From this village I proceeded up the west side of the
Sound. For about three miles, I found the shore covered
with small islands, which are so situated as to form several
[pg 216]
convenient harbours, having various depths of water, from
thirty to seven fathoms, with a good bottom. Two leagues
within the Sound, on this west side, there runs in an arm
in the direction of N.N.W.; and two miles farther, is another
nearly in the same direction, with a pretty large
island before it. I had no time to examine either of these
arms; but have reason to believe, that they do not extend
far inland, as the water was no more than brackish at their
entrances. A mile above the second arm, I found the remains
of a village. The logs or framings of the houses
were standing; but the boards that had composed their
sides and roofs did not exist. Before this village were
some large fishing wears; but I saw nobody attending
them. These wears were composed of pieces of wicker-work
made of small rods, some closer than others, according
to the size of the fish intended to be caught in them.
These pieces of wicker-work (some of whose superficies are,
at least, twenty feet by twelve), are fixed up edgewise in
shallow water, by strong poles or pickets, that stand firm
in the ground. Behind this ruined village is a plain of a
few acres extent, covered with the largest pine-trees that
I ever saw. This was more remarkable, as the elevated
ground, on most other parts of this west side of the Sound,
was rather naked.


From this place, I crossed over to the other, or east side
of the Sound, passing an arm of it that runs in N.N.E., to
appearance not far. I now found, what I had before conjectured,
that the land, under which the ships lay, was an
island; and that there were many smaller ones lying scattered
in the Sound on the west side of it. Opposite the
north end of our large island, upon the main land, I observed
a village, and there I landed. The inhabitants of it
were not so polite as those of the other I had just visited.
But this cold reception seemed, in a great measure, if not
entirely, owing to one surly chief, who would not let me
enter their houses, following me wherever I went; and several
times, by expressive signs, marking his impatience
that I should be gone. I attempted in vain to sooth him
by presents, but though he did not refuse them, they did
not alter his behaviour. Some of the young women, better
pleased with us than was their inhospitable chief, dressed
themselves expeditiously in their best apparel, and,
[pg 217]
assembling in a body, welcomed us to their village, by joining
in a song, which was far from harsh or disagreeable.


The day being now far spent, I proceeded for the ships,
round the north end of the large island; meeting, in my
way, with several canoes laden with sardines, which had
been just caught, somewhere in the east corner of the
Sound. When I got on board, I was informed, that, while
I was absent, the ships had been visited by some strangers,
in two or three large canoes, who, by signs, made our people
understand that they had come from the S.E., beyond
the bay. They brought several skins, garments, and other
articles, which they bartered. But what was most singular,
two silver table-spoons were purchased from them, which,
from their peculiar shape, we supposed to be of Spanish
manufacture. One of these strangers wore them round his
neck, by way of ornament. These visitors also appeared
to be more plentifully supplied with iron than the inhabitants
of the Sound.


The mizen-mast being finished, it was got in, and rigged,
on the 21st; and the carpenters were set to work to
make a new fore-top-mast, to replace the one that had
been carried away some time before.


Next morning, about eight o'clock, we were visited by
a number of strangers, in twelve or fourteen canoes. They
came into the cove from the southward, and as soon as
they had turned the point of it, they stopped, and lay
drawn up in a body above half an hour, about two or three
hundred yards from the ships. At first, we thought, that
they were afraid to come nearer; but we were mistaken in
this, and they were only preparing an introductory ceremony.
On advancing toward the ships, they all stood up
in their canoes, and began to sing. Some of their songs,
in which the whole body joined, were in a slow, and others
in quicker time; and they accompanied their notes with
the most regular motions of their hands; or beating in
concert, with their paddles, on the sides of the canoes, and
making other very expressive gestures. At the end of each
song, they remained silent a few seconds, and then began
again, sometimes pronouncing the word hooee! forcibly, as
a chorus. After entertaining us with this specimen of their
music, which we listened to with admiration, for above
half an hour, they came alongside the ships, and bartered
what they had to dispose of. Some of our old friends of
[pg 218]
the Sound were now found to be amongst them, and they
took the whole management of the traffic between us and
the strangers, much to the advantage of the latter.


Our attendance on these visitors being finished, Captain
Clerke and I went, in the forenoon, with two boats, to the
village at the west point of the Sound. When I was there
before, I had observed, that plenty of grass grew near it;
and it was necessary to lay in a quantity of this, as food
for the few goats and sheep which were still left on board.
The inhabitants received us with the same demonstrations
of friendship which I had experienced before; and the
moment we landed, I ordered some of my people to begin
their operation of cutting. I had not the least imagination,
that the natives could make any objection to our furnishing
ourselves with what seemed to be of no use to them,
but was necessary for us. However, I was mistaken; for,
the moment that our men began to cut, some of the inhabitants
interposed, and would not permit them to proceed,
saying they must "makook," that is, must first buy it. I
was now in one of the houses; but as soon as I heard of
this, I went to the field, where I found about a dozen of
the natives, each of whom laid claim to some part of the
grass that grew in this place. I bargained with them for
it, and having completed the purchase, thought that we
were now at liberty to cut wherever we pleased. But here,
again, it appeared, that I was under a mistake; for the liberal
manner in which I had paid the first pretended proprietors,
brought fresh demands upon me from others; so
that there did not seem to be a single blade of grass, that
had not a separate owner, and so many of them were to be
satisfied, that I very soon emptied my pockets. When
they found that I really had nothing more to give, their
importunities ceased, and we were permitted to cut where-ever
we pleased, and as much as we chose to carry away.


Here I must observe, that I have no where, in my several
voyages, met with any uncivilized nation, or tribe, who
had such strict notions of their having a right to the exclusive
property of every thing that their country produces,
as the inhabitants of this Sound. At first, they wanted our
people to pay for the wood and water that they carried on
board; and had I been upon the spot, when these demands
were made, I should certainly have complied with them.
Our workmen, in my absence, thought differently, for they
[pg 219]
took but little notice of such claims; and the natives, when
they found that we were determined to pay nothing, at last
ceased to apply. But they made a merit of necessity, and
frequently afterward took occasion to remind us, that they
had given us wood and water out of friendship.1


During the time I was at this village, Mr Webber, who
had attended me thither, made drawings of every thing
that was curious, both within and without doors. I had
also an opportunity of inspecting more narrowly, the construction
of the houses, household furniture, and utensils,
and the striking peculiarities of the customs and modes of
living of the inhabitants. These shall be described in another
place, in the best manner I can, calling in to my assistance
the observations of Mr Anderson. When we had
completed all our operations at this village, the natives
and we parted very good friends, and we got back to the
ships in the afternoon.


The three following days were employed in getting ready
to put to sea; the sails were bent, the observatories and
instruments, brewing vessels, and other things, were moved
from the shore; some small spars, for different uses, and
pieces of timber, which might be occasionally sawn into
boards, were prepared and put on board; and both ships
were cleared, and put into a sailing condition.


Every thing being now ready, in the morning of the
26th, I intended to have put to sea; but both wind and
tide being against us, was obliged to wait till noon, when
the S.W. wind was succeeded by a calm, and the tide
turning in our favour, we cast off the moorings, and with
our boats towed the ships out of the cove. After this, we
had variable light airs and calms, till four in the afternoon,
when a breeze sprung up northerly, with very thick, hazy
weather. The mercury in the barometer fell unusually
low, and we had every other fore-runner of an approaching
storm, which we had reason to expect would be from
the southward. This made me hesitate a little, as night
[pg 220]
was at hand, whether I should venture to sail, or wait till
the next morning. But my anxious impatience to proceed
upon the voyage, and the fear of losing this opportunity of
getting out of the Sound, making a greater impression on
my mind, than any apprehension of immediate danger, I
determined to put to sea at all events.


Our friends, the natives, attended us, till we were almost
out of the Sound; some on board the ships, and others in
their canoes. One of their chiefs, who had, some time before,
attached himself to me, was amongst the last who left
us. Having, before he went, bestowed upon him a small
present, I received in return a beaver-skin, of much greater
value. This called upon me to make some addition to my
present, which pleased him so much, that he insisted upon
my acceptance of the beaver-skin cloak which he then
wore; and of which I knew he was particularly fond.
Struck with this instance of generosity, and desirous that
he should be no sufferer by his friendship to me, I presented
to him a new broad sword, with a brass hilt, the possession
of which made him completely happy. He, and also
many others of his countrymen, importuned us much to
pay them another visit; and, by way of encouragement,
promised to lay in a good stock of skins. I made no doubt,
that whoever comes after me to this place, will find the natives
prepared accordingly, with no inconsiderable supply
of an article of trade, which, they could observe, we were
eager to possess; and which we found could be purchased
to great advantage.2


Such particulars about the country, and its inhabitants,
as came to our knowledge during our short stay, and have
not been mentioned in the course of the narrative, will
furnish materials for the two following sections.


Footnote 1: (return) 
Similar to the behaviour of the natives of Nootka, on this
occasion,
was that of another tribe of Indians, farther north, in latitude 57° 18', to
the Spaniards, who had preceded Captain Cook only three years, in a
voyage to explore the coast of America, northward of California. See the
journal of that voyage, writ by the second pilot of the fleet, and published
by the Honourable Mr Daines Barrington, to whom the literary world
owes so many obligations.—Miscellanies, p. 505, 506.—D.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Captain King, as we shall afterwards find, proposes a plan for the
establishment of a fur-trade with this coast of America. To this he was
incited by the experience of the value of these articles in the Chinese
market. In fact, a settlement for the purpose of carrying on this trade
was commenced in 1786, by an association of British merchants resident
in India. It was soon afterwards seized on by the Spaniards who pretended
a prior right. But they, as we have already mentioned, vol. xv. p. 157,
abandoned all claim to this Sound in 1790; and in 1795, it was formally
taken possession of, in name of his Britannic Majesty.—E.


[pg 221]


SECTION II.


The Name of the Sound, and Directions for Sailing into it.—Account
of the adjacent Country.—Weather.—Climate.—Trees.—Other
Vegetable Productions.—Quadrupeds, whose
Skins were brought for Sale.—Sea Animals.—Description
of a Sea Otter.—Birds.—Water Fowl.—Fish.—Shell-fish,
&c.—Reptiles.—Insects.—Stones, &c.—Persons of the Inhabitants.—Their
Colour.—Common Dress and Ornaments.—Occasional
Dresses, and monstrous Decorations of wooden
Masks.—Their general Dispositions.—Songs.—Musical Instruments.—Their
Eagerness to possess Iron and other Metals.


On my arrival in this inlet, I had honoured it with the
name of King George's Sound; but I afterward found, that
it is called Nootka by the natives. The entrance is situated
in the east corner of Hope Bay, in the latitude of 49°
33' N., and in the longitude of 233° 12' E. The east coast
of that bay, all the way from Breaker's Point to the entrance
of the Sound, is covered by a chain of sunken rocks,
that seemed to extend some distance from the shore; and,
near the Sound, are some islands and rocks above water.


We enter this Sound between two rocky points, that lie
E.S.E., and W.N.W. from each other, distant between
three and four miles. Within these points the Sound widens
considerably, and extends in, to the northward, four
leagues at least, exclusive of the several branches toward
its bottom, the termination of which we had not an opportunity
to ascertain. But, from the circumstance of finding
that the water freshened where our boats crossed their entrance,
it is probable that they had almost reached its utmost
limits. And this probability is increased by the hills
that bounded it toward the land, being covered with thick
snow, when those toward the sea, or where we lay, had not
a speck remaining on them, though, in general, they were
much higher. In the middle of the Sound are a number
of islands of various sizes. The depth of water in the middle
of the Sound, and even close home to some parts of its
shore, is from forty-seven to ninety fathoms, and perhaps
more. The harbours, and anchoring-places within its circuit,
are numerous; but we had no time to survey them.
[pg 222]
The cove in which our ships lay is on the east side of the
Sound, and on the east side of the largest of the islands.
It is covered from the sea, but has little else to recommend
it, being exposed to the S.E. winds, which we found to
blow with great violence; and the devastation they make
sometimes was apparent in many places.


The land bordering upon the sea-coast is of a middling
height and level; but within the Sound, it rises almost
every-where into steep hills, which agree in their general
formation, ending in round or blunted tops, with some
sharp, though not very prominent, ridges on their sides.
Some of these hills may be reckoned high, while others of
them are of a very moderate height; but even the highest
are entirely covered to their tops with the thickest woods;
as well as every flat part toward the sea. There are sometimes
spots upon the sides of some of the hills which are
bare; but they are few, in comparison of the whole, though
they sufficiently point out the general rocky disposition of
these hills. Properly speaking, they have no soil upon
them, except a kind of compost, produced from rotten
mosses and trees, of the depth of two feet or more. Their
foundations are, therefore, to be considered as nothing
more than stupendous rocks, of a whitish or grey cast,
where they have been exposed to the weather; but, when
broken, they appeared to be of a blueish grey colour, like
that universal sort which were found at Kerguelen's Land.
The rocky shores are a continued mass of this; and the
little coves, in the Sound, have beaches composed of fragments
of it, with a few other pebbles. All these coves are
furnished with a great quantity of fallen wood lying in
them, which is carried in by the tide; and with rills of
fresh water, sufficient for the use of a ship, which seem to
be supplied entirely from the rains, and fogs that hover
about the tops of the hills. For few springs can be expected
in so rocky a country, and the fresh water found farther
up the Sound, most probably arose from the melting of the
snow; there being no room to suspect, that any large river
falls into the Sound, either from strangers coming down it,
or from any other circumstance. The water of these rills
is perfectly clear, and dissolves soap easily.


The weather, during our stay, corresponded pretty nearly
with that which we had experienced off the coast. That
is, when the wind was any where between N. and W., the
[pg 223]
weather was fine and clear; but if to the southward of W.,
hazy with rain. The climate, as far as we had any experience
of it, is infinitely milder than that on the east coast
of America, under the same parallel of latitude. The mercury
in the thermometer never, even in the night, fell lower
than 42°, and very often, in the day, it rose to 60°. No
such thing as frost was perceived in any of the low ground;
on the contrary, vegetation had made a considerable progress,
for I met with grass that was already above a foot
long.


The trees which chiefly compose the woods, are the Canadian
pine, white cypress, cypressus thyoides, the wild pine,
with two or three other sorts of pine less common. The
two first make up almost two-thirds of the whole; and, at a
distance, might be mistaken for the same tree, as they both
run up into pointed spire-like tops, but they are easily distinguished
on coming nearer from their colour, the cypress
being of a much paler green, or shade, than the other.
The trees, in general, grow with great vigour, and are all of
a large size.


There is but little variety of other vegetable productions,
though, doubtless, several had not yet sprung up at the
early season when we visited the place, and many more
might be hid from the narrow sphere of our researches.
About the rocks, and verge of the woods, we found strawberry-plants,
some raspberry, currant, and gooseberry bushes,
which were all in a most flourishing state, with a few small
black alder-trees. There are, likewise, a species of sow-thistle,
goose-grass, some crow's-foot, which has a very fine
crimson flower, and two sorts of anthericum, one with a large
orange flower, and the other with a blue one. We also
found, in these situations, some wild rose-bushes, which
were just budding, a great quantity of young leeks, with,
triangular leaves, a small sort of grass, and some water-cresses,
which grow about the sides of the rills, besides great
abundance of andromeda. Within the woods, besides two
sorts of underwood shrubs unknown to us, are mosses and
ferns. Of the first of which, are seven or eight different
sorts, of the last, not above three or four, and the species of
both, are mostly such as are common to Europe and America.


As the season of the year was unfavourable to our gaining
much knowledge of the vegetable productions of this
[pg 224]
country, so our own situation while there, put it out of our
power to learn much about its animals. For as the want of
water made it necessary that we should enter the Sound
at first, unforeseen accidents which happened afterward,
though they lengthened our stay, were rather unfavourable
to our obtaining any knowledge of this kind. The emergency
of the case required, that every person should be
constantly employed in the necessary business of the ships,
which was the capital object, as the season was advancing
very fast, and the success of the voyage depended upon
their diligence and alacrity in expediting the various tasks
assigned to them. Hence it happened, that excursions of
every kind, either on the land, or by water, were never attempted.
And as we lay in a cove on an island, no other
animals were ever seen alive in the woods there, than two
or three racoons, martins, and squirrels. Besides these,
some of our people who, one day, landed on the continent,
near the S.E. side of the entrance of the sound, observed
the prints of a bear's feet near the shore. The account,
therefore, that we can give of the quadrupeds, is taken from
the skins which the natives brought to sell; and these were
often so mutilated with respect to the distinguishing parts,
such as the paws, tails, and heads, that it was impossible
even to guess at the animals to whom they belonged,
though others were so perfect, or at least so well known,
that they left no room to doubt about them.


Of these the most common were bears, deer, foxes, and
wolves. The bear-skins were in great numbers, few of them
very large, but, in general, of a shining black colour. The
deer-skins were scarcer, and they seem to belong to that
sort called the fallow-deer by the historians of Carolina,
though Mr Pennant thinks it quite a different species from,
ours, and distinguishes it by the name of Virginian deer.1
The foxes are in great plenty, and of several varieties, some
of their skins being quite yellow, with a black tip to the
tail, others of a deep or reddish yellow, intermixed with
black, and a third sort of a whitish grey or ash-colour, also
intermixed with black. Our people used to apply the name
of fox or wolf indiscriminately, when the skins were so mutilated
as to leave room for a doubt. But we got, at last,
[pg 225]
an entire wolf's skin with the head on, and it was grey.
Besides the common sort of martin, the pine-martin is also
here, and another, whose skin is of a lighter brown colour
than either, with coarser hair, but is not so common, and
is, perhaps, only a mere variety arising from age, or some
other accidental circumstance. The ermine is also found at
this place, but is rare and small, nor is the hair remarkably
fine, though the animal appeared to be perfectly white,
except an inch or more at the tip of the tail. The racoons
and squirrels are of the common sort; but the latter is rather
smaller than ours, and has a deeper rusty colour running
along the back.


We were clear as to the existence of all the animals already
mentioned, but there are two others besides, which we
could not distinguish with sufficient certainty. Of the first
of these we saw none of the skins, but what were dressed or
tanned like leather. The natives wear them on some occasions;
and from the size as well as the thickness, they were
generally concluded to belong to the elk, or mouse-deer,
though some of them perhaps might belong to the buffalo.
The other animal, which seems by no means rare, was
guessed to be a species of the wild cat or lynx. The length
of the skins, without the head, which none of them had, was
about two feet two inches. They are covered with a very
fine wool or fur, of a very light-brown or whitish yellow colour,
intermixed with long hairs, which on the back, where
they are shortest, are blackish; on the sides, where they are
longer, of a silver white; and on the belly, where they are
longest, of the colour of the wool, but the whitish, or silver
hairs, are often so predominant, that the whole animal acquires
a cast of that kind. The tail is only three inches
long, and has a black tip. The whole skin being, by the
natives, called wanshee, that, most probably, is their name
for this animal. Hogs, dogs, and goats, have not as yet
found their way to this place. Nor do the natives seem to
have any knowledge of our brown rats, to which, when they
saw them on board the ships, they applied the name they
give to squirrels. And though they called our goats eineetla,
this, most probably, is their name for a young deer or
fawn.


The sea-animals seen off the coast, were whales, porpoises,
and seals. The last of these seem only of the common
sort, judging from the skins which we saw here, their
[pg 226]
colour being either silvery, yellowish, plain, or spotted with
black. The porpoise is the phocena. I have chosen to refer
to this class the sea-otter, as living mostly in the water.
It might have been sufficient to have mentioned, that this
animal abounds here, as it is fully described in different
books, taken from the accounts of the Russian adventurers
in their expeditions eastward from Kamtschatka, if there
had not been a small difference in one that we saw. We,
for some time, entertained doubts, whether the many skins
which the natives brought, really belonged to this animal,
as our only reason for being of that opinion, was founded
on the size, colour, and fineness of the fur, till a short while
before our departure, when a whole one, that had been just
killed, was purchased from some strangers who came to
barter; and of this Mr Webber made a drawing. It was
rather young, weighing only twenty-five pounds, of a shining
or glossy black colour, but many of the hairs being
tipt with white, gave it a greyish cast at first sight. The
face, throat, and breast were of a yellowish white, or very
light-brown colour, which, in many of the skins, extended
the whole length of the belly. It had six cutting teeth in
each jaw, two of those of the lower jaw being very minute,
and placed without, at the base of the two middle ones. In
these circumstances, it seems to disagree with those found
by the Russians, and also in not having the outer toes of the
hind feet skirted with a membrane. There seemed also a
greater variety in the colour of the skins, than is mentioned
by the describers of the Russian sea-otters. These
changes of colour certainly take place at different gradations
of life. The very young ones had brown hair, which
was coarse, with very little fur underneath; but those of the
size of the entire animal, which came into our possession,
and just described, had a considerable quantity of that substance,
and both in that colour and state the sea-otters
seem to remain, till they have attained their full growth.
After that, they lose the black colour, and assume a deep
brown or sooty colour, but have then a greater quantity of
very fine fur, and scarcely any long hairs. Others, which
we suspected to be still older, were of a chesnut-brown; and
a few skins were seen that had even acquired a perfectly
yellow colour. The fur of these animals, as mentioned in
the Russian accounts, is certainly softer and finer than that
of any others we know of; and, therefore, the discovey of
[pg 227]
this part of the continent of North America, where so valuable
an article of commerce may be met with, cannot be a
matter of indifference.2


Birds, in general, are not only rare as to the different
species, but very scarce as to numbers; and these few are
so shy, that, in all probability, they are continually harassed
by the natives, perhaps to eat them as food, certainly to
get possession of their feathers, which they use as ornaments.
Those which frequent the woods, are crows and ravens,
not at all different from our English ones, a blueish
jay or magpie, common wrens, which are the only singing
bird that we heard, the Canadian or migrating thrush, and
a considerable number of brown eagles, with white heads
and tails, which, though they seem principally to frequent
the coast, come into the Sound in bad weather, and sometimes
perch upon the trees. Amongst some other birds, of
which the natives either brought fragments, or dried skins,
we could distinguish a small species of hawk, a heron, and
the alcyon, or large-crested American king-fisher. There
are also some, which, I believe, are not mentioned, or at
least vary, very considerably, from the accounts given of
them by any writers who have treated professedly on this
part of natural history. The two first of these are species of
wood-peckers. One less than a thrush, of a black colour
above, with white spots on the wings, a crimson head, neck,
and breast, and a yellowish olive-coloured belly, from which
last circumstance it might, perhaps, not improperly be called
the yellow-bellied wood-pecker. The other is a larger,
and much more elegant bird, of a dusky brown colour, on
the upper part, richly waved with black, except about the
head, the belly of a reddish cast, with round black spots, a
black spot on the breast, and the under-side of the wings
and tail of a plain scarlet colour, though blackish above,
with a crimson streak running from the angle of the mouth,
a little down the neck on each side. The third and fourth,
are a small bird of the finch kind, about the size of a linnet,
of a dark dusky colour, whitish below, with a black head
and neck, and white bill; and a sand-piper, of the size of a
small pigeon, of a dusky brown colour, and white below,
[pg 228]
except the throat and breast, with a broad white band
across the wings. There are also humming-birds, which yet
seem to differ from the numerous sorts of this delicate animal
already known, unless they be a mere variety of the
trochilus colubris of Linnæus. These, perhaps, inhabit more
to the southward, and spread northward as the season advances;
because we saw none at first, though, near the
time of our departure, the natives brought them to the ships
in great numbers.


The birds which frequent the waters and the shores, are
not more numerous than the others. The quebrantahuessos,
gulls, and shags, were seen off the coast, and the two last
also frequent the Sound. They are of the common sorts,
the shags being our cormorant or water-crow. We saw two
sorts of wild-ducks; one black, with a white head, which
were in considerable flocks, the other white, with a red bill,
but of a larger size; and the greater lumme, or diver, found
in our northern countries. There were also seen, once or
twice, some swans flying across the Sound to the northward,
but we knew nothing of their haunts. On the shores, besides
the sand-piper, described above, we found another,
about the size of a lark, which bears a great affinity to the
burre, and a plover differing very little from our common
sea-lark.


Fish are more plentiful in quantity than birds, though the
variety is not very great; and yet, from several circumstances,
it is probable, that even the variety is considerably
increased at certain seasons. The principal sorts, which we
found in great numbers, are the common herring, but scarcely
exceeding seven inches in length; a smaller sort, which
is the same with the anchovy, or sardine, though rather
larger; a white, or silver-coloured bream, and another of a
gold-brown colour, with many narrow longitudinal blue
stripes. The herrings and sardines, doubtless, come in large
shoals, and only at stated seasons, as is common with that
sort of fish. The bream of both sorts, may be reckoned the
next to these in quantity; and the full-grown ones weighed,
at least, a pound. The other fish, which are all scarce,
are a small brown kind of sculpin, such as is found on the
coast of Norway, another of a brownish red cast, frost-fish,
a large one, somewhat resembling the bull-head, with a
tough skin, destitute of scales; and now and then, toward
the time of our leaving the Sound, the natives brought
[pg 229]
a small brownish cod, spotted with white, and a red fish of
the same size, which some of our people said they had seen
in the strait of Magalhaens, besides another differing little
from the hake. There are also considerable numbers of
those fish called the chimæræ, or little sea-wolves, by some,
which is akin to, and about the size of, the pezegallo, or
elephant-fish. Sharks, likewise, sometimes frequent the
Sound, for the natives have some of their teeth in their possession;
and we saw some pieces of ray, or scate, which
seemed to have been pretty large. The other marine animals
that ought to be mentioned here, are a small cruciated
medusa, or blubber, star-fish, which differ somewhat
from the common ones, two small sorts of crabs, and two
others which the natives brought, one of them of a thick,
tough, gelatinous consistence, and the other a sort of membranaceous
tube or pipe, both which are probably taken
from the rocks. And we, also, purchased from them once
a very large cuttle-fish.


There is abundance of large muscles about the rocks,
many sea-ears, and we often saw shells of pretty large plain
chamæ. The smaller sorts are some trochi of two species, a
curious murex, rugged wilks, and a snail, all which are, probably,
peculiar to this place, at least I do not recollect to
have seen them in any country near the same latitude in
either hemisphere. There are, besides these, some small
plain cockles, limpets; and some strangers, who come into
the Sound, wore necklaces of a small blueish volute or panamæ.
Many of the muscles are a span in length, and some
having pretty large pearls, which, however, are both badly
shaped and coloured. We may conclude, that there is red
coral in the Sound, or somewhere upon the coast, some thick
pieces, or branches, having been seen in the canoes of the
natives.


The only animals of the reptile kind observed here, and
found in the woods, were brown snakes two feet long, with
whitish stripes on the back and sides, which are harmless,
as we often saw the natives carry them alive in their hands;
and brownish water-lizards, with a tail exactly like that of
an eel, which frequented the small standing pools about the
rocks.


The insect tribe seem to be more numerous. For though
the season, which is peculiarly fitted to their appearing
abroad, was only beginning, we saw four or five different
[pg 230]
sorts of butterflies, none of which were uncommon, a good
many humble-bees, some of our common gooseberry moths,
two or three sorts of flies, a few beetles, and some musquitoes,
which, probably, may be more numerous and troublesome
in a country so full of wood, during the summer, though at
this time they did little mischief.


As to the mineral substances in this country, though we
found both iron and copper here, there is little reason to
believe that either of them belong to the place. Neither
were the ores of any metal seen, if we except a coarse, red,
earthy, or ochry substance, used by the natives in painting
themselves, which probably may contain a little iron, with
a white and a black pigment used for the same purpose.
But we did not procure specimens of them, and therefore
cannot positively determine what are their component
parts.


Besides the stone or rock that constitutes the mountains
and shores, which sometimes contains pieces of very coarse
quartz, we found amongst the natives, things made of a
hard black granite, though not remarkably compact or fine
grained, a greyish whetstone, the common oil-stone of our
carpenters, in coarser and finer pieces, and some black bits
which are little inferior to the hone-stone. The natives also
use the transparent leafy glimmer, or Muscovy glass, a brown
leafy or martial sort, and they sometimes brought to us
pieces of rock-crystal, tolerably transparent. The two first
are, probably, found near the spot, as they seemed to be in
considerable quantities; but the latter seems to be brought
from a greater distance, or is very scarce; for our visitors
always parted with it reluctantly. Some of the pieces were
octangular, and had the appearance of being formed into
that shape by art.


The persons of the natives are, in general, under the
common stature; but not slender in proportion, being
commonly pretty full or plump, though not muscular. Neither
doth the soft fleshiness seem ever to swell into corpulence;
and many of the older people are rather spare or
lean. The visage of most of them is round and full, and
sometimes also broad, with high prominent cheeks; and,
above these, the face is frequently much depressed, or seems
fallen in quite across between the temples; the nose also
flattening at its base, with pretty wide nostrils, and a rounded
point. The forehead rather low, the eyes small, black, and
[pg 231]
rather languishing than sparkling; the mouth round, with
large round thickish lips, the teeth tolerably equal and well
set, but not remarkably white. They have either no beards
at all, which was most commonly the case, or a small thin
one upon the point of the chin, which does not arise from
any natural defect of hair on that part, but from plucking
it out more or less; for some of them, particularly the old
men, have not only considerable beards all over the chin,
but whiskers or mustachios, both on the upper lip, and running
from thence toward the lower jaw obliquely downward.3
Their eye-brows are also scanty, and always
[pg 232]
narrow; but the hair of the head is in great abundance, very
coarse and strong, and, without a single exception, black,
straight, and dank, or hanging down over the shoulders. The
neck is short, the arms and body have no particular mark
of beauty or elegance in their formation, but are rather
clumsy; and the limbs in all are very small in proportion
to the other parts, and crooked or ill-made, with large feet
badly shaped, and projecting ancles. Their last defect
seems in a great measure to arise from their sitting so much
on their hams or knees, both in their canoes and houses.


Their colour we could never positively determine, as
their bodies were incrusted with paint and dirt; though, in
particular cases, when these were well rubbed off, the whiteness
of the skin appeared almost to equal that of Europeans;
though rather of that pale effete cast which distinguishes
those of our southern nations. Their children, whose skins
had never been stained with paint, also equalled ours in
whiteness. During their youth, some of them have no disagreeable
look, if compared to the generality of the people,
but this seems to be entirely owing to the particular
animation attending that period of life; for, after attaining
a certain age, there is hardly any distinction. Upon the
whole, a very remarkable sameness seems to characterize
the countenances of the whole nation; a dull phlegmatic
want of expression, with very little variation, being strongly
marked in all of them.


The women are nearly of the same size, colour, and form
with the men, from whom it is not easy to distinguish them,
as they possess no natural delicacies sufficient to render
their persons agreeable; and hardly any one was seen, even
amongst those who were in the prime of life, who had the
least pretensions to be called handsome.


Their common dress is a flaxen garment, or mantle, ornamented
on the upper edge by a narrow strip of fur, and,
at the lower edge, by fringes or tassels. It passes under the
left arm, and is tied over the right shoulder, by a string
[pg 233]
before and one behind, near its middle, by which means both
arms are left free, and it hangs evenly, covering the left
side, but leaving the right open, except from the loose part
of the edges falling upon it, unless when the mantle is fastened
by a girdle (of coarse matting or woollen) round the
waist, which is often done. Over this, which reaches below
the knees, is worn a small cloak of the same substance,
likewise fringed at the lower part. In shape this resembles
a round dish-cover, being quite close, except in the middle,
where there is a hole just large enough to admit the head,
and then, resting upon the shoulders, it covers the arms to
the elbows, and the body as far as the waist. Their head is
covered with a cap, of the figure of a truncated cone, or
like a flower-pot, made of fine matting, having the top frequently
ornamented with a round or pointed knob, or bunch
of leather tassels, and there is a string that passes under
the chin, to prevent its blowing off.


Besides the above dress, which is common to both sexes,
the men frequently throw over their other garments the
skin of a bear, wolf, or sea-otter, with the hair outward, and
tie it as a cloak near the upper part, wearing it sometimes
before and sometimes behind. In rainy weather, they
throw a coarse mat about their shoulders. They have also
woollen garments, which, however, are little in use. The
hair is commonly worn hanging down loose; but some,
when they have no cap, tie it in a bunch on the crown of
the head. Their dress, upon the whole, is convenient, and
would, by no means be inelegant, were it kept clean. But
as they rub their bodies constantly over with a red paint, of
a clayey or coarse ochry substance, mixed with oil, their
garments, by this means, contract a rancid offensive smell,
and a greasy nastiness; so that they make a very wretched
dirty appearance, and what is still worse, their heads and
their garments swarm with vermin, which, so depraved is
their taste for cleanliness, we used to see them pick off with
great composure and eat.


Though their bodies are always covered with red paint,
their faces are often stained with a black, a brighter red, or
a white colour, by way of ornament. The last of these gives
them a ghastly, disgusting aspect. They also strew the
brown martial mica upon the paint, which makes it glitter.
The ears of many of them are perforated in the lobe, where
they make a pretty large hole, and two others higher up on
[pg 234]
the outer edge. In these holes they hang bits of bone,
quills fixed upon a leathern thong, small shells, bunches of
woollen tassels, or pieces of thin copper, which our beads
could never supplant. The septum of the nose, in many, is
also perforated, through which they draw a piece of soft
cord; and others wear, at the same place, small thin pieces
of iron, brass, or copper, shaped almost like a horse-shoe,
the narrow opening of which receives the septum, so as that
the two points may gently pinch it, and the ornament thus
hangs over the upper lip. The rings of our brass buttons,
which they eagerly purchased, were appropriated to this
use. About their wrists they wore bracelets or bunches of
white bugle beads, made of a conic shelly substance,
bunches of thongs, with tassels, or a broad black shining
horny substance, of one piece. And about their ancles they
also frequently wear many folds of leathern thongs, or the
sinews of animals twisted to a considerable thickness.


Thus far of their ordinary dress and ornaments; but they
have some that seem to be used only on extraordinary occasions,
either when they exhibit themselves as strangers,
in visits of ceremony, or when they go to war. Amongst
the first may be considered the skins of animals, such as
wolves or bears, tied on in the usual manner, but ornamented
at the edges with broad borders of fur, or of the woollen
stuff manufactured by them, ingeniously wrought with
various figures. These are worn either separately, or over
their own common garments. On such occasions, the most
common head-dress is a quantity of withe, or half-beaten
bark, wrapped about the head, which, at the same time, has
various large feathers, particularly those of eagles, stuck in
it, or is entirely covered, or we may say, powdered with
small white feathers. The face, at the same time, is variously
painted, having its upper and lower parts of different
colours, the strokes appearing like fresh gashes, or it is besmeared
with a kind of tallow, mixed with paint, which is
afterward formed into a great variety of regular figures, and
appears like carved work. Sometimes, again, the hair is
separated into small parcels, which are tied at intervals of
about two inches, to the end, with thread, and others tie it
together behind, after our manner, and stick branches of the
cypressus thyoides in it. Thus dressed, they have a truly savage
and incongruous appearance, but this is much heightened
when they assume, what may be called, their
[pg 235]
monstrous decorations. These consist of an endless variety of
carved wood masks or vizors, applied on the face, or to the
upper part of the head or forehead. Some of these resemble
human faces, furnished with hair, beards, and eye-brows;
others, the heads of birds, particularly of eagles and
quebrantahuessos, and many, the heads of land and sea-animals,
such as wolves, deer, and porpoises, and others. But,
in general, these representations much exceed the natural
size, and they are painted, and often strewed with pieces of
the foliaceous mica, which makes them glitter, and, serves
to augment their enormous deformity. They even exceed
this sometimes, and fix on the same part of the head large
pieces of carved work, resembling the prow of a canoe,
painted in the same manner, and projecting to a considerable
distance. So fond are they of these disguises, that I
have seen one of them put his head into a tin kettle he had
got from us, for want of another sort of mask. Whether
they use these extravagant masquerade ornaments on any
particular religious occasion, or diversion, or whether they
be put on to intimidate their enemies when they go to battle,
by their monstrous appearance, or as decoys when they
go to hunt animals, is uncertain. But it may be concluded,
that, if travellers or voyagers, in an ignorant and credulous
age, when many unnatural or marvellous things were supposed
to exist, had seen a number of people decorated in
this manner, without being able to approach so near as to
be undeceived, they would readily have believed, and, in
their relations, would have attempted to make others believe,
that there existed a race of beings, partaking of the
nature of man and beast, more especially, when, besides
the heads of animals on the human shoulders, they might
have seen the whole bodies of their men-monsters covered
with quadrupeds' skins.4


The only dress amongst the people of Nootka, observed
by us, that seems peculiarly adapted to war, is a thick leathern
mantle doubled, which, from its size, appears to be
the skin of an elk or buffalo, tanned. This they fasten on,
in the common manner, and it is so contrived, that it may
reach up, and cover the breast quite to the throat, falling,
[pg 236]
at the same time, almost to the heels. It is, sometimes, ingeniously
painted in different compartments; and is not
only sufficiently strong to resist arrows, but, as they informed
us by signs, even spears cannot pierce it, so that it may
be considered as their coat of mail, or most complete defensive
armour. Upon the same occasion, they sometimes
wear a kind of leathern cloak, covered with rows of dried
hoofs of deer, disposed horizontally, appended by leathern
thongs, covered with quills, which, when they move, make
a round rattling noise, almost equal to that of many small
bells. It seems doubtful, however, whether this part of
their garb be intended to strike terror in war, or is only to
be considered as belonging to their eccentric ornaments on
ceremonious occasions. For we saw one of their musical
entertainments, conducted by a man dressed in this sort of
cloak, with his mask on, and shaking his rattle.


Though these people cannot be viewed without a kind of
horror, when equipped in such extravagant dresses, yet,
when divested of them, and beheld in their common habit
and actions, they have not the least appearance of ferocity
in their countenances; and seem, on the contrary, as observed
already, to be of a quiet, phlegmatic, and inactive
disposition, destitute, in some measure, of that degree of
animation and vivacity that would render them agreeable
as social beings. If they are not reserved, they are far from
being loquacious; but their gravity is, perhaps, rather a
consequence of the disposition just mentioned, than of any
conviction of its propriety, or the effect of any particular
mode of education. For, even in the greatest paroxysms
of their rage, they seem unable to express it sufficiently;
either with warmth of language, or significancy of gestures.


Their orations, which are made either when engaged in
any altercation or dispute, or to explain their sentiments
publicly on other occasions, seem little more than short
sentences, or rather single words, forcibly repeated, and
constantly in one tone and degree of strength, accompanied
only with a single gesture, which they use at every sentence,
jerking their whole body a little forward, by bending
the knees, their arms hanging down by their sides at
the same time.


Though there is but too much reason, from their bringing
to sale human skulls and bones, to infer that they treat
[pg 237]
their enemies with a degree of brutal cruelty, this circumstance
rather marks a general agreement of character with
that of almost every tribe of uncivilized man, in every age,
and in every part of the globe, than that they are to be reproached
with any charge of peculiar inhumanity. We
had no reason to judge unfavourably of their disposition in
this respect. They seem to be a docile, courteous, good-natured
people; but, notwithstanding the predominant
phlegm of their tempers, quick in resenting what they look
upon as an injury, and, like most other passionate people,
as soon forgetting it. I never found that these fits of passion
went farther than the parties immediately concerned,
the spectators not troubling themselves about the quarrel,
whether it was with any of us, or amongst their own body,
and preserving as much indifference as if they had not
known any thing about it. I have often seen one of them
rave and scold, without any of his countrymen paying the
least attention to his agitation; and when none of us could
trace the cause, or the object of his displeasure. In such
cases they never discover the least symptom of timidity, but
seem determined, at all events, to punish the insult. For,
even with respect to us, they never appeared to be under
the least apprehension of our superiority; but when any
difference happened, were just as ready to avenge the
wrong, as amongst themselves.


Their other passions, especially their curiosity, appear in
some measure to lie dormant. For few expressed any desire
to see or examine things wholly unknown to them;
and which, to those truly possessed of that passion, would
have appeared astonishing. They were always contented to
procure the articles they knew and wanted, regarding every
thing else with great indifference; nor did our persons, apparel,
and manners, so differ from their own, or even the
extraordinary size and construction of our ships, seem to excite
admiration, or even engage attention.


One cause of this may be their indolence, which seems
considerable. But, on the other hand, they are certainly
not wholly unsusceptible of the tender passions; if we may
judge from their being so fond of music, which is mostly of
the grave or serious, but truly pathetic sort. They keep the
exactest concert in their songs, which are often sung by
great numbers together, as those already mentioned, with
which they used to entertain us in their canoes. These are
[pg 238]
generally slow and solemn; but the music is not of that
confined sort found amongst many rude nations, for the variations
are very numerous and expressive, and the cadence
or melody powerfully soothing. Besides their full concerts,
sonnets of the same grave cast were frequently sung by single
performers, who keep time by striking the hand against
the thigh. However, the music was sometimes varied, from
its predominant solemnity of air; and there were instances
of stanzas being sung in a more gay and lively strain, and
even with a degree of humour.


The only instruments of music (if such they may be called)
which I saw amongst them, were a rattle, and a small
whistle, about an inch long, incapable of any variation,
from having but one hole. They use the rattle when they
sing; but upon what occasions they use the whistle I know
not, unless it be when they dress themselves like particular
animals, and endeavour to imitate their howl or cry. I
once saw one of them dressed in a wolf's skin, with the
head over his own, and imitating that animal by making
a squeaking noise with one of these whistles, which he had
in his mouth. The rattles are, for the most part, made in
the shape of a bird, with a few pebbles in the belly; and
the tail is the handle. They have others, however, that
bear rather more resemblance to a child's rattle.


In trafficking with us, some of them would betray a
knavish disposition, and carry off our goods without making
any return. But, in general, it was otherwise; and we
had abundant reason to commend the fairness of their conduct.
However, their eagerness to possess iron and brass,
and, indeed, any kind of metal, was so great, that few of
them could resist the temptation to steal it, whenever an
opportunity offered. The inhabitants of the South Sea Islands,
as appears from a variety of instances in the course
of this voyage, rather than be idle, would steal any thing
that they could lay their hands upon, without ever considering,
whether it could be of use to them or no. The novelty
of the object, with them, was a sufficient motive for
their endeavouring, by any indirect means, to get possession
of it; which marked that, in such cases, they were rather
actuated by a childish curiosity, than by a dishonest
disposition, regardless of the modes of supplying real wants.
The inhabitants of Nootka, who invaded our property, cannot
have such apology made for them. They were thieves
[pg 239]
in the strictest sense of the word; for they pilfered nothing
from us, but what they knew could be converted to the
purposes of private utility, and had a real value according
to their estimation of things. And it was lucky for us, that
nothing was thought valuable by them, but the single articles
of our metals. Linen, and such like things, were perfectly
secure from their depredations, and we could safely
leave them hanging out ashore all night, without watching.
The same principle which prompted our Nootka friends to
pilfer from us, it was natural to suppose, would produce a
similar conduct in their intercourse with each other. And,
accordingly, we had abundant reason to believe, that stealing
is much practised amongst them, and that it chiefly
gives rise to their quarrels, of which we saw more than one
instance.


Footnote 1: (return) 
See Virginian deer. Pennant's Hist. Quad. vol. i. No. 46, and Arctic
Zool. No.6.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Mr Coxe, on the authority of Mr Pallas, informs us, that the old
and
middle-aged sea-otters' skins are sold at Kiachta, by the Russians to the
Chinese, from 80 to 180 rubles a skin, that is, from 16l. to 20l. each.—See
Coxe's Russian Discoveries, p. 13.—D.


Footnote 3: (return) 
One of the most curious singularities observable in the natural
history
of the human species, is the supposed defect in the habit and temperature
of the bodies of the American Indians, exemplified in their having no
beards, while they are furnished with a profusion of hair on their heads.
M. de Paw, the ingenious author of Recherches sur les Americains, Dr
Robertson, in his History of America, and, in general, the writers for
whose authority we ought to have the highest deference, adopt this as an
indisputable matter of fact. May we not be permitted to request those
who espouse their sentiments, to reconsider the question, when we can
produce Captain Cook's evidence on the opposite side, at least so far as
relates to the American tribe, whom he had intercourse with at Nootka?
Nor is Captain Cook singular in his report. What he saw on the sea
coast, Captain Carver also met with amongst the American Indians far up
in the country. His words are as follow:—"From minute enquiries, and
a curious inspection, I am able to declare (however respectable I may hold
the authority of these historians in other points), that their assertions are
erroneous, and proceeding from a want of a thorough knowledge of the
customs of the Indians. After the age of puberty, their bodies, in their
natural state, are covered in the same manner as those of the Europeans.
The men, indeed, esteem a beard very unbecoming, and take great pains
to get rid of it, nor is there any ever to be perceived on their faces, except
when they grow old, and become inattentive to appearances.—The Naudowesses,
and the remote nations, pluck them out with bent pieces of hard
wood, formed into a kind of nippers, whilst those who have communication
with Europeans, procure from them wire, which they twist into a
screw or worm; applying this to the part, they press the rings together,
and with a sudden twitch, draw out all the hairs that are inclosed in
them."—Carver's
Travels, p. 224, 225. The remark made by Mr Marsden, who
also quotes Carver, is worth attending to, that the visor or mask of Montezuma's
armour, preserved at Brussels, has remarkably large whiskers;
and that those Americans could not have imitated this ornament, unless
nature had presented them with the model. From Captain Cook's observation
on the west coast of North America, combined with Carver's in the
inland parts of that continent, and confirmed by the Mexican vizor as
above, there seems abundant reason to agree with Mr Marsden, who thus
modestly expresses himself: "Were it not for the numerous and very respectable
authorities, from which we are assured that the natives of
America are naturally beardless, I should think that the common
opinion on
that subject had been hastily adopted; and that their appearing thus at a
mature age, was only the consequence of an early practice, similar to that
observed among the Sumatrans. Even now, I must confess, that it would
remove some small degree of doubt from my mind, could it be ascertained
that no such custom prevails."—Marsden's History of Sumatra, p. 39,
40.—D.


Footnote 4: (return) 
The reflection in the text may furnish the admirers of Herodotus,
in
particular, with an excellent apology for some of his wonderful tales of this
sort.—D.


SECTION III.


Manner of Building the Homes in Nootka Sound.—Inside of
them described.—Furniture and Utensils.—Wooden Images.—Employments
of the Men.—Of the Women.—Food, Animal
and Vegetable.—Manner of preparing it.—Weapons.—Manufactures
and Mechanic Arts.—Carving and Painting.—Canoes.—Implements
for Fishing and Hunting.—Iron
Tools.—Manner of procuring that Metal.—Remarks on
their Language, and a Specimen of it.—Astronomical and
Nautical Observations made in Nootka Sound.


The two towns or villages, mentioned in the course of
my journal, seem to be the only inhabited part of the Sound.
The number of inhabitants in both might be pretty exactly
computed from the canoes that were about the ships the
second day after our arrival. They amounted to about a
hundred; which, at a very moderate allowance, must, upon
an average, have held five persons each. But as there were
scarcely any women, very old men, children, or youths
amongst them at that time, I think it will rather be rating
the number of the inhabitants of the two towns too low, if
we suppose they could be less than four times the number
of our visitors, that is, two thousand in the whole.


The village at the entrance of the Sound stands on the
side of a rising ground, which has a pretty steep ascent
[pg 240]
from the beach to the verge of the wood, in which space it
is situated.


The houses are disposed in three ranges or rows, rising
gradually behind each other, the largest being that in front,
and the others less, besides a few straggling, or single ones,
at each end. These ranges are interrupted or disjoined at
irregular distances, by narrow paths, or lanes, that pass upward;
but those which run in the direction of the houses,
between the rows, are much broader. Though there be
some appearance of regularity in this disposition, there is
none in the single houses, for each of the divisions, made by
the paths, may be considered either as one house, or as
many, there being no regular or complete separation, either
without or within, to distinguish them by. They are built
of very long and broad planks1, resting upon the edges of
each other, fastened or tied by withes of pine bark here
and there, and have only slender posts, or rather poles, at
considerable distances on the outside, to which they also
are tied, but within are some larger poles placed aslant.
The height of the sides and ends of these habitations, is seven
or eight feet; but the back part is a little higher, by
which means, the planks that compose the roof slant forward,
and are laid on loose, so as to be moved about, either
to be put close to exclude the rain, or, in fair weather, to
be separated, to let in the light and carry out the smoke.
They are, however, upon the whole, miserable dwellings,
and constructed with little care or ingenuity. For, though
the side-planks be made to fit pretty closely in some places,
in others they are quite open, and there are no regular doors
into them, the only way of entrance being either by a hole,
where the unequal length of the planks has accidentally left
an opening, or, in some cases, the planks are made to pass
a little beyond each other, or overlap, about two feet asunder,
and the entrance is in this space. There are also holes,
or windows, in the sides of the houses to look out at; but
without any regularity of shape or disposition; and these
have bits of mat hung before them, to prevent the rain getting
in.


[pg 241]


On the inside, one may frequently see from one end to
the other of these ranges of building without interruption.
For though, in general, there be the rudiments, or rather
vestiges, of separations on each side, for the accommodation
of different families, they are such as do not intercept
the sight; and often consist of no more than pieces of
plank, running from the side toward the middle of the
house; so that, if they were complete, the whole might be
compared to a long stable, with a double range of stalls,
and a broad passage in the middle. Close to the sides, in
each of these parts, is a little bench of boards, raised five
or six inches higher than the rest of the floor, and covered
with mats on which the family sit and sleep. These benches
are commonly seven or eight feet long, and four or five
broad. In the middle of the floor, between them, is the
fire-place, which has neither hearth nor chimney. In one
house, which was in the end of a middle range, almost quite
separated from the rest by a high close partition, and the
most regular, as to design, of any that I saw, there were four
of these benches, each of which held a single family, at a
corner, but without any separation by boards, and the middle
part of the house appeared common to them all.


Their furniture consists chiefly of a great number of
chests and boxes of all sizes, which are generally piled upon
each other, close to the sides or ends of the house, and
contain their spare garments, skins, masks, and other things
which they set a value upon. Some of these are double,
or one covers the other as a lid, others have a lid fastened
with thongs, and some of the very large ones have a square
hole, or scuttle, cut in the upper part, by which the things
are put in and taken out. They are often painted black,
studded with the teeth of different animals, or carved with
a kind of freeze-work, and figures of birds or animals, as
decorations. Their other domestic utensils are mostly
square and oblong pails or buckets to hold water and other
things, round wooden cups and bowls, and small shallow
wooden troughs, about two feet long, out of which they eat
their food, and baskets of twigs, bags of matting, &c. Their
fishing implements, and other things also, lie or hang up in
different parts of the house, but without the least order, so
that the whole is a complete scene of confusion; and the
only places that do not partake of this confusion are the
sleeping-benches, that have nothing on them but the mats,
[pg 242]
which are also cleaner, or of a finer sort, than those they
commonly have to sit on in their boats.


The nastiness and stench of their houses are, however,
at least equal to the confusion. For as they dry their fish
within doors, they also gut them there, which, with their
bones and fragments, thrown down at meals, and the addition
of other sorts of filth, lie every where in heaps, and
are, I believe, never carried away till it becomes troublesome,
from their size, to walk over them. In a word,
their houses are as filthy as hog-sties; every thing in and
about them stinking of fish, train-oil, and smoke.


But, amidst all the filth and confusion that are found
in the houses, many of them are decorated with images.
These are nothing more than the trunks of very large trees,
four or five feet high, set up singly, or by pairs, at the upper
end of the apartment, with the front carved into a human
face; the arms and hands cut out upon the sides, and
variously painted; so that the whole is a truly monstrous
figure. The general name of these images is Klumma; and
the names of two particular ones, which stood abreast of
each other, three or four feet asunder, in one of the houses,
were Natchkoa and Matseeta. Mr Webber's view of the inside
of a Nootka house, in which these images are represented,
conveys a more perfect idea of them than any description.
A mat, by way of curtain, for the most part,
hung before them, which the natives were not willing, at
all times, to remove; and when they did unveil them, they
seemed to speak of them in a very mysterious manner. It
should seem, that they are at times accustomed to make
offerings to them; if we can draw this inference from their
desiring us, as we interpreted their signs, to give something
to these images, when they drew aside the mats that
covered them.2 It was natural, from these circumstances,
[pg 243]
for us to think, that they were representatives of their
gods, or symbols of some religious or superstitious object:
and yet we had proofs of the little real estimation they
were in; for, with a small quantity of iron or brass, I could
have purchased all the gods (if their images were such) in
the place. I did not see one that was not offered to me;
and I actually got two or three of the very smallest sort.


The chief employment of the men seems to be that of
fishing, and killing land or sea animals for the sustenance
of their families; for we saw few of them doing any thing
in the houses; whereas the women were occupied in manufacturing
their flaxen or woollen garments, and in preparing
the sardines for drying; which they also carry up
from the beach in twig-baskets, after the men have brought
them in their canoes. The women are also sent in the
small canoes to gather muscles, and other shell-fish, and
perhaps on some other occasions; for they manage these
with as much dexterity as the men; who, when in the canoes
with them, seem to pay little attention to their sex,
by offering to relieve them from the labour of the paddle;
nor indeed do they treat them with any particular respect
or tenderness in other situations. The young men appeared
to be the most indolent or idle set in this community;
for they were either sitting about, in scattered companies,
to bask themselves in the sun, or lay wallowing in the sand
upon the beach, like a number of hogs, for the same purpose,
without any covering. But this disregard of decency
was confined to the men. The women were always properly
clothed, and behaved with the utmost propriety; justly
deserving all commendation for a bashfulness and modesty
becoming their sex; but more meritorious in them, as the
[pg 244]
men seem to have no sense of shame. It is impossible,
however, that we should have been able to observe the exact
mode of their domestic life and employments, from a
single visit (as the first was quite transitory) of a few hours.
For it may be easily supposed, that, on such an occasion,
most of the labour of all the inhabitants of the village
would cease upon our arrival, and an interruption be given
even to the usual manner of appearing in their houses, during
their more remiss or sociable hours, when left to
themselves. We were much better enabled to form some
judgment of their disposition, and, in some measure, even
of their method of living, from the frequent visits so many
of them paid us at our ships in their canoes; in which, it
would seem, they spend a great deal of time, at least in
the summer season. For we observed, that they not only
eat and sleep frequently in them, but strip off their clothes
and lay themselves along to bask in the sun, in the same
manner as we had seen practised at their village. Their
canoes of the larger sort are, indeed, sufficiently spacious
for that purpose, and perfectly dry; so that, under shelter
of a skin, they are, except in rainy weather, much more
comfortable habitations than their houses.


Though their food, strictly speaking, may be said to
consist of every thing animal or vegetable that they can
procure, the quantity of the latter bears an exceeding small
proportion to that of the former. Their greatest reliance
seems to be upon the sea, as affording fish, muscles, and
smaller shell-fish, and sea-animals. Of the first, the principal
are herrings and sardines; the two species of bream,
formerly mentioned, and small cod. But the herrings and
sardines are not only eaten fresh, in their season, but likewise
serve as stores, which, after being dried and smoked,
are preserved, by being sewed up in mats, so as to form
large bales, three or four feet square. It seems that the
herrings also supply them with another grand resource for
food; which is a vast quantity of roe, very curiously prepared.
It is strewed upon, or as it were incrustated about
small branches of the Canadian pine. They also prepare
it upon a long narrow sea-grass, which grows plentifully
upon the rocks, under water. This caviare, if it may be so
called, is kept in baskets or bags of mat, and used occasionally,
being first dipped in water. It may be considered
as the winter bread of these people, and has no
[pg 245]
disagreeable taste. They also eat the roe of some other fish, which,
from the size of its grains, must be very large; but it has
a rancid taste and smell. It does not appear that they prepare
any other fish in this manner, to preserve them for
any length of time. For though they split and dry a few
of the bream and chimæræ, which are pretty plentiful, they
do not smoke them as the herrings and sardines.


The next article, on which they seem to depend for a
large proportion of their food, is the large muscle; great
abundance of which are found in the Sound. These are
roasted in their shells, then stuck upon long wooden-skewers,
and taken off occasionally as wanted; being eat without
any other preparation, though they often dip them in
oil as a sauce. The other marine productions, such as the
smaller shell-fish, though they contribute to increase the
general stock, are by no means to be looked upon as a
standing or material article of their food, when compared
to those just mentioned.


Of the sea-animals, the most common that we saw in
use amongst them as food is the porpoise; the fat or rind
of which, as well as the flesh, they cut in large pieces, and
having dried them, as they do the herrings, eat them without
any farther preparation. They also prepare a sort of
broth from this animal, in its fresh state, in a singular manner,
putting pieces of it in a square wooden vessel or bucket,
with water, and then throwing heated stones into it.
This operation they repeat till they think the contents are
sufficiently stewed or seethed. They put in the fresh, and
take out the other stones, with a cleft stick, which serves
as tongs; the vessel being always placed near the fire for
that purpose. This is a pretty common dish amongst them,
and, from its appearance, seems to be strong, nourishing
food. The oil which they procure from these and other
sea-animals, is also used by them in great quantities; both
supping it alone, with a large scoop or spoon made of
horn, or mixing it with other food, as sauce.


It may also be presumed, that they feed upon other sea-animals,
such as seals, sea-otters, and whales; not only
from the skins of the two first being frequent amongst
them, but from the great number of implements of all
sorts intended to destroy these different animals; which
clearly points out their dependence upon them; though
perhaps they do not catch them in great plenty, at all
[pg 246]
seasons; which seemed to be the case while we lay there, as
no great number of fresh skins, or pieces of the flesh, were
seen.


The same might, perhaps, be said of the land-animals,
which, though doubtless the natives sometimes kill them,
appeared to be scarce at this time; as we did not see a
single piece of the flesh belonging to any of them; and
though their skins be in tolerable plenty, it is probable that
many of these are procured by traffic from other tribes.
Upon the whole, it seems plain, from a variety of circumstances,
that these people procure almost all their animal
food from the sea, if we except a few birds, of which the
gulls or sea-fowl, which they shoot with their arrows, are
the most material.


As the Canadian pine-branches and sea-grass, on which
the fish roe is strewed, may be considered as their only
winter vegetables; so, as the spring advances, they make
use of several others as they come in season. The most
common of these, which we observed, were two sorts of liliaceous
roots, one simply tunicated, the other granulated
upon its surface, called mahkatte and koohquoppa, which
have a mild sweetish taste, and are mucilaginous, and eaten
raw. The next, which they have in great quantities, is a
root called aheita, resembling, in taste, our liquorice; and
another fern root, whose leaves were not yet disclosed.
They also eat, raw, another small, sweetish, insipid root,
about the thickness of sarsaparilla; but we were ignorant
of the plant to which it belongs; and also of another root,
which is very large and palmated, which we saw them dig
tip near the Village, and afterward eat it. It is also probable,
that, as the season advances, they have many others,
which we did not see. For, though there be no appearance
of cultivation amongst them, there are great quantities of
alder, gooseberry, and currant bushes, whose fruits they
may eat in their natural state, as we have seen them eat
the leaves of the last, and of the lilies, just as they were
plucked from the plant. It must, however, be observed,
that one of the conditions which they seem to require, in
all food, is, that it should be of the bland, or less acrid
kind; for they would not eat the leek or garlic, though
they brought vast quantities to sell, when they understood
we were fond of it. Indeed, they seemed to have no relish
for any of our food; and when offered spirituous liquors,
[pg 247]
they rejected them as something unnatural and disgusting
to the palate.


Though they sometimes eat small marine animals in
their fresh state, raw, it is their common practice to roast
or broil their food; for they are quite ignorant of our method
of boiling; unless we allow that of preparing their
porpoise broth is such; and indeed their vessels being all
of wood, they are quite insufficient for this purpose.


Their manner of eating is exactly consonant to the nastiness
of their houses and persons; for the troughs and platters,
in which they put their food, appear never to have
been washed from the time they were first made, and the
dirty remains of a former meal are only sweeped away by
the succeeding one. They also tear every thing solid, or
tough, to pieces, with their hands and teeth; for, though
they make use of their knives to cut off the larger portions,
they have not, as yet, thought of reducing these to
smaller pieces and mouthfuls by the same means, though
obviously more convenient and cleanly. But they seem to
have no idea of cleanliness; for they eat the roots which
they dig from the ground, without so much as shaking off
the soil that adheres to them.


We are uncertain if they have any set time for meals;
for we have seen them eat at all hours in their canoes.
And yet, from seeing several messes of the porpoise broth
preparing toward noon, when we visited the village, I
should suspect that they make a principal meal about that
time.


Their weapons are bows and arrows, slings, spears, short
truncheons of bone, somewhat like the patoo patoo of New
Zealand, and a small pick-axe, not unlike the common
American tomahawk. The spear has generally a long point,
made of bone. Some of the arrows are pointed with iron;
but most commonly their points were of indented bone.
The tomahawk is a stone, six or eight inches long, pointed
at one end, and the other end fixed into a handle of
wood. This handle resembles the head and neck of the
human figure; and the stone is fixed in the mouth, so as
to represent an enormously large tongue. To make the resemblance
still stronger, human hair is also fixed to it.
This weapon they call taaweesh, or tsuskeeah. They have
another stone weapon called seeaik, nine inches or a foot
long, with a square point.


[pg 248]


From the number of stone weapons and others, we might
almost conclude, that it is their custom to engage in close
fight; and we had too convincing proofs that their wars
are both frequent and bloody, from the vast number of
human sculls which they brought to sell.


Their manufactures and mechanic arts are far more extensive
and ingenious, whether we regard the design or
the execution, than could have been expected from the
natural disposition of the people, and the little progress
that civilization has made amongst them in other respects.
The flaxen and woollen garments, with which they cover
themselves, must necessarily engage their first care; and
are the most material of those that can be racked under
the head of manufactures. The former of these are made
of the bark of a pine-tree, beat into a hempen state. It
is not spun, but, after being properly prepared, is spread
upon a stick, which is fastened across to two others that
stand upright. It is disposed in such a manner, that the
manufacturer, who sits on her hams at this simple machine,
knots it across with small plaited threads, at the distance
of half an inch from each other. Though, by this method,
it be not so close or firm as cloth that is woven, the
bunches between the knots make it sufficiently impervious
to the air, by filling the interstices; and it has the additional
advantage of being softer and more pliable. The
woollen garments, though probably manufactured in the
same manner, have the strongest resemblance to woven
cloth. But the various figures, which are very artificially
inserted in them, destroy the supposition of their being
wrought in a loom; it being extremely unlikely that these
people should be so dexterous as to be able to finish such a
complex work, unless immediately by their hands. They
are of different degrees of fineness; some resembling our
coarsest rugs or blankets; and others almost equal to our
finest sorts, or even softer, and certainly warmer. The
wool, of which they are made, seems to be taken from different
animals, as the fox and brown lynx; the last of
which is by far the finest sort, and, in its natural state, differs
little from the colour of our coarser wools; but the
hair, with which the animal is also covered, being intermixed,
its appearance, when wrought, is somewhat different.
The ornamental parts or figures in these garments,
which are disposed with great taste, are commonly of a
[pg 249]
different colour, being dyed, chiefly either of a deep brown
or of a yellow; the last of which, when it is new, equals
the best in our carpets as to brightness.


To their taste or design in working figures upon their
garments, corresponds their fondness for carving in every
thing they make of wood. Nothing is without a kind of
freeze-work, or the figure of some animal upon it; but the
most general representation is that of the human face,
which is often cut out upon birds, and the other monstrous
figures mentioned before; and even upon their stone and
their bone weapons. The general design of all these things
is perfectly sufficient to convey a knowledge of the object
they are intended to represent; but the carving is not executed
with the nicety that a dexterous artist would bestow
even upon an indifferent design. The same, however, cannot
be said of many of the human masks and heads; where
they shew themselves to be ingenious sculptors. They not
only preserve, with great exactness, the general character
of their own faces, but finish the more minute parts with
a degree of accuracy in proportion, and neatness in execution.
The strong propensity of this people to works of
this sort, is remarkable, in a vast variety of particulars.
Small whole human figures; representations of birds, fish,
and land and sea-animals; models of their household utensils
and of their canoes, were found amongst them in great
abundance.


The imitative arts being nearly allied, no wonder that,
to their skill in working figures in their garments, and carving
them in wood, they should add that of drawing them
in colours. We have sometimes seen the whole process of
their whale-fishery painted on the caps they wear. This,
though rudely executed, serves, at least, to shew, that,
though there be no appearance of the knowledge of letters
amongst them, they have some notion of a method of commemorating
and representing actions in a lasting way, independently
of what may be recorded in their songs and traditions.
They have also other figures painted on some of
their things; but it is doubtful if they ought to be considered
as symbols, that have certain established significations,
or only the mere creation of fancy and caprice.


Their canoes are of a simple structure; but, to appearance,
well calculated for every useful purpose. Even the
largest, which carry twenty people or more, are formed of
[pg 250]
one tree. Many of them are forty feet long, seven broad,
and about three deep. From the middle, toward each end,
they become gradually narrower, the after-part, or stern,
ending abruptly or perpendicularly, with a small knob on
the top; but the fore-part is lengthened out, stretching
forward and upward, ending in a notched point or prow,
considerably higher than the sides of the canoe, which run
nearly in a straight line. For the most part they are without
any ornament; but some have a little carving, and are
decorated by setting seals' teeth on the surface, like studs,
as is their practice on their masks and weapons. A few
have, likewise, a kind of additional head or prow, like a
large cut-water, which is painted with the figure of some
animal. They have no seats, nor any other supporters, on
the inside, than several round sticks, little thicker than a
cane, placed across, at mid depth. They are very light,
and their breadth and flatness enable them to swim firmly,
without an out-rigger, which none of them have; a remarkable
distinction between the navigation of all the
American nations and that of the southern parts of the
East Indies, and the islands in the Pacific Ocean. Their
paddles are small and light; the shape, in some measure,
resembling that of a large leaf, pointed at the bottom,
broadest in the middle, and gradually losing itself in the
shaft, the whole being about five feet long. They have acquired
great dexterity in managing these paddles, by constant
use; for sails are no part of their art of navigation.


Their implements for fishing and hunting, which are
both ingeniously contrived, and well made, are nets, hooks
and lines, harpoons, gigs, and an instrument like an oar.
This last is about twenty feet long, four or five inches
broad, and about half an inch thick. Each edge, for about
two-thirds of its length, (the other third being its handle,)
is set with sharp bone-teeth, about two inches long. Herrings
and sardines, and such other small fish as come in
shoals, are attacked with this instrument; which is struck
into the shoal, and the fish are caught either upon or between
the teeth. Their hooks are made of bone and wood,
and rather inartificially; but the harpoon, with which they
strike the whales and lesser sea-animals, shew a great reach
of contrivance. It is composed of a piece of bone, cut into
two barbs, in which is fixed the oval blade of a large
muscle-shell, in which is the point of the instrument. To
[pg 251]
this is fastened about two or three fathoms of rope; and
to throw this harpoon, they use a shaft of about twelve or
fifteen feet long, to which the line or rope is made fast;
and to one end of which the harpoon is fixed, so as to separate
from the shaft, and leave it floating upon the water
as a buoy, when the animal darts away with the harpoon.


We can say nothing as to the manner of their catching
or killing land-animals, unless we may suppose that they
shoot the smaller sorts with their arrows, and engage bears,
or wolves and foxes, with their spears. They have, indeed,
several nets, which are probably applied to that purpose;3
as they frequently threw them over their heads, to shew
their use, when they brought them to us for sale. They
also, sometimes, decoy animals, by covering themselves
with a skin, and running about upon all-fours, which they
do very nimbly, as appeared from the specimens of their
skill, which they exhibited to us, making a kind of noise,
or neighing, at the same time; and on these occasions,
the masks or carved heads, as well as the real dried heads
of the different animals, are put on.


As to the materials, of which they make their various
articles, it is to be observed, that every thing of the rope
kind is formed either from thongs of skins and sinews of
animals, or from the same flaxen substance of which their
mantles are manufactured. The sinews often appeared to
be of such a length, that it might be presumed they could
be of no other animal than the whale. And the same may
be said of the bones of which they made their weapons already
mentioned; such as their bark-beating instruments,
the points of their spears, and the barbs of their harpoons.


Their great dexterity in works of wood, may, in some
measure, be ascribed to the assistance they receive from
iron tools. For, as far as we know, they use no other; at
least we saw only one chisel of bone. And though originally
their tools must have been of different materials, it is
not improbable that many of their improvements have
been made since they acquired a knowledge of that metal,
which now is universally used in their various wooden
works. The chisel and the knife are the only forms, as far
as we saw, that iron assumes amongst them. The chisel is
[pg 252]
a long flat piece, filled into a handle of wood. A stone
serves for a mallet, and a piece of fish-skin for a polisher.
I have seen some of these chisels that were eight or ten
inches long, and three or four inches broad, but, in general,
they were smaller. The knives are of various sizes;
some very large; and their blades are crooked, somewhat
like our pruning-knife, but the edge is on the back or convex
part. Most of them that we saw were about the breadth
and thickness of an iron-hoop, and their singular form
marks that they are not of European make. Probably they
are imitations of their own original instruments, used for
the same purposes. They sharpen these iron tools upon a
coarse slate whetstone, and likewise keep the whole instrument
constantly bright.


Iron, which they call seekemaile, (which name they also
give to tin and all white metals,) being familiar to these
people, it was very natural for us to speculate about the
mode of its being conveyed to them. Upon our arrival in
the Sound, they immediately discovered a knowledge of
traffic, and an inclination for it; and we were convinced
afterward, that they had not received this knowledge from
a cursory interview with any strangers, but, from their method,
it seemed to be an established practice, of which they
were fond, and in which they were also well skilled. With
whom they carry on this traffic, may, perhaps, admit of
some doubt. For though we found amongst them things
doubtless of European manufacture, or at least derived,
from some civilized nation, such as iron and brass, it by
no means appears that they receive them immediately from
these nations. For we never observed the least sign of
their having seen ships like ours before, nor of their having
traded with such people. Many circumstances serve
to prove this almost beyond a doubt. They were earnest
in their enquiries, by signs, on our arrival, if we meant to
settle amongst them, and if we came as friends; signifying,
at the same time, that they gave the wood and water
freely, from friendship. This not only proves, that they
considered the place as entirely their property, without
fearing any superiority; but the enquiry would have been
an unnatural one, on a supposition that any ships had been
here before; had trafficked, and supplied themselves with
wood and water; and had then departed; for, in that case,
they might reasonably expect we would do the same.
[pg 253]
They, indeed, expressed no marks of surprise at seeing our
ships. But this, as I observed before, may be imputed to
their natural indolence of temper, and want of curiosity.
Nor were they even startled at the report of a musquet;
till one day, upon their endeavouring to make us sensible,
that their arrows and spears could not penetrate the hide-dresses,
one of our gentlemen shot a musquet-ball through
one of them, folded six times. At this they were so much
staggered, that they plainly discovered their ignorance of
the effect of fire-arms. This was very often confirmed afterward,
when we used them at their village and other
places to shoot birds, the manner of which plainly confounded
them; and our explanations of the use of shot
and ball were received with the most significant marks of
their having no previous ideas on this matter.


Some account of a Spanish voyage to this coast, in 1774,
or 1775, had reached England before I sailed; but the
foregoing circumstances sufficiently prove that these ships
had not been at Nootka.4 Besides this, it was evident, that
iron was too common here; was in too many hands; and
the uses of it were too well known, for them to have had
the first knowledge of it so very lately; or indeed at any
earlier period, by an accidental supply from a ship. Doubtless,
from the general use they make of this metal, it maybe
supposed to come from some constant source, by way
of traffic, and that not of a very late date; for they are as
dexterous in using their tools as the longest practice can
make them. The most probable way, therefore, by which
we can suppose that they get their iron, is by trading for
it with other Indian tribes, who either have immediate
communication with European settlements upon that continent,
or receive it, perhaps, through several intermediate
nations. The same might be said of the brass and copper
found amongst them.


Whether these things be introduced by way of Hudson's
Bay and Canada, from the Indians, who deal with our traders,
and so successively across from one tribe to the other;
[pg 254]
or whether they be brought from the north-western parts
of Mexico in the same manner, perhaps cannot be easily
determined. But it should seem, that not only the rude
materials, but some articles in their manfactured state, find
their way hither. The brass ornaments for noses, in particular,
are so neatly made, that I am doubtful whether the
Indians are capable of fabricating them. The materials,
certainly, are European; as no American tribes have been
found, who knew the method of making brass; though
copper has been commonly met with, and, from its softness,
might be fashioned into any shape, and also polished.
If our traders to Hudson's Bay and Canada do not
use such articles in their traffic with the natives, they must
have been introduced at Nootka from the quarter of Mexico,
from whence, no doubt, the two silver table-spoons,
met with here, were originally derived. It is most probable,
however, that the Spaniards are not such eager traders,
nor have formed such extensive connections with the
tribes north of Mexico, as to supply them with quantities
of iron, from which they can spare so much to the people
here.5


Of the political and religious institutions established
amongst them, it cannot be supposed that we should learn
much. This we could observe, that there are such men as
chiefs, who are distinguished by the name or title of Acweek,
and to whom the others are, in some measure, subordinate.
But I should guess, the authority of each of these
great men extends no farther than the family to which he
belongs, and who own him as their head. These Acweeks
were not always elderly men; from which I concluded
that this title came to them by inheritance.


I saw nothing that could give the least insight into their
notions of religion, besides the figures before mentioned,
called by them Klumma. Most probably these were idols;
[pg 255]
but as they frequently mentioned the word acweek, when
they spoke of them, we may, perhaps, be authorised to suppose,
that they are the images of some of their ancestors,
whom they venerate as divinities. But all this is mere conjecture;
for we saw no act of religious homage paid to
them; nor could we gain any information, as we had learned
little more of their language than to ask the names of
things, without being able to hold any conversation with
the natives, that might instruct us as to their institutions
or traditions.


In drawing up the preceding account of the people of
this Sound, I have occasionally blended Mr Anderson's
observations with my own; but I owe every thing to him.
that relates to their language; and the following remarks
are in his own words.


"Their language is by no means harsh or disagreeable,
farther than proceeds from their using the k and h with
more force, or pronouncing them with less softness than
we do; and, upon the whole, it abounds rather with what
we may call labial and dental, than with guttural sounds.
The simple sounds, which we have not heard them use,
and which, consequently, may be reckoned rare, or wanting
in their language, are those represented by the letters
b, d, f, g, r, and v. But, on the other hand, they have one,
which is very frequent, and not used by us. It is formed,
in a particular manner, by clashing the tongue partly
against the roof of the mouth with considerable force, and
may be compared to a very coarse or harsh method of lisping.
It is difficult to represent this sound by any composition
of our letters, unless somehow from lszthl. This is one
of their most usual terminations, though we sometimes
found it in the beginning of words. The next most general
termination is composed of tl; and many words end
with z and ss. A specimen or two of each of these is here
put down:




Opulszthl,The sun.


Onulszthl,The moon.


Kahsheetl,Dead.


Teeshcheetl,To throw a stone.


Kooomitz,A human scull.


Quahmiss,Fish roe.




[pg 256]


"They seem to take so great a latitude in their mode of
speaking, that I have sometimes observed four or five different
terminations of the same word. This is a circumstance
very puzzling at first to a stranger, and marks a
great imperfection in their language.


"As to the composition of it, we can say very little; having
been scarcely able to distinguish the several parts of
speech. It can only be inferred, from their method of
speaking, which is very slow and distinct, that it has few
prepositions or conjunctions; and, as far as we could discover,
is destitute of even a single interjection, to express
admiration or surprise. From its having few conjunctions,
it may be conceived, that these being thought unnecessary,
as being understood, each single word with them will
also express a great deal, or comprehend several simple
ideas; which seems to be the case. But, for the same reason,
the language will be defective in other respects; not
having words to distinguish or express differences which
really exist, and hence not sufficiently copious. This was
observed to be the case in many instances, particularly
with respect to the names of animals. The relation or affinity
it may bear to other languages, either on this or on
the Asiatic continent, I have not been able sufficiently to
trace for want of proper specimens to compare it with,
except those of the Esquimaux and Indians about Hudson's
Bay; to neither of which it bears the least resemblance.
On the other hand, from the few Mexican words
I have been able to procure, there is the most obvious
agreement, in the very frequent terminations of the words
in l, tl, or z, throughout the language."6


The large vocabulary of the Nootka language, collected
by Mr Anderson, shall be reserved for another place,7
as its insertion here would too much interrupt our narration.
At present I only select their numerals, for the satisfaction
of such of our readers as love to compare those of
different nations in different parts of the world:


[pg 257]




Tsawack,One.


Akkla,Two.


Katsitsa,Three.


Mo, or Moo,Four.


Sochah,Five.


Nofpo,Six.


Atstepoo,Seven.


Atlaquolthl,Eight.


Tsawaquulthl,Nine.


Haeeoo,Ten.




Were I to affix a name to the people of Nootka, as a
distinct nation, I would call them Wakashians; from the
word wakash, which was very frequently in their mouths.
It seemed to express applause, approbation, and friendship.
For when they appeared to be satisfied, or well pleased
with any thing they saw, or any incident that happened,
they would, with one voice, call out, wakash! wakash!
I shall take my leave of them, with remarking, that, differing
so essentially, as they certainly do, in their persons,
their customs, and language, from the inhabitants of the
islands in the Pacific Ocean, we cannot suppose their respective
progenitors to have been united in the same tribe,
or to have had any intimate connection, when they emigrated
from their original settlements, into the places
where we now find their descendants.


My account of the transactions in Nootka Sound would
be imperfect, without adding the astronomical and nautical
observations made by us, while the ships were in that
station.




  Latitude.


 


The latitude of theSun 49°  36'  1", 15"'


observatory, byStarsSouth49    36    8,   36


  North49    36   10,   30


   ________________


The mean of these means  49    36    6,   47 north.




[pg 258]







 Longitude.  


 Twenty sets taken on the233°  26'  18", 7"'


   21st and 23d of March.


The longitude, byNinety-three taken233    18     6,   6


  lunar observations.at the observatory


 Twenty-four taken on the233     7    16,   7


   1st, 2d, and 3d of May.


  _________________


The mean of these means 233    17    14,   0 East.









But by reducing each set, taken before we arrived in the Sound,


  and after we left it, by the time-keeper


  and adding them up with those made on the spot,


  the mean of the 137 sets, will be233°  17'  30", 5"'









Longitude by the time-keeperGreenwich rate235°  46'  51",  0"'


 Ulietea rate333    59   24,    0




From the results of the last fifteen days observations of
equal altitudes of the sun, the daily rate of the time-keeper
was losing, on mean time, 7"; and on the 16th of April,
she was too slow for mean time by 16h 0m 58", 45. There
was found an irregularity in her rate greater than at any
time before. It was thought proper to reject the first five
days, as the rate in them differed so much from that of the
fifteen following; and even in these, each day differed
from another more than usual.


Variation of the Compass.




 A.M.Observatory15° 57' 48-1/2"


April 4.   15° 49' 25" East.


  P.M.Mean of four Needles15   41    2


 


5.A.M.On board the ship9°  50   49


    19   44   47-1/2


6.P.M.Mean of four Needles19   38   46




[pg 259]


The variation found on board the ship ought to be taken
for the true one; not only as it agreed with what we
observed at sea, but because it was found that there was
something ashore that had a considerable effect upon the
compasses; in some places more than others. At one spot,
on the west point of the Sound, the needle was attracted
113/4 points from its proper direction.


Inclination of the Dipping Needle.




April 5th.MarkedEnd North71° 26' 22-1/2"


On board with   71° 40' 22-1/2"


balanced needle.Unmarkedand dipping71  54   22-1/2


 


The same needleMarkedEnd North72    3   45


at the   70    0    0


observatory.Unmarkedand dipping71   56   15


 


 MarkedEnd North71   58   20


18th ditto   72    7   15


 Unmarkedand dipping72   16   10


 


5th. Spare needleMarkedEnd North72   32   30


at the   72   49   15


observatoryUnmarkedand dipping73    6    0


 


 MarkedEnd North72   55    0


18th ditto   73   11   45


 Unmarkedand dipping73   28   30


 


22d. SpareMarkedEnd North73   28   38


needle on   73   11   0


boardUnmarkedand dipping72   53   30






Hence the mean dip, with both needles, on shore, was72   32    3-1/4


On board72   25   45-1/4




This is as near as can be expected; and shews, that
whatever it was that affected the compasses, whether on
board or ashore, it had no effect upon the dipping needles.


Tides.


It is high water on the days of the new and full moon
at 12h 20m. The perpendicular rise and fall, eight feet nine
inches; which is to be understood of the day-tides, and
those which happen two or three days after the full and
new moon. The night-tides, at this time, rise near two
feet higher. This was very conspicuous during the spring-tide
of the full moon, which happened soon after our
[pg 260]
arrival; and it was obvious, that it would be the same in
those of the new moon, though we did not remain here
long enough to see the whole of its effect.


Some circumstances, that occurred daily, relating to this,
deserve particular notice. In the cove, where we got wood
and water, was a great deal of drift wood thrown ashore;
a part of which we had to remove to come at the water.
It often happened, that large pieces of trees, which we had
removed in the day out of the reach of the then high water,
were found, the next morning, floated again in our
way; and all our spouts, for conveying down the water,
thrown out of their places, which were immoveable during
the day-tides. We also found, that wood, which we had
split up for fuel, and had deposited beyond the reach of
the day-tide, floated away during the night. Some of these
circumstances happened every night or morning, for three
or four days in the height of the spring-tides; during which
time we were obliged to attend every morning-tide, to remove
the large logs out of the way of watering.


I cannot say whether the flood-tide falls into the Sound
from the north-west, south-west, or south-east. I think it
does not come from the last quarter; but this is only conjecture,
founded upon the following observations: The
south-east gales, which we had in the Sound, were so far
from increasing the rise of the tide, that they rather diminished
it; which would hardly have happened, if the flood
and wind had been in the same direction.


Footnote 1: (return) 
The habitations of the natives, more to the north upon this coast,
where Behring's people landed in 1741, seem to resemble those of Nootka.
Muller describes them thus: "Ces cabanes étoient de bois revetu
de planches bien unies, et même enchainées en quelques endroits."—Muller,
Découvertes, p. 255.—D.


Footnote 2: (return) 
It should seem, that Mr Webber was obliged to repeat his offerings
pretty frequently before he could be permitted to finish his drawing of
these images. The following account is in his own words: "After having
made a general view of their habitations, I sought for an inside,
which might furnish me with sufficient matter to convey a perfect idea of
the mode in which these people live. Such was soon found. While I
was employed, a man approached me with a large knife in his hand, seemingly
displeased, when he observed that my eyes were fixed on two representations
of human figures, which were placed at one end of the
apartment, carved on planks, of a gigantic proportion, and painted after
their custom. However, I took as little notice of him as possible,
and
proceeded; to prevent which, he soon provided himself with a mat, and
placed it in such a manner as to hinder my having any longer a sight of
them. Being pretty certain that I could have no future opportunity to
finish my drawing, and the object being too interesting to be omitted, I
considered that a little bribery might probably have some effect. Accordingly,
I made an offer of a button from my coat, which, being of metal,
I thought they would be pleased with. This, instantly, produced the desired
effect. For the mat was removed, and I was left at liberty to proceed
as before. Scarcely had I seated myself, and made a beginning,
when he returned, and renewed his former practice, continuing it till I
had parted with every single button; and when he saw that he had completely
stripped me, I met with no farther obstruction."—D.


Footnote 3: (return) 
One of the methods of catching sea-otters, when ashore at
Kamptschatka,
is with nets.—See Coxe's Russian Discoveries, p. 13.—D.


Footnote 4: (return) 
We now know that Captain Cook's conjecture was well founded.
It appears, from the Journal of this Voyage, already referred to, that the
Spaniards had intercourse with the natives of this coast only in three
places, in latitude 41° 7'; in latitude 47° 21'; and in latitude 57° 18'.
So that they were not within two degrees of Nootka; and it is most
probable that the people there never heard of these Spanish ships.—D.


Footnote 5: (return) 
Though the two silver table-spoons, found at Nootka Sound, most
probably came from the Spaniards in the south, there seems to be sufficient
grounds for believing that the regular supply of iron comes from a
different quarter. It is remarkable, that the Spaniards, in 1775, found at
Puerto de la Trinidad, in latitude 41°7', arrows pointed with copper
or
iron, which they understood were procured from the north. Mr Daines
Barrington, in a note at this part of the Spanish journal, p. 20, says "I
should conceive, that the copper and iron here mentioned, must have
originally been bartered at our forts in Hudson's Bay."—D.


Footnote 6: (return) 
May we not, in confirmation of Mr Anderson's remark, observe, that
Opulszthl, the Nootka name of the Sun; and Vitziputzli, the name
of
the Mexican Divinity, have no very distant affinity in sound?—D.


Footnote 7: (return) 
It will be found at the end of the voyage.


SECTION IV.


A Storm, after sailing from Nootka Sound.—Resolution springs
a Leak.—Pretended Strait of Admiral de Fonte passed unexamined.—Progress
along the Coast of America.—Behring's
Bay.—Kaye's Island.—Account of it.—The Ships
come to an Anchor.—Visited by the Natives.—Their Behaviour.—Fondness
for Beads and Iron.—Attempt to plunder
the Discovery.—Resolution's Leak stopped.—Progress
up the Sound.—Messrs Gore and Roberts sent to examine
its Extent.—Reasons against a Passage to the North through
it.—The Ships proceed down it to the open Sea.


Having put to sea on the evening of the 26th, as before
related, with strong signs of an approaching storm,
[pg 261]
these signs did not deceive us. We were hardly out of the
Sound, before the wind, in an instant, shifted from north-east
to south-east by east, and increased to a strong gale,
with squalls and rain, and so dark a sky, that we could not
see the length of the ship. Being apprehensive, from the
experience I had since our arrival on this coast, of the
wind veering more to the south, which would put us in
danger of a lee-shore, we got the tacks on board, and
stretched off to the south-west, under all the sail that the
ships could bear. Fortunately, the wind veered no farther
southerly than south-east; so that at day-light the next
morning we were quite clear of the coast.


The Discovery being at some distance a-stern, I brought-to
till she came up, and then bore away, steering north-west;
in which direction I supposed the coast to lie. The
wind was at south-east, blew very hard, and in squalls, with
thick hazy weather. At half-past one in the afternoon, it
blew a perfect hurricane; so that I judged it highly dangerous
to run any longer before it, and therefore brought
the ships to, with their heads to the southward, under the
foresails and mizen-stay-sails. At this time the Resolution
sprung a leak, which, at first, alarmed us not a little. It
was found to be under the starboard buttock; where, from
the bread-room, we could both hear and see the water
rush in; and, as we then thought, two feet under water.
But in this we were happily mistaken; for it was afterward
found to be even with the water-line, if not above it, when
the ship was upright. It was no sooner discovered, than
the fish-room was found to be full of water, and the casks
in it afloat; but this was, in a great measure, owing to the
water not finding its way to the pumps through the coals
that lay in the bottom of the room. For, after the water
was baled out, which employed us till midnight, and had
found its way directly from the leak to the pumps, it appeared
that one pump kept it under, which gave us no
small satisfaction. In the evening, the wind veered to the
south, and its fury, in some degree, ceased. On this we
set the main-sail, and two topsails close-reefed, and stretched
to the westward. But at eleven o'clock the gale again
increased, and obliged us to take in the topsails, till five
o'clock the next morning, when the storm began to abate,
so that we could bear to set them again.


The weather now began to clear up, and being able to
[pg 262]
see several leagues round us, I steered more to the northward.
At noon, the latitude, by observation, was 50° 1';
longitude 229° 26'.1 I now steered N.W. by N., with a
fresh gale at S.S.E. and fair weather. But at nine in the
evening, it began again to blow hard, and in squalls, with
rain. With such weather, and the wind between S.S.E.
and S.W. I continued the same course till the 30th, at
four in the morning, when I steered N. by W. in order to
make the land. I regretted very much indeed that I could
not do it sooner; for this obvious reason, that we were
now passing the place where geographers2 have placed
the pretended strait of Admiral de Fonte. For my own
part, I give no credit to such vague and improbable stories,
that carry their own confutation along with them.
Nevertheless, I was very desirous of keeping the American
coast aboard, in order to clear up this point beyond dispute.
But it would have been highly imprudent in me to
have engaged with the land in weather so exceedingly
tempestuous, or to have lost the advantage of a fair wind
by waiting for better weather. This same day, at noon,
we were in the latitude of 53° 22', and in the longitude of
225° 14'.


The next morning, being the 1st of May, seeing nothing
of the land, I steered north-easterly, with a fresh breeze at
S.S.E. and S., with squalls, and showers of rain and hail.
Our latitude at noon 54° 43', and our longitude 224° 44'.
At seven in the evening, being in the latitude of 55° 20',
we got sight of the land, extending from N.N.E. to E., or
E. by S. about twelve or fourteen leagues distant. An
hour after, I steered N. by W.; and at four the next morning,
the coast was seen from N. by W. to S.E. the nearest
part about six leagues distant.3


[pg 263]


At this time the northern point of an inlet, or what appeared
to be one, bore E. by S. It lies in the latitude of
56°; and from it to the northward, the coast seemed to be
much broken, forming bays or harbours every two or three
leagues, or else appearances much deceived us. At six
o'clock, drawing nearer the land, I steered N.W. by N.,
this being the direction of the coast; having a fresh gale
at S.E. with some showers of hail, snow, and sleet. Between
eleven and twelve o'clock, we passed a group of
small islands, lying under the main land, in the latitude of
56° 48'; and off, or rather to the northward of the south
point of a large bay. An arm of this bay, in the northern
part of it, seemed to extend in toward the north, behind
a round elevated mountain that lies between it and the
sea. This mountain I called Mount Edgcumbe; and the
point of land that shoots out from it Cape Edgcumbe. The
latter lies in the latitude of 57° 3', and in the longitude of
224° 7'; and at noon it bore north 20° W. six leagues distant.


The land, except in some places close to the sea, is all
of a considerable height, and hilly; but Mount Edgcumbe
far out-tops all the other hills. It was wholly covered with
snow; as were also all the other elevated hills; but the
lower ones, and the flatter spots, bordering upon the sea,
were free from it, and covered with wood.


As we advanced to the north, we found the coast from
Cape Edgcumbe to trend north and north-easterly for six
or seven leagues, and there form a large bay. In the entrance
of that bay are some islands; for which reason I
named it the Bay of Islands. It lies in the latitude of 57°
20';4 and seemed to branch into several arms, one of
which turned to the south, and may probably
[pg 264]
communicate with the bay on the east side of Cape Edgcumbe, and
make the land of the Cape an island. At eight o'clock in
the evening, the Cape bore S.E. 1/2 S.; the Bay of Islands
N. 53° E.; and another inlet, before which are also some
islands, bore N. 52° E. five leagues distant. I continued to
steer N.N.W. 1/2 W. and N.W. by W. as the coast trended,
with a fine gale at N.E. and clear weather.


At half-an-hour past four in the morning, on the 3d,
Mount Edgcumbe bore S. 54° E.; a large inlet, N. 50° E.,
distant six leagues; and the most advanced point of the
land, to the N.W. lying under a very high-peaked mountain,
which obtained the name of Mount Fairweather, bore
N. 32° W. The inlet was named Cross Sound, as being first
seen on that day, so marked in our calendar. It appeared
to branch in several arms, the largest of which turned to
the northward. The S.E. point of this Sound is a high
promontory, which obtained the name of Cross Cape. It
lies in the latitude of 57° 57', and its longitude is 223° 21'.
At noon it bore S.E.; and the point under the peaked
mountain, which was called Cape Fairweather, N. by W. 1/4
W., distant thirteen leagues. Our latitude at this time
was 58° 17', and our longitude 222° 14'; and we were distant
from the shore three or four leagues. In this situation
we found the variation of the compass to be from 24° 11'
to 26° 11' E.


Here the N.E. wind left us, and was succeeded by light
breezes from the N.W. which lasted for several days. I
stood to the S.W. and W.S.W. till eight o'clock the next
morning, when we tacked, and stood toward the shore.
At noon, the latitude was 58° 22', and the longitude 220°
45'. Mount Fairweather, the peaked mountain over the
Cape of the same name, bore N. 63° E.; the shore under
it twelve leagues distant. This mountain, which lies in the
latitude of 58° 52', and in the longitude of 222°, and five
leagues inland, is the highest of a chain, or rather a ridge
of mountains, that rise at the N.W. entrance of Cross
Sound, and extend to the N.W. in a parallel direction
with the coast. These mountains were wholly covered with
snow, from the highest summit down to the sea-coast;
some few places excepted, where we could perceive trees
rising, as it were, out of the sea; and which, therefore, we
supposed, grew on low land, or on islands bordering upon
[pg 265]
the shore of the continent.5 At five in the afternoon, our
latitude being then 58° 53', and our longitude 220° 52',
the summit of an elevated mountain appeared above the
horizon, bearing N., 26° W., and, as was afterwards found,
forty leagues distant. We supposed it to be Beering's
Mount St Elias; and it stands by that name in our chart.


This day we saw several whales, seals, and porpoises;
many gulls, and several flocks of birds, which had a black
ring about the head; the tip of the tail, and the upper
part of the wings, with a black band; and the rest bluish
above and white below. We also saw a brownish duck,
with a black or deep-blue head and neck, sitting upon the
water.


Having but light winds, with some calms, we advanced
slowly; so that on the 6th at noon we were only in the latitude
of 59° 8', and in the longitude of 220° 19'. Mount
Fairweather bore S. 63° E. and Mount Elias N. 30° W.;
the nearest land about eight leagues distant. In the direction
of N. 47° E. from this station, there was the appearance
of a bay, and an island off the S. point of it that was
covered with wood. It is here where I suppose Commodore
Beering to have anchored. The latitude, which is 59°
18', corresponds pretty well with the map of his voyage,6
and the longitude is 221° E. Behind the bay, (which I
shall distinguish by the name of Beering's Bay, in honour
of its discoverer,) or rather to the south of it, the chain of
mountains before mentioned is interrupted by a plain of a
few leagues extent; beyond which the sight was unlimited;
so that there is either a level country or water behind
it. In the afternoon, having a few hours calm, I took this
opportunity to sound, and found seventy fathoms water,
over a muddy bottom. The calm was succeeded by a light
breeze from the N., with which we stood to the westward;
and at noon the next day, we were in the latitude of 59°
27', and the longitude of 219° 7'. In this situation, Mount
[pg 266]
Fairweather bore S. 70° E.; Mount St Elias N. 1/2 W.; the
westernmost land in sight N. 52° W.; and our distance
from the shore four or five leagues; the depth of water being
eighty-two fathoms over a muddy bottom. From this
station we could see a bay (circular to appearance) under
the high land, with low wood-land on each side of it.


We now found the coast to trend very much to the west,
inclining hardly any thing to the north; and as we had the
wind mostly from the westward, and but little of it, our
progress was slow. On the 9th at noon, the latitude was
59° 30', and the longitude 217°. In this situation the nearest
land was nine leagues distant; and Mount St Elias bore
N., 30° E, nineteen leagues distant. This mountain lies
twelve leagues inland in the latitude of 60° 27', and in the
longitude of 219°. It belongs to a ridge of exceedingly
high mountains, that may be reckoned a continuation of
the former, as they are only divided from them by the
plain above mentioned. They extend as far to the west as
the longitude of 217°; where, although they do not end,
they lose much of their height, and become more broken
and divided.


At noon on the 10th, our latitude was 59° 51', and our
longitude 215° 56', being no more than three leagues from,
the coast of the continent, which extended from E. 1/2 N.,
to N.W. 1/2 W., as far as the eye could reach. To the
westward of this last direction was an island that extended
from N., 52° W., to S., 85° W., distant six leagues. A
point shoots out from the main toward the N.E. end of the
island, bearing, at this time, N., 30° W., five or six leagues
distant. This point I named Cape Suckling. The point of
the cape is low; but within it, is a tolerably high hill,
which is disjoined from the mountains by low land; so
that, at a distance, the cape looks like an island. On the
north side of Cape Suckling is a bay that appeared to be
of some extent, and to be covered from most winds. To
this bay I had some thoughts of going, to stop our leak, as
all our endeavours to do it at sea had proved ineffectual.
With this view, I steered for the cape; but as we had only
variable light breezes, we approached it slowly. However,
before night, we were near enough to see some low land
spitting out from the cape to the north-west, so as to cover
the east part of the bay from the south wind. We also
saw some small islands in the bay, and elevated rocks
[pg 267]
between the cape and the north-east end of the island. But
still there appeared to be a passage on both sides of these
rocks; and I continued steering for them all night, having
from forty-three to twenty-seven fathoms water over a
muddy bottom.


At four o'clock next morning, the wind, which had been
mostly at N.E., shifted to N. This being against us, I
gave up the design of going within the island, or into the
bay, as neither could be done without loss of time. I
therefore bore up for the west end of the island. The
wind blew faint, and at ten o'clock it fell calm. Being
not far from the island, I went in a boat, and landed upon
it, with a view of seeing what lay on the other side; but
finding it farther to the hills than I expected, and the way
being steep and woody, I was obliged to drop the design.
At the foot of a tree, on a little eminence not far from the
shore, I left a bottle with a paper in it, on which were inscribed
the names of the ships, and the date of our discovery.
And along with it, I inclosed two silver two-penny
pieces of his majesty's coin, of the date 1772. These, with
many others, were furnished me by the Reverend Dr Kaye;7
and, as a mark of my esteem and regard for that gentleman,
I named the island, after him, Kaye's Island. It is
eleven or twelve leagues in length, in the direction of N.E.
and S.W.; but its breadth is not above a league, or a
league and a half, in any part of it. The S.W. point, which
lies in the latitude of 59° 49', and the longitude of 216°
58', is very remarkable, being a naked rock, elevated considerably
above the land within it. There is also an elevated
rock lying off it, which, from some points of view,
appears like a ruined castle. Toward the sea, the island
terminates in a kind of bare-sloping cliffs, with a beach,
only a few paces across to their foot, of large pebble stones,
intermixed in some places with a brownish clayey sand,
which the sea seems to deposit after rolling in, having
been washed down from the higher parts, by the rivulets
or torrents. The cliffs are composed of a bluish stone or
rock, in a soft or mouldering state, except in a few places.
There are parts of the shore interrupted by small vallies
and gullies. In each of these, a rivulet or torrent rushes
[pg 268]
down with considerable impetuosity; though it may be
supposed that they are only furnished from the snow, and
last no longer than till it is all melted. These vallies are
filled with pine-trees, which grow down close to the entrance,
but only to about half way up the higher or middle
part of the island. The woody part also begins, every-where,
immediately above the cliffs, and is continued to
the same height with the former; so that the island is covered,
as it were, with a broad girdle of wood, spread upon
its side, included between the top of the cliffy shore; and
the higher parts in the centre. The trees, however, are
far from being of an uncommon growth; few appearing to
be larger than one might grasp round with his arms, and
about forty or fifty feet high; so that the only purpose
they could answer for shipping, would be to make top-gallant
masts, and other small things. How far we may
judge of the size of the trees which grow on the neighbouring
continent, it may be difficult to determine. But
it was observed, that none larger than those we saw growing,
lay upon the beach amongst the drift-wood. The
pine-trees seemed all of one sort; and there was neither
the Canadian pine, nor cypress, to be seen. But there were
a few which appeared to be the alder, that were but small,
and had not yet shot forth their leaves. Upon the edges
of the cliffs, and on some sloping ground, the surface was
covered with a kind of turf, about half a foot thick, which
seemed composed of the common moss; and the top, or
upper part of the island, had almost the same appearance
as to colour; but whatever covered it seemed to be thicker.
I found amongst the trees some currant and hawberry
bushes; a small yellow-flowered violet; and the leaves of
some other plants not yet in flower, particularly one which
Mr Anderson supposed to be the heracleum of Linnæus, the
sweet herb, which Steller, who attended Beering, imagined
the Americans here dress for food, in the same manner as
the natives of Kamtschatka.


We saw, flying about the wood, a crow; two or three of
the white-headed eagles mentioned at Nootka; and another
sort full as large, which appeared also of the same
colour, or blacker, and had only a white breast.8 In the
[pg 269]
passage from the ship to the shore, we saw a great many
fowls sitting upon the water, or flying about in flocks or
pairs; the chief of which were a few quebrantaheuses, divers,
ducks, or large peterels, gulls, shags, and burres.
The divers were of two sorts; one very large, of a black
colour, with a white breast and belly; the other smaller,
and with a longer and more pointed bill, which seemed to
be the common guillemot. The ducks were also of two
sorts; one brownish, with a black or deep blue head and
neck, and is perhaps the stone-duck described by Steller.
The others fly in larger flocks, but are smaller than these,
and are of a dirty black colour. The gulls were of the
common sort, and those which fly in flocks. The shags
were large and black, with a white spot behind the wings
as they flew; but probably only the larger water cormorant.
There was also a single bird seen flying about, to
appearance of the gull kind, of a snowy white colour, with
black along part of the upper side of its wings. I owe all
these remarks to Mr Anderson. At the place where we
landed, a fox came from the verge of the wood, and eyed
us with very little emotion, walking leisurely without any
signs of fear. He was of a reddish-yellow colour, like
some of the skins we bought at Nootka, but not of a large
size. We also saw two or three little seals off shore; but
no other animals or birds, nor the least signs of inhabitants
having ever been upon the island.


I returned on board at half past two in the afternoon;
and, with a light breeze easterly, steered for the S.W.
point of the island, which we got round by eight o'clock,
and then stood for the westernmost land now in sight,
which, at this time, bore N.W. 1/2 N. On the N.W. side of
the N.E. end of Kaye's Island, lies another island, stretching
S.E. and N.W. about three leagues, to within the same
distance of the N.W. boundary of the bay above mentioned,
which is distinguished by the name of Comptroller's
Bay.


Next morning, at four o'clock, Kaye's Island was still in
sight, bearing E. 1/4 S. At this time, we were about four or
five leagues from the main; and the most western part in
sight bore N.W. 1/2 N. We had now a fresh gale at E.S.E.,
and as we advanced to the N.W., we raised land more and
more westerly, and, at last, to the southward of W.; so
that, at noon, when the latitude was 61° 11", and the
[pg 270]
longitude 213° 28', the most advanced land bore from us
S.W. by W. 1/2 W. At the same time, the E. point of a
large inlet bore W.N.W., three leagues distant.


From Comptroller's Bay to this point, which I named
Cape Hinchingbroke, the direction of the coast is nearly E.
and W. Beyond this, it seemed to incline to the southward;
a direction so contrary to the modern charts founded
upon the late Russian discoveries, that we had reason to
expect that, by the inlet before us, we should find a passage
to the N.; and that the land to the W. and S.W. was
nothing but a group of islands. Add to this, that the wind
was now at S.E., and we were threatened with a fog and a
storm; and I wanted to get into some place to stop the
leak, before we encountered another gale. These reasons
induced me to steer for the inlet, which we had no sooner
reached, than the weather became so foggy, that we could
not see a mile before us, and it became necessary to secure
the ships in some place, to wait for a clearer sky. With
this view, I hauled close under Cape Hinchingbroke, and
anchored before a small cove, a little within the cape, in
eight fathoms water, a clayey bottom, and about a quarter
of a mile from the shore.


The boats were then hoisted out, some to sound, and
others to fish. The seine was drawn in the cove; but
without success, for it was torn. At some short intervals,
the fog cleared away, and gave us a sight of the lands
around us. The cape bore S. by W. 1/2 W., one league
distant; the W. point of the inlet S.W. by W., distant five
leagues; and the land on that side extended as far as W.
by N. Between this point and N.W. by W., we could see
no land; and what was in the last direction seemed to be
at a great distance. The westernmost point we had in
sight on the N. shore, bore N.N.W. 1/2 W., two leagues distant.
Between this point, and the shore under which we
were at anchor, is a bay about three leagues deep; on the
S.E. side of which there are two or three coves, such as
that before which we had anchored, and in the middle
some rocky islands.


To these islands Mr Gore was sent in a boat, in hopes
of shooting some eatable birds. But he had hardly got to
them, before about twenty natives made their appearance
in two large canoes; on which he thought proper to return
to the ships, and they followed him. They would
[pg 271]
not venture alongside, but kept at some distance, hollowing
aloud, and alternately clasping and extending their
arms; and, in a short time, began a kind of song exactly
after the manner of those at Nootka. Their heads were
also powdered with feathers. One man held out a white
garment, which we interpreted as a sign of friendship;
and another stood up in the canoe, quite naked, for almost
a quarter of an hour, with his arms stretched out like a
cross, and motionless. The canoes were not constructed of
wood, as at King George's or Nootka Sound. The frame
only, being slender laths, was of that substance; the outside
consisting of the skins of seals, or of such like animals.
Though we returned all their signs of friendship,
and, by every expressive gesture, tried to encourage them
to come alongside, we could not prevail. Some of our
people repeated several of the common words of the Nootka
language, such as seekemaile, and mahook; but they did not
seem to understand them. After receiving some presents,
which were thrown to them, they retired toward that part
of the shore from whence they came; giving us to understand
by signs, that they would visit us again the next
morning. Two of them, however, each in a small canoe,
waited upon us in the night; probably with a design to
pilfer something, thinking we should be all asleep; for
they retired as soon as they found themselves discovered.


During the night, the wind was at S.S.E., blowing hard
and in squalls, with rain, and very thick weather. At ten
o'clock next morning, the wind became more moderate,
and the weather being somewhat clearer, we got under
sail, in order to look out for some snug place, where we
might search for, and stop the leak; our present station
being too much exposed for this purpose. At first I proposed
to have gone up the bay, before which we had anchored;
but the clearness of the weather tempted me to
steer to the northward, farther up the great inlet, as being
all in our way. As soon as we had passed the N.W. point
of the bay above mentioned, we found the coast on that
side to turn short to the eastward. I did not follow it, but
continued our course to the north, for a point of land which
we saw in that direction.


The natives who visited us the preceding evening, came
off again in the morning, in five or six canoes; but not till
we were under sail; and although they followed us for
[pg 272]
some time, they could not get up with us. Before two in
the afternoon, the bad weather returned again, with so
thick a haze, that we could see no other land besides the
point just mentioned, which we reached at half past four,
and found it to be a small island, lying about two miles from
the adjacent coast, being a point of land, on the east side
of which we discovered a fine bay, or rather harbour. To
this we plied up, under reefed topsails and courses. The
wind blew strong at S.E., and in excessively hard squalls,
with rain. At intervals, we could see land in every direction;
but in general the weather was so foggy, that we
could see none but the shores of the bay into which we
were plying. In passing the island, the depth of water was
twenty-six fathoms, with a muddy bottom. Soon after,
the depth increased to sixty and seventy fathoms, a rocky
bottom; but in the entrance of the bay, the depth was
from thirty to six fathoms; the last very near the shore.
At length, at eight o'clock, the violence of the squalls obliged
us to anchor in thirteen fathoms, before we had got
so far into the bay as I intended; but we thought ourselves
fortunate that we had already sufficiently secured ourselves
at this hour; for the night was exceedingly stormy.


The weather, bad as it was, did not hinder three of the
natives from paying us a visit. They came off in two canoes;
two men in one, and one in the other, being the
number each could carry. For they were built and constructed
in the same manner with those of the Esquimaux;
only in the one were two holes for two men to sit in, and
in the other but one. Each of these men had a stick,
about three feet long, with the large feathers or wing of
birds tied to it. These they frequently held up to us, with
a view, as we guessed, to express their pacific disposition.9


The treatment these men met with, induced many more
to visit us, between one and two the next morning, in both
great and small canoes. Some ventured on board the ship;
but not till some of our people had stepped into their boats.
Amongst those who came on board, was a good-looking
[pg 273]
middle-aged man, whom we afterward found to be the
chief. He was cloathed in a dress made of the sea-otter's
skin; and had on his head such a cap as is worn by the
people of King George's Sound, ornamented with sky-blue
glass beads, about the size of a large pea. He seemed to
set a much higher value upon these, than upon our white
glass beads. Any sort of beads, however, appeared to be
in high estimation with these people; and they readily
gave whatever they had in exchange for them, even their
fine sea-otter skins. But here I must observe, that they
set no more value upon these than upon other skins, which
was also the case at King George's Sound, till our people
set a higher price upon them; and even after that, the natives
of both places would sooner part with a dress made of
these, than with one made of the skins of wild-cats or of
martins.


These people were also desirous of iron; but they wanted
pieces eight or ten inches long at least, and of the
breadth of three or four fingers. For they absolutely rejected
small pieces. Consequently, they got but little from
us; iron having, by this time, become rather a scarce article.
The points of some of their spears or lances were of
that metal; others were of copper, and a few of bone; of
which the points of their darts, arrows, &c. were composed.
I could not prevail open the chief to trust himself
below the upper deck; nor did he and his companions remain
long on board. But while we had their company, it
was necessary to watch them narrowly, as they soon betrayed
a thievish disposition. At length, after being about
three at four hours alongside the Resolution, they all left
her, and went to the Discovery; none having been there
before, except one man, who, at this time, came from her,
and immediately returned thither in company with the
rest. When I observed this, I thought this man had met
with something there, which he knew would please his
countrymen better than what they met with at our ship.
But in this I was mistaken, as will soon appear.


As soon as they were gone, I sent a boat to sound the
head of the bay. For, as the wind was moderate, I had
thoughts of laying the ship ashore, if a convenient place
could be found where I might begin our operations to stop
the leak. It was not long before all the Americans left
the Discovery, and instead of returning to us, made their
[pg 274]
way toward our boat employed as above. The officer in
her seeing, this, returned to the ship, and was followed by
all the canoes. The boat's crew had no sooner come on
board, leaving in her two of their number by way of a
guard, than some of the Americans stepped into her. Some
presented their spears before the two men; others cast
loose the rope which fastened her to the ship; and the
rest attempted to tow her away. But the instant they saw
us preparing to oppose them, they let her go, stepped out
of her into their canoes, and made signs to us to lay down
our arms, having the appearance of being as perfectly unconcerned
as if they had done nothing amiss. This, though
rather a more daring attempt, was hardly equal to what
they had meditated on board the Discovery. The man
who came and carried all his countrymen from the Resolution
to the other ship had first been on board of her,
where, after looking down all the hatchways, and seeing
nobody but the officer of the watch, and one or two more,
he no doubt thought they might plunder her with ease,
especially as she lay at some distance from us. It was unquestionably
with this view, that they all repaired to her.
Several of them, without any ceremony, went on board;
drew their knives; made signs to the officer and people on
deck to keep off; and began to look about them for plunder.
The first thing they met with was the rudder of one
of the boats, which they threw over-board to those of their
party who had remained in the canoes. Before they had
time to find another object that pleased their fancy, the
crew were alarmed, and began to come upon deck armed
with cutlasses. On seeing this, the whole company of
plunderers sneaked off into their canoes, with as much deliberation
and indifference as they had given up the boat;
and they were observed describing to those who had not
been on board, how much longer the knives of the ship's
crew were than their own. It was at this time, that my
boat was on the sounding duty, which they must have
seen; for they proceeded directly for her, after their disappointment
at the Discovery. I have not the least doubt,
that their visiting us so very early in the morning was with
a view to plunder; on a supposition, that they should find
every body asleep.


May we not, from these circumstances, reasonably infer,
that these people are unacquainted with fire-arms? For,
[pg 275]
certainly, if they had known any thing of their effect, they
never would have dared to attempt taking a boat from under
ship's guns, in the face of above a hundred men; for
most of my people were looking at them, at the very instant
they made the attempt. However, after all these
tricks, we had the good fortune to leave them as ignorant,
in this respect, as we found them. For they neither heard
nor saw a musquet fired, unless at birds.


Just as we were going to weigh the anchor, to proceed
farther up the bay, it began to blow and to rain as hard as
before; so that we were obliged to veer away the cable
again, and lay fast. Toward the evening, finding that the
gale did not moderate, and that it might be some time before
an opportunity offered to get higher up, I came to a
resolution to heel the ship where we were; and, with this
view, moored her with a kedge-anchor and hawser. In
heaving the anchor out of the boat, one of the seamen, either
through ignorance or carelessness, or both, was carried
over-board by the buoy-rope, and followed the anchor
to the bottom. It is remarkable, that, in this very critical
situation, he had presence of mind to disengage himself,
and come up to the surface of the water, where he was taken
up, with one of his legs fractured in a dangerous manner.


Early the next morning, we gave the ship a good heel to
port, in order to come at, and stop the leak. On ripping
off the sheathing, it was found to be in the seams, which
were very open, both in and under the wale, and, in several
places, not a bit of oakum in them. While the carpenters
were making good these defects, we filled all our empty
water-casks, at a stream hard by the ship. The wind was
now moderate, but the weather was thick and hazy, with
rain.


The natives, who left us the preceding day, when the
bad weather came on, paid us another visit this morning.
Those who came first, were in small canoes; others, afterward,
arrived in large boats; in one of which were twenty
women, and one man, besides children.


In the evening of the 16th, the weather cleared up, and
we then found ourselves surrounded on every side by land.
Our station was on the east side of the Sound, in a place,
which in the chart is distinguished by the name of Snug
Corner Bay. And a very snug place it is. I went,
[pg 276]
accompanied by some of the officers, to view the head of it, and
we found that it was sheltered from all winds, with a depth
of water from even to three fathoms over a muddy bottom.
The land, near the shore, is low, part clear, and
part wooded. The clear ground was covered, two or three
feet thick, with snow; but very little lay in the woods.
The very summits of the neighbouring hills were covered
with wood; but those farther inland seemed to be naked
rocks, buried in snow.


The leak being stopped, and the sheathing made good
over it, at four o'clock in the morning of the 17th, we
weighed, and steered to the north-westward, with a light
breeze at E.N.E.; thinking, if there should be any passage
to the north through this inlet, that it must be in that direction.
Soon after we were under sail, the natives, in
both great and small canoes, paid us another visit, which
gave us an additional opportunity of forming a more perfect
idea of their persons, dress, and other particulars,
which shall be afterward described. Our visitors seemed
to have no other business, but to gratify their curiosity;
for they entered into no sort of traffic with us. After we
had got over to the N.W. point of the arm in which we
had anchored, we found that the flood-tide came into the
inlet through the same channel by which we had entered.
Although this circumstance did not make wholly against a
passage, it was, however, nothing in its favour. After passing
the point above mentioned, we met with a good deal
of foul ground, and many sunken rocks, even out in the
middle of the channel, which is here five or six leagues
wide. At this time the wind failed us, and was succeeded
by calms and light airs from every direction; so that we
had some trouble to extricate ourselves from the threatening
danger. At length, about one o'clock, with the assistance
of our boats, we got to an anchor, under the eastern
shore, in thirteen fathoms water, and about four leagues to
the north of our last station. In the morning, the weather
had been very hazy; but it afterward cleared up, so as to
give us a distinct view of all the land round us, particularly
to the northward, where it seemed to close. This left us
but little hopes of finding a passage that way, or, indeed,
in any other direction, without putting out again to sea.


To enable me to form a better judgment, I dispatched
Mr Gore, with two armed boats, to examine the northern
[pg 277]
arm; and the master, with two other boats, to examine
another arm that seemed to take an easterly direction.
Late in the evening they both returned. The master reported,
that the arm he had been sent to, communicated
with that from which we had last come; and that one side
of it was only formed by a group of islands. Mr Gore informed
me, that he had seen the entrance of an arm,
which, he was of opinion, extended a long way to the
N.E.; and that, probably by it, a passage might be found.
On the other hand, Mr Roberts, one of the mates, whom I
had sent with Mr Gore to sketch out the parts they had
examined, was of opinion, that they saw the head of this
arm. The disagreement of these two opinions, and the
circumstance already mentioned of the flood-tide entering
the Sound from the south, rendered the existence of a passage
this way very doubtful. And, as the wind in the morning
had become favourable for getting out to sea, I resolved
to spend no more time in searching for a passage in a place
that promised so little success. Besides this, I considered,
that, if the land on the west should prove to be islands,
agreeably to the late Russian Discoveries,10 we could not
fail of getting far enough to the north, and that in good
time, provided we did not lose the season in searching
places, where a passage was not only doubtful, but improbable.
We were now upward of five hundred and twenty
leagues to the westward of any part of Baffin's, or of Hudson's
Bay. And whatever passage there may be, it must
be, or, at least, part of it, must lie to the north of latitude
72°.71 Who could expect to find a passage or strait of such
extent?


Having thus taken my resolution, next morning at three
o'clock, we weighed, and with a gentle breeze at north,
proceeded to the southward down the inlet, and met with
the same broken ground, as on the preceding day. However,
we soon extricated ourselves from it, and afterward
never struck ground with a line of forty fathoms. Another
passage into this inlet was now discovered to the S.W. of
that by which we came in, which enabled us to shorten our
[pg 278]
way out to sea. It is separated from the other by an island,
extending eighteen leagues in the direction of N.E. and
S.W.; to which I gave the name of Montagu Island.


In this S.W. channel are several islands. Those that lie
in the entrance, next the open sea, are high and rocky.
But those within are low ones; and being entirely free
from snow, and covered with wood and verdure, on this
account they were called Green Islands.


At two in the afternoon, the wind veered to the S.W.,
and S.W. by S., which reduced us to the necessity of plying.
I first stretched over to within two miles of the eastern,
shore, and tacked in fifty-three fathoms water. In standing
back to Montagu Island, we discovered a ledge of
rocks, some above, and others under water, lying three
miles to the north of the northern point of Green Islands.
Afterward, some others were seen in the middle of the
channel farther out than the islands. These rocks made
unsafe plying in the night (though not very dark); and,
for that reason, we spent it standing off and on, under
Montagu Island; for the depth of water was too great to
come to an anchor.


At day-break, the next morning, the wind came more
favourable, and we steered for the channel between Montagu
Island and the Green Islands, which is between two
and three leagues broad, and from thirty-four to seventeen
fathoms deep. We had but little wind all the day, and, at
eight o'clock in the evening, it was a dead calm, when we
anchored in twenty-one fathoms water, over a muddy bottom,
about two miles from the shore of Montagu's Island.
The calm continued till ten o'clock the next morning, when,
it was succeeded by a small breeze from the north, with
which we weighed; and, by six o'clock in the evening, we
were again in the open sea, and found the coast trending
west by south, as far as the eye could reach.


Footnote 1: (return) 
As in the remaining part of this chapter, the latitude and
longitude
are very frequently set down, the former being invariably North, and the
latter East, the constant repetition of the two words, North and
East,
has been omitted, to avoid unnecessary precision.


Footnote 2: (return) 
See de Lisle's Générale des Découvertes de l'Amiral de
Fonte, &c.
Paris, 1752; and many other maps.


Footnote 3: (return) 
This must be very near that part of the American coast where
Tscherikow anchored in 1741, for Muller places its latitude in 56°. Had
this Russian navigator been so fortunate as to proceed a little farther
northward along the coast, he would have found, as we now learn from
Captain Cook, bays, and harbours, and islands, where his ship might have
been sheltered, and his people protected in landing. For the
particulars
of the misfortunes he met with here, two boats' crews, which he sent
ashore, having never returned, probably cut off by the natives, see Muller's
Découvertes de Russes, p. 248, 254. The Spaniards, in 1775, found
two good harbours on this part of the coast; that called Guadalupe, in
latitude 57° 11', and the other, De los Remedios, in latitude 57°
18'.—D.


Footnote 4: (return) 
It should seem, that, in this very bay, the Spaniards, in 1775,
found
their port which they call De los Remedios. The latitude is exactly the
same; and their journal mentions its being protected by a long ridge of
high islands. See Miscellanies, by the Honourable Daines Barrington,
p. 503, 504.—D.


Footnote 5: (return) 
According to Muller, Beering fell in with the coast of North
America
in latitude 58° 28', and he describes its aspect thus: "L'aspect du
pays étoit affrayaut par ses hautes montagnes couvertes de niege." The
chain or ridge of mountains covered with snow, mentioned here by Captain
Cook, in the same latitude, exactly agrees with what Beering met
with. See Muller's Voyages et Découvertes de Russes, p. 248-254.—D.


Footnote 6: (return) 
Probably Captain Cook means Muller's map, prefixed to his History
of the Russian Discoveries.—D.


Footnote 7: (return) 
Then sub-almoner and chaplain to his majesty, afterwards Dean of
Lincoln.—D.


Footnote 8: (return) 
This species is in the Leverian Museum, and described by Mr Latham,
in his Synopsis of Birds, vol. i. p. 33, No. 72, under the name of
the White-bellied Eagle.


Footnote 9: (return) 
Exactly corresponding to this, was the manner of receiving
Beering's
people, at the Schumagin Islands, on this coast, in 1741. Muller's words
are—"On sait ce que c'est que le Calumet, que les Americans
septentrionaux
présentent en signe de paix. Ceux-ci en tenoient de pareils en
main. C'étoient des bâtons avec ailes de faucon attachées au
bout"—Decouvertes,
p. 268.—D.


Footnote 10: (return) 
Captain Cook seems to take his ideas of these from Mr Stæhlin's
map, prefixed to the account of the Northern Archipelago, published by
Dr Maty. London, 1774.—D.


Footnote 11: (return) 
On what evidence Captain Cook formed his judgment as to this, is
mentioned in the Introduction.—D.


[pg 279]


SECTION V.


The Inlet called Prince William's Sound.—Its Extent.—Persons
of the Inhabitants described.—Their Dress.—Incision
of the Under-lip.—Various other Ornaments.—Their
Boats.—Weapons, fishing, and hunting Instruments.—Utensils.—Tools.—Uses
Iron is applied to.—Food.—Language,
and a Specimen of it.—Animals.—Birds.—Fish.—Iron and
Beads, whence received.


To the inlet, which we had now left, I gave the name of
Prince William's Sound. To judge of this Sound from what
we saw of it, it occupies, at least, a degree and a half of
latitude, and two of longitude, exclusive of the arms or
branches, the extent of which is not known.


The natives, who came to make us several visits while
we were in the Sound, were generally not above the common
height, though many of them were under it. They
were square, or strongly-chested, and the most disproportioned
part of their body seemed to be their heads, which
were very large, with thick, short necks, and large, broad
or spreading faces, which, upon the whole, were flat. Their
eyes, though not small, scarcely bore a proportion to the
size of their faces; and their noses had full, round points,
hooked, or turned up at the tip. Their teeth were broad,
white, equal in size, and evenly set. Their hair was black,
thick, straight, and strong, and their beards, in general,
thin, or wanting; but the hairs about the lips of those who
have them, were stiff or bristly, and frequently of a brown
colour. And several of the elderly men had even large and
thick, but straight beards.


Though, in general, they agree in the make of their persons,
and largeness of their heads, there is a considerable
variety in their features; but very few can be said to be of
the handsome sort, though their countenance commonly
indicates a considerable share of vivacity, good-nature, and
frankness. And yet some of them had an air of sullenness
and reserve. Some of the women have agreeable faces;
and many are easily distinguishable from the men by their
features, which are more delicate; but this should be understood
chiefly of the youngest sort, or middle-aged. The
[pg 280]
complexion of some of the women, and of the children, is
white; but without any mixture of red. And some of the
men, who were seen naked, had rather a brownish or swarthy
cast, which could scarcely be the effect of any stain;
for they do not paint their bodies.


Their common dress (for men, women, and children are
cloathed alike), is a kind of close frock, or rather robe;
reaching generally to the ancles, though sometimes only to
the knees. At the upper part is a hole just sufficient to admit
the head, with sleeves that reach to the wrist. These
frocks are made of the skins of different animals; the most
common of which are those of the sea-otter, grey fox, racoon,
and pine-martin, with many of seal-skins, and, in general,
they are worn with the hairy side outward. Some
also have these frocks made of the skins of fowls, with only
the down remaining on them, which they glue on other
substances. And we saw one or two woollen garments like
those of Nootka. At the seams, where the different skins
are sewed together, they are commonly ornamented with
tassels or fringes of narrow thongs, cut out of the same
skins. A few have a kind of cape, or collar, and some a
hood; but the other is the most common form, and seems
to be their whole dress in good weather. When it rains,
they put over this another frock, ingeniously made from
the intestines of whales, or some other large animal, prepared
so skilfully, as almost to resemble our gold-beater's
leaf. It is made to draw tight round the neck; its sleeves
reach as low as the wrist, round which they are tied with a
string; and its skirts, when they are in their canoes, are
drawn over the rim of the hole in which they sit, so that
no water can enter. At the same time, it keeps the men
entirely dry upward. For no water can penetrate through
it, any more than through a bladder. It must be kept continually
moist or wet, otherwise it is apt to crack or break.
This, as well as the common frock made of the skins, bears
a great resemblance to the dress of the Greenlanders, as
described by Crantz.1


[pg 281]


In general, they do not cover their legs or feet; but a
few have a kind of skin-stockings, which reach half-way
up the thigh; and scarcely any of them are without mittens
for the hands, made of the skins of bears' paws.
Those who wear any thing on their heads, resembled, in
this respect, our friends at Nootka, having high truncated
conic caps, made of straw, and sometimes of wood, resembling
a seal's head well painted.


The men commonly wear the hair cropt round the neck
and forehead; but the women allow it to grow long, and
most of them tie a small lock of it on the crown, or a few
club it behind, after our manner. Both sexes have the
ears perforated with several holes, about the outer and
lower part of the edge, in which they hang little bunches
of beads, made of the same tubulous shelly substance used
for this purpose by those of Nootka. The septum of the
nose is also perforated, through which they frequently
thrust the quill-feathers of small birds, or little bending ornaments,
made of the above shelly substance, strung on a
stiff string or cord, three or four inches long, which give
them a truly grotesque appearance. But the most uncommon
and unsightly ornamental fashion, adopted by some
of both sexes, is their having the under-lip slit, or cut,
quite through, in the direction of the mouth, a little below
the swelling part. This incision, which is made even in
the sucking children, is often above two inches long, and
either by its natural retraction, when the wound is fresh, or
by the repetition of some artificial management, assumes
the true shape of lips, and becomes so large as to admit
the tongue through. This happened to be the case, when
the first person having this incision was seen by one of the
seamen, who called out, that the man had two mouths,
and, indeed, it does not look unlike it. In this artificial
mouth they stick a flat narrow ornament, made chiefly out
of a solid shell or bone, cut into little narrow pieces, like
small teeth, almost down to the base or thickest part, which
has a small projecting bit at each end that supports it when
put into the divided lip, the cut part then appearing
[pg 282]
outward. Others have the lower lip only perforated into separate
holes, and then the ornament consists of as many
distinct shelly studs, whose points are pushed through these
holes, and their heads appear within the lip, as another row
of teeth immediately under their own.


These are their native ornaments. But we found many
beads of European manufacture among them, chiefly of a
pale-blue colour, which they hang in their ears, about their
caps, or join to their lip-ornaments, which have a small
hole drilled in each point to which they are fastened, and
others to them, till they hang sometimes as low as the point
of the chin. But, in this last case, they cannot remove
them so easily; for, as to their own lip-ornaments, they
can take them out with their tongue, or suck them in, at
pleasure. They also wear bracelets of the shelly-beads, or
others of a cylindrical shape, made of a substance like amber,
with such also as are used in their ears and noses.
And so fond are they, in general, of ornament, that they
stick any thing in their perforated lip; one man appearing
with two of our iron nails projecting from it like prongs;
and another endeavouring to put a large brass button into
it.


The men frequently paint their faces of a bright red, and
of a black colour, and sometimes of a blue, or leaden colour,
but not in any regular figure; and the women, in
some measure, endeavoured to imitate them, by puncturing
or staining the chin with black, that comes to a point in
each cheek; a practice very similar to which is in fashion
amongst the females of Greenland, as we learn from Crantz.
Their bodies are not painted, which may be owing to the
scarcity of proper materials; for all the colours which they
brought to sell in bladders, were in very small quantities.
Upon the whole, I have no where seen savages who take
more pains than these people do, to ornament, or rather
to disfigure, their persons.


Their boats or canoes are of two sorts, the one being
large and open, and the other small and covered. I mentioned
already, that in one of the large boats were twenty
women, and one man, besides children. I attentively examined
and compared the construction of this, with Crantz's
description of what he calls the great, or women's boat in
Greenland, and found that they were built in the same
manner, parts like parts, with no other difference than in
[pg 283]
the form of the head and stern; particularly of the first,
which bears some resemblance to the head of a whale.
The framing is of slender pieces of wood, over which the
skins of seals, or of other larger sea-animals, are stretched,
to compose the outside. It appeared also, that the small
canoes of these people are made nearly of the same form,
and of the same materials with those used by the Greenlanders
and Esquimaux; at least the difference is not material.
Some of these, as I have before observed, carry
two men. They are broader in proportion to their length,
than those of the Esquimaux, and the head or fore-part
curves somewhat like the head of a violin.


The weapons, and instruments for fishing and hunting,
are the very same that are made use of by the Esquimaux
and Greenlanders; and it is unnecessary to be particular
in my account of them, as they are all very accurately described
by Crantz. I did not see a single one with these
people that he has not mentioned, nor has he mentioned,
one that they have not. For defensive armour they have
a kind of jacket, or coat of mail, made of thin laths, bound
together with sinews, which makes it quite flexible, though
so close as not to admit an arrow or dart. It only covers
the trunk of the body, and may not be improperly compared
to a woman's stays.


As none of these people lived in the bay where we anchored,
or where any of us landed, we saw none of their
habitations, and I had not time to look after them. Of
their domestic utensils, they brought in their boats some
round and oval shallow dishes of wood, and others of a
cylindrical shape much deeper. The sides were made of
one piece, bent round, like our chip-boxes, though thick,
neatly fastened with thongs, and the bottoms fixed in with
small wooden pegs. Others were smaller, and of a more
elegant shape, somewhat resembling a large oval butterboat,
without a handle, but more shallow, made from a
piece of wood, or horny substance. These last were sometimes
neatly carved. They had many little square bags,
made of the same gut with their outer frocks, neatly ornamented
with very minute red feathers interwoven with it,
in which were contained some very fine sinews, and bundles
of small cord, made from them, most ingeniously
plaited. They also brought many chequered baskets, so
closely wrought as to hold water; some wooden models of
[pg 284]
their canoes; a good many little images, four or five inches
long, either of wood, or stuffed, which were covered with
a bit of fur, and ornamented with pieces of small quill feathers,
in imitation of their shelly beads, with hair fixed on
their heads. Whether these might be mere toys for children,
or held in veneration, as representing their deceased
friends, and applied to some superstitious purpose, we could
not determine. But they have many instruments made of
two or three hoops, or concentric pieces of wood, with a
cross-bar fixed in the middle, to hold them by. To these
are fixed a great number of dried barnacle-shells, with
threads, which serve as a rattle, and make a loud noise;
when they shake them. This contrivance seems to be a
substitute for the rattling-bird at Nootka; and perhaps
both of them are employed on the same occasions.2


With what tools they make their wooden utensils, frames
of boats, and other things, is uncertain; as the only one
seen amongst them was a kind of stone-adze, made almost
after the manner of those of Otaheite, and the other islands
of the South Sea. They have a great many iron knives;
some of which are straight, others a little curved, and some
very small ones, fixed in pretty long handles, with the blades
bent upward, like some of our shoe-makers' instruments.
But they have still knives of another sort, which are sometimes
near two feet long, shaped almost like a dagger, with
a ridge in the middle. These they wear in sheaths of skins,
hung by a thong round the neck, under their robe, and
they are, probably, only used as weapons; the other knives
being apparently applied to other purposes. Every thing
they have, however, is as well and ingeniously made, as if
they were furnished with the most complete tool-chest;
and their sewing, plaiting of sinews, and small work on
their little bags, may be put in competition with the most
delicate manufactures found in any part of the known
world. In short, considering the otherwise uncivilized or
rude slate in which these people are, their northern situation,
amidst a country perpetually covered with snow, and
the wretched materials they have to work with, it appears,
[pg 285]
that their invention and dexterity, in all manual works, are
at least equal to that of any other nation.


The food which we saw them eat, was dried fish, and
the flesh of some animal, either broiled or roasted. Some
of the latter that was bought, seemed to be bear's flesh, but
with a fishy taste. They also eat the larger sort of fern
root, mentioned at Nootka, either baked, or dressed in
some other way; and some of our people saw them eat
freely of a substance which they supposed to be the inner
part of the pine-bark. Their drink is most probably water;
for in their boats they brought snow in the wooden
vessels, which they swallowed by mouthfuls. Perhaps it
could be carried with less trouble in these open vessels,
than water itself. Their method of eating seems decent
and cleanly; for they always took care to separate any dirt
that might adhere to their victuals. And though they
sometimes did eat the raw fat of some sea-animal, they cut
it carefully into mouthfuls, with their small knives. The
same might be said of their persons, which, to appearance,
were always clean and decent, without grease or dirt; and
the wooden vessels, in which their victuals are probably
put, were kept in excellent order, as well as their boats,
which were neat, and free from lumber.


Their language seems difficult to be understood at first;
not from any indistinctness or confusion in their words and
sounds, but from the various significations they have. For
they appeared to use the very same word, frequently, on
very different occasions; though doubtless this might, if
our intercourse had been of longer duration, have been
found to be a mistake on our side. The only words I could
obtain, and for them I am indebted to Mr Anderson,3 were
those that follow; the first of which was also used at
Nootka, in the same sense; though we could not trace an
affinity between the two dialects in any other instance.


[pg 286]




Akashou,What's the name of that?


Namuk,An ornament for the ear.


Lukluk,A brown shaggy skin, perhaps a bear's.


Aa,Yes.


Natooneshuk,The skin of a sea-otter.


Keeta,Give me something.


Naema,Give me something in exchange, or barter.


 


 Of, or belonging to me.—Will


Ooonaka,you barter for this that belongs to me?


 


Manaka,


Ahleu,A spear.


Weena, or Veena,Stranger—calling to one.


Keelashuk,Guts of which they make jackets.


Tawuk,Keep it.


 


 A piece of white bear's skin, or


Amilhtoo,perhaps the hair that covered it.


 


Whaehai,Shall I keep it? do you give it me?


Yaut,I'll go; or shall I go?


Chilke,One.


Taiha,Two.


Tokke,Three.


(Tinke,)


Chukelo,4Four?


Koeheene,Five?


Takulai,Six?


Keichilho,Seven?


Klu, or Kliew,Eight?




As to the animals of this part of the continent, the same
must be understood as of those at Nootka; that is, that
the knowledge we have of them is entirely taken from the
skins which the natives brought to sell. These were chiefly
of seals; a few foxes; the whitish cat, or lynx; common
and pine-martins; small ermines; bears; racoons; and
sea-otters. Of these, the most common were the martin,
racoon, and sea-otter skins, which composed the ordinary
dress of the natives; but the skins of the first, which
[pg 287]
in general were of a much lighter brown than those at
Nootka, were far superior to them in fineness; whereas the
last, which, as well as the martins, were far more plentiful
than at Nootka, seemed greatly inferior in the fineness and
thickness of their fur, though they greatly exceeded them
in size, and were almost all of the glossy black sort, which
is doubtless the colour most esteemed in those skins. Bear
and seal skins were also pretty common, and the last were
in general white, very beautifully spotted with black, or
sometimes simply white; and many of the bears here were
of a brown, or sooty colour.


Besides these animals, which were all seen at Nootka,
there are some others in this place which we did not find
there; such as the white bear, of whose skins the natives
brought several pieces, and some entire skins of cubs, from
which their size could not be determined. We also found
the wolverene, or quickhatch, which had very bright colours;
a larger sort of ermine than the common one, which
is the same as at Nootka, varied with a brown colour, and
with scarcely any black on its tail. The natives also
brought the skin of the head of some very large animal;
but it could not be positively determined what it was;
though, from the colour and shagginess of the hair, and its
unlikeness to any land animal, we judged it might probably
be that of the large male ursine seal, or sea-bear. But
one of the most beautiful skins, and which seems peculiar
to this place, as we never saw it before, is that of a small
animal about ten inches long, of a brown or rusty colour
on the back, with a great number of obscure whitish specks,
and the sides of a blueish ash colour, also with a few of
these specks. The tail is not above a third of the length,
of its body, and is covered with hair of a whitish colour at
the edges. It is no doubt the same with those called
spotted field mice, by Mr Stæhlin,5 in his short account of
the New Northern Archipelago. But whether they be
really of the mouse kind, or a squirrel, we could not tell,
for want of perfect skins; though Mr Anderson was inclined
to think that it is the same animal described under
the name of the Casan marmot, by Mr Pennant. The
number of skins we found here, points out the great plenty
of these several animals just mentioned; but it is
[pg 288]
remarkable, that we neither saw the skins of the mouse nor of the
common deer.


Of the birds mentioned at Nootka, we found here only
the white-headed eagle, the shag, the alcyon, or great kingfisher,
which had very fine bright colours, and the humming-bird,
which came frequently and flew about the ship,
while at anchor, though it can scarcely live here in the winter,
which must be very severe. The water-fowls were
geese, a small sort of duck, almost like that mentioned at
Kerguelen's Land; another sort which none of us knew;
and some of the black seapyes, with red bills, which we
found at Van Diemen's Land and New Zealand. Some
of the people who went on shore, killed a grouse, a snipe,
and some plover. But though, upon the whole, the water-fowls
were pretty numerous, especially the ducks and
geese, which frequent the shores, they were so shy, that it
was scarcely possible to get within shot; so that we obtained
a very small supply of them as refreshment. The
duck mentioned above is as large as the common wild-duck,
of a deep black colour, with a short pointed tail, and
red feet. The bill is white, tinged with red toward the
point, and has a large black spot, almost square, near its
base, on each side, where it is also enlarged or distended.
And on the forehead is a large triangular while spot, with
one still larger on the back part of the neck. The female
has much duller colours, and none of the ornaments of the
bill, except the two black spots, which are obscure.


There is likewise a species of diver here, which seems
peculiar to the place. It is about the size of a partridge,
has a short, black, compressed bill, with the head and upper
part of the neck of a brown black, the rest of a deep
brown, obscurely waved with black, except the under-part,
which is entirely of a blackish cast, very minutely varied
with white; the other (perhaps the female) is blacker
above, and whiter below. A small land bird, of the finch
kind, about the size of a yellow-hammer, was also found;
but was suspected to be one of those which change their
colour with the season, and with their migrations. At this
time, it was of a dusky brown colour, with a reddish tail,
and the supposed male had a large yellow spot on the
crown of the head, with some varied black on the upper
part of the neck; but the last was on the breast of the
female.


[pg 289]


The only fish we got were some torsk and halibut, which
were chiefly brought by the natives to sell; and we caught
a few sculpins about the ship, with some purplish star-fish,
that had seventeen or eighteen rays. The rocks were observed
to be almost destitute of shell-fish; and the only
other animal of this tribe seen, was a red crab, covered
with spines of a very large size.


The metals we saw were copper and iron; both which,
particularly the latter, were in such plenty, as to constitute
the points of most of the arrows and lances. The
ores, with which they painted themselves, were a red, brittle,
unctuous ochre, or iron-ore, not much unlike cinnabar
in colour; a bright blue pigment, which we did not procure;
and black-lead. Each of these seems to be very
scarce, as they brought very small quantities of the first
and last, and seemed to keep them with great care.


Few vegetables of any kind were seen; and the trees
which chiefly grew here, were the Canadian and spruce-pine,
and some of them tolerably large.


The beads and iron found amongst these people, left no
room to doubt, that they must have received them from
some civilized nation. We were pretty certain, from circumstances
already mentioned, that we were the first Europeans
with whom they had ever communicated directly;
and it remains only to be decided, from what quarter they
had got our manufactures by intermediate conveyance.
And there cannot be the least doubt of their having received
these articles, through the intervention of the more
inland tribes, from Hudson's Bay, or the settlements on
the Canadian lakes; unless it can be supposed, (which,
however, is less likely,) that the Russian traders, from
Kamtschatka, have already extended their traffic thus far;
or at least that the natives of their most easterly fox islands
communicate along the coast with those of Prince William's
Sound.6


[pg 290]


As to the copper, these people seem to procure it themselves,
or at most it passes through few hands to them;
for they used to express its being in a sufficient quantity
amongst them, when they offered any to barter, by pointing
to their weapons; as if to say, that having so much of
this metal of their own, they wanted no more.


It is, however, remarkable, if the inhabitants of this
Sound be supplied with European articles, by way of the
intermediate traffic to the east coast, that they should, in
return, never have given to the more inland Indians any of
their sea-otter skins, which would certainly have been seen,
some time or other, about Hudson's Bay. But, as far as I
know, that is not the case; and the only method of accounting
for this, must be by taking into consideration the
very great distance, which, though it might not prevent
European goods coming so far, as being so uncommon,
might prevent the skins, which are a common article, from
passing through more than two or three different tribes,
who might use them for their own cloathing, and send
others, which they esteemed less valuable, as being of their
own animals, eastward, till they reach the traders from
Europe.


Footnote 1: (return) 
Crantz's History of Greenland, vol. i. p. 136-138. The reader will
find in Crantz many very striking instances, in which the Greenlanders,
and Americans of Prince William's Sound, resemble each other, besides
those mentioned in this Section by Captain Cook. The dress of the people
of Prince William's Sound, as described by Captain Cook, also agrees
with that of the inhabitants of Schumagin's Islands, discovered by
Beering
in 1741. Muller's words are, "Leur habillement étoit de boyaux de baleines
pour le haut du corps, et de peaux de chiens-marins pour le
bas."—Découvertes
des Russes, p. 274.


Footnote 2: (return) 
The rattling-ball found by Steller, who attended Beering in 1741,
at
no great distance from this Sound, seems to be for a similar use. See
Muller, p, 256.—D.


Footnote 3: (return) 
We are also indebted to him for many remarks in this Section,
interwoven
with those of Captain Cook, as throwing considerable light on
many parts of his journal.—D.


Footnote 4: (return) 
With regard to these numerals, Mr Anderson observes, that the
words corresponding to ours, are not certain after passing three; and
therefore he marks those, about whose position he is doubtful, with a
point of interrogation.—D.


Footnote 5: (return) 
In his account of Kodjak, p. 32 and 34.


Footnote 6: (return) 
There is a circumstance mentioned by Muller, in his account of
Beering's voyage to the coast of America in 1741, which seems to decide
this question. His people found iron at the Schumagin Islands, as may
be fairly presumed from the following quotation: "Un seul homme avoit
un couteau pendu à sa ceinture, qui parut fort singulier à nos gens par sa
figure. Il étoit long de huit pouces, et fort épais, et large à l'endroit où
devoit être la pointe. On ne pent savoir quel étoit l'usage de cet
outil." Découvertes des Russes, p. 274.


If there was iron amongst the natives on this part of the American
coast, prior to the discovery of it by the Russians, and before there was
any traffic with them carried on from Kamtschatka, what reason can
there be to make the least doubt of the people of Prince William's
Sound, as well as those of Schumagin's Islands, having got this metal
from the only probable source, the European settlements on the north-east
coast of this continent?—D.


[pg 291]


SECTION VI.


Progress along the Coast.—Cape Elizabeth.—Cape St Hermogenes.—Accounts
of Beering's Voyage very defective.—Point
Banks—Cape Douglas.—Cape Bede.—Mount St
Augustin.—Hopes of finding a Passage up an Inlet.—The
Ships proceed up it.—Indubitable Marks of its being a River.—Named
Cook's River.—The Ships return down it.—Various
Visits from the Natives.—Lieutenant King lands,
and takes Possession of the Country.—His Report.—The
Resolution runs aground on a Shoal.—Reflections on the
Discovery of Cook's River.—The considerable Tides in it accounted
for.


After leaving Prince William's Sound, I steered to the
S.W., with a gentle breeze at N.N.E.; which, at four
o'clock, the next morning, was succeeded by a calm, and
soon after, the calm was succeeded by a breeze from S.W.
This freshening, and veering to N.W., we still continued
to stretch to the S.W., and passed a lofty promontory, situated
in the latitude of 59° 10', and the longitude of 207°
45'. As the discovery of it was connected with the Princess
Elizabeth's birth-day, I named it Cape Elizabeth. Beyond
it we could see no land; so that, at first, we were in hopes
that it was the western extremity of the continent; but not
long after, we saw our mistake, for fresh land appeared in
sight, bearing W.S.W.


The wind, by this time, had increased to a very strong
gale, and forced us to a good distance from the coast. In
the afternoon of the 22d, the gale abated, and we stood to
the northward for Cape Elizabeth, which at noon, the next
day, bore W., ten leagues distant. At the same time, a
new land was seen, bearing S. 77° W., which was supposed
to connect Cape Elizabeth with the land we had seen to
the westward.


The wind continued at W., and I stood to the southward
till noon the next day, when we were within three leagues
of the coast which we had discovered on the 23d. It here
formed a point that bore W.N.W. At the same time more
land was seen extending to the southward, as far as S.S.W.,
the whole being twelve or fifteen leagues distant. On it
[pg 292]
was seen a ridge of mountains covered with snow, extending
to the N.W., behind the first land, which we judged to
be an island, from the very inconsiderable quantity of snow
that lay upon it. This point of land is situated in the latitude
of 58° 15', and in the longitude of 207° 42'; and by
what I can gather from the account of Beering's voyage,
and the chart that accompanies it in the English edition,1
I conclude, that it must be what he called Cape St Hermogenes.
But the account of that voyage is so very much
abridged, and the chart so extremely inaccurate, that it is
hardly possible, either by the one or by the other, or by
comparing both together, to find out any one place which
that navigator either saw or touched at. Were I to form
a judgment of Beering's proceedings on this coast, I should
suppose that he fell in with the continent near Mount Fairweather.
But I am by no means certain, that the bay to
which I have given his name, is the place where he anchored.
Nor do I know, that what I called Mount St
Elias, is the same conspicuous mountain to which he gave
that name. And as to his Cape St Elias, I am entirely at
a loss to pronounce where it lies.2


On the N.E. side of Cape St Hermogenes, the coast
turned toward the N.W., and appeared to be wholly unconnected
with the land seen by us the preceding day. In
the chart above mentioned, there is here a space, where
Beering is supposed to have seen no land. This also favoured
the later account published by Mr Stæhlin, who
makes Cape St Hermogenes, and all the land that Beering
discovered to the S.W. of it, to be a cluster of islands;
placing St Hermogenes amongst those which are destitute
of wood. What we now saw seemed to confirm this, and
[pg 293]
every circumstance inspired us with hopes of finding here
a passage northward, without being obliged to proceed any
farther to the S.W.


We were detained off the Cape, by variable light airs
and calms, till two o'clock the next morning, when a breeze
springing up at N.E. we steered N.N.W. along the coast;
and soon found the land of Cape St Hermogenes to be an
island, about six leagues in circuit, separated from the adjacent
coast by a channel only one league broad. A league
and a half to the north of this island, lie some rocks above
water; on the N.E. side of which we had from thirty to
twenty fathoms.


At noon, the island of St Hermogenes bore S. 1/2 E. eight
leagues distant; and the land to the N.W. of it extended
from S. 1/2 W. to near W. In this last direction it ended
in a low point, now five leagues distant, which was called
Point Banks. The latitude of the ship, at this time, was
58° 41', and its longitude 207° 44'. In this situation, the
land, which was supposed to connect Cape Elizabeth with
this S.W. land, was in sight, bearing N.W. 1/2 N. I steered
directly for it; and, on a nearer approach, found it to be a
group of high islands and rocks, entirely unconnected with
any other land. They obtained the name of Barren Isles,
from their very naked appearance. Their situation is in the
latitude of 59°, and in a line with Cape Elizabeth and
Point Banks; three leagues distant from the former, and
five from the latter.


I intended going through one of the channels that divide
these islands; but meeting with a strong current setting
against us, I bore up, and went to the leeward of them
all. Toward the evening, the weather, which had been
hazy all day, cleared up, and we got sight of a very lofty
promontory, whose elevated summit, forming two exceedingly
high mountains, was seen above the clouds. This
promontory I named Cape Douglas, in honour of my very
good friend, Dr Douglas, canon of Windsor.3 It is situated
in the latitude of 58° 56', and in the longitude of 206°
10'; ten leagues to the westward of Barren Isles, and
[pg 294]
twelve from Point Banks, in the direction of N.W. by W.
1/2 W.


Between this point and Cape Douglas, the coast seemed
to form a large and deep bay; which, from some smoke
that had been seen on Point Banks, obtained the name of
Smokey Bay.


At day-break, the next morning, being the 26th, having
got to the northward of the Barren Isles, we discovered
more land, extending from Cape Douglas to the north. It
formed a chain of mountains of vast height; one of which,
far more conspicuous than the rest, was named Mount St
Augustin. The discovery of this land did not discourage
us, as it was supposed to be wholly unconnected with the
land of Cape Elizabeth. For, in a N.N.E. direction, the
sight was unlimited by every thing but the horizon. We
also thought that there was a passage to the N.W., between,
Cape Douglas and Mount St Augustin. In short, it was
imagined, that the land on our larboard, to the N. of Cape
Douglas, was composed of a group of islands, disjoined by
so many channels, any one of which we might make use of
according as the wind should serve.


With these flattering ideas, having a fresh-gale at N.N.E.,
we stood to the N.W. till eight o'clock, when we clearly
saw, that what we had taken for islands were summits of
mountains, every where connected by lower land, which
the haziness of the horizon had prevented us from seeing
at a greater distance. This land was every where covered
with snow, from the tops of the hills down to the very sea-beach;
and had every other appearance of being part of a
great continent. I was now fully persuaded that I should
find no passage by this inlet; and my persevering in the
search of it here, was more to satisfy other people than to
confirm my own opinion.


At this time Mount St Augustin bore N., 40 W., three
or four leagues distant. This mountain is of a conical figure,
and of very considerable height; but it remains undetermined
whether it be an island or part of the continent.
Finding that nothing could be done to the W., we
tacked, and stood over to Cape Elizabeth, under which we
fetched at half-past five in the afternoon. On the N. side
of Cape Elizabeth, between it and a lofty promontory,
[pg 295]
named Cape Bede,4 is a bay, in the bottom of which there
appeared to be two snug harbours. We stood well into this
bay, where we might have anchored in twenty-three fathoms
water; but as I had no such view, we tacked and
stood to the westward, with the wind at N. a very strong
gale, attended by rain, and thick hazy weather.


The next morning the gale abated; but the same weather
continued till three o'clock in the afternoon, when it
cleared up. Cape Douglas bore S.W. by W.; Mount St
Augustin W. 1/2 S.; and Cape Bede S., 15° E., five leagues
distant. In this situation, the depth of water was forty fathoms,
over a rocky bottom. From Cape Bede, the coast
trended N.E. by E. with a chain of mountains inland, extending
in the same direction. The land on the coast was
woody; and there seemed to be no deficiency of harbours.
But, what was not much in our favour, we discovered low
land in the middle of the inlet, extending from N.N.E. to
N.E. by E. 1/2 E. However, as this was supposed to be an
island, it did not discourage us. About this time we got a
light breeze southerly, and I steered to the westward of
this low land; nothing appeared to obstruct us in that direction.
Our soundings during the night were from thirty
to twenty-five fathoms.


On the 28th, in the morning, having but very little wind,
and observing the ship to drive to the southward, in order
to stop her, I dropped a kedge-anchor, with an eight-inch
hawser bent to it. But, in bringing the ship up, the hawser
parted near the inner end; and we lost both it and the
anchor. For although we brought the ship up with one
of the bowers, and spent most of the day in sweeping for
them, it was to no effect. By an observation, we found our
station to be in the latitude of 59° 51'; the low land above
mentioned extended from N.E. to S., 75° E., the nearest
part two leagues distant. The land on the western shore
was about seven leagues distant, and extended from S. 35°
W., to N. 7° E.; so that the extent of the inlet was now
reduced to three points and a half of the compass; that is,
from N. 1/2 E. to N.E. Between these two points no land
was to be seen. Here was a strong tide setting to the
southward out of the inlet. It was the ebb, and ran
[pg 296]
between three and four knots in an hour; and it was low water
at ten o'clock. A good deal of sea-weed, and some
drift-wood, were carried out with the tide. The water, too,
had become thick like that in rivers; but we were encouraged
to proceed, by finding it as salt at low water as the
ocean. The strength of the flood-tide was three knots, and
the stream ran up till four in the afternoon.


As it continued calm all day, I did not move till eight
o'clock in the evening; when, with a light breeze at E., we
weighed, and stood to the N., up the inlet. We had not
been long under sail, before the wind veered to the N., increasing
to a fresh gale, and blowing in squalls, with rain.
This did not, however, hinder us from plying up as long as
the flood continued; which was till near five o'clock the
next morning. We had soundings from thirty-five to twenty-four
fathoms. In this last depth we anchored about two
leagues from the eastern shore, in the latitude of 60° 8';
some low land, that we judged to be an island, lying under
the western shore, extended from N. 1/2 W. to N.W. by
N., distant three or four leagues.


The weather had how become fair and tolerably clear,
so that we could see any land that might lie within our
horizon; and in a N.N.E. direction, no land, nor any thing
to obstruct our progress, was visible. But on each side was
a ridge of mountains, rising one behind another, without
the least separation. I judged it to be low water, by the
shore, about ten o'clock; but the ebb ran down till near
noon. The strength of it was four knots and a half; and it
fell, upon a perpendicular, ten feet three inches, that is;
while we lay at anchor; so that there is reason to believe
that this was not the greatest fall. On the eastern shore
we now saw two columns of smoke; a sure sign that there
were inhabitants.


At one in the afternoon we weighed, and plied up under
double-reefed top-sails and courses, having a very strong
gale at N.N.E. nearly right down the inlet. We stretched
over to the western shore, and fetched within two leagues
of the south end of the low land, or island before mentioned,
under which I intended to have taken shelter till the
gale should cease. But falling suddenly into twelve fathoms
water, from upward of forty, and seeing the appearance
of a shoal ahead, spitting out from the low land, I
tacked, and stretched back to the eastward, and anchored
[pg 297]
under that shore in nineteen fathoms water, over a bottom
of small pebble stones.


Between one and two in the morning of the 30th, we
weighed again with the first of the flood, the gale having,
by this time quite abated, but still continuing contrary; so
that we plied up till near seven o'clock, when the tide being
done, we anchored in nineteen fathoms, under the
same shore as before. The N.W. part of it, forming a bluff
point, bore N., 20° E., two leagues distant; a point on the
other shore opposite to it, and nearly of the same height,
bore N., 36° W.; our latitude, by observation, 60° 37'.


About noon, two canoes, with a man in each, came off
to the ship from near the place where we had seen the
smoke the preceding day. They laboured very hard in paddling
across the strong tide, and hesitated a little before
they would come quite close; but upon signs being made
to them, they approached. One of them talked a great deal
to no purpose; for we did not understand a word he said.
He kept pointing to the shore, which we interpreted to be
an invitation to go thither. They accepted a few trifles
from me, which I conveyed to them from the quarter-gallery.
These men, in every respect, resembled the people
we had met with in Prince William's Sound, as to their
persons and dress. Their canoes were also of the same
construction. One of our visitors had his face painted jet
black, and seemed to have no beard; but the other, who
was more elderly, had no paint, and a considerable beard,
with a visage much like the common sort of the Prince
William's people. There was also smoke seen upon the flat
western shore this day, from whence we may infer that
these lower spots and islands are the only inhabited places.


When the flood made we weighed, and then the canoes
left us. I stood over to the western shore, with a fresh gale
at N.N.E., and fetched under the point above-mentioned.
This, with the other on the opposite shore, contracted the
channel to the breadth of four leagues. Through this channel
ran a prodigious tide. It looked frightful to us, who
could not tell whether the agitation of the water was occasioned
by the stream, or by the breaking of the waves
against rocks or sands. As we met with no shoal, it was
concluded to be the former; but, in the end, we found ourselves
mistaken. I now kept the western shore aboard, it
appearing to be the safest. Near the shore we had a depth
[pg 298]
of thirteen fathoms; and two or three miles off, forty and
upwards. At eight in the evening, we anchored under a
point of land which bore N.E., three leagues distant, in fifteen
fathoms water. Here we lay during the ebb, which
ran near five knots in the hour.


Until we got thus far, the water had retained the same
degree of saltness at low as at high water; and at both periods
was as salt as that in the ocean. But now the marks
of a river displayed themselves. The water taken up this
ebb, when at the lowest, was found to be very considerably
fresher than any we had hitherto tasted; insomuch that I
was convinced that we were in a large river, and not in a
strait, communicating with the northern seas. But as we
had proceeded thus far, I was desirous of having stronger
proofs; and therefore weighed with the next flood in the
morning of the 31st, and plied higher up, or rather drove
up with the tide; for we had but little wind.


About eight o'clock, we were visited by several of the
natives, in one large and several small canoes. The latter
carried only one person each; and some had a paddle,
with a blade at each end, after the manner of the Esquimaux.
In the large canoes, were men, women, and children.
Before they reached the ship, they displayed a
leathern frock, upon a long pole, as a sign, as we understood
it, of their peaceable intentions. This frock they
conveyed into the ship, in return for some trifles which I
gave them. I could observe no difference between the persons,
dress, ornaments, and boats of these people, and those
of Prince William's Sound, except that the small canoes
were rather of a less size, and carried only one man. We
procured from them some of their fur dresses, made of the
skins of sea-otters, martins, hares, and other animals; a
few of their darts, and a small supply of salmon and halibut.
In exchange for these they took old clothes, beads,
and pieces of iron. We found that they were in possession
of large iron knives, and of sky-blue glass beads, such as
we had found amongst the natives of Prince William's
Sound. These latter they seemed to value much, and consequently
those which we now gave them. But their inclination
led them especially to ask for large pieces of iron;
which metal, if I was not much mistaken, they called by the
name of goone; though, like their neighbours in Prince
William's Sound, they seemed to have many significations
[pg 299]
to one word. They evidently spoke the same language; as
the words keeta, naema, oonaka, and a few others of the most
common we heard in that Sound, were also frequently used
by this new tribe. After spending about two hours between
the one ship and the other, they all retired to the western
shore.


At nine o'clock, we came to an anchor, in sixteen fathoms
water, about two leagues from the west shore, and
found the ebb already begun. At its greatest strength, it
ran only three knots in the hour, and fell, upon a perpendicular,
after we had anchored, twenty-one feet. The weather
was misty, with drizzling rain, and clear, by turns. At
the clear intervals, we saw an opening between the mountains
on the eastern shore, bearing east from the station of
the ships, with low land, which we supposed to be islands
lying between us and the main land. Low land was also
seen to the northward, that seemed to extend from the
foot of the mountains on the one side to those on the
other; and at low water we perceived large shoals stretching
out from this low land, some of which were at no great
distance from us. From these appearances we were in
some doubt whether the inlet did not take an easterly direction
through the above opening; or whether that opening
was only a branch of it, and the main channel continued
its northern direction through the low land now in
sight. The continuation and direction of the chain of
mountains on each side of it, strongly indicated the probability
of the latter supposition.


To determine this point, and to examine the shoals, I
dispatched two boats under the command of the master,
and as soon as the flood-tide made, followed with the
ships; but as it was a dead calm, and the tide strong, I
anchored, after driving about ten miles in an east direction.
At the lowest of the preceding ebb, the water at the
surface, and for near a foot below it, was found to be perfectly
fresh; retaining, however, a considerable degree of
saltness at a greater depth. Besides this, we had now many
other, and but too evident proofs of being in a great river;
such as low shores; very thick and muddy water; large
trees, and all manner of dirt and rubbish, floating up and
down with the tide. In the afternoon, the natives, in several
canoes, paid us another visit; and trafficked with our
people for some time, without ever giving us reason to accuse
them of any act of dishonesty.


[pg 300]


At two o'clock next morning, being the 1st of June, the
master returned, and reported, that he found the inlet, or
rather river, contracted to the breadth of one league, by
low land on each side, through which it took a northerly
direction. He proceeded three leagues through this narrow
part, which he found navigable for the largest ships,
being from twenty to seventeen fathoms deep. The least
water, at a proper distance from the shore and shoals, was
ten fathoms; and this was before he entered the narrow
part. While the ebb or stream run down, the water was
perfectly fresh; but after the flood made it became brackish;
and toward high water, very much so, even as high
up as he went. He landed upon an island, which lies between
this branch and the eastern one; and upon it saw
some currant bushes, with the fruit already set; and some
other fruit-trees and bushes, unknown to him. The soil
appeared to be clay, mixed with sand. About three leagues
beyond the extent of his search, or to the northward of it,
he observed there was another separation in the eastern
chain of mountains, through which he supposed the river
took a N.E. direction; but it seemed rather more probable
that this was only another branch, and that the main channel
kept its northern direction, between the two ridges or
chains of mountains before mentioned. He found that
these two ridges, as they extended to the north, inclined
more and more to each other, but never appeared to close;
nor was any elevated land seen between them, only low
land, part woody, and part clear.


All hopes of finding a passage were now given up. But
as the ebb was almost spent, and we could not return
against the flood, I thought I might as well take the advantage
of the latter to get a nearer view of the eastern
branch; and by that means finally to determine, whether
the low land on the east side of the river was an island, as
we had supposed, or not. With this purpose in view, we
weighed with the first breeze of the flood, and having a
faint breeze at N.E. stood over for the eastern shore, with
boats ahead, sounding. Our depth was from twelve to
five fathoms; the bottom a hard gravel, though the water
was exceedingly muddy. At eight o'clock a fresh breeze
sprung up at east, blowing in an opposite direction to our
course; so that I despaired of reaching the entrance of
the river, to which we were plying up, before high water.
[pg 301]
But thinking, that what the ships could not do might be
done by boats, I dispatched two, under the command of
Lieutenant King, to examine the tides, and to make such
other observations as might give us some insight into the
nature of the river.


At ten o'clock, finding the ebb began, I anchored in
nine fathoms water, over a gravelly bottom. Observing the
tide to be too strong for the boats to make head against
it, I made a signal for them to return on board, before
they had got half way to the entrance of the river they were
sent to examine, which bore from us S. 80° E., three
leagues distant. The principal information gained by this
tide's work, was the determining that all the low land,
which we had supposed to be an island or islands, was one
continued tract, from the banks of the great river to the
foot of the mountains, to which it joined; and that it terminated
at the south entrance of this eastern branch,
which I shall distinguish by the name of River Turnagain.
On the north side of this river, the low land again begins,
and stretches out from the foot of the mountains down to
the banks of the great river; so that, before the river Turnagain,
it forms a large bay, on the south side of which we
were now at anchor, and where we had from twelve to five
fathoms, from half-flood to high water.


After we had entered the bay, the flood set strong into
the river Turnagain, and ebb came out with still greater
force; the water falling, while we lay at anchor, twenty
feet upon a perpendicular. These circumstances convinced
me, that no passage was to be expected by this side-river
anymore than by the main branch. However, as the water,
during the ebb, though very considerably fresher, had still
a strong degree of saltness, it is but reasonable to suppose,
that both these branches are navigable by ships much farther
than we examined them; and that by means of this
river, and its several branches, a very extensive inland communication
lies open. We had traced it as high as the latitude
of 61° 30', and the longitude of 210°; which is seventy
leagues or more from its entrance, without seeing the
least appearance of its source.


If the discovery of this great river,5 which promises to
[pg 302]
vie with the most considerable ones already known to be
capable of extensive inland navigation, should prove of use
either to the present or to any future age, the time we
spent in it ought to be the less regretted. But to us, who
had a much greater object in view, the delay thus occasioned
was an essential loss. The season was advancing
apace. We knew not how far we might have to proceed
to the south; and we were now convinced, that the continent
of North America extended farther to the west, than
from the modern most reputable charts we had reason to
expect. This made the existence of a passage into Baffin's
or Hudson's Bay less probable, or at least shewed it to be
of greater extent. It was a satisfaction to me, however, to
reflect, that, if I had not examined this very considerable
inlet, it would have been assumed, by speculative fabricators
of geography, as a fact, that it communicated with the
sea to the north, or with Baffin's or Hudson's Bay to the
east; and been marked, perhaps, on future maps of the
world, with greater precision, and more certain signs of
reality, than the invisible, because imaginary, Straits of de
Fuca and de Fonte.


In the afternoon, I sent Mr King again, with two armed
boats, with orders to land on the north-eastern point of the
low land, on the south-east side of the river; there to display
the flag; to take possession of the country and river
in his majesty's name; and to bury in the ground a bottle,
containing some pieces of English coin of the year 1772,
and a paper, on which was inscribed the names of our ships,
and the date of our discovery. In the mean time, the ships
were got under sail, in order to proceed down the river.
The wind still blew fresh, easterly; but a calm ensued, not
long after we were under way; and the flood-tide meeting
us off the point where Mr King landed, (and which thence
got the name of Point Possession,) we were obliged to drop
anchor in six fathoms water, with the point bearing S., two
miles distant.


When Mr King returned, he informed me, that as he
approached the shore, about twenty of the natives made
their appearance, with their arms extended; probably to
[pg 303]
express thus their peaceable disposition, and to shew that
they were without weapons. On Mr King's, and the gentlemen
with him, landing, with musquets in their hands,
they seemed alarmed, and made signs, expressive of their
request to lay them down. This was accordingly done;
and then they suffered the gentlemen to walk up to them,
and appeared to be cheerful and sociable. They had with
them a few pieces of fresh salmon, and several dogs. Mr
Law, surgeon of the Discovery, who was one of the party,
having bought one of the latter, took it down toward the
boat, and shot it dead, in their sight. This seemed to surprise
them exceedingly; and as if they did not think themselves
safe in such company, they walked away; but it was
soon after discovered, that their spears, and other weapons,
were hid in the bushes close behind them. Mr King also
informed me, that the ground was swampy, and the soil
poor, light, and black. It produced a few trees and shrubs;
such as pines, alders, birch, and willows; rose and currant
bushes; and a little grass; but they saw not a single plant
in flower.


We weighed anchor as soon as it was high water, and,
with a faint breeze, southerly, stood over to the west shore,
where the return of the flood obliged us to anchor early
next morning. Soon after, several large, and some small
canoes, with natives, came off, who bartered their skins;
after which they sold their garments, till many of them
were quite naked. Amongst others, they brought a number
of white hare or rabbit skins; and very beautiful reddish
ones of foxes; but there were only two or three skins
of otters. They also sold us some pieces of salmon and halibut.
They preferred iron to every thing else offered to
them in exchange. The lip ornaments did not seem so frequent
amongst them as at Prince William's Sound; but
they had more of those which pass through the nose, and
in general these were also much longer. They had, however,
a greater quantity of a kind of white and red embroidered
work on some parts of their garments, and on
other things, such as their quivers and knife-cases.


At half-past ten, we weighed with the first of the ebb,
and having a gentle breeze at south, plied down the river;
in the doing of which, by the inattention and neglect of
the man at the lead, the Resolution struck, and stuck fast
on a bank, that lies nearly in the middle of the river, and
[pg 304]
about two miles above the two projecting bluff points before
mentioned. This bank was, no doubt, the occasion of
that very strong rippling, or agitation of the stream, which
we had observed when turning up the river. There was not
less than twelve feet depth of water about the ship, at the
lowest of the ebb, but other parts of the bank were dry.
As soon as the ship came aground, I made a signal for the
Discovery to anchor. She, as I afterward understood, had
been near ashore on the west side of the bank. As the
flood-tide came in, the ship floated off, soon after five
o'clock in the afternoon, without receiving the least damage,
or giving us any trouble; and, after standing over
to the west shore into deep water, we anchored to wait for
the ebb, as the wind was still contrary.


We weighed again with the ebb, at ten o'clock at night;
and, between four and five next morning, when the tide
was finished, once more cast anchor, about two miles below
the bluff point, on the west shore, in nineteen fathoms
water. A good many of the natives came off when we were
in this station, and attended upon us all the morning.
Their company was very acceptable; for they brought with
them a large quantity of very fine salmon, which they exchanged
for such trifles as we had to give them. Most of
it was split ready for drying; and several hundred weight
of it was procured for the two ships.


In the afternoon, the mountains, for the first time since
our entering the river, were clear of clouds; and we discovered
a volcano in one of those on the west side. It is
in the latitude of 60° 23'; and it is the first high mountain
to the north of Mount St Augustin. The volcano is
on that side of it that is next the river, and not far from
the summit. It did not now make any striking appearance,
emitting only a white smoke, but no fire.


The wind remaining southerly, we continued to tide it
down the river; and on the 5th, in the morning, coming
to the place where we had lost our kedge-anchor, made an
attempt to recover it, but without success. Before we left
this place, six canoes came off from the east shore; some
conducted by one, and others by two men. They remained
at a little distance from the ships, viewing them with a
kind of silent surprise, at least half an hour, without exchanging
a single word with us, or with one another. At
length they took courage, and came alongside; began to
[pg 305]
barter with our people; and did not leave us till they had
parted with every thing they brought with them, consisting
of a few skins and some salmon. And here it may not
be improper to remark, that all the people we had met with,
in this river, seemed, by every striking instance of resemblance,
to be of the same nation with those who inhabit
Prince William's Sound, but differing essentially from those
of Nootka, or King George's Sound, both in their persons
and language. The language of these is rather more guttural;
but, like the others, they speak strongly and distinct,
in words which seem sentences.


I have before observed, that they are in possession of
iron; that is, they have the points of their spears and
knives of this metal; and some of the former are also made
of copper. Their spears are like our spontoons; and their
knives, which they keep in sheaths, are of a considerable
length. These, with a few glass beads, are the only things
we saw amongst them that were not of their own manufacture.
I have already offered my conjectures from whence
they derive their foreign articles; and shall only add here,
that if it were probable that they found their way to them
from such of their neighbours with whom the Russians
may have established a trade, I will be bold to say, the
Russians themselves have never been amongst them; for
if that had been the case, we should hardly have found
them clothed in such valuable skins as those of the sea-otter.


There is not the least doubt, that a very beneficial fur-trade
might be carried on with the inhabitants of this vast
coast. But unless a northern passage should be found practicable,
it seems rather too remote for Great Britain to receive
any emolument from it. It must, however, be observed,
that the most valuable, or rather the only valuable
skins I saw on this west side of America, were those of the
sea-otter. All their other skins seemed to be of an inferior
quality; particularly those of their foxes and martins. It
must also be observed, that most of the skins which we
purchased were made up into garments. However, some of
these were in good condition; but others were old and ragged
enough; and all of them very lousy. But as these poor
people make no other use of skins but for clothing themselves,
it cannot be supposed that they are at the trouble
of dressing more of them than are necessary for this
[pg 306]
purpose. And, perhaps, this is the chief use for which they
kill the animals; for the sea and the rivers seem to supply
them with their principal articles of food. It would, probably,
be much otherwise, were they once habituated to a
constant trade with foreigners. This intercourse would increase
their wants, by introducing them to an acquaintance
with new luxuries; and, in order to be enabled to
purchase these, they would be more assiduous in procuring
skins, which they would soon discover to be the commodity
most sought for; and a plentiful supply of which,
I make no doubt, would be had in the country.


It will appear, from what has been said occasionally of
the tide, that it is considerable in this river, and contributes
very much to facilitate the navigation of it. It is
high-water in the stream, on the days of the new and full
moon, between two and three o'clock; and the tide rises,
upon a perpendicular, between three and four fathoms.
The reason of the tide's being greater here than at other
parts of this coast, is easily accounted for. The mouth of
the river being situated in a corner of the coast, the flood
that comes from the ocean is forced into it by both shores,
and by that means swells the tide to a great height.


The variation of the compass was 25° 40' E.


Footnote 1: (return) 
Captain Cook means Muller's, of which a translation had been
published
in London some time before be sailed.—D.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Mr Coxe, who has been at considerable pains in endeavouring to
reconcile
the accounts of Muller and Steller, and in comparing them with
the journals of Cook and Vancouver, is induced to conjecture that Beering
first discovered the continent of America in the neighbourhood of
Kaye's Island, and not where Captain Cook assigns. This is a very probable
opinion, as might easily be shewn, but not without anticipating matter
that belongs to another voyage. It is enough just now to hint at the
circumstance, lest the remarks of Cook, always well entitled to respect,
should be too much confided in by the reader. No man's judgment is to
be disparaged, because of an error committed, where so little information
has been given for its guidance.—E.


Footnote 3: (return) 
The reader of course is aware, that this gentleman, afterwards
successively
Bishop of Carlisle and Salisbury, is the person to whom we are
indebted for the original edition of this voyage, as we have elsewhere
mentioned.—E.


Footnote 4: (return) 
In naming this and Mount St Augustin, Captain Cook was directed
by our Calendar.—D.


Footnote 5: (return) 
Captain Cook having here left a blank which he had not filled up
with any particular name, Lord Sandwich directed, with the greatest propriety,
that it should be called Cook's River.—D.


Some readers may require to be informed, that, for reasons
mentioned
in the account of his voyage, Captain Vancouver has called it Cook's
Inlet.—E.


SECTION VII.


Discoveries after leaving Cook's River.—Island of St Hermogenes.—Cape
Whitsunday.—Cape Greville.—Cape Barnabas.—Two-headed
Point.—Trinity Island.—Beering's Foggy
Island.—A beautiful Bird described.—Kodiak and the
Schumagin Islands.—A Russian Letter brought on Board
by a Native.—Conjectures about it.—Rock Point.—Halibut
Island.—A Volcano Mountain.—Providential Escape.—Arrival
of the Ships at Oonalaschka.—Intercourse with
the Natives there.—Another Russian Letter.—Samganoodha
Harbour described.


As soon as the ebb tide made in our favour, we weighed,
and, with a light breeze, between W.S.W., and S.S.W.,
plied down the river, till the flood obliged us to anchor
again. At length, about one o'clock next morning, a fresh
breeze sprung up at W., with which we got under sail, and,
[pg 307]
at eight, passed the Barren Islands, and stretched away for
Cape St Hermogenes. At noon, this cape bore S.S.E.,
eight leagues distant; and the passage between the island
of that name, and the main land, bore S. For this passage
I steered, intending to go through it. But soon after the
wind failed us, and we had baffling light airs from the eastward,
so that I gave up my design of carrying the ships between
the island and the main.


At this time we saw several columns of smoke on the coast
of the continent, to the northward of the passage; and,
most probably, they were meant as signals to attract us thither.
Here the land forms a bay, or perhaps a harbour, off
the N.W. point of which lies a low, rocky island. There
are also some other islands of the same appearance, scattered
along the coast, between this place and Point Banks.


At eight in the evening, the island of St Hermogenes extended
from S. 1/2 E. to S.S.E. 1/4 E., and the rocks that lie
on the N. side of it bore S.E., three miles distant. In this
situation, we had forty fathoms water over a bottom of sand
and shells. Soon after, on putting over hooks and lines, we
caught several halibut.


At midnight, being past the rocks, we bore up to the
southward, and, at noon, St Hermogenes bore N., four
leagues distant. At this time, the southernmost point of the
main land, within or to the westward of St Hermogenes, lay
N. 1/2 W., distant five leagues. This promontory, which is
situated in the latitude of 58° 15', and in the longitude of
207° 24', was named, after the day, Cape Whitsunday. A
large bay, which lies to the W. of it, obtained the name of
Whitsuntide Bay. The land on the E. side of this bay, of
which Cape Whitsunday is the most southern point, and
Point Banks the northern one, is, in all respects, like the
island of St Hermogenes, seemingly destitute of wood, and
partly free from snow. It was supposed to be covered with
a mossy substance, that gave it a brownish cast. There were
some reasons to think it was an island. If this be so, the
last-mentioned bay is only the strait or passage that separates
it from the main land.1


[pg 308]


Between one and two in the afternoon, the wind, which
had been at N.E., shifted at once to the southward. It was
unsettled till six, when it fixed at S., which was the very direction
of our course, so that we were obliged to ply up the
coast. The weather was gloomy, and the air dry, but cold.
We stood to the eastward till midnight, then tacked, and
stood in for the land; and, between seven and eight in the
morning of the 8th, we were within four miles of it, and
not more than half a league from some sunken rocks, which
bore W.S.W. In this situation we tacked in thirty-five
fathoms water, the island of St Hermogenes bearing N. 20°
E., and the southernmost land in sight, S.


In standing in for this coast, we crossed the mouth of
Whitsuntide Bay, and saw land all round the bottom of it,
so that either the land is connected, or else the points lock
in, one behind another. I am more inclined to think, that
the former is the case, and that the land, east of the bay,
is a part of the continent. Some small islands lie on the
west of the bay. The sea-coast to the southward of it is rather
low, with projecting rocky points, between which are
small bays or inlets. There was no wood, and but little
snow upon the coast; but the mountains, which lie at some
distance inland, were wholly covered with the latter. We
stood off till noon, then tacked, and stood in for the land.
The latitude, at this time, was 57° 52-1/2'; Cape St Hermogenes
bore N. 30° W., eight leagues distant, and the southernmost
part of the coast in sight; the same that was seen
before, bore S.W., ten leagues distant. The land here
forms a point, which was named Cape Greville. It lies in
the latitude of 57° 33', and in the longitude of 207° 15', and
is distant fifteen leagues from Cape St Hermogenes, in the
direction of S. 17° W.


The three following days we had almost constant misty
weather, with drizzling rain, so that we seldom had a sight
of the coast. The wind was S.E. by S., and S.S.E., a gentle
breeze, and the air raw and cold. With this wind and
weather, we continued to ply up the coast, making boards
of six or eight leagues each. The depth of water was from
thirty to fifty-five fathoms, over a coarse, black sandy bottom.


[pg 309]


The fog clearing up, with the change of the wind to
S.W., in the evening of the 12th, we had a sight of the land
bearing W., twelve leagues distant. We stood in for it
early next morning. At noon we were not above three miles
from it; an elevated point, which obtained the name of
Cape Barnabas, lying in the latitude of 57° 13', bore N.N.
E. 1/2 E., ten miles distant, and the coast extended from N.
42° E., to W.S.W. The N.E. extreme was lost in a haze,
but the point to the S.W., whose elevated summit terminated
in two round hills, on that account was called Two-headed
Point. This part of the coast, in which are several
small bays, is composed of high hills and deep valleys, and
in some places we could see the tops of other hills, beyond
those that form the coast, which was but little encumbered
with snow, but had a very barren appearance. Not a tree
or bush was to be seen upon it; and, in general, it had a
brownish hue, probably the effect of a mossy covering.


I continued to ply to the S.W. by W., as the coast trended,
and, at six in the evening, being midway between Cape
Barnabas and Two-headed Point, and two leagues from the
shore, the depth of water was sixty-two fathoms. From this
station, a low point of land made its appearance beyond
Two-headed Point, bearing S. 69° W., and, without it, other
land that had the appearance of an island, bore S. 59° W.


At noon, on the 13th, being in latitude 56° 49', Cape St
Barnabas bore N. 52° E., Two-headed Point, N. 14° W.,
seven or eight miles distant, and the coast of the continent
extended as far as S. 72 1/2 W., and the land seen the preceding
evening, and supposed to be an island, now appeared
like two islands. From whatever quarter Two-headed
Point was viewed, it had the appearance of being an island,
or else it is a peninsula, on each side of which the shore
forms a bay. The wind still continued westerly, a gentle
breeze, the weather rather dull and cloudy, and the air
sharp and dry.


We were well up with the southernmost land next morning,
and found it to be an island, which was named Trinity
Island. Its greatest extent is six leagues in the direction of
E. and W. Each end is elevated naked land, and in the
middle it is low, so that, at a distance, from some points of
view, it assumes the appearance of two islands. It lies in
the latitude of 56° 36', and in the longitude of 205°, and
between two and three leagues from the continent, which
[pg 310]
space is interspersed with small islands and rocks, but there
seemed to be good passage enough, and also safe anchorage.
At first we were inclined to think, that this was Beering's
Foggy Island,2 but its situation so near the main does
not suit his chart.


At eight in the evening, we stood in for the land, till we
were within a league of the above-mentioned small islands.
The westernmost part of the continent now in sight, being
a low point facing Trinity Island, and which we called Cape
Trinity, now bore W.N.W. In this situation, having tacked
in fifty-four fathoms water, over a bottom of black sand,
we stood over for the island, intending to work up between
it and the main. The land to the westward of Two-headed
Point, is not so mountainous as it is to the N.E. of it, nor
does so much snow lie upon it. There are, however, a good
many hills considerably elevated, but they are disjoined by
large tracts of flat land that appeared to be perfectly destitute
of wood, and very barren.


As we were standing over toward the island, we met two
men in a small canoe, paddling from it to the main. Far
from approaching us, they seemed rather to avoid it. The
wind now began to incline to the S., and we had reason to
expect, that it would soon be at the S.E. Experience having
taught us, that a south-easterly wind was here generally,
if not always, accompanied by a thick fog, I was
afraid to venture through between the island and the continent,
lest the passage should not be accomplished before
night, or before the thick weather came on, when we should
be obliged to anchor, and by that means lose the advantage
of a fair wind. These reasons induced me to stretch out to
sea, and we passed two or three rocky islets that lie near
the east end of Trinity Island. At four in the afternoon,
having weathered the island, we tacked, and steered west-southerly,
with a fresh gale at S.S.E., which, before midnight,
veered to the S.E., and was, as usual, attended with
misty, drizzling, rainy weather.


By the course we steered all night, I was in hopes of falling
in with the continent in the morning. And, doubtless,
we should have seen it, had the weather been in the least
clear, but the fog prevented. Seeing no land at noon, and
the gale increasing, with a thick fog and rain, I steered
[pg 311]
W.N.W., under such sail as we could easily haul the wind
with, being fully sensible of the danger of running before
a strong gale in a thick fog, in the vicinity of an unknown
coast. It was, however, necessary to run some risk when
the wind favoured us; for clear weather, we had found, was
generally accompanied with winds from the west.


Between two and three in the afternoon, land was seen
through the fog, bearing N.W., not more than three or four
miles distant. Upon this, we immediately hauled up south,
close to the wind. Soon after, the two courses were split,
so that we had others to bring to the yards, and several
others of our sails received considerable damage. At nine,
the gale abated, the weather cleared up, and we lost sight
of the coast again, extending from W. by S. to N.W.,
about four or five leagues distant. On sounding, we found
a hundred fathoms water, over a muddy bottom. Soon after,
the fog returned, and we saw no more of the land all
night.


At four next morning, the fog being now dispersed, we
found ourselves in a manner surrounded by land; the continent,
or what was supposed to be the continent, extending
from W.S.W. to N.E. by N., and some elevated land
bearing S.E. 1/2 S., by estimation eight or nine leagues distant.
The N.E. extreme of the main was the same point
of land that we had fallen in with during the fog, and we
named it Foggy Cape. It lies in latitude 56° 31'. At this
time, having had but little wind all night, a breeze sprung
up at N.W. With this we stood to the southward, to make
the land, seen in that direction, plainer.


At nine o'clock, we found it to be an island of about nine
leagues in compass, lying in the latitude of 56° 10', and in the
longitude of 202° 46'; and it is distinguished in our chart by the
name of Foggy Island, having reason to believe, from
its situation, that it is the same which had that name given
to it by Beering. At the same time, three or four islands,
lying before a bay, formed by the coast of the main land;
bore N. by W.; a point, with three or four pinnacle rocks
upon it, which was called Pinnacle Point, bore N.W. by
W.; and a cluster of small islets, or rocks, lying about nine
leagues from the coast, S.S.E.


At noon, when our latitude was 56° 9', and our longitude
201° 45', these rocks bore S. 58' E., ten miles distant; Pinnacle
Point, N.N.W., distant seven leagues; the nearest
[pg 312]
part of the main land N.W. by W., six leagues distant; and
the most advanced land to the S.W., which had the appearance
of being an island, bore W., a little southerly. In
the afternoon, we had little or no wind, so that our progress
was inconsiderable. At eight in the evening, the coast extended
from S.W. to N.N.E., the nearest part about eight
leagues distant.


On the 17th, the wind was between W. and N.W., a
gentle breeze, and sometimes almost calm. The weather
was clear, and the air sharp and dry. At noon, the continent
extended from S.W. to N. by E., the nearest part seven
leagues distant. A large group of islands lying about
the same distance from the continent, extended from S.
26° W. to S. 52° W.


It was calm great part of the 18th, and the weather was
clear and pleasant. We availed ourselves of this, by making
observations for the longitude and variation. The latter was
found to be 21° 27' E. There can be no doubt that there
is a continuation of the continent between Trinity Island
and Foggy Cape, which the thick weather prevented us
from seeing. For some distance to the S.W., of that cape,
this country is more broken or rugged than any part we had
yet seen, both with respect to the hills themselves, and to
the coast, which seemed full of creeks, or small inlets, none
of which appeared to be of any great depth. Perhaps,
upon a closer examination, some of the projecting points
between these inlets will be found to be islands. Every
part had a very barren aspect, and was covered with snow,
from the summits of the highest hills, down to a very small
distance from the sea coast.


Having occasion to send a boat on board the Discovery,
one of the people in her shot a very beautiful bird of the
hawk kind. It is somewhat less than a duck, and of a black
colour, except the fore-part of the head, which is white,
and from above and behind each eye arises an elegant yellowish-white
crest, revolved backward as a ram's horn. The
bill and feet are red. It is, perhaps, the alca monochroa of
Steller, mentioned in the history of Kamtschatka.3 I think
the first of these birds was seen by us a little to the southward
of Cape St Hermogenes. From that time, we
[pg 313]
generally saw some of them every day, and sometimes in large
flocks. Besides these, we daily saw most of the other sea-birds,
that are commonly found in other northern oceans,
such as gulls, shags, puffins, sheerwaters, and sometimes
ducks, geese, and swans. And seldom a day passed without
seeing seals, whales, and ether large fish.


In the afternoon, we got a light breeze of wind southerly,
which enabled us to steer W., for the channel that appeared
between the islands and the continent; and, at day-break
next morning, we were at no great distance from it,
and found several other islands, within those already seen
by us, of various extent both in height and circuit. But
between these last islands, and those before seen, there
seemed to be a clear channel, for which I steered, being
afraid to keep the coast of the continent aboard, lest we
should mistake some point of it for an island, and, by that
means, be drawn into some inlet, and lose the advantage of
the fair wind, which at this time blew.


I therefore kept along the southernmost chain of islands,
and at noon we were in the latitude of 55° 18', and in the
narrowest part of the channel, formed by them and those
which lie along the continent, where it is about a league
and a half, or two leagues over. The largest island in this
group was now on our left, and is distinguished by the
name of Kodiak,4 according to the information we afterwards
received. I left the rest of them without names. I
believe them to be the same that Beering calls Schumagin's
Islands,5 or those which he called by that name, to be a
part of them, for this group is pretty extensive. We saw
islands as far to the southward as an island could be seen.
They commence in the longitude of 200° 15' E., and extend
a degree and a half, or two degrees, to the westward.
I cannot be particular, as we could not distinguish all the
islands from the coast of the continent. Most of these
islands are of a good height, very barren and rugged,
abounding with rocks and steep cliffs, and exhibiting other
romantic appearances. There are several snug bays and
coves about them, streams of fresh water run from their
elevated parts, some drift-wood was floating around, but not
[pg 314]
a tree or bush was to be seen growing on the land. A good
deal of snow still lay on many of them, and the parts of the
continent, which shewed themselves between the innermost
islands, were quite covered with it.6


At four in the afternoon, we had passed all the islands
that lay to the southward of us; the southernmost, at this
time, bearing S. 5° E., and the westernmost point of land
now in sight, S. 82° W. For this point we steered, and
passed between it and two or three elevated rocks that lie
about a league to the east of it.


Some time after we had got through this channel, in
which we found forty fathoms water, the Discovery, now
about two miles astern, fired three guns, and brought-to,
and made a signal to speak with us. This alarmed me not
a little; and, as no apparent danger had been remarked in
the passage through the channel, it was apprehended that
some accident, such as springing a leak, must have happened.
A boat was immediately sent to her, and in a short
time returned with Captain Clerke. I now learned from
him, that some natives, in three or four canoes, who had
been following the ship for some time, at length got under
his stern. One of them then made many signs, taking off
his cap, and bowing, after the manner of Europeans. A rope
being handed down from the ship, to this he fastened a
small thin wooden case or box, and having delivered this
safe, and spoken something, and made some more signs,
the canoes dropped astern, and left the Discovery. No one
on board her had any suspicion that the box contained any
thing, till after the departure of the canoes, when it was accidentally
opened, and a piece of paper was found, folded
up carefully, upon which something was written in the Russian
language, as was supposed. The date 1778 was prefixed
to it, and, in the body of the written note, there was a reference
to the year 1776. Not learned enough to decypher
the alphabet of the writer, his numerals marked sufficiently
that others had preceded us in visiting this dreary part of
the globe, who were united to us by other ties besides those
[pg 315]
of our common nature; and the hopes of soon meeting with
some of the Russian traders could not but give a sensible
satisfaction to those who had, for such a length of time,
been conversant with the savages of the Pacific Ocean, and
of the continent of North America.


Captain Clerke was, at first, of opinion, that some Russians
had been shipwrecked here, and that these unfortunate
persons, seeing our ships pass, had taken this method to inform
us of their situation. Impressed with humane sentiments,
on such an occasion, he was desirous of our stopping
till they might have time to join us. But no such idea occurred
to me. It seemed obvious, that if this had been the
case, it would have been the first step taken by such shipwrecked
persons, in order to secure to themselves, and to
their companions, the relief they could not but be solicitous
about, to send some of their body off to the ships in the
canoes. For this reason, I rather thought that the paper
contained a note of information, left by some Russian trader,
who had lately been amongst these islands, to be delivered
to the next of their countrymen who should arrive;
and that the natives, seeing our ships pass, and supposing us
to be Russians, had resolved to bring off the note, thinking
it might induce us to stop. Fully convinced of this, I did
not stay to enquire any farther into the matter, but made
sail, and stood away to the westward, along the coast; perhaps
I should say along the islands, for we could not pronounce,
with certainty, whether the nearest land, within us,
was continent or islands. If not the latter, the coast here
forms some tolerably large and deep bays.


We continued to run all night with a gentle breeze at
N.E., and, at two o'clock next morning, some breakers
were seen within us, at the distance of about two miles.
Two hours after, others were seen a-head, and on our larboard
bow, and between us and the land, they were innumerable.
We did but just clear them, by holding a south
course. These breakers were occasioned by rocks, some of
which were above water. They extend seven leagues from
the land, and are very dangerous, especially in thick weather,
to which this coast seems much subject. At noon, we
had just got on their outside, and, by observation, we were
in the latitude of 54° 44', and in the longitude of 198°.
The nearest land, being an elevated bluff point, which was
called Rock Point, bore N., seven or eight leagues distant;
[pg 316]
the westernmost part of the main, or what was supposed to
be the main, bore N. 80° W.; and a round hill, without,
which was found to be an island, and was called Halibut-Head,
bore S. 64° W., thirteen leagues distant.


On the 21st at noon, having made but little progress, on
account of faint winds and calms, Halibut-Head, which lies
in the latitude of 54° 27', and in the longitude of 197°, bore
N. 24° W., and the island on which it is, and called Halibut
Island, extended from N. by E. to N.W. by W., two
leagues distant. This island is seven or eight leagues in circuit,
and, except the head, the land of it is low and very
barren. There are several small islands near it, all of the
same appearance, but there seemed to be a passage between
them and the main, two or three leagues broad.7


The rocks and breakers, before mentioned, forced us so
far from the continent, that we had but a distant view of
the coast between Rock Point and Halibut Island. Over
this and the adjoining islands we could see the main land
covered with snow, but particularly some hills, whose elevated
tops were seen, towering above the clouds, to a most
stupendous height. The most south-westerly of these hills
was discovered to have a volcano, which continually threw
up vast columns of black smoke. It stands not far from the
coast, and in the latitude of 54° 48', and in the longitude
of 195° 45'. It is also remarkable from its figure, which is
a complete cone, and the volcano is at the very summit.
We seldom saw this (or indeed any other of these mountains)
wholly clear of clouds. At times, both base and
summit would be clear, when a narrow cloud, sometimes
two or three, one above another, would embrace the middle
like a girdle, which, with the column of smoke, rising
perpendicular to a great height out of its top, and spreading
before the wind into a tail of vast length, made a very
picturesque appearance. It may be worth remarking, that
the wind, at the height to which the smoke of this volcano
reached, moved sometimes in a direction contrary to what
it did at sea, even when it blew a fresh gale.


In the afternoon, having three hours calm, our people
caught upwards of a hundred halibuts, some of which weighed
a hundred pounds, and none less than twenty pounds.
[pg 317]
This was a very seasonable refreshment to us. In the height
of our fishing, which was in thirty-five fathoms water, and
three or four miles from the shore, a small canoe, conducted
by one man, came to us from the large island. On approaching
the ship, be took off his cap, and bowed, as the
other had done, who visited the Discovery the preceding
day. It was evident that the Russians must have a communication
and traffic with these people, not only from
their acquired politeness, but from the note before mentioned.
But we had now a fresh proof of it; for our present
visitor wore a pair of green cloth breeches, and a jacket of
black cloth or stuff, under the gut-shirt or frock of his own
country. He had nothing to barter, except a grey fox skin,
and some fishing implements or harpoons, the heads of the
shafts of which, for the length of a foot or more, were neatly
made of bone, as thick as a walking cane, and carved.
He had with him a bladder full of something, which we
supposed to be oil, for he opened it, took a mouthful, and
then fastened it again.


His canoe was of the same make with those we had seen
before, but rather smaller. He used a double bladed-paddle,
as did also those who had visited the Discovery. In his
size and features, he exactly resembled those we saw in
Prince William's Sound, and in the Great River, but he was
quite free from paint of any kind, and had the perforation
of his lips made in an oblique direction, without any ornament
in it. He did not seem to understand any of the
words commonly used by our visitors in the Sound, when
repeated to him. But, perhaps, our faulty pronunciation,
rather than his ignorance of the dialect, may be inferred
from this.


The weather was cloudy and hazy, with now and then
sunshine, till the afternoon of the 22d, when the wind came
round to the S.E., and, as usual, brought thick rainy weather.
Before the fog came on, no part of the main land
was in sight, except the volcano, and another mountain
close by it. I continued to steer W. till seven in the evening,
when, being apprehensive of falling in with the land
in thick weather, we hauled the wind to the southward, till
two o'clock next morning, and then bore away W. We
made but little progress, having the wind variable, and but
little of it, till at last it fixed in the western board, and at
[pg 318]
five in the afternoon, having a gleam of sunshine, we saw
land bearing N. 59° W., appearing in hillocks like islands.


At six in the morning of the 24th, we got a sight of the
continent, and at nine it was seen extending from N.E. by
E. to S.W. by W. 1/2 W., the nearest part about four leagues
distant. The land to the S.W. proved to be islands, the
same that had been seen the preceding evening. But the
other was a continuation of the continent, without any
islands to obstruct our view of it. In the evening, being
about four leagues from the shore, in forty-two fathoms
water, having little or no wind, we had recourse to our
hooks and lines, but only two or three small cod were
caught.


The next morning we got a breeze easterly, and what
was uncommon with this wind, clear weather, so that we
not only saw the volcano, but other mountains, both to the
east and west of it, and all the coast of the main land under
them, much plainer than at any time before. It extended
from N.E. by N. to N.W. 1/2 W., where it seemed to
terminate. Between this point and the islands without it,
there appeared a large opening, for which I steered, till we
raised land beyond it. This land, although we did not perceive
that it joined the continent, made a passage through
the opening very doubtful. It also made it doubtful, whether
the land which we saw to the S.W., was insular or continental,
and, if the latter, it was obvious that the opening
would be a deep bay or inlet, from which, if once we entered
it with an easterly wind, it would not be so easy to get
out. Not caring, therefore, to trust too much to appearances,
I steered to the southward. Having thus got without
all the land in sight, I then steered west, in which direction
the islands lay, for such we found this land to be.


By eight o'clock we had passed three of them, all of a
good height. More of them were now seen to the westward,
the south-westernmost part of them bearing W.N.W.
The weather, in the afternoon, became gloomy, and at
length turned to a mist, and the wind blew fresh at E. I
therefore, at ten at night, hauled the wind to the southward
till day-break, when we resumed our course to the W.


Day-light availed us little, for the weather was so thick,
that we could not see a hundred yards before us; but as the
wind was now moderate, I ventured to run. At half-past
four, we were alarmed at hearing the sound of breakers on
[pg 319]
our larboard bow. On heaving the lead, we found twenty-eight
fathoms water, and the next cast, twenty-five. I immediately
brought the ship to, with her head to the northward,
and anchored in this last depth, over a bottom of
coarse sand, calling to the Discovery, she being close by us,
to anchor also.


A few hours after, the fog having cleared away a little,
it appeared that we had escaped very imminent danger.
We found ourselves three quarters of a mile from the N.E.
side of an island, which extended from S. by W. 1/2 W. to
N. by E. 1/2 E., each extreme about a league distant. Two
elevated rocks, the one bearing S. by E., and the other E.
by S., were about half a league each from us, and about the
same distance from each other. There were several breakers
about them, and yet Providence had, in the dark, conducted
the ships through, between these rocks, which I should
not have ventured in a clear day, and to such an anchoring-place,
that I could not have chosen a better.


Finding ourselves so near land, I sent a boat to examine
what it produced. In the afternoon she returned, and the
officer, who commanded her, reported, that it produced
some tolerable good grass, and several other small plants,
one of which was like purslain, and eat very well, either in
soups or as a sallad. There was no appearance of shrubs or
trees, but on the beach were a few pieces of drift wood. It
was judged to be low water between ten and eleven o'clock,
and we found, where we lay at anchor, that the flood-tide
came from the E. or S.E.


In the night, the wind blew fresh at S., but was more
moderate toward the morning, and the fog partly dispersed.
Having weighed at seven o'clock, we steered to the northward,
between the island under which we had anchored,
and another small one near it. The channel is not above a
mile broad; and before we were through it, the wind failed,
and we were obliged to anchor in thirty-four fathoms
water. We had now land in every direction. That to the
S., extended to the S.W., in a ridge of mountains, but our
sight could not determine whether it composed one or more
islands. We afterward found it to be only one island, and
known by the name of Oonalashka. Between it, and the
land to the N., which had the appearance of being a group
of islands, there seemed to be a channel, in the direction of
N.W. by N. On a point, which bore W. from the ship,
[pg 320]
three quarters of a mile distant, were several natives and
their habitations. To this place we saw them tow in two
whales, which we supposed they had just killed. A few of
them, now and then, came off to the ships, and bartered a
few trifling things with our people, but never remained
above a quarter of an hour at a time. On the contrary, they
rather seemed shy, and yet we could judge that they were
no strangers to vessels, in some degree, like ours. They
behaved with a degree of politeness uncommon to savage
tribes.


At one o'clock in the afternoon, having a light breeze at
N.E., and the tide of flood in our favour, we weighed, and
steered for the channel above-mentioned, in hopes, after we
were through, of finding the land trend away to the northward,
or, at least, a passage out to sea to the W. For we
supposed ourselves, as it really happened, to be amongst
islands, and not in an inlet of the continent. We had not
been long under sail, before the wind veered to the N.,
which obliged us to ply. The soundings were from forty to
twenty-seven fathoms, over a bottom of sand and mud. In
the evening, the ebb making against us, we anchored about
three leagues from our last station, with the passage bearing
N.W.


At day-break the next morning, we weighed, with a light
breeze at S., which carried us up to the passage, when it was
succeeded by variable light airs from all directions. But as
there run a rapid tide in our favour, the Resolution got
through before the ebb made. The Discovery was not so
fortunate. She was carried back, got into the race, and had
some trouble to get clear of it. As soon as we were through,
the land on one side was found to trend W. and S.W., and
that on the other side to trend N. This gave us great reason
to hope, that the continent had here taken a new direction,
which was much in our favour. Being in want of
water, and perceiving that we run some risk of driving about
in a rapid tide, without wind to govern the ship, I stood for
a harbour, lying on the S. side of the passage, but we were
very soon driven past it, and, to prevent being forced back
through the passage, came to an anchor in twenty-eight
fathoms water, pretty near the southern shore, out of the
reach of the strong tide. And yet, even here, we found it
to run full five knots and a half in the hour.


While we lay here, several of the natives came off to us,
[pg 321]
each in a canoe, and bartered a few fishing implements for
tobacco. One of them, a young man, overset his canoe,
while along-side of one of our boats. Our people caught
hold of him, but the canoe went adrift, and, being picked
up by another, was carried ashore. The youth, by this accident,
was obliged to come into the ship; and he went
down into my cabin, upon the first invitation, without expressing
the least reluctance or uneasiness. His dress was
an upper garment, like a shirt, made of the large gut of
some sea-animal, probably the whale, and an under garment
of the same shape, made of the skins of birds, dressed with
the feathers on, and neatly sewed together, the feathered
side being wore next his skin. It was mended or patched
with pieces of silk-stuff, and his cap was ornamented with
two or three sorts of glass beads. His own clothes being
wet, I gave him others, in which he dressed himself with as
much ease as I could have done. From his behaviour, and
that of some others, we were convinced that these people
were no strangers to Europeans, and to some of their customs.
But there was something in our ships that greatly
excited their curiosity; for such as could not come off in
canoes, assembled on the neighbouring hills to look at
them.8


At low water, having weighed and towed the ship into
the harbour, we anchored there in nine fathoms water, over
a bottom of sand and mud. The Discovery got in soon after.
A launch was now sent for water, and a boat to draw
the seine, but we caught only four trout, and a few other
small fish.


Soon after we anchored, a native of the island brought on
board such another note as had been given to Captain
Clerke. He presented it to me, but it was written in the
Russian language, which, as already observed, none of us
could read. As it could be of no use to me, and might be
of consequence to others, I returned it to the bearer, and
dismissed him with a few presents, for which he expressed
his thanks, by making several low bows as he retired.


In walking, next day, along the shore, I met with a group
of natives of both sexes, seated on the grass, at a repast,
[pg 322]
consisting of raw fish, which they seemed to eat with as
much relish as we should a turbot, served up with the richest
sauce. By the evening, we had completed our water,
and made such observations as the time and weather would
permit. I have taken notice of the rapidity of the tide
without the harbour, but it was inconsiderable within. It
was low water at noon, and high water at half-past six in
the evening, and the water rose, upon a perpendicular, three
feet four inches, but there were marks of its sometimes rising
a foot higher.


Thick fogs, and a contrary-wind, detained us till the 2d
of July, which afforded an opportunity of acquiring some
knowledge of the country and of its inhabitants. The result
of our observations will be mentioned in another place.
At present I shall only describe the harbour.


It is called, by the natives, Samganoodha, and is situated
on the north side of Oonalashka, in the latitude of 58° 55',
in the longitude of 193° 30'; and in the strait, or passage,
that separates this island from those that lie to the north of
it, and whose position before the harbour shelters it from
the winds that blow from that quarter. It runs in S. by W.,
about four miles, and is about a mile broad at the entrance,
narrowing toward the head, where its breadth is not above
a quarter of a mile, and where ships can lie land-locked, in
seven, six, and four fathoms water. Great plenty of good
water may be easily got, but not a single stick of wood of
any size.


Footnote 1: (return) 
Such seems to be the opinion of Arrowsmith, as indicated by his map
of America, 1804. That map, however, is far from being minute or satisfactory
as to this part of the voyage. The chart of the Russian and
English discoveries, which Mr Coxe has inserted in his work so often alluded
to, is perhaps a better guide. But indeed both are faulty. The reader
need not be informed that the geography of this region is still
very imperfect.—E.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Tumannoi-ostrow, c'est-à-dire, L'isle
Nebuleuse.—Muller, p. 261.


Footnote 3: (return) 
P. 158. Eng. Trans.—The Tufted Aek.—Pennant's Arct. Zool.
ii.
N°. 432.


Footnote 4: (return) 
See an account of Kodiac, in Stæhlin's New Northern Archipelago,
p. 30-39.


Footnote 5: (return) 
See Muller's Découvertes des Russes, p. 262-277.


Footnote 6: (return) 
Coxe's work maybe advantageously consulted for information
respecting
the islands now mentioned. But few persons, it is presumed, feel so
interested about them, as to desire any addition to the text. Besides,
though a connected account of this archipelago might be either amusing or
necessary, it is obvious that detached notices would have little value to
commend them to attention.—E.


Footnote 7: (return) 
So Arrowsmith's map has it. The chart in Coxe's work, 4th edition,
does not mention Halibut Island.—E.


Footnote 8: (return) 
Of Oonalashka, Unalashka, or Aghunalaska, for it is known by these
three names, Mr Coxe has presented several interesting enough notices.
The Russians were no strangers to it previous to this voyage.—E.


[pg 323]


SECTION VIII.


Progress Northward, after leaving Oonalashka.—The Islands
Oonella and Acootan.—Ooneemak.—Shallowness of the Water
along the Coast—Bristol Bay.—Round Island.—Calm
Point.—Cape Newenham.—Lieutenant Williamson lands,
and his Report.—Bristol Bay, and its Extent.—The Ships
obliged to return on account of Shoals.—Natives come off to
the Ships.—Death of Mr Anderson; his Character; and
Island named after him.—Point Rodney.—Sledge Island,
and Remarks on Landing there.—King's Island.—Cape
Prince of Wales, the Western Extreme of America. Course
Westward.—Anchor in a Bay on the Coast of Asia.


Having put to sea with a light breeze, at S.S.E., we
steered to the N., meeting with nothing to obstruct us in
this course. For, as I observed before, the island of Oonalashka
on the one side, trended S.W., and on the other, no
land was to be seen in a direction more northerly than
N.E., the whole of which laud was a continuation of the
same group of islands which we had fallen in with on the
25th of June. That which lies before Samganoodha, and
forms the N.E. side of the passage through which we came,
is called Oonella, and is about seven leagues in circumference.
Another island to the N.E. of it, is called Acootan,
which is considerably larger than Oonella, and hath in it
some very high mountains which were covered with snow.
It appeared, that we might have gone very safely between,
these two islands and the continent, the S.W. point of which
opened off the N.E. point of Acootan, in the direction of
N. 60° E.; and which proved to be the same point of land
we had seen when we quitted the coast of the continent, on
the 25th of June, to go without the islands. It is called by
the people of these parts Ooneemak, and lies in the latitude
of 54° 30', and in the longitude of 192° 30'. Over the cape,
which of itself is high land, is a round elevated mountain,
at this time entirely covered with snow.


At six in the evening, this mountain bore E. 2° N., and
at eight we had no land in sight. Concluding, therefore,
that the coast of the continent had now taken a north-easterly
direction, I ventured to steer the same course till one
[pg 324]
o'clock the next morning, when the watch on deck thought
they saw land a-head. Upon this we wore, and stood to the
S.W. for two hours, and then resumed our course to the
E.N.E.


At six o'clock, land was seen a-head, bearing S.E., about
five leagues distant. As we advanced, we raised more and
more land, all connected, and seemingly in the direction of
our course. At noon, it extended from S.S.W. to E., the
nearest part five or six leagues distant; Our latitude at this
time was 55° 21', and our longitude 195° 18'. This coast is
on the N.W. side of the volcano mountain, so that we must
have seen it, if the weather had been tolerably clear.


At six in the evening, after having run eight leagues upon
an E. by N. course from noon, we sounded, and found
forty-eight fathoms, over a bottom of black sand. Being
at this time four leagues from the land, the eastern part in
sight bore E.S.E., and appeared as a high round hummock,
seemingly detached from the main.


Having continued to steer E.N.E. all night, at eight in
the morning of the 4th, the coast was seen from S.S.W. to
E. by S.; and at times we could see high land, covered
with snow behind it. Soon after it fell calm, and being in
thirty fathoms water, we put over hooks and lines, and
caught a good number of cod-fish. At noon, having now
a breeze from the east, and the weather being clear, we
found ourselves six leagues from the land, which extended
from S. by W. to E. by S. The hummock, seen the preceding
evening, bore S.W. by S. ten leagues distant. Our
latitude was now 55° 50', and our longitude 197° 3'. A
great hollow swell, from W.S.W., assured us that there was
no main land near in that direction. I stood to the N. till
six in the afternoon, when the wind having veered to S.E.,
enabled us to steer E.N.E. The coast lay in this direction,
and at noon, the next day, was about four leagues distant.


On the 6th and 7th, the wind being northerly, we made
but little progress. At eight in the evening of the latter,
we were in nineteen fathoms water, and about three or four
leagues from the coast, which, on the 8th, extended from
S.S.W. to E. by N., and was all low land, with a ridge of
mountains behind it, covered with snow. It is probable,
that this low coast extends, some distance, to the S.W.;
and that such places as we sometimes, took for inlets or
bays, are only valleys between the mountains.


[pg 325]


On the morning of the 9th, with a breeze at N.W., we
steered E. by N., to get nearer the coast. At noon, we were
in the latitude of 57° 49', and in the longitude of 201° 33',
and about two leagues from the land, which extended
from S. by E. to E.N.E.; being all a low coast, with points
shooting out in some places, which, from the deck, appeared
like islands; but, from the mast-head, low land was
seen to connect them. In this situation, the depth of water
was fifteen fathoms, the bottom a fine black sand.


As we had advanced to the N.E., we had found the depth
of water gradually decreasing, and the coast trending more
and more northerly. But the ridge of mountains behind it
continued to lie in the same direction as those more westerly;
so that the extent of the low land, between the foot
of the mountains and the sea-coast, insensibly increased.
Both high and low grounds were perfectly destitute of
wood; but seemed to be covered with a green turf, except
the mountains, which were covered with snow. Continuing
to steer along the coast, with a gentle breeze,
westerly, the water gradually shoaled from fifteen to ten
fathoms, though we were at the distance of eight or ten
miles from the shore. At eight in the evening, an elevated
mountain, which had been in sight for some time, bore
S.E. by E., twenty-one leagues distant. Some other mountains,
belonging to the same chain, and much farther distant,
bore E. 3° N. The coast extended as far as N.E. 1/2 N.,
where it seemed to terminate in a point, beyond which we
hoped and expected, that it would take a more easterly direction.
But, soon after, we discovered low land, extending
from behind this point, as far as N.W. by W., where it
was lost in the horizon; and behind it was high land, that
appeared in detached hills.


Thus the fine prospect we had of getting to the north
vanished in a moment. I stood on till nine o'clock, for so
long it was light, and then the point above mentioned bore
N.E. 1/2 E., about three miles distant. Behind this point is
a river, the entrance of which seemed to be a mile broad;
but I can say nothing as to its depth. The water appeared
to be discoloured, as upon shoals, but a calm would have
given it the same aspect. It seemed to have a winding direction,
through the great flat that lies between the chain
of mountains to the S.E., and the hills to the N.W. It
must abound with salmon, as we saw many leaping in the
[pg 326]
sea before the entrance; and some were found in the maws
of cod which we had caught. The entrance of this river,
distinguished by the name of Bristol River, lies in the latitude
of 58° 27', and in the longitude of 201° 55'.1


Having spent the night in making short boards, at day-break
on the morning of the 10th, we made sail to the W.S.W.,
with a gentle breeze at N.E. At eleven o'clock, we
thought the coast to the N.W. terminated in a point, bearing
N.W. by W.; and as we had now deepened the water
from nine to fourteen fathoms, I steered for the point, ordering
the Discovery to keep ahead. But before she had
run a mile, she made a signal for shoal water. At that instant
we had the depth of seven fathoms; and before we
could get the ship's head the other way, had less than five;
but the Discovery had less than four.


We stood back to the N.E. three or four miles; but
finding there was a strong tide or current setting to the
W.S.W., that is toward the shoal, we anchored in ten fathoms,
over a bottom of fine sand. Two hours after we
had anchored, the water had fallen two feet and upward;
which proved, that it was the tide of ebb that came from,
the river above mentioned. We also examined some of the
water which we had taken up, and found that it was not
half so salt as common sea-water. This furnished another
proof that we were before a large river.


At four in the afternoon, the wind shifting to S.W., we
weighed, and stood to the southward, with boats ahead,
sounding; and passed over the south end of the shoal in
six fathoms water. We then got into thirteen and fifteen;
in which last depth we anchored, at half-past eight; some
part of the chain of mountains, on the S.E. shore, in sight,
bearing S.E. 1/2 S., and the westernmost land, on the other
shore, N.W. We had, in the course of the day, seen high
land, bearing N. 60° W., by estimation twelve leagues distant.


Having weighed next morning, at two o'clock, with a
light breeze at S.W. by W., we plied to windward till
nine; when, judging the flood-tide to be now made against
[pg 327]
us, we came to an anchor in twenty-four fathoms. We lay
here till one, when the fog, which had prevailed this morning,
dispersing, and the tide making in our favour, we
weighed, and plied to the S.W. in the evening, the wind
was very variable, and we had some thunder. We had
heard none before since our arrival upon the coast; and
this was at a great distance.


The wind having settled again in the S.W. quarter, in
the morning of the 12th, we stood to the N.W., and at ten
saw the continent. At noon, it extended from N.E. by N.,
to N.W. 1/4 W.; and an elevated hill bore N.N.W., ten
leagues distant. This proved to be an island, which, from
its figure, obtained the name of Round Island. It lies in
the latitude of 58° 37', and in the longitude of 200° 6', and
seven miles from the continent. In the evening, at nine,
having stood to the northward to within three leagues of
the shore, we tacked in fourteen fathoms water; the extremes
of the coast bearing E.S.E. 1/2 E. and W. The wind
veering to the N.W. enabled us to make a good stretch
along shore till two o'clock in the morning, when we got
all at once into six fathoms water, being at this time two
leagues from the shore. After edging off a little, our depth
gradually increased, and at noon we had twenty fathoms,
when the latitude was 53° 13', and the longitude 199°.
Round Island bore N., 5° E.; and the west extreme of the
coast N., 16° W., seven leagues distant. It is an elevated
point, which obtained the name of Calm Point, from our
having calm weather when off it. To the N.W. of Round
Island are two or three hillocks that appeared like islands;
and it is possible they may be such; for we had but a distant
view of the coast in this place.2


During the 14th and 15th our progress was slow, having
little wind, and sometimes so thick a fog, that we could
not see the length of the ship. The soundings were from
fourteen to twenty-six fathoms; and we had tolerable success
in fishing, catching cod, and now and then a few flat
fish. At five in the morning of the 16th, the fog having
cleared up, we found ourselves nearer the land than we expected.
Calm Point bore N., 72° E., and a point eight
leagues from it, in the direction of W., bore N., 30° E.,
[pg 328]
three miles distant. Between these two points, the coast
forms a bay, in some parts of which the land was hardly
visible from the mast-head. There is also a bay on the
N.W. side of this last point, between it and an elevated
promontory, which at this time bore N., 36° W. sixteen
miles distant. At nine, I sent Lieutenant Williamson to this
promontory, with orders to land, and see what direction
the coast took beyond it, and what the country produced;
for from the ships it had but a barren appearance. We
found here the flood-tide setting strongly to the N.W.
along the coast. At noon it was high water, and we anchored
in twenty-four fathoms, four leagues distant from the
shore. At five in the afternoon, the tide making in our
favour, we weighed, and drove with it, for there was no
wind.


Soon after, Mr Williamson returned; and reported, that
he had landed on the point, and having climbed the highest
hill, found, that the farthest part of the coast in sight
bore nearly north. He took possession of the country in
his majesty's name; and left on the hill a bottle, in which
was inscribed, on a piece of paper, the names of the ships,
and the date of the discovery. The promontory, to which
he gave the name of Cape Newenham, is a rocky point, of
tolerable height, situated in the latitude of 58° 42', and in
the longitude of 197° 36'. Over, or within it, are two elevated
hills, rising one behind the other. The innermost,
or easternmost, is the highest. The country, as far as Mr
Williamson could see, produces neither tree nor shrub.
The hills are naked; but on the lower grounds grew grass
and other plants, very few of which were in flower. He
saw no other animal but a doe and a fawn; and a dead
sea-horse or cow upon the beach. Of these animals we had
lately seen a great many.


As the coast takes a northerly direction from Cape Newenham,
that Cape fixes the northern limit of the great bay
and gulf lying before the river Bristol, which, in honour
of the Admiral, Earl of Bristol, was named Bristol Bay.
Cape Ooneemak is the south limit of this bay; and is distant
eighty-two leagues from Cape Newenham, in the direction
of S.S.W.3


[pg 329]


About eight in the evening, a light breeze springing up,
which fixed at S.S.E., we steered N.W. and N.N.W., round
Cape Newenham, which, at noon next day, bore S. by E.,
distant four leagues. At this time the most advanced land
to the northward bore N., 30° E.; our depth of water was
seventeen fathoms, and the nearest shore 3-1/2 leagues distant.
We had but little wind all the afternoon; so that, at
ten at night, we had only made three leagues upon a north
course.


We steered N. by W. till eight the next morning, when,
our depth of water decreasing suddenly to five and seven
fathoms, we brought-to, till a boat from each ship was sent
ahead to sound, and then steered N.E. after them; and at
noon we had deepened the water to seventeen fathoms. At
this time, Cape Newenham bore S., 9° E., distant eleven or
twelve leagues; the N.E. extreme of the land in sight N.,
66° E.; and the nearest shore about four or five leagues
distant. Our latitude, by observation, was 59° 16'.


Between this latitude and Cape Newenham, the coast is
composed of hills and low land, and appeared to form several
bays. A little before one o'clock, the boats ahead
made the signal for meeting with shoal water. It seems
they had only two fathoms; and at the same time the ships
were in six fathoms. By hauling a little more to the northward,
we continued in much the same depth till between
five and six o'clock, when the boats meeting with less and
less water, I made the signal to the Discovery, she being
then ahead, to anchor, which we did soon after. In bringing
our ship up, the cable parted at the clinch, which obliged
us to come-to with the other anchor. We rode in six
fathoms water, a sandy bottom, and about four or five
leagues from the main land; Cape Newenham bearing S.,
seventeen leagues distant. The farthest hills we could see
to the north, bore N.E. by E.; but there was low land
stretching out from the high land as far as N. by E. Without
this was a shoal of sand and stones, that was dry at
half ebb.


I had sent the two masters, each in a boat, to sound between
this shoal and the coast. On their return, they reported,
that there was a channel, in which they found six
and seven fathoms water; but that it was narrow and intricate.
At low water, we made an attempt to get a hawser
round the lost anchor, but did not succeed then.
[pg 330]
However, being determined not to leave it behind me, as long
as there was a probability of recovering it, I persevered in
my endeavours, and at last succeeded in the evening of the
20th.


While we were thus employed, I ordered Captain Clerke
to send his master in a boat to look for a passage in the
S.W. quarter. He did so; but no channel was to be found
in that direction; nor did there appear to be any way to
get clear of these shoals, but to return by the track which
had brought us in. For although, by following the channel
we were in, we might probably have got farther down the
coast; and though, possibly, this channel might have led
us at last to the north, clear of the shoals, still the attempt
would have been attended with vast risk; and if we should
not have succeeded, there would have been a considerable
loss of time that could ill be spared. These reasons induced
me to return by the way in which we came; and so get
without the shoals.


A number of lunar observations, made by Mr King
and myself on this and the four preceding days, and
all reduced to the ship's present station, gave the longitude




  197° 45' 48"


By the time-keeper it was 197   26   48


Our latitude was59   37   30


 


Variation by theA.M. 23° 34'   3"


mean of threeP.M. 22   19   40mean 22° 56' 51" E.


compasses,




The northernmost part of the coast that we could see
from this station, I judged to lie in the latitude of 60°. It
seemed to form a low point, which obtained the name of
Shoal-Ness.


The tide of flood sets to the north, and the ebb to the
south. It rises and falls, upon a perpendicular, five or six
feet; and I reckon it to be high-water on the full and
change days at eight o'clock.


Having weighed at three in the morning on the 21st,
with a light breeze at N.N.W., we steered back to the
southward, having three boats ahead to direct us. But,
notwithstanding this precaution, we found more difficulty
in returning than we had in advancing; and at last were
obliged to anchor, to avoid running upon a shoal, which
had only a depth of five feet. While we lay here,
[pg 331]
twenty-seven men of the country, each in a canoe, came off to the
ships, which they approached with great caution, hollowing
and opening their arms as they advanced. This, we understood,
was to express their pacific intentions. At length,
some approached near enough to receive a few trifles that
were thrown to them. This encouraged the rest to venture
alongside; and a traffic presently commenced between
them and our people; who got dresses of skins, bows, arrows,
darts, wooden vessels, &c.; our visitors taking in exchange
for these whatever was offered them. They seemed
to be the same sort of people that we had of late met
with all along this coast; wore the same kind of ornaments
in their lips and noses; but were far more dirty, and not
so well clothed. They appeared to be wholly unacquainted
with people like us; they knew not the use of tobacco;
nor was any foreign article seen in their possession, unless
a knife may be looked upon as such. This, indeed, was only
a piece of common iron fitted in a wooden handle, so as
to answer the purpose of a knife. They, however, knew the
value and use of this instrument so well, that it seemed to
be the only article they wished for. Most of them had their
hair shaved or cut short off, leaving only a few locks behind,
or on one side. For a covering for the head they
wore a hood of skins, and a bonnet which appeared to be
of wool. One part of their dress, which we got from them,
was a kind of girdle, very neatly made of skin, with trappings
depending from it, and passing between the legs, so
as to conceal the adjoining parts. By the use of such a
girdle, it should seem that they sometimes go naked, even
in this high latitude; for they would hardly wear it under
their other clothing.


The canoes were made of skins, like all the others we
had lately seen; only with this difference, that these were
broader, and the hole in which the man sits was wider than
in any I had before met with. Our boats returning from
sounding seemed to alarm them, so that they all left us
sooner than probably they would otherwise have done.


It was the 22d in the evening before we got clear of
these shoals, and then I durst not venture to steer to the
westward in the night, but spent it off Cape Newenham;
and at day-break, next morning, steered to the N.W.,
ordering the Discovery to lead. Before we had run two
leagues, our depth of water decreased to six fathoms.
[pg 332]
Fearing, if we continued this course, that we should find less
and less water, I hauled to the southward; the wind being
at east, a fresh breeze. This course brought us gradually.
into eighteen fathoms, and having that depth, I ventured
to steer a little westerly; and afterward west, when we at
last found twenty-six fathoms water.


On the 24th at noon, we were, by observation in the latitude
of 58° 7', and in the longitude of 194° 22'. Three
leagues to the westward of this station we had twenty-eight
fathoms water, and then steered W.N.W., the water gradually
deepening to thirty-four fathoms. I would have
steered more northerly, but the wind having veered in that
direction, I could not.


The 25th, in the evening, having a very thick fog, and
but little wind, we dropped anchor in thirty fathoms water.
Our latitude was now 58° 29', and our longitude 191° 37'.
At six, the next morning, the weather clearing up a little,
we weighed, and, with a small breeze at east, steered north,
our soundings being from twenty-eight to twenty-five fathoms.
After running nine leagues upon this course, the
wind returned back to the north, which obliged us to steer
more westerly.


The weather continued for the most part foggy till toward
noon on the 28th, when we had a few hours clear
sunshine; during which we made several lunar observations.
The mean result of them, reduced to noon, when the latitude
was 59° 55', gave 190° 6' longitude; and the time-keeper
gave 189° 59'. The variation of the compass was
18° 40' E. Continuing our westerly course, the water having
now deepened to thirty-six fathoms, at four o'clock
next morning we discovered land, bearing N.W. by W.,
six leagues distant. We stood toward it till half-past ten,
when we tacked in twenty-four fathoms water, being at this
time a league from the land, which bore N.N.W. It was
the S.E. extremity, and formed a perpendicular cliff of
considerable height; on which account it was called Point
Upright, and lies in the latitude of 60° 17', and in the longitude
of 187° 30'. More land was seen to the westward of
the point; and, at a clear interval, we saw another elevated
portion of land in the direction of W. by S.; and this
seemed to be entirely separated from the other. Here we
met with an incredible number of birds, all of the awk
kind before described.


[pg 333]


We had baffling light winds all the afternoon, so that
we made but little progress; and the weather was not clear
enough to enable us to determine the extent of the land
before us. We supposed it to be one of the many islands
laid down by Mr Stæhlin, in his map of the New Northern
Archipelago; and we expected every moment to see more
of them.4


At four in the afternoon of the 30th, Point Upright bore
N.W. by N., six leagues distant. About this time, a light
breeze springing up at N.N.W., we stood to the N.E. till
four o'clock next morning, when the wind veering to the
eastward, we tacked, and stood to the N.W. Soon after
the wind came to S.E.; and we steered N.E. by N.; which
course we continued, with soundings from thirty-five to
twenty fathoms, till next day at noon. At this time we were
in the latitude of 60° 58', and in the longitude of 191°.
The wind now veering to N.E., I first made a stretch of ten
leagues to the N.W.; and then, seeing no land in that direction,
I stood back to the eastward about fifteen leagues,
and met with nothing but pieces of drift-wood. The soundings
were from twenty-two to nineteen fathoms.


Variable, light winds, with showers of rain, prevailed all
the 2d; but fixing in the S.E. quarter in the morning of
the 3d, we resumed our course to the northward. At noon,
we were, by observation, in the latitude of 62° 34', our longitude
was 192°, and our depth of water sixteen fathoms.


Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who had been lingering under
a consumption for more than twelve months, expired
between three and four this afternoon. He was a sensible
young man, an agreeable companion, well skilled in his
own profession, and had acquired considerable knowledge
in other branches of science. The reader of this Journal
will have observed how useful an assistant I had found him
in the course of the voyage; and had it pleased God to
have spared his life, the public, I make no doubt, might
have received from him such communications, on various
parts of the natural history of the several places we visited,
as would have abundantly shewn that he was not
[pg 334]
unworthy of this commendation.5 Soon after he had breathed
his last, land was seen to the westward, twelve leagues
distant. It was supposed to be an island; and, to perpetuate
the memory of the deceased, for whom I had a very
great regard, I named it Anderson's Island. The next day,
I removed Mr Law, the surgeon of the Discovery, into the
Resolution, and appointed Mr Samuel, the surgeon's first
mate of the Resolution, to be surgeon of the Discovery.


On the 4th, at three in the afternoon, land was seen, extending
from N.N.E. to N.W. We stood on toward it till
four o'clock, when, being four or five miles from it, we
tacked; and, soon after, the wind falling, we anchored in
thirteen fathoms water, over a sandy bottom; being about
two leagues from the land, and, by our reckoning, in the
latitude of 64° 27', and in the longitude of 194° 18'. At
intervals, we could see the coast extending from E. to N.W.,
and a pretty high island, bearing W. by N. three
leagues distant.


The land before us, which we supposed to be the continent
of America, appeared low next the sea; but, inland,
it swelled into hills, which rise, one behind another, to a
considerable height. It had a greenish hue, but seemed
destitute of wood, and free from snow. While we lay at
anchor, we found that the flood-tide came from the east,
and set to the west, till between ten and eleven o'clock.
From that time till two the next morning, the stream set
to the eastward, and the water fell three feet. The flood
ran both stronger and longer than the ebb; from which I
concluded, that, besides the ebb, there was a westerly current.


[pg 335]


At ten in the morning of the 5th, with the wind at S.W.,
we ran down, and anchored between the island and the
continent, in seven fathoms water. Soon after I landed upon
the island, accompanied by Mr King and some others
of the officers. I hoped to have had from it a view of the
coast and sea to the westward; but the fog was so thick in
that direction, that the prospect was not more extensive
than from the ship. The coast of the continent seemed to
take a turn to the northward, at a low point, named Point
Rodney, which bore from the island N.W. 1/2 W., three or
four leagues distant; but the high land, which took a more
northerly direction, was seen a great way farther.


This island, which was named Sledge Island, and lies in
the latitude of 64° 30', and in the longitude of 193° 57', is
about four leagues in circuit. The surface of the ground is
composed chiefly of large loose stones, that are, in many
places, covered with moss and other vegetables, of which
there were above twenty or thirty different sorts, and most
of them in flower. But I saw neither shrub nor tree, either
upon this island or on the continent. On a small low spot,
near the beach where we landed, was a good deal of wild
purslain, pease, long-wort, &c.; some of which we took on
board for the pot. We saw one fox, a few plovers, and
some other small birds; and we met with some decayed
huts that were partly built below ground. People had lately
been on the island; and it is pretty clear, that they frequently
visit it for some purpose or other, as there was a
beaten path from the one end to the other. We found, a
little way from the shore where we landed, a sledge, which
occasioned this name being given to the island, it seemed
to be such a one as the Russians in Kamtschatka make use
of to convey goods from place to place over the ice or
snow. It was ten feet long, twenty inches broad, and had
a kind of rail-work on each side, and was shod with bone.
The construction of it was admirable, and all the parts
neatly put together; some with wooden pins, but mostly
with thongs or lashings of whalebone, which made me
think it was entirely the workmanship of the natives.


At three o'clock the next morning we weighed, and proceeded
to the north-westward, with a light southerly breeze.
We had an opportunity to observe the sun's meridian altitude
for the latitude; and to get altitudes, both in the forenoon
and afternoon, to obtain the longitude by the
[pg 336]
time-keeper. As we had but little wind, and variable withal, we
advanced but slowly; and at eight in the evening, finding
the ships settle fast toward the land into shoal water, I anchored
in seven fathoms, about two leagues from the coast.
Sledge Island bore S., 51° E., ten leagues distant, and was
seen over the south point of the main land.


Soon after we had anchored, the weather, which had
been misty, clearing up, we saw high land extending from
N., 40° E., to N., 30° W., apparently disjoined from the
coast, under which we were at anchor, which seemed to
trend away N.E. At the same time, an island was seen
bearing N., 81° W., eight or nine leagues distant. It appeared
to have no great extent, and was named King's
Island. We rode here till eight o'clock next morning, when
we weighed, and stood to the N.W. The weather clearing
up toward the evening, we got sight of the N.W. land, extending
from N. by W. to N.W. by N., distant about three
leagues. We spent the night making short boards, the
weather being misty and rainy, with little wind; and, between
four and five of the morning of the 8th, we had
again a sight of the N.W. land; and soon after, on account
of a calm, and a current driving us toward the shore, we
found it necessary to anchor in twelve fathoms water,
about two miles from the coast. Over the western extreme
is an elevated peaked hill, situated in latitude 65° 36', and
in longitude 192° 18'. A breeze at N.E. springing up at
eight o'clock, we weighed, and stood to the S.E., in hopes
of finding a passage between the coast on which we had
anchored on the 6th in the evening, and this N.W. land.
But we soon got into seven fathoms water, and discovered
low land connecting the two coasts, and the high land behind
it.


Being now satisfied that the whole was a continued coast,
I tacked, and stood away for its N.W. part, and came to
an anchor under it in seventeen fathoms water. The weather
at this time was very thick with rain; but at four next
morning it cleared up, so that we could see the land about
us. A high steep rock or island bore W. by S.; another
island to the N. of it; and much larger, bore W. by N.;
the peaked hill above mentioned S.E. by E.; and the point
under it, S., 32° E. Under this hill lies some low land,
stretching out towards the N.W., the extreme point of
which bore N.E. by E., about three miles distant. Over
[pg 337]
and beyond it some high land was seen, supposed to be a
continuation of the continent.


This point of land, which I named Cape Prince of Wales,
is the more remarkable, by being the western extremity of
all America hitherto known. It is situated in the latitude
of 65° 45', and in the longitude of 191° 45'. The observations
by which both were determined, though made in sight
of it, were liable to some small error, on account of the haziness
of the weather. We thought we saw some people
upon the coast; and probably we were not mistaken, as
some elevations, like stages, and others like huts, were seen
at the same place. We saw the same things on the continent
within Sledge Island, and on some other parts of the
coast.


It was calm till eight o'clock in the morning, when a faint
breeze at north springing up, we weighed. But we had
scarcely got our sails set, when it began to blow and rain
very hard, with misty weather. The wind and current being
in contrary directions, raised such a sea that it frequently
broke into the ship. We had a few minutes sunshine
at noon; and from the observation then obtained,
we fixed the above-mentioned latitude.


Having plied to windward till two in the afternoon, with
little effect, I bore up for the island we had seen to the
westward, proposing to come to an anchor under it till the
gale should cease. But on getting to this land, we found it
composed of two small islands, each not above three or
four leagues in circuit, and consequently they could afford
us little shelter. Instead of anchoring, therefore, we continued
to stretch to the westward; and at eight o'clock,
land was seen in that direction, extending from N.N.W. to
W. by S., the nearest part six leagues distant. I stood on
till ten, and then made a board to the eastward, in order to
spend the night.


At day-break in the morning of the 10th, we resumed
our course to the west for the land we had seen the preceding
evening. At eleven minutes after seven, when the
longitude, by the time-keeper, was 189° 24', it extended
from S. 72° W. to N. 41° E. Between the S.W. extreme,
and a point which bore W., two leagues distant, the shore
forms a large bay, in which we anchored at ten o'clock in
the forenoon, about two miles from the north shore, in ten
fathoms water, over a gravelly bottom. The south part of
[pg 338]
the bay bore S. 58° W., the north point N. 43° E., the bottom
of the bay N. 60° W., two or three leagues distant, and.
the two islands we had passed the preceding day, N. 72° E.,
distant fourteen leagues.


Footnote 1: (return) 
Mr Arrowsmith lays down this river, but without naming it. Mr
Coxe does neither. Both of them specify Bristol Bay. Mr A.'s delineation
of the coast of the peninsular projection, corresponds extremely well
with Captain Cook's description.—E.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Both Round Island and Calm Point are named by Coxe; Arrowsmith
marks them, but has omitted the names.—E.


Footnote 3: (return) 
Cape Newenham is mentioned by Arrowsmith, but not by Coxe;
both have Shoal Ness, soon to be spoken of.—E.


Footnote 4: (return) 
The opinion here given, we shall find, is afterwards corrected; and
the land in question proved to be a discovery unknown to the Russians.—E.


Footnote 5: (return) 
Mr Anderson's Journal seems to have been discontinued for about
two months before his death; the last date in his MSS. being of the 3d
of June.—D.


The Biographia Britannica informs us, that Mr Anderson left his papers
to Sir Joseph Banks; but that the Admiralty took possession of the
larger part of them, and, for what reason is not mentioned, retained them.
Such parts, however, it is said, as related solely to natural history, were
delivered by Captain King to the Baronet, who bears testimony "to the
excellence of Mr A.'s character, the utility of his observations, and to the
great probability, that, if he had survived, he would have given to the
world something which would have done him credit." Much of this commendatory
opinion might be inferred from what has been published of
Mr A.'s labours, which constitute no inconsiderable portion, either in
bulk or value, of Captain Cook's communications.—E.


SECTION IX.


Behaviour of the Natives, the Tschutski, on seeing the Ships.—Interview
with some of them.—Their Weapons.—Persons.—Ornaments.—Clothing.—Winter
and Summer Habitations.—The Ships cross the Strait, to the Coast of
America.—Progress Northward.—Cape Mulgrave.—Appearance of
Fields of Ice.—Situation of Icy Cape.—The Sea blocked
up with Ice.—Sea-horses killed, and used as Provisions.—These
Animals described.—Dimensions of one of them.—Cape
Lisburne.—Fruitless Attempt to get through the Ice at a
Distance from the Coast.—Observations on the Formation
of thin Ice.—Arrival on the Coast of Asia.—Cape North.—The
Prosecution of the Voyage deferred to the ensuing
Year.


As we were standing into this bay, we perceived on the
north shore a village, and some people, whom the sight of
the ships seemed to have thrown into confusion or fear.
We could plainly see persons running up the country with
burdens upon their backs. At these habitations I proposed
to land; and accordingly went with three armed boats, accompanied
by some of the officers. About thirty or forty
men, each armed with a spontoon, a bow, and arrows, stood
drawn up on a rising ground close by the village. As we
drew near, three of them came down toward the shore, and
were so polite as to take off their caps, and to make us low
bows. We returned the civility; but this did not inspire
them with sufficient confidence to wait for our landing, for
the moment we put the boats ashore, they retired. I followed
them alone, without any thing in my hand; and by
signs and gestures prevailed on them to stop, and to receive
some trifling presents. In return for these they gave me
two fox-skins, and a couple of sea-horse teeth. I cannot
say whether they or I made the first present; for it appeared
to me that they had brought down with them these
[pg 339]
things for this very purpose, and that they would have given
them to me, even though I had made no return.


They seemed very fearful and cautious, expressing their
desire by signs, that no more of our people should be permitted
to come up. On my laying my hand on the shoulder
of one of them, he started back several paces. In proportion
as I advanced, they retreated backward, always in
the attitude of being ready to make use of their spears,
while those on the rising ground stood ready to support
them with their arrows. Insensibly, myself and two or three
of my companions, got in amongst them. A few beads distributed
to those about us, soon created a kind of confidence,
so that they were not alarmed when a few more of
our people joined us, and, by degrees, a sort of traffic between
us commenced. In exchange for knives, beads, tobacco,
and other articles, they gave us some of their clothing,
and a few arrows. But nothing that we had to offer
could induce them to part with a spear or a bow. These
they held in constant readiness, never once quitting them,
except at one time, when four or five persons laid theirs
down, while they gave us a song and a dance. And even
then, they placed them in such a manner, that they could
lay hold of them in an instant, and, for their security, they
desired us to sit down.


The arrows were pointed either with bone or stone, but
very few of them had barbs, and some had a round blunt
point. What use these may be applied to I cannot say, unless
it be to kill small animals, without damaging the skin.
The bows were such as we had seen on the American coast,
and like those that were used by the Esquimaux. The
spears, or spontoons, were of iron or steel; and of European
or Asiatic workmanship, in which no little pains had been
taken to ornament them with carving, and inlayings of
brass, and of a white metal. Those who stood ready with
bows and arrows in their hands, had the spear slung over
their right shoulder by a leathern strap. A leathern quiver,
slung over their left shoulder, contained arrows; and some
of these quivers were extremely beautiful, being made of
red leather, on which was very neat embroidery, and other
ornaments.


Several other things, and in particular their clothing,
shewed that they were possessed of a degree of ingenuity,
far surpassing what one could expect to find amongst so
[pg 340]
northern a people. All the Americans we had seen since
our arrival on that coast, were rather low of stature, with
round chubby faces, and high cheek-bones. The people
we now were amongst, far from resembling them, had long
visages, and were stout and well-made. In short, they appeared
to be a quite different nation. We saw neither women
nor children of either sex, nor any aged, except one
man, who was bald-headed, and he was the only one who
carried no arms. The others seemed to be picked men, and
rather under than above the middle age. The old man had
a black mark across his face, which I did not see in any
others. All of them had their ears bored, and some had
glass beads hanging to them. These were the only fixed
ornaments we saw about them, for they wear none to the
lips. This is another thing in which they differ from the
Americans we had lately seen.


Their clothing consisted of a cap, a frock, a pair of
breeches, a pair of boots, and a pair of gloves, all made of
leather, or of the skins of deer, dogs, seals, &c. and extremely
well dressed, some with the hair or fur on, but others
without it. The caps were made to fit the head very close;
and besides these caps, which most of them wore, we got
from them some hoods, made of skins of dogs, that were
large enough to cover both head and shoulders. Their hair
seemed to be black; but their heads were either shaved, or
the hair cut close off, and none of them wore any beard.
Of the few articles which they got from us, knives and tobacco
were what they valued most.


We found the village composed both of their summer
and their winter habitations. The latter are exactly like a
vault, the floor of which is sunk a little below the surface of
the earth. One of them which I examined was of an oval
form, about twenty feet long, and twelve or more high.
The framing was composed of wood and the ribs of whales,
disposed in a judicious manner, and bound together with
smaller materials of the same sort. Over this framing is
laid a covering of strong coarse grass, and that again is covered
with earth, so that, on the outside, the house looks
like a little hillock, supported by a wall of stone, three or
four feet high, which is built round the two sides and one
end. At the other end, the earth is raised sloping, to walk
up to the entrance, which is by a hole in the top of the roof
over that end. The floor was boarded, and under it a kind
[pg 341]
of cellar, in which I saw nothing but water. And at the end
of each house was a vaulted room, which I took to be a
store-room. These store-rooms communicated with the
house, by a dark passage, and with the open air, by a hole
in the roof, which was even with the ground one walked
upon; but they cannot be said to be wholly under ground,
for one end reached to the edge of the hill, along which
they were made, and which was built up with stone. Over
it stood a kind of sentry-box, or tower, composed of the
large bones of large fish.


The summer huts were pretty large and circular, being
brought to a point at the top. The framing was of slight
poles and bones, covered with the skins of sea-animals. I
examined the inside of one. There was a fire-place just
within the door, where lay a few wooden vessels, all very
dirty. Their bed-places were close to the side, and took up
about half the circuit. Some privacy seemed to be observed;
for there were several partitions made with skins. The bed
and bedding were of deer-skins, and most of them were dry
and clean.


About the habitations were erected several stages, ten or
twelve feet high, such as we had observed on some parts of
the American coast. They were wholly composed of bones,
and seemed intended for drying their fish and skins, which
were thus placed beyond the reach of their dogs, of which
they had a great many. These dogs are of the fox kind, rather
large, and of different colours, with long soft hair like
wool. They are, probably, used in drawing their sledges in
winter. For sledges they have, as I saw a good many laid
up in one of the winter huts. It is also not improbable, that
dogs may constitute a part of their food. Several lay dead
that had been killed that morning.


The canoes of these people are of the same sort with
those of the Northern Americans, some, both of the large
and of the small ones, being seen lying in a creek under the
village.


By the large fish-bones, and of other sea-animals, it appeared
that the sea supplied them with the greatest part of
their subsistence. The country appeared to be exceedingly
barren, yielding neither tree nor shrub, that we could see.
At some distance westward, we observed a ridge of mountains
covered with snow that had lately fallen.


At first, we supposed this land to be a part of the island
[pg 342]
of Alaschka, laid down in Mr Stæhlin's map before-mentioned.
But from the figure of the coast, the situation of
the opposite shore of America, and from the longitude, we
soon began to think that it was, more probably, the country
of the Tschutski, or the eastern extremity of Asia, explored
by Beering in 1728. But to have admitted this,
without farther examination, I must have pronounced Mr
Stæhlin's map, and his account of the new northern archipelago,
to be either exceedingly erroneous, even in latitude,
or else to be a mere fiction; a judgment which I had no
right to pass upon a publication so respectably vouched,
without producing the clearest proofs.1


After a stay of between two and three hours with these
people, we returned to our ships, and soon after, the wind
veering to the south, we weighed anchor, stood out of the
bay, and steered to the N.E., between the coast and the two
islands. The next day, at noon, the former extended from
S. 80° W. to N. 84° W., the latter bore S. 40° W., and the
peaked mountain, over Cape Prince of Wales, bore S. 36°
E., with land extending from it as far as S. 75° E. The latitude
of the ship was 66° 5-1/4', the longitude 191° 19', our
depth of water twenty-eight fathoms, and our position nearly
in the middle of the channel between the two coasts,
each being seven leagues distant.


From this station we steered east, in order to get nearer
the American coast. In this course the water shoaled gradually,
and there being little wind, and all our endeavours
to increase our depth tailing, I was obliged at last to drop
anchor in six fathoms, the only remedy we had left to prevent
the ships driving into less. The nearest part of the
western land bore W., twelve leagues distant, the peaked
hill over Cape Prince of Wales, S. 16° W., and the northernmost
part of the American continent in sight, E.S.E.,
the nearest part about four leagues distant. After we had
anchored, I sent a boat to sound, and the water was found
[pg 343]
to shoal gradually toward the land. While we lay at anchor,
which was from six to nine in the evening, we found
little or no current, nor could we perceive that the water
either rose or fell.


A breeze of wind springing up at N., we weighed, and
stood to the westward, which course soon brought us into
deep water, and, during the 12th, we plied to the N., both
coasts being in sight, but we kept nearest to that of America.


At four in the afternoon of the 13th, a breeze springing
up at S., I steered N.E. by N., till four o'clock next morning,
when, seeing no land, we directed our course E. by N.,
and between nine and ten, land, supposed to be a continuation
of the continent, appeared. It extended from E. by
S. to E. by N., and soon after we saw more land, bearing
N. by E. Coming pretty suddenly into thirteen fathoms
water, at two in the afternoon, we made a trip off till four,
when we stood in again for the land, which was seen soon
after, extending from N. to S.E., the nearest part three or
four leagues distant. The coast here forms a point, named
Point Mulgrave, which lies in the latitude of 67° 45', and in
the longitude of 194° 51'. The land appeared very low next
the sea; but, a little back, it rises into hills of a moderate
height. The whole was free from snow, and, to appearance,
destitute of wood. I now tacked, and bore away
N.W. by W., but soon after, thick weather with rain coming
on, and the wind increasing, I hauled more to the
west.


Next morning, at two o'clock, the wind veered to S.W.
by S.; and blew a strong gale, which abated at noon; and
the sun shining out, we found ourselves, by observation, in
the latitude of 68° 18'. I now steered N.E., till six o'clock
the next morning, when I steered two points more easterly.
In this run, we met with several sea-horses and flights of
birds, some like sand-larks, and others no bigger than
hedge-sparrows. Some shags were also seen, so that we
judged ourselves to be not far from land. But as we had
a thick fog, we could not expect to see any; and, as the
wind blew strong, it was not prudent to continue a course
which was most likely to bring us to it. From the noon of
this day, to six o'clock in the morning of the following, I
steered E. by N., which course brought us into sixteen fathoms
water. I now steered N.E. by E., thinking, by this
[pg 344]
course, to deepen our water. But, in the space of six
leagues, it shoaled to eleven fathoms, which made me think
it proper to haul close to the wind that now blew at west.
Toward noon, both sun and moon were seen clearly at intervals,
and we got some flying observations for the longitude,
which, reduced to noon, when the latitude was 70° 33',
gave 197° 41'. The time-keeper, for the same time, gave
198°, and the variation was 35° 1' 22" E. We had, afterward,
reason to believe, that the observed longitude was
within a very few miles of the truth.


Some time before noon, we perceived a brightness in the
northern horizon, like that reflected from ice, commonly
called the blink. It was little noticed, from a supposition
that it was improbable we should meet with ice so soon.
And yet the sharpness of the air, and gloominess of the
weather, for two or three days past, seemed to indicate some
sudden change. About an hour after, the sight of a large
field of ice, left us no longer in doubt about the cause of
the brightness of the horizon. At half-past two, we tacked,
close to the edge of the ice, in twenty-two fathoms water,
being then in the latitude of 70° 41', not being able to
stand on any farther. For the ice was quite impenetrable,
and extended from W. by N. to E. by N. as far as the eye
could reach. Here were abundance of sea-horses, some in
the water, but far more upon the ice. I had thoughts of
hoisting out the boats to kill some, but the wind freshening,
I gave up the design, and continued to ply to the southward,
or rather to the westward, for the wind came from
that quarter.


We gained nothing; for, on the 18th at noon, our latitude
was 70° 44', and we were near five leagues farther to
the eastward. We were, at this time, close to the edge of
the ice, which was as compact as a wall, and seemed to be
ten or twelve feet high at least. But, farther north, it appeared
much higher. Its surface was extremely rugged;
and here and there, we saw upon it pools of water.


We now stood to the southward; and, after running six
leagues, shoaled the water to seven fathoms, but it soon
deepened to nine fathoms. At this time, the weather, which
had been hazy, clearing up a little, we saw land extending
from S. to S.E. by E., about three or four miles distant.
The eastern extreme forms a point, which was much encumbered
with ice, for which reason it obtained the name
[pg 345]
of Icy Cape. Its latitude is 70° 29', and its longitude 198°
20'. The other extreme of the land was lost in the horizon,
so that there can be no doubt of its being a continuation of
the American continent. The Discovery being about a
mile astern, and to leeward, found less water than we did,
and tacking on that account, I was obliged to tack also, to
prevent separation.


Our situation was now more and more critical. We were
in shoal water, upon a lee-shore, and the main body of the
ice to windward, driving down upon us. It was evident,
that if we remained much longer between it and the land,
it would force us ashore, unless it should happen to take the
ground before us. It seemed nearly to join the land to leeward;
and the only direction that was open, was to the
S.W. After making a short board to the northward, I made
the signal for the Discovery to tack, and tacked myself at
the same time. The wind proved rather favourable, so that
we lay up S.W. and S.W. by W.


At eight in the morning of the 19th, the wind veering
back to W., I tacked to the northward, and, at noon, the
latitude was 70° 6', and the longitude 195° 42'. In this situation,
we had a good deal of drift-ice about us; and the
main ice was about two leagues to the N. At half-past one,
we got in with the edge of it. It was not so compact as that
which we had seen to the northward; but it was too close,
and in too large pieces, to attempt forcing the ships through
it. On the ice lay a prodigious number of sea-horses; and,
as we were in want of fresh provisions, the boats from each
ship were sent to get some.


By seven o'clock in the evening, we had received, on
board the Resolution, nine of these animals, which, till
now, we had supposed to be sea-cows; so that we were not
a little disappointed, especially some of the seamen, who,
for the novelty of the thing, had been feasting their eyes
for some days past. Nor would they have been disappointed
now, nor have known the difference, if we had not happened
to have one or two on board, who had been in Greenland,
and declared what animals these were, and that no one
ever eat of them. But, notwithstanding this, we lived upon
them as long as they lasted; and there were few on
board who did not prefer them to our salt meat.


The fat; at first, is as sweet as marrow; but in a few days
it grows rancid, unless it be salted, in which state it will
[pg 346]
keep much longer. The lean flesh is coarse, black, and has
rather a strong taste; and the heart is nearly as well tasted
as that of a bullock. The fat, when melted, yields a good
deal of oil, which burns very well in lamps; and their hides,
which are very thick, were very useful about our rigging.
The teeth or tusks of most of them were, at this time, very
small; even some of the largest and oldest of these animals
had them not exceeding six inches in length. From this
we concluded, that they had lately shed their old teeth.


They lie, in herds of many hundreds, upon the ice, huddling
one over the other like swine, and roar or bray very
loud, so that, in the night or in foggy weather, they gave us
notice of the vicinity of the ice before we could see it. We
never found the whole herd asleep, some being always upon
the watch. These, on the approach of the boat, would
wake those next to them, and the alarm being thus gradually
communicated, the whole herd would be awake presently.
But they were seldom in a hurry to get away, till
after they had once been fired at. Then they would tumble
one over the other, into the sea, in the utmost confusion.
And if we did not, at the first discharge, kill those we fired
at, we generally lost them, though mortally wounded. They
did not appear to us to be that dangerous animal some authors
have described, not even when attacked. They are
rather more so to appearance than in reality. Vast numbers
of them would follow, and come close up to the boats. But
the flash of a musket in the pan, or even the bare pointing
of one at them, would send them down in an instant. The
female will defend the young one to the very last, and at
the expense of her own life, whether in the water, or upon
the ice. Nor will the young one quit the dam, though she
be dead; so that, if you kill one, you are sure of the other.
The dam, when in the water, holds the young one between
her fore-fins.


Mr Pennant, in his Synopsis Quadr. p. 835,2 has given a
very good description of this animal under the name of
Arctic Walrus, but I have no where seen a good drawing of
one. Why they should be called sea-horses is hard to
say, unless the word be a corruption of the Russian name
[pg 347]
Morse, for they have not the least resemblance of a horse.
This is, without doubt, the same animal that is found in the
Gulf of St Laurence, and there called Sea-cow. It is certainly
more like a cow than a horse; but this likeness consists
in nothing but the snout. In short, it is an animal
like a seal, but incomparably larger. The dimensions and
weight of one, which was none of the largest, were as follows:—




  Feet. Inches.


 


Length from the snout to the tail 94


Length of the neck, from the snout to the


shoulder-bone 26


Height of the shoulder 50


Length of the finsFore24


 Hind26


Breadth of the finsFore12-1/2


 Hind20


SnoutBreadth05-1/2


 Depth13


Circumference of the neck close to the ears 27


Circumference of the body at the shoulder 710


Circumference near the hind fins 56


From the snout to the eyes 07









 lbs.


Weight of the carcase, without


  the head, skin, or entrails854


Head41-1/2


Skin205




I could not find out what these animals feed upon. There
was nothing in the maws of those we killed.


It is worth observing, that for some days before this date,
we had frequently seen flocks of ducks flying to the southward.
They were of two sorts, the one much larger than
the other, the largest were of a brown colour; and, of the
small sort, either the duck or drake was black and white,
and the other brown. Some said they saw geese also.
Does not this indicate that there must be land to the north,
where these birds find shelter, in the proper season, to
breed, and from whence they were now returning to a warmer
climate?


[pg 348]


By the time that we had got our sea-horses on board, we
were, in a manner, surrounded with the ice, and had no
way left to clear it, but by standing to the southward,
which was done till three o'clock next morning, with a gentle
breeze westerly, and for the most part, thick, foggy
weather. The soundings were from twelve to fifteen fathoms.
We then tacked, and stood to the north till ten
o'clock, when the wind veering to the northward, we directed
our course to the S.W. and W. At two in the afternoon,
we fell in with the main ice, along the edge of which
we kept, being partly directed by the roaring of the sea-horses,
for we had a very thick fog. Thus we continued
sailing till near midnight, when we got in amongst the loose
ice, and heard the surge of the sea upon the main ice.


The fog being very thick, and the wind easterly, I now
hauled to the southward; and, at ten o'clock the next
morning, the fog clearing away, we saw the continent of
America, extending from S. by E. to E. by S., and at noon,
from S.W. 1/2 S. to E., the nearest part five leagues distant.
At this time we were in the latitude of 69° 32', and in the
longitude of 195° 48'; and as the main ice was at no great
distance from us, it is evident that it now covered a part of
the sea, which, but a few days before, had been clear, and
that it extended farther to the S., than where we first fell
in with it. It must not be understood, that I supposed any
part of this ice which we had seen to be fixed; on the
contrary, I am well assured, that the whole was a moveable
mass.


Having but little wind in the afternoon, I sent the master
in a boat, to try if there was any current, but he found
none. I continued to steer in for the American land, until
eight o'clock, in order to get a nearer view of it, and to
look for a harbour; but seeing nothing like one, I stood
again to the N., with a light breeze westerly. At this time,
the coast, extended from S.W. to E., the nearest part four
or five leagues distant. The southern extreme seemed to
form a point, which was named Cape Lisburne. It lies in
the latitude of 69° 5', and in the longitude of 194° 42', and
appeared to be pretty high land, even down to the sea. But
there may be low land under it, which we might not see,
being not less than ten leagues distant from it. Every
where else, as we advanced northward, we had found a low
coast, from which the land rises to a middle height. The
[pg 349]
coast now before us was without snow, except in one or two
places, and had a greenish hue. But we could not perceive
any wood upon it.


On the 22d, the wind was southerly, and the weather
mostly foggy, with some intervals of sunshine. At eight in
the evening it fell calm, which continued till midnight,
when we heard the surge of the sea against the ice, and had
several loose pieces about us. A light breeze now sprung
up at N.E., and as the fog was very thick, I steered to the
southward to clear the ice. At eight o'clock next morning,
the fog dispersed, and I hauled to the westward. For, finding
that I could not get to the north near the coast, on account
of the ice, I resolved to try what could be done at a
distance from it; and as the wind seemed to be settled at
north, I thought it a good opportunity.


As we advanced to the west, the water deepened gradually
to twenty-eight fathoms, which was the most we had.
With the northerly wind the air was raw, sharp, and cold,
and we had fogs, sunshine, showers of snow and sleet, by
turns. At ten in the morning of the 26th, we fell in with
the ice. At noon, it extended from N.W. to E. by N., and
appeared to be thick and compact. At this time, we were,
by observation, in the latitude 69° 36', and in the longitude
of 184°; so that it now appeared we had no better prospect
of getting to the north here, than nearer the shore.


I continued to stand to the westward, till five in the afternoon,
when we were in a manner embayed by the ice,
which appeared high, and very close in the N.W. and
N.E. quarters, with a great deal of loose ice about the edge
of the main field. At this time we had baffling light winds,
but it soon fixed at S., and increased to a fresh gale, with
showers of rain. We got the tack aboard, and stretched to
the eastward, this being the only direction in which the sea
was clear of ice.


At four in the morning of the 27th, we tacked and stood
to the W., and, at seven in the evening, we were close
in with the edge of the ice, which lay E.N.E., and W.S.W.,
as far each way as the eye could reach. Having but little
wind, I went with the boats to examine the state of the ice.
I found it consisting of loose pieces, of various extent, and
so close together, that I could hardly enter the outer edge
with a boat; and it was as impossible for the ships to enter
it, as if it had been so many rocks. I took particular
[pg 350]
notice, that it was all pure transparent ice, except the upper
surface, which was a little porous. It appeared to be entirely
composed of frozen snow, and to have been all formed
at sea. For setting aside the improbability, or rather
impossibility, of such huge masses floating out of rivers, in
which there is hardly water for a boat, none of the productions
of the land were found incorporated, or fixed in it,
which must have unavoidably been the case, had it been
formed in rivers, either great or small. The pieces of ice
that formed the outer edge of the field, were from forty or
fifty yards in extent, to four or five; and I judged, that the
larger pieces reached thirty feet, or more, under the surface
of the water. It also appeared to me very improbable, that
this ice could have been the production of the preceding
winter alone. I should suppose it rather to have been the
production of a great many winters. Nor was it less improbable,
according to my judgment, that the little that remained
of the summer could destroy the tenth part of what
now subsisted of this mass, for the sun had already exerted
upon it the full influence of his rays. Indeed I am of opinion,
that the sun contributes very little toward reducing
these great masses. For although that luminary is a considerable
while above the horizon, it seldom shines out for
more than a few hours at a time, and often is not seen for
several days in succession. It is the wind, or rather the
waves raised by the wind, that brings down the bulk of
these enormous masses, by grinding one piece against another,
and by undermining and washing away those parts
that lie exposed to the surge of the sea. This was evident,
from our observing, that the upper surface of many pieces
had been partly washed away, while the base or under part
remained firm for several fathoms round that which appeared
above water, exactly like a shoal round an elevated rock.
We measured the depth of water upon one, and found it
to be fifteen feet, so that the ships might have sailed over
it. If I had not measured this depth, I would not have believed
that there was a sufficient weight of ice above the
surface to have sunk the other so much below it. Thus it
may happen, that more ice is destroyed in one stormy season,
than is formed in several winters, and an endless accumulation
is prevented. But that there is always a remaining
store, every one who has been upon the spot will
[pg 351]
conclude, and none but closet-studying philosophers will dispute.3


A thick fog, which came on while I was thus employed
with the boats, hastened me aboard, rather sooner than I
could have wished, with one sea-horse to each ship. We
had killed more, but could not wait to bring them with us.
The number of these animals, on all the ice that we had
seen, is almost incredible. We spent the night standing
off and on amongst the drift ice; and at nine o'clock the
next morning, the fog having partly dispersed, boats from
each ship were sent for sea-horses. For, by this time, our
people began to relish them, and those we had procured
before were all consumed. At noon, our latitude was 69°
17', our longitude 183°, the variation by the morning azimuths,
25° 56' E., and the depth of water twenty-five fathoms.
At two o'clock, having got on board as much marine
beef as was thought necessary, and the wind freshening
at S.S.E., we took on board the boats, and stretched to
the S.W. But not being able to weather the ice upon this
tack, or to go through it, we made a board to the east, till
eight o'clock, then resumed our course to the S.W., and
before midnight were obliged to tack again, on account of
the ice. Soon after, the wind shifted to the N.W., blowing
a stiff gale, and we stretched to the S.W., close hauled.


In the morning of the 29th, we saw the main ice to the
[pg 352]
northward, and not long after, land bearing S.W. by W.
Presently after this, more land shewed itself, bearing W.
It shewed itself in two hills like islands, but afterward the
whole appeared connected. As we approached the land,
the depth of water decreased very fast; so that at noon,
when we tacked, we had only eight fathoms, being three
miles from the coast, which extended from S., 30° E., to
N., 60° W. This last extreme terminated in a bluff point,
being one of the hills above mentioned.


The weather at this time was very hazy, with drizzling
rain; but soon after it cleared, especially to the southward,
westward, and northward. This enabled us to have a pretty
good view of the coast, which, in every respect, is like the
opposite one of America; that is, low land next the sea,
with elevated land farther back. It was perfectly destitute
of wood, and even snow; but was, probably, covered with
a mossy substance, that gave it a brownish cast. In the
low ground, lying between the high land and the sea, was
a lake, extending to the S.E., farther than we could see.
As we stood off, the westernmost of the two hills before
mentioned came open off the bluff point, in the direction
of N.W. It had the appearance of being an island; but
it might be joined to the other by low land, though we did
not see it. And if so, there is a two-fold point, with a bay
between them. This point, which is steep and rocky, was
named Cape North. Its situation is nearly in the latitude
of 68° 56', and in the longitude of 180° 51'. The coast
beyond it must take a very westerly direction; for we
could see no land to the northward of it, though the horizon
was there pretty clear. Being desirous of seeing more
of the coast to the westward, we tacked again at two o'clock
in the afternoon, thinking we could weather Cape North.
But finding we could not, the wind freshening, a thick fog
coming on, with much snow, and being fearful of the ice
coming down upon us, I gave up the design I had formed
of plying to the westward, and stood off shore again.


The season was now so far advanced, and the time when
the frost is expected to set in so near at hand, that I did
not think it consistent with prudence, to make any farther
attempts to find a passage into the Atlantic this year, in
any direction, so little was the prospect of succeeding. My
attention was now directed toward finding out some place
where we might supply ourselves with wood and water;
[pg 353]
and the object uppermost in my thoughts was, how I should
spend the winter, so as to make some improvements in
geography and navigation, and, at the same time, be in a
condition to return to the north, in farther search of a passage,
the ensuing summer.


Footnote 1: (return) 
If the account of Beering's voyage had been accurately given,
Captain
Cook need not have hesitated about the situation or nature of the place he
now visited. Captain Billings afterwards anchored in the same bay on his
voyage to complete the discoveries of Cook, as related in Mr Coxe's work.
Still, however, our acquaintance with this part of Asia is very imperfect.
Captain Cook, it may be proper to remark here, had the merit of ascertaining
the vicinity of the two continents, which had been but vaguely conjectured
before his time.—E.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Mr Pennant, since Captain Cook wrote this, has described this
animal
in a work which he calls Arctic Zoology. We refer the reader to
N° 72. of that work.—D.


Footnote 3: (return) 
These observations of Captain Cook, in addition to some remarks
which were formerly given on the subject, seem conclusive against the
supposition of such large masses of ice being the product of rivers, as has
not unfrequently been maintained. They may, however, have proceeded
from land in another way, being occasioned by the consolidation of snow
into such masses as were of sufficient weight to separate from the declivities
where they had been formed. This undoubtedly may sometimes
happen; but the explanation of their origin formerly offered, seems much
more entitled to consideration, as a generally operating cause. The last
remark which Captain Cook makes, appears to have been levelled at some
would-be-wise heads, who had hazarded reflections about the possibility
of some time or other finding an open sea in high latitudes. But, however
illiberally stated, it is in all probability just, though for a reason unknown
to Cook. The chemical reader will perceive we allude to the circumstance
of the absorption of heat that takes places during the liquefaction
of ice, in consequence of which the temperature of the surrounding
atmosphere is reduced so much, as to prevent any more of the ice being
dissolved. A contrary operation, as is now well known, takes place during
the congelation of water, and heat is evolved. Thus then the cold of
winter is moderated. And so, on the whole, the temperature is kept
more uniform, than, without such adjustment, would be the case.—E.


SECTION X.


Return from Cape North, along the Coast of Asia.—Views of
the Country.—Burner's Island.—Cape Serdze Kamen, the
Northern Limit of Beering's Voyage.—Pass the East Cape
of Asia.—Description and Situation of it.—Observations on
Muller.—The Tschutski.—Bay of Saint Laurence.—Two
other Bays, and Habitations of the Natives.—Beering's
Cape Tschukotskoi.—Beering's Position of this Coast accurate.—Island
of Saint Laurence.—Pass to the American
Coast.—Cape Darby.—Bald Head.—Cape Denbigh, on a
Peninsula.—Besborough Island.—Wood and Water procured.—Visits
from the Natives.—Their Persons and Habitations.—Produce
of the Country.—Marks that the Peninsula
had formerly been surrounded by the Sea.—Lieutenant
King's Report.—Norton Sound.—Lunar Observations there.—Stæhlin's
Map proved to be erroneous,—Plan of future
Operations.


After having stood off till we got into eighteen fathoms
water, I bore up to the eastward, along the coast,
which, by this time; it was pretty certain, could only be
the continent of Asia. As the wind blew fresh, with a very
heavy fall of snow, and a thick mist, it was necessary to
proceed with great caution. I therefore brought-to for a
few hours in the night.


At day-break, on the 30th, we made sail, and steered
such a course as I thought would bring us in with the
land, being in a great measure guided by the lead. For
the weather was as thick as ever, and it snowed incessantly.
At ten, we got sight of the coast, bearing S.W., four
miles distant; and presently after, having shoaled the water
to seven fathoms, we hauled off. At this time, a very
low point, or spit, bore S.S.W., two or three miles distant;
to the E. of which there appeared to be a narrow channel,
leading into some water that we saw over the point.
[pg 354]
Probably the lake before mentioned communicates here with
the sea.


At noon, the mist dispersing for a short interval, we had
a tolerably good view of the coast, which extended from
S.E. to N.W. by W. Some parts appeared higher than
others; but in general it was very low, with high land farther
up the country. The whole was now covered with
snow, which had lately fallen quite down to the sea. I
continued to range along the coast at two leagues distance,
till ten at night, when we hauled off; but we resumed our
course next morning, soon after day-break, when we got
sight of the coast again, extending from W. to S.E. by S.
At eight, the eastern part bore S., and proved to be an
island, which at noon bore S.W. 1/2 S., four or five miles
distant. It is about four or five miles in circuit, of a middling
height, with a steep, rocky coast, situated about three
leagues from the main, in the latitude of 67° 45', and distinguished
in the chart by the name of Burney's Island.


The inland country hereabout is full of hills, some of
which are of a considerable height. The land was covered
with snow, except a few spots upon the sea-coast, which
still continued low, but less so than farther westward. For
the two preceding days, the mean height of the mercury
in the thermometer had been very little above the freezing
point, and often below it; so that the water in the vessels
upon the deck was frequently covered with a sheet of ice.


I continued to steer S.S.E., nearly in the direction of the
coast, till five in the afternoon, when land was seen bearing
S., 50° E., which we presently found to be a continuation
of the coast, and hauled up for it. Being abreast of
the eastern land at ten at night, and in doubts of weathering
it, we tacked, and made a board to the westward, till
past one the next morning, when we stood again to the
east, and found that it was as much as we could do to keep
our distance from the coast, the wind being exceedingly
unsettled, varying continually from N. to N.E. At half
an hour past eight, the eastern extreme above mentioned
bore S. by E., six or seven miles distant. At the same
time, a head-land appeared in sight, bearing E. by S., 1/2 S.;
and, soon after, we could trace the whole coast lying between
them, and a small island at some distance from it.


The coast seemed to form several rocky points, connected
by a low shore, without the least appearance of a
[pg 355]
harbour. At some distance from the sea, the low land appeared
to swell into a number of hills. The highest of
these were covered with snow, and, in other respects, the
whole country seemed naked. At seven in the evening,
two points of land, at some distance beyond the eastern
head, opened off it, in the direction of S., 37° E. I was
now well assured, of what I had believed before, that this
was the country of the Tschutski, or the N.E. coast of
Asia; and that thus far Beering proceeded in 1728; that
is, to this head, which Muller says is called Serdze Kamen,
on account of a rock upon it, shaped like a heart. But I
conceive, that Mr Muller's knowledge of the geography of
these parts is very imperfect. There are many elevated
rocks upon this cape, and possibly some one or other of
them may have the shape or a heart. It is a pretty lofty
promontory, with a steep rocky cliff facing the sea, and
lies in the latitude of 67° 3', and in the longitude of 188°
11'. To the eastward of it, the coast is high and bold;
but to the westward it is low, and trends N.N.W., and
N.W. by W., which is nearly its direction all the way to
Cape North. The soundings are every where the same at
the same distance from the shore, which is also the case on
the opposite shore of America. The greatest depth we
found in ranging along it was twenty-three fathoms. And,
in the night, or in foggy weather, the soundings are no
bad guide in sailing along either of these shores.


At eight o'clock in the morning of the 2d, the most advanced
land to the S.E., bore S., 25° E., and from this
point of view had the appearance of being an island. But
the thick snow showers, which succeeded one another pretty,
fast, and settled upon the land, hid great part of the coast
at this time from our sight. Soon after, the sun, whose
face we had not seen for near five days, broke out at the
intervals between the showers, and, in some measure, freed
the coast from the fog, so that we had a sight of it, and
found the whole to be connected. The wind still continued
at north, the air was cold, and the mercury in the
thermometer never rose above 35°, and was sometimes as
low as 30°. At noon the observed latitude was 66° 37',
Cape Serdze Kamen bore N., 52° W., thirteen leagues distant;
the southernmost point of land in sight S., 41° E.,
the nearest part of the coast two leagues distant, and our
depth of water twenty-two fathoms.


[pg 356]


We had now fair weather and sunshine, and as we ranged
along the coast, at the distance of four miles, we saw
several of the inhabitants, and some of their habitations,
which looked like little hillocks of earth. In the evening
we passed the Eastern Cape, or the point above mentioned,
from which the coast changes its direction, and trends
S.W. It is the same point of land which we had passed
on the 11th of August. They who believed implicitly in
Mr Stæhlin's map, then thought it the east point of his
island Alaschka; but we had, by this time, satisfied ourselves,
that it is no other than the eastern promontory of
Asia, and probably the proper Tschukotskoi Noss, though
the promontory, to which Beering gave that name, is farther
to the S.W.


Though Mr Muller, in his map of the Russian Discoveries,
places the Tschukotskoi Noss nearly in 75° of latitude,
and extends it somewhat to the eastward of this cape,
it appears to me, that he had no good authority for so doing.
Indeed, his own accounts, or rather Deshneff's,1 of
the distance between the Noss, and the river Anadir, cannot
be reconciled with this very northerly position. But
as I hope to visit these parts again, I shall leave the discussion
of this point till then. In the mean time, I must
conclude, as Beering did before me, that this is the most
eastern point of Asia. It is a peninsula of considerable
height, joined to the continent by a very low, and, to appearance,
narrow neck of land. It shews a steep rocky
clift next the sea, and off the very point are some rocks like
spires. It is situated in the latitude of 66° 6', and in the
longitude of 190° 22', and is distant from Cape Prince of
Wales, on the American coast, thirteen leagues, in the direction
of N., 53° W. The land about this promontory is
composed of hills and vallies. The former terminate at
the sea in steep rocky points, and the latter in low shores.
The hills seemed to be naked rocks; but the vallies had a
greenish hue, but destitute of tree or shrub.2


[pg 357]


After passing the cape, I steered S.W. 1/2 W., for the
northern point of St Laurence Bay, in which we had anchored
on the 10th of last month. We reached it by eight
o'clock next morning, and saw some of the inhabitants at
the place where I had seen them before, as well as several
others on the opposite side of the bay. None of them,
however, attempted to come off to us, which seemed a little
extraordinary, as the weather was favourable enough;
and those whom we had lately visited had no reason, that
I know of, to dislike our company. These people must be
the Tschutski; a nation that, at the time Mr Muller wrote,
the Russians had not been able to conquer. And, from
the whole of their conduct with us, it appears that they
have not, as yet, brought them under subjection; though
it is obvious that they must have a trade with the Russians,
either directly, or by means of some neighbouring nation,
as we cannot otherwise account for their being in possession
of the spontoons, in particular, of which we took
notice.


This bay of St Laurence3 is, at least, five leagues broad
at the entrance, and four leagues deep, narrowing towards
the bottom, where it appeared to be tolerably well sheltered
from the sea-winds, provided there be a sufficient depth
of water for ships. I did not wait to examine it, although
I was very desirous of finding an harbour in those parts, to
which I might resort next spring. But I wanted one where
wood might be got, and I knew that none was to be found
here. From the south point of this bay, which lies in the
latitude of 65° 30', the coast trends W. by S., for about
[pg 358]
nine leagues, and there forms a deep bay, or river, or else
the land there is so low that we could not see it.


At one in the afternoon, in the direction of our course,
we saw what was first taken for a rock; but it proved to be
a dead whale, which some natives of the Asiatic coast had
killed, and were towing ashore. They seemed to conceal
themselves behind the fish to avoid being seen by us. This
was unnecessary, for we pursued our course, without taking
any notice of them.


At day-break on the 4th, I hauled to the N.W., in order
to get a nearer view of the inlet seen the preceding day;
but the wind, soon after, veering to that direction, I gave
up the design; and steered to the southward along the
coast, past two bays, each about two leagues deep. The
northernmost lies before a hill, which is remarkable by being
rounder than any other upon the coast. And there is
an island lying before the other. It may be doubted, whether
there be a sufficient depth for ships in either of these
bays, as we always met with shoal water, when we edged
in for the shore. The country here is exceedingly hilly
and naked. In several places on the low ground, next the
sea, were the dwellings of the natives; and near all of
them were erected stages of bones, such as before described.
These may be seen at a great distance, on account of their
whiteness.


At noon the latitude was 64° 31', and the longitude 188°
45'; the southernmost point of the main in sight bore S.,
48° W., and the nearest shore about three or four leagues
distant. By this time, the wind had veered again to the
N., and blew a gentle breeze. The weather was clear, and
the air cold. I did not follow the direction of the coast,
as I found that it look a westerly direction toward the
Gulf of Anadir, into which I had no inducement to go,
but steered to the southward, in order to get a sight of the
island of St Laurence, discovered by Beering, which accordingly
shewed itself, and at eight o'clock in the evening,
it bore S., 20° E., by estimation, eleven leagues distant.
At the same time, the southernmost point of the
main land bore S., 83° W., distant twelve leagues. I take
this to be the point which Beering calls the east point of
Suchotski, or Cape Tschukotskoi; a name which he gave it,
and with propriety, because it was from this part of the
coast that the natives came off to him, who called
[pg 359]
themselves of the nation of Tschutski. I make its latitude to
be 64° 13', and its longitude 186° 36'.


In justice to the memory of Beering, I must say, that he
has delineated the coast very well, and fixed the latitude
and longitude of the points better than could be expected
from the methods he had to go by. This judgment is not
formed from Mr Muller's account of the voyage, or the
chart prefixed to his book; but from Dr Campbell's account
of it in his edition of Harris's collection, and a map
thereto annexed, which is both more circumstantial and
accurate than that of Mr Muller.


The more I was convinced of my being now upon the
coast of Asia, the more I was at a loss to reconcile Mr
Stæhlin's map of the New Northern Archipelago with my
observations; and I had no way to account for the great
difference, but by supposing, that I had mistaken some
part of what he calls the island of Alaschka for the American
continent, and had missed the channel that separates
them. Admitting even this, there would still have been a
considerable difference. It was with me a matter of some
consequence, to clear up this point the present season, that
I might have but one object in view the next. And, as
these northern isles are represented by him as abounding
with wood, I was in hopes, if I should find them, of getting
a supply of that article, which we now began to be in great
want of on board.


With these views, I steered over for the American coast;
and, at five in the afternoon the next day, saw land bearing
S. 1/4 E., which we took to be Anderson's Island, or
some other land near it, and therefore did not wait to examine
it. On the 6th, at four in the morning, we got sight
of the American coast near Sledge Island; and at six, the
same evening, this island bore N., 6° E., ten leagues distant;
and the easternmost land in sight N., 49° E. If any
part of what I had supposed to be American coast could
possibly be the island of Alaschka, it was that now before
us; and in that case, I must have missed the channel between
it and the main, by steering to the west, instead of
the east, after we first fell in with it. I was not, therefore,
at a loss where to go, in order to clear up these
doubts.


At eight in the evening of the 7th, we had got close in
with the land, Sledge Island bearing N. 85° W., eight or
[pg 360]
nine leagues distant; and the eastern part of the coast N.
70° E., with high land in the direction of E. by N., seemingly
at a great distance beyond the point. At this time
we saw a light ashore, and two canoes, filled with people,
coming off toward us. I brought-to, that they might have
time to come up. But it was to no purpose; for, resisting
all the signs of friendship we could exhibit, they kept at
the distance of a quarter of a mile; so that we left them,
and pursued our course along the coast.


At one in the morning of the 8th, finding the water
shoal pretty fast, we dropped anchor in ten fathoms, where
we lay until day-light, and then resumed our course along
the coast, which we found to trend E., and E. 1/2 S. At seven
in the evening, we were abreast of a point, lying in
the latitude of 64° 21', and in the longitude of 197°, beyond
which the coast takes a more northerly direction. At
eight, this point, which obtained the name of Cape Darby,
bore S. 62° W.; the northernmost land in sight, N. 32° E.,
and the nearest shore three miles distant. In this situation
we anchored in thirteen fathoms water, over a muddy bottom.


Next morning, at day-break, we weighed, and sailed
along the coast. Two islands, as we supposed them to be,
were at that time seen, the one bearing S. 70° E., and the
other E. Soon after, we found ourselves upon a coast covered
with wood; an agreeable sight, to which of late we
had not been accustomed. As we advanced to the north,
we raised land in the direction of N.E. 1/2 N., which proved
to be a continuation of the coast we were upon. We also
saw high land over the islands, seemingly at a good distance
beyond them. This was thought to be the continent,
and the other land the island of Alaschka. But it was already
doubtful, whether we should find a passage between
them; for the water shoaled insensibly as we advanced
further to the north. In this situation, two boats were sent
to sound before the ships, and I ordered the Discovery to
lead, keeping nearly in the mid-channel, between the coast
on our larboard, and the northernmost island on our starboard.
Thus we proceeded till three in the afternoon,
when, having passed the island, we had not more than
three fathoms and a half of water, and the Resolution, at
one time, brought the mud up from the bottom. More
[pg 361]
water was not to be found in any part of the channel, for,
with the ships and boats, we had tried it from side to side.


I therefore thought it high time to return, especially as
the wind was in such a quarter that we must ply back.
But what I dreaded most was the wind increasing, and
raising the sea into waves, so as to put the ships in danger
of striking. At this time, a head-land on the west shore,
which is distinguished by the name of Bald Head, bore N.
by W., one league distant. The coast beyond it extended
as far as N.E. by N., where it seemed to end in a point, behind
which the coast of the high land, seen over the islands,
stretched itself, and some thought they could trace where
it joined. On the west side of Bald Head, the shore forms
a bay, in the bottom of which is a low beach, where we saw
a number of huts or habitations of the natives.


Having continued to ply back all night, by day-break
the next morning we had got into six fathoms water. At
nine o'clock, being about a league from the west shore, I
took two boats, and landed, attended by Mr King, to seek
wood and water. We landed where the coast projects out
into a bluff head, composed of perpendicular strata of a
rock of a dark-blue colour, mixed with quartz and glimmer.
There joins to the beach a narrow border of land,
now covered with long grass, and where we met with some
angelica. Beyond this, the ground rises abruptly. At the
top of this elevation, we found a heath, abounding with a
variety of berries; and further on, the country was level,
and thinly covered with small spruce-trees, and birch and
willows no bigger than broom-stuff. We observed tracks
of deer and foxes on the beach; on which also lay a great
quantity of drift-wood, and there was no want of fresh water.
I returned on board, with an intention to bring the
ships to an anchor here; but the wind then veering to
N.E., which blew rather on this shore, I stretched over to
the opposite one, in the expectation of finding wood there
also, and anchored at eight o'clock in the evening, under
the south end of the northernmost island, so we then supposed
it to be; but, next morning, we found it to be a
peninsula, united to the continent by a low neck of land,
on each side of which the coast forms a bay. We plied
into the southernmost, and about noon anchored in five fathoms
water, over a bottom of mud; the point of the
[pg 362]
peninsula, which obtained the name of Cape Denbigh, bearing
N. 68° W., three miles distant.


Several people were seen upon the peninsula, and one
man came off in a small canoe. I gave him a knife, and
a few beads, with which he seemed well pleased. Having
made signs to him to bring us something to eat, he immediately
left us, and paddled toward the shore. But meeting
another man coming off, who happened to have two
dried salmon, he got them from him; and on returning to
the ship, would give them to nobody but me. Some of
our people thought that he asked for me under the name
of Capitane; but in this they were probably mistaken. He
knew who had given him the knife and beads, but I do not
see how he could know that I was the captain. Others of
the natives soon after came off, and exchanged a few dry
fish, for such trifles as they could get, or we had to give
them. They were most desirous of knives, and they had
no dislike to tobacco.


After dinner, Lieutenant Gore was sent to the peninsula,
to see if wood and water were there to be got, or rather
water; for the whole beach round the bay seemed to be
covered with drift-wood. At the same time, a boat was
sent from each ship, to sound round the bay; and, at three
in the afternoon, the wind freshening at N.E., we weighed,
in order to work farther in. But it was soon found to be
impossible, on account of the shoals, which extended quite
round the bay, to the distance of two or three miles from
the shore, as the officers, who had been sent to sound, reported.
We, therefore, kept standing off and on with the
ships, waiting for Mr Gore, who returned about eight
o'clock, with the launch laden with wood.


He reported, that there was but little fresh water; and
that wood was difficult to be got at, by reason of the boats
grounding at some distance from the beach. This being
the case, I stood back to the other shore; and, at eight
o'clock the next morning, sent all the boats, and a party of
men with an officer, to get wood from the place where I
had landed two days before. We continued for a while to
stand on and off with the ships; but, at length, came to an
anchor in one-fourth less than five fathoms, half a league
from the coast, the south point of which bore S. 26° W.;
and Bald Head, N. 60° E., nine leagues distant. Cape
Denbigh bore S. 72° E., twenty-six miles distant; and the
[pg 363]
island under the east shore, to the southward of Cape Denbigh,
named Besborough Island, S. 52° E., fifteen leagues
distant.


As this was a very open road, and consequently not a
safe station, I resolved not to wait to complete water, as
that would require some time; but only to supply the ships
with wood, and then to go in search of a more convenient
place for the other article. We took off the drift-wood
that lay upon the beach; and as the wind blew along shore,
the boats could sail both ways, which enabled us to make
great dispatch.


In the afternoon, I went ashore, and walked a little into
the country, which, where there was no wood, was covered
with heath and other plants, some of which produce berries
in abundance. All the berries were ripe, the hurtle-berries
too much so, and hardly a single plant was in flower. The
underwood, such as birch, willows, and alders, rendered it
very troublesome walking amongst the trees, which were
all spruce, and none of them above six or eight inches in
diameter. But we found some lying upon the beach more
than twice this size. All the drift-wood in these northern
parts was fir. I saw not a stick of any other sort.


Next day, a family of the natives came near to the place
where we were taking off wood. I know not how many
there were at first; but I saw only the husband, the wife,
and their child; and a fourth person who bore the human
shape, and that was all; for he was the most deformed
cripple I had ever seen or heard of. The other man was almost
blind; and neither he nor his wife were such good-looking
people as we had sometimes seen amongst the natives
of this coast. The under-lips of both were bored; and
they had in their possession some such glass-beads as I had
met with before amongst their neighbours. But iron was
their beloved article. For four knives, which we had made
out of an old iron hoop, I got from them near four hundred
pounds weight of fish, which they had caught on this
or the preceding day. Some were trout, and the rest were,
in size and taste, somewhat between a mullet and a herring.
I gave the child, who was a girl, a few beads; on
which the mother burst into tears, then the father, then
the cripple, and at last, to complete the concert, the girl
[pg 364]
herself. But this music continued not long.4 Before night,
we had got the ships, amply supplied with wood; and had
carried on board about twelve tons of water to each.


On the 14th, a party of men were sent on shore to cut
brooms, which we were in want of, and the branches of
spruce trees for brewing beer. Toward noon, every body
was taken on board; for the wind freshening, had raised
such a surf on the beach, that the boats could not continue
to land without great difficulty. Some doubts being
still entertained, whether the coast we were now upon belonged
to an island or the American continent; and the
shallowness of the water putting it out of our power to determine
this with our ships, I sent Lieutenant King, with
two boats under his command, to make such searches as
might leave no room for a variety of opinions on the
[pg 365]
subject.5 Next day, the ships removed over to the bay, which
is on the S.E. side of Cape Denbigh, where we anchored
[pg 366]
in the afternoon. Soon after, a few of the natives came off
in their small canoes, and bartered some dried salmon for
such trifles as our people had to give them.


At day-break, on the 16th, nine men, each in his canoe,
paid us a visit. They approached the ship with some caution;
and evidently came with no other view than to gratify
their curiosity. They drew up abreast of each other,
under our stern, and gave us a song; while one of their
number beat upon a kind of drum, and another made a
thousand antic motions with his hands and body. There
was, however, nothing savage either in the song or in the
gestures that accompanied it. None of us could perceive
any difference between these people, either as to their size
or features, and those whom we had met with on every
other part of the coast, King George's Sound excepted.
Their clothing, which consisted principally of deer-skins,
was made after the same fashion; and they observed the
custom of boring their under-lips, and fixing ornaments to
them.


The dwellings of these people were seated close to the
beach. They consist simply of a sloping roof, without any
side-walls, composed of logs, and covered with grass and
earth. The floor is also laid with logs; the entrance is at
one end; the fire-place just within it, and a small hole is
made near the door to let out the smoke.


After breakfast, a party of men were sent to the peninsula
for brooms and spruce. At the same time, half the remainder
of the people in each ship had leave to go and
pick berries. These returned on board at noon, when the
other half went on the same errand. The berries to be got
here were wild currant-berries, hurtle-berries, partridge-berries,
and heath-berries. I also went ashore myself, and
walked over part of the peninsula. In several places there
was very good grass; and I hardly saw a spot on which
some vegetable was not growing. The low land which
connects this peninsula with the continent is full of narrow
creeks; and abounds with ponds of water, some of which
[pg 367]
were already frozen over. There were a great many geese
and bustards; but so shy, that it was not possible to get
within musket-shot of them. We also met with some snipes,
and on the high ground were partridges of two sorts.
Where there was any wood, musquitoes were in plenty.
Some of the officers, who travelled farther than I did, met
with a few of the natives of both sexes, who treated them
with civility.


It appeared to me, that this peninsula must have been
an island in remote times; for there were marks of the
sea having flowed over the isthmus. And even now, it appeared
to be kept out by a bank of sand, stones, and wood,
thrown up by the waves. By this bank, it was evident, that
the land was here encroaching upon the sea, and it was
easy to trace its gradual formation.


About seven, in the evening, Mr King returned from his
expedition; and reported, that he proceeded with the boats
about three or four leagues farther than the ships had been
able to go; that he then landed on the west side; that,
from the heights, he could see the two coasts join, and the
inlet to terminate in a small river or creek, before which
were banks of sand or mud; and every where shoal water.
The land, too, was low and swampy for some distance to
the northward; then it swelled into hills; and the complete
junction of those, on each side of the inlet, was easily
traced.


From the elevated spot on which Mr King surveyed the
Sound, he could distinguish many extensive valleys, with
rivers running through them, well wooded, and bounded
by hills of a gentle ascent and moderate height. One of
these rivers to the N.W. appeared to be considerable; and
from its direction, he was inclined to think, that it emptied
itself into the sea at the head of the bay. Some of his
people, who penetrated beyond this into the country, found
the trees larger the farther they advanced.6


In honour of Sir Fletcher Norton,7 Speaker of the House
of Commons, and Mr King's nearest relation, I named this
inlet Norton Sound. It extends to the northward as far as
[pg 368]
the latitude of 64° 55'. The bay, in which we were now at
anchor, lies on the S.E. side of it; and is called by the natives
Chacktoole. It is but an indifferent station, being exposed
to the south and south-west winds. Nor is there a
harbour in all this Sound. But we were so fortunate as to
have the wind from the N. and N.E. all the time, with remarkable
fine weather. This gave us an opportunity to
make no less than seventy-seven sets of lunar observations
between the 6th and 7th inclusive. The mean result of
these made the longitude of the anchoring-place, on the west side of the
Sound, to be




 197° 13'


Latitude64   31


Variation of the compass25   45 east.


Dip of the needle76   25




Of the tides, it was observed, that the night-flood rose
about two or three feet, and that the day-flood was hardly
perceivable.


Having now fully satisfied myself, that Mr Stæhlin's
map must be erroneous; and having restored the American
continent to that space which he had occupied with his
imaginary island of Alaschka, it was high time to think of
leaving these northern regions, add to retire to some place
during the winter, where I might procure refreshments for
my people, and a small supply of provisions. Petropaulowska,
or the harbour of St Peter and St Paul, in Kamtschatka,
did not appear likely to furnish either the one or the
other for so large a number of men. I had, besides, other
reasons for not repairing thither at this time. The first, and
on which all the others depended, was the great dislike I
had to lie inactive for six or seven months; which would
have been the necessary consequence of wintering in any
of these northern parts. No place was so conveniently
within our reach, where we could expect to have our wants
relieved, as the Sandwich Islands. To them, therefore, I
determined to proceed. But, before this could be carried
into execution, a supply of water was necessary. With
this view I resolved to search the American coast for a harbour,
by proceeding along it to the southward, and thus
endeavour to connect the survey of this part of it with that
lying immediately to the north of Cape Newenham. If I
failed in finding a harbour there my plan was then to
[pg 369]
proceed to Samganoodha, which was fixed upon as our place
of rendezvous, in case of separation.


Footnote 1: (return) 
Avec le vent le plus favorable, on peut aller par mer de cette
pointe
(des Tschukotschis), jusqu' à l'Anadir en trois fois 24 heures; et par terre
le chemin ne peut guère etre plus long.—Muller, p. 13.—D.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Deshnef's voyage in 1648, is considered the only one previous to
this
of Cook, in which the north-eastern extremity of Asia was doubled. Some
account of it is given in Coxe's work. Others have pretended to this
achievement, but there is not evidence to warrant belief of the
fact.
Beering, indeed, in 1728, got as far north as 67° 18'; but as he immediately
returned, and made no progress on the Asiatic coast, he is not entitled
to this merit, although the extent of his discovery, as to the separation
of the two continents, has procured him the honour of giving a name
to the Strait which divides them.—E.


Footnote 3: (return) 
Captain Cook gives it this name, having anchored in it on St
Laurence's
day, August 10. It is remarkable, that Beering sailed past this
very place on the 10th of August 1728; on which account, the neighbouring
island was named by him after the same Saint.—D.


But Dr Douglas seems to err in this observation. At least, according
to Mr Coxe's account, it would appear, that it was the island of St Laurence,
which we shall immediately find Captain Cook afterwards fell in
with, and not the bay so named, which Beering passed on the 10th August.
This, however, is a trivial correction, if even the imperfect relation
we possess of Beering's progress could prove it to be one.—E.


Footnote 4: (return) 
Captain King has communicated the following account of an interview
with the same family: "On the 12th, while I attended the wooding
party, a canoe, full of natives, approached us; and, beckoning them
to land, an elderly man and woman came on shore. I gave the woman a
small knife, making her understand, that I would give, her a much larger
one for some fish. She made signs to me to follow her. I had proceeded
with them about a mile, when the man, in crossing a stony beach, fell
down, and cut his foot very much. This made me stop; upon which the
woman pointed to the man's eyes, which, I observed, were covered with
a thick, white film. He afterward kept close to his wife, who apprised
him of the obstacles in his way. The woman had a little child on her
back, covered with the hood of her jacket; and which I took for a bundle
till I heard it cry. At about two miles distant we came to their open skin
boat, which was turned on its side, the convex part towards the wind,
and served for their house. I was now made to perform a singular operation
on the man's eyes. First, I was directed to hold my breath; afterwards,
to breathe on the diseased eyes; and, next, to spit on them. The
woman then took both my hands, and pressing them to his stomach, held
them there for some time, while she related some calamitous history of
her family; pointing sometimes to her husband, sometimes to a frightful
cripple belonging to the family, and sometimes to her child. I purchased
all the fish they had, consisting of very fine salmon, salmon-trout, and
mullet; which were delivered most faithfully to the man I sent for them.
The man was about five feet two inches high, and well made; his colour
of a light copper; his hair black and short, and with little beard. He had
two holes in his under-lip, but no ornaments in them. The woman was
short and squat, with a plump round face; wore a deer-skin jacket, with
a large hood, and had on wide boots. The teeth of both were black, and
seemed as if they had been filed down level with the gums. The woman
was punctured from the lip to the chin."—D.


Footnote 5: (return) 
Captain King has been so good as to communicate his instructions
on this occasion, and the particulars of the fatigue he underwent, in carrying
them into execution:


"You are to proceed to the northward as far as the extreme point we
saw on Wednesday last, or a little further, if you think it necessary; land
there, and endeavour, from the heights, to discover whether the land you
are then upon, supposed to be the island of Alaschka, is really an island,
or joins to the land on the east, supposed to be the continent of America.
If the former, you are to satisfy yourself with the depth of water in
the channel between them, and which way the flood-tide comes. But if
you find the two lands connected, lose no time in sounding; but make
the best of your way back to the ship, which you will find at anchor near
the point of land we anchored under on Friday last. If you perceive any
likelihood of a change of weather for the worse, you are, in that case, to
return to the ship, although you have not performed the service you are
sent upon; and, at any rate, you are not to remain longer upon it than
four or five days; but the sooner it is done the better. If any unforeseen
or unavoidable accident should force the ships off the coast, so that they
cannot return at a reasonable time, the rendezvous is at the harbour of
Samganoodha; that is, the place where we last completed our water.


 


"JAMES COOK."


 


"To Lieutenant King."


"Our cutter being hoisted out, and the signal made for the Discovery's,
at eight o'clock at night on the 14th, we set out. It was a little unlucky
that the boats' crews had been much fatigued during the whole day
in bringing things from the shore. They pulled stoutly, without rest or
intermission,
toward the land, till one o'clock in the morning of the 15th.
I wanted much to have gone close to it, to have had the advantage of the
wind, which had, very regularly in the evening, blown from the land, and
in the day-time down the Sound, from the N.N.E., and was contrary to
our course; but the men were at this time too much fatigued to press
them farther. We, therefore, set our sails, and stood across the bay,
which the coast forms to the west of Baldhead, and steered for it. But,
as I expected, by three o'clock, the wind headed us; and, as it was in
vain to endeavour to fetch Baldhead with our sails, we again took to the
oars. The Discovery's boat, (being a heavy king's-built cutter, while ours
was one from Deal,) had, in the night-time, detained us very much, and
now we soon pulled out of sight of her; nor would I wait, being in great
hopes to reach the extreme point that was in sight time enough to ascend
the heights before dark, as the weather was at this time remarkably clear
and fine, and we could see to a great distance. By two o'clock we had
got within two miles of Baldhead, under the lee of the high land, and in
smooth water; but, at the moment our object was nearly attained, all the
men but two were so overcome with fatigue and sleep, that my utmost
endeavours to make them put on were ineffectual. They at length dropped
their oars, quite exhausted, and fell asleep in the bottom of the boat.
Indeed, considering that they had set out fatigued, and had now been
sixteen hours out of the eighteen since they left the ship, pulling
in a poppling
sea, it was no wonder that their strength and spirits should be worn
out for want of sleep and refreshments. The two gentlemen who were
with me and myself, were now obliged to lay hold of the oars; and, by a
little after three, we landed between the Baldhead and a projecting point
to the eastward."—D.


Footnote 6: (return) 
Here Mr Arrowsmith's map is to be preferred, as accurately
following
the description Captain King has given. Several names are omitted
by Mr Coxe, and his delineation of the coast is rather unsatisfactory.—E.


Footnote 7: (return) 
Afterwards Lord Grantley.


SECTION XI.


Discoveries after leaving Norton Sound.—Stuart's Island.—Cape
Stephens.—Point Shallow-Water.—Shoals on the
American Coast.—Clerke's Island.—Gore's Island.—Pinnacle
Island.—Arrival at Oonalashka.—Intercourse with
the Natives and Russian Traders.—Charts of the Russian
Discoveries, communicated by Mr Ismyloff.—Their Errors
pointed out.—Situation of the Islands visited by the Russians.—Account
of their Settlement at Oonalashka.—Of the
Natives of the Island.—Their Persons.—Dress.—Ornaments.—Food.—Houses
and domestic Utensils.—Manufactures.—Manner
of producing Fire.—Canoes.—Fishing and
Hunting Implements.—Fishes, and Sea Animals.—Sea and
Water Fowls, and Land Birds.—Land Animals and Vegetables.—Manner
of burying the Dead.—Resemblance of the
Natives on this Side of America to the Greenlanders and
Esquimaux.—Tides.—Observations for determining the Longitude
of Oonalashka.


Having weighed, on the 17th in the morning, with a
light breeze at east, we steered to the southward, and attempted
to pass within Besborough Island; but though it
lies six or seven miles from the continent, were prevented
by meeting with shoal water. As we had but little wind all
the day, it was dark before we passed the island; and the
night was spent under an easy sail.


We resumed our course, at day-break on the 18th, along
the coast. At noon, we had no more than five fathoms water.
At this time the latitude was 63° 37'. Besborough,
Island now bore N., 42° E.; the southernmost land in
sight, which proved also to be an island, S., 66° W.; the
passage between it and the main S., 40° W.; and the
nearest land about two miles distant. I continued to steer
for this passage, until the boats, which were ahead, made
the signal for having no more than three fathoms water.
On this we hauled without the island; and made the signal
for the Resolution's boat to keep between the ships
and the shore.


[pg 370]


This island, which obtained the name of Stuart's Island,
lies in the latitude of 63° 35', and seventeen leagues from.
Cape Denbigh, in the direction of S., 27° W. It is six or
seven leagues in circuit. Some parts of it are of a middling
height; but, in general, it is low; with some rocks lying
off the western part. The coast of the continent is, for the
most part, low land; but we saw high land up the country.
It forms a point, opposite the island, which was named
Cape Stephens, and lies in latitude 63° 33', and in longitude
197° 41'. Some drift wood was seen upon the shores, both
of the island and of the continent; but not a tree was perceived
growing upon either. One might anchor, upon occasion,
between the N.E. side of this island and the continent,
in a depth of five fathoms, sheltered from westerly,
southerly, and easterly winds. But this station would be
wholly exposed to the northerly winds, the land, in that direction,
being at too great distance to afford any security.
Before we reached Stuart's Island, we passed two small
islands, lying between us and the main; and as we ranged
along the coast, several people appeared upon the shore,
and, by signs, seemed to invite us to approach them.


As soon as we were without the island, we steered S. by
W., for the southernmost point of the continent in sight,
till eight o'clock in the evening, when, having shoaled the
water from six fathoms to less than four, I tacked, and stood
to the northward, into five fathoms, and then spent the
night plying off and on. At the time we tacked, the southernmost
point of land, the same which is mentioned above,
and was named Point Shallow-Water, bore S. 1/2 E., seven
leagues distant.


We resumed our course to the southward at day-break
next morning, but shoal water obliged us to haul more
to the westward. At length, we got so far advanced upon
the bank, that we could not hold a N.N.W. course, meeting
sometimes with only four fathoms. The wind blowing
fresh at E.N.E. it was high time to look for deep water,
and to quit a coast, upon which we could no longer navigate
with any degree of safety. I therefore hauled the wind
to the northward, and gradually deepened the water to
eight fathoms. At the same time we hauled the wind, we
were at least twelve leagues, from the continent, and nine
to the westward of Stuart's Island. No land was seen to
the southward of Point Shallow-Water, which I judge to
[pg 371]
lie in the latitude of 63°. So that, between this latitude and
Shoal Ness, in latitude 60°, the coast is entirely unexplored.
Probably, it is accessible only to boats, or very small
vessels; or at least, if there be channels for large vessels,
it would require some time to find them; and I am of
opinion, that they must be looked for near the coast.
From the mast-head, the sea within us appeared to be
chequered with shoals; the water was very much discoloured
and muddy, and considerably fresher than at any of
the places where we had lately anchored. From this I inferred,
that a considerable river runs into the sea in this
unknown part.1


As soon as we got into eight fathoms water, I steered to
the westward, and afterward more southerly, for the land
discovered on the 5th, which, at noon the next day, bore
S.W. by W., ten or eleven leagues distant. At this time we
had a fresh gale at north, with showers of hail and snow
at intervals, and a pretty high sea; so that we got clear of
the shoals but just in time. As I now found that the land
before us lay too far to the westward to be Anderson's
Island, I named it Clerke's Island. It lies in the latitude of
63° 15', and in the longitude of 190° 30'. It seemed to be
a pretty large island, in which are four or more hills, all
connected by low ground; so that, at a distance, it looks
like a group of islands. Near its east part lies a small island,
remarkable by having upon it three elevated rocks. Not
only the greater island, but this small spot, was inhabited.2


We got up to the northern point of Clerke's Island about
six o'clock, and having ranged along its coast till dark,
brought-to during the night. At day-break, next morning,
we stood in again for the coast, and continued to range
along it in search of a harbour till noon; when, seeing no
likelihood of succeeding, I left it, and steered S.S.W. for
the land which we had discovered on the 29th of July,
[pg 372]
having a fresh gale at north, with showers of sleet and snow.
I remarked, that as soon as we opened the channel which
separates the two continents, cloudy weather, with snow
showers, immediately commenced; whereas, all the time
we were in Norton Sound, we had, with the same wind,
clear weather. Might not this be occasioned by the mountains
to the north of that place attracting the vapours, and
hindering them to proceed any farther?


At day-break, in the morning of the 23d, the land above
mentioned appeared in sight, bearing S.W., six or seven
leagues distant. From this point of view it resembled a
group of islands; but it proved to be but one, of thirty
miles in extent, in the direction of N.W. and S.E.; the S.E.
end being Cape Upright, already taken notice of. The
island is but narrow; especially at the low necks of land
that connect the hills. I afterward found, that it was wholly
unknown to the Russians; and therefore, considering it
as a discovery of our own, I named it Gore's Island. It appeared
to be barren, and without inhabitants; at least we
saw none. Nor did we see so many birds about it as when
we first discovered it. But we saw some sea-otters; an animal
which we had not met with to the northward of this
latitude.3 Four leagues from Cape Upright, in the direction
of S., 72° W., lies a small island, whose elevated summit
terminates in several pinnacled rocks. On this account
it was named Pinnacle Island. At two in the afternoon, after
passing Cape Upright, I steered S.E. by S., for Samganoodha,
with a gentle breeze at N.N.W., being resolved to
spend no more time in searching for a harbour amongst
islands, which I now began to suspect had no existence;
at least not in the latitude and longitude where modern
map-makers have thought proper to place them. In the
evening of the 24th, the wind veered to S.W. and S., and
increased to a fresh gale.


We continued to stretch to the eastward, till eight o'clock
in the morning of the 25th, when, in the latitude of 191°
10', we tacked and stood to the west; and soon after, the
gale increasing, we were reduced to two courses, and close-reefed
main top-sails. Not long after, the Resolution sprung
[pg 373]
a leak, under the starboard buttock, which filled the spirit-room
with water before it was discovered; and it was so
considerable as to keep one pump constantly employed.
We durst not put the ship upon the other tack for fear of
getting upon the shoals that lie to the N.W. of Cape Newenham;
but continued standing to the west till six in the
evening of the 26th, when we wore and stood to the eastward,
and then the leak no longer troubled us. This proved
that it was above the water line, which was no small
satisfaction. The gale was now over, but the wind remained
at S. and S.W. for some days longer.


At length, on the 2d of October, at day-break, we saw
the island of Oonalashka, bearing S.E. But as this was to
us a new point of view, and the land was obscured by a
thick haze, we were not sure of our situation till noon,
when the observed latitude determined it. As all harbours
were alike to me, provided they were equally safe and convenient,
I hauled into a bay, that lies ten miles to the westward
of Samganoodha, known by the name of Egoochshac;
but we found very deep water; so that we were glad to get
out again. The natives, many of whom lived here, visited
us at different times, bringing with them dried salmon and
other fish, which they exchanged with the seamen for tobacco.
But, a few days before, every ounce of tobacco that
was in the ship had been distributed among them; and the
quantity was not half sufficient to answer their demands.
Notwithstanding this, so improvident a creature is an English
sailor, that they were as profuse in making their bargains,
as if we had now arrived at a port in Virginia; by
which means, in less than eight and forty hours, the value
of this article of barter was lowered above a thousand per
cent.


At one o'clock in the afternoon of the 3d, we anchored
in Samganoodha harbour; and the next morning the carpenters
of both ships were set to work to rip off the sheathing
of and under the wale, on the starboard side abaft.
Many of the seams were found quite open; so that it was
no wonder that so much water had found its way into the
ship. While we lay here, we cleared the fish and spirit
rooms, and the after-hold; disposing things in such a manner,
that in case we should happen to have any more leaks
of the same nature, the water might find its way to the
pumps. And besides this work, and completing our water,
[pg 374]
we cleared the fore-hold to the very bottom, and took in a
quantity of ballast.


The vegetables which we had met with when we were
here before, were now mostly in a state of decay; so that
we were but little benefited by the great quantities of berries
every where found ashore. In order to avail ourselves
as much as possible of this useful refreshment, one third of
the people, by turns, had leave to go and pick them. Considerable
quantities of them were also procured from the
natives. If there were any seeds of the scurvy, in either
ship, these berries, and the use of spruce beer, which they
had to drink every other day, effectually eradicated them.


We also got plenty of fish; at first mostly salmon, both
fresh and dried, which the natives brought us. Some of
the fresh salmon was in high perfection; but there was
one sort, which we called hook-nosed, from the figure of
its head, that was but indifferent. We drew the seine several
times, at the head of the bay; and caught a good
many salmon-trout, and once a halibut that weighed two
hundred and fifty-four pounds. The fishery failing, we had
recourse to hooks and lines. A boat was sent out every
morning, and seldom returned without eight or ten halibut;
which was more than sufficient to serve all our people.
The halibut was excellent, and there were few who did not
prefer them to salmon. Thus we not only procured a supply
of fish for present consumption, but had some to carry
with us to sea. This enabled us to make a considerable saving
of our provisions, which was an object of no small importance.


On the 8th, I received, by the hands of an Oonalashka
man, named Derramoushk, a very singular present, considering
the place. It was a rye loaf, or rather a pye made in,
the form of a loaf, for it inclosed some salmon, highly seasoned
with pepper. This man had the like present for Captain
Clerke, and a note for each of us, written in a character
which none of us could read. It was natural to suppose,
that this present was from some Russians now in our neighbourhood;
and therefore we sent, by the same hand, to
these our unknown friends, a few bottles of rum, wine, and
porter; which we thought would be as acceptable as anything
we had besides; and we soon knew that in this we
had not been mistaken. I also sent, along with Derramoushk,
Corporal Lediard, of the marines, an intelligent
[pg 375]
man, with orders, that if he met with any Russians, he
should endeavour to make them understand that we were
English, the friends and allies of their nation.4


[pg 376]


On the 10th, Lediard returned with three Russian seamen,
or furriers, who, with some others, resided at Egoochshac,
where they had a dwelling-house, some store-houses,
and a sloop of about thirty tons burthen. One of these men
was either master or mate of this vessel, another of them
wrote a very good hand and understood figures, and they
were all three well-behaved intelligent men, and very ready
to give me all the information I could desire. But for want
of an interpreter, we had some difficulty to understand each
other. They appeared to have a thorough knowledge of
the attempts that had been made by their countrymen to
navigate the Frozen Ocean, and of the discoveries which
had been made from Kamtschatka, by Beering, Tscherikoff,
and Spanberg. But they seemed to know no more of
Lieutenant Syndo, or Synd, than his name.5 Nor had they
the least idea what part of the world Mr Stæhlin's map referred
to, when it was laid before them. When I pointed
out Kamtschatka, and some other known places, upon that
map, they asked, whether I had seen the islands there laid
down; and on my answering in the negative, one of them
put his finger upon a part of this map, where a number of
islands are represented, and said, that he had cruized there
for land, but never could find any. I then laid before them
my own chart, and found that they were strangers to every
part of the American coast, except what lies opposite this
island. One of these men said, that he had been with Beering
in his American voyage, but must then have been very
young, for he had not now, at the distance of thirty-seven
years, the appearance of being aged. Never was there
greater respect paid to the memory of any distinguished
person, than by these men to that of Beering.6 The trade
[pg 377]
in which they are engaged is very beneficial; and its being
undertaken and extended to the eastward of Kamtschatka,
was the immediate consequence of the second voyage of
that able navigator, whose misfortunes proved to be the
source of much private advantage to individuals, and of
public utility to the Russian nation. And yet, if his distresses
had not accidentally carried him to die in the island
which bears his name, and from whence the miserable remnant
of his ship's crew brought back sufficient specimens of
its valuable furs, probably the Russians never would have
undertaken any future voyages, which could lead them to
make discoveries in this sea, toward the coast of America.
Indeed, after his time, government seems to have paid less
attention to this; and we owe what discoveries have been
since made, principally to the enterprising spirit of private
traders, encouraged, however, by the superintending care
of the court of Petersburg. The three Russians having
remained with me all night, visited Captain Clerke next
morning, and then left us, very well satisfied with the reception
they had met with, promising to return in a few
days, and to bring with them a chart of the islands lying
between Oonalashka and Kamtschatka.


On the 14th, in the evening, while Mr Webber and I
were at a village at a small distance from Samganoodha, a
Russian landed there, who, I found, was the principal person
amongst his countrymen in this and the neighbouring
islands. His name was Erasim Gregorioff Sin Ismyloff. He
arrived in a canoe carrying three persons, attended by
twenty or thirty other canoes, each conducted by one man.
I took notice, that the first thing they did after landing,
was to make a small tent for Ismyloff, of materials which
they brought with them, and then they made others for
themselves, of their canoes and paddles, which they covered
with grass; so that the people of the village were at no
trouble to find them lodging. Ismyloff having invited us into
his tent, set before us some dried salmon and berries,
which, I was satisfied, was the best cheer he had. He appeared
to be a sensible intelligent man; and I felt no small
mortification in not being able to converse with him, unless
by signs, assisted by figures and other characters, which
[pg 378]
however were a very great help. I desired to see him on
board the next day; and accordingly he came, with all his
attendants. Indeed, he had moved into our neighbourhood,
for the express purpose of waiting upon us.


I was in hopes to have had by him, the chart which his
three countrymen had promised, but I was disappointed.
However, he assured me I should have it; and he kept his
word. I found that he was very well acquainted with the
geography of these parts, and with all the discoveries that
had been made in them by the Russians. On seeing the
modern maps, he at once pointed out their errors. He told
me, he had accompanied Lieutenant Syndo, or Synd as he
called him, in his expedition to the north; and, according
to his account, they did not proceed farther than the Tschukotskoi
Noss, or rather than the bay of St Laurence, for he
pointed on our chart to the very place where I landed.
From thence, he said, they went to an island in latitude 63°,
upon which they did not land, nor could he tell me its
name. But I should guess it to be the same to which I gave
the name of Clerke's Island. To what place Synd went after
that, or in what manner he spent the two years, during
which, as Ismyloff said, his researches lasted, he either
could not or would not inform us. Perhaps he did not comprehend
our enquiries about this; and yet, in almost every
other thing, we could make him understand us. This created
a suspicion, that he had not really been in that expedition,
notwithstanding his assertion.


Both Ismyloff and the others affirmed, that they knew
nothing of the continent of America to the northward; and
that neither Lieutenant Synd, nor any other Russian, had
ever seen it. They call it by the same name which Mr
Stæhlin gives to his great island, that is Alaschka. Stachtan
Nitada, as it is called in the modern maps, is a name
quite unknown to these people, natives of the islands as well
as Russians; but both, of them know it by the name of
America. From what we could gather from Ismyloff and
his countrymen, the Russians have made several attempts
to get a footing upon that part of this continent that lies
contiguous to Oonalashka and the adjoining islands, but
have always been repulsed by the natives, whom they describe
as a very treacherous people. They mentioned two
or three captains, or chief men, who had been murdered by
[pg 379]
them; and some of the Russians shewed us wounds which,
they said, they had received there.


Some other information which we got from Ismyloff is
worth recording, whether true or false. He told us, that in
the year 1773, an expedition had been made into the Frozen
Sea in sledges, over the ice, to three large islands that
lie opposite the mouth of the river Kovyma. We were in
some doubt, whether he did not mean the same expedition
of which Muller gives an account; and yet he wrote down
the year, and marked the islands on the chart.7 But a voyage
which he himself had performed, engaged our attention
more than any other. He said, that on the 12th of
May, 1771, he sailed from Bolscheretzk, in a Russian vessel,
to one of the Kuril islands, named Mareekan, in the latitude
of 47°, where there is a harbour, and a Russian settlement.
From this island, he proceeded to Japan, where
be seems to have made but a short stay. For when the Japanese
came to know that he and his companions were
Christians, they made signs for them to be gone; but did
not, so far as we could understand him, offer any insult or
force. From Japan, he got to Canton, and from thence to
France, in a French ship. From France, he travelled to
Petersburgh, and was afterward sent out again to Kamtschatka.
What became of the vessel in which he first embarked,
we could not learn, nor what was the principal object
of the voyage. His not being able to speak one word
of French, made this story a little suspicious. He did not
even know the name of any one of the most common things
that must have been in use every day, while he was on
board the ship, and in France. And yet he seemed clear as
to the times of his arriving at the different places, and of
his leaving them, which he put down in writing.8


[pg 380]


The next morning, he would fain have made me a present
of a sea-otter skin, which, he said, was worth eighty
rubles at Kamtschatka. However, I thought proper to decline
it; but I accepted of some dried fish, and several baskets
of the lily, or saranne root, which is described at large
in the History of Kamtschatka.9 In the afternoon, Mr Ismyloff,
after dining with Captain Clerke, left us with all his
retinue, promising to return in a few days. Accordingly, on
the 19th, he made us another visit, and brought with him
the charts before-mentioned, which he allowed me to copy,
and the contents of which furnish matter for the following
observations:—


There were two of them, both manuscripts, and bearing
every mark of authenticity. The first comprehended the
Penschinskian Sea, the coast of Tartary, as low as the latitude
of 41°, the Kuril islands, and the peninsula of Kamtschatka.
Since this map had been made, Wawseelee Irkecchoff,
captain of the fleet, explored, in 1758, the coast
of Tartary, from Okotsk, and the river Amur, to Japan, or
41° of latitude. Mr Ismyloff also informed us, that great
part of the sea-coast of the peninsula of Kamtschatka had
been corrected by himself, and described the instrument he
made use of, which must have been a theodolite. He also
informed us, that there were only two harbours fit for shipping,
on all the east coast of Kamtschatka, viz. the bay of
Awatska, and the river Olutora, in the bottom of the gulf
of the same name, that there was not a single harbour upon
its west coast, and that Yamsk was the only one on all
the west side of the Penschinskian Sea, except Okotsk, till
we come to the river Amur. The Kuril islands afford only
one harbour, and that is on the N.E. side of Mareekan, in
the latitude of 47-1/2°, where, as I have before observed, the
Russians have a settlement.


The second chart was to me the most interesting; for it
comprehended all the discoveries made by the Russians to
the eastward of Kamtschatka, toward America, which, if
we exclude the voyage of Beering and Tscherikoff, will
amount to little or nothing. The part of the American
[pg 381]
coast, with which the latter fell in, is marked in this chart,
between the latitude of 58° and 58-1/2°, and 75° of longitude
from Okotsk, or, 218-1/2° from Greenwich; and the place
where the former anchored, in 59-1/2° of latitude, and 63-1/2° of
longitude from Okotsk, or 207° from Greenwich. To say
nothing of the longitude, which may be erroneous from
many causes, the latitude of the coast, discovered by these
two navigators, especially the part of it discovered by Tscherikoff,
differs considerably from the account published by
Mr Muller, and his chart. Indeed, whether Muller's chart,
or this now produced by Mr Ismyloff, be most erroneous in
this respect, it may be hard to determine, though it is not
now a point worth discussing. But the islands that lie dispersed
between 52° and 55° of latitude, in the space between
Kamtschatka and America, deserve some notice. According
to Mr Ismyloff's account, neither the number nor
the situation of these islands is well ascertained. He struck
out about one-third of them, assuring me they had no existence,
and he altered the situation of others considerably,
which, he said, was necessary, from his own observations.
And there was no reason to doubt about this. As these
islands lie all nearly under the same parallel, different navigators,
being misled by their different reckonings, might
easily mistake one island, or group of islands, for another,
and fancy they had made a new discovery, when they had
only found old ones in a different position from that assigned
to them by their former visitors.


The islands of St Macarius, St Stephen, St Theodore, St
Abraham, Seduction Island, and some others, which are to
be found in Mr Muller's chart, had no place in this now
produced to us; nay, both Mr Ismyloff, and the others, assured
me, that they had been several times sought for in
vain. And yet it is difficult to believe how Mr Muller,
from whom subsequent map-makers have adopted them,
could place them in this chart without some authority. Relying,
however, on the testimony of these people, whom I
thought competent witnesses, I have left them out of my
chart, and made such corrections amongst the other islands
as I was told was necessary. I found there was wanting another
correction; for the difference of longitude, between
the Bay of Awatska, and the harbour of Samganoodha, according
to astronomical observations, made at these two
places, is greater by five degrees and a half, than it is by
[pg 382]
the chart. This error I have supposed to be infused throughout
the whole, though it may not be so in reality. There
was also an error in the latitude of some places, but this
hardly exceeded a quarter of a degree.


I shall now give some account of the islands, beginning
with those that lie nearest to Kamtschatka, and reckoning
the longitude from the harbour of Petropaulowska, in the
Bay of Awatska. The first is Beering's Island, in 55° of latitude,
and 6° of longitude. Ten leagues from the south
end of this, in the direction of E. by S., or E.S.E., lies Meidenoi
Ostroff, or the Copper Island. The next island is Atakou,
laid down in 52° 45' of latitude, and in 15° or 16° of
longitude. This island is about eighteen leagues in extent,
in the direction of E. and W., and seems to be the same
land which Beering fell in with, and named Mount St John.
But there are no islands about it, except two inconsiderable
ones, lying three or four leagues from the east end, in the
direction of E.N.E.


We next come to a group, consisting of six or more
islands, two of which, Atghka and Amluk are tolerably large,
and in each of them is a good harbour. The middle of this
group lies in the latitude of 52° 30', and 28° of longitude
from Awatska, and its extent, E. and W., is four degrees.
These are the isles that Mr Ismyloff said were to be removed
four degrees to the E., which was done. And in the
situation they have in my chart, was a group, consisting of
ten small islands, which, I was told, were wholly to be
struck out, and also two islands lying between them and
the group to which Oonalashka belongs. In the place of
these two, an island called Amoghta (which in the chart was
situated in the latitude of 51° 45', and 4° of longitude to the
W.) was brought.


Nothing more need be said to shew how erroneous the
situation of many of these islands may be, and for which
I am in nowise accountable. But the position of the largest
group, of which Oonalashka is one of the principal
islands, and the only one in which there is a harbour, is not
liable to any such errors. Most of these islands were seen
by us, and consequently their latitude and longitude were
pretty exactly determined, particularly the harbour of Samganoodha
in Oonalashka, which must be looked upon as a
fixed point. This group of islands maybe said to extend as
far as Halibut Isles, which are forty leagues from
[pg 383]
Oonalashka toward the E.N.E. Within these isles, a passage was
marked in Ismyloff's chart, communicating with Bristol Bay,
which converts about fifteen leagues of the coast, that I had
supposed to belong to the continent, into an island, distinguished
by the name of Ooneemak. This passage might
easily escape us, as we were informed, that it is very narrow,
shallow, and only to be navigated through with boats,
or very small vessels.10


It appeared by the chart, as well as by the testimony of
Ismyloff and the other Russians, that this is as far as their
countrymen have made any discoveries, or have extended
themselves, since Beering's time. They all said, that no
Russians had settled themselves so far to the east as the
place where the natives gave the note to Captain Clerke,
which Mr Ismyloff, to whom I delivered it, on perusing it,
said, had been written at Oomanak. It was, however, from
him that we got the name of Kodiak, the largest of Schumagin's
Islands; for it had no name upon the chart produced
by him.11 The names of all the other islands were
taken from it, and we wrote them down as pronounced by
him. He said, they were all such as the natives themselves
called their islands by; but, if so, some of the names seem
to have been strangely altered. It is worth observing, that
no names were put to the islands which Ismyloff told us
were to be struck out of the chart, and I considered this as
some confirmation that they have no existence.


I have already observed, that the American continent is
here called by the Russians, as well as by the islanders,
Alaschka; which name, though it properly belong only to
the country adjoining to Oonemak, is used by them when
speaking of the American continent in general, which they
know perfectly well to be a great land.


This is all the information I got from these people, relating
to the geography of this part of the world; and I have
[pg 384]
reason to believe that this was all the information they were
able to give. For they assured me, over and over again,
that they knew of no other islands, besides those which
were laid down upon this chart; and that no Russian had
ever seen any part of the continent of America to the northward,
except that which lies opposite the country of the
Tschutskis.


If Mr Stæhlin was not grossly imposed upon, what could
induce him to publish a map so singularly erroneous, and
in which many of these islands are jumbled together in regular
confusion, without the least regard to truth; and
yet he is pleased to call it a very accurate little map.12 Indeed,
it is a map to which the most illiterate of his illiterate
sea-faring countrymen would have been ashamed to set his
name.


Mr Ismyloff remained with us till the 21st, in the evening,
when he took his final leave. To his care I intrusted a
letter to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, in which
was inclosed a chart of all the northern coasts I had visited.
He said there would be an opportunity of sending it to
Kamtschatka, or Okotsk, the ensuing spring, and that it
would be at Petersburg the following winter. He gave me
a letter to Major Behm, governor of Kamtschatka, who resides
at Bolscheretsk, and another to the commanding officer,
at Petropaulowska. Mr Ismyloff seemed to have abilities
that might entitle him to a higher station in life, than
that in which we found him. He was tolerably well versed
in astronomy, and in the most useful branches of the mathematics.
I made him a present of an Hadley's octant;
and though, probably, it was the first he had ever seen, he
made himself acquainted, in a very short time, with most of
the uses to which that instrument can be applied.


In the morning of the 22d, we made an attempt to get to
sea, with the wind at S.E., which miscarried. The following
afternoon, we were visited by one Jacob Ivanovitch
Soposnicoff, a Russian, who commanded a boat, or small
vessel, at Oomanak. This man had a great share of modesty,
and would drink no strong liquor, of which the rest
of his countrymen, whom we had met with here, were immoderately
fond. He seemed to know more accurately
what supplies could be got at the harbour of
[pg 385]
Petropaulowska, and the price of the different articles, than Mr Ismyloff.
But, by all accounts, every thing we should want at
that place was very scarce, and bore a high price. Flour,
for instance, was from three to five roubles the pood,13 and
deer from three to five roubles each. This man told us that
he was to be at Petropaulowska in May next, and, as I understood,
was to have the charge of my letter. He seemed
to be exceedingly desirous of having some token from me
to carry to Major Behm, and to gratify him, I sent a small
spying-glass.


After we became acquainted with these Russians, some
of our gentlemen, at different times, visited their settlement
on the island, where they always met with a hearty welcome.
This settlement consisted of a dwelling-house and
two store-houses. And, besides the Russians, there was a
number of the Kamtschadales, and of the natives, as servants,
or slaves, to the former. Some others of the natives,
who seemed independent of the Russians, lived at the same
place. Such of them as belonged to the Russians were all
males, and they are taken, or perhaps purchased, from their
parents when young. There was, at this time, about twenty
of these, who could be looked upon in no other light than,
as children. They all live in the same house; the Russians
at the upper end, the Kamtschadales in the middle, and
the natives at the lower end, where is fixed a large boiler
for preparing their food, which consists chiefly of what the
sea produces, with the addition of wild roots and berries.
There is little difference between the first and last table, besides
what is produced by cookery, in which the Russians
have the art to make indifferent things palatable. I have
eat whale's flesh of their dressing, which I thought very
good; and they made a kind of pan-pudding of salmon roe,
beaten up fine, and fried, that is no bad succedaneum for
bread. They may, now and then, taste real bread, or have
a dish in which flour is an ingredient; but this can only be
an occasional luxury. If we except the juice of berries
which they sip at their meals, they have no other liquor besides
pure water; and it seems to be very happy for them
that they have nothing stronger.


As the island supplies them with food, so it does, in a
great measure, with clothing. This consists chiefly of skins,
[pg 386]
and is, perhaps, the best they could have. The upper garment
is made like our waggoner's frock, and reaches as low
as the knee. Besides this, they wear a waistcoat or two, a
pair of breeches, a fur cap, and a pair of boots, the soles
and upper leathers of which are of Russian leather, but the
legs are made of some kind of strong gut. Their two
chiefs, Ismyoff and Ivanovitch, wore each a calico frock,
and they, as well as some others, had shirts, which were of
silk. These, perhaps, were the only part of their dress not
made amongst themselves.


There are Russians settled upon all the principal islands
between Oonalashka and Kamtschatka, for the sole purpose
of collecting furs. Their great object is the sea-beaver or
otter. I never heard them enquire after any other animal;
though those, whose skins are of inferior value, are also
made part of their cargoes. I never thought to ask how
long they have had a settlement upon Oonalashka, and the
neighbouring isles; but to judge from the great subjection
the natives are under, this cannot be of a very late date.119
All these furriers are relieved, from time to time, by others.
Those we met with arrived here from Okotsk, in 1776, and
are to return in 1781; so that their stay at the island will
be four years at least.15


[pg 387]


It is now time to give some account of the native inhabitants.
To all appearance, they are the most peaceable,
inoffensive people, I ever met with. And, as to honesty,
[pg 388]
they might serve as a pattern to the most civilized nation
upon earth. But, from what I saw of their neighbours, with
whom the Russians have no connection, I doubt whether
this was their original disposition, and rather think that it
has been the consequence of their present state of subjection.
Indeed, if some of our gentlemen did not misunderstand
the Russians, they had been obliged to make some
severe examples, before they could bring the islanders into
any order. If there were severities inflicted at first, the
best apology for them is, that they have produced the happiest
consequences, and, at present, the greatest harmony
subsists between the two nations. The natives have their
own chiefs in each island, and seem to enjoy liberty and
property unmolested. But whether or no they are tributaries
to the Russians, we could never find out. There was
some reason to think that they are.16


[pg 389]


These people are rather low of stature, but plump and
well-shaped, with rather short necks, swarthy chubby faces,
black eyes, small beards, and long, straight, black hair,
which the men wear loose behind and cut before, but the
women tie up in a bunch.


Their dress has been occasionally mentioned. Both sexes
wear the same in fashion, the only difference is in the materials.
The women's frock is made of seal-skin, and that
of the men, of the skins of birds, both reaching below the
knee. This is the whole dress of the women. But over their
frock, the men wear another made of gut, which resists water,
and has a hood to it, which draws over the head. Some
of them wear boots, and all of them have a kind of oval
snouted cap, made of wood, with a rim to admit the head.
These caps are dyed with green and other colours; and
round the upper part of the rim are stuck the long bristles
of some sea-animal, on which are strung glass-beads, and
on the front is a small image or two made of bone.


They make use of no paint; but the women puncture
their faces slightly; and both men and women bore the
under-lip, to which they fix pieces of bone. But it is as
uncommon, at Oonalashka, to see a man with this ornament,
as to see a woman without it. Some fix beads to
the upper-lip, under the nostrils; and all of them hang ornaments
in their ears.


Their food consists of fish, sea-animals, birds, roots, and
berries, and even of sea-weed. They dry large quantities
of fish in summer, which they lay up in small huts for winter
use; and probably they preserve roots and berries for
[pg 390]
the same time of scarcity. They eat almost every thing
raw. Boiling and broiling were the only methods of cookery
that I saw them make use of; and the first was probably
learnt from the Russians. Some have got little brass-kettles;
and those who have not, make one of a flat stone,
with sides of clay, not unlike a standing pye.


I was once present, when the chief of Oonalashka made
his dinner of the raw head of a large halibut, just caught.
Before any was given to the chief, two of his servants eat
the gills, without any other dressing, besides squeezing out
the slime. This done, one of them cut off the head of the
fish, took it to the sea and washed it, then came with it,
and sat down by the chief, first pulling up some grass, upon
a part of which the head was laid, and the rest was
strewed before the chief. He then cut large pieces of the
cheeks, and laid these within the reach of the great man,
who swallowed them with as much satisfaction as we should
do raw oysters. When he had done, the remains of the
head were cut in pieces, and given to the attendants, who
tore off the meat with their teeth, and gnawed the bones
like so many dogs.


As these people use no paint, they are not so dirty in
their persons as the savages who thus besmear themselves;
but they are full as lousy and filthy in their houses. Their
method of building is as follows: They dig in the ground
an oblong square pit, the length of which seldom exceeds
fifty feet, and the breadth twenty; but in general the dimensions
are smaller. Over this excavation they form the
roof of wood which the sea throws ashore. This roof is
covered first with grass, and then with earth, so that the
outward appearance is like a dunghill. In the middle of
the roof, toward each end, is left a square opening, by
which the light is admitted; one of these openings being
for this purpose only, and the other being also used to go
in and out by, with the help of a ladder, or rather a post,
with steps cut in it.17 In some houses there is another entrance
below; but this is not common. Round the sides
and ends of the huts, the families, (for several are lodged
[pg 391]
together) have their separate apartments, where they sleep,
and sit at work, not upon benches, but in a kind of concave
trench, which is dug all round the inside of the house, and
covered with mats; so that this part is kept tolerably decent.
But the middle of the house, which is common to
all the families, is far otherwise. For, although it be covered
with dry grass, it is a receptacle for dirt of every
kind, and the place for the urine trough; the stench of
which is not mended by raw hides, or leather being almost
continually steeped in it. Behind and over the trench, are
placed the few effects they are possessed of, such as their
cloathing, mats, and skins.


Their household furniture consists of bowls, spoons,
buckets, piggins or cans, matted-baskets, and perhaps a
Russian kettle or pot. All these utensils are very neatly
made, and well formed; and yet we saw no other tools
among them but the knife and the hatchet, that is, a small
flat piece of iron, made like an adze, by fitting it into a
crooked wooden handle. These were the only instruments
we met with there made of iron. For although the Russians
live amongst them, we found much less of this metal
in their possession, than we had met with in the possession
of other tribes on the American continent, who had never
seen, nor perhaps had any intercourse with, the Russians.
Probably a few beads, a little tobacco, and snuff, purchase
all they have to spare. There are few, if any of them, that
do not both smoke and chew tobacco, and take snuff; a
luxury that bids fair to keep them always poor.


They did not seem to wish for more iron, or to want any
other instruments, except sewing-needles, their own being
made of bone. With these they not only sew their canoes,
and make their clothes, but also very curious embroidery.
Instead of thread they use the fibres of sinews, which they
split to the thickness which each sort of work requires. All
sewing is performed by the women. They are the tailors,
shoe-makers, and boat-builders, or boat-coverers; for the
men, most probably, construct the frame of wood over
which the skins are sewed. They make mats and baskets
of grass, that are both beautiful and strong. Indeed, there
is a neatness and perfection in most of their work, that
shews they neither want ingenuity nor perseverance.


I saw not a fire-place in any one of their houses; they are
lighted as well as heated, by lamps, which are simple, and
[pg 392]
yet answer the purpose very well. They are made of a flat
stone, hollowed on one side like a plate, and about the
same size, or rather larger. In the hollow part they put
the oil, mixed with a little dry grass, which serves the purpose
of a wick. Both men and women frequently warm
their bodies over one of these lamps, by placing it between
their legs, under their garments, and sitting thus over it for
a few minutes.


They produce fire both by collision and by attrition; the
former by striking two stones one against another, on one
of which a good deal of brimstone is first rubbed. The latter
method is with two pieces of wood; one of which is a
stick of about eighteen inches in length, and the other a
flat piece. The pointed end of the slick they press upon
the other, whirling it nimbly round as a drill; thus producing
fire in a few minutes. This method is common in
many parts of the world. It is practised by the Kamtschadales,
by these people, by the Greenlanders, by the Brazilians,
by the Otaheiteans, by the New Hollanders, and probably
by many other nations. Yet some learned and ingenious
men have founded an argument on this custom to
prove, that this and that nation are of the same extraction.
But accidental agreements, in a few particular instances,
will not authorise such a conclusion; nor will a disagreement,
either in manners or customs, between two different
nations, of course, prove that they are of different extraction.
I could support this opinion by many instances besides
the one just mentioned.18


No such thing as an offensive or even defensive weapon
was seen amongst the natives of Oonalashka. We cannot
suppose that the Russians found them in such a defenceless
state; it is more probable that, for their own security, they
have disarmed them. Political reasons too may have
[pg 393]
induced the Russians not to allow these islanders to have any
large canoes; for it is difficult to believe they had none
such originally, as we found them amongst all their neighbours.
However, we saw none here but one or two belonging
to the Russians. The canoes made use of by the
natives are the smallest we had any where seen upon the
American coast, though built after the same manner, with
some little difference in the construction. The stern of
these terminates a little abruptly; the head is forked, the
upper point of the fork projecting without the under one,
which is even with the surface of the water. Why they
should thus construct them is difficult to conceive; for the
fork is apt to catch hold of every thing that comes in the
way; to prevent which, they fix a piece of small stick
from point to point. In other respects, their canoes are
built after the manner of those used by the Greenlanders
and Esquimaux; the framing being of slender laths, and
the covering of seal-skins. They are about twelve feet long,
a foot and a half broad in the middle, and twelve or fourteen
inches deep. Upon occasion, they can carry two
persons; one of whom is stretched at full length in the canoe,
and the other sits in the seat, or round hole, which is
nearly in the middle. Round this hole is a rim or hoop of
wood, about which is sewed gut-skin, that can be drawn
together, or opened like a purse, with leathern thongs fitted
to the outer edge. The man seats himself in this place,
draws the skin tight round his body over his gut-frock,
and brings the ends of the thongs or purse-string, over the
shoulder to keep it in its place. The sleeves of his frock
are tied tight round his wrists, and it being close round his
neck, and the hood drawn over his head, where it is confined
by his cap, water can scarcely penetrate either to his
body, or into the canoe. If any should, however, insinuate
itself, the boatman carries a piece of spunge, with which
he dries it up. He uses the double-bladed paddle, which
is held with both hands in the middle, striking the water
with a quick regular motion, first on one side and then on
the other. By this means the canoe is impelled at a great
rate, and in a direction as straight as a line can be drawn.
In sailing from Egoochshak to Samganoodha, two or three
canoes kept way with the ship, though she was going at the
rate of seven miles an hour.


Their fishing and hunting implements lie ready upon the
[pg 394]
canoes, under straps fixed for the purpose. They are all
made, in great perfection, of wood and bone, and differ
very little from those used by the Greenlanders, as they
are described by Crantz. The only difference is in the
point of the missile dart, which, in some we saw here, is
not above an inch long; whereas Crantz says, that those
of the Greenlanders are a foot and a half in length. Indeed,
these darts, as well as some others of their instruments,
are so curious, that they deserve a particular description;
but, as many of them were brought away on
board the ships, this can be done at any time, if thought
necessary. These people are very expert in striking fish,
both in the sea, and in rivers. They also make use of
hooks and lines, nets and wears. The hooks are composed
of bone, and the lines of sinews.


The fishes which are common to other northern seas, are
found here; such as whales, grampusses, porpoises, swordfish,
halibut, cod, salmon, trout, seals, flat-fish; several
other sorts of small fish; and there may be many more
that we had no opportunity of seeing. Halibut and salmon
seem to be in the greatest plenty, and on them the
inhabitants of these isles subsist chiefly; at least, they were
the only sort of fish, except a few cod, which we observed
to be laid up for their winter store. To the north of 60°,
the sea is, in a manner, destitute of small fish of every
kind; but then whales are more numerous.


Seals and that whole tribe of sea-animals, are not so numerous
as in many other seas. Nor can this be thought
strange, since there is hardly any part of the coast, on either
continent, nor any of the islands lying between them,
that is not inhabited, and whose inhabitants hunt these
animals for their food and clothing. Sea-horses are, indeed,
in prodigious numbers about the ice; and the sea-otter
is, I believe, no where found but in this sea. We
sometimes saw an animal, with a head like a seal's, that
blew after the manner of whales. It was larger than a
seal, and its colour was white, with some dark spots. Probably
this was the sea-cow, or manati.


I think I may venture to assert, that sea and water fowls
are neither in such numbers, nor in such variety, as with us
in the northern parts of the Atlantic Ocean. There are
some, however, here, that I do not remember to have seen
any where else; particularly the alca monochroa of Steller,
[pg 395]
before mentioned; and a black and white duck, which I
conceive to be different from the stone-duck described by
Krascheninicoff.19 All the other birds seen by us are mentioned
by this author, except some that we met with near
the ice; and most, if not all, of these, are described by
Martin in his voyage to Greenland. It is a little extraordinary,
that penguins, which are common in many parts of
the world, should not be found in this sea. Albatrosses
too are so very scarce, that I cannot help thinking that this
is not their proper climate.


The few land birds that we met with are the same with
those in Europe; but there may be many others which we
had no opportunity of knowing. A very beautiful bird
was shot in the woods at Norton Sound, which, I am told,
is sometimes found in England, and known by the name of
Chatterer. Our people met with other small birds there,
but in no great variety and abundance; such as the wood
pecker, the bullfinch, the yellow finch, and a small bird
called a tit-mouse.


As our excursions and observations were confined wholly
to the sea-coast, it is not to be expected, that we could
know much of the animals or vegetables of the country.
Except musquitoes, there are few other insects; nor reptiles,
that I saw, but lizards. There are no deer upon
Oonalashka, or upon any other of the islands. Nor have
they any domestic animals, not even dogs. Foxes and
weasels were the only quadrupeds we saw; but they told
us, that they had hares also, and the marmottas mentioned
by Krascheninicoff.20 Hence it is evident, that the sea
and rivers supply the greatest share of food to the inhabitants.
They are also obliged to the sea for all the wood
made use of for building, and other necessary purposes;
for not a stick grows upon any of the islands, nor upon the
adjacent coast of the continent.


The learned tell us, that the seeds of plants are, by various
means, conveyed from one part of the world to another,
even to islands in the midst of great oceans, and far
remote from any other land. How comes it to pass, that
there are no trees growing on this part of the continent of
America, nor any of the islands lying near it? They are
[pg 396]
certainly as well situated for receiving seeds, by all the various
ways I have heard of, as any of those coasts are that
abound in wood. May not nature have denied to some soil
the power of raising trees, without the assistance of art?
As to the drift-wood upon the shores of the islands, I have
no doubt that it comes from America. For although there
may be none on the neighbouring coast, enough may grow
farther up the country, which torrents in the spring may
break loose, and bring down to the sea. And not a little
may be conveyed from the woody coasts, though they lie at
a greater distance.21


[pg 397]


There are a greater variety of plants at Oonalashka, and
most of them were in flower the latter end of June. Several
of them are such as we find in Europe, and in other
parts of America, particularly in Newfoundland; and others
of them, which are also met with in Kamtschatka, are eat
by the natives both there and here. Of these, Krascheninicoff
has given us descriptions. The principal one is
the saranne, or lily root, which is about the size of a root
of garlic, round, made up of a number of small cloves, and
grains like groats. When boiled, it is somewhat like saloop;
the taste is not disagreeable, and we found means to
make some good dishes with it. It does not seem to be in
great plenty; for we got none but what Ismyloff gave us.
We must reckon amongst the food of the natives, some
other wild roots; the stalk of a plant resembling angelica,
and berries of several different sorts; such as bramble-berries,
cran-berries, hurtle-berries, heath-berries, a small
red berry, which, in Newfoundland, is called partridge-berry,
and another brown berry, unknown to us. This has
somewhat of the taste of a sloe, but is unlike it in every
other respect. It is very astringent, if eaten in any quantity.
Brandy might be distilled from it. Captain Clerke
attempted to preserve some; but they fermented, and became
as strong as if they had been steeped in spirits.


There were a few other plants, which we found serviceable,
but are not made use of by either Russians or natives.
Such as wild purslain, pea-tops, a kind of scurvy-grass,
cresses, and some others. All these we found very palatable,
dressed either in soups or in sallads. On the low
ground, and in the vallies, is plenty of grass, which grows
very thick, and to a great length. I am of opinion, that
cattle might subsist at Oonalashka all the year round, without
being housed. And the soil, in many places, seemed
capable of producing grain, roots, and vegetables. But,
at present, the Russian traders, and the natives, seem satisfied
with what nature brings forth.


Native sulphur was seen amongst the inhabitants of the
island; but I had no opportunity of learning where they
[pg 398]
got it. We found also ochre, a stone that gives a purple
colour, and another that gives a very good green. It may
be doubted, whether this last is known. In its natural
state, it is of a greyish green colour, coarse and heavy. It
easily dissolves in oil; but when put into water it entirely
loses its properties. It seemed to be scarce in Oonalashka;
but we were told, that it was in greater plenty on the island
Oonemak. As to the stones about the shore and hills, I
saw nothing in them that was uncommon.22


The people of Oonalashka bury their dead on the summits
of hills, and raise a little hillock over the grave. In
a walk into the country, one of the natives, who attended
me, pointed out several of these receptacles of the dead.
There was one of them, by the side of the road leading
from the harbour to the village, over which was raised a
heap of stones. It was observed, that every one who passed
it, added one to it. I saw in the country several stone-hillocks,
that seemed to have been raised by art. Many
of them were apparently of great antiquity.


What their notions are of the Deity, and of a future
state, I know not. I am equally unacquainted with their
diversions; nothing having been seen that could give us an
insight into either.


They are remarkably cheerful and friendly amongst each
other, and always behaved with great civility to us. The
Russians told us, that they never had any connections with
their women, because they were not Christians. Our people
were not so scrupulous; and some of them had reason
to repent that the females of Oonalashka encouraged their
addresses without any reserve; for their health suffered by
a distemper that is not unknown here. The natives of this
island are also subject to the cancer, or a complaint like it,
which those whom it attacks are very careful to conceal.
They do not seem to be long-lived. I no where saw a person,
man or woman, whom I could suppose to be sixty
years of age; and but very few who appeared to be above
fifty. Probably their hard way of living may be the means
of shortening their days.


[pg 399]


I have frequently had occasion to mention, from the
time of our arrival in Prince William's Sound, how remarkably
the natives, on this north-west side of America,
resemble the Greenlanders and Esquimaux, in various particulars
of person, dress, weapons, canoes, and the like.
However, I was much less struck with this, than with the
affinity which we found subsisting between the dialects of
the Greenlanders and Esquimaux, and those of Norton's
Sound and Oonalashka. This will appear from a table of
corresponding words which I put together.


It must he observed, however, with regard to the words
which we collected on this side of America, that too much
stress is not to be laid upon their being accurately represented;
for, after Mr Anderson's death, we had few who
took much pains about such matters; and I have frequently
found, that the same words written down by two or more
persons, from the mouth of the same native, on being compared
together, differed not a little. But still, enough is
certain, to warrant this judgment, that there is great reason
to believe, that all these nations are of the same extraction;
and if so, there can be little doubt of there being
a northern communication of some sort, by sea, between
this west side of America and the east side, through
Baffin's Bay, which communication, however, may be effectually
shut up against ships by ice, and other impediments.
Such, at least, was my opinion at this time.23


[pg 400]


I shall now quit these northern regions, with a few particulars
relative to the tides and currents upon the coast,
and an account of the astronomical observations made by
us in Samganoodha harbour.


The tide is no where considerable but in the great river.24


The flood comes from the south or south-east, every
where following the direction of the coast to the north-westward.
Between Norton Sound and Cape Prince of
Wales, we found a current setting to the north-west, particularly
off the cape and within Sledge Island. But this
current extended only a little way from the coast, nor was
it either consistent or uniform. To the north of Cape
Prince of Wales, we found neither tide nor current, either
on the American or on the Asiatic coast, though several
times looked for. This gave rise to an opinion entertained
by some on board our ships, that the two coasts were connected,
either by land or by ice; which opinion received
some strength, by our never having any hollow waves from
the north, and by our seeing ice almost the whole way
across.


The following are the results of the several observations
made ashore, during our stay in the harbour of Samganoodha.


[pg 401]




The latitude, by the mean of several observed meridian altitudes of the sun,53° 5'   0"


 By the mean of 20 sets


 of lunar observations,193   47   45


 with the sun east of the


The longitudemoon


 By the mean of 14 sets,


  with the sun and stars193   11   45


 west of the moon


  ————


 The mean of these193   29   45


 The longitude assumed193   30     0


By the mean of equal altitudes of the sun, taken on the 12th, 14th, 17th, and 21st,


 the time-keeper was found to be losing on mean time 8", 8 each day; and, on


 the last of these days, was too slow for mean time 13h 46m 43s, 98. Hence the


 time-keeper must have been too slow on the 4th, the day after our arrival, by 13h


 44m 26s, 62; and the longitude, by Greenwich rate, will be 13h 23m 53s, 8200   58   27


By King George's (or Nootka) Sound rate,


 12h 56m 40s, 4194   10     6


The 30th of June, the time-keeper, by the


 same rate, gave193   12     0


The error of the time-keeper, at that time, was0    18     0 W.


At this time, its error was0    39   54 E.


The error of the time-keeper, between our


 leaving Samganoodha, and our return to


 it again, was0    57   54









On the 12th of October, the variationA.M. 20° 17'  2"Mean 19° 59'


By the mean of three compasses,P.M. 19  41' 27 15" East.






Dip of the needleUnmarked endDipping,68° 45'Face69° 30'


 Marked endface East69 55West69 17


Mean of the dip of the north end of the needle 62° 23' 30".




Footnote 1: (return) 
Mr Arrowsmith has filled up the coast betwixt the two points now
mentioned, and supplied it also with rivers, according to the conjecture
of Captain Cook. But it is obvious, that this is not sufficient authority;
and therefore, unless better be given, Mr Coxe seems to have done more
correctly, in indicating the space by a dotted line, the usual mark of an
unexplored region.—E.


Footnote 2: (return) 
It is somewhat singular, that neither Arrowsmith nor Coxe mentions
Anderson's Island. The former, on additional authority, has marked but
one island in the position specified, under the name of Eivoogiena, or
Clerke's Island.—E.


Footnote 3: (return) 
Mr Arrowsmith, as in the case of the island mentioned in the last
note, has given the native name to this island, viz. Matwi, retaining also,
however, the name of Gore.—E.


Footnote 4: (return) 
We must be allowed to notice some particulars in the history of
this
remarkable enough man, well known, it is probable, to most readers, who
have been interested in the operations of the African Association, but,
perhaps, not immediately recognised in the humble situation of a corporal
of marines. Some years after this voyage, viz. in 1786, Lediard, by birth
an American, resolved on a pedestrian excursion across his native continent;
for which purpose, he, first of all, fixed on travelling to Siberia,
whence he expected to be able to obtain a passage to its north-west coast.
Sir Joseph Banks, and other gentlemen, favouring his project, subscribed
a sum of money, not much exceeding fifty pounds, to enable him to put
it into execution. He proceeded to Hamburgh; from thence to Copenhagen;
and, as the gulf of Bothnia was not frozen over, actually walked
round its shores by the way of Tornea, till he arrived at Petersburgh, in
the beginning of March 1787. Here he remained till May, when he obtained
permission to go with a convoy of military stores, intended for Captain
Billings, formerly his ship-mate in Cook's voyage, and now waiting for it
to commence his own examination of the American coast, &c. With this
convoy, Lediard, in the month of August, reached Irkutsk, in Siberia, at
which place, after having gone to Yakutsk, where he met with Billings,
he purposed to remain a part of the winter, till an opportunity occurred
of going to Ochotsk, from which his passage to America seemed very
practicable. So far, then, he had to congratulate himself on his success.
But his enterprise was speedily interrupted, and all his hopes frustrated,
by an order from the empress; in consequence of which he was arrested,
and, under the guard of an officer and two soldiers, hurried off in
a sledge for Moscow, without being suffered to carry with him either his
clothes, his money, or his papers. The reason of this extraordinary conduct
has not been explained in the communication made by Sir Joseph
Banks to the Biographia Britannica, from which we have collected these
particulars. We are told, however, that the disappointed adventurer was
successively conveyed from Moscow to Moialoff, in White Russia, and
Tolochin, in Poland; at which last place, he was informed, that the empress
had directed he should never enter her dominions again without her
express permission. During the whole of his route, since he had been
made a prisoner, he suffered extreme hardship from ill health, fatigue,
and mortification. At last he reached Konigsberg; and, to use his own
words, in a letter to his patron, after "a miserable journey, in a miserable
country, in a miserable season, in miserable health, and with a miserable
purse," arrived in England. The ardour of his mind, however, was still
entire; and he appeared as ready as ever to engage in any service, however
perilous, which promised to gratify his own curiosity, and was recommended
by men whose judgment he respected. Accordingly, almost
immediately on his return, it was proposed to him to undertake the first
speculative excursion which the society alluded to projected. On this occasion
it was, as is noticed by the ingenious Mr Forster, in his valuable
Essay on Decision of Character, that he surprised the official person, who
put the Question to him, "When he would be ready for his African
journey?" by instantly answering, "To-morrow!" It may be doubted, if
his
acquirements were altogether equally well suited to this undertaking, as
his undaunted spirit and enterprising disposition. These, indeed, promised
interest; and no one could hesitate to believe, that he would zealously
employ every faculty he possessed in accomplishing the objects committed
to him. It was appointed him to traverse the continent of Africa
from east to west, in the latitude of the river Niger. But this he never
accomplished; as, on his arrival at Cairo, he was seized with a bilious
disorder,
which terminated in his death. So much, it seemed but justice to
record in this place, of the person now employed by Captain Cook.—E.


Footnote 5: (return) 
See the little that is known of Synd's voyage, accompanied with a
chart, in Mr Coxe's Russian Discoveries, p. 300.—D.


Footnote 6: (return) 
This may be considered as a very decisive testimony to the truth of
the character given of him in Mr Coxe's publication. We are indebted to
the same work for ample evidence in proof of the following remarks
of
Captain Cook—E.


Footnote 7: (return) 
The latest expedition of this kind, taken notice of by Mr Muller,
was
in 1724. But in justice to Mr Ismyloff, it may be proper to mention,
which is done on the authority of a MS. communicated by Mr Pennant,
and the substance of which has been published by Mr Coxe, that, so late
as 1768, the Governor of Siberia sent three young officers over the ice in
sledges to the islands opposite the mouth of the Kovyma. There seems
no reason for not supposing, that a subsequent expedition of this sort
might also be undertaken in 1773. Mr Coxe, p. 324, places the expedition
on sledges in 1764, but Mr Pennant's MS. may be depended upon.—D.


Footnote 8: (return) 
There is nothing at all unlikely in the voyage now spoken of.
According
to Captain Krusenstern, whose information is in all probability
quite unexceptionable, the Kuril islands and Jesso have been often
visited
by Russian merchants since 1741, when Spanberg and Walton reached
the coast of Japan; though without any positive advantage, he says, accruing
either to science or commerce from their visits.—E.


Footnote 9: (return) 
English translation, p. 83, 84.


Footnote 10: (return) 
This passage is marked on all the modern maps, no doubt on the
somewhat scanty authority here given. With respect to most of the
islands now alluded to, the opinion entertained of their utter insignificance,
will account for and perhaps justify the sparing solicitude we have used to
ascertain their number and position. Some less suspicious data than are
to be met with in the accounts of early Russian voyages, would be requisite,
to induce much attention to a subject of even greater importance.—E.


Footnote 11: (return) 
A Russian ship had been at Kodiak in 1776, as appears from a MS.
obligingly communicated by Mr Pennant.—D.


Footnote 12: (return) 
Stæhlin's New Northern Archipelago, p. 15.


Footnote 13: (return) 
36 lb.


Footnote 14: (return) 
The Russians began to frequent Oonalashka in 1762. See Coxe's
Russian Discoveries, ch. viii. p. 80.—D.


Footnote 15: (return) 
Captain Cook says nothing of the condition of these furriers, and
probably indeed knew nothing of it. According to Krusenstern, who cannot
be supposed to seek for occasion to censure his countrymen, it is
wretched in the extreme. He himself admits that his transcript, though
softened down from his original notes made at the time, will nevertheless
expose him to the anger of a number of persons for whom, in other respects,
he entertains the highest regard. But one may question if any of
the accounts that have been given of the African slave-trade produce
greater horror than this modified description occasions. The reader must
not imagine that the physical difficulties of the climate constitute the misery
of these deluded beings. These are certainly very formidable, and of
themselves present a sufficient barrier to the enjoyment of any thing bearing
the shape of comfort. But evils of another sort, arising from avarice
and the abuse of power, are so galling, as would induce a man "to fly
from even the most beautiful and the best-gifted country," if his residence
in it subjected him to their tyranny. The agents of the Russian-American
Company, as the reader will instantly divine, are chargeable with the enormous
barbarity and injustice to which these remarks apply; and the
fearless seaman does not scruple to expose them to public indignation, in
consequence. We shall communicate a few particulars, referring those
who desire more information on the subject to the work itself. The
persons
who engage in the Company's service, we are informed, are vagabonds
and adventurers,—but not criminals, be it remembered,—to whom the
fabulous reports of the state of affluence to be easily attained, which are
industriously circulated, operate as an incentive to sail to America in the
condition of Promiischleniks, a word originally signifying any who carry on
a trade, but here, as it is the only occupation, restricted to those who collect
furs. Their misery commences with their voyage, which is generally
performed in vessels so exceedingly crowded, that a large proportion of
the passengers are necessitated to sleep upon the deck, which, in such a
climate, it is obvious, must expose them to almost certain disease and
death. This last, indeed, is the most desirable destiny they can experience,
as those who have the misfortune to survive are subjected to almost
incalculable calamities from the want of proper food and clothing, under
the rigours of the climate, and the still more relentless severity of their
task-masters. From the treatment which the sick receive, we may perhaps,
with some exercise of imagination, infer, what the mode of life must be,
of those whom superior force of constitution preserves in health. Speaking
of a particular case which he had an opportunity of witnessing, Captain
K. says, "We went to visit the sick, and it is impossible for me to
describe the shocking, the disgusting state in which we found them; nearly
all appeared to labour under incurable scorbutic and venereal sores, although
they had been ten months on shore, and had enjoyed the assistance
of the surgeon of St Peter and St Paul. Even of this they were now about
to be deprived, and on the point of being removed, by a long and tedious
navigation, to places where they must either forego all surgical attendance,
or obtain it from people totally unskilled in the practice. I was curious
to learn on what food the sick were kept, and was shewn two casks
of salt meat destined for them. I requested to see a piece of it; but, on
opening the cask, so disgusting and pestilential a smell took possession of
the hold as compelled me instantly to quit it. Two tons of this stinking
salt meat, and some sacks of mouldy black biscuit, were the only nourishing
provisions on board for twenty invalids, for, to this number, (out of seventy,)
they actually amounted before the Maria (the vessel they were on
board) left St Peter and St Paul (for Kodiak)." Was not the practice said
to have been adopted at Jaffa by an extraordinary character, to be esteemed
for mercifulness in comparison of this? Train oil and the flesh of
the sea-lion, with a mixture of rye-meal and water, form the choicest provisions
of those who are well, either on board a ship or on shore; these,
it must be owned, are quite suitable to the iron rule of the agent, under
whom there can be neither personal property nor individual security, because
he is subject to no law, and there are no courts of justice in Kodiak,
or any other of the company's possessions. Few of these wretched outcasts
ever again reach Russian ground, very few indeed attain the object
of their wishes (we dare not say hopes) to return to Europe. Disease,
disappointment,
innumerable sufferings, continual drunkenness, the only solace
in which, for obvious reasons, they are indulged, bring them speedily
to the end of their unhappy existence, and leave a vacant stage for
the
miseries of new victims. Should a remnant have a more lengthened career,
and having, by infinite pain and trouble, amassed a little property, get back
to Ochotsk, thinking to return home and spend their days in comfort with
their relatives, they are beset by fresh and perhaps still more aggravated
vexations. They cannot leave that place, it seems, till they have closed
accounts with the agents, and, as this is frequently protracted, no doubt
with the most diabolical design, they become idle, spend what they had
acquired, run into debt, (for sufficient credit is allowed them), and at last
are necessitated to revert to their former slavery with perhaps far less ability
than formerly, and with no other expectation of relief than what is
afforded by the certainty of their dissolution. It is impossible to contemplate
this distressing picture a moment longer. Let us leave it.—E.


Footnote 16: (return) 
See the particulars of hostilities between the Russians and the
natives,
in Coxe, as cited above.—D.


It will readily be inferred from what has already been mentioned of the
conduct of the Russian agents towards their own countrymen, that the
circumstance of the unfortunate islanders, who are also subjected to their
sway, cannot be very eligible. A single quotation from the work referred
to, will answer every purpose we can have in view in alluding to them in
this place. "The chief agent of the American Company is the boundless
despot over an extent of country, which, comprising the Aleutic islands,
stretches from 57 to 61 degrees of latitude, and from 130 to 190 degrees
of east longitude. The population of the islanders annually decreasing, and
the wretched condition of the Russians living there, sufficiently proves,
that, from their first migration to these islands and to the American coast,
up to the present moment, the Company's possessions have been entrusted
to people, who were, indeed, zealous for its own advantage, but frequently
more so for that of a few subordinate agents." A Lieutenant Davidoff,
he gives us to understand, had collected some very important notices
respecting these possessions of the Company, and had imparted to
him a fragment of them relative to the situation of the islanders
and their
conquerors. This however is not communicated, apparently for a reason
mentioned, viz. that this officer proposed publishing on the subject when
he returned to St Petersburg; and that though unfortunately he lost his
life in the Neva before that took place, his manuscript, which was in the
hands of Admiral Schischkoff, will be printed by the Admiralty. We shall
wonder if it be so, concluding as to its contents from what is already
made known. Though it is possible, indeed, to imagine, that it may be
made use of as a testimony against the bad management and inhuman conduct
of the agents of the Company, in order to justify the interference of
the legislature in their concerns, which certainly appears to be much wanted.
Altogether, it is obvious then, that the statement of matters which
Captain Cook has given in the text, applies to a golden age, in comparison
of what we are assured was lately existing in these regions. What changes
have been wrought by the representations of Krusenstern we have not
heard.—E.


Footnote 17: (return) 
Mr Coxe's description of the habitations of the natives of
Oonalashka,
and the other Fox Islands, in general, agrees with Captain Cook's.
See Russian Discoveries, p. 149. See also Histoire des differents
Peuples
soumis à la Domination des Russes, par M. Levesque, tom. i. p. 40, 41.—D.


Footnote 18: (return) 
We formerly hazarded some observations, on this subject, which may
properly claim regard, if the concurrent opinion of Cook be any commendation.
It is rare with him to venture on theoretic conjectures; but his
truly excellent remarks, so indicative of candid and unbiassed enquiry,
may justly serve as the basis of very extensive reasoning. His professional
career, in short, may be considered as a course of experimental investigations,
from which there results a system of philosophy of no ordinary interest
or importance. Can one help regretting, that he did not live, like
Newton, to deduce the legitimate consequences of his own discoveries?
But, alas! how rapidly are we now approaching to the last suggestions of
his sagacious mind!—E.


Footnote 19: (return) 
History of Kamtschatka. Eng. Trans. p. 160.


Footnote 20: (return) 
History of Kamtschatka, p. 99.


Footnote 21: (return) 
More extensive observations than what Cook's time allowed him to
make, would be requisite to determine the questions which he has just
now started. Besides, it is fair to remark, that there is some reason for
demurring at one of the premises, with which he sets out, viz. that the
islands, he speaks of, are as well situate for receiving seeds, as any of the
coasts are that abound in wood. At least, before admitting it, we ought
to be assured of the equal vicinity of sources from which these seeds
might be received, the predominance or occasional alteration of currents
fit for their conveyance, &c. On the other hand, what is conjectured about
the variety of soils, is so obvious, as to need no pointing out. With respect
to the drift-wood, it may be right to state, by way of corroborating
a supposition hazarded by Cook, that there is reason to believe, that much
of the internal parts of North America, and even the declivities, though
not the summits of most of the high ranges of mountains traversing it, either
have been, or are, well covered with trees. Here, it is worth while to
allude to a very singular circumstance mentioned in the account of Lewis
and Clarke's Travels to the Source of the Missouri, &c. viz. that a great
number of the trunks of trees of the pine genus were found standing erect,
and with their roots fixed, but in a state of decay, in the bottom of the
Columbia river, on the west coast. It is difficult to explain this, but on
the supposition of some considerable change in the course of the river;
and it is sufficiently obvious, that such changes, which we know have often
occurred elsewhere, might soon occasion the removal of trees from
their original situation to any distance. We cannot spare time or room
to carry on the investigation of the subject; but no reader can be at a loss
to estimate the probable results of the fact now mentioned. To some
persons, however, it may be necessary to mention, that the Missouri itself
is a striking instance of both changeability of course, and a corresponding
operation in transporting trees, &c.; the latter circumstance being
apparently both the cause and the effect of the former. Thus we are
informed in the work already referred to, that at the place where the party
embarked on the last-mentioned river, its current, which was extremely
rapid, brought down great quantities of drift-wood, that its bottom was
full of logs of trees, and that the course of the water was frequently varying
from the effects of sand-bars, &c. of its own formation. For an obvious
reason, it is to be wished, that Cook had mentioned to what species
of trees the drift-wood he found had belonged. How rarely are even
intelligent persons quite aware of the importance of the facts which
are presented
to them; and how much has been lost, or which is, in fact, the
same thing, not gained to science, in consequence of the carelessness with
which they have been examined!—E.


Footnote 22: (return) 
Very probably the stone that gave a green colour was an ore of
copper;
but the scanty description renders it difficult to ascertain the species.
The other, which is said to have given a purple colour, may also have contained
the same metal.—E.


Footnote 23: (return) 
This subject has been alluded to in the Introduction, and will in
all
probability receive consideration in the course of this Collection. It is
unnecessary,
therefore, to enter upon it in this place. We shall merely
mention a few particulars. The west coast of Greenland has not been explored
beyond 72° latitude. Little or nothing, that can be relied on, is
known concerning the sea of Davis or Baffin's Bay; the latter, indeed, being
generally considered as imaginary, and having no other evidence for
its existence, than the assertions, of a man conceived unworthy of credit.
The whole distance from the coast of that bay, as commonly laid down, to
the point where Hearne saw the sea, viz. in 69° latitude, being about sixty
degrees of longitude, is totally unknown. The same thing is to be said of
both the space betwixt the last mentioned spot, and that at which Mackenzie's
river is conceived to enter, which is denominated the Arctic Sea,
amounting to upwards of twenty degrees more, and also of about an equal
space betwixt this last position and Icy Cape, the highest point at which
Captain Cook arrived in this voyage. If any passage do exist, it is certain,
that it must be beyond 69° latitude, as high as which, it has been
indubitably proved by the labours of Cook, Mackenzie, and Hearne,
that
the continent of America is unbroken by any navigable passage from sea
to sea. Above that latitude, it is not only possible, but also even probable,
that the Arctic Sea, supposing it to be the same which Mackenzie and
Hearne saw, and that it is equally low down, or nearly so, throughout the
other spaces alluded to, may, in some peculiarly mild seasons, admit the
passage of canoes, if not of larger vessels. The circumstance of a much
higher latitude having been actually navigated in the Atlantic Ocean,
might seem to warrant such an opinion, and would, of course, justify some
renewed attempts in such an enterprise, were it not, that it has been proved
by the present voyage, that the ice extends lower down in the Pacific
Ocean, and that there is no small reason to believe, that Greenland forms
an integral part of the American continent. Still, however, in every view
of the subject, there does appear encouragement to make some experiments
of the nature of Hearne's and Mackenzie's, particularly towards
the east of the track explored by the former; and it is even extremely
probable, that some marine co-operation in the direction of both Hudson's
Bay and Davis' Strait, would facilitate and secure some discovery of more
utility, than a mere improvement of our maps. But it is improper to disburden
imagination on such a subject in this place.—E.


Footnote 24: (return) 
Cook's River.


[pg 402]


SECTION XII.


Departure from Oonalashka, and future Views,—The Island
Amoghta.—Situation of a remarkable Rock.—The Strait
between Oonalashka and Oonella repassed.—Progress to the
South.—Melancholy Accident on board the Discovery.—Mowee,
one of the Sandwich Islands, discovered.—Intercourse
with the Natives.—Visit from Terreeoboo.—Another
Island, called Owhyhee, discovered.—The Ships ply to windward
to get round it.—An Eclipse of the Moon observed.—The
Crew refuse to drink Sugar-cane Beer.—Cordage deficient
in Strength.—Commendation of the Natives of Owhyhee.—The
Resolution gets to Windward of the Island.—Her
Progress down the South-East Coast.—Views of the
Country, and Visits from the Natives.—The Discovery joins.—Slow
Progress Westward.—Karakakooa Bay examined
by Mr Bligh.—Vast Concourse of the Natives.—The Ships
anchor in the Bay.


In the morning of Monday the 26th, we put to sea from
Samganoodha harbour; and, as the wind was southerly,
stood away to the westward.


My intention was now to proceed to Sandwich Islands,
there to spend a few of the winter months, in case we
should meet with the necessary refreshments, and then to
direct our course to Kamtschatka, so as to endeavour to be
there by the middle of May, the ensuing summer. In consequence
of this resolution, I gave Captain Clerke orders
how to proceed, in case of separation; appointing Sandwich
Islands for the first place of rendezvous, and the harbour
of Petropaulowska, in Kamtschatka, for the second.


Soon after we were out of the harbour, the wind veered
to the S.E. and E.S.E., which, by the evening, carried us
as far as the western part of Oonalashka, where we got the
wind at S. With this we stretched to the westward, till
seven o'clock the next morning, when we wore, and stood
to the E. The wind, by this time, had increased in such
a manner as to reduce us to our three courses. It blew in
very heavy squalls, attended with rain, hail, and snow.


At nine o'clock in the morning of the 28th, the island
of Oonalashka bore S.E., four leagues distant. We then
[pg 403]
wore and stood to the westward. The strength of the gale
was now over, and toward evening the little wind that blew
insensibly veered round to the E., where it continued but
a short time before it got to N.E., and increased to a very
hard gale with rain. I steered first to the southward, and
as the wind inclined to the N. and N.W., I steered more
westerly.


On the 29th, at half past six in the morning, we saw
land extending from E. by S. to S. by W., supposed to be
the island Amoghta. At eight, finding that we could not
weather the island, as the wind had now veered, to the
westward, I gave over plying, and bore away for Oonalashka,
with a view of going to the northward and eastward
of that island, not daring to attempt a passage to the
S.E. of it, in so hard a gale of wind. At the time we bore
away, the land extended from E. by S. 1/2 S. to S.S.W.,
four leagues distant. The longitude by the time-keeper
was 191° 17', and the latitude 53° 38'. This will give a
very different situation to this island from that assigned to
it upon the Russian map. But it must be remembered,
that this is one of the islands which Mr Ismyloff said was
wrong placed. Indeed, it is a doubt if this be Amoghta;1
for after Ismyloff had made the correction, no land appeared
upon the map in this latitude; but, as I have observed
before, we must not look for accuracy in this chart.


At eleven o'clock, as we were steering to the N.E., we
discovered an elevated rock, like a tower, bearing N.N.E.
1/2 E., four leagues distant. It lies in the latitude of 53° 57',
and in the longitude of 191° 2', and hath no place in the
Russian map.2 We must have passed very near it in the
night. We could judge of its steepness from this circumstance,
that the sea, which now run very high, broke no
where but against it. At three in the afternoon, after
[pg 404]
getting a sight of Oonalashka, we shortened sail, and hauled
the wind, not having time to get through the passage before
night. At day-break the next morning, we bore away
under courses, and close-reefed top-sails, having a very
hard gale at W.N.W., with heavy squalls, attended with
snow. At noon, we were in the middle of the Strait, between
Oonalashka, and Oonella, the harbour of Samganoodha
bearing S.S.E., one league distant. At three in
the afternoon, being through the Strait, and clear of the
isles, Cape Providence bearing W.S.W., two or three
leagues distant, we steered to the southward, under double-reefed
top-sails and courses, with the wind at W.N.W., a
strong gale, and fair weather.


On Monday, the 2d of November, the wind veered to
the southward; and, before night, blew a violent storm,
which obliged us to bring to. The Discovery fired several
guns, which we answered; but without knowing on what
occasion they were fired. At eight o'clock, we lost sight
of her, and did not see her again till eight the next morning.
At ten, she joined us; and, as the height of the gale
was now over, and the wind had veered back to W.N.W.,
we made sail, and resumed our course to the southward.


The 6th, in the evening, being in the latitude of 42° 12',
and in the longitude of 201° 26'", the variation was 17° 15'
E. The next morning, our latitude being 41° 20', and our
longitude 202°, a shag, or cormorant, flew several times
round the ship. As these birds are seldom, if ever, known
to fly far out of sight of land, I judged that some was not
far distant. However, we could see none. In the afternoon,
there being but little wind, Captain Clerke came on
board, and informed me of a melancholy accident that
happened on board his ship, the second night after we left
Samganoodha. The main tack gave way, killed one man,
and wounded the boatswain, and two or three more. In
addition to this misfortune, I now learned, that, on the
evening of the 2d, his sails and rigging received considerable
damage; and that the guns which he fired were the
signal to bring to.'


On the 8th, the wind was at N.; a gentle breeze with
clear weather. On the 9th, in the latitude of 39-1/2°, we had
eight hours calm. This was succeeded by the wind from,
the S., attended with fair weather. Availing ourselves of
this, as many of our people as could handle a needle, were
[pg 405]
set to work to repair the sails; and the carpenters were
employed to put the boats in order.


On the 12th at noon, being then in the latitude of 38°
14', and in the longitude of 206° 17', the wind returned
back to the northward; and, on the 15th, in the latitude
of 33° 30', it veered to the E. At this time, we saw a tropic-bird,
and a dolphin, the first that we had observed during
the passage. On the 17th, the wind veered to the
southward, where it continued till the afternoon of the
19th, when a squall of wind and rain brought it at once
round by the W. to the N. This was in the latitude of
32° 26', and in the longitude of 207° 30'.


The wind presently increased to a very strong gale, attended
with rain, so as to bring us under double-reefed
top-sails. In lowering down the main top-sail to reef it, the
wind tore it quite out of the foot rope, and it was split in
several other parts. This sail had only been brought to the
yard the day before, after having had a repair. The next
morning we got another top-sail to the yard. This gale
proved to be the forerunner of the trade-wind, which, in,
latitude 25°, veered to E. and E.S.E.


I continued to steer to the southward till day-light in
the morning of the 25th, at which time we were in the latitude
of 20° 55'. I now spread the ships, and steered to
the W. In the evening we joined, and at midnight brought-to.
At day-break, next morning, land was seen extending
from S.S.E. to W. We made sail, and stood for it. At
eight, it extended from S.E. 1/2 S. to W., the nearest part
two leagues distant. It was supposed that we saw the extent
of the land to the east, but not to the west. We were
now satisfied, that the group of the Sandwich Islands had
been only imperfectly discovered; as those of them which
we had visited in our progress northward, all lie to the leeward
of our present station.


In the country was an elevated saddle hill, whose summit
appeared above the clouds. From this hill, the land
fell in a gentle slope, and terminated in a steep rocky coast,
against which the sea broke in a dreadful surf. Finding
that we could not weather the island, I bore up, and ranged
along the coast to the westward. It was not long before
we saw people on several parts of the shore, and some
houses and plantations. The country seemed to be both
[pg 406]
well wooded and watered, and running streams were seen
falling into the sea in various places.


As it was of the last importance to procure a supply of
provisions at these islands; and experience having taught
me that I could have no chance to succeed in this if a free
trade with the natives were to be allowed; that is, if it were
left to every man's discretion to trade for what he pleased,
and in the manner he pleased; for this substantial reason,
I now published an order, prohibiting all persons from
trading, except such as should be appointed by me and
Captain Clerke; and even these were enjoined to trade
only for provisions and refreshments. Women were also
forbidden to be admitted into the ships, except under certain
restrictions. But the evil I meant to prevent by this
regulation, I soon found, had already got amongst them.


At noon, the coast extended from S., 81° E., to N. 56°
W.; a low flat, like an isthmus, bore S., 42° W.; the
nearest shore three or four miles distant; the latitude was
20° 59', and the longitude 203° 50'. Seeing some canoes
coming off to us, I brought-to. As soon as they got alongside,
many of the people, who conducted them, came into
the ship, without the least hesitation. We found them to
be of the same nation with the inhabitants of the islands
more to leeward, which we had already visited; and, if we
did not mistake them, they knew of our having been there.
Indeed, it rather appeared too evident; for these people
had got amongst them, the venereal distemper; and, as yet,
I knew of no other way of its reaching them but by an intercourse
with their neighbours since our leaving them.


We got from our visitors a quantity of cuttle-fish for
nails and pieces of iron. They brought very little fruit and
roots; but told us that they had plenty or them on their
island, as also hogs and fowls. In the evening, the horizon
being clear to the westward, we judged the westernmost
land in sight to be an island, separated from that off which
we now were. Having no doubt that the people would return
to the ships next day, with the produce of their country,
I kept plying off all night, and in the morning stood
close in shore. At first, only a few of the natives visited
us; but, toward noon, we had the company of a good
many, who brought with them bread-fruit, potatoes, tarro,
or eddy roots, a few plantains, and small pigs; all of which
they exchanged for nails and iron tools. Indeed, we had
[pg 407]
nothing else to give them. We continued trading with,
them till four o'clock in the afternoon, when, having disposed
of all their cargoes, and not seeming inclined to fetch
more, we made sail, and stood off shore.


While we were lying-to, though the wind blew fresh, I
observed that the ships drifted to the east, consequently
there must have been a current setting in that direction.
This encouraged me to ply to windward, with a view to get
round the east end of the island, and so have the whole
lee-side before us. In the afternoon of the 30th, being off
the N.E. end of the island, several canoes came off to the
ships. Most of these belonged to a chief, named Terreeoboo,
who came in one of them. He made me a present of
two or three small pigs; and we got, by barter, from the
other people, a little fruit. After a stay of about two hours
they all left us, except six or eight of their company, who
chose to remain on board. A double-sailing canoe came
soon after to attend upon them, which we towed astern all
night. In the evening, we discovered another island to
windward, which the natives call Owhyhee. The name of
that, off which we had been for some days, we were also
told is Mowee.


On the 1st of December, at eight in the morning, Owhyhee
extended from S., 22' E, to S. 12° W.; and Mowee
from N. 41° to N. 83° W. Finding that we could fetch
Owhyhee, I stood for it; and our visitors from Mowee not
choosing to accompany us, embarked in their canoe, and
went ashore. At seven in the evening, we were close up
with the north side of Owhyhee; where we spent the night,
standing off and on.


In the morning of the 2d, we were surprised to see the
summits of the mountains on Owhyhee covered with snow.
They did not appear to be of any extraordinary height;
and yet, in some places, the snow seemed to be of a considerable
depth, and to have lain there some time. As we
drew near the shore, some of the natives came off to us.
They were a little shy at first; but we soon enticed some
of them on board; and at last prevailed upon them to return
to the island, and bring off what we wanted. Soon
after they reached the shore, we had company enough; and
few coming empty-handed, we got a tolerable supply of
small pigs, fruit, and roots. We continued trading with
[pg 408]
them till six in the evening; when we made sail, and stood
off, with a view of plying to windward round the island.


In the evening of the 4th, we observed an eclipse of the
moon. Mr King made use of a night-telescope, a circular
aperture being placed at the object end, about one-third of
the size of the common aperture. I observed with the telescope
of one of Ramsden's sextants; which, I think, answers
this purpose as well as any other. The following times
are the means, as observed by us both:




 Longitude.


6h 3' 25" beginning of the eclipse204° 40' 45"


8  27  25  end of the eclipse204   25   15


 ___________


Mean204   35    0




The penumbra was visible at least ten minutes before the
beginning and after the end of the eclipse. I measured the
uneclipsed part of the moon with one of Ramsden's sextants,
several times before, at, and after the middle of the eclipse;
but did not get the middle so near as might have been effected
by this method. Indeed, these observations were made
only as an experiment, without aiming at much nicety. I
also measured mostly one way; whereas I ought to have
brought alternately the reflected and direct images on contrary
sides with respect to each other; reading the numbers
off the quadrant, in one case, to the left of the beginning
of the divisions; and, in the other case, to the right
hand of the same. It is evident, that half the sum of these
two numbers must be the true measurement, independent
of the error of the quadrant; and this is the method that
I would recommend.


But I am well assured, that it might have been observed
much nearer; and that this method maybe useful when
neither the beginning nor end of an eclipse can be observed,
which may often happen.


Immediately after the eclipse was over, we observed the
distance of each limb of the moon from Pollux and α Arietis;
the one being to the east, and the other to the west.
An opportunity to observe, under all these circumstances,
seldom happens; but when it does, it ought not to be
omitted; as, in this case, the local errors to which these
observations are liable, destroy each other; which, in all
[pg 409]
other cases, would require the observations of a whole
moon. The following are the results of these observations:




Myself withα Arietis204° 22' 07"


   mean 204° 21'  5"


 Pollux204  20   4


 


Mr King withα Arietis204  27  45


   mean 204  18  29


 Pollux204   9  12


   _______________


Mean of the two means  204  19  47


 


The time-keeper, at 4h 30', to which time all the  204 04 45


  lunar observations are reduced




The current which I have mentioned, as setting to the
eastward, had now ceased; for we gained but little by plying.
On the 6th, in the evening, being about five leagues
farther up the coast, and near the shore, we had some traffic
with the natives. But, as it had furnished only a trifling
supply, I stood in again next morning, when we had a considerable
number of visitors; and we lay-to, trading with
them, till two in the afternoon. By that time, we had procured
pork, fruit, and roots, sufficient for four or five days.
We then made sail, and continued to ply to windward.


Having procured a quantity of sugar-cane; and having,
upon a trial, made but a few days before, found, that a
strong decoction of it produced a very palatable beer, I ordered
some more to be brewed for our general use. But
when the cask was now broached, not one of my crew-would
even so much as taste it. As I had no motive in preparing
this beverage, but to save our spirit for a colder climate,
I gave myself no trouble, either by exerting authority,
or by having recourse to persuasion, to prevail upon
them to drink it; knowing that there was no danger of the
scurvy, so long as we could get a plentiful supply of other
vegetables. But, that I might not be disappointed in my
views, I gave orders that no grog should be served in either
ship. I myself, and the officers, continued to make use
of the sugar-cane beer whenever we could get materials for
brewing it. A few hops, of which we had some on board,
improved it much. It has the taste of new malt beer; and
I believe no one will doubt of its being very wholesome.
And yet my inconsiderate crew alleged that it was injurious
to their health.


They had no better reason to support a resolution, which
they took on our first arrival in King George's Sound, not
[pg 410]
to drink the spruce-beer made there. But, whether from
a consideration that it was not the first time of their being
required to use that liquor, or from some other reason, they
did not attempt to carry their purpose into actual execution;
and I had never heard of it till now, when they renewed
their ignorant opposition to my best endeavours to
serve them. Every innovation whatever on board a ship,
though ever so much to the advantage of seamen, is sure
to meet with their highest disapprobation. Both portable
soup, and sour krout, were, at first, condemned as stuff unfit
for human beings. Few commanders have introduced
into their ships more novelties, as useful varieties of food
and drink, than I have done. Indeed, few commanders
have had the same opportunities of trying such experiments,
or been driven to the same necessity of trying them.
It has, however, been, in a great measure, owing to various
little deviations from established practice, that I have
been able to preserve my people, generally speaking, from
that dreadful distemper, the scurvy, which has, perhaps,
destroyed more of our sailors, in their peaceful voyages,
than have fallen by the enemy in military expeditions.3


I kept at some distance from the coast, till the 13th,
when I stood in again, six leagues farther to windward than
we had as yet reached; and, after having some trade with
the natives who visited us, returned to sea. I should have
[pg 411]
got near the shore again on the 15th, for a supply of fruit
or roots, but the wind happening to be at S.E. by S., and
S.S.E., I thought this a good time to stretch to the eastward,
in order to get round, or, at least, to get a sight of
the S.E. end of the island. The wind continued at S.E.
by S., most part of the 16th. It was variable between S.
and E, on the 17th; and on the 18th, it was continually
veering from one quarter to another; blowing, sometimes,
in hard squalls, and, at other times, calm, with thunder,
lightning, and rain. In the afternoon, we had the wind
westerly for a few hours; but in the evening it shifted to
E. by S., and we stood to the southward, close hauled, under
an easy sail, as the Discovery was at some distance
astern. At this time the S.E. point of the island bore
S.W. by S., about five leagues distant; and I made no
doubt that I should be able to weather it. But at one
o'clock, next morning, it fell calm, and we were left to the
mercy of a north-easterly swell, which impelled us fast towards
the land; so that, long before day-break, we saw
lights upon the shore, which was not more than a league
distant. The night was dark, with thunder, lightning, and
rain.


At three o'clock, the calm was succeeded by a breeze
from the S.E. by E., blowing in squalls, with rain. We
stood to the N.E., thinking it the best tack to clear the
coast; but, if it had been day-light, we should have chosen
the other. At day-break, the coast was seen extending
from N. by W., to S.W. by W.; a dreadful surf breaking
upon the shore, which was not more than half a league
distant. It was evident that we had been in the most imminent
danger. Nor were we yet in safety, the wind veering
more easterly; so that, for some time, we did but just
keep our distance from the coast. What made our situation
more alarming, was the leach-rope of the main top-sail
giving way, which was the occasion of the sail's being rent
in two; and the two top-gallant sails gave way in the same
manner, though not half worn out. By taking a favourable
opportunity, we soon got others to the yards, and then we
left the land astern. The Discovery, by being at some distance
to the north, was never near the land, nor did we see
her till eight o'clock.


On this occasion, I cannot help observing, that I have
always found, that the bolt-ropes to our sails have not been
[pg 412]
of sufficient strength or substance. This at different times,
has been the source of infinite trouble and vexation, and of
much expence of canvas, ruined by their giving way. I
wish also, that I did not think there is room for remarking,
that the cordage and canvas, and, indeed, all the other
stores made use of in the navy, are not of equal goodness
with those, in general, used in the merchant service.


It seems to be a very prevalent opinion, amongst naval
officers of all ranks, that the king's stores are better than
any others, and that no ships are so well fitted out as those
of the navy. Undoubtedly they are in the right, as to the
quantity; but, I fear, not as to the quality of the stores.
This, indeed, is seldom tried; for things are generally condemned,
or converted to some other use, by such time as
they are half worn out. It is only on such voyages as ours,
that we have an opportunity of making the trial, as our situation
makes it necessary to wear every thing to the very
utmost.4


As soon as day-light appeared, the natives ashore displayed
a white flag, which we conceived to be a signal of
peace and friendship. Some of them ventured out after
us; but the wind freshening, and it not being safe to wait,
they were soon left astern.


In the afternoon, after making another attempt to weather
the eastern extreme, which, failed, I gave it up, and
run down to the Discovery. Indeed, it was of no consequence
to get round the island; for we had seen its extent
to the S.E., which was the thing I aimed at; and, according
to the information which we had got from the natives,
there is no other island to the windward of this. However,
as we were so near the S.E. end of it, and as the least shift
of wind, in our favour, would serve to carry us round, I did
[pg 413]
not wholly give up the idea of weathering it, and therefore
continued to ply.


On the 20th, at noon, this S.E. point bore S., three
leagues distant; the snowy hills W.N.W., and we were
about four miles from the nearest shore. In the afternoon,
some of the natives came off in their canoes, bringing with
them a few pigs and plantains. The latter were very acceptable,
having had no vegetables for some days; but the
supply we now received was so inconsiderable, being barely
sufficient for one day, that I stood in again the next morning,
till within three or four miles of the land, where we
were met by a number of canoes, laden with provisions.
We brought-to, and continued trading with the people in
them, till four in the afternoon, when, having got a pretty
good supply, we made sail, and stretched off to the northward.


I had never met with a behaviour so free from reserve
and suspicion, in my intercourse with any tribes of savages,
as we experienced in the people of this island. It was very
common for them to send up into the ship the several articles
they brought off for barter; afterward, they would
come in themselves, and make their bargains on the quarter-deck.
The people of Otaheite, even after our repeated
visits, do not care to put so much confidence in us. I infer
from this, that those of Owhyhee must be more faithful
in their dealings with one another, than the inhabitants of
Otaheite are. For, if little faith were observed amongst
themselves, they would not be so ready to trust strangers.
It is also to be observed, to their honour, that they had never
once attempted to cheat us in exchanges, nor to commit
a theft. They understand trading as well as most people;
and seemed to comprehend clearly the reason of our
plying upon the coast. For, though they brought off provisions
in great plenty, particularly pigs, yet they kept up
their price; and, rather than dispose of them for less than
they thought they were worth, would take them on shore
again.5


[pg 414]


On the 22d, at eight in the morning, we tacked to the
southward, with a fresh breeze at E. by N. At noon, the
latitude was 20° 28' 30"; and the snowy peak bore S.W.
1/2 S. We had a good view of it the preceding day, and
the quantity of snow seemed to have increased, and to extend
lower down the hill. I stood to the S.E. till midnight,
then tacked to the N. till four in the morning, when we returned
to the S.E. tack; and, as the wind was at N.E. by
E., we had hopes of weathering the island. We should
have succeeded, if the wind had not died away, and left us
to the mercy of a great swell, which carried us fast toward
the land, which was not two leagues distant. At length,
we got our head off, and some light puffs of wind, which
came with showers of rain, put us out of danger. While
we lay, as it were, becalmed, several of the islanders came
off with hogs, fowls, fruit, and roots. Out of one canoe we
got a goose, which was about the size of a Muscovy duck.
Its plumage was dark-grey, and the bill and legs black.


At four in the afternoon, after purchasing every thing
that the natives had brought off, which was full as much as
we had occasion for, we made sail, and stretched to the N.,
with the wind at E.N.E. At midnight, we tacked, and
stood to the S.E. Upon a supposition that the Discovery
would see us tack, the signal was omitted; but she did not
see us, as we afterwards found, and continued standing to
the N.; for at day-light next morning she was not in sight.
At this time the weather being hazy we could not see far,
so that it was possible the Discovery might be following
us; and, being past the N.E. part of the island, I was
tempted to stand on, till, by the wind veering to N.E., we
could not weather the land upon the other tack. Consequently
we could not stand to the N, to join, or look for,
the Discovery. At noon, we were, by observation, in latitude
of 19° 55', and in the longitude of 205° 3'; the S.E.
point of the island bore S. by E. 1/4 E, six leagues distant;
the other extreme bore N, 60° W., and we were two
leagues from the nearest shore. At six in the evening, the
southernmost extreme of the island bore S.W., the nearest
shore seven or eight miles distant; so that we had now
[pg 415]
succeeded in getting to windward of the island, which we
had aimed at with so much perseverance.


The Discovery, however, was not yet to be seen. But
the wind, as we had it, being very favourable for her to follow
us, I concluded, that it would not be long before she
joined us. I therefore kept cruizing off this S.E. point of
the island, which lies in the latitude of 19° 34', and in the
longitude of 205° 6', till I was satisfied that Captain Clerke
could not join me here. I now conjectured, that he had
not been able to weather the N.E. part of the island, and
had gone to leeward, in order to meet me that way.


As I generally kept from five to ten leagues from the
land, no canoes, except one, came off to us till the 28th,
when we were visited by a dozen or fourteen. The people
who conducted them brought, as usual, the produce of the
island. I was very sorry that they had taken the trouble
to come so far. For we could not trade with them, our old
stock not being, as yet, consumed; and we had found, by
late experience, that the hogs could not be kept alive, nor
the roots preserved from putrefaction, many days. However,
I intended not to leave this part of the island before
I got a supply, as it would not be easy to return to it again,
in case it should be found necessary.


We began to be in want on the 30th, and I would have
stood in near the shore, but was prevented by a calm; but
a breeze springing up at midnight from S. and S.W., we
were enabled to stand in for the land at day-break. At ten
o'clock in the morning, we were met by the islanders with
fruit and roots; but, in all the canoes, were only three
small pigs. Our not having bought those which had been
lately brought off, may be supposed to be the reason of
this very scanty supply. We brought-to for the purposes
of trade; but, soon after, our marketing was interrupted
by a very hard rain, and, besides, we were rather too far
from the shore. Nor durst I go nearer; for I could not
depend upon the wind's remaining where it was for a moment;
the swell also being high, and setting obliquely upon
the shore, against which it broke in a frightful surf. In
the evening the weather mended; the night was clear, and
it was spent in making short boards.


Before day-break, the atmosphere was again loaded with
heavy clouds, and the new year was ushered in with very
hard rain, which continued, at intervals, till past ten o'clock.
[pg 416]
The wind was southerly; a light breeze with some calms,
when the rain ceased and the sky cleared, and the breeze
freshened. Being, at this time, about five miles from the
land, several canoes arrived with fruit and roots, and, at
last, some hogs were brought off. We lay to, trading with,
them till three o'clock in the afternoon, when, having a tolerable
supply, we made sail, with a view of proceeding to
the N.W., or lee-side of the island, to look for the Discovery.
It was necessary, however, the wind being at S., to
stretch first to the eastward, till midnight, when the wind
came more favourable, and we went upon the other tack.
For several days past, both wind and weather had been exceedingly
unsettled, and there fell a great deal of rain.


The three following days were spent in running down the
S.E. side of the island. For, during the nights, we stood
off and on; and part of each day was employed in lying-to,
in order to furnish an opportunity to the natives of trading
with us. They sometimes came on board, while we
were five leagues from the shore. But, whether from a fear
of losing their goods in the sea, or from the uncertainty of
a market, they never brought much with them. The principal
article procured was salt, which was extremely good.


On the 5th in the morning, we passed the south point of
the island, which lies in the latitude of 18° 54', and beyond
it we found the coast to trend N. 60° W. On this point
stands a pretty large village, the inhabitants of which
thronged off to the ship with hogs and women. It was not
possible to keep the latter from coming on board, and no
women I ever met with were less reserved. Indeed it appeared
to me, that they visited us with no other view, than
to make a surrender of their persons. As I had now got a
quantity of salt, I purchased no hogs but such as were fit
for salting, refusing all that were under size. However, we
could seldom get any above fifty or sixty pounds weight. It
was happy for us, that we had still some vegetables on
board, for we now received few such productions. Indeed
this part of the country, from its appearance, did not seem
capable of affording them. Marks of its having been laid
waste by the explosion of a volcano, every where presented
themselves; and though we had as yet seen nothing like
one upon the island, the devastation that it had made in
this neighbourhood, was visible to the naked eye.


This part of the coast is sheltered from the reigning
[pg 417]
winds, but we could find no bottom to anchor upon, a line
of an hundred and sixty fathoms not reaching it, within the
distance of half a mile from the shore. The islanders having
all left us, toward the evening, we ran a few miles
down the coast, and then spent the night standing off and
on.


The next morning, the natives visited us again, bringing
with them the same articles of commerce as before. Being
now near the shore, I sent Mr Bligh, the master, in a boat
to sound the coast, with orders to land, and to look for
fresh water. Upon his return, he reported, that, at two cables'
lengths from the shore, he had found no soundings
with a line of one hundred and sixty fathoms; that, when
he landed, he found no stream or spring, but only rain-water,
deposited in holes upon the rocks, and even that was
brackish from the spray of the sea, and that the surface of
the country was entirely composed of slags and ashes, with
a few plants interspersed. Between ten and eleven we saw
with pleasure the Discovery coming round the south point
of the island, and at one in the afternoon she joined us.
Captain Clerke then coming on board, informed me, that
he had cruised four or five days where we were separated,
and then plied round the east side of the island, but that,
meeting with unfavourable winds, he had been carried to
some distance from the coast. He had one of the islanders
on board all this time, who had remained there from choice,
and had refused to quit the ship, though opportunities had
offered.


Having spent the night standing off and on, we stood in
again the next morning, and when we were about a league
from the shore, many of the natives visited us. At noon,
the observed latitude was 19° 1', and the longitude, by the
time-keeper, was 203° 26', the island extending from S. 74°
E. to N. 13° W., the nearest part two leagues distant.


At day-break on the 8th, we found that the currents, during
the night, which we spent in plying, had carried us
back considerably to windward; so that we were now off
the S.W. point of the island. There we brought-to, in order
to give the natives an opportunity of trading with us.
At noon our observed latitude was 19° 1', and our longitude,
by the time-keeper, was 203° 13', the S.W. point of the
island N. 30° E., two miles distant.


We spent the night as usual, standing off and on. It
[pg 418]
happened, that four men and ten women who had come on
board the preceding day, still remained with us. As I did
not like the company of the latter, I stood in shore towards
noon, principally with a view to get them out of the ship;
and some canoes coming off, I took that opportunity of
sending away our guests.


We had light airs from N.W. and S.W., and calms, till
eleven in the morning of the 10th, when the wind freshened
at W.N.W., which, with a strong current setting to the
S.E., so much retarded us, that, in the evening, between
seven and eight o'clock, the S. point of the island bore N.
10-1/2° W., four leagues distant. The south snowy hill now
bore N. 1-1/2° E.


At four in the morning of the 11th, the wind having fixed
at W., I stood in for the land, in order to get some refreshments.
As we drew near the shore, the natives began
to come off. We lay to, or stood on and off, trading with
them all the day, but got a very scanty supply at last.
Many canoes visited us, whose people had not a single thing
to barter, which convinced us, that this part of the island
must be very poor, and that we had already got all that
they could spare. We spent the 12th plying off and on,
with a fresh gale at W. A mile from the shore and to the
N.E. of the S. point of the island, having tried soundings,
we found ground at fifty-five fathoms depth, the bottom a
fine sand. At five in the evening, we stood to the S.W.,
with the wind at W.N.W., and soon after midnight we had
a calm.


At eight o'clock next morning, having got a small breeze
at S.S.E., we steered to the N.N.W., in for the land. Soon
after, a few canoes came along-side with some hogs, but
without any vegetables, which articles we most wanted.
We had now made some progress; for at noon the S. point
of the island bore S. 86-1/2° E., the S.W. point N. 13° W., the
nearest shore two leagues distant; latitude, by observation,
18° 56', and our longitude, by the time-keeper, 203° 40'.
We had got the length of the S.W. point of the island in
the evening, but the wind now veering to the westward
and northward, during the night we lost all that we had
gained. Next morning, being still off the S.W. point of
the island, some canoes came off; but they had nothing
that we were in want of. We had now neither fruit nor
roots, and were under a necessity of making use of some of
[pg 419]
our sea-provisions. At length, some canoes from the northward
brought us a small supply of hogs and roots.


We had variable light airs next to a calm, the following
day, till five in the afternoon, when a small breeze at
E.N.E. springing up, we were at last enabled to steer along
shore to the northward. The weather being fine, we had
plenty of company this day, and abundance of every thing.
Many of our visitors remained with us on board all night,
and we towed their canoes astern.


At day-break on the 16th, seeing the appearance of a
bay, I sent Mr Bligh, with a boat from each ship, to examine
it, being at this time three leagues off. Canoes now
began to arrive from all parts; so that before ten o'clock,
there were no fewer than a thousand about the two ships,
most of them crowded with people, and well laden with
hogs and other productions of the island. We had the
most satisfying proof of their friendly intentions; for we
did not see a single person who had with him a weapon of
any sort. Trade and curiosity alone had brought them off.
Among such numbers as we had at times on board, it is no
wonder that some should betray a thievish disposition. One
of our visitors took out of the ship a boat's rudder. He was
discovered, but too late to recover it. I thought this a good
opportunity to shew these people the use of fire-arms; and
two or three muskets, and as many four-pounders, were fired
over the canoe, which carried off the rudder. As it was not
intended that any of the shot should take effect, the surrounding
multitude of natives seemed rather more surprised
than frightened.


In the evening Mr Bligh returned, and reported, that he
had found a bay in which was good anchorage, and fresh
water in a situation tolerably easy to be come at. Into this
bay I resolved to carry the ships, there to refit, and supply
ourselves with every refreshment that the place could afford.
As night approached, the greater part of our visitors retired
to the shore, but numbers of them requested our permission
to sleep on board. Curiosity was not the only motive, at
least with some; for, the next morning, several things were
missing, which determined me not to entertain so many another
night.


At eleven o'clock in the forenoon, we anchored in the
bay, (which is called by the natives Karakakooa,) in thirteen
fathoms water, over a sandy bottom, and about a
[pg 420]
quarter of a mile from the N.E. shore. In this situation, the S.
point of the bay bore S. by W., and the N. point W. 1/2 N.
We moored with the stream-anchor and cable to the northward,
unbent the sails, and struck yards and top-masts.
The ships continued to be much crowded with natives, and
were surrounded by a multitude of canoes. I had no where,
in the course of my voyage, seen so numerous a body of
people assembled at one place. For, besides those who had
come off to us in canoes, all the shore of the bay was covered
with spectators, and many hundreds were swimming
round the ships like shoals of fish. We could not but be
struck with the singularity of this scene; and perhaps there
were few on board who now lamented our having failed in
our endeavours to find a northern passage homeward last
summer. To this disappointment we owed our having it in
our power to revisit the Sandwich Islands, and to enrich our
voyage with a discovery which, though the last, seemed, in
many respects, to be the most important that had hitherto
been made by Europeans, throughout the extent of the Pacific
Ocean.6


Footnote 1: (return) 
On the chart of Krenitzen's and Levasheff's voyage in 1768 and
1769,
which we find in Mr Coxe's book, p. 251, an island called Amuckta, is
laid down, not very far from the place assigned to Amoghta by Captain
Cook.—D.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Though this rock had no place in the Russian map produced by
Ismyloff,
it has a place in the chart of Krenitzen's and Levasheff's voyage
above referred to. That chart also agrees with Captain Cook's, as to the
general position of this group of islands. The singularly indented shores
of the island of Oonalashka are represented in both charts much alike.
These circumstances are worth attending to, as the more modern Russian
maps of this Archipelago are so wonderfully erroneous.—D.


Footnote 3: (return) 
So much for the effect of ignorance and prejudice. One requires the
strong evidence of such a careful observer as Captain Cook to be convinced
of their existence, in such intense degree, among a set of people, accustomed,
from the nature of their profession, to witness the vast variety
of different manners and modes of life in different countries; though
every notion we could form of their habits and tempers might lead us to
infer a priori, the obstinacy with which they would resist any innovation
on their established practices. Probably, however, when left to themselves,
they readily enough fall in with changes; and hence it may often
be more judicious to put temptations in their way, in order to obtain a salutary
purpose, than to recommend or enforce it as conducive to their
welfare. It is easy to understand, on the common principles of human
nature, that the former method will generally prove most efficient; whereas
the latter, because it implies a kind of restraint, will, consequently, be
disliked, and opposed or evaded. Sailors, on the whole, perhaps, bear
the greatest resemblance to children of any of the full-grown species. It
is of some consequence to know how to treat them as such. A little
coaxing and flattery is a very necessary ingredient in any thing intended
for them; and often it may be extremely politic to seem to refuse, or to
be averse to give them what we are at the same time really anxious they
should have. But it is easy to prescribe in such cases!—E.


Footnote 4: (return) 
Captain Cook may, in part, be right in his comparison of some
cordage
used in the king's service, with what is used in that of the merchants;
especially in time of war, when part of the cordage wanted in the navy is,
from necessity, made by contract. But it is well known, that there is no
better cordage than what is made in the king's yards. This explanation
of the preceding paragraph has been subjoined, on the authority of a naval
officer of distinguished rank, and great professional ability, who has,
at the same time, recommended it as a necessary precaution, that ships
fitted out on voyages of discovery, should be furnished with no cordage,
but what is made in the king's yards; and, indeed, that every article of
their store, of every kind, should be the best that can be made.—D.


Footnote 5: (return) 
The reader is desired to pay particular attention to the high
testimony
borne by Cook to the characters of these islanders. It is a circumstance
too singularly interesting not to give rise to some painful reflections, that,
on apparently good grounds, he should have entertained the best opinion
of those very people, from whom he was destined shortly afterwards to
receive the greatest of injuries. However that event is to be
explained,
it seems very fair that his evidence in their favour obtain full regard, and
that they, therefore, be entitled to any benefits it may be supposed to
confer.—E.


Footnote 6: (return) 
Thus ends Captain Cook's journal of his proceedings, and the
visible
satisfaction which pervades the concluding sentences, as is noticed in the
Biog. Brit., must strike the mind of every reader. They indicate the high
value which our navigator attached to this last discovery, now so irrevocably,
but so painfully, associated with the honours of his name; whilst, in
his unapprehending confidence, and the wonted calmness of his style, we
see the agency of that beneficent law in our system, by which we are preserved
ignorant of the evils that every hour and moment of our time may
bring over us. Nor ought we to omit remarking as something peculiar,
that Cook's allusion to the present comfortable opinion and feelings of his
associates on the failure of their labours in the northern hemisphere,
founded, no doubt, on the general expression of satisfaction, serves as a
material aggravation, in the way of contrast, to our conceptions of their
subsequent distress and grief, under the calamity of his most afflicting
death.—E.


[pg 421]


CHAPTER V.


CAPTAIN KING'S JOURNAL OF THE TRANSACTIONS ON
RETURNING TO THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.1


SECTION I.


Description of Karakakooa Bay.—Vast Concourse of the Natives.—Power
of the Chiefs over the inferior People.—Visit
from Koah, a Priest and Warrior.—The Morai at Kakooa
described.—Ceremonies at the Landing of Captain Cook.—Observatories
erected.—Powerful Operation of the Taboo.—Method
of Salting Pork in Tropical Climates.—Society of
Priests discovered.—Their Hospitality and Munificence.—Reception
of Captain Cook.—Artifice of Koah.—Arrival
of Terreoboo, King of the Island.—Returned by Captain
Cook.


Karakakooa Bay is situated on the west side of
the island of Owhyhee, in a district called Akona. It
is about a mile in depth, and bounded by two low points of
land, at the distance of half a league, and bearing S.S.E.
and N.N.W. from each other. On the north point, which
is flat and barren, stands the village of Kowrowa; and in
the bottom of the bay, near a grove of tall cocoa-nut trees,
there is another village of a more considerable size, called
Kakooa; between them runs a high rocky cliff, inaccessible
from the sea shore. On the south side, the coast, for
about a mile inland, has a rugged appearance; beyond
which the country rises with a gradual ascent, and is overspread
with cultivated enclosures and groves of cocoa-nut
[pg 422]
trees, where the habitations of the natives are scattered in
great numbers. The shore, all round the bay, is covered
with a black coral rock, which makes the landing very dangerous
in rough weather, except at the village of Kakooa,
where there is a fine sandy beach, with a morai, or burying-place,
at one extremity, and a small well of fresh water at
the other. This bay appearing to Captain Cook a proper
place to refit the ships, and lay in an additional supply of
water and provisions, we moored on the north side, about
a quarter of a mile from the shore, Kowrowa bearing
W.N.W.


As soon as the inhabitants perceived our intention of anchoring
in the bay, they came off from the shore in astonishing
numbers, and expressed their joy by singing and
shouting, and exhibiting a variety of wild and extravagant
gestures. The sides, the decks, and rigging of both ships
were soon completely covered with them, and a multitude
of women and boys, who had not been able to get canoes,
came swimming round us in shoals, many of whom not finding
room on board, remained the whole day playing in the
water.


Among the chiefs who came on board the Resolution,
was a young man, called Pareea, whom we soon perceived
to be a person of great authority. On presenting himself
to Captain Cook, he told him, that he was Jakanee2 to the
king of the island, who was at that time engaged on a military
expedition at Mowee, and was expected to return
within three or four days. A few presents from Captain
Cook attached him entirely to our interests, and he became
exceedingly useful to us in the management of his countrymen,
as we had soon occasion to experience. For we had
not been long at anchor, when it was observed that the
Discovery had such a number of people hanging on one
side, as occasioned her to heel considerably; and that the
men were unable to keep off the crowds which continued
pressing into her. Captain Cook, being apprehensive that
she might suffer some injury, pointed out the danger to
Pareea, who immediately went to their assistance, cleared
the ship of its encumbrances, and drove away the canoes
that surrounded her.


[pg 423]


The authority of the chiefs over the inferior people appeared
from this incident to be of the most despotic kind.
A similar instance of it happened the same day on board
the Resolution, where the crowd being so great, as to impede
the necessary business of the ship, we were obliged to
have recourse to the assistance of Kaneena, another of
their chiefs, who had likewise attached himself to Captain
Cook. The inconvenience we laboured under being made
known, he immediately ordered his countrymen to quit the
vessel; and we were not a little surprised to see them jump
overboard, without a moment's hesitation, all except one
man, who, loitering behind, and shewing some unwillingness
to obey, Kaneena took him up in his arms, and threw
him into the sea.


Both these chiefs were men of strong and well-proportioned
bodies, and of countenances remarkably pleasing;
Kaneena especially, whose portrait Mr Webber has drawn,
was one of the finest men I ever saw. He was about six
feet high, had regular and expressive features, with lively,
dark eyes; his carriage was easy, firm, and graceful.


It has been already mentioned, that, during our long
cruise off this island, the inhabitants had always behaved
with great fairness and honesty in their dealings, and had
not shewn the slightest propensity to theft, which appeared
to us the more extraordinary, because those with whom we
had hitherto held any intercourse, were of the lowest rank,
either servants or fishermen. We now found the case exceedingly
altered. The immense crowd of islanders, which
blocked up every part of the ships, not only afforded frequent
opportunity of pilfering without risk of discovery,
but our inferiority in number held forth a prospect of escaping
with impunity in case of detection. Another circumstance,
to which we attributed this alteration in their behaviour,
was the presence and encouragement of their chiefs;
for, generally tracing the booty into the possession of some
men of consequence, we had the strongest reason to suspect
that these depredations were committed at their instigation.


Soon after the Resolution had got into her station, our
two friends, Pareea and Kaneena, brought on board a third
chief, named Koah, who, we were told, was a priest, and
had been in his youth a distinguished warrior. He was a
little old man, of an emaciated figure, his eyes exceedingly
[pg 424]
sore and red, and his body covered with a white leprous
scurf, the effects of an immoderate use of the ava. Being
led into the cabin, he approached Captain Cook with great
veneration, and threw over his shoulders a piece of red
cloth, which he had brought along with him. Then stepping
a few paces back, he made an offering of a small pig
which he held in his hand, whilst he pronounced a discourse
that lasted for a considerable time. This ceremony was
frequently repeated during our stay at Owhyhee, and appeared
to us, from many circumstances, to be a sort of religious
adoration. Their idols we found always arrayed
with red cloth, in the same manner as was done to Captain
Cook, and a small pig was their usual offering to the Eatooas.
Their speeches, or prayers, were uttered too with a
readiness and volubility that indicated them to be according
to some formulary.


When this ceremony was over, Koah dined with Captain
Cook, eating plentifully of what was set before him, but,
like the rest of the inhabitants of the islands in these seas,
could scarcely be prevailed on to taste a second time our
wine or spirits. In the evening, Captain Cook, attended
by Mr Bayly and myself, accompanied him on ashore. We
landed at the beach, and were received by four men, who
carried wands tipt with dog's hair, and marched before us,
pronouncing with a loud voice a short sentence, in which
we could only distinguish the word Orono.3 The crowd,
which had been collected on the shore, retired at our approach;
and not a person was to be seen, except a few lying
prostrate on the ground, near the huts of the adjoining
village.


Before I proceed to relate the adoration that was paid to
Captain Cook, and the peculiar ceremonies with which he
was received on this fatal island, it will be necessary to describe
the morai, situated, as I have already mentioned, at
the south side of the beach at Kakooa. It was a square solid
pile of stones, about forty yards long, twenty broad, and
fourteen in height. The top was flat, and well paved, and
[pg 425]
surrounded by a wooden rail, on which were fixed the
sculls of the captives, sacrificed on the death of their chiefs.
In the centre of the area, stood a ruinous old building of
wood, connected with a rail, on each side, by a stone wall,
which divided the whole space into two parts. On the side
next the country were five poles, upward of twenty feet
high, supporting an irregular kind of scaffold; on the opposite
side, toward the sea, stood two small houses, with a
covered communication.


We were conducted by Koah to the top of this pile by
an easy ascent, leading from the beach to the N.W. corner
of the area. At the entrance, we saw two large wooden
images, with features violently distorted, and a long piece
of carved wood, of a conical form inverted, rising from the
top of their heads, the rest was without form, and wrapped
round with red cloth. We were here met by a tall young
man, with a long beard, who presented Captain Cook to
the images, and after chanting a kind of hymn, in which he
was joined by Koah, they led us to that end of the morai
where the five poles were fixed. At the foot of them were
twelve images ranged in a semicircular form, and before the
middle figure stood a high stand or table, exactly resembling
the whatta4 of Otaheite, on which lay a putrid hog,
and under it pieces of sugar-cane, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit,
plantains, and sweet potatoes. Koah having placed the
captain under this stand, took down the hog, and held it
toward him; and after having a second time addressed him
in a long speech, pronounced with much vehemence and
rapidity, he let it fall on the ground, and led him to the
scaffolding, which they began to climb together, not without
great risk of falling. At this time we saw, coming in
solemn procession, at the entrance of the top of the morai,
ten men carrying a live hog, and a large piece of red cloth.
Being advanced a few paces, they stopped, and prostrated
themselves; and Kaireekeea, the young man above-mentioned,
went to them and received the cloth, carried it to
Koah, who wrapped it round the captain, and afterward offered
him the hog, which was brought by Kaireekeea with
the same ceremony.


Whilst Captain Cook was aloft in this awkward situation,
swathed round with red cloth, and with difficulty keeping
[pg 426]
his hold amongst the pieces of rotten scaffolding, Kaireekeea
and Koah began their office, chanting sometimes in
concert, and sometimes alternately. This lasted a considerable
time; at length Koah let the hog drop, when he
and the captain descended together. He then led him to
the images before mentioned, and having said something to
each in a sneering tone, snapping his fingers at them as he
passed, he brought him to that in the centre, which, from
its being covered with red cloth, appeared to be in greater
estimation than the rest. Before this figure he prostrated
himself, and kissed it, desiring Captain Cook to do the
same, who suffered himself to be directed by Koah throughout
the whole of this ceremony.


We were now led back into the other division of the morai,
where there was a space, ten or twelve feet square, sunk
about three feet below the level of the area. Into this we
descended, and Captain Cook was seated between two wooden
idols, Koah supporting one of his arms, whilst I was desired
to support the other. At this time arrived a second
procession of natives, carrying a baked hog and a pudding,
some bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and other vegetables. When
they approached us, Kaireekeea put himself at their head,
and presenting the pig to Captain Cook in the usual manner,
began the same kind of chant as before, his companions
making regular responses. We observed, that, after
every response, their parts became gradually shorter, till,
toward the close, Kaireekeea's consisted of only two or three
words, which the rest answered by the word orono.


When this offering was concluded, which lasted a quarter
of an hour, the natives sat down fronting us, and began
to cut up the baked hog, to peel the vegetables, and break
the cocoa-nuts, whilst others employed themselves in brewing
the ava, which is done by chewing it, in the same manner
as at the Friendly Islands. Kaireekeea then took part
of the kernel of a cocoa-nut, which he chewed, and wrapping
it in a piece of cloth, rubbed with it the captain's face,
head, hands, arms, and shoulders. The ava was then handed
round, and after we had tasted it, Koah and Pareea began
to pull the flesh of the hog in pieces, and to put it into
our mouths. I had no great objection to being fed by
Pareea, who was very cleanly in his person, but Captain
Cook, who was served by Koah, recollecting the putrid hog,
could not swallow a morsel; and his reluctance, as may be
[pg 427]
supposed, was not diminished, when the old man, according
to his own mode of civility, had chewed it for him.


When this last ceremony was finished, which Captain
Cook put an end to as soon as he decently could, we quitted
the morai, after distributing amongst the people some
pieces of iron and other trifles, with which they seemed
highly gratified. The men with wands conducted us to the
boats, repeating the same words as before. The people
again retired, and the few that remained, prostrated themselves
as we passed along the shore. We immediately went
on board, our minds full of what we had seen, and extremely
well satisfied with the good disposition of our new friends.
The meaning of the various ceremonies with which we had
been received, and which, on account of their novelty and
singularity, have been related at length, can only be the
subject of conjectures, and those uncertain and partial; they
were, however, without doubt, expressive of high respect
on the part of the natives; and, as far as related to the person
of Captain Cook, they seemed approaching to adoration.


The next morning, I went on shore with a guard of eight
marines, including the corporal and lieutenant, having orders
to erect the observatory in such a situation as might
best enable me to superintend and protect the waterers, and
the other working parties that were to be on shore. As we
were viewing a spot conveniently situated for this purpose,
in the middle of the village, Pareea, who was always ready
to shew both his power and his good-will, offered to pull
down some houses that would have obstructed our observations.
However, we thought it proper to decline this offer,
and fixed on a field of sweet potatoes adjoining to the morai,
which was readily granted us; and the priests, to prevent
the intrusion of the natives, immediately consecrated
the place, by fixing their wands round the wall by which it
was enclosed.


This sort of religious interdiction they call taboo, a word
we heard often repeated, during our stay amongst these
islanders, and found to be of very powerful and extensive
operation. A more particular explanation of it will be given
in the general account of these islands, under the article
of religion; at present it is only necessary to observe,
that it procured us even more privacy than we desired. No
canoes ever presumed to land near us; the natives sat on
[pg 428]
the wall, but none offered to come within the tabooed space,
till he had obtained our permission. But though the men,
at our request, would come across the field with provisions,
yet not all our endeavours could prevail on the women to
approach us. Presents were tried, but without effect; Pareea
and Koah were tempted to bring them, but in vain;
we were invariably answered, that the Eatooa and Terreeoboo
(which was the name of their king) would kill them.
This circumstance afforded no small matter of amusement
to our friends on board, where the crowds of people, and
particularly of women, that continued to flock thither, obliged
them almost every hour to clear the vessel, in order
to have room to do the necessary duties of the ship. On
these occasions, two or three hundred women were frequently
made to jump into the water at once, where they continued
swimming and playing about, till they could again
procure admittance.


From the 19th to the 24th, when Pareea and Koah left
us to attend Terreeoboo, who had landed on some other
part of the island, nothing very material happened on board.
The caulkers were set to work on the sides of the ships, and
the rigging was carefully overhauled and repaired. The
salting of hogs for sea-store was also a constant, and one of
the principal objects of Captain Cook's attention. As the
success we met with in this experiment, during our present
voyage, was much more complete than it had been in any
former attempt of the same kind, it may not be improper
to give an account of the detail of the operation.


It has generally been thought impracticable to cure the
flesh of animals by salting in tropical climates, the progress
of putrefaction being so rapid, as not to allow time for the
salt to take (as they express it) before the meat gets a taint,
which prevents the effect of the pickle. We do not find
that experiments, relative to this subject, have been made
by the navigators of any nation before Captain Cook. In
his first trials, which were made in 1774, during his second
voyage to the Pacific Ocean, the success he met with,
though very imperfect, was yet sufficient to convince him
of the error of the received opinion. As the voyage, in
which he was now engaged, was likely to be protracted a
year beyond the time for which the ships had been victualled,
he was under the necessity of providing, by some such
means, for the subsistence of the crews, or of relinquishing
[pg 429]
the further prosecution of his discoveries. He therefore
lost no opportunity of renewing his attempts, and the event
answered his most sanguine expectations.


The hogs which we made use of for this purpose, were
of various sizes, weighing from four to twelve stone.5 The
time of slaughtering was always in the afternoon; and as
soon as the hair was scalded off, and the entrails removed,
the hog was divided into pieces of four or eight pounds
each, and the bones of the legs and chine taken out, and,
in the larger sort, the ribs also. Every piece then being
carefully wiped and examined, and the veins cleared of the
coagulated blood, they were handed to the salters, whilst
the flesh remained still warm. After they had been well
rubbed with salt, they were placed in a heap on a stage
raised in the open air, covered with planks, and pressed
with the heaviest weights we could lay on them. In this
situation they remained till the next evening, when they
were again well wiped and examined, and the suspicious
parts taken away. They were then put into a tub of strong
pickle, where they were always looked over once or twice a
day, and if any piece had not taken the salt, which was
readily discovered by the smell of the pickle, they were immediately
taken out, re-examined, and the sound pieces
put to fresh pickle. This, however, after the precautions
before used, seldom happened. After six days, they were
taken out, examined for the last time, and being again
slightly pressed, they were packed in barrels, with a thin
layer of salt between them. I brought home with me some
barrels of this pork, which was pickled at Owhyhee in January,
1779, and was tasted by several persons in England
about Christmas, 1780, and found perfectly sound and wholesome.6


[pg 430]


I shall now return to our transactions on shore at the observatory,
where we had not been long settled before we
discovered, in our neighbourhood, the habitation of a society
of priests, whose regular attendance at the morai had
excited our curiosity. Their huts stood round a pond of
water, and were surrounded by a grove of cocoa-nut trees,
which separated them from the beach and the rest of the
village, and gave the place an air of religious retirement.
On my acquainting Captain Cook with these circumstances,
he resolved to pay them a visit; and, as he expected to be
received in the same manner as before, he brought Mr
Webber with him to make a drawing of the ceremony.


On his arrival at the beach, he was conducted to a sacred
building called Harre-no-Orono, or the house of Orono, and
seated before the entrance, at the foot of a wooden idol, of
the same kind with those on the morai. I was here again
made to support one of his arms; and, after wrapping him
in red cloth, Kaireekeea, accompanied by twelve priests,
made an offering of a pig with the usual solemnities. The
pig was then strangled, and a fire being kindled, it was
thrown into the embers, and after the hair was singed off,
it was again presented, with a repetition of the chanting in
the manner described. The dead pig was then held for a
short time under the captain's nose, after which it was laid,
with a cocoa-nut, at his feet, and the performers sat down.
The ava was then brewed, and handed round; a fat hog,
ready dressed, was brought in, and we were fed as before.


During the rest of the time we remained in the bay,
whenever Captain Cook came on shore, he was attended by
one of these priests, who went before him, giving notice
that the Orono had landed, and ordering the people to prostrate
themselves. The same person, also, constantly accompanied
him on the water, standing in the bow of the
boat, with a wand in his hand, and giving notice of his approach
to the natives who were in canoes, on which they
immediately left off paddling, and lay down on their faces
till he had passed. Whenever he stopped at the
[pg 431]
observatory, Kaireekeea and his brethren immediately made their
appearance with hogs, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, &c. and
presented them with the usual solemnities. It was on these
occasions that some of the inferior chiefs frequently requested
to be permitted to make an offering to the Orono.
When this was granted, they presented the hog themselves,
generally with evident marks of fear in their countenances,
whilst Kaireekeea and the priests chanted their
accustomed hymns.


The civilities of this society were not, however, confined
to mere ceremony and parade. Our party on shore received
from them, every day, a constant supply of hogs and
vegetables, more than sufficient for our subsistence; and several
canoes, loaded with provisions, were sent to the ships
with the same punctuality. No return was ever demanded,
or even hinted at in the most distant manner. Their presents
were made with a regularity, more like the discharge
of a religious duty, than the effect of mere liberality; and
when we enquired at whose charge all this munificence was
displayed, we were told, it was at the expence of a great
man called Kaoo, the chief of the priests, and grandfather
to Kaireekeea, who was at that time absent attending the
king of the island.


As every thing relating to the character and behaviour of
this people must be interesting to the reader, on account of
the tragedy that was afterwards acted here, it will be proper
to acquaint him, that we had not always so much reason to
be satisfied with the conduct of the warrior chiefs, or Earees,
as with that of the priests. In all our dealings with the
former, we found them sufficiently attentive to their own
interests; and besides their habit of stealing, which may
admit of some excuse, from the universality of the practice
amongst the islanders of these seas, they made use of other
artifices equally dishonourable. I shall only mention one
instance, in which we discovered, with regret, our friend
Koah to be a party principally concerned. As the chiefs,
who brought us presents of hogs, were always sent back
handsomely rewarded, we had generally a greater supply
than we could make use of. On these occasions, Koah, who
never failed in his attendance on us, used to beg such as we
did not want, and they were always given to him. It one
day happened, that a pig was presented us by a man whom
Koah himself introduced as a chief, who was desirous of
[pg 432]
paying his respects, and we recollected the pig to be the
same that had been given to Koah just before. This leading
us to suspect some trick, we found, on further enquiry,
the pretended chief to be an ordinary person; and on connecting
this with other circumstances, we had reason to
suspect, that it was not the first time we had been the dupes
of the like imposition.


Things continued in this state till the 24th, when we
were a good deal surprised to find that no canoes were suffered
to put off from the shore, and that the natives kept
close to their houses. After several hours suspense, we
learned that the bay was tabooed, and all intercourse with
us interdicted, on account of the arrival of Terreeoboo. As
we had not foreseen an accident of this sort, the crews of
both ships were obliged to pass the day without their usual
supply of vegetables. The next morning, therefore, they
endeavoured, both by threats and promises, to induce the
natives to come along-side; and as some of them were at
last venturing to put off, a chief was observed attempting
to drive them away. A musket was immediately fired over
his head, to make him desist, which had the desired effect,
and refreshments were soon after purchased, as usual. In
the afternoon, Terreeoboo arrived, and visited the ships in
a private manner, attended only by one canoe, in which
were his wife and children. He staid on board till near
ten o'clock, when he returned to the village of Kowrowa.


The next day, about noon, the king, in a large canoe, attended
by two others, set out from the village, and paddled
toward the ships in great state. Their appearance was
grand and magnificent. In the first canoe was Terreeoboo
and his chiefs, dressed in their rich feathered cloaks and
helmets, and armed with long spears and daggers; in the
second, came the venerable Kaoo, the chief of the priests,
and his brethren, with their idols displayed on red cloth.
These idols were busts of a gigantic size, made of wicker-work,
and curiously covered with small feathers of various
colours, wrought in the same manner with their cloaks.
Their eyes were made of large pearl oysters, with a black
nut fixed in the centre; their mouths were set with a double
row of the fangs of dogs, and, together with the rest of
their features, were strangely distorted. The third canoe
was filled with hogs and various sorts of vegetables. As
they went along, the priests in the centre-canoe sung their
[pg 433]
hymns with great solemnity; and, after paddling round the
ships, instead of going on board, as was expected, they
made toward the shore at the beach where we were stationed.7


As soon as I saw them approaching, I ordered out our
little guard to receive the king; and Captain Cook, perceiving
that he was going on shore, followed him, and arrived
nearly at the same time. We conducted them into
the tent, where they had scarcely been seated, when the
king rose up, and in a very graceful manner threw over the
captain's shoulders the cloak he himself wore, put a feathered
helmet upon his head, and a curious fan into his
hand. He also spread at his feet five or six other cloaks,
all exceedingly beautiful, and of the greatest value. His
attendants then brought four very large hogs, with sugar-canes,
cocoa-nuts, and bread-fruit; and this part of the ceremony
was concluded by the king's exchanging names
with Captain Cook, which, amongst all the islanders of the
Pacific Ocean, is esteemed the strongest pledge of friendship.
A procession of priests, with a venerable old personage
at their head, now appeared, followed by a long train,
of men leading large hogs, and others carrying plantains,
sweet potatoes, &c. By the looks and gestures of Kaireekeea,
I immediately knew the old man to be the chief of
the priests before mentioned, on whose bounty we had so
long subsisted. He had a piece of red cloth in his hands,
which he wrapped round Captain Cook's shoulders, and afterwards
presented him with a small pig in the usual form.
A seat was then made for him, next to the king, after
which, Kaireekeea and his followers began their ceremonies,
Kaoo and the chiefs joining in the responses.


I was surprised to see, in the person of this king, the
same infirm and emaciated old man, that came on board
the Resolution when we were off the north-east side of the
island of Mowee; and we soon discovered amongst his attendants,
most of the persons who at that time had remained
with us all night. Of this number were the two younger
sons of the king, the eldest of whom was sixteen years of
age, and his nephew Maiha-Maiha, whom at first we had
some difficulty in recollecting, his hair being plastered over
[pg 434]
with a dirty brown paste and powder, which was no mean
heightening to the most savage face I ever beheld.


As soon as the formalities of the meeting were over.
Captain Cook carried Terreeoboo, and as many chiefs as
the pinnace could hold, on board the Resolution. They
were received with every mark of respect that could be
shewn them; and Captain Cook, in return for the feathered
cloak, put a linen shirt on the king, and girt his own
hanger round him. The ancient Kaoo, and about half a
dozen old chiefs, remained on shore, and took up their
abode at the priests' houses. During all this time, not a
canoe was seen in the bay, and the natives either kept
within their huts, or lay prostrate on the ground. Before
the king left the Resolution, Captain Cook obtained leave
for the natives to come and trade with the ships as usual;
but the women, for what reason we could not learn, still
continued under the effects of the taboo; that is, were forbidden
to stir from home, or to have any communication
with us.


Footnote 1: (return) 
The reader is informed once for all, that the notes to the
remainder
of this voyage, to which no signature is attached, are to be considered as
forming a part of Captain King's own publication.—E.


Footnote 2: (return) 
We afterward met with several others of the same denomination; but
whether it be an office, or some degree of affinity, we could never learn
with certainty.


Footnote 3: (return) 
Captain Cook generally went by this name amongst the natives of
Owhyhee, but we could never learn its precise meaning. Sometimes they
applied it to an invisible being, who, they said, lived in the heavens. We
also found that it was a title belonging to a personage of great rank and
power in the island, who resembles pretty much the Delai Lama of the
Tartars, and the ecclesiastical emperor of Japan.


Footnote 4: (return) 
See Captain Cook's former voyage.


Footnote 5: (return) 
14 lb.


Footnote 6: (return) 
Since these papers were prepared for the press, I have been
informed
by Mr Vancouver, who was one of my midshipmen in the Discovery, and
was afterward appointed lieutenant of the Martin sloop of war, that he
tried the method here recommended, both with English and Spanish pork,
during a cruize on the Spanish Main, in the year 1782, and succeeded to
the utmost of his expectations. He also made the experiment at Jamaica
with the beef served by the victualling-office to the ships, but not with the
same success, which he attributes to the want of the necessary precautions
in killing and handling the beasts; to their being hung up and opened before
they had sufficient time to bleed, by which means the blood-vessels
were exposed to the air, and the blood condensed before it had time
to
empty itself, and to their being hard driven and bruised. He adds, that
having himself attended to the killing of an ox, which was carefully taken
on board the Martin, he salted a part of it, which, at the end of the week,
was found to have taken the salt completely, and he has no doubt would
have kept for any length of time; but the experiment was not tried.


Footnote 7: (return) 
The presents were made to Captain Cook after he went on shore.


SECTION II.


Farther Account of Transactions with the Natives.—Their
Hospitality.—Propensity to Theft.—Description of a Boxing
Match.—Death of one of our Seamen.—Behaviour of
the Priests at his funeral.—The Wood Work and Images
on the Morai purchased.—The Natives inquisitive about our
Departure.—Their Opinion about the Design of our Voyage.—Magnificent
Presents of Terreeoboo to Captain Cook.—The
Ships leave the Island.—The Resolution damaged in
a Gale, and obliged to return.


The quiet and inoffensive behaviour of the natives having
taken away every apprehension of danger, we did not
hesitate to trust ourselves amongst them at all times, and
in all situations. The officers of both ships went daily up
the country, in small parties, or even singly, and frequently
remained out the whole night. It would be endless to recount
all the instances of kindness and civility which we
received upon those occasions. Wherever we went, the
people flocked about us, eager to offer every assistance in
their power, and highly gratified, if their services were
[pg 435]
accepted. Various little arts were practised to attract our
notice, or to delay our departure. The boys and girls ran
before, as we walked through their villages, and stopped
us at every opening, where there was room to form a group
for dancing. At one time, we were invited to accept a
draught of cocoa-nut milk, or some other refreshment, under
the shade of their huts; at another, we were seated
within a circle of young women, who exerted all their skill
and agility to amuse us with songs and dances.


The satisfaction we derived from their gentleness and
hospitality was, however, frequently interrupted by the propensity
to stealing, which they have in common with all
the other islanders of these seas. This circumstance was
the more distressing, as it sometimes obliged us to have recourse
to acts of severity, which we should willingly have
avoided, if the necessity of the case had not absolutely
called for them. Some of their most expert swimmers
were one day discovered under the ships, drawing out the
filling nails of the sheathing, which they performed very
dexterously by means of a short stick, with a flint-stone
fixed in the end of it. To put a stop to this practice,
which endangered the very existence of the vessels, we at
first fired small shot at the offenders; but they easily got
out of our reach by diving under the ship's bottom. It was
therefore found necessary to make an example, by flogging
one of them on board the Discovery.


About this time, a large party of gentlemen, from both
ships, set out on an excursion into the interior parts of the
country, with a view of examining its natural productions.
An account of this journey will be given in a subsequent
part of our narrative. It is, therefore, only necessary at
present to observe, that it afforded Kaoo a fresh opportunity
of shewing his attention and generosity. For as soon
as he was informed of their departure, he sent a large supply
of provisions after them, together with orders, that the
inhabitants of the country through which they were to
pass, should give them every assistance in their power.
And, to complete the delicacy and disinterestedness of his
conduct, even the people he employed could not be prevailed
on to accept the smallest present. After remaining
out six days, our officers returned, without having been
able to penetrate above twenty miles into the island, partly
[pg 436]
from want of proper guides, and partly from the impracticability
of the country.


The head of the Resolution's rudder being found exceedingly
shaken, and most of the pintles either loose or broken,
it was unhung, and sent on shore on the 27th in the
morning, to undergo a thorough repair. At the same time
the carpenters were sent into the country, under conduct
of some of Kaoo's people, to cut planks for the head rail-work,
which was also entirely decayed and rotten.


On the 28th, Captain Clerke, whose ill health confined
him, for the most part, on board, paid Terreeoboo, his first
visit, at his hut on shore. He was received with the same
formalities as were observed with Captain Cook; and, on
his coming away, though the visit was quite unexpected,
he received a present of thirty large hogs, and as much
fruit and roots as his crew could consume in a week.


As we had not yet seen any thing of their sports or athletic
exercises, the natives, at the request of some of our
officers, entertained us this evening with a boxing-match.
Though these games were much inferior, as well in point
of solemnity and magnificence, as in the skill and powers
of the combatants, to what we had seen exhibited at the
Friendly Islands; yet, as they differed in some particulars,
it may not be improper to give a short account of them.
We found a vast concourse of people assembled on a level
spot of ground, at a little distance from our tents. A long
space was left vacant in the midst of them, at the upper
end of which sat the judges, under three standards, from
which hung slips of cloth of various colours, the skins of
two wild geese, a few small birds, and bunches of feathers.
When the sports were ready to begin, the signal was given
by the judges, and immediately two combatants appeared.
They came forward slowly, lifting up their feet very high
behind, and drawing their hands along the soles. As they
approached, they frequently eyed each other from head to
foot, in a contemptuous manner, casting several arch looks
at the spectators, straining their muscles, and using a variety
of affected gestures. Being advanced within reach of
each other, they stood with both arms held out straight
before their faces, at which part all their blows were aimed.
They struck, in what appeared to our eyes an awkward
manner, with a full swing of the arm; made no attempt to
parry, but eluded their adversary's attack by an inclination
[pg 437]
of the body, or by retreating. The battle was quickly decided;
for if either of them was knocked down, or even fell
by accident, he was considered as vanquished, and the victor
expressed his triumph by a variety of gestures, which
usually excited, as was intended, a loud laugh among the
spectators. He then waited for a second antagonist, and,
if again victorious, for a third, till he was at last, in his
turn, defeated. A singular rule observed in these combats
is, that whilst any two are preparing to fight, a third person
may step in, and choose either of them for his antagonist,
when the other is obliged to withdraw. Sometimes
three or four followed each other in this manner, before
the match was settled. When the combat proved longer
than usual, or appeared too unequal, one of the chiefs generally
stepped in, and ended it by putting a stick between
the combatants. The same good humour was preserved
throughout, which we before so much admired in the
Friendly Islanders. As these games were given at our desire,
we found it universally expected that we should have
borne our part in them; but our people, though much
pressed by the natives, turned a deaf ear to their challenge,
remembering full well the blows they got at the Friendly
Islands.


This day died William Watman, a seaman of the gunner's
crew; an event which I mention the more particularly,
as death had hitherto been very rare amongst us.
He was an old man, and much respected on account of his
attachment to Captain Cook. He had formerly served as
a marine twenty-one years; after which, he entered as a
seaman on board the Resolution in 1772, and served with.
Captain Cook in his voyage toward the South Pole. At
their return, he was admitted into Greenwich hospital,
through the captain's interest, at the same time with himself;
and being resolved to follow throughout the fortunes
of his benefactor, he also quitted it along with him, on his
being appointed to the command of the present expedition.
During the voyage, he had been frequently subject to slight
fevers, and was a convalescent when we came into the bay,
where, being sent on shore for a few days, he conceived
himself perfectly recovered, and, at his own desire, returned
on board; but the day following, he had a paralytic
stroke, which in two days more carried him off.


At the request of the king of the island, he was buried
[pg 438]
on the morai, and the ceremony was performed with as
much solemnity as our situation permitted. Old Kaoo and
his brethren were spectators, and preserved the most profound
silence and attention, whilst the service was reading.
When we began to fill up the grave, they approached it
with great reverence, threw in a dead pig, some cocoa-nuts,
and plantains; and, for three nights afterward, they surrounded
it, sacrificing hogs, and performing their usual
ceremonies of hymns and prayers, which continued till day-break.


At the head of the grave we erected a post, and nailed
upon it a square piece of board, on which was inscribed the
name of the deceased, his age, and the day of his death.
This they promised not to remove; and we have no doubt
but that it will be suffered to remain as long as the frail
materials of which it is made will permit.


The ships being in great want of fuel, the captain desired
me, on the 2d of February, to treat with the priests, for
the purchase of the rail that surrounded the top of the morai.
I must confess, I had, at first, some doubt about the
decency of this proposal, and was apprehensive, that even
the bare mention of it might be considered, by them, as a
piece of shocking impiety. In this, however, I found myself
mistaken. Not the smallest surprise was expressed at
the application, and the wood was readily given, even
without stipulating for any thing in return. Whilst the
sailors were taking it away, I observed one of them carrying
off a carved image; and, on farther enquiry, I found
that they had conveyed to the boats the whole semicircle.1
Though this was done in the presence of the natives, who
had not shewn any mark of resentment at it, but had even
assisted them in the removal. I thought it proper to speak
to Kaoo on the subject, who appeared very indifferent
about the matter, and only desired, that we would restore
the centre image I have mentioned before, which he carried
into one of the priests houses.


Terreeoboo and his chiefs had for some days past been
very inquisitive about the time of our departure. This circumstance
had excited in me a great curiosity to know
what opinion this people had formed of us, and what were
their ideas respecting the cause and objects of our voyage.
[pg 439]
I took some pains to satisfy myself on these points; but
could never learn any thing farther, than that they imagined
we came from some country where provisions had
failed; and that our visit to them was merely for the purpose
of filling our bellies. Indeed, the meagre appearance
of some of our crew, the hearty appetites with which we sat
down to their fresh provisions, and our great anxiety to
purchase, and carry off, as much as we were able, led
them, naturally enough, to such a conclusion. To these
may be added, a circumstance which puzzled them exceedingly,
our having no women with us; together with our
quiet conduct and unwarlike appearance. It was ridiculous
enough to see them stroking the sides, and patting the
bellies of the sailors, (who were certainly much improved
in the sleekness of their looks during our short stay in the
island), and telling them, partly by signs, and partly by
words, that it was time for them to go; but if they would
come again the next bread-fruit season, they should be
better able to supply their wants.2 We had now been sixteen
days in the bay; and if our enormous consumption of
hogs and vegetables be considered, it need not be wondered
that they should wish to see us take our leave. It is
very probable, however, that Terreeoboo had no other view
in his enquiries at present, than a desire of making sufficient
preparation for dismissing us with presents suitable to
the respect and kindness with which he had received us.
For, on our telling him we should leave the island on the
next day but one, we observed, that a sort of proclamation
[pg 440]
was immediately made, through the villages, to require the
people to bring in their hogs and vegetables, for the king
to present to the Orono, on his departure.


We were this day much diverted, at the beach, by the
buffooneries of one of the natives. He held in his hand
an instrument, of the sort described in the last volume;
some bits of sea-weed were tied round his neck, and round
each leg a piece of strong netting, about nine inches deep,
on which a great number of dogs' teeth were loosely fastened
in rows. His style of dancing was entirely burlesque,
and accompanied with strange grimaces, and pantomimical
distortions of the face, which, though at times inexpressibly
ridiculous, yet, on the whole, was without much
meaning or expression. Mr Webber thought it worth his
while to make a drawing of this person, as exhibiting a tolerable
specimen of the natives; the manner in which the
maro is tied; the figure of the instrument before mentioned,
and of the ornaments round the legs, which, at other
times, we also saw used by their dancers.


In the evening, we were again entertained with wrestling
and boxing-matches; and we displayed, in return, the
few fireworks we had left. Nothing could be better calculated
to excite the admiration of these islanders, and to
impress them with an idea of our great superiority, than an
exhibition of this kind. Captain Cook has already described
the extraordinary effects of that which was made at Hapaee;
and though the present was, in every respect, infinitely
inferior, yet the astonishment of the natives was not
less.


I have before mentioned, that the carpenters, from both
ships, had been sent up the country, to cut planks, for the
head rail-work of the Resolution. This was the third day
since their departure; and having received no intelligence
from them, we began to be very anxious for their safety.
We were communicating our apprehensions to old Kaoo,
who appeared as much concerned as ourselves, and were
concerting measures with him, for sending after them,
when they arrived all safe. They had been obliged to go
farther into the country than was expected, before they
met with trees fit for their purpose; and it was this circumstance,
together with the badness of the roads, and
the difficulty of bringing back the timber, which had detained
them so long. They spoke in high terms of their
[pg 441]
guides, who both supplied them with provisions, and guarded
their tools with the utmost fidelity.


The next day being fixed for our departure, Terreeoboo
invited Captain Cook and myself to attend him on the 3d,
to the place where Kaoo resided. On our arrival, we found
the ground covered with parcels of cloth; a vast quantity
of red and yellow feathers, tied to the fibres of cocoa-nut
husks; and a great number of hatchets, and other pieces
of iron-ware, that had been got in barter from us. At a
little distance from these lay an immense quantity of vegetables,
of every kind, and near them was a large herd of
hogs. At first, we imagined the whole to be intended as a
present for us, till Kaireekeea informed me, that it was a
gift, or tribute, from the people of that district to the king;
and, accordingly, as soon as we were seated, they brought
all the bundles, and laid them severally at Terreeoboo's
feet; spreading out the cloth, and displaying the feathers,
and iron-ware, before him. The king seemed much pleased
with this mark of their duty; and having selected about a
third part of the iron-ware, the same proportion of feathers,
and a few pieces of cloth, these were set aside, by
themselves; and the remainder of the cloth, together with
all the hogs and vegetables, were afterward presented to
Captain Cook and myself. We were astonished at the value
and magnitude of this present, which far exceeded
every thing of the kind we had seen, either at the Friendly
or Society Islands. Boats were immediately sent to carry
them on board; the large hogs were picked out, to be
salted for sea-store; and upward of thirty smaller pigs, and
the vegetables, were divided between the two crews.


The same day, we quitted the morai, and got the tents
and astronomical instruments on board. The charm of the
taboo was now removed; and we had no sooner left the
place, than the natives rushed in, and searched eagerly
about, in expectation of finding something of value, that
we might have left behind. As I happened to remain the
last on shore, and waited for the return of the boat, several
came crowding about me, and having made me sit down
by them, began to lament our separation. It was, indeed,
not without difficulty I was able to quit them. And here,
I hope I may be permitted to relate a trifling occurrence,
in which I was principally concerned. Having had the
command of the party on shore, during the whole time w
[pg 442]
were in the bay, I had an opportunity of becoming better
acquainted with the natives, and of being better known to
them, than those whose duty required them to be generally
on board. As I had every reason to be satisfied with
their kindness, in general, so I cannot too often, nor too
particularly, mention the unbounded and constant friendship
of their priests.


On my part, I spared no endeavours to conciliate their
affections, and gain their esteem; and I had the good fortune
to succeed so far, that, when the time of our departure
was made known, I was strongly solicited to remain
behind, not without offers of the most flattering kind.
When I excused myself, by saying, that Captain Cook
would not give his consent, they proposed, that I should
retire into the mountains, where, they said, they would
conceal me, till after the departure of the ships; and on
my farther assuring them, that the captain would not leave
the bay without me, Terreeoboo and Kaoo waited upon
Captain Cook, whose son they supposed I was, with a formal
request, that I might be left behind. The captain, to
avoid giving a positive refusal, to an offer so kindly intended,
told them, that he could not part with me at that time,
but that he should return to the island next year, and
would then endeavour to settle the matter to their satisfaction.


Early in the morning of the 4th, we unmoored, and sailed
out of the bay, with the Discovery in company, and
were followed by a great number of canoes. Captain Cook's
design was to finish the survey of Owhyhee, before he visited
the other islands, in hopes of meeting with a road
better sheltered than the bay we had just left; and in case
of not succeeding here, he purposed to take a view of the
south-east part of Mowee, where the natives informed us
we should find an excellent harbour.


We had calm weather all this and the following day,
which made our progress to the northward very slow. We
were accompanied by a great number of the natives in their
canoes; and Terreeoboo gave a fresh proof of his friendship
to Captain Cook, by a large present of hogs and vegetables,
that was sent after him.


In the night of the 5th, having a light breeze off the
land, we made some way to the northward; and in the
morning of the 6th, having passed the westernmost point
[pg 443]
of the island, we found ourselves abreast of a deep bay,
called by the natives Toe-yah-yah. We had great hopes
that this bay would furnish us with a safe and commodious
harbour, as we saw, to the north-east, several fine streams
of water, and the whole had the appearance of being well
sheltered. These observations agreeing with the accounts
given us by Koah, who accompanied Captain Cook, and
had changed his name, out of compliment to us, into Britannee,
the pinnace was hoisted out, and the master, with
Britannee for his guide, was sent to examine the bay, whilst
the ships worked up after them.


In the afternoon, the weather became gloomy, and the
gusts of wind, that blew off the land, were so violent, as to
make it necessary to take in all the sails, and bring-to, under
the mizen stay-sail. All the canoes left us, at the beginning
of the gale; and Mr Bligh, on his return, had the
satisfaction of saving an old woman, and two men, whose
canoe had been overset by the violence of the wind, as
they were endeavouring to gain the shore. Besides these
distressed people, we had a great many women on board,
whom the natives had left behind, in their hurry to shift
for themselves.


The master reported to Captain Cook, that he had landed
at the only village he saw, on the north side of the bay,
where he was directed to some wells of water; but found
they would by no means answer our purpose; that he afterward
proceeded farther into the bay, which runs inland
to a great depth, and stretches toward the foot of a very
conspicuous high mountain, situated on the north-west end
of the island; but that, instead of meeting with safe anchorage,
as Britannee had taught him to expect, he found
the shores low and rocky, and a flat bed of coral rocks
running along the coast, and extending upward of a mile
from the land; on the outside of which the depth of water
was twenty fathoms, over a sandy bottom; and that, in
the mean time, Britannee had contrived to slip away, being
afraid of returning, as we imagined, because his information
had not proved true and successful.


In the evening, the weather being more moderate, we
again made sail; but, about midnight, it blew so violently,
as to split both the fore and main topsails. On the
morning of the 7th, we bent fresh sails, and had fair weather,
and a light breeze. At noon, the latitude, by
[pg 444]
observation, was 20° 1' N., the W. point of the island bearing
S., 7° E., and the N.W. point N., 38° E. As we were, at
this time, four or five leagues from the shore, and the weather
very unsettled, none of the canoes would venture out,
so that our guests were obliged to remain with us, much,
indeed, to their dissatisfaction; for they were all sea-sick,
and many of them had left young children behind them.


In the afternoon, though the weather was still squally,
we stood in for the land, and being about three leagues
from it, we saw a canoe, with two men paddling towards
us, which we immediately conjectured had been driven off
the shore by the late boisterous weather; and therefore
stopped the ship's way, in order to take them in. These
poor wretches were so entirely exhausted with fatigue, that
had not one of the natives on board, observing their weakness,
jumped into the canoe to their assistance, they would
scarcely have been able to fasten it to the rope we had
thrown out for that purpose. It was with difficulty we got
them up the ship's side, together with a child, about four
years old, which they had lashed under the thwarts of the
canoe, where it had lain with only its head above water.
They told us, they had left the shore the morning before,
and had been from that time without food or water. The
usual precautions were taken in giving them victuals; and
the child being committed to the care of one of the women,
we found them all next morning perfectly recovered.


At midnight, a gale of wind came on, which obliged us
to double reef the topsails, and get down the top-gallant
yards. On the 8th, at day-break, we found that the foremast
had again given way, the fishes, which were put on
the head, in King George's, or Nootka Sound, on the coast
of America, being sprung, and the parts so very defective,
as to make it absolutely necessary to replace them, and, of
course, to unstep the mast. In this difficulty, Captain
Cook was for some time in doubt, whether he should run
the chance of meeting with a harbour in the islands to
leeward, or return to Karakakooa. That bay was not so
remarkably commodious, in any respect, but that a better
might probably be expected, both for the purpose of repairing
the masts, and for procuring refreshments, of which,
it was imagined, that the neighbourhood of Karakakooa
had been already pretty well drained. On the other hand,
[pg 445]
it was considered as too great a risk to leave a place that
was tolerably sheltered, and which, once left, could not be
regained, for the mere hopes of meeting with a better; the
failure of which might, perhaps, have left us without resource.


We, therefore, continued standing on toward the land,
in order to give the natives an opportunity of releasing
their friends on board from their confinement; and at
noon, being within a mile of the shore, a few canoes came
off to us, but so crowded with people, that there was not
room in them for any of our guests; we therefore hoisted
out the pinnace to carry them on shore; and the master,
who went with them, had directions to examine the south
coasts of the bay for water; but returned, without finding
any.


The winds being variable, and a current setting strong
to the northward, we made but little progress in our return;
and at eight o'clock in the evening of the 9th, it began
to blow very hard from the south-east, which obliged
us to close reef the topsails; and at two in the morning of
the 10th, in a heavy squall, we found ourselves close in
with the breakers, that lie to the northward of the west
point of Owhyhee. We had just room to haul off, and avoid
them, and fired several guns to apprise the Discovery of
the danger.


In the forenoon the weather was more moderate, and a
few canoes came off to us; from which we learnt that the
late storms had done much mischief, and that several large
canoes had been lost. During the remainder of the day
we kept beating to windward; and, before night, we were
within a mile of the bay; but, not choosing to run on while
it was dark, we stood off and on till day-light next morning,
when we dropt anchor nearly in the same place as before.


Footnote 1: (return) 
See description of the morai in the preceding Section.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Let the reader keep this intimation in mind, when he comes to judge
of the melancholy transactions which issued in the death of Cook. It is
most clear, that these people were disposed to be on good terms with
their visitors; but that they were equally sensible, on the other hand, of
the burden which so many half-starved guests had imposed on their hospitality.
Even this, however, it would seem, they were willing to bear,
provided only they had had time to make arrangements to do so, in a
manner consistent with their own notions of good cheer. It is perfectly
easy then to understand, that when, instead of the necessary absence of
the strangers till the next season of plenty, there elapsed a few days only,
as we shall find, it was impossible for them to form any other conception
of the nature or object of the visit, than what served to give a very different
direction to their feelings. And yet perhaps we shall be induced
to believe, that all their surprise and uneasiness would have quietly subsided,
if an unfortunate, and, in fact, merely partial altercation had not
excited it beyond its original intensity, and produced a momentary determination
to get rid by any means of such troublesome encroachers.—E.


[pg 446]


SECTION III.


Suspicious Behaviour of the Natives, on our Return to Karakakooa
Bay.—Theft on Board the Discovery and its Consequences.—The
Pinnace attacked, and the Crew obliged to
quit her.—Captain Cook's Observations on the Occasion.—Attempt
at the Observatory.—The Cutter of the Discovery
stolen.—Measures taken by Captain Cook for its Recovery.—Goes
on Shore to invite the King on Board—The King
being stopped by his Wife and the Chiefs, a Contest arises.—News
arrives of one of the Chiefs being killed by one of
our People.—Ferment on this Occasion.—One of the Chiefs
threatens Captain Cook, and is shot by him.—General Attack
by the Natives.—Death of Captain Cook. Account
of the Captain's Services, and a Sketch of his Character.1


We were employed the whole of the 11th, and part of
the 12th, in getting out the foremast, and sending it with
the carpenters, on shore. Besides the damage which the
[pg 447]
head of the mast had sustained, we found the heel exceedingly
rotten, having a large hole up the middle of it, capable
of holding four or five cocoa nuts. It was not, however,
thought necessary to shorten it; and, fortunately, the
logs of red toa-wood, which had been cut at Eimeo for anchor-stocks,
were found fit to replace the sprung part of
the fishes. As these repairs were likely to take up several
days, Mr Bayly and myself got the astronomical apparatus
on shore, and pitched our tents on the morai; having with
us a guard of a corporal and six marines. We renewed our
friendly correspondence with the priests, who, for the greater
security of the workmen and their tools, tabooed the
place where the mast lay, sticking their wands round it, as
before. The sail-makers were also sent on shore, to repair
the damages which had taken place in their department
during the late gales. They were lodged in a house adjoining
to the morai that was lent us by the priests. Such were
our arrangements on shore. I shall now proceed to the account
of those other transactions with the natives, which
led, by degrees, to the fatal catastrophe of the 14th.


Upon coming to anchor, we were surprised to find our
reception very different from what it had been on our first
arrival; no shouts, no bustle, no confusion; but a solitary
bay, with only here and there a canoe, stealing close along
the shore. The impulse of curiosity, which had before operated
to so great a degree, might now indeed be supposed
to have ceased; but the hospitable treatment we had invariably
met with, and the friendly footing on which we
parted, gave us some reason to expect, that they would
again have flocked about us with great joy on our return.


We were forming various conjectures upon the occasion
of this extraordinary appearance, when our anxiety was at
length relieved by the return of a boat, which had been
sent on shore, and brought us word, that Terreeoboo was
absent, and had left the bay under the taboo. Though this
account appeared very satisfactory to most of us, yet others
were of opinion, or rather, perhaps, have been led, by subsequent
events, to imagine, that there was something, at
this time, very suspicious in the behaviour of the natives;
and that the interdiction of all intercourse with us, on pretence
of the king's absence, was only to give him time to
consult with his chiefs in what manner it might be proper
to treat us. Whether these suspicions were well founded,
[pg 448]
or the account given by the natives was the truth, we were
never able to ascertain. For, though it is not improbable
that our sudden return, for which they could see no apparent
cause, and the necessity of which we afterward found
it very difficult to make them comprehend, might occasion
some alarm; yet the unsuspicious conduct of Terreeoboo,
who, on his supposed arrival, the next morning, came immediately
to visit Captain Cook, and the consequent return
of the natives to their former friendly intercourse with
us, are strong proofs, that they neither meant nor apprehended
any change of conduct.


In support of this opinion, I may add the account of another
accident, precisely of the same kind which happened
to us on our first visit, the day before the arrival of the
king. A native had sold a hog on board the Resolution,
and taken the price agreed on, when Pareea, passing by
advised the man not to part with the hog, without an advanced
price. For this he was sharply spoken to, and pushed
away; and the taboo being soon after laid on the bay,
we had at first no doubt but that it was in consequence of
the offence given to the chief. Both these accidents serve
to shew, how very difficult it is to draw any certain conclusion
from the actions of people, with whose customs, as
well as language, we are so imperfectly acquainted; at the
same time, some idea may be formed from them, of the
difficulties, at the first view, perhaps, not very apparent,
which those have to encounter, who, in all their transactions
with these strangers, have to steer their course amidst
so much uncertainty, where a trifling error may be attended
with even the most fatal consequences. However true
or false our conjectures may be, things went on in their
usual quiet course till the afternoon of the 13th.


Toward the evening of that day, the officer, who commanded
the watering-party of the Discovery, came to inform
me, that several chiefs had assembled at the well
near the beach, driving away the natives, whom he had
hired to assist the sailors in rolling down the casks to the
shore. He told me, at the same time, that he thought their
behaviour extremely suspicious, and that they meant to
give him some farther disturbance. At his request, therefore,
I sent a marine along with him, but suffered him to
take only his side-arms. In a short time the officer returned,
and, on his acquainting me, that the islanders had
[pg 449]
armed themselves with stones, and were grown very tumultuous
I went myself to the spot, attended by a marine, with
his musket. Seeing us approach, they threw away their
stones; and, on my speaking to some of the chiefs, the
mob were driven away, and those who chose it were suffered
to assist in filling the casks. Having left things quiet
here, I went to meet Captain Cook, whom I saw coming
on shore in the pinnace. I related to him what had just
passed; and he ordered me, in case of their beginning to
throw stones, or behave insolently, immediately to fire a ball
at the offenders. I accordingly gave orders to the corporal,
to have the pieces of the sentinels loaded with ball, instead
of small shot.


Soon after our return to the tents, we were alarmed by
a continued fire of muskets from the Discovery, which we
observed to be directed at a canoe that we saw paddling
toward the shore in great haste, pursued by one of our
small boats. We immediately concluded that the firing
was in consequence of some theft, and Captain Cook ordered
me to follow him with a marine armed, and to endeavour
to seize the people as they came on shore. Accordingly,
we ran toward the place where we supposed the
canoe would land, but were too late; the people having
quitted it, and made their escape into the country before
our arrival.


We were at this time ignorant that the goods had been
already restored; and as we thought it probable, from the
circumstances we had at first observed, that they might be
of importance, were unwilling to relinquish our hopes of
recovering them. Having, therefore, enquired of the natives,
which way the people had fled, we followed them till
it was near dark, when, judging ourselves to be about three
miles from the tents, and suspecting that the natives, who
frequently encouraged us in the pursuit, were amusing us
with false information, we thought it in vain to continue
our search any longer, and returned to the beach.


During our absence, a difference of a more serious and
unpleasant nature had happened. The officer, who had
been sent in the small boat, and was returning on board,
with the goods which had been restored, observing Captain
Cook and me engaged in the pursuit of the offenders,
thought it his duty to seize the canoe, which was left drawn
up on the shore. Unfortunately, this canoe belonged to
[pg 450]
Pareea, who, arriving at the same moment from on board
the Discovery, claimed his property, with many protestations
of his innocence. The officer refusing to give it up,
and being joined by the crew of the pinnace, which was
waiting for Captain Cook, a scuffle ensued, in which Pareea
was knocked down, by a violent blow on the head,
with an oar. The natives, who were collected about the
spot, and had hitherto been peaceable spectators, immediately
attacked our people with such a shower of stones, as
forced them to retreat, with great precipitation, and swim
off to a rock, at some distance from the shore. The pinnace
was immediately ransacked by the islanders; and, but for
the timely interposition of Pareea, who seemed to have recovered
from the blow, and forgot it at the same instant,
would soon have been entirely demolished. Having driven
away the crowd, he made signs to our people, that they
might come and take possession of the pinnace, and that
he would endeavour to get back the things which had been,
taken out of it. After their departure, he followed them in
his canoe, with a midshipman's cap, and some other trifling
articles of the plunder, and, with much apparent concern
at what had happened, asked, if the Orono would kill him,
and whether he would permit him to come on board the
next day? On being assured that he would be well received,
he joined noses (as their custom is) with the officers,
in token of friendship, and paddled over to the village of
Kowrowa.


When Captain Cook was informed of what had passed,
he expressed much uneasiness at it; and, as we were returning
on board, "I am afraid," said he, "that these
people will oblige me to use some violent measures; for,"
he added, "they must not be left to imagine that they
have gained an advantage over us." However, as it was
too late to take any steps this evening, he contented himself
with giving orders, that every man and woman on
board should be immediately turned out of the ship. As
soon us this order was executed, I returned on shore; and
our former confidence in the natives being now much
abated, by the events of the day, I posted a double guard
on the morai, with orders to call me, if they saw any men
lurking about the beach. At about eleven o'clock, five
islanders were observed creeping round the bottom of the
morai; they seemed very cautious in approaching us; and
[pg 451]
at last, finding themselves discovered, retired out of sight.
About midnight, one of them venturing up close to the observatory,
the sentinel fired over him; on which the men,
fled, and we passed the remainder of the night without farther
disturbance.


Next morning, at day-light, I went on board the Resolution
for the time-keeper; and, in my way, was hailed by
the Discovery, and informed, that their cutter had been stolen,
during the night, from the buoy where it was moored.


When I arrived on board, I found the marines arming,
and Captain Cook loading his double-barrelled gun. Whilst
I was relating to him what had happened to us in the night,
he interrupted me, with some eagerness, and acquainted
me with the loss of the Discovery's cutter, and with the
preparations he was making for its recovery. It had been
his usual practice, whenever any thing of consequence was
lost at any of the islands in this ocean, to get the king, or
some of the principal Erees, on board, and to keep them as
hostages, till it was restored. This method, which had been
always attended with success, he meant to pursue on the
present occasion; and, at the same time, had given orders
to stop all the canoes that should attempt to leave the bay,
with an intention of seizing and destroying them, if he
could not recover the cutter by peaceable means. Accordingly,
the boats of both ships, well manned and armed,
were stationed across the bay; and, before I left the ship,
some great guns had been fired at two large canoes that
were attempting to make their escape.


It was between seven and eight o'clock when we quitted
the ship together; Captain Cook in the pinnace, having
Mr Phillips and nine marines with him; and myself in the
small boat. The last orders I received from him, were, to
quiet the minds of the natives on our side of the bay, by
assuring them they should not be hurt; to keep my people
together, and to be on my guard. We then parted; the
captain went toward Kowrowa, where the king resided;
and I proceeded to the beach. My first care, on going
ashore, was to give strict orders to the marines to remain
within the tent; to load their pieces with ball, and not to
quit their arms. Afterward I took a walk to the huts of old
Kaoo and the priests, and explained to them, as well as I
could, the object of the hostile preparations, which had
exceedingly alarmed them. I found that they had already
[pg 452]
heard of the cutter's being stolen; and I assured them,
that though Captain Cook was resolved to recover it, and
to punish the authors of the theft, yet that they, and the
people of the village on our side, need not be under the
smallest apprehension of suffering any evil from us. I desired
the priests to explain this to the people, and to tell
them not to be alarmed, but to continue peaceable and
quiet. Kaoo asked me, with great earnestness, if Terreeoboo
was to be hurt; I assured him he was not; and both,
he and the rest of his brethren seemed much satisfied with
this assurance.


In the mean time, Captain Cook having called off the
launch, which was stationed at the north point of the bay,
and taken it along with him, proceeded to Kowrowa, and
landed with the lieutenant and nine marines. He immediately
marched into the village, where he was received with
the usual marks of respect; the people prostrating themselves
before him, and bringing their accustomed offerings
of small hogs. Finding that there was no suspicion of his
design, his next step was to enquire for Terreeoboo, and
the two boys, his sons, who had been his constant guests on
board the Resolution. In a short time, the boys returned,
along with the natives, who had been sent in search of
them, and immediately led Captain Cook to the house
where the king had slept. They found the old man just
awoke from sleep; and, after a short conversation about
the loss of the cutter, from which Captain Cook was convinced
that he was in no wise privy to it, he invited him
to return in the boat, and spend the day on board the Resolution.
To this proposal the king readily consented, and
immediately got up to accompany him.


Things were in this prosperous train, the two boys being
already in the pinnace, and the rest of the party having
advanced near the water-side, when an elderly woman, called
Kanee-kabareea, the mother of the boys, and one of
the king's favourite wives, came after him, and, with many
tears and entreaties, besought him not to go on board. At
the same time, two chiefs, who came along with her, laid
hold of him, and, insisting that he should go no farther,
forced him to sit down. The natives, who were collecting
in prodigious numbers along the shore, and had probably
been alarmed by the firing of the great guns, and the appearances
of hostility in the bay, began to throng round
[pg 453]
Captain Cook and their king. In this situation, the lieutenant
of marines, observing that his men were huddled
close together in the crowd, and thus incapable of using their
arms, if any occasion should require it, proposed to
the captain to draw them up along the rocks, close to the
waters edge; and the crowd readily making way for them
to pass they were drawn up in a line, at the distance of
about thirty yards from the place where the king was sitting.


All this time, the old king remained on the ground, with
the strongest marks of terror and dejection in his countenance;
Captain Cook, not willing to abandon the object
for which he had come on shore, continuing to urge him,
in the most pressing manner, to proceed; whilst, on the
other hand, whenever the king appeared inclined to follow
him, the chiefs, who stood round him, interposed, at first
with prayers and entreaties, but afterward had recourse to
force and violence, and insisted on his staying where he
was. Captain Cook, therefore, finding that the alarm had
spread too generally, and that it was in vain to think any
longer of getting him off without bloodshed, at last gave
up the point; observing to Mr Phillips, that it would be
impossible to compel him to go on board, without the risk
of killing a great number of the inhabitants.


Though the enterprise, which had carried Captain Cook
on shore, had now failed, and was abandoned, yet his person
did not appear to have been in the least danger, till an
accident happened which gave a fatal turn to the affair.
The boats, which had been stationed across the bay, having
fired at some canoes that were attempting to get out, unfortunately
had killed a chief of the first rank. The news
of his death arrived at the village where Captain Cook was,
just as he had left the king, and was walking slowly toward
the shore. The ferment it occasioned was very conspicuous;
the women and children were immediately sent off;
and the men put on their war-mats, and armed themselves
with spears and stones. One of the natives, having in his
hands a stone, and a long iron pike, (which they call a pahooa,)
came up to the captain, flourishing his weapon, by
way of defiance, and threatening to throw the stone. The
captain desired him to desist; but the man persisting in
his insolence, he was at length provoked to fire a load of
small shot. The man having his mat on, which the shot
[pg 454]
were not able to penetrate, this had no other effect than to
irritate and encourage them. Several stones were thrown
at the marines; and one of the Erees attempted to stab Mr
Phillips with his pahooa, but failed in the attempt, and received
from him a blow with the butt end of his musket.
Captain Cook now fired his second barrel, loaded with ball,
and killed one of the foremost of the natives. A general
attack with stones immediately followed, which was answered
by a discharge of musketry from the marines, and
the people in the boats. The islanders, contrary to the expectations
of every one, stood the fire with great firmness;
and, before the marines had time to reload, they broke in
upon them with dreadful shouts and yells. What followed
was a scene of the utmost horror and confusion.


Four of the marines were cut off among the rocks in
their retreat, and fell a sacrifice to the fury of the enemy;
three more were dangerously wounded; and the lieutenant,
who had received a stab between the shoulders with
a pahooa, having fortunately reserved his fire, shot the man
who had wounded him, just as he was going to repeat his
blow. Our unfortunate commander, the last time he was
seen distinctly, was standing at the water's edge, and calling
out to the boats to cease firing, and to pull in. If it be
true, as some of those who were present have imagined,
that the marines and boatmen had fired without his orders,
and that he was desirous of preventing any further bloodshed,
it is not improbable, that his humanity, on this occasion,
proved fatal to him: For it was remarked, that
whilst he faced the natives, none of them had offered him
any violence, but that having turned about to give his orders
to the boats, he was stabbed in the back, and fell with
his face into the water. On seeing him fall, the islanders
set up a great shout, and his body was immediately dragged
on shore, and surrounded, by the enemy, who, snatching
the dagger out of each other's hands, shewed a savage
eagerness to have a share in his destruction.


Thus fell our great and excellent commander. After a
life of so much distinguished and successful enterprise, his
death, as far as regards himself, cannot be reckoned premature,
since he lived to finish the great work for which
he seems to have been designed, and was rather removed
from the enjoyment, than cut off from the acquisition of
glory. How sincerely his loss was felt and lamented by
[pg 455]
those who had so long found their general security in his
skill and conduct, and every consolation, under their hardships,
in his tenderness and humanity, it is neither necessary
nor possible for me to describe; much less shall I attempt
to paint the horror with which we were struck, and
the universal dejection and dismay which followed so dreadful
and unexpected a calamity. The reader will not be displeased
to turn from so sad a scene, to the contemplation
of his character and virtues, whilst I am paying my last tribute
to the memory of a dear and honoured friend, in a
short history of his life and public services.


Captain James Cook was born near Whitby, in Yorkshire,
on the 27th of October, 1728; and, at an early age,
was put apprentice to a shopkeeper in a neighbouring village.
His natural inclination not having been consulted on
this occasion, he soon quitted the counter from disgust, and
bound himself, for nine years, to the master of a vessel in
the coal trade. At the breaking out of the war, in 1755, he
entered into the king's service, on board the Eagle, at that
time commanded by Captain Hamer, and afterward by Sir
Hugh Palliser, who soon discovered his merit, and introduced
him on the quarter-deck.


In the year 1758, we find him master of the Northumberland,
the flag-ship of Lord Colville, who had then the
command of the squadron stationed on the coast of America.
It was here, as I have often heard him say, that, during
a hard winter, he first read Euclid, and applied himself
to the study of mathematics and astronomy, without
any other assistance than what a few books, and his own
industry, afforded him. At the same time that he thus found
means to cultivate and improve his mind, and to supply
the deficiencies of an early education, he was engaged in
most of the busy and active scenes of the war in America.
At the siege of Quebec, Sir Charles Saunders committed
to his charge the execution of services of the first importance
in the naval department. He piloted the boats to the
attack of Montmorency; conducted the embarkation to
the Heights of Abraham; examined the passage, and laid
buoys for the security of the large ships in proceeding up
the river. The courage and address with which he acquitted
himself in these services, gained him the warm friendship
of Sir Charles Saunders and Lord Colville, who continued
to patronize him during the rest of their lives, with
[pg 456]
the greatest zeal and affection. At the conclusion of the
war, he was appointed, through the recommendation of
Lord Colville and Sir Hugh Palliser, to survey the Gulf of
St Laurence and the coasts of Newfoundland. In this employment
he continued till the year 1767, when he was fixed
on by Sir Edward Hawke to command an expedition to
the South Seas, for the purpose of observing the transit of
Venus, and prosecuting discoveries in that part of the
globe. From this period, as his services are too well known
to require a recital here, so his reputation has proportionably
advanced to a height too great to be affected by my
panegyrick. Indeed, he appears to have been most eminently
and peculiarly qualified for this species of enterprise.
The earliest habits of his life, the course of his services,
and the constant application of his mind, all conspired
to fit him for it, and gave him a degree of professional
knowledge, which can fall to the lot of very few.


The constitution of his body was robust, inured to labour,
and capable of undergoing the severest hardships.
His stomach bore, without difficulty, the coarsest and most
ungrateful food. Indeed, temperance in him was scarcely
a virtue; so great was the indifference with which be submitted
to every kind of self-denial. The qualities of his
mind were of the same hardy, vigorous kind with those of
his body. His understanding was strong and perspicuous.
His judgment, in whatever related to the services he was
engaged in, quick and sure. His designs were bold and
manly; and both in the conception, and in the mode of
execution, bore evident marks of a great original genius.
His courage was cool and determined, and accompanied
with an admirable presence of mind in the moment of danger.
His manners were plain and unaffected. His temper
might, perhaps, have been justly blamed, as subject to hastiness
and passion, had not these been disarmed by a disposition
the most benevolent and humane.


Such were the outlines of Captain Cook's character; but
its most distinguishing feature was, that unremitting perseverance
in the pursuit of his object, which was not only superior
to the opposition of dangers, and the pressure of
hardships, but even exempt from the want of ordinary relaxation.
During the long and tedious voyages in which he
was engaged, his eagerness and activity were never in the
[pg 457]
least abated. No incidental temptation could detain him
for a moment; even those intervals of recreation, which
sometimes unavoidably occurred, and were looked for by
us with a longing, that persons, who have experienced the
fatigues of service, will readily excuse, were submitted to
by him with a certain impatience, whenever they could not
be employed in making further provision for the more effectual
prosecution of his designs.


It is not necessary here to enumerate the instances in
which these qualities were displayed, during the great and
important enterprises in which he was engaged. I shall
content myself with stating the result of those services, under
the two principal heads to which they maybe referred,
those of geography and navigation, placing each in a separate
and distinct point of view.


Perhaps no science ever received greater additions from
the labours of a single man, than geography has done from
those of Captain Cook. In his first voyage to the South
Seas, he discovered the Society Islands; determined the
insularity of New Zealand; discovered the straits which separate
the two islands, and are called after his name; and
made a complete survey of both. He afterward explored
the eastern coast of New Holland, hitherto unknown; an
extent of twenty seven degrees of latitude, or upward of
two thousand miles.


In his second expedition, he resolved the great problem
of a southern continent, having traversed that hemisphere,
between the latitudes of 40° and 70°, in such a manner as
not to leave a possibility of its existence, unless near the
Pole, and out of the reach of navigation. During this voyage
be discovered New Caledonia, the largest island in the
Southern Pacific, except New Zealand; the island of Georgia;
and an unknown coast, which he named Sandwich
Land, the Thule of the southern hemisphere; and having
twice visited the tropical seas, he settled the situations of
the old, and made several new discoveries.


But the voyage we are now relating is distinguished,
above all the rest, by the extent and importance of its discoveries.
Besides several smaller islands in the Southern
Pacific, he discovered, to the north of the equinoctial line,
the group called the Sandwich Islands; which, from their
situation and productions, bid fairer for becoming an object
of consequence, in the system of European navigation,
[pg 458]
than any other discovery in the South Sea. He afterward
explored what had hitherto remained unknown of the western
coast of America; from the latitude of 43° to 70° N.,
containing an extent of three thousand five hundred miles;
ascertained the proximity of the two great continents of
Asia and America; passed the straits between them, and
surveyed the coast, on each side, to such a height of northern
latitude, as to demonstrate the impracticability of a
passage in that hemisphere, from the Atlantic into the Pacific
Ocean, either by an eastern or a western course. In
short, if we except the sea of Amur, and the Japanese Archipelago,
which still remain imperfectly known to Europeans,
he has completed the hydrography of the habitable
globe.


As a navigator, his services were not, perhaps, less splendid;
certainly not less important and meritorious. The
method which he discovered, and so successfully pursued,
of preserving the health of seamen, forms a new æra in navigation;
and will transmit his name to future ages amongst
the friends and benefactors of mankind.


Those who are conversant in naval history need not be
told, at how dear a rate the advantages which have been
sought through the medium of long voyages at sea, have
always been purchased. That dreadful disorder, which is
peculiar to this service, and whose ravages have marked the
tracks of discoverers with circumstances almost too shocking
to relate, must, without exercising an unwarrantable tyranny
over the lives of our seamen, have proved an insuperable
obstacle to the prosecution of such enterprises. It
was reserved for Captain Cook to shew the world, by repeated
trials, that voyages might be protracted to the unusual
length of three, or even four years, in unknown regions,
and under every change and rigour of climate, not
only without affecting the health, but even without diminishing
the probability of life in the smallest degree. The
method he pursued has been fully explained by himself in
a paper which was read before the Royal Society in the
year 1776;2 and whatever improvements the experience
of the present age has suggested, are mentioned in their
proper places.


[pg 459]


With respect to his professional abilities, I shall leave
them to the judgment of those who are best acquainted
with the nature of the services in which he was engaged.
They will readily acknowledge, that, to have conducted
three expeditions of so much danger and difficulty, of so
unusual a length, and in such a variety of situation, with
uniform and invariable success, must have required not only
a thorough and accurate knowledge of his business, but
a powerful and comprehensive genius, fruitful in resources,
and equally ready in the application of whatever the higher
and inferior calls of the service required.


Having given the most faithful account I have been able
to collect, both from my own observation and the relations
of others, of the death of my ever-honoured friend, and also
of his character and services, I shall now leave his memory
to the gratitude and admiration of posterity; accepting
with, a melancholy satisfaction, the honour which the
loss of him hath procured me, of seeing my name joined
with his; and of testifying that affection and respect for
his memory, which, whilst he lived, it was no less my inclination,
than my constant study, to shew him.3


Footnote 1: (return) 
Every reader must feel so deeply interested in the subject of this
section,
that he will naturally desire to possess every information as to all
the facts and circumstances in which it was involved. Captain King's
narrative, it may be conceived, is likely to have every claim to implicit
confidence, and to require no additional statement in order to the most
satisfactory conviction of every mind. Such an opinion is only partially
correct; and it is evident, that the latter assertion is not a necessary
inference
from the former. The narrative may be imperfect, though quite
consistent with truth, so far as it goes; and perhaps it cannot be carefully
read, without producing an impression somewhat unfavourable to the
notion of its completeness. This might be pointed out, as we proceeded,
in the usual manner of notes. But a moment's reflection will suggest, that
such interference in a case of the kind would prove destructive of the general
and proper effect of the relation, and at the same time appear unjust
towards the describer. A much better method, and one more likely
to obtain attention, presents itself. That is, to insert the circumstantial
narrative of the whole transaction, which was drawn up by Mr Samwell,
surgeon of the Discovery, and communicated, with the highest approbation
and credit, in the Biographia Britannica, after having been separately
published, by the advice of the editor of that work, for two years,
without experiencing any objection or a single impeachment. This, therefore,
will be given at the end of the section; and will be found so extremely
interesting, as to justify its reception in an entire form. Its
length, however, and minuteness, in addition to reasons already mentioned,
will preclude both room and occasion for any other notice of the subject.—E.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Sir Godfrey Copley's gold medal was adjudged to him on this
occasion.


Footnote 3: (return) 
We shall not easily find a more excellent specimen of biographical
eulogium than what Captain King has now given us. It does justice to
his subject—and this, be it remembered, is a merit of the highest kind;
and it does justice to himself, to his own sense of propriety and principle,
which, in the warmth of their friendship, professed admirers are too apt
to sacrifice at the shrine of departed worth. The style is suitable to the
sentiments, possessing a dignified simplicity, and an apparent rectitude
of aim, which it is impossible not to consider, as, in a great degree, resulting
from intimacy with the truly great character whom it so forcibly recommends
to our esteem, and which, therefore, may be held as no mean
illustration of the efficacy of those virtues which so eminently adorned
him. In this respect, then, Cook was peculiarly fortunate, were there no
other record to which posterity might appeal—more fortunate, by much,
indeed, than many, whose lives have been blazoned by vain-glorious historians.
We appeal, therefore, to the feelings of every reader, whether
this very circumstance, so providentially directed towards the perpetuity
of his fame, does not indicate the real superiority of such a man as Cook
over the mass of vulgar conquerors, whom, unfortunately for the world, it
has been so much and so long the fashion to admire? Shall we ever witness
the time, when the wanton destroyers of our species, under whatever
name or trappings they vaunt themselves, shall inherit the abhorrence and
the curses of humanity; and when the only claim to applause that shall be
sanctioned, must be founded, like that of our navigator, on the ability and
the disposition to confer benefits on society? It has often been
regretted, as is said in the Biographia Britannica, that a monument has
not yet
been erected to the memory of Captain Cook in Westminster Abbey.
The uneasiness is not superfluous, in so far as the honour of our country
is concerned, to which, perhaps, his exertions have really contributed
as much as those of almost any individual whose greatness is there embalmed;
but to the reputation of Cook, a monument in Westminster Abbey,
we agree with the work alluded to, would be of little or no consequence.
"His fame stands upon a wider base, and will survive the comparatively
perishing materials of brass, or stone, or marble. The name of
Cook will be held in honour, and recited with applause, so long as the
records of human events shall continue in the earth."—E.


The following particulars, respecting the death of Captain Cook, are
taken from Mr Samwell's Narrative, as given in the Biographia
Britannica; to which, also, we are indebted for the most minute
and satisfactory account of this illustrious man ever yet published,
and to which, therefore, we refer the more inquisitive reader.


"On the 6th of February, we were overtaken by a gale of wind; and the
next night, the Resolution had the misfortune of springing the head of her
foremast, in such a dangerous manner, that Captain Cook was obliged to
return to Keragegooah,1 in order to have it repaired; for we could find
no other convenient harbour on the island. The same gale had
occasioned
much distress among some canoes that had paid us a visit from the
shore. One of them, with two men and a child on board, was picked up
by the Resolution, and rescued from destruction; the men, having toiled
hard all night in attempting to reach the land, were so much exhausted
that they could hardly mount the ship's side. When they got upon the
quarter-deck, they burst into tears, and seemed much affected with the
dangerous situation from which they had escaped; but the little child appeared
lively and cheerful. One of the Resolution's boats was also so fortunate
as to save a man and two women, whose canoe had been upset by
the violence of the waves. They were brought on board, and, with the
others, partook of the kindness and humanity of Captain Cook.


"On the morning of Wednesday, the 10th, we were within a few miles
of the harbour; and were soon joined by several canoes, in which appeared
many of our old acquaintance, who seemed to have come to welcome
us back. Among them was Coo,aha, a priest; he had brought a small pig
and some cocoa nuts in his hand, which, after having chaunted a few sentences,
he presented to Captain Clerke. He then left us, and hastened
on board the Resolution, to perform the same friendly ceremony before
Captain Cook. Having but light winds all that day, we could not gain the
harbour. In the afternoon, a chief of the first rank, and nearly related to
Kariopoo, paid us a visit on board the Discovery. His name was Ka,mea,mea:
He was dressed in a very rich feathered cloak, which he seemed to
have brought for sale, but would part with it for nothing except iron daggers.
These the chiefs, some time before our departure, had preferred to
every other article; for, having received a plentiful supply of hatchets and
other tools, they began to collect a store of warlike instruments. Kameamea
procured nine daggers for his cloak; and, being pleased with his reception,
he and his attendants slept on board that night.


"In the morning of the 11th of February, the ships anchored again in
Keragegooah bay, and preparation was immediately made for landing the
Resolution's foremast. We were visited but by few of the Indians, because
there were but few in the bay. On our departure, those belonging
to other parts had repaired to their several habitations, and were again to
collect from various quarters before we could expect to be surrounded by
such multitudes as we had once seen in that harbour. In the afternoon, I
walked about a mile into the country to visit an Indian friend, who had,
a few days before, come near twenty miles, in a small canoe, to see me,
while the ship lay becalmed. As the canoe had not left us long before a
gale of wind came on, I was alarmed for the consequence; however, I had
the pleasure to find that my friend had escaped unhurt, though not without
some difficulties. I take notice of this short excursion, merely because
it afforded me an opportunity of observing that there appeared no change
in the disposition or behaviour of the inhabitants. I saw nothing that
could induce me to think that they were displeased with our return, or
jealous of the intention of our second visit. On the contrary, that abundant
good-nature, which had always characterised them, seemed still to
glow in every bosom, and to animate every countenance.2 The next
day,
February the 12th, the ships were put under a taboo by the chiefs; a solemnity,
it seems, that was requisite to be observed, before Kariopoo, the
king, paid his first visit to Captain Cook, after his return. He waited upon
him the same day, on board the Resolution, attended by a large train,
some of which bore the presents designed for Captain Cook; who received
him in his usual friendly manner, and gave him several articles in return.
This amicable ceremony being settled, the taboo was dissolved;
matters went on in the usual train; and the next day, February the 13th,
we were visited by the natives in great numbers. The Resolution's mast
was landed, and the astronomical observatories erected on their former
situation. I landed, with another gentleman, at the town of Kavaroah,
where we found a great number of canoes, just arrived from different parts
of the island, and the Indians busy in erecting temporary huts on the
beach for their residence during the stay of the ships. On our return on
board the Discovery, we learned, that an Indian had been detected in
stealing the armourer's tongs from the forge; for which he received a
pretty severe flogging, and was sent out from the ship. Notwithstanding
the example made of this man, in the afternoon another had the audacity
to snatch the tongs and a chisel from the same place, with which he
jumped overboard, and swam for the shore. The master and a midshipman
were instantly dispatched after him in the small cutter. The Indian,
seeing himself pursued, made for a canoe; his countrymen took him on
board, and paddled as swift as they could towards the shore; we fired several
muskets at them, but to no effect, for they soon got out of the reach
of our shot. Pareah, one of the chiefs, who was at that time on board the
Discovery, understanding what had happened, immediately went ashore,
promising to bring back the stolen goods. Our boat was so far distanced,
in chacing the canoe which had taken the thief on board, that he had time
to make his escape into the country. Captain Cook, who was then ashore,
endeavoured to intercept his landing; but it seems that he was led out of
the way by some of the natives, who had officiously intruded themselves
as guides. As the master was approaching near the landing-place, he was
met by some of the Indians in a canoe. They had brought back the tongs
and chisel, together with another article that we had not missed, which
happened to be the lid of the water-cask. Having recovered these things,
he was returning on board, when he was met by the Resolution's pinnace,
with five men in her, who, without any orders, had come from the observatories
to his assistance. Being thus unexpectedly reinforced, he thought
himself strong enough to insist upon having the thief, or the canoe
which
took him in, delivered up as reprisals. With that view he turned back;
and having found the canoe on the beach, he was preparing to launch it
into the water, when Pareah made his appearance, and insisted upon his
not taking it away, as it was his property. The officer not regarding him,
the chief seized upon him, pinioned his arms behind, and held him by the
hair of his head; on which one of the sailors struck him with an oar.
Pareah instantly quitted the officer, snatched the oar out of the man's
hand, and snapped it in two across his knee. At length the multitude began
to attack our people with stones. They made some resistance, but
were soon overpowered, and obliged to swim for safety to the small cutter,
which lay farther out than the pinnace. The officers, not being expert
swimmers, retreated to a small rock in the water, where they were closely
pursued by the Indians. One man darted a broken oar at the master,
but his foot slipping at the time, he missed him, which fortunately saved
that officer's life. At last, Pareah interfered, and put an end to their
violence.
The gentlemen, knowing that his presence was their only defence
against the fury of the natives, entreated him to stay with them till they
could get off in the boats; but that he refused, and left them. The master
went to seek assistance from the party at the observatories; but the
midshipman chose to remain in the pinnace. He was very rudely treated
by the mob, who plundered the boat of every thing that was loose on
board, and then began to knock her to pieces for the sake of the iron
work; but Pareah fortunately returned in time to prevent her destruction.
He had met the other gentleman on his way to the observatories,
and, suspecting his errand, had forced him to return. He dispersed the
crowd again, and desired the gentlemen to return on board. They represented
that all their oars had been taken out of the boat; on which he
brought some of them back, and the gentlemen were glad to get off, without
farther molestation. They had not proceeded far, before they were
overtaken by Pareah, in a canoe. He delivered the midshipman's cap,
which had been taken from him in the scuffle, joined noses with them, in
token of reconciliation, and was anxious to know if Captain Cook would
kill him for what had happened. They assured him of the contrary, and
made signs of friendship to him in return. He then left them, and paddled
over to the town of Kavaroah, and that was the last time we ever saw
him. Captain Cook returned on board soon after, much displeased with the
whole of this disagreeable business; and the same night sent a lieutenant
on board the Discovery to learn the particulars of it, as it had originated
in that ship. It was remarkable, that in the midst of the hurry and confusion
attending this affair, Kanynah (a chief who had always been on
terms particularly friendly with us) came from the spot where it happened,
with a hog to sell on board the Discovery; it was of an extraordinary
large size, and he demanded for it a pahowa, or dagger, of an unusual
length. He pointed to us, that it must be as long as his arm. Captain
Clerke not having one of that length, told him, he would get one made for
him by the morning; with which being satisfied, he left the hog, and went
ashore without making any stay with us. It will not be altogether foreign
to the subject, to mention a circumstance that happened to-day on
board
the Resolution. An Indian chief asked Captain Cook at his table if he
was a Tata Toa, which mean's a fighting man, or a soldier. Being answered
in the affirmative, he desired to see his wounds; Captain Cook held
out his right-hand, which had a scar upon it, dividing the thumb from the
finger the whole length of the metacarpal bones. The Indian being thus
convinced of his being a Toa, put the same question to another gentleman
present, but he happened to have none of those distinguishing marks; the
chief then said, that he himself was a Toa, and shewed the scars of some
wounds he had received in battle. Those who were on duty at the observatories
were disturbed, during the night, with shrill and melancholy
sounds, issuing from the adjacent villages, which they took to be the
lamentations
of the women. Perhaps the quarrel between us might have
filled their minds with apprehensions for the safety of their husbands;
but, be that as it may, their mournful cries struck the sentinels with unusual
awe and terror.


"To widen the breach between us, some of the Indians, in the night,
took away the Discovery's large cutter, which lay swamped at the buoy of
one of her anchors; they had carried her off so quietly, that we did not
miss her till the morning, Sunday, February the 14th. Captain Clerke
lost no time in waiting upon Captain Cook, to acquaint him with the accident;
he returned on board, with orders for the launch and small cutter
to go, under the command of the second lieutenant, and lie off the east
point of the bay, in order to intercept all canoes that might attempt to get
out, and, if he found it necessary, to fire upon them. At the same time,
the third lieutenant of the Resolution, with the launch and small cutter,
was sent on the same service, to the opposite point of the bay; and the
master was dispatched in the large cutter in pursuit of a double canoe, already
under sail, making the best of her way out of the harbour. He soon
came up with her, and by firing a few muskets, drove her on shore, and
the Indians left her; this happened to be the canoe of Omea, a man who
bore the title of Orono. He was on board himself, and it would have
been fortunate if our people had secured him, for his person was held as
sacred as that of the king. During this time, Captain Cook was preparing
to go ashore himself, at the town of Kavaroah, in order to secure the person
of Kariopoo, before he should have time to withdraw himself to another
part of the island, out of our reach. This appeared the most effectual
step that could be taken on the present occasion for the recovery of the
boat. It was the measure he had invariably pursued, in similar cases, at
other islands in these seas, and it had always been attended with the desired
success; in fact, it would be difficult to point out any other mode of
proceeding on these emergencies, likely to attain the object in view.3 We
had reason to suppose, that the king and his attendants had fled
when the
alarm was first given; in that case, it was Captain Cook's intention to secure
the large canoes which were hauled up on the beach. He left the ship
about seven o'clock, attended by the lieutenant of marines, a serjeant,
corporal,
and seven private men; the pinnace's crew were also armed, and
under the command of Mr Roberts. As they rowed towards the shore,
Captain Cook ordered the launch to leave her station at the west point of
the bay, in order to assist his own boat. This is a circumstance worthy
of notice; for it clearly shews, that he was not unapprehensive of meeting
with resistance from the natives, or unmindful of the necessary preparation
for the safety of himself and his people. I will venture to say,
that from the appearance of things just at that time, there was not one,
beside himself, who judged that such precaution was absolutely requisite;
so little did his conduct on the occasion bear the marks of rashness, or a
precipitate self-confidence! He landed with the marines at the upper end
of the town of Kavaroah; the Indians immediately flocked round as usual,
and shewed him the customary marks of respect, by prostrating themselves
before him. There were no signs of hostilities, or much alarm among
them. Captain Cook, however, did not seem willing to trust to appearances,
but was particularly attentive to the disposition of the marines, and
to have them kept clear of the crowd. He first enquired for the king's
sons, two youths who were much attached to him, and generally his companions
on board. Messengers being sent for them, they soon came to
him, and informing him that their father was asleep at a house not far from
them, he accompanied them thither, and took the marines along with
them. As he passed along, the natives every where prostrated themselves
before him, and seemed to have lost no part of that respect they had always
shewn to his person. He was joined by several chiefs, among whom
was Kanynah, and his brother Koohowrooah. They kept the crowd in
order, according to their usual custom; and, being ignorant of his intention
in coming on shore, frequently asked him, if he wanted any hogs or
other provisions; he told them that he did not, and that his business was
to see the king. When he arrived at the house, he ordered some of the
Indians to go in and inform Kariopoo, that he waited without to speak
with him. They came out two or three times, and instead of returning
any answer from the king, presented some pieces of red cloth to him,
which made Captain Cook suspect that he was not in the house; he therefore
desired the lieutenant of marines to go in. The lieutenant found the
old man just awaked from sleep, and seemingly alarmed at the message;
but he came out without hesitation. Captain Cook took him by the hand,
and in a friendly manner asked him to go on board, to which he very readily
consented. Thus far matters appeared in a favourable train, and the
natives did not seem much alarmed or apprehensive of hostility on our
side, at which Captain Cook expressed himself a little surprised, saying,
that as the inhabitants of that town appeared innocent of stealing the cutter,
he should not molest them, but that he must get the king on board.
Kariopoo sat down before his door, and was surrounded by a great crowd;
Kanynah and his brother were both very active in keeping order among
them. In a little time, however, the Indians were observed arming
themselves
with long spears, clubs, and daggers, and putting on thick mats,
which they use as armour. This hostile appearance increased, and became
more alarming, on the arrival of two men in a canoe from the opposite side
of the bay, with the news of a chief, called Kareemoo, having been killed
by one of the Discovery's boats. In their passage across, they had also
delivered
this account to each of the ships. Upon that information, the women
who were sitting upon the beach at their breakfasts, and conversing
familiarly with our people in the boats, retired, and a confused murmur
spread through the crowd. An old priest came to Captain Cook, with a
cocoa-nut in his hand, which he held out to him as a present, at the same
time singing very loud. He was often desired to be silent, but in vain; he
continued importunate and troublesome, and there was no such thing as
getting rid of him or his noise; it seemed as if he meant to divert their
attention from his countrymen, who were growing more tumultuous, and
arming themselves in every quarter. Captain Cook being at the same
time surrounded by a great crowd, thought his situation rather hazardous;
he therefore ordered the lieutenant of marines to march his small party to
the water-side, where the boats lay within a few yards of the shore; the
Indians readily made a lane for them to pass, and did not offer to interrupt
them. The distance they had to go might be about fifty or sixty yards;
Captain Cook followed, having hold of Kariopoo's hand, who accompanied
him very willingly; he was attended by his wife, two sons, and several
chiefs. The troublesome old priest followed, making the same savage
noise. Keowa, the younger son, went directly into the pinnace, expecting
his father to follow, but just as he arrived at the water-side, his wife
threw her arms about his neck, and, with the assistance of two chiefs,
forced him to sit down by the side of a double canoe. Captain Cook expostulated
with them, but to no purpose; they would not suffer the king
to proceed, telling him, that he would be put to death if he went on board
the ship. Kariopoo, whose conduct seemed entirely resigned to the will
of others, hung down his head, and appeared much distressed.


"While the king was in this situation, a chief, well known to us, of the
name of Coho, was observed lurking near, with an iron dagger, partly concealed
under his cloak, seemingly, with the intention of stabbing Captain
Cook, or the lieutenant of marines. The latter proposed to fire at him,
but Captain Cook would not permit it. Coho closing upon them, obliged
the officer to strike him with his piece, which made him retire. Another
Indian laid hold of the serjeant's musquet, and endeavoured to wrench it
from him, but was prevented by the lieutenant's making a blow at him.
Captain Cook, seeing the tumult increase, and the Indians growing more
daring and resolute, observed, that if he were to take the king off by force,
he could not do it without sacrificing the lives of many of his people. He
then paused a little, and was on the point of giving his orders to reimbark,
when a man threw a stone at him, which he returned with a discharge of
small shot (with which one barrel of his double piece was loaded.) The
man having a thick mat before him, received little or no hurt; he
brandished his spear, and threatened to dart it at Captain Cook, who
being still
unwilling to take away his life, instead of firing with ball, knocked him
down with his musket. He expostulated strongly with the most forward
of the crowd, upon their turbulent behaviour. He had given up all thoughts
of getting the king on board, as it appeared impracticable; and his care
was then only to act on the defensive, and to secure a safe embarkation for
his small party, which was closely pressed by a body of several thousand
people. Keowa, the king's son, who was in the pinnace, being alarmed on
hearing the first fire, was, at his own entreaty, put on shore again; for
even at that time, Mr Roberts, who commanded her, did not apprehend
that Captain Cook's person was in any danger; otherwise he would
have detained the prince, which, no doubt, would have been a great check
on the Indians. One man was observed, behind a double canoe, in the
action of darting his spear at Captain Cook, who was forced to fire at him
in his own defence, but happened to kill another close to him, equally forward
in the tumult; the serjeant observing that he had missed the man he
aimed at, received orders to fire at him, which he did, and killed him. By
this time, the impetuosity of the Indians was somewhat repressed; they
fell back in a body, and seemed staggered; but being pushed on by those
behind, they returned to the charge, and poured a volley of stones among
the marines, who, without waiting for orders, returned it with a general
discharge of musquetry, which was instantly followed by a fire from the
boats. At this Captain Cook was heard to express his astonishment; he
waved his hand to the boats, called to them to cease firing, and to come
nearer in to receive the marines. Mr Roberts immediately brought the
pinnace as close to the shore as he could, without grounding, notwithstanding
the showers of stones that fell among the people; but ——, the
lieutenant, who commanded in the launch, instead of pulling in to the assistance
of Captain Cook, withdrew his boat farther off, at the moment
that every thing seems to have depended upon the timely exertions of
those in the boats. By his own account, he mistook the signal; but be
that as it may, this circumstance appears to me to have decided the fatal
turn of the affair, and to have removed every chance which remained with
Captain Cook, of escaping with his life. The business of saving the marines
out of the water, in consequence of that, fell altogether upon the
pinnace; which thereby became so much crowded, that the crew were, in
a great measure, prevented from using their fire-arms, or giving what assistance
they otherwise might have done, to Captain Cook; so that he
seems, at the most critical point of time, to have wanted the assistance of
both boats, owing to the removal of the launch. For, notwithstanding
that they kept up a fire on the crowd, from the situation to which they
removed in that boat, the fatal confusion which ensued on her being withdrawn,
to say the least of it, must have prevented the full effect, that the
prompt co-operation of the two boats, according to Captain Cook's orders,
must have had, towards the preservation of himself and his people.4 At
that time, it was to the boats alone, that Captain Cook had to look
for his
safety; for, when the marines had fired, the Indians rushed among them,
and forced them into the water, where four of them were killed; their
lieutenant was wounded, but fortunately escaped, and was taken up by the
pinnace. Captain Cook was then the only one remaining on the rock;
he was observed making for the pinnace, holding his left hand against the
back of his head, to guard it from the stones, and carrying his musquet
under the other arm. An Indian was seen following him, but with caution
and timidity; for he stopped once or twice, as if undetermined to proceed.
At last he advanced upon him unawares, and with a large club,5 or
common stake, gave him a blow on the back of the head, and then precipitately
retreated. The stroke seemed to have stunned Captain Cook;
he staggered a few paces, then fell on his hand and one knee, and dropped
his musquet. As he was rising, and before he could recover his feet,
another Indian stabbed him in the back of the neck with an iron dagger.
He then fell into a bite of water about knee deep, where others crowded
upon him, and endeavoured to keep him under: but struggling very
strongly with them, he got his head up, and casting his look towards the
pinnace, seemed to solicit assistance. Though the boat was not above
five or six yards distant from him, yet from the crowded and confused
state of the crew, it seems, it was not in their power to save him. The
Indians got him under again, but in deeper water; he was, however, able
to get his head up once more, and being almost spent in the struggle, he
naturally turned to the rock, and was endeavouring to support himself by
it, when a savage gave him a blow with a club, and he was seen alive no
more. They hauled him up lifeless on the rocks, where they seemed to
take a savage pleasure in using every barbarity to his dead body, snatching
the daggers out of each other's hands, to have the horrid satisfaction
of piercing the fallen victim of their barbarous rage.


"I need make no reflection on the great loss we suffered on this occasion,
or attempt to describe what we felt. It is enough to say, that no
man was ever more beloved or admired; and it is truly painful to reflect,
that he seems to have fallen a sacrifice merely for want of being properly
supported; a fate, singularly to be lamented, as having fallen to his lot,
who had ever been conspicuous for his care of those under his command,
and who seemed, to the last, to pay as much attention to their
preservation, as to that of his own life. If any thing could have added to
the
shame and indignation universally felt on this occasion, it was to find, that
his remains had been deserted, and left exposed on the beach, although
they might have been brought off. It appears, from the information of
four or five midshipmen, who arrived on the spot at the conclusion of the
fatal business, that the beach was then almost entirely deserted by the Indians,
who at length had given way to the fire of the boats, and dispersed
through the town; so that there seemed no great obstacle to prevent the
recovery of Captain Cook's body; but the lieutenant returned on board
without making the attempt. It is unnecessary to dwell longer on this
painful subject, and to relate the complaints and censures that fell on the
conduct of the lieutenant. It will be sufficient to observe, that they were
so loud as to oblige Captain Clerke publicly to notice them, and to take
the depositions of his accusers down in writing. The captain's bad state
of health and approaching dissolution, it is supposed, induced him to destroy
these papers a short time before his death. It is a painful task, to
be obliged to notice circumstances, which seem to reflect upon the character
of any man. A strict regard to truth, however, compelled me to
the insertion of these facts, which I have offered merely as facts, without
presuming to connect with them any comment of my own; esteeming it
the part of a faithful historian, 'to extenuate nothing, nor set down aught
in malice.' The fatal accident happened at eight o'clock in the morning,
about an hour after Captain Cook landed. It did not seem, that the king,
or his sons, were witnesses to it; but it is supposed that they withdrew
in the midst of the tumult. The principal actors were the other chiefs,
many of them the king's relations and attendants; the man who stabbed
him with the dagger was called Nooah. I happened to be the only one
who recollected his person from having on a former occasion mentioned
his name in the journal I kept. I was induced to take particular notice
of him, more from his personal appearance than any other consideration,
though he was of high rank, and a near relation of the king; he was stout
and tall, with a fierce look and demeanour, and one who united in his figure
the two qualities of strength and agility, in a greater degree, than
ever I remembered to have seen before in any other man. His age might
be about thirty, and by the white scurf on his skin, and his sore eyes, he
appeared to be a hard drinker of kava. He was a constant companion of
the king, with whom I first saw him, when he paid a visit to Captain
Clerke. The chief who first struck Captain Cook with the club, was called
Karimano, craha, but I did not know him by his name. These circumstances
I learnt of honest Kaireekea, the priest, who added, that they were
both held in great esteem on account of that action; neither of them came
near us afterwards. When the boats left the shore, the Indians carried
away the dead body of Captain Cook and those of the marines, to the rising
ground, at the back of the town, where we could plainly see them
with our glasses from the ships. This most melancholy accident appears
to have been altogether unexpected and unforeseen, as well on the part
of the natives as ourselves. I never saw sufficient reason to induce me
to believe, that there was any thing of design, or a pre-concerted plan, on
their side, or that they purposely sought to quarrel with us;
thieving,
which gave rise to the whole, they were equally guilty of, in our first and
second visits. It was the cause of every misunderstanding that happened
between us; their petty thefts were generally overlooked, but sometimes
slightly punished; the boat, which they at last ventured to take away, was
an object of no small magnitude to people in our situation, who could not
possibly replace her, and therefore not slightly to be given up. We had
no other chance of recovering her, but by getting the person of the king
into our possession; on our attempting to do that, the natives became
alarmed for his safety, and naturally opposed those whom they deemed
his enemies. In the sudden conflict that ensued, we had the unspeakable
misfortune of losing our excellent commander, in the manner already related.
It is in this light the affair has always appeared to me, as entirely
accidental, and not in the least owing to any previous offence received, or
jealousy of our second visit entertained by the natives. Pareah seems to
have been the principal instrument in bringing about this fatal disaster.
We learnt afterwards, that it was he who had employed some people to
steal the boat; the king did not seem to be privy to it, or even apprized
of what had happened, till Captain Cook landed. It was generally remarked,
that, at first, the Indians shewed great resolution in facing our
fire-arms; but it was entirely owing to ignorance of their effect. They
thought that their thick mats would defend them from a ball, as well as
from a stone; but being soon convinced of their error, yet still at a loss
to account how such execution was done among them, they had recourse
to a stratagem, which, though it answered no other purpose, served to
shew their ingenuity and quickness of invention. Observing the flashes of
the musquets, they naturally concluded, that water would counteract their
effect, and therefore, very sagaciously, dipped their mats, or armour, in the
sea, just as they came on to face our people; but finding this last resource
to fail them, they soon dispersed, and left the beach entirely clear. It
was an object they never neglected, even at the greatest hazard, to carry
off their slain; a custom, probably owing to the barbarity with which
they treat the dead body of an enemy, and the trophies they make of his
bones."6


Footnote 1: (return) 
It is proper to take notice, that Mr Samwell spells the names of
several
persons and places differently from what is done in the history of the voyage.
For instance, Karakakooa, he calls Ke,rag,e,goo,ah; Terreeoboo, Kariopoo;
Kowrowa, Kavaroah; Kaneecabareea, Kaneekapo berei; Mahai
mahai, Ka,mea,mea.


Footnote 2: (return) 
Mr King relates, that our voyagers, upon coming to anchor, were
surprised
to find their reception very different from what it had been on their
first arrival. He acknowledges, however, that the unsuspicious conduct of
Terreeoboo, who, the next morning, came immediately to visit Captain Cook,
and the consequent return of the natives to their former friendly intercourse
with the English, are strong proofs, that they neither meant nor apprehended
any change of conduct. "Things," says Mr King, "went on in their
usual quiet course till the afternoon of the 13th."


Footnote 3: (return) 
Mr King acknowledges, that he was always fearful, that the degree
of
confidence which Captain Cook had acquired from his long and uninterrupted
course of success, in his transactions with the natives of these seas, might,
at some unlucky moment, put him too much off his guard.


Footnote 4: (return) 
I have been informed, on the best authority, that, in the opinion
of Captain
Philips, who commanded the marines, and whose judgment must be of the
greatest weight, it is extremely doubtful whether any thing could
successfully
have been done to preserve the life of Captain Cook, even if no mistake had
been committed on the part of the launch.


Footnote 5: (return) 
I have heard one of the gentlemen who were present say, that the
first
injury he received was from a dagger, as it is represented in the voyage; but,
from the account of many others, who were also eye-witnesses, I am confident,
in saying, that he was first struck with a club. I was afterwards confirmed
in this, by Kaireekea, the priest, who particularly mentioned the
name of the man who gave him the blow, as well as that of the chief, who
afterwards struck him with the dagger. This is a point not worth disputing
about; I mention it, as being solicitous to be accurate in this account, even
in circumstances, of themselves, not very material.


Footnote 6: (return) 
Samwell's Narrative of the Death of Captain James Cook, p. 2-20.


[pg 460]


SECTION IV.


Transactions at Owhyhee subsequent to the Death of Captain
Cook.—Gallant Behaviour of the Lieutenant of Marines.—Dangerous
Situation of the Party at the Morai.—Bravery
of one of the Natives.—Consultation respecting future
Measures.—Demand of the Body of Captain Cook.—Evasive
and insidious Conduct of Koah and the Chiefs.—Insolent
Behaviour of the Natives.—Promotion of Officers.—Arrival
of two Priests with Part of the Body.—Extraordinary
Behaviour of two Boys.—Burning of the Village of
Kakooa.—Unfortunate Destruction of the Dwellings of the
Priests.—Recovery of the Bones of Captain Cook.—Departure
from Karakakooa Bay.


It has been already stated, that four of the marines, who
attended Captain Cook, were killed by the islanders on the
[pg 461]
spot. The rest, with Mr Phillips, their lieutenant, threw
themselves into the water, and escaped, under cover of a
[pgs 462-3]
smart fire from the boats. On this occasion, a remarkable
instance of gallant behaviour, and of affection for his men,
was shewn by that officer; for he had scarcely got into the
boat, when, seeing one of the marines, who was a bad
[pg 464]
swimmer, struggling in the water, and in danger of being taken
by the enemy, he immediately jumped into the sea to his
[pg 465]
assistance, though much wounded himself; and, after receiving
a blow on the head from a stone, which had
nearly sent him to the bottom, be caught the man by the hair,
and brought him safe off.[pg 466]


[pg 467]


Our people continued for some time to keep up a
constant fire from the boats (which, during the whole transaction,
were not more than twenty yards from the land,) in
[pg 468]
order to afford their unfortunate companions, if any of
them should still remain alive, an opportunity of escaping.
[pg 469]
These efforts, seconded by a few guns that were fired at
the same time from the Resolution, having forced the
[pg 470]
natives at last to retire, a small boat, manned by five of our
young midshipmen, pulled toward the shore, where they
saw the bodies, without any signs of life, lying on the
ground; but judging it dangerous to attempt to bring them
off, with so small a force, and their ammunition being nearly
expended, they returned to the ships, leaving them in
possession of the islanders, together with ten stands of
arms.


As soon as the general consternation, which the news of
this calamity occasioned throughout both crews, had a
little subsided, their attention was called to our party at the
morai, where the mast and sails were on shore, with a guard
of only six marines. It is impossible for me to describe the
[pg 471]
emotions of my own mind, during the time these transactions
had been carrying on at the other side of the bay.
Being at the distance of only a short mile from the village
of Kowrowa, we could see distinctly an immense crowd
collected on the spot where Captain Cook had just before
landed. We heard the firing of the musketry, and could
perceive some extraordinary bustle and agitation in the
multitude. We afterwards saw the natives flying, the boats
retire from the shore, and passing and repassing, in great
stillness, between the ships. I must confess, that my heart
soon misgave me. Where a life so dear and valuable was
concerned, it was impossible not to be alarmed, by appearances
both new and threatening. But, besides this, I knew
that a long and uninterrupted course of success, in his
transactions with the natives of these seas, had given the
captain a degree of confidence, that I was always fearful
might, at some unlucky moment, put him too much off his
guard; and I now saw all the dangers to which that confidence
might lead, without receiving much consolation
from considering the experience that had given rise to it.1


My first care, on hearing the muskets fired, was, to assure
the people, who had assembled in considerable numbers
round the wall of our consecrated field, and seemed
equally at a loss with ourselves how to account for what
they had seen and heard, that they should not be molested;
and that, at all events, I was desirous of continuing
on peaceable terms with them. We remained in this posture
till the boats had returned on board, when Captain
Clerke, observing through his telescope, that we were surrounded
by the natives, and apprehending they meant to
attack us, ordered two four-pounders to be fired at them.
Fortunately, these guns, though well aimed, did no mischief,
and yet gave the natives a convincing proof of their
power. One of the balls broke a cocoa-nut tree in the middle,
under which a party of them were sitting; and the
other shivered a rock that stood in an exact line with them.
As I had just before given them the strongest assurances of
their safety, I was exceedingly mortified at this act of hostility;
and, to prevent a repetition of it, immediately
[pg 472]
dispatched a boat to acquaint Captain Clerke, that, at present,
I was on the most friendly terms with the natives;
and that, if occasion should hereafter arise for altering my
conduct toward them, I would hoist a jack, as a signal for
him to afford us all the assistance in his power.


We expected the return of the boat with the utmost impatience;
and, after remaining a quarter of an hour under
the most torturing anxiety and suspense, our fears were at
length confirmed by the arrival of Mr Bligh, with orders
to strike the tents as quickly as possible, and to send the
sails that were repairing on board. Just at the same moment,
our friend Kaireekeea, having also received intelligence
of the death of Captain Cook, from a native who
had arrived from the other side of the bay, came to me,
with great sorrow and dejection in his countenance, to enquire
if it was true.


Our situation was, at this time, extremely critical and
important; not only our own lives, but the event of the
expedition, and the return of at least one of the ships, being
involved in the same common danger. We had the
mast of the Resolution, and the greatest part of our sails,
on shore, under the protection of only six marines: Their
loss would have been irreparable; and though the natives
had not as yet shewn the smallest disposition to molest us,
yet it was impossible to answer for the alteration which the
news of the transaction at Kowrowa might produce. I
therefore thought it prudent to dissemble my belief of the
death of Captain Cook, and to desire Kaireekeea to discourage
the report; lest either the fear of our resentment,
or the successful example of their countrymen, might lead
them to seize the favourable opportunity, which at this
time offered itself, of giving us a second blow. At the same
time I advised him to bring old Kaoo and the rest of the
priests, into a large house that was close to the morai; partly
out of regard to their safety, in case it should have been
found necessary to proceed to extremities; and, partly, to
have him near us, in order to make use of his authority
with the people, if it could be instrumental in preserving
peace.


Having placed the marines on the top of the morai, which
formed a strong and advantageous post, and left the command
with Mr Bligh, giving him the most positive directions
to act entirely on the defensive, I went on board the
[pg 473]
Discovery, in order to represent to Captain Clerke the dangerous
situation of our affairs. As soon as I quitted the spot,
the natives began to annoy our people with stones; and I
had scarcely reached the ship, before I heard the firing of
the marines. I therefore returned instantly on shore, where
I found things growing every moment more alarming. The
natives were arming, and putting on their mats; and their
numbers increased very fast. I could also perceive several
large bodies marching toward us, along the cliff which separates
the village of Kakooa from the north side of the
bay, where the village of Kowrowa is situated.


They began at first to attack us with stones, from behind
the walls of their enclosures; and finding no resistance on
our part, they soon grew more daring. A few resolute fellows,
having crept along the beach, under cover of the
rocks, suddenly made their appearance at the foot of the
morai, with a design, as it seemed, of storming it on the
side next the sea, which was its only accessible part; and
were not dislodged, till after they had stood a considerable
number of shot, and seen one of their party fall.


The bravery of one of these assailants well deserves to be
particularly mentioned; for, having returned to carry off
his companion, amidst the fire of our whole party, a wound
which he received made him quit the body and retire; but,
in a few minutes, he again appeared, and being again
wounded, he was obliged a second time to retreat. At this
moment I arrived at the morai, and saw him return the
third time, bleeding and faint; and being informed of what
had happened, I forbade the soldiers to fire, and he was
suffered to carry off his friend; which he was just able to
perform, and then fell down himself, and expired.


About this time a strong reinforcement from both ships
having landed, the natives retreated behind their walls;
which, giving me access to our friendly priests, I sent one
of them to endeavour to bring their countrymen to some
terms, and to propose to them, that if they would desist
from throwing stones, I would not permit our men to fire.
This truce was agreed to; and we were suffered to launch
the mast, and carry off the sails, and our astronomical apparatus,
unmolested. As soon as we had quitted the morai,
they took possession of it, and some of them threw a few
stones, but without doing us any mischief.


It was half an hour past eleven o'clock when I got on
[pg 474]
board the Discovery, where I found no decisive plan had
been adopted for our future proceedings. The restitution
of the boat, and the recovery of the body of Captain Cook,
were the objects which, on all hands, we agreed to insist
on; and it was my opinion that some vigorous steps should
be taken, in case the demand of them was not immediately
complied with.


Though my feelings, on the death of a beloved and honoured
friend, may be suspected to have had some share in
this opinion, yet there were certainly other reasons, and
those of the most serious kind, that had considerable weight
with me. The confidence which their success in killing our
chief, and forcing us to quit the shore, must naturally have
inspired; and the advantage, however trifling, which they
had obtained over us the preceding day, would, I had no
doubt, encourage them to make some further dangerous attempts;
and the more especially, as they had little reason,
from what they had hitherto seen, to dread the effects of
our fire-arms. Indeed, contrary to the expectations of
every one, this sort of weapon had produced no signs of
terror in them. On our side, such was the condition of the
ships, and the state of discipline amongst us, that had a vigorous
attack been made on us in the night, it would have
been impossible to answer for the consequences.


In these apprehensions, I was supported by the opinion
of most of the officers on board; and nothing seemed to
me so likely to encourage the natives to make the attempt,
as the appearance of our being inclined to an accommodation,
which they could only attribute to weakness or fear.


In favour of more conciliatory measures, it was justly urged,
that the mischief was done, and irreparable; that the
natives had a strong claim to our regard, on account of
their former friendship and kindness; and the more especially,
as the late melancholy accident did not appear to
have arisen from any premeditated design; that, on the
part of Terreeoboo, his ignorance of the theft, his readiness
to accompany Captain Cook on board, and his having
actually sent his two sons into the boat, must free him from
the smallest degree of suspicion; that the conduct of his
women and the Erees might easily be accounted for, from
the apprehensions occasioned by the armed force with
which Captain Cook came on shore, and the hostile preparations
in the bay; appearances so different from the terms
[pg 475]
of friendship and confidence, in which both parties had hitherto
lived, that the arming of the natives was evidently
with a design to resist the attempt, which they had some
reason to imagine would be made, to carry off their king
by force, and was naturally to be expected from a people
full of affection and attachment to their chiefs.


To these motives of humanity, others of a prudential nature
were added; that we were in want of water and other
refreshments; that our foremast would require six or eight
days work before it could be stepped; that the spring was
advancing apace; and that the speedy prosecution of our
next northern expedition ought now to be our sole object;
that, therefore, to engage in a vindictive contest with the
inhabitants, might not only lay us under the imputation of
unnecessary cruelty, but would occasion an unavoidable delay
in the equipment of the ships.


In this latter opinion Captain Clerke concurred; and
though I was convinced, that an early display of vigorous
resentment would more effectually have answered every object
both of prudence and humanity, I was not sorry that
the measures I had recommended were rejected. For,
though the contemptuous behaviour of the natives, and
their subsequent opposition to our necessary operations on
shore, arising, I have no doubt, from a misconstruction of
our lenity, compelled us at last to have recourse to violence
in our own defence; yet I am not so sure that the circumstances
of the case would, in the opinion of the world, have
justified the use of force on our part in the first instance.
Cautionary rigour is at all times invidious; and has this
additional objection to it, that the severity of a preventive
course, when it best succeeds, leaves its expediency the
least apparent.


During the time we were thus engaged, in concerting
some plan for our future conduct, a prodigious concourse
of natives still kept possession of the shore; and some of
them came off in canoes, and had the boldness to approach,
within pistol-shot of the ships, and to insult us by various
marks of contempt and defiance. It was with great difficulty
we could restrain the sailors from the use of their
arms on these occasions; but as pacific measures had been,
resolved on, the canoes were suffered to return unmolested.
In pursuance of this plan, it was determined, that I should
[pg 476]
proceed toward the shore, with the boats of both ships, well
manned and armed; with a view to bring the natives to a
parley, and, if possible, to obtain a conference with some
of the chiefs.


If this attempt succeeded, I was to demand the dead bodies,
and particularly that of Captain Cook; to threaten
them with our vengeance in case of a refusal; but by no
means to fire, unless attacked; and not to land on any account
whatever. These orders were delivered to me before
the whole party, and in the most positive manner.


I left the ships about four o'clock in the afternoon; and,
as we approached the shore, I perceived every indication
of a hostile reception. The whole crowd of natives was in
motion; the women and children retiring; the men putting
on their war-mats, and arming themselves with long
spears and daggers. We also observed, that since the
morning they had thrown up stone breast-works along the
beach where Captain Cook had landed, probably in expectation
of an attack at that place; and as soon as we were
within reach, they began to throw stones at us with slings,
but without doing any mischief. Concluding, therefore,
that all attempts to bring them to a parley would be in
vain, unless I first gave them some ground for mutual confidence,
I ordered the armed boats to stop, and went on in
the small boat alone, with a white flag in my hand, which,
by a general cry of joy from the natives, I had the satisfaction
to find was instantly understood. The women immediately
returned from the side of the hill, whither they had
retired; the men threw off their mats, and all sat down together
by the water-side, extending their arms, and inviting
me to come on shore.


Though this behaviour was very expressive of a friendly
disposition, yet I could not help entertaining some suspicions
of its sincerity. But when I saw Koah, with a boldness
and assurance altogether unaccountable, swimming off
toward the boat, with a white flag in his hand, I thought it
necessary to return this mark of confidence, and therefore
received him into the boat, though armed; a circumstance
which did not tend to lessen my suspicions. I must confess
I had long harboured an unfavourable opinion of this man.
The priests had always told us that he was of a malicious
disposition, and no friend of ours; and the repeated detections
of his fraud and treachery had convinced us of the
[pg 477]
truth of their representations. Add to all this, the shocking
transaction of the morning, in which he was seen acting
a principal part, made me feel the utmost horror at
finding myself so near him; and as he came up to me, with
feigned tears, and embraced me, I was so distrustful of his
intentions, that I could not help taking hold of the point
of the pahooah, which he held in his hand, and turning it
from me. I told him, that I had come to demand the body
of Captain Cook; and to declare war against them, unless
it was instantly restored. He assured me this should be
done as soon as possible; and that he would go himself for
that purpose; and, after begging of me a piece of iron,
with as much assurance as if nothing extraordinary had
happened, he leaped into the sea, and swam ashore, calling
out to his countrymen that we were all friends again.


We waited near an hour, with great anxiety, for his return;
during which time the rest of the boats had approached
so near the shore as to enter into conversation
with a party of the natives, at some distance from us; by
whom they were plainly given to understand, that the body
had been cut to pieces, and carried up the country; but of
this circumstance I was not informed till our return to the
ships.


I began now to express some impatience at Koah's delay;
upon which the chiefs pressed me to come on shore;
assuring me, that if I would go myself to Terreeoboo, the
body would certainly be restored to me. When they found
they could not prevail on me to land, they attempted, under
a pretence of wishing to converse with more ease, to
decoy our boat among some rocks, where they would have
had it in their power to cut us off from the rest. It was no
difficult matter to see through these artifices; and I was,
therefore, strongly inclined to break off all further communication
with them, when a chief came to us, who was
the particular friend of Captain Clerke, and of the officers
of the Discovery, on board which ship he had sailed when
we last left the bay, intending to take his passage to Mowee.
He told us, that he came from Terreeoboo, to acquaint us,
that the body was carried up the country; but that it should
be brought to us the next morning. There appeared a great
deal of sincerity in his manner; and being asked if he told
a falsehood, he hooked his two fore-fingers together, which
[pg 478]
is understood amongst these islanders as the sign of truth;
in the use of which they are very scrupulous.


As I was now at a loss in what manner to proceed, I sent
Mr Vancouver to acquaint Captain Clerke with all that
had passed; that my opinion was they meant not to keep
their word with us; and were so far from being sorry at
what had happened, that, on the contrary, they were full
of spirits and confidence on account of their late success,
and sought only to gain time, till they could contrive some
scheme for getting us into their power. Mr Vancouver
came back with orders for me to return on board; having
given the natives to understand, that, if the body was not
brought the next morning, the town should be destroyed.


When they saw that we were going off, they endeavoured
to provoke us by the most insulting and contemptuous
gestures. Some of our people said they could distinguish
several of the natives parading about in the clothes of our
unfortunate comrades; and among them a chief, brandishing
Captain Cook's hanger, and a woman holding the scabbard.
Indeed, there can be no doubt but that our behaviour
had given them a mean opinion of our courage, for
they could have but little notion of the motives of humanity
that directed it.


In consequence of the report I made to Captain Clerke,
of what I conceived to be the present temper and disposition
of the islanders, the most effectual measures were taken
to guard against any attack they might make in the
night. The boats were moored with top-chains; additional
sentinels were posted on both ships; and guard-boats were
stationed to row round them, in order to prevent the natives
from cutting the cables. During the night we observed
a prodigious number of lights on the hills, which made
some of us imagine they were removing their effects back
into the country, in consequence of our threats. But I rather
believe them to have been sacrifices that were performing
on account of the war in which they imagined
themselves about to be engaged; and, most probably, the
bodies of our slain countrymen were at that time burning.
We afterwards saw fires of the same kind, as we passed the
island of Morotoi; and which, we were told by some natives
then on board, were made on account of the war they
had declared against a neighbouring island. And this
agrees with what we learned amongst the Friendly and
[pg 479]
Society Isles, that, previous to any expedition against an enemy,
the chiefs always endeavoured to animate and inflame
the courage of the people by feasts and rejoicings in the
night.


We remained the whole night undisturbed, except by
the howlings and lamentations which were heard on shore;
and early the next morning Koah came alongside the Resolution,
with a present of cloth and a small pig, which he
desired leave to present to me. I have mentioned before,
that I was supposed, by the natives, to be the son of Captain
Cook; and as he, in his lifetime, had always suffered
them to believe it, I was probably considered as the chief
after his death. As soon as I came on deck, I questioned,
him about the body; and on his returning me nothing but
evasive answers, I refused to accept his presents; and was
going to dismiss him, with some expressions of anger and
resentment, had not Captain Clerke, judging it best, at all
events, to keep up the appearance of friendship, thought
it more proper that he should be treated with the usual respect.


This treacherous fellow came frequently to us, during
the course of the forenoon, with some trifling present or
other; and, as I always observed him eyeing every part of
the ship with great attention, I look care he should see we
were well prepared for our defence.


He was exceedingly urgent, both with Captain Clerke
and myself, to go on shore, laying all the blame of the detention
of the bodies on the other chiefs; and assuring us
that every thing might be settled to our satisfaction by a
personal interview with Terreeoboo. However, his conduct
was too suspicious to make it prudent to comply with this
request; and indeed a fact came afterward to our knowledge,
which proved the entire falsehood of his pretences:
For we were told, that, immediately after the action, in
which Captain Cook was killed, the old king had retired
to a cave in the steep part of the mountain that hangs over
the bay, which was accessible only by the help of ropes,
and where he remained for many days, having his victuals
let down to him by cords.


When Koah returned from the ships, we could perceive
that his countrymen, who had been collected, by break of
day, in vast crowds on the shore, thronged about him with
great eagerness; as if to learn the intelligence he had
[pg 480]
acquired, and what was to be done in consequence of it. It
is very probable, that they expected we should attempt to
put our threats in execution; and they seemed fully resolved
to stand their ground. During the whole morning we
heard conchs blowing in different parts of the coast; large
parties were seen marching over the hills; and, in short,
appearances were so alarming, that we carried out a stream-anchor,
to enable us to haul the ship abreast of the town,
in case of an attack; and stationed boats off the north
point of the bay, to prevent a surprise from that quarter.


The breach of their engagement to restore the bodies of
the slain, and the warlike posture in which they at this
time appeared, occasioned fresh debates amongst us concerning
the measures next to be pursued. It was at last
determined, that nothing should be suffered to interfere
with the repair of the mast, and the preparations for our
departure; but that we should, nevertheless, continue our
negotiations for the recovery of the bodies.


The greatest part of the day was taken up in getting the
fore-mast into a proper situation on deck, for the carpenters
to work upon it; and in making the necessary alterations
in the commissions of the officers. The command of
the expedition having devolved on Captain Clerke, he removed
on board the Resolution, appointed Lieutenant Gore
to be captain of the Discovery, and promoted Mr Harvey,
a midshipman, who had been with Captain Cook in his
two last voyages, to the vacant lieutenancy. During the
whole day we met with no interruption from the natives;
and at night the launch was again moored with a top-chain;
and guard-boats stationed round both ships as before.


About eight o'clock, it being very dark, a canoe was
heard paddling toward the ship; and as soon as it was
seen both the sentinels on deck fired into it. There were
two persons in the canoe, and they immediately roared out
"Tinnee!" which was the way in which they pronounced
my name, and said they were friends, and had something
for me belonging to Captain Cook. When they came on
board, they threw themselves at our feet, and appeared exceedingly
frightened. Luckily, neither of them was hurt,
notwithstanding the balls of both pieces had gone through
the canoe. One of them was the person, whom I have before
mentioned under the name of the Taboo man, who
[pg 481]
constantly attended Captain Cook with the circumstances
of ceremony I have already described; and who, though a
man of rank in the island, could scarcely be hindered from
performing for him the lowest offices of a menial servant.
After lamenting, with abundance of tears, the loss of the
Orono, he told us, that he had brought us a part of his
body. He then presented to us a small bundle, wrapped up
in cloth, which he brought under his arm; and it is impossible
to describe the horror which seized us, on finding
in it a piece of human flesh, about nine or ten pounds
weight. This, he said, was all that remained of the body;
that the rest was cut to pieces, and burnt; but that the
head and all the bones, except what belonged to the trunk,
were in the possession of Terreeoboo and the other Erees;
that what we saw had been allotted to Kaoo, the chief of
the priests, to be made use of in some religious ceremony;
and that he had sent it as a proof of his innocence and attachment
to us.


This afforded an opportunity of informing ourselves whether
they were cannibals; and we did not neglect it. We
first tried, by many indirect questions, put to each of them
apart, to learn in what manner the rest of the bodies had
been disposed of; and finding them very constant in one
story, that, after the flesh had been cut off, it was all burnt,
we at last put the direct question, whether they had not
eat some of it? They immediately shewed as much horror
at the idea as any European would have done; and asked,
very naturally, if that was the custom amongst us? They
afterward asked us, with great earnestness and apparent apprehension,
"When the Orono would come again; and
what he would do to them on his return?" The same enquiry
was frequently made afterward by others; and this
idea agrees with the general tenor of their conduct toward
him, which shewed that they considered him as a being of
a superior nature.


We pressed our two friendly visitors to remain on board
till morning, but in vain. They told us, that if this transaction
should come to the knowledge of the king, or chiefs,
it might be attended with the most fatal consequences to
their whole society; in order to prevent which they had
been obliged to come off to us in the dark; and that the
same precaution would be necessary in returning on shore.
They informed us farther, that the chiefs were eager to revenge
[pg 482]
the death of their countrymen; and particularly
cautioned us against trusting Koah, who, they said, was
our mortal and implacable enemy; and desired nothing
more ardently than an opportunity of fighting us; to which
the blowing of the conchs, we heard in the morning, was
meant as a challenge.


We learned from these men, that seventeen of their countrymen
were killed in the first action at Kowrowa, of whom
five were chiefs; and that Kaneena and his brother, our
very particular friends, were unfortunately of that number.
Eight, they said, were killed at the observatory, three of
whom were also of the first rank.


About eleven o'clock our two friends left us, and took
the precaution to desire, that our guard-boat might attend
them, till they had passed the Discovery, lest they should
again be fired upon, which might alarm their countrymen
on shore, and expose them to the danger of being discovered.
This request was complied with; and we had the
satisfaction to find, that they got safe and undiscovered to
land.


During the remainder of this night, we heard the same
loud howling and lamentations, as in the preceding one.
Early in the morning, we received another visit from Koah.
I must confess, I was a little piqued to find, that notwithstanding
the most evident marks of treachery in his conduct,
and the positive testimony of our friends the priests,
he should still be permitted to carry on the same farce, and
to make us at least appear to be the dupes of his hypocrisy.
Indeed our situation was become extremely awkward and
unpromising; none of the purposes for which this pacific
course of proceeding had been adopted, having hitherto
been in the least forwarded by it. No satisfactory answer
whatever had been given to our demands; we did not seem
to be at all advanced toward a reconciliation with the
islanders; they still kept in force on the shore, as if determined
to resist any attempts we might make to land; and
yet the attempt was become absolutely necessary, as the
completing our supply of water would not admit of any
longer delay.


However, it must be observed, in justice to the conduct
of Captain Clerke, that it was very probable, from the great
number of the natives, and from the resolution with which
they seemed to expect us, an attack could not have been
[pg 483]
made without some danger; and that the loss of a very few
men might have been severely felt by us, during the remaining
course of our voyage. Whereas the delaying the
execution of our threats, though on the one hand it lessened
their opinion of our power, had the effect of causing
them to disperse on the other. For this day, about noon,
finding us persist in our inactivity, great bodies of them,
after blowing their conchs, and using every mode of defiance,
marched off over the hills, and never appeared afterward.
Those, however, who remained, were not the less daring
and insolent. One man had the audacity to come
within musket-shot a-head of the ship; and, after slinging
several stones at us, he waved Captain Cook's hat over his
head, whilst his countrymen on shore were exulting and encouraging
his boldness. Our people were all in a flame at
this insult, and coming in a body on the quarter-deck,
begged they might no longer be obliged to put up with
these repeated provocations; and requested me to obtain
permission for them from Captain Clerke, to avail themselves
of the first fair occasion of revenging the death of
their commander. On my acquainting him with what was
passing, he gave orders for some great guns to be fired at
the natives on shore; and promised the crew, that if they
should meet with any molestation at the watering-place
the next day, they should then be left at liberty to chastise
them.


It is somewhat remarkable, that before we could bring
our guns to bear, the islanders had suspected our intentions,
from the stir they saw in the ship, and had retired behind
their houses and walls. We were therefore obliged to fire,
in some measure, at random; notwithstanding which, our
shot produced all the effects that could have been desired;
for, soon after, we saw Koah paddling toward us, with extreme
haste, and on his arrival we learned, that some people
had been killed, and amongst the rest, Maiha-maiha, a
principal chief, and a near relation of the king.2


Soon after the arrival of Koah, two boys swam off from,
the morai toward the ships, having each a long spear in his
hand; and after they had approached pretty near, they
[pg 484]
began to chant a song in a very solemn manner, the subject
of which, from their often mentioning the word Orono, and
pointing to the village where Captain Cook was killed, we
concluded to be the late calamitous disaster. Having sung
in a plaintive strain for about twelve or fifteen minutes, during
the whole of which time they remained in the water,
they went on board the Discovery and delivered their
spears, and after making a short stay, returned on shore.
Who sent them, or what was the object of this ceremony,
we were never able to learn.


At night, the usual precautions were taken for the security
of the ships; and as soon as it was dark, our two friends,
who had visited us the night before, came off again. They
assured us, that though the effects of our great guns, this
afternoon, had terrified the chiefs exceedingly, they had by
no means laid aside their hostile intentions, and advised us
to be on our guard.


The next morning, the boats of both ships were sent
ashore for water, and the Discovery was warped close to
the beach, in order to cover that service. We soon found
that the intelligence which the priests had sent us, was not
without foundation; and that the natives were resolved to
take every opportunity of annoying us, when, it could be
done without much risk.


Throughout all this group of islands, the villages, for the
most part, are situated near the sea; and the adjacent
ground is enclosed with stone walls, about three feet high.
These, we at first imagined, were intended for the division
of property; but we now discovered, that they served, and
probably were principally designed, for a defence against invasion.
They consist of loose stones, and the inhabitants are
very dexterous in shifting them with great quickness, to
such situations, as the direction of the attack may require.
In the sides of the mountain, which hangs over the bay,
they have also little holes, or caves, of considerable depth,
the entrance of which is secured by a fence of the same
kind. From behind both these defences, the natives kept
perpetually harassing our waterers with stones; nor could
the small force we had on shore, with the advantage of
muskets, compel them to retreat.


In this exposed situation, our people were so taken up in
attending to their own safety, that they employed the
whole forenoon in filling only one ton of water. As it was
[pg 485]
therefore impossible to perform this service, till their assailants
were driven to a greater distance, the Discovery was
ordered to dislodge them with her great guns, which being
effected by a few discharges, the men landed without molestation.
However, the natives soon after made their appearance
again, in their usual mode of attack; and it was
now found absolutely necessary to burn down some straggling
houses near the well, behind which they had taken
shelter. In executing these orders, I am sorry to add, that
our people were hurried into acts of unnecessary cruelty
and devastation. Something ought certainly to be allowed
to their resentment of the repeated insults and contemptuous
behaviour of the islanders, and to the natural desire of
revenging the loss of their commander. But, at the same
time, their conduct served strongly to convince me, that
the utmost precaution is necessary in trusting, though but
for a moment, the discretionary use of arms in the hands of
private seamen or soldiers on such occasions. The rigour
of discipline, and the habits of obedience, by which their
force is kept directed to its proper objects, lead them naturally
enough to conceive, that whatever they have the
power; they have also the right to do. Actual disobedience
being almost the only crime for which they are accustomed
to expect punishment, they learn to consider it as
the only measure of right and wrong; and hence are apt to
conclude, that what they can do with impunity, they may
do with justice and honour. So that the feelings of humanity,
which are inseparable from us all, and that generosity
toward an unresisting enemy, which at other times is the
distinguishing mark of brave men, become but weak restraints
to the exercise of violence, when opposed to the desire
they naturally have of shewing their own independence
and power.3


I have already mentioned, that orders had been given to
[pg 486]
burn only a few straggling huts, which afforded shelter to
the natives. We were therefore a good deal surprised to
see the whole village on fire; and before a boat, that was
sent to stop the progress of the mischief, could reach the
shore, the houses of our old and constant friends, the priests,
were all in flames. I cannot enough lament the illness that
confined me on board this day. The priests had always
been under my protection; and unluckily the officers who
were then on duty, having been seldom ashore at the morai,
were not much acquainted with the circumstances of the
place. Had I been present myself, I might probably have
been, the means of saving their little society from destruction.


Several of the natives were shot, in making their escape
from the flames; and our people cut off the heads of two
of them, and brought them on board. The fate of one poor
islander was much lamented by us all. As he was coming
to the well for water, he was shot at by one of the marines.
The ball struck his calibash, which he immediately threw
from him and fled. He was pursued into one of the caves
I have before described, and no lion could have defended
his den with greater courage and fierceness, till at last, after
having kept two of our people at bay for a considerable
time, he expired, covered with wounds. It was this accident
that first brought us acquainted with the use of these
caverns.


At this time, an elderly man was taken prisoner, bound,
and sent on board in the same boat with the heads of his
two countrymen. I never saw horror so strongly pictured,
as in the face of this man, nor so violent a transition to extravagant
joy, as when he was untied, and told he might go
away in safety. He shewed us he did not want gratitude,
as he frequently afterward returned with presents of provisions,
and also did us other services.


Soon after the village was destroyed, we saw, coming
down the hill, a man, attended by fifteen or twenty boys,
holding pieces of white cloth, green boughs, and plantains,
&c. in their hands. I know not how it happened, that this
peaceful embassy, as soon as they were within reach, received
the fire of a party of our men. This, however, did not
stop them. They continued their procession, and the officer
on duty came up in time to prevent a second discharge.
As they approached nearer, it was found to be our much-esteemed
[pg 487]
friend Kairekeea, who had fled on our first setting
fire to the village, and had now returned, and desired to be
sent on board the Resolution.


When he arrived, we found him exceedingly grave and
thoughtful. We endeavoured to make him understand the
necessity we were under of setting fire to the village, by
which his house, and those of his brethren, were unintentionally
consumed. He expostulated a little with us on our
want of friendship, and on our ingratitude. And, indeed,
it was not till now, that we learnt the whole extent of the
injury we had done them. He told us, that relying on the
promises I had made them, and on the assurances they had
afterward received from the men, who had brought us the
remains of Captain Cook, they had not removed their effects
back into the country with the rest of the inhabitants,
but had put every thing that was valuable of their own, as
well as what they had collected from us, into a house close
to the morai, where they had the mortification to see it all
set on fire by ourselves.4


On coming on board, he had seen the heads of his countrymen
lying on the deck, at which he was exceedingly
shocked, and desired, with great earnestness, that they
might be thrown overboard. This request Captain Clerke
instantly ordered to be complied with.


In the evening, the watering party returned on board,
having met with no farther interruption. We passed a
gloomy night; the cries and lamentations we heard on shore
being far more deadful than ever. Our only consolation
was, the hope that we should have no occasion, in future,
for a repetition of such severities.


It is very extraordinary, that amidst all these disturbances,
the women of the island who were on board, never
offered to leave us, nor discovered the smallest apprehensions
either for themselves or their friends ashore. So entirely
unconcerned did they appear, that some of them, who
[pg 488]
were on deck when the town was in flames, seemed to admire
the sight, and frequently cried out, that it was maitai,
or very fine.


The next morning, Koah came off as usual to the ships.
As there existed no longer any necessity for keeping terms
with him, I was allowed to have my own way. When he
approached toward the side of the ship, singing a song, and
offering me a hog and some plantains, I ordered him to
keep off, cautioning him never to appear again without
Captain Cook's bones, lest his life should pay the forfeit of
his frequent breach of promise. He did not appear much
mortified with this reception, but went immediately on
shore, and joined a party of his countrymen, who were pelting
the waterers with stones. The body of the young man
who had been killed the day before, was found this morning,
lying at the entrance of the cave; and some of our
people went and threw a mat over it; soon after which,
they saw some men carrying him off on their shoulders,
and could hear them singing, as they marched, a mournful
song.


The natives, being at last convinced that it was not the
want of ability to punish them, which had hitherto made us
tolerate their provocations, desisted from giving us any farther
molestation; and, in the evening, a chief called Eappo,
who had seldom visited us, but whom we knew to be a
man of the very first consequence, came with presents from
Terreeoboo to sue for peace. These presents were received,
and he was dismissed with the same answer which had before
been given, that until the remains of Captain Cook
should be restored, no peace would be granted. We learned
from this person, that the flesh of all the bodies of our
people, together with the bones of the trunks, had been
burnt, that the limb bones of the marines had been divided
amongst the inferior chiefs, and that those of Captain Cook
had been disposed of in the following manner: The head
to a great chief called Kahoo-opeon, the hair to Maiha-maiha,
and the legs, thighs, and arms to Terreeoboo. After
it was dark, many of the inhabitants came off with roots
and other vegetables, and we also received two large presents
of the same articles from Kaireekeea.


The 19th was chiefly taken up in sending and receiving
the messages which passed between Captain Clerke and
Terreeoboo. Eappo was very pressing that one of our
[pg 489]
officers should go on shore; and, in the mean time, offered
to remain as a hostage on board. This request, however, it
was not thought proper to comply with; and he left us with
a promise of bringing the bones the next day. At the
beach, the waterers did not meet with the least opposition
from the natives; who, notwithstanding our cautious behaviour,
came amongst us again, without the smallest appearance
of diffidence or apprehension.


Early in the morning of the 20th, we had the satisfaction
of getting the foremast stepped. It was an operation attended
with great difficulty and some danger, our ropes being
so exceedingly rotten, that the purchase gave way several
times.


Between ten and eleven o'clock, we saw a great number
of people descending the hill, which is over the beach, in
a kind of procession, each man carrying a sugar-cane or
two on his shoulders, and bread-fruit, taro, and plantains in
his hand. They were preceded by two drummers; who,
when they came to the water-side, sat down by a white flag,
and began to beat their drums, while those who had followed
them, advanced one by one, and having deposited the
presents they had brought, retired in the same order. Soon
after, Eappo came in sight, in his long feathered cloak,
bearing something with great solemnity in his hands; and
having placed himself on a rock, he made signs for a boat
to be sent to him.


Captain Clerke, conjecturing that he had brought the
bones of Captain Cook, which proved to be the fact, went
himself in the pinnace to receive them, and ordered me to
attend him in the cutter. When we arrived at the beach,
Eappo came into the pinnace, and delivered to the captain
the bones wrapped up in a large quantity of fine new cloth,
and covered with a spotted cloak of black and white feathers.
He afterward attended us to the Resolution, but
could not be prevailed upon to go on board, probably not
choosing, from a sense of decency, to be present at the
opening of the bundle. We found in it both the hands of
Captain Cook entire, which were well known from a remarkable
scar on one of them, that divided the thumb from
the fore-finger, the whole length of the metacarpal bone;
the skull, but with the scalp separated from it, and the
bones that form the face wanting; the scalp, with the hair
upon it cut short, and the ears adhering to it; the bones of
[pg 490]
both arms, with the skin of the fore-arms hanging to them;
the thigh and leg-bones joined together, but without the
feet. The ligaments of the joints were entire, and the whole
bore evident marks of having been in the fire, except the
hands, which had the flesh left upon them, and were cut in
several places, and crammed with salt, apparently with an
intention of preserving them. The scalp had a cut in the
back part of it, but the skull was free from any fracture.
The lower jaw and feet, which were wanting, Eappo told us,
had been seized by different chiefs, and that Terreeoboo
was using every means to recover them.


The next morning, Eappo and the king's son came on
board, and brought with them the remaining bones of Captain
Cook, the barrels of his gun, his shoes, and some other
trifles that belonged to him. Eappo took great pains to
convince us that Terreeoboo, Maiha-maiha, and himself,
were most heartily desirous of peace; that they had given
us the most convincing proof of it in their power; and that
they had been prevented from giving it sooner by the other
chiefs, many of whom were still our enemies. He lamented,
with the greatest sorrow, the death of six chiefs we had
killed, some of whom, he said, were amongst our best
friends. The cutter, he told us, was taken away by Pareea's
people, very probably in revenge for the blow that
had been given him, and that it had been broken up the
next day. The arms of the marines which we had also demanded,
he assured us had been carried off by the common
people, and were irrecoverable; the bones of the chief alone
having been preserved, as belonging to Terreeoboo and the
Erees.


Nothing now remained but to perform the last offices to
our great and unfortunate commander. Eappo was dismissed
with orders to taboo all the bay; and in the afternoon,
the bones having been put into a coffin, and the service
read over them, they were committed to the deep with
the usual military honours. What our feelings were on this
occasion I leave the world to conceive; those who were
present know that it is not in my power to express them.


During the forenoon of the 22d, not a canoe was seen
paddling in the bay; the taboo which Eappo had laid on it
the day before, at our request, not being yet taken off. At
length Eappo came off to us. We assured him that we
were now entirely satisfied; and that as the Orono was buried,
[pg 491]
all remembrance of what had passed was buried with
him. We afterward desired him to take off the taboo, and
to make it known, that the people might bring their provisions
as usual. The ships were soon surrounded with canoes,
and many of the chiefs came on board, expressing
great sorrow at what had happened, and their satisfaction
at our reconciliation. Several of our friends, who did not
visit us, sent presents of large hogs and other provisions.
Amongst the rest came the old treacherous Koah, but was
refused admittance.


As we had now every thing ready for sea, Captain Clerke
imagining, that if the news of our proceedings should reach
the islands to leeward before us, it might have a bad effect,
gave orders, to unmoor. About eight in the evening we
dismissed all the natives, and Eappo and the friendly Kaireekeea
took an affectionate leave of us. We immediately
weighed, and stood out of the bay. The natives were collected
on the shore in great numbers; and, as we passed
along, received our last farewells with every mark of affection
and good-will.5


Footnote 1: (return) 
This is a very happy reflection, and implies a discriminating power
and good sense, of which, it is justice to his talents to say, Captain King
has exhibited no few or inconsiderable examples.—E.


Footnote 2: (return) 
The word matee is commonly used, in the language of these
islands,
to express either killing or wounding; and we were afterwards told, that
this chief had only received a slight blow on the face from a stone, which
had been struck by one of the balls.


Footnote 3: (return) 
In the preceding remarks, we have another strong confirmation, if
any additional one were wanting, of the opinions formerly given respecting
the character and usual conduct of sailors. Nor are they less imperative,
as to the expediency of modifying the education and treatment of that
useful class of subjects, than what we ventured, on another occasion, to
suggest. They have, however, the recommendation of experience, to
which, in general, more regard is properly enough shewn, than can be expected
towards arguments drawn from merely abstract opinions, too often
so remote from the common track of life as to be quite inapplicable to the
diversities and complicated relations of human societies.—E.


Footnote 4: (return) 
How painful, on the other hand, must this occurrence have proved to
a man of King's refined feelings and sentiments! But it ought not to be
forgotten, that even such an event, though not at all intended, was almost
a necessary consequence of the conduct, which, in a moment of irritation,
not however totally disjoined from every plea of prudence, he himself had
thought right to prescribe. So impolitic, and so blind in the distribution
of mischief, is revenge, though apparently sanctioned by the hope and
calculation
of advantage.—E.


Footnote 5: (return) 
Would it not be generally advantageous for mankind to consider,
when
they are about to engage, or are engaged, in hostilities against each other,
that it is highly probable, nay in most cases certain, that they shall one
day come to a good understanding, and regret that their altercation had
been so mutually destructive? Would not a notion of this kind, far enough
indeed from being any effect or symptom of weakness, contribute essentially
to what is surely always a good thing, the moderation of men's passions;
and have, therefore, the beneficial tendency, at really the least expence
and suffering, to accomplish the only legitimate and avowed end of war, a
safe and honourable peace? But no termination of a struggle is entitled to
be called either the one or the other, which, resulting merely from the
experience
of common exhaustion and mutual inability, leaves the parties to
grumble over the relics of their animosity, and to brood on their misfortunes,
till new means and spirits be produced to resume the conflict. There
is much wisdom in the language which a deceased statesman used, when
he spoke of "making peace in the spirit of peace," as the only remedy for
the political disorders of the world. But this disposition, it seems morally
certain, cannot exist, unless in union with the anticipation of the comforts
and vastly superior benefits which such a consummation can afford,—E.


[pg 492]


SECTION V.


Departure from Karakakooa in Search of a Harbour on the
South-East Side of Mowee.—Driven to Leeward by the
Easterly Winds and Current.—Pass the Island of Tahoorowha.—Description
of the South-West Side of Mowee.—Run
along the Coasts of Ranai and Morotoi to Woahoo.—Description
of the North-East Coast of Woahoo.—Unsuccessful
Attempt to Water.—Passage to Atooi.—Anchor in
Wymoa Bay.—Dangerous Situation of the Watering Party
on Shore.—Civil Dissensions in the Islands.—Visit from the
contending Chiefs.—Anchor off Oneeheow.—Final Departure
from the Sandwich Islands.


We got clear of the land about ten; and, hoisting in the
boats, stood to the northward, with an intention of searching
for a harbour on the S.E. side of Mowee, which we
had heard frequently mentioned by the natives. The next
morning we found ourselves driven to leeward by a heavy
swell from the N.E., and a fresh gale springing up from the
same quarter, carried us still farther to the westward. At
midnight we tacked, and stood to the S. for four hours, in
order to keep clear of the land; and at day-break, we found
ourselves standing toward a small barren island, called Tahoorowa,
which lies seven or eight miles to the S.W. of
Mowee.


All prospect of examining more nearly the S.E. parts of
Mowee being now destroyed, we bore away, and ran along
the S.E. side of Tahoorowa. As we were steering close
round its western extremity, with an intention of fetching
the W. side of Mowee, we suddenly shoaled our water, and
observed the sea breaking on some detached rocks almost
right a-head. This obliged us to keep away a league and
a half, when we again steered to the northward; and, after
passing over a bank, with nineteen fathoms water, stood for
a passage between Mowee and an island called Ranai. At
noon the latitude was by observation, 20° 42' N., and the
longitude 203° 22' E.; the southern extremity of Mowee
bearing E.S.E. 1/4 E.; the southern extremity of Ranai
W.N.W. 1/4 W.; Morotoi, N.W. and by N.; and the western
extremity of Tahoorowa, S. by E., seven miles distant.
[pg 493]
Our longitude was accurately deduced from observations
made by the time-keeper before and after noon, compared
with the longitude found by a great many distances of the
moon from the sun and stars, which were also observed the
same day.


In the afternoon, the weather being calm, with light airs
from the W., we stood on to the N.N.W.; but at sun-set,
observing a shoal, which appeared to stretch to a considerable
distance from the W. point of Mowee, toward the
middle of the passage, and the weather being unsettled, we
tacked, and stood toward the S.


The S.W. side of this island, which we now had passed
without being able to get near the shore, forms the same
distant view with the N.E., as seen on our return from the
N., in November 1778; the mountainous parts, which are
connected by a low flat isthmus, appearing at first like two
separate islands. This deception continued on the S.W.
side, till we approached within eight or ten leagues of the
coast, which, bending inward to a great depth, formed a fine
capacious bay. The westernmost point, off which the shoal
we have just mentioned runs, is made remarkable by a small
hillock, to the southward of which there is a fine sandy
bay, with several huts on the shore, and a number of cocoa-nut
trees growing about them.


During the course of the day, we were visited by several
of the natives, who came off to sell provisions, and we soon
found that they had heard of our late unfortunate transactions
at Owhyhee. They were very curious to learn the
particulars from a woman who had concealed herself on
board the Resolution, in order to take her passage to Atooi;
enquiring eagerly after Pareea and some other chiefs, and
appearing much shocked at the death of Kaneena and his
brother. We had, however, the satisfaction to find that, in
whatever light the woman might have represented this business,
it had no bad effect on their behaviour, which was
remarkably civil and submissive.


The weather continued variable during the night; but in
the morning of the 25th, having the wind at E., we ran
along the S. side of Ranai, till near noon; after which, we
had calms and baffling winds till evening, when we steered,
with a light easterly breeze, for the W. part of Morotoi. In
the course of the day, the current, which, from the time we
[pg 494]
left Karakakooa Bay, had set from the N.E., changed its
direction to the S.E.


During the night, the wind was again variable; but early
next morning it settled at E., and blew so fresh as to oblige
us to double-reef the top-sails. At seven, in hauling round
the W. point of Morotoi, we opened a small bay, at the
distance of about two leagues, with a fine sandy beach; but
seeing no appearance of fresh water, we stood on to the N.,
in order to get to the windward of Woahoo, an island
which we had seen at our first visit in January 1778.


At two in the afternoon, we saw the land bearing W. by
N., eight leagues distant; and having tacked as soon as it
was dark, we again bore away at day-light on the 27th; and
at half-past ten, were within a league of the shore, near the
middle of the N.E. side of the island.


The coast to the northward is formed of detached hills,
rising perpendicularly from the sea, with ragged and broken
summits, the sides covered with wood, and the vallies
between them of a fertile and well-cultivated appearance.
To the southward we saw an extensive bay, bounded by a
low point of land to the S.E., which was covered with cocoa-nut
trees, and off it stood a high insulated rock, about
a mile from the shore. The haziness of the weather prevented
our seeing distinctly the land to the southward of
the point, we could only perceive that it was high and
broken.


As the wind continued to blow very fresh, we thought it
dangerous to entangle ourselves with a lee-shore, and therefore
did not attempt to examine the bay, but hauled up,
and steered to the northward in the direction of the coast.
At noon, we were abreast of the N. point of the island,
about two leagues from the land, which is low and flat, and
has a reef stretching off it to the distance of near a mile and
a half. The latitude, by observation, 21° 50' N., longitude
202° 15' E., the extreme parts of the island in sight bearing
S.S.E. 1/4 E., and S.W. by S. 3/4 W.


Between the N. point and a distant head-land which we
saw to the S.W., the land bends inward considerably, and
appeared likely to afford a good road. We therefore directed
our course along the shore, at the distance of about
a mile, carrying regular soundings from twenty to thirteen
fathoms. At a quarter past two, the sight of a fine river,
running through a deep valley, induced us to come to an
[pg 495]
anchor in thirteen fathoms water, with a sandy bottom; the
extreme points of the bay bearing S.W. by W. 1/2 W., and
N.E. by E. 3/4 E., and the mouth of the river S.E. 1/2 E., one
mile distant. In the afternoon I attended the two captains
on shore, where we found but few of the natives, and those
mostly women; the men, they told us, were gone to Morotoi
to fight Tahyterree, but that their chief, Perreeoranee,
who had stayed behind, would certainly visit us as soon as
he heard of our arrival.


We were much disappointed to find the water had a
brackish taste for two hundred yards up the river, owing to
the marshy ground through which it empties itself into the
sea. Beyond this it was perfectly fresh, and formed a fine
running stream, along the side of which I walked till I came
to the conflux of two small rivulets, that branched off to
the right and left of a remarkably steep and romantic
mountain. The banks of this river, and indeed the whole
we saw of the N.W. part of Woahoo, are well cultivated,
and full of villages; and the face of the country is uncommonly
beautiful and picturesque.


As the watering at this place would have been attended
with great labour, I was sent to examine the coast to leeward;
but not being able to land, on account of a reef of
coral which stretched along the shore to the distance of
half a mile, Captain Clerke determined, without farther loss
of time, to proceed to Atooi. At eight in the morning we
weighed, and stood to the northward till day-light on the
28th, when we bore away for that island, which we were in
sight of by noon; and about sun-set, were off its eastern
extremity, which shews itself in a fine green flat point.


It being too late to run for the road on the S.W. side of
the island, where we had been the last year, we passed the
night in plying on and off, and at nine the next morning,
came to an anchor in twenty-five fathoms water, and moored
with the best bower in thirty-eight fathoms, the bluff-head
on the west side of the village, bearing N.E. by N. 3/4
E., two miles distant; the extremes of the island, N.W. by
W. 3/4 W., and S.E. by E. 1/2 E.; the island Oneeheow W.
by S. 1/2 W. In running down to the road, from the S.E.
point of the island, we saw the appearance of shoal water
in several places, at a considerable distance from the land;
and when we were about two miles to the eastward of the
anchoring-place, and two or three miles from the shore, we
[pg 496]
got into four and a half fathoms water, although our soundings
had usually been seven and eight fathoms.


We had no sooner anchored in our old station, than several
canoes came along-side of us; but we could observe
that they did not welcome us with the same cordiality in
their manner, and satisfaction in their countenances, as
when we were here before. As soon as they got on board,
one of the men began to tell us, that we had left a disorder
amongst their women, of which several persons of both
sexes had died. He was himself afflicted with the venereal
disease, and gave a very full and minute account of the various
symptoms with which it had been attended. As there
was not the slightest appearance of that disorder amongst
them on our first arrival, I am afraid it is not to be denied
that we were the authors of this irreparable mischief.


Our principal object here was to water the ships with the
utmost expedition; and I was sent on shore early in the afternoon,
with the pinnace and launch laden with casks.
The gunner of the Resolution accompanied me to trade for
provisions, and we had a guard of five marines. We found
a considerable number of people collected upon the beach,
who received us at first with great kindness; but as soon as
we got the casks on shore, began to be exceedingly troublesome.
Former experience having taught me how difficult
it was to repress this disposition, without having recourse
to the authority of their chiefs, I was very sorry to
find that they were all at another part of the island. Indeed
we soon felt the want of their assistance; for it was with
great difficulty I was able to form a circle, according to our
usual practice, for the convenience and security of the trading
party, and had no sooner done it, and posted guards
to keep off the crowd, than I saw a man laying hold of the
bayonet of one of the soldiers' muskets, and endeavouring,
with all his force, to wrench it out of his hand. On my
coming up to them, the native let go his hold and retired,
but returned in a moment, with a spear in one hand and a
dagger in the other; and his countrymen had much ado to
restrain him from trying his prowess with the soldier. This
fray was occasioned by the latter's having given the man a
slight prick with his bayonet, in order to make him keep
without the line.


I now perceived that our situation required great circumspection
and management; and accordingly gave the
[pg 497]
strictest orders that no one should fire, nor have recourse to any
other act of violence, without positive commands. As soon
as I had given these directions, I was called to the assistance
of the watering party, where I found the natives equally
inclined to mischief. They had demanded from our people
a large hatchet for every cask of water, and this not
being complied with, they would not suffer the sailors to roll
them down to the boats.


I had no sooner joined them than one of the natives advanced
up to me, with great insolence, and made the same
claim. I told him that, as a friend, I was very willing to
present him with a hatchet, but that I should certainly carry
off the water without paying any thing for it; and I immediately
ordered the pinnace men to proceed in their business,
and called three marines from the traders to protect
them.


Though this shew of spirit succeeded so far as to make
the natives desist from any open attempt to interrupt us,
they still continued to behave in the most teazing and provoking
manner. Whilst some of them, under pretence of
assisting the men in rolling down the casks, turned them
out of their course, and gave them a wrong direction;
others were stealing the hats from off the sailors' heads,
pulling them backward by their clothes, or tripping up their
heels; the whole crowd, all this time, shouting and laughing,
with a strange mixture of childishness and malice.
They afterward found means to steal the cooper's bucket,
and took away his bag by force; but the objects they were
most eager to possess themselves of were the muskets of the
marines, who were every instant complaining of their attempts
to force them out of their hands. Though they continued,
for the most part, to pay great deference and respect
to me, yet they did not suffer me to escape without
contributing my share to their stock of plunder. One of
them came up to me with a familiar air, and with great
management diverted my attention, whilst another, wrenching
the hanger, which I held carelessly in my hand, from
me, ran off with it like lightning.


It was in vain to think of repelling this insolence by
force; guarding therefore against its effects, in the best
manner we were able, we had nothing to do but to submit
patiently to it. My apprehensions were, however, a little
alarmed, by the information I soon after received from the
[pg 498]
serjeant of marines, who told me that, turning suddenly
round, he saw a man behind me holding a dagger in the
position of striking. In this he might possibly be mistaken;
yet our situation was certainly alarming and critical,
and the smallest error on our side might have been fatal to
us. As our people were separated into three small parties,
one at the lake filling casks; another rolling them down
to the shore; and the third, at some distance, purchasing
provisions; it had once occurred to me, that it might be
proper to collect them altogether, and to execute and protect
one duty at a time. But on second thoughts, I judged
it more advisable to let them continue as they were. In
case of a real attack, our whole force, however advantageously
disposed, could have made but a poor resistance.
On the other hand, I thought it of some consequence to
shew the natives that we were under no fears; and, what
was still more material, the crowd was by this means kept
divided, and a considerable part of them fully employed in
bartering provisions.


It is probable that their dread of the effects of our arms
was the principal cause of their backwardness in attacking
us; and, indeed, the confidence we appeared to place in
this advantage, by opposing only five marines to their
whole force, must have raised in them a very high idea of
our superiority. It was our business to keep up this opinion
as much as possible; and in justice to the whole party,
I must observe, that no men could possibly behave better,
for the purpose of strengthening these impressions.
Whatever could be taken in jest, they bore with the utmost
temper and patience; and whenever any serious attempt
was made to interrupt them, they opposed it with bold
looks and menaces. By this management we succeeded so
far as to get all the casks down to the water side without
any material accident.


While we were getting them into the launch, the natives,
perceiving the opportunity of plundering would soon,
be over, became every moment more daring and insolent.
On this occasion I was indebted to the serjeant of marines,
for suggesting to me the advantage that would arise from
sending off his party first into the boats; by which means
the muskets of the soldiers, which, as I have already mentioned,
were the objects the islanders had principally in
view, would be removed out of their reach; and in case of
[pg 499]
an attack, the marines themselves might be employed more
effectually in our defence, than if they were on shore.


We had now got every thing into the boats, and only
Mr Anderson the gunner, a seaman of the boat's crew, and
myself, remained on shore. As the pinnace lay beyond the
surf, through which we were obliged to swim, I told them
to make the best of their way to it, and that I should follow
them. With this order I was surprised to find them
both refuse to comply; and the consequence was a contest
among us who should be the last on shore. It seems that
some hasty words I had just before used to the sailor,
which he thought reflected on his courage, was the cause
of this odd fancy in him; and the old gunner, finding a
point of honour started, thought he could not well avoid
taking a part in it. In this ridiculous situation we might
have remained some time, had not our dispute been soon
settled by the stones that began to fly about us, and by the
cries of the people from the boats, to make haste, as the
natives were following us into the water with clubs and
spears. I reached the side of the pinnace first, and finding
Mr Anderson was at some distance behind, and not yet entirely
out of danger, I called out to the marines to fire one
musket. In the hurry of executing my orders, they fired
two; and when I had got into the boat I saw the natives
running away, and one man, with a woman sitting by him,
left behind on the beach. The man made several attempts
to rise without being able; and it was with much regret, I
perceived him to be wounded in the groin. The natives
soon after returned, and surrounded the wounded man,
brandishing their spears and daggers at us, with an air of
threatening and defiance; but before we reached the ships,
we saw some persons, whom we supposed to be the chiefs,
now arrived, driving them away from the shore.


During our absence, Captain Clerke had been under the
greatest anxiety for our safety. And these apprehensions
were considerably increased, from his having entirely mistaken
the drift of the conversation he had held with some
natives who had been on board. The frequent mention of
the name of Captain Cook, with other strong and circumstantial
descriptions of death and destruction, made him
conclude, that the knowledge of the unfortunate events at
Owhyhee had reached them, and that these were what they
alluded to; whereas all they had in view was, to make
[pg 500]
known to him the wars that had arisen, in consequence of
the goats that Captain Cook had left at Oneeheow, and
the slaughter of the poor goats themselves, during the
struggle for the property of them. Captain Clerke, applying
this earnestness of conversation, and these terrible representations,
to our calamitous transactions at Owhyhee,
and to an indication of revenge, kept his telescope fixed
upon us, and the moment he saw the smoke of the muskets,
ordered the boats to be manned and armed, and to
put off to our assistance.


The next morning I was again ordered on shore, with
the watering party. The risk we had run the preceding
day, determined Captain Clerke to send a considerable
force from both ships for our guard, amounting in all to
forty men under arms. This precaution, however, was now
unnecessary; for we found the beach left entirely to ourselves,
and the ground between the landing-place and the
lake tabooed with small white flags. We concluded, from
this appearance, that some of the chiefs had certainly visited
this quarter; and that not being able to stay, they
had kindly and considerately taken this step, for our greater
security and convenience. We saw several men armed
with long spears and daggers, on the other side of the river,
on our right; but they did not offer to give us the
least molestation. Their women came over, and sat down
on the banks close by us, and at noon we prevailed on
some of the men to bring hogs and roots for our people,
and to dress them for us. As soon as we had left the
beach, they came down to the sea-side, and one of them
threw a stone at us; but his conduct seeming to be highly
disapproved of by all the rest, we did not think it proper
to shew any resentment.


The next day we completed our watering, without meeting
with any material difficulty. On our return to the
ships, we found that several chiefs had been on board, and
had made excuses for the behaviour of their countrymen,
attributing their riotous conduct to the quarrels which subsisted
at that time amongst the principal people of the
island, and which had occasioned a general want of order
and subordination amongst them. The government of
Atooi was in dispute between Toneoneo, who had the supreme
power when we were here last year, and a boy named
Teavee. They are both, by different fathers, the
[pg 501]
grandsons of Perreeorannee, king of Woahoo, who had
given the government of Atooi to the former, and that of
Oneeheow to the latter. The quarrel had arisen about the
goats we had left at Oneeheow the last year; the right of
property in which was claimed by Toneoneo, on the pretence
of that island's being a dependency of his. The
friends of Teavee insisting on the right of possession, both
parties prepared to maintain their pretensions by force;
and a few days before our arrival, a battle had been fought,
in which Toneoneo had been worsted. The consequence
of this victory was likely to affect Toneoneo in a much
deeper manner than by the mere loss of the objects in dispute;
for the mother of Teavee having married a second
husband, who was a chief of Atooi, and at the head of a
powerful faction there, he thought that the present opportunity
was not to be neglected, of driving Toneoneo entirely
out of the island, and of advancing his son-in-law to
the government. I have already had occasion to mention,
that the goats, which had increased to the number of six,
and would probably in a few years have stocked all these
islands, were destroyed in the contest.


On the 4th, the mother and sister of the young prince
and his father-in-law, with many other chiefs of that party,
came on board the Resolution, and made several curious and
valuable presents to Captain Clerke. Amongst the
former, were some fish-hooks, which they assured us were
made of the bones of our old friend Terreeoboo's father,
who had been killed in an unsuccessful descent upon the
island of Woahoo; and a fly-flap, presented to him by the
prince's sister, the handle of which was a human bone,
that had been given her as a trophy by her father-in-law.
Young Teavee was not of the company, being engaged, as
we were told, in performing some religious ceremonies, in
consequence of the victory he had obtained, which were
to last twenty days.


This and the two following days were employed on shore,
in completing the Discovery's water; and the carpenters
were busy on board, in caulking the ships, and in making
other preparations for our next cruise. The natives desisted
from giving us any further disturbance, and we procured
from them a plentiful supply of pork and vegetables.


At this time, an Indian brought a piece of iron on board
the Discovery, to be fashioned into the shape of a pahooah.
[pg 502]
It was carefully examined both by the officers and men,
and appeared to be the bolt of some large ship-timbers.
They were not able to discover to what nation it belonged;
but from the pale colour1 of the iron, and its not corresponding
in shape to our bolts, they concluded that it certainly
was not English. This led them to make a strict
enquiry of the native, when and where he got it; and, if
they comprehended him right, it had been taken out of a
piece of timber, larger than the cable-bit, to which he
pointed. This piece of wood, they farther understood from,
him, to have been driven upon their island, since we were
here in January 1778.


On the 7th, we were surprised with a visit from Toneoneo.
When he heard the dowager-princess was in the
ship, it was with great difficulty we could prevail on him to
come on board, not from any apprehension that he appeared
to entertain of his safety, but from an unwillingness to
see her. Their meeting was with sulky and lowering looks
on both sides. He staid but a short time, and seemed
much dejected; but we remarked, with some surprise, that
the women, both at his coming and going way, prostrated
themselves before him; and that he was treated by all the
natives on board with the respect usually paid to those of
his rank. Indeed, it must appear somewhat extraordinary,
that a person who was at this time in a state of actual hostility
with Teavee's party, and was even prepared for another
battle, should trust himself almost alone within the
power of his enemies. It is therefore to be observed, that
the civil dissentions, which are very frequent throughout
all the South-Sea Islands, seem to be carried on without
much acrimony or bloodshed; and that the deposed governor
still continues to enjoy the rank of an Eree, and is left
to make use of such means as may arise for the regaining
his lost consequence. But I shall have occasion to speak
more particularly on this subject in the next section; in
which the best account will be given, which we were able
to collect, of the political state of those countries.


On the 8th, at nine in the morning, we weighed, and
sailed toward Oneeheow; and at three in the afternoon
[pg 503]
anchored in twenty fathoms water, nearly on the same spot
as in the year 1778. We moored with the other anchor in
twenty-six fathoms water. The high bluff, on the south
end of the island, bore E.S.E.; the north point of the road,
N. 1/2 E; and a bluff head to the south of it, N.E. by N.
During the night, we had a strong gale from the eastward;
and, in the morning of the 9th, found the ship had driven
a whole cable's length, and brought both anchors almost
ahead. We shortened in the best bower-cable; but the
wind blowing too fresh to unmoor, we were obliged to remain
this and the two following days with the anchors still
ahead.


On the 12th, the weather being moderate, the master was
sent to the north-west side of the island, to look for a more
convenient place for anchoring. He returned in the evening,
having found, close round the west point of the road
where we now lay, which is also the westernmost point of
the island, a fine bay, with good anchorage, in eighteen fathoms
water, a clear sandy bottom, not a mile from the
beach, on which the surf beats, but not so as to hinder
landing. The direction of the points of the bay were N.
by E., and S. by W.; and, in that line, the soundings seven,
eight, and nine fathoms. On the north side of the
bay was a small village; and a quarter of a mile to the
eastward were four small wells of good water; the road to
them level, and fit for rolling casks. Mr Bligh went afterward
so far to the north as to satisfy himself, that Oreehoua
was a separate island from Oneeheow, and that there
was a passage between them, which before we only conjectured
to exist.


In the afternoon we hoisted in all the boats, and made
ready for going to sea in the morning.


Footnote 1: (return) 
It was evident, that the iron we found in possession of the natives
at
Nootka Sound, and which was mostly made into knives, was of a much
paler sort than ours.


END OF VOLUME SIXTEENTH.