The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Last Poems of Ovid, by Ovid

The Editor gratefully acknowledges the permission of the Herzog August Bibliothek for the use of Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel: Cod. Guelf. 13.11 Aug. 4° (fragmentum Guelferbytanum).[Pg ii]

PREFACE

It is a pleasure to present to the public this digital edition, with commentary, of Ex Ponto IV, the final poems written by the Roman poet Ovid, published after his death as a posthumous collection quite separate from the earlier Ex Ponto I-III.

These poems have a special place among Ovid's works, but have not received the attention which they deserve. In particular, there has been no full modern commentary on these poems.

This text presented in this edition is based on my personal examination of ten manuscripts. I have also restored to the text certain readings commonly accepted by editors until the nineteenth century. Finally, the edition contains several dozen new textual conjectures by myself and others.

The intended audience of this edition

This edition is intended to serve as a guide to the poems for intermediate and advanced students of Latin poetry. However, I have deliberately made it as straightforward as possible, and my hope is that even a beginning student of Latin poetry embarking on the study of these poems will find the commentary helpful.

This edition is also directed towards present and future Latin textual critics.[Pg iii]

My expectation when starting my research for this edition was that I would be presenting a text that differed little from that to be found in current editions. However, I made two discoveries during my research into the text.

The first discovery was that many important textual corrections generally accepted in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had been suppressed by editors in the course of the nineteenth century. I have restored many of these readings to the text, and others will be found in the textual apparatus.

The second discovery was that there was a surprisingly large number of passages which appeared to be corrupt and for which it was possible to suggest corrections. Given the long history of Latin textual criticism, and Ovid's central position in Roman literary history, it was surprising to find that so much remained to be done. Yet such was the case.

Nothing is more certain than that this book of poems as well as the three earlier books of the Ex Ponto represent an outstanding opportunity for future editors and commentators to contribute to the progress of Latin scholarship.[Pg iv]

History of this edition

I originally prepared this edition and commentary during my time as a graduate student at the University of Toronto. Upon its completion (and my graduation) in 1985, a copy was deposited at the National Library of Canada.

Had I followed a university teaching career after graduation, I would undoubtedly have taken the necessary steps to publish the edition, if only in pursuit of academic promotion. But I instead chose a career in the software industry, which both removed the external incentive to publish the edition, and denied me the time that I would have needed to prepare it for publication.

However, I wished to ensure that future editors and commentators were aware of the edition and would be able to make use of it. I therefore decided to publish two short articles drawn from the edition. These articles were intended to make generally available two textual conjectures which I considered likely to be correct. But the articles were also intended to make future editors aware that I had worked on the text of Ovid, so that they would seek out my unpublished edition.

The first article ("An Intrusive Gloss in Ovid Ex Ponto 4.13") appeared in Phoenix (vol. 40, p. 322) in 1986: it reported the restoration of IV xiii 45 discussed at page 408 of the[Pg v] commentary. Phoenix is published by the Classical Association of Canada, and since my own training in the classical languages had taken place almost entirely in Canada, it seemed appropriate that my first publication should be in a Canadian journal.

To my surprise and pleasure, my short article attracted a critique by Professor Allan Kershaw ("Ex Ponto 4.13: A Reply", Phoenix, vol. 42, p. 176), followed by a learned defense of my conjecture by Professor James Butrica ("Taking Enemies for Chains: Ovid Ex Ponto 4.13.45 Again", Phoenix, vol. 43, pp. 258-59).

Four years later, I published a second article ("A Palaeographical Corruption in Ovid, Ex Ponto 4.6"), which appeared in the May 1990 issue of the Classical Quarterly (pp. 283-84). This article reported the restoration of IV vi 38 discussed at pages 240-41 of the commentary. I selected the Classical Quarterly because of its prominence within the world of classical scholarship, and in particular because of its close association with the modern history of Latin textual criticism: it was in the Classical Quarterly that many of the learned articles of A. E. Housman first appeared.[Pg vi]

My hope had been that these two articles would serve as a signpost that would lead editors to my edition. The publication of J. A. Richmond's Teubner edition of the Ex Ponto in 1990 proved that this plan was inadequate. Professor Richmond had indeed discovered the existence of my edition: it received a prominent and flattering mention at the end of his preface. However, he stated that he received the microfilm of the edition too late for use in his edition!

In his review of Richmond's Teubner edition in the Classical Review (n.s. 42, 2 [1992], pp. 305-06), Professor James Butrica highlighted a number of proposed emendations from my edition.

It had become clear there was considerable outside interest in the work that I had done, and that simply having a copy of an unpublished edition on deposit at the National Library of Canada was not a sufficient means of making the edition available to the public, so over the years that followed I gave some consideration to how I might publish the edition so that it would be conveniently available to students of Latin poetry.

Early in 2006, I was working as a volunteer proofreader for the Project Gutenberg digital library: I noticed that the Project Gutenberg library included some public domain classical editions comparable in scope to my own. Prompted by this, I decided that I would publish my edition online in order to make it instantly accessible free of charge to anyone wishing to use it. This[Pg vii] seemed in every way preferable to seeking out a university press, going through the time-consuming process of seeking the necessary grants to subsidize publication, in order to produce a printed book so expensive that no student and not many libraries could afford to purchase a copy.

Nature of this edition

In essence, this is a corrected version of the original typescript. Typing errors have been corrected, and minor errors have been set right.

All statements made and conjectures proposed should be considered to have been made in 1985.

The HTML and Text versions of this edition

The HTML version takes advantage of the Unicode character set to present Greek passages using the Greek alphabet, and to present certain other special characters, such as the macron. It also offers hyperlinks from the table of contents and from the indices to the relevant sections of the edition.

Popular and useful as HTML is, it does not offer the universality of ASCII text. Essentially every computer can display plain ASCII text correctly. The Text version is presented so that the edition can be read on any computer, large or small, new or old. However, this portability comes at a price. The ISO 8859-1 ASCII character set does not include the Greek alphabet, nor does it include certain special characters which form part of this edition.

Therefore, the Text version of this edition presents Greek passages transliterated into the Latin alphabet. Similarly, in the textual apparatus any capital letter occurring in the report of a manuscript should be considered to be that letter in lower case, with a macron (dash) above.

When the textual apparatus reports a manuscript correction where the original reading is no longer legible, the HTML version underlines the corrected letters, but the Text version uses capitalization. For example, the Text version reports "facTisque _B2c_" at iii 25: a later hand in B has erased the original fourth letter, and has replaced it with "t".

In the commentary, when metre is being discussed and a Latin word is quoted, any vowel in that word which is capitalized is long, and any vowel which is not capitalized is short. I have occasionally pointed out explicitly that a word is metrically inconvenient because it has a series of short vowels: in the HTML edition, because the actual letters are marked short, these statements will appear to be redundant.

In the Latin text, the start and end of passages which are deeply corrupt and therefore difficult to correct are indicated by an asterisk, instead of the usual dagger (obelus).

Finally, in the critical apparatus, 'æ' is used where a manuscript has 'e' with a cedilla.

Enhancements made: the indices

In order to make the digital edition as useful as possible, I have added this preface, a full table of contents, and two indices.

The first index (starting on page 477) is an index of topics discussed. It is a selective rather than an exhaustive index for the following two reasons:[Pg viii]

(1) A commentary is already in effect indexed by the text it is linked to. If, for instance, readers wish to find what the commentary has to say about a certain passage, all they need do is turn to the part of the commentary dealing with that passage.

(2) A digital edition can be searched online very quickly and easily. A reader wishing to find any mention of the eminent Dutch textual critic Nicolaus Heinsius could find every mention of Heinsius in the edition simply by using "Heinsius" as a search argument.

However, some of the discussions in the commentary do not have an obvious link to the text, nor would they necessarily be found quickly by an electronic search. An example would be the discussion of "Simple verbs used for compound ones" at page 281.

Also, there were some parts of the introduction and commentary which I wanted to highlight to the reader as being of possible interest: including references to these in the index would serve this purpose.

For similar reasons, I have included (starting on page 489) an index of textual emendations first proposed in this edition. Some of these emendations involve works other than Ex Ponto IV, and authors other than Ovid. The index of textual emendations makes these corrections easy to find.[Pg ix]

The debt I owe to others

I was able to create this edition only because of the help that I have received over the years from others.

My basic training in the classical languages took place at the University of British Columbia, where I completed my B.A. in 1974, and my M.A. in 1977. It is impossible to repay the debt I owe to every single member of the Classics Department at that time.

Professor Charles Murgia of the University of California (Berkeley) initiated me into the mysteries of Latin palaeography and textual criticism.

I created this edition while a Ph.D. candidate at the Department of Classics at the University of Toronto. I owe an enormous debt of gratitude to Professor Richard Tarrant, who encouraged me to undertake the edition, posed many excellent questions, and offered many excellent suggestions.

I owe a similar debt to Professor Alexander Dalzell, Professor Elaine Fantham, Professor J. N. Grant, and Professor C. P. Jones, all of them members of the Graduate Department of Classics at the University of Toronto when I was creating the edition.[Pg x]

I have known Rob Morrow for twenty-one years, and he has touched every aspect of my life. The study of Latin poetry is a field of endeavour far removed from his usual interests: but even here he has made an important contribution in the work he did in scanning the original typescript, and in his continuing encouragement and support during the months I worked on creating this digital edition. It is to him, with deep affection and gratitude, that I dedicate this edition.[Pg 1]

INTRODUCTION

In AD 8, when he was fifty years of age, Ovid was abruptly banished from Rome to Tomis, an exile from which he never returned. In his poetry from exile, he gives two reasons for the banishment: the publication of the Ars Amatoria, and an unnamed error (Tr II 207; EP III iii 71-72)[1]. The Ars Amatoria had been published some years previously, being generally dated on the basis of AA I 171-72 to 2 BC or shortly thereafter; compare Tr II 545-46. The error was clearly the real cause of the banishment; what precisely this error was Ovid does not reveal, but it appears from Tr II 103-4 and Tr III v 49-50 to have been the witnessing of some action that was embarrassing to the imperial family. Beyond this nothing is known, for Ovid was careful to avoid compounding his original mistake by mentioning what it consisted of.

The catastrophe which befell Ovid did not put an end to his poetic activity; from the eight or nine years of his exile we possess a corpus of elegiac verse that substantially exceeds in bulk the combined production of Tibullus and Propertius.

The first work produced by Ovid was book I of the Tristia. Although it is perhaps not literally true that Ovid wrote much of the[Pg 2] poetry on shipboard (Tr I xi 3-10), all of the poems are directly related to the circumstances of his downfall and his journey to exile; and it is reasonable to suppose that the book was published shortly after Ovid's arrival in Tomis.

In his first poems from exile, Ovid had attempted to engage the sympathy of the public on his behalf; his next production was a direct appeal to Augustus in the 578-line elegiac poem that comprises the second book of the Tristia. The poem is written with Ovid's usual clarity and elegance, but its failure to secure his recall is not surprising. The poem deals only with the publication of the Ars Amatoria, which was not the true cause of the exile; and rather than admitting his guilt and appealing to Augustus' clemency, Ovid tactlessly argues that Augustus had been wrong to exile him.

The years 10, 11, and 12 saw the publication of the final three books of the Tristia. The charge of monotony that is generally brought against Ovid's poetry from exile (and was brought by his friends at the time; Ovid makes his defence in EP III ix) is most nearly true of these three books of verse. He was unable to name his correspondents and vary his poetry with personal references as he was to do in the Ex Ponto; and the pain of exile was so fresh as to exclude other topics.

Not all of Ovid's literary efforts in exile were devoted to his letters. It appears from Fast IV 81-82 and VI 666, as well as from the dedication to Germanicus at the start of the first book (at[Pg 3] Tr II 551 Ovid says he dedicated the work to Augustus) that the Fasti in the edition we possess is a revision produced by Ovid in exile after the death of Augustus.

In AD 12 Ovid produced the Ibis. The greater part of the poem is a series of curses showing such minute mythological learning that many of them have not been explained; but the poem's lengthy exordium is a powerful treatment of Ovid's circumstances and Ibis's perfidy that has been considered Ovid's most perfect literary creation (Housman 1041).

Many scholars also ascribe the composition of the final six Heroides to the period of Ovid's exile; but although the literary appeal of these three sets of double epistles is considerable, I believe that their comparative diffuseness of manner indicates that Ovid was not their author. They are, however, clearly modelled on the Heroides written by Ovid, and I have frequently quoted from them in the commentary.

In AD 12 Ovid must have received some indication that it was safe for him to name his correspondents. He took full advantage of this new opportunity to induce his friends to work on his behalf; it is clear from Ovid's references to his fourth year of exile (I ii 26, I viii 28) and to Tiberius' triumph of 23 October AD 12 (II i 1 & 46, II ii 75-76, II v 27-28, III i 136, III iii 86, III iv 3)[2] that all three books were[Pg 4] written within the space of a single year: as fast a rate of composition as can be proved for any part of Ovid's life. The three books were published as a unit: the opening poem of the first book and the closing poem of the last are addressed to Brutus, who was therefore the dedicatee of the collection; both poems are apologies for Ovid's verse. No such framing poems are found at the start of books II or III, or at the end of books I and II, although the addressees of II i and III i, Germanicus and Ovid's wife, were clearly chosen for their respective importance and closeness to Ovid.

Ex Ponto IV

The fourth book of the Ex Ponto constitutes a work separate from the three books composed in AD 12. The earliest datable poem in the book is the fourth, written shortly before Sextus Pompeius' consulship in AD 14; the latest is the ninth, written in honour of Graecinus' becoming suffect consul in AD 16. Of the books of Ovid's verse which are collections of individual poems, the fourth book of the Ex Ponto is the longest, being some 926 lines in length (excluding the probably spurious distichs xv 25-26 and xvi 51-52). The mean average length of such books is 764 lines; and the next longest after Ex Ponto IV is Am III, with 824 lines (excluding the spurious fifth poem). I take the length of the book as an indication that in its present form it is probably a posthumous collection: Ovid's editor either gathered the individual poems to form a single book that was unusually long,[Pg 5] or added a few later poems to a book previously assembled by Ovid [3].

Syme (HO 156) argues that the order of the poems indicates that Ovid survived to publish or at least to arrange the book: the fact that the first and penultimate poems are addressed to Sextus Pompeius indicates that Ovid dedicated the book to him. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me correspondences of structure between EP IV and some of Ovid's earlier books. If the sixteenth and final poem of EP IV is considered a sphragis-poem, as is indicated by Nasonis in the opening line, we are left with a fifteen-poem book of which the first and last poems are addressed to Sextus Pompeius, and in which the middle poem is addressed to Germanicus through his client Suillius [4]. The same structural outline of 1-8-15 appears in Amores I and III—the opening and closing poems of both books are concerned with Ovid's verse, while the eighth poem of each book stands somewhat apart from the other poems: Am I viii is about the procuress Dipsas, while III ix (the eighth poem in the book after the removal of the spurious fifth poem) is the elegy on the death of Tibullus.

Ovid's addressees in Ex Ponto IV

Sextus Pompeius, consul ordinarius in 14, and himself a relative of Augustus, is the recipient of no less than four letters in EP IV [5]. It is significant that he is not the recipient of any of Ovid's earlier letters from exile; this is discussed in the next section.

In the attention Ovid gives Sextus Pompeius there can be seen, according to Syme (HO 156), a deliberate attempt to gain the favour of Germanicus, who is mentioned in connection with Sextus Pompeius at v 25. It is interesting that in viii Ovid addresses Germanicus' quaestor Suillius (and in the course of the poem addresses Germanicus), and that the recipient of xiii is Carus, the tutor of Germanicus' sons. But it is only natural that Ovid, when at last permitted, should address so influential a man as his benefactor Sextus Pompeius; and it does not seem strange that he should address his fellow poet Carus, still less that he should send a letter to Suillius, husband of his stepdaughter Perilla.

C. Pomponius Graecinus, the recipient of ix, must have had some political influence, since the poem is in celebration of his becoming suffect consul in 16. But he probably owed this influence to his brother Flaccus, a close friend of Tiberius who succeeded Graecinus as consul ordinarius for 17, and whom Ovid gives prominent mention at[Pg 7] ix 57 ff. Graecinus must have been an old associate of Ovid, since he has the rare distinction of being mentioned by name in a poem written by Ovid before his exile (Am II x 1).

Two of Ovid's correspondents were orators. Gallio, the addressee of the eleventh poem, is frequently quoted by the elder Seneca. He was a senator; both Tacitus and Dio give accounts of how he fell into disfavour with Tiberius for proposing that ex-members of the Praetorian guard be granted the privilege of using the theatre seats reserved for members of the equestrian order (Ann VI 3; LVIII 18 4). Brutus, the recipient of the sixth poem and dedicatee of the first three books of the Ex Ponto, is not mentioned by other writers, but it appears from vi 29-38 that he had a considerable reputation as a forensic orator, although some allowance must be made for possible exaggeration in Ovid's description of his close friend. The poem contains six lines on the death of Fabius Maximus, to whom Ovid had addressed EP I ii and III iii; perhaps he and Brutus had been associates.

Five epistles are addressed to Ovid's fellow poets. Cornelius Severus, the recipient of the second poem, was one of the most famous epic poets of the day; he is mentioned by Quintilian (X i 89), and the elder Seneca preserves his lines on the death of Cicero (Suas VI 26), Albinovanus Pedo, the recipient of the tenth epistle, was known as a writer of hexameter verse and of epigram. He served in Germanicus' campaign of AD 15 (Tac Ann I 60 2), and the elder Seneca preserves a fragment of his poem on Germanicus' campaigns (Suas I 15). It might[Pg 8] be argued that in addressing him Ovid is once again trying to win Germanicus' favour. But in view of his intimacy with Ovid (mentioned at Sen Cont II 2 12), Albinovanus seems a natural choice to receive one of Ovid's letters. Tuticanus, the recipient of the twelfth and fourteenth poems and author of a Phaeacid based on Homer (mentioned at xii 27 and again in the catalogue of poets at xvi 29), is known only through the Ex Ponto; the same is true of Carus, author of a poem on Hercules and, as already mentioned, tutor of the sons of Germanicus.

Vestalis, the recipient of the seventh poem, is in a class separate from the other recipients of Ovid's verse epistles. As primipilaris of the legion stationed in the vicinity, he would of course have been without influence at Rome, but as (apparently) the prefect of the region around Tomis, he presumably had some control over Ovid's circumstances.

The traitorous friend to whom the third poem is addressed was a real person, for Ovid is quite explicit when speaking of their past together and of the friend's perfidy towards him; the same cannot be said of the inuidus to whom is addressed the concluding poem of the book, a defence of Ovid's reputation as a poet.

Cotta Maximus, the younger son of Tibullus' patron Messalla, is prominently mentioned at xvi 41-44 as an unpublished poet of outstanding excellence. He is the recipient of six letters in the earlier books of the Ex Ponto. Syme finds it significant that there is[Pg 9] no poem in EP IV addressed to Cotta: 'Ovid ... was now concentrating his efforts elsewhere: Germanicus, the friends of Germanicus, Sextus Pompeius ... The tardy tribute may perhaps be interpreted as a veiled reproach' (HO 128). But arguments from silence are dangerous; and Ovid's mention of Cotta seems flattering enough.

It is perhaps safer to postulate a change in Ovid's feelings towards his wife. She is never mentioned in EP IV, although she had been the recipient of some eight earlier letters from exile (Tr I vi, III iii, IV iii, V ii, xi, xiv, EP I iv, III i; Tr V v was written in honour of her birthday). At EP III vii 11-12 Ovid indicates that his wife's efforts on his behalf had not matched his hopes:

The fact that Ovid chose not to address any verse epistle to his wife during his final years at Tomis may well reflect a cooling in his attitude towards her.

Differences between Ex Ponto IV and the earlier poetry from exile

The criticism most often made of Ovid's poems from exile is that they are repetitive and therefore monotonous. EP III ix 1-4 shows that the same criticism was made while Ovid was still alive:

Ovid does not attempt to deny the criticism, but explains that he wished to obtain the assistance of as many people as possible:

Ovid's explanation is reasonable enough, and is confirmed by the speed with which he composed the first three books of the Ex Ponto once he knew that it was safe to name people in his verse. The first three books of the Ex Ponto, like the Tristia, were written with the single objective of securing Ovid's recall, and this naturally caused a certain repetition of subject-matter.

By the time Ovid wrote the poems that would form the fourth book of the Ex Ponto, he had lived in Tomis for six or more years, and it must have been clear to him that his chances of recall were slight. The result of this is a diminished use of his personal situation as a theme for his verse. Often he introduces his plight in only one or two distichs of a poem, subordinating the topic to the poem's main theme. The result of this technique can be seen in such extended[Pg 11] passages as the descriptions of the investiture of the new consul (iv & ix), the address to Germanicus on the power of poetry (viii), or the catalogue of poets that concludes the book. In all of these passages Ovid's desire for recall is only a secondary theme.

The mixing of levels of diction

As well as variety of subject, the fourth book of the Ex Ponto shows a variation in style that is typical of Ovid's letters from exile. The poems use the metre and language of elegiac verse. But at the same time they are letters, and are strongly influenced by the structure and vocabulary of prose epistles. This influence is naturally more obvious at some points than at others; and even within a single poem there can be a surprising degree of variation in the different sections of the poem.

Some poems tend more to one extreme than the other. The eleventh poem, a letter of commiseration to Gallio on the death of his wife, is extensively indebted to the genre of the prose letter of consolation; this prose influence is evident in such passages as:

At the opposite extreme is the final poem of the book, a defence of Ovid's poetry; as this was a traditional poetic subject, the level of diction throughout the poem is extremely high, particularly in the catalogue of poets that forms the main body of the poem.[Pg 12]

An interesting result of the mixture of styles is the presence in the poems of exile of words and expressions which belong essentially to prose, being otherwise rarely or never found in verse. Some instances from Ex Ponto IV are ad summam (i 15), conuictor (iii 15), abunde (viii 37), ex toto (viii 72), di faciant (ix 3), secreto (ix 31), respectu (ix 100), quominus (xii 1), praefrigidus (xii 35), and tantummodo (xvi 49).

Both in subject and style the sixteen poems of Ex Ponto IV show a wide variety, worthy of the creator of the Metamorphoses. The following section examines the special characteristics of each of the poems.

The letters to Sextus Pompeius

Sextus Pompeius is the recipient of poems i, iv, v, and xv; only Cotta Maximus and Ovid's wife have more letters from exile addressed to them. It is clear from the opening of IV i that Pompeius had himself prohibited Ovid from addressing him; and Ovid is careful to present himself as a client rather than a friend; the tone is of almost abject humility, and he shows circumspection in his requests for assistance.

In the opening of the first poem, Ovid describes how difficult it had been to prevent himself from naming Pompeius in his verse; in the climactic ten lines he declares that he is entirely Pompeius' creation. Only in the transition between the topics does he refer[Pg 13] to future help from Pompeius, linking it with the assistance he is already providing:

The fourth poem is a description of how Fama came to Ovid and told him of Pompeius' election to the consulship; Ovid then pictures the joyous scene of the accession. At the end of the poem he indirectly asks for Pompeius' assistance, praying that at some point he may remember him in exile. The device of having Fama report Pompeius' accession to the consulship serves to emphasize the importance of the event and raise the tone of the poem. Ovid had earlier used Fama as the formal addressee of EP II i, which described his reaction to the news of Germanicus' triumph. In the fifth poem Ovid achieves a similar effect through the device of addressing the poem itself, giving it directions on where it will find Pompeius and what consular duties he might be performing [6]. Only in the concluding distich does Ovid direct the poem to ask for his assistance.

The fifteenth poem contains Ovid's most forceful appeal for Pompeius' assistance. It is interesting to observe the techniques[Pg 14] Ovid uses to avoid offending Pompeius. The first part of the poem is a metaphorical description of how Ovid is as much Pompeius' property as his many estates or his house in Rome. This leads to Ovid's request:

He then attempts to compensate for the boldness of his request. First he says that his appeal is unnecessary:

He ends the poem with a return to the topic of the benefits Pompeius has already rendered him.

The letter to Suillius addressing Germanicus

No poem in the fourth book of the Ex Ponto is addressed to a member of the imperial family, but the greater part of IV viii, nominally addressed to Suillius, is in fact directed to his patron[Pg 15] Germanicus. Suillius' family ties with Ovid and his influential position would have made it natural for Ovid to address him in the earlier books of the Ex Ponto or even in the Tristia; and it is clear from the opening of the poem that Suillius must have distanced himself from Ovid:

In the section that follows, Ovid asks for Suillius' assistance, rather strangely setting forth his own impeccable family background and moral purity; then he moves to the topic of Suillius' piety towards Germanicus, and in line 31 begins to address Germanicus with a direct request for his assistance. In the fifty-eight lines that follow he develops the argument that Germanicus should accept the verse Ovid offers him for two reasons: poetry grants immortality to the subjects it describes; and Germanicus is himself a poet. In this passage Ovid allows himself a very high level of diction; as the topic was congenial to him, the result is perhaps the finest extended passage of verse in the book [7].

Ovid ends his address to Germanicus by asking for his assistance; only in the final distich of the poem does he return to Suillius.[Pg 16]

The letters to Brutus and Graecinus

Only two of the ten addressees named by Ovid in EP IV were recipients of earlier letters from him. Brutus, to whom IV vi is addressed, was also the addressee of EP I i and III ix, while Graecinus, to whom IV ix is addressed, was the recipient of EP I vi and II vi.

There is some difference between Ovid's treatment of Brutus and Graecinus in EP IV and in the earlier poems. EP IV vi is highly personal, being mostly devoted to a lengthy description of Brutus' apparently conflicting but in fact complementary qualities of tenacity as a prosecuting advocate and of kindness towards those in need; no poem in the fourth book of the Ex Ponto is more completely concerned with the addressee as a person. In contrast, nothing is said of Brutus in EP I i, where he acts as the mere recipient of the plea that he protect Ovid's poems, or in III ix, where Brutus is the reporter of another's remarks on the monotony of Ovid's subject-matter. The address to Graecinus in IV ix, on the other hand, is much less personal than in I vi and II vi. The part of EP IV ix concerned with Graecinus describes his elevation to the consulship, and was clearly written (in some haste) to celebrate the event. The earlier poems are more concerned with Graecinus as an individual: in EP I vi Ovid describes at length Graecinus' kindliness of spirit and his closeness to his exiled friend, while in II vi Ovid admits the justice of the criticism Graecinus makes of the conduct which led to his exile, but thanks him for his support and asks for its continuance.[Pg 17]

The letters to Tuticanus

Of the two poems, xii is more personal and more concerned with poetry. The first eighteen lines are a witty demonstration of the impossibility of using Tuticanus' name in elegiac verse, while the twelve verses that follow recall their poetic apprenticeship together. In the final twelve lines, referring to Tuticanus' senatorial career, Ovid asks him to help his cause in any way possible.

Poem xiv is far less personal than the earlier epistle. The only mention of Tuticanus is at the poem's beginning:

The bulk of the poem is a defense against charges raised by some of the Tomitans that he has defamed them in his verse. Ovid answers that he was complaining about the physical conditions at Tomis, not the people, to whom he owes a great debt. It is characteristic of the fourth book of the Ex Ponto that Ovid complains less of his exile than in his earlier verse from exile; this poem furnishes the most explicit demonstration that the years spent in exile and the dwindling likelihood of recall has made Ovid reach an accommodation with his new conditions of life.

The topic of the poem clearly has no relation to Tuticanus; Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me Ovid's use of the same[Pg 18] technique in some of the Amores, such as I ix (Militat omnis amans), and II x, to Graecinus on loving two women at once, where there is no apparent connection between the addressee and the subject of the poem. Professor E. Fantham notes that the bulk of xiv could even have been written before Ovid chose Tuticanus as its addressee.

Other letters to poets

Three other poems in the book are addressed to poets. In all of them poetry itself is a primary subject.

The letter to Severus

The second poem in the book, addressed to the epic poet Severus, opens with a contrast of the situations of the two poets. The main body of the poem is concerned with the difficulty of composing under the conditions Ovid endures at Tomis, and the comfort that he even so derives from pursuing his old calling. The poem is well constructed and the language vivid. A particularly fine example of the use Ovid makes of differing levels of diction is found at 35-38:

The emotional height of the tricolon, where Ovid describes poetic inspiration, gives way to a comparatively prosaic distich where he explains that the conditions necessary for inspiration do not exist at Tomis.[Pg 19]

At the poem's conclusion Ovid reverts to Severus, asking that he send Ovid some recent piece of work.

The letter to Albinovanus Pedo

In the tenth poem of the book, poetry is not the main subject; instead, Ovid describes the hardships he endures at Tomis, and then describes at length the reasons the Black Sea freezes over. Towards the end of the letter, however, he explains why he is writing a poem to Albinovanus on this seemingly irrelevant topic [8]. The language recalls the poem to Severus:

In the poem's concluding lines he links his own situation with the Theseid Albinovanus is engaged on: just as Theseus was faithful, so Albinovanus should be faithful to Ovid.

The letter to Gallio

This letter is remarkable for its economy of structure, and indeed is so short as to seem rather perfunctory. Only twenty-two lines in[Pg 20] length, it is a letter of consolation addressed to Gallio on the death of his wife. In the first four lines Ovid apologizes for not having written to him earlier. Ovid's exile serves as a bridge to the main topic of the poem:

The remainder of the poem consists of the ingenious interweaving of various commonplaces of consolation. The poem is a good illustration of the secondary importance Ovid often gives his own misfortune in the fourth book of the Ex Ponto.

The letter to Carus

The thirteenth poem, like the second letter to Tuticanus, shows Ovid's acceptance of his life in Tomis. In it he tells Carus of the favourable reception given a poem he had written in Getic on the apotheosis of Augustus. The poem's opening is of interest as showing Ovid's consciousness of verbal wit as a special characteristic of his verse. He starts the poem with a play on the meaning of Carus' name, then tells him that the opening will by itself tell him who his correspondent is. In the lines that follow he discusses the individuality of his own style and that of Carus; this serves to introduce the subject of his Getic verse.[Pg 21]

The letter to Vestalis

The subordination of the topic of Ovid's exile to another subject can be clearly seen in the seventh poem of the book, addressed to Vestalis, primipilaris of a legion stationed in the area of Tomis. As in the letter to Gallio, mention of Ovid's personal misfortune is confined to one short passage near the start of the poem:

The descriptions that follow of wine freezing solid in the cold and of the Sarmatian herdsman driving his wagon across the frozen Danube are so picturesque that the reader's attention is drawn away from Ovid's personal situation. Ovid describes the poisoned arrows used in the region; then, in language recalling his letter to Gallio, expresses his regret that Vestalis has had personal experience of these weapons:

The remainder of the poem is a description of Vestalis' capture of Aegissos. The description is conventional and unfelt; Ovid seems merely to have assembled a few standard topics of military panegyric.[Pg 22]

The third poem

Poem iii, addressed to an unidentified friend who had proved faithless, is a well-crafted but not particularly original warning that Fortune is a changeable goddess, and his friend might well find find himself one day in Ovid's position. The familiar examples of Croesus, Pompey, and Marius are used; as the last and therefore most important example Ovid uses his own catastrophe. The device recalls the Ibis, where Ovid's final curse is to wish his enemy's exile to Tomis.

Poem xvi

The concluding poem of the book is a defence of Ovid's poetry. The poem's argument is that poets generally become famous only after their death, but that Ovid gained his reputation while still alive. The greater part of the poem is a catalogue of Ovid's contemporary poets, the argument being that even in such company he was illustrious.

As elsewhere he equates his exile with death; the defence of his poetry therefore includes only the poetry that he wrote before his exile.[Pg 23]

TEXTUAL INTRODUCTION

The Manuscripts

The manuscript authority for the text of the fourth book of the Ex Ponto is significantly poorer than for the earlier books because of the absence of A, Hamburgensis scrin. 52 F. This ninth-century manuscript has been recognized since the time of Heinsius as the most important witness for the text of the Ex Ponto; it breaks off, however, at III ii 67.

The manuscript authorities for the fourth book can be placed in three categories. The fragmentary G is from a different tradition than the other manuscripts. B and C are closely related, and offer the best witness to the main tradition. The other manuscripts I have collated are more greatly affected by contamination and interpolation; of them M and F show some independence, while no subclassification can be made of H, I, L, or T.

The fragmentum Guelferbytanum, Cod. Guelf. 13.11 Aug. 4°, generally dated to the fifth or sixth century, is the oldest manuscript witness to any of Ovid's poems. Part of the collection of the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel, it was discovered by Carl Schoenemann, who published his discovery in 1829; details of his monograph will be found in the bibliography. The two pieces of parchment are a palimpsest, having been reused in the eighth century[Pg 24] for a text of Augustine; later they were incorporated into a bookbinding. As a result of this treatment they are in extremely poor condition.

G contains all or part of ix 101-8, ix 127-33, xii 15-19, and xii 41-44. To make it perfectly clear when G is a witness to the text, I have not grouped it with other manuscripts, but have always specified it by name. If G is not mentioned in an apparatus entry, it is not extant for the text concerned.

G is written in uncial script, with no division between words but with indentation of the pentameters. Its one contribution to the establishment of the text is at ix 103, where it reads quamquam ... sit instead of the more usual quamquam ... est found in the other manuscripts. In general, the text offered by G is surprisingly poor. At ix 108 it reads fato for facto, at ix 130 it has the false and unmetrical spelling praeces, at ix 132 it has misscelite for misi caelite, at xii 17 it reads lati for dilati, and at xii 19 naia for nota. These errors demonstrate that the rest of the tradition does not descend from G.

Korn gives an accurate transcription of the fragment in the introduction to his edition; photographs of parts of the fragment can be found at Chatelain, Paléographie des classiques latins, tab. xcix, 2 and E. A. Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores, vol. IX, p. 40, no. 1377.[Pg 25]

B and C

Monacensis latinus 384 and Mon. lat. 19476, both dated by editors to the twelfth century, are descended from a common ancestor. This is easily demonstrated by the large number of shared errors not found in other manuscripts [9]. At iv 36 B and C have intendunt for the correct intendent, at viii 6 uolo for uoco, at viii 18 perueniemus for inueniemur (-ntur,-mus), at viii 44 illa for ulla, at viii 89 cara for care, at ix 44 fingit for finget, at ix 71 quod for cum (FILT) and ut (HM), at ix 92 praestat for perstat, at ix 97 et for ut, at xiii 5 certe est for certe, and at xiv 30 culpatus for culpatis. In some of these passages B's still visible original reading has been corrected by a later hand. In other passages it is clear from the signs of correction that B originally agreed with C in distinctive readings now preserved in C alone: subito for sed et (iii 27), erat for eras (vi 9), occidit for occidis (vi 11), suspicit for suscipit (ix 90), parent for darent (xvi 31).

B and C on the whole offer a better text than any other manuscript. At iii 44 B¹ and C omit the lost pentameter, where the other manuscripts offer interpolations. At iv 11 they alone give the probably correct solus for tristis, at xii 3 aut for ast, and at[Pg 26] xvi 31 tyrannis (conjectured by Heinsius) for tyranni. At v 40 C and B² alone have the correct mancipii ... tui for mancipium ... tuum.

Both manuscripts naturally have readings peculiar to themselves. B has about fifty unique readings. It places iii 11-12 after 13-14, omits v 37-40, and interchanges viii 49-50 and 51-52. At iv 34 B alone has erunt (for erit), conjectured by Heinsius; C omits the word. Similarly, at xi 21 B and F¹ have mihi, omitted by C; the other manuscripts have tibi. B has ab at i 9 for the other manuscripts' in; ab is possibly the true reading.

Under the influence of Ehwald, modern editors have wrongly taken some of B's other readings to be correct, placing aspicerem in the text for prospicerem at ix 23, ara for ora at ix 115, and illi for illum at ix 126. At ix 73 editors print B and T's quem, which is clearly an interpolation for the awkward transmitted reading qua.

C has more than one hundred readings peculiar to itself. Two of them I have accepted as correct: summo (for summum; H has mundum) at iii 32, and horas (that is, oras) at vii 1; the reading is also given by I. It is possible that C's correptior should be read at xii 13 for correptius. At xiv 38 C's sceptius is the manuscript reading closest to the correct Scepsius restored by Scaliger.

Most of C's errors are trivial, but at some points it departs widely from the usual text. It omits ix 47 and xiv 37, and interchanges the second hemistichs of iii 26 and 28; xvi 30 is inserted[Pg 27] by a later hand, perhaps in an erasure. At viii 43 it has in uita for officio, at xiii 12 contra uiam for nouimus, at xiv 36 in for loci, and at xv 31 colloquio for uerum quid.

C also contains a greater number of purely palaeographical errors than any other manuscript: hunc for nunc (i 25), humeris for numeris (ii 30), hec for nec (ix 30), lucos for sucos (x 19), hasto for horto (xv 7), ueiiuolique for ueliuolique (xvi 21), pretia for pr(o)elia (xvi 23).

B and C sporadically offer the third declension accusative plural ending -is (ix 4 fascis C, ix 7 partis C, ix 73 rudentis B, x 17 cantantis B, xii 30 albentis B). But more usually all manuscripts, including B and C, have the accusative in -es: compare for example ii 27 partes, iii 53 purgantes, ix 35 praesentes, and ix 42 fasces. The manuscripts show a similar variation in the earlier books of the Ex Ponto. The ninth-century Hamburg manuscript (A) sometimes offers accusatives in -is where the other manuscripts, even B and C, have -es (I iv 23 partis, I v 11 talis, I vi 39 ligantis, I vi 51 turris). At I ii 4, A has omnes, where C¹ has omnis, and in general even in A the accusative in -es is the predominant form. For example, A offers auris at II iv 13 and II ix 25, but aures at I ii 127, I ix 5, II v 33, and II ix 3. In view of the instability of the manuscript evidence [10], I have normalized the ending to -es in all cases,[Pg 28] considering the instances of -is to be scribal interpolations.

Similarly, I have used the form penna at iv 12 and vii 37, where C offers pinna. Penna is the form given in the ancient manuscripts of Virgil, and attested by Quintilian.

MFHILT

The other manuscripts I have collated belong to the vulgate class. They are not related to each other in the sense that B and C are related, nor does any of them possess independent authority as does G. Within the group firm lines of affiliation are hard to establish, and each of the manuscripts attests a handful of good readings that are found in few or none of the others, either by happy conjecture, or because a reading that was in circulation at the time as a variant chanced to get copied into a few surviving manuscripts. Professor R. J. Tarrant has noted that the presence of the Ex Ponto in north-central France 'can be traced from the eleventh century onwards, first from echoes in Hildebert of Lavardin and Baudri de Bourgeuil, later from the extracts in the Florilegium Gallicum, and finally from the complete texts [which include our H and F] ... that emanate from this region toward the end of the twelfth century' (Texts and Transmission 263); the vulgate manuscripts seem to have been propagated from the text current in the region of Orléans.

M and F show some originality. Their readings at xvi 33 differ somewhat from the version of that passage in HILT. F¹'s interpolation for the missing pentameter at iii 44 differs from that of MHILT, while[Pg 29] M has an interpolated distich following x 6 that is not otherwise attested.

Of the other manuscripts, I agrees with C in reading horas (=oras) for undas at vii 1, while T is the only manuscript collated to have the correct laeuus at ix 119 in the original hand (F² gives it as a variant reading). Similarly, H and L each have a few peculiar variants.

As a group MFHILT offer a good picture of the readings current in the later mediaeval period, and only rarely have I been obliged to cite a vulgate manuscript from the editions of Heinsius, Burman, or Lenz as testimony for a variant.

Heinsius did not have knowledge of B or C, and seems to have considered his codex Moreti (preserved at the Museum Plantin-Moretus in Antwerp as 'Latin, n° 68 [anc. 43] [salle des reliures, n° 32]' in Denucé's catalogue of the museum's collection) to be the best of the poor selection of manuscripts available; at xvi 33, understandably despairing of restoring the true reading, he accepted M's reading pending the discovery of better manuscripts.

M was dated by Heinsius to the twelfth or thirteenth century; Denucé assigns it to the twelfth century.

At viii 85 M alone has the correct ullo for the other manuscripts' illo; this could naturally have been recovered by conjecture. At x 1 it has cumerio, the closest reading in the manuscripts collated to the[Pg 30] correct Cimmerio; but Professor R. J. Tarrant informs me that Cimmerio is also found in British Library Harley 2607.

M has suffered from a certain degree of interpolation. Following x 6 there is the spurious distich set cum nostra malis uexentur corpora multis / aspera non possum perpetiendo mori. At ii 9 Falerno is a deliberate alteration of Falerna. At x 49 Niphates is an interpolation from Lucan III 245. At xiii 47 duorum (also given as a variant reading by F²) looks like an attempt to correct the cryptic transmitted reading deorum, and at xv 15 tellus regnata is presumably a metrical correction following the loss of -que from regnataque terra, the reading of the other manuscripts. At xvi 25 eticiusque looks to be a deliberate alteration of Trinacriusque, but I am not sure what the interpolation means.

Francofurtanus Barth 110, used by Burman, shows some signs of independence. At iii 44, where a pentameter has been lost, B and C omit the line, while the other manuscripts, including M, have the interpolation indigus effectus omnibus ipse magis; F has the separate interpolation Achillas Pharius abstulit ense caput, also found in Heinsius' fragmentum Louaniense. F omits viii 51-54, at xi 1 reads Pollio for Gallio, and at xvi 33 has a reading somewhat different from those offered by the other manuscripts.

F alone of the manuscripts collated offers the correct audisse (for audire) at x 17. At xi 21 it and B alone have the correct mihi[Pg 31] for tibi (omitted by C). At xiv 7 it has the probably correct muter for mittar, also found in Bodleianus Canon. lat. 1 and Barberinus lat. 26, both of the thirteenth century. With the exception of muter, these readings could have been recovered by conjecture; given the separative interpolation at iii 44, F differs surprisingly little from the other manuscripts.

The thirteenth-century Holkhamicus 322, now British Library add. 49368, contains (with I) the correct hanc at i 16, the other manuscripts having ha, ah (B), or a (C). At xvi 30, where I have printed leuis, the reading of most manuscripts, H has leui, the conjecture of Heinsius; Professor R. J. Tarrant informs me that the same reading is found in Othob. lat. 1469. At iv 45 H's qua libet is the manuscript reading closest to Heinsius' correct quamlibet; most manuscripts have quod licet.

Most other variants in H are trivial errors, although there seems to have been deliberate scribal alteration at x 18 (sucus amarus erat for lotos amara fuit), xiv 38 (Celsius for the usual Septius; Scaliger restored Scepsius), xvi 3 (ueniet for uenit et; presumably the intermediate step was uenit), and perhaps at xiv 31 (miserabilis for uitabilis).[Pg 32]

The thirteenth-century Laurentianus 36 32, Lenz's and André's m, has the correct perstas at x 83 for praestas; its reading is also found in P and as a variant of F². At vii 1 it shares with C the reading horas (=oras), which I have printed in preference to the usual undas.

At viii 15 I has the hypercorrect nil for nihil, and at xiii 26 ethereos ... deos for aetherias ... domos, but in general has few signs of deliberate alteration.

Lipsiensis bibl. ciu. Rep. I 2° 7, of the thirteenth century, has haec at ix 103 for the other manuscripts' et. Haec restores sense to the passage, and was the preferred reading of Heinsius; I consider it a scribal conjecture, now rendered obsolete by Professor R. J. Tarrant's more elegant quae. L's text has clearly been tampered with at xiv 41 (populum ... uertit in iram for populi ... concitat iram), but in general seems to have suffered little from interpolation. It is, however, of little independent value as a witness to the text.

Turonensis 879, written around the year 1200, was first fully collated by André for his edition; Lenz had earlier reported its readings for IV xvi and part of I i. At ix 119 only T and F² of the manuscripts collated have the correct laeuus, although other[Pg 33] manuscripts come close, and the reading could have been recovered by conjecture. At xv 40 T reads transierit saeuos for transit nostra feros; clearly nostra was at some point lost from the text, and metre forcibly restored.

I have also collated the thirteenth-century Parisinus lat. 7993, Heinsius' codex Regius. At ix 46 P offers the correct cernet for credet; cernet is also the reading of M after correction by a later hand and of the thirteenth-century Gothanus membr. II 121. At vi 7 P alone of collated manuscripts agrees with C in reading praestat for the correct perstat. P agrees with L in reading niuibus for the other manuscripts' nubibus at v 5, adeptum for ademptum at vi 49, signare for signate at xv 11, and in the orthography puplicus for publicus at ix 48, ix 102, xiii 5, and xiv 16. The manuscript has many corruptions: a few examples are i 30 igne for imbre, ii 18 supremo for suppresso, iv 6 pace for parte, vi 34 uirtus for uirus, vii 15 piacula for pericula, ix 42 praeterea for praetextam, x 63 in harena for marina, xiv 39 conuiuia for conuicia, and xvi 24 sacri for scripti. However, P has no unique variants with any probability of correctness. To have given a full report of P would have involved a considerable expansion of an already long apparatus, and I have cited the manuscript only occasionally, where a reading is only weakly attested by the other manuscripts.[Pg 34]

Titles

MF and B²H²I²T² usually supply titles for the poems. As will be seen from the apparatus, there is considerable variation among the titles, and there is no reason to suppose that they form an authentic part of the transmitted text.

The manuscript authority for the text of Ex Ponto IV

By and large the manuscripts of the fourth book of the Ex Ponto offer a remarkably uniform text of the poems, and one which, considering the late date of the manuscripts, is in surprisingly good condition. I believe that all the manuscripts, with the exception of G, are descended from a single archetype. B and C are the best witnesses to the text of the archetype, although the other, more heavily contaminated and interpolated manuscripts are indispensable, since they correct the peculiar errors of B and C.

The present edition

The apparatus of this edition is intended to be a full report of BCMFHILT and of the fragmentary G; some reports are also given of P. It includes corrections by original and by later hands.

When no manuscripts are specified for the lemma in an entry, the lemma is the reading for those manuscripts not otherwise specified. For instance, the entry

indicates that deductum carmen is the reading of BCFHILT, while carmen deductum is the reading of M.

I have from time to time cited from earlier editions readings of manuscripts which I have not collated. To make it clear that I have not personally verified these readings, I have added in parentheses after the citation the name of the editor whose report I am using. Professor R. J. Tarrant has inspected some nine manuscripts to see what readings they offered in some particularly vexed portions of the poems; I have similarly indicated when I am obliged to him for information on a manuscript.

The excerpta Scaligeri mentioned at xiii 27 I know of through Heinsius' notes as printed in Burman's edition; according to M. D. Reeve (RhM CXVII [1974] 163), the original excerpts are still extant in Diez 8° 2560, a copy of the editio Gryphiana of 1546. Reeve also gives identifications of certain of Heinsius' manuscripts; when citing Heinsius' codices, I give the modern name when the manuscript has been identified and is still extant.

The greater number of the manuscripts dealt with have been corrected, some heavily. In my apparatus B¹ means "the original hand in B" and B² means "a correcting hand in B". B^2ul indicates that the reading of B² is clearly marked as a variant reading. B^2gl indicates that the entry is marked in the manuscript as a gloss; B^2(gl) indicates a gloss not marked as such. I have reported glosses where they contribute to the understanding of a textual problem.[Pg 36]

If different correctors have been at work in different passages, both are called B². If a later hand has made a correction after B², the later hand is called B³. When I place B¹ in an entry but do not report B², it can be assumed that B² has the lemma as its reading.

Sometimes a corrector has altered the original text so much (without however erasing it entirely) that only the altered reading can be made out. In such cases I have used the siglum B^2c. Where a corrector has inserted or altered only certain letters of a word, I have indicated this in the HTML version of this edition by underlining the letters involved. In the Text version, these letters are capitalized.

Where the correction is apparently by the original scribe, B^ac indicates the original reading, and B^pc the correction.

The asterisk is used to indicate illegible letters, and the solidus (/) erasures.

When reporting variants, I have tried to indicate the spellings actually found in the manuscripts, but since mediaeval spellings do not in themselves constitute variant readings, they have not usually been reported when the text is not otherwise disturbed. I have been more generous with proper names, but have often excluded confusions of ae, oe, and e, of i and y, of ph and f, of c and t, the doubling of consonants, and the loss or addition of the aspirate.

The apparatus is intended to include a comprehensive listing of all conjectures proposed. When the author of a conjecture is not a previous editor of the poems, I have given a reference either to the publication where the emendation was first proposed, or to the earliest[Pg 37] edition I have consulted which reports the emendation. Conjectures of Bentley are from Hedicke's Studia Bentleiana. Conjectures of Professor R. J. Tarrant, Professor J. N. Grant, and Professor C. P. Jones were communicated to me by their authors.

Printed editions

The first editions of the works of Ovid were printed in 1471 by Balthesar Azoguidus at Bologna and by Conradus Sweynheym and Arnoldus Pannartz at Rome. The Bologna edition was edited by Franc. Puteolanus, and the Rome edition by J. Andreas de Buxis. Lenz's edition gives numerous readings from both editions; to judge from his reports, their texts of the Ex Ponto were derived from late manuscripts of no great value. The Roman edition, however, contained the elegant correction of iactate to laxate at ix 73.

For my knowledge of other early editions of the Ex Ponto I have relied upon Burman's large variorum edition of the complete works of Ovid, published at Amsterdam in 1727. The edition contains notes of various editors of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, among them Merula, Naugerius, Ciofanus, Fabricius, and Micyllus. Although I have occasionally quoted from these notes, they are in general of surprisingly little use, containing for the most part unlikely variant readings from unnamed manuscripts and explanations of passages not really in need of elucidation.

The principal event in the history of the editing of the Ex Ponto was the appearance at Amsterdam in 1652 of Nicolaus Heinsius'[Pg 38] edition of Ovid. Heinsius took full advantage of the opportunity his travels as a diplomat gave him of searching out manuscripts, thereby gaining a direct knowledge of the manuscripts of the poems which has never since been equalled [11]. Heinsius also possessed an unrivalled felicity in conjectural emendation. Some of his conjectures are unnecessary alterations of a text that was in fact sound, some of his necessary conjectures are trivial, and are already found in late manuscripts of the poems or could have been made by critics of less outstanding capacities; but many are alterations which are subtle and yet necessary to restore sense or Latinity. The present edition returns to the text many conjectures and preferred readings of Heinsius that were ejected by editors of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

The edition of Heinsius formed the basis of all editions published during the two centuries that followed. Of these editions the most important was the 1727 variorum edition of Burman already referred to. It is from the copy of that edition at the University of Toronto Library that I have obtained my knowledge of Heinsius' notes. Burman was apparently the first editor to make use of F. On occasion he differs from Heinsius in his choice of readings. At xvi 44 he made the convincing conjecture Maxime (codd maxima),[Pg 39] subsequently confirmed by B and C. His notes are informative; and my note on x 37-38 in particular is greatly indebted to him.

For poem x Burman reproduced some notes from an anthology of Latin verse for use at Eton, produced by an anonymous editor in 1705 [12].

In 1772 Theophilus Harles published at Erlangen his edition of the Tristia and Ex Ponto 'ex recensione Petri Burmanni'. Harles was the first editor to make use of B. In the introduction to his edition Harles relates how he wrote von Oeffele, librarian to the Elector of Bavaria, asking if there was any manuscript in the Elector's library that might be helpful in preparing his edition, and thereby learned of the existence of B. It is clear from Harles' introduction that he fully appreciated the manuscript's importance; and in his notes he gives many of its readings, pointing out where it confirmed suggestions of Heinsius and Burman. However, his text is simply reprinted from Burman's variorum edition.

W. E. Weber's text of Ex Ponto IV in his 1833 Corpus Poetarum Latinorum is in effect a reprint of the Heinsius-Burman vulgate, except that at viii 59 he prints the manuscripts' incorrect accusative form Gigantes (Heinsius Gigantas). But this fidelity to the vulgate text seems not to have been the editor's intention: in his introduction he speaks of 'Heinsianae emendationes felices saepe,[Pg 40] superuacuae saepius ... quarum emendationum partem Mitscherlichius eiecit [Göttingen, 1796; I have not seen the edition], maiorem eiicere Iahnius coepit [Leipzig, 1828: the part of the edition containing the Ex Ponto was never published]. dicendum tamen, etiamnunc passim haud paucas fortasse latere Heinsii et aliorum correctiones minus necessarias in uerbis Ouidianis, quas accuratior codicum inter se comparatio, opus sane immensi laboris, extrudet'. It would be understandable enough if Weber, faced with the labour of editing the entire corpus of Latin poetry, found himself unable to effect a radical revision of the text of the Ex Ponto.

In 1853 there appeared at Leipzig the third volume of Rudolf Merkel's first Teubner edition of the works of Ovid, containing his text of the Ex Ponto. The part of Merkel's introduction dealing with the Ex Ponto is entirely concerned with describing the appearance, orthography, and readings of the ninth-century Hamburgensis scrin. 52 F. The manuscript ends, however, at III ii 67, and Merkel says nothing of the basis for his text of the later poems, which in general is the Heinsius-Burman vulgate.

In 1868 B. G. Teubner published at Leipzig Otto Korn's separate edition of the Ex Ponto. Korn's apparatus is the first to have a modern appearance; but this appearance is deceptive, for of the twenty sigla Korn uses, ten are for individual or several manuscripts collated by Heinsius, and only five are for manuscripts collated by Korn himself. The edition is important, since Korn was the first editor[Pg 41] to make substantial use of B in constituting his text. Usually he printed the text of B in preference to the vulgate: 'Ceterum eas partes in quibus A caremus, β [=B] libri uestigia secutus restitui, prorsus neglectis recentiorum exemplarium elegantiis, quorum ad normam N. Heinsius, cuius in tertio quartoque libro R. Merkelius assecla est, textum conformauit' (xv).

There was some reason to review critically the vulgate established by Heinsius and Burman. Even Heinsius was capable of error; examples of this in Ex Ponto IV include his preference for the inelegant idem for ille at iii 17, for the impossible ullo instead of the better attested nullo at v 15, and for the obvious interpolation domitam ... ab Hercule at xvi 19 instead of domito ... ab Hectore. His most pervasive fault is a partiality for elegant but unnecessary emendation: often he is guilty of rewriting passages which are in themselves perfectly sound. A typical instance is vii 30: Heinsius' globos is elegant enough, but there is no reason to suspect the transmitted uiros.

Some of the readings proposed or preferred by Heinsius had been unnecessary or wrong, but many had been necessary to make sense of the text; and Korn is often guilty of damaging the text by excluding readings not found in B. The supreme example of this is his restoration of the manuscripts' reading iactate for laxate at ix 73.

Korn used the collation of B by Harles, which had errors and omissions (in his preface Harles had warned that his report might[Pg 42] contain errors [13]), so that at i 9 Korn prints in istis and at x 83 perstas, without noting in his apparatus that B's false readings were ab istis and praestas respectively. He was aware that at xi 21 B read mihi, but printed tibi nonetheless, although Burman had already explained why mihi was the correct reading.

A curious feature of Korn's edition is its dual apparatus: below the report of manuscript variants is a listing of passages where his text differs from those of Heinsius and Merkel: 'Lectiones discrepantes editionum Heinsii et Merkelii adposui, ut et quantopere Ouidius Heinsianus a genuina forma discrepet dilucide perspiciatur, et quibus locis a Merkelio discesserim facilius adpareat' (xxxii). Korn ejects such obviously correct readings as leuastis at vi 44 and laxate at ix 73; in each instance the true reading is printed in large type at the bottom of the page. In addition, Korn rather unfairly included as different readings what were in fact only spellings which did not conform to the purified orthography then coming into use. Cymba does not differ from cumba (viii 28), nor is Danubium a variant for Danuuium (ix 80), nor again is Vlysses different from Vlixes (x 9). Finally, the second apparatus at several points misrepresents what Heinsius actually thought.[Pg 43]

Korn's confusion on this point is understandable, since determining Heinsius' textual preferences is often more difficult than it might at first appear. Editions were published under his name which did not incorporate all his preferred readings [14]; even the lemmas to his notes are taken from the edition of Daniel Heinsius, and are not a guide to Heinsius' own view of the text, which can only be discovered by reading the actual notes [15]. A good example of this can be found at x 47. Here Heinsius' text reproduces the standard reading Cratesque. The lemma in his note is Oratesque, the reading of Daniel Heinsius' edition. In the note itself Heinsius indicates his preference for the conjecture Calesque, communicated to him by his friend Isaac Vossius. Here Korn, along with all modern editors, prints Calesque in his text; he reports Cratesque as Heinsius' reading.

Korn made one important conjecture in Ex Ponto IV, printing decretis at ix 44 for the manuscripts' secretis.[Pg 44]

For the third volume of his complete edition of Ovid, published at Leipzig in 1874, Alexander Riese drew on Korn's edition, but was less radical in following the readings of B: 'nec eclecticam quam dicunt N. Heinsii nec libri optimi rigide tenacem O. Kornii rationem ingressus mediam uiam tenere studui' (vii). Riese restores Heinsius' preferred reading in only about a quarter of the places where it was deserted by Korn; even so, no editor since has shown such independence in the selection of readings.

In 1881 there appeared at London a text of Ex Ponto IV with accompanying commentary by W. H. Williams. The text, which Williams says is drawn from the "Oxford variorum edition of 1825", seems in general to be a reprint of the Heinsius-Burman vulgate with some readings drawn from Merkel's first edition. In spite of occasional conjectures and notes on variant readings, based on information drawn from Burman and Merkel, Williams is not generally concerned with the constitution of the text: his note on x 68 curasque fefelli is 'so Tennyson in the "In Memoriam'". The commentary, which is about eighty pages long, consists largely of discussions of the cognates of various Latin words in other Indo-European languages, 'though the limits of the work preclude more than the data from which a competent teacher can deduce the principles of comparative philology'. A typical note is that on i 11 scribere: 'from [root] skrabh = to dig, whence scrob-s and scrofa = 'the grubber,' i.e. the pig; Grk. γράφω by loss of sibilant[Pg 45] and softening'. The edition has been only occasionally useful in editing the poems or writing the commentary.

In 1884 Merkel published his second edition of the poems of exile. In his previous edition he had in general followed Heinsius and Burman in the fourth book; in the new edition, without specifically saying so (although in his introduction he mentions the "codex Monacensis uetustior"), he generally alters his text so as to conform with B's readings. He does not always desert his former text, rightly retaining hanc at i 16, quamlibet at iv 45, and tempus curasque at x 67; he also keeps lux at vi 9 and domitam ... ab Hercule at xvi 19.

In his 1874 monograph De codicibus duobus carminum Ouidianarum ex Ponto datorum Monacensibus Korn had made known the existence of C. S. G. Owen's first edition of the Ex Ponto, printed in Postgate's Corpus Poetarum Latinorum in 1894, was the first edition to report this manuscript as well as B. His text is unduly partial to the readings of B and C, and his well-organized apparatus is so abbreviated as to be deceptive. It cannot be relied upon even for reports of B and C. At ix 73 it gives no hint that for four centuries editors had read laxate; many of Heinsius' preferred readings are similarly consigned to oblivion. At vi 5-6 he reports Housman's ingenious repunctuation, presumably communicated to him by its author.

In 1896 Rudolf Ehwald published his monograph Kritische Beiträge zu Ovids Epistulae ex Ponto. I am often indebted to Ehwald for references he has collected; my notes on i 15 ad summam and xiii 48[Pg 46] quos laus formandos est tibi magna datos could not have been written without the assistance of his monograph. This said, the fact remains that Ehwald's judgment and linguistic intuition were exceptionally poor. He had not relied on Korn's apparatus for his knowledge of B, but had collated it himself; and the intent of his monograph was to establish B's authority as paramount. A typical example can be seen at ix 71. Here FILT offer cum ... uacabit and MH have ut ... uacabit, while the reading of B and C is quod uacabit. In one of the examples Ehwald adduces, Fast II 18, uacat is found in only a few manuscripts, and it can easily be seen how it arose from uacas; all the other examples are instances of quod superest or quod reliquum est. The cumulative effect of these examples is to demonstrate that quod ... uacabit is not a possible reading. This insensitivity to the precise meaning of the passages he discusses is usual with Ehwald, and his book, although useful, is an extremely unsafe guide to the textual criticism of the poems. It has unfortunately exercised a decisive influence on all succeeding editions.

The first of these editions was Owen's 1915 Oxford Classical Text of the poems of exile. In the preface Owen acknowledges the influence of Ehwald: "adiumento primario erat R. Ehwaldi, doctrinae Ouidianae iudicis peritissimi, uere aureus libellus ... in quo excussis perpensisque codicibus poetaeque locutione ad perpendiculum exacta rectam Ponticarum edendarum normam uir doctus stabilire instituit' (viii). In most instances Owen follows Ehwald's recommendations,[Pg 47] altering in to ab at i 9, prospicerem to aspicerem at ix 23, and at ix 44 abandoning Korn's decretis for the manuscripts' secretis.

Owen's reliance on Ehwald was noticed by Housman (903-4) in his short and accurate review of Owen's edition: 'In the ex Ponto Mr Owen had displayed less originality [than in his 1889 and 1894 editions of the Tristia] and consequently has less to repent of. Most of the changes in this edition are made in pursuance of orders issued by R. Ehwald in his Kritische Beiträge of 1896; but let it be counted to Mr Owen for righteousness that at III.7.37 and IV.15.42 he has refused to execute the sanguinary mandates of his superior officer'.

As in Owen's earlier edition, the apparatus is so short as to be misleading. His choice of manuscripts is too small, and exaggerates the importance of B and C; even of these two manuscripts his report is inadequate. At ix 73 he rightly prints laxate; the apparatus gives no indication that this is a conjecture, and that all manuscripts, including B and C, read iactate, which he had printed in 1894. At xi 21, where B gives mihi, indicated by Burman as the correct reading, Owen prints tibi and does not mention the variant in the apparatus. The situation is naturally worse with readings of manuscripts other than B and C, and with conjectures. In general, Owen's apparatus can be trusted neither as a report even of the principal readings of the few manuscripts he used, or as a register of critics' views of the constitution of the text.[Pg 48]

In the same year as Owen's second text there appeared at Budapest Geza Némethy's commentary on the Ex Ponto, of which twenty-six pages are devoted to the fourth book. The notes are too sparse and elementary to form an adequate commentary, consisting largely of simple glosses. They are a useful supplement to a plain text of the poems, however, and Némethy sometimes notices points missed by others: he correctly glosses Augusti as "Tiberii imperatoris" at ix 70. The notes are based on Merkel's second edition; Némethy lists in a preface his few departures from Merkel's text.

In 1922 Friedrich Levy published his first edition of the Ex Ponto as part of a new Teubner edition of the works of Ovid. The apparatus was a reduced version of that prepared by Ehwald, 'Qui ut totus prelis subiceretur ... propter saeculi angustias fieri non potuit'. Levy's text is virtually identical to Owen's, but the apparatus is more complete. It contains a full report of B and C, and also of the thirteenth-century Gothanus memb. II 121. This last manuscript has the correct cernet at ix 46, where most manuscripts read credet; but otherwise its readings are of very poor quality, consisting of simple misreadings (i 24 magnificas for munificas, vii 30 uento for uenit, viii 37 habendus for abunde), simplified word order (vi 25 tuas lacrimas pariter for tuas pariter lacrimas, xvi 39 et iuuenes essent for essent et iuuenes), and intrusive glosses (viii 61 captiuis for superatis, xvi 47 me laedere for proscindere). The manuscript does not deserve the important place it has in the editions of Levy, Luck,[Pg 49] and André [16]; Ehwald presumably included it in his apparatus because of its easy accessibility to him at Gotha, where he lived. No other manuscripts are regularly reported, so Levy's apparatus gives a false impression of the evidence for the text, although he often reports isolated readings from the manuscripts of Heinsius.

Levy omitted conjectures 'quatenus falsae uel superuacuae uidebantur'; the result is that Korn's elegant decretis does not appear even in the apparatus at ix 44, and the same fate befalls Scaliger's coactus at xiii 27.

In 1924 the Loeb Classical Library published A. L. Wheeler's text and translation of the Tristia and Ex Ponto. His text is based on Merkel's second edition, on Ehwald's Beiträge, and on Owen's Oxford Classical Text. In several places he rightly abandons B's reading, printing hanc for ah at i 16 and perstas for praestas at x 83; at iv 45 he was clearly tempted to print Heinsius' quamlibet. His judgment is good, and if Ehwald and Owen had supplied him with more information on other manuscripts and on the Heinsius-Burman vulgate, his text might well have superseded all previous editions. His translation is accurate, and in corrupt passages indicates the awkwardness of the original; I have often quoted from it.

In 1938 there appeared the elaborate Paravia edition of F. W. Levy, who in the period following his earlier edition had altered his[Pg 50] name to F. W. Lenz. The text is virtually unchanged from his edition of 1922, but has a much larger apparatus, which includes a large number of conjectures omitted from the earlier edition; I am indebted to Lenz for many of the conjectures I report, particularly at xvi 33. The large size of the apparatus is, however, deceptive; most of the manuscripts he knew of only from the reports of Heinsius, Korn and Owen, and the reports are therefore incomplete: the only manuscripts reliably reported are B and C. Since Lenz does not usually give the lemma for the variants reported, it is difficult to tell which manuscripts offer the reading in the text. Much space is wasted by reports of the readings of several heavily interpolated mediaeval florilegia; more is wasted by an undue attention to mediaeval spellings and attempts to reproduce abbreviations and to show the precise appearance of secondary corrections. These factors combine to render the apparatus virtually unreadable.

In 1963 Georg Luck published the Artemis edition of the Tristia and Ex Ponto, with a German translation by Wilhelm Willige. Luck shows some independence from Lenz, at i 16 printing hanc for ah, at iii 27 sed et for subito, at viii 71 mauis for maius, at viii 86 distet for distat, at ix 73 laxate for iactate, at xii 13 producatur for ut dicatur, and at xiv 7 muter for mittar, each time rightly. He suggests a new conjecture for the incurable xvi 33, and a new and possibly correct punctuation of xii 19. The apparatus is misleading, consisting of isolated readings from B and C and a small number of readings from[Pg 51] other manuscripts. No indication is given that hanc at i 16 or pars at i 35 are found only in a few manuscripts, and not in B or C. Luck criticizes modern editors for ignoring the discoveries of their predecessors, and rightly prints Heinsius' Gigantas (codd -es) at viii 59. However, he shows no direct knowledge of Heinsius' notes or of the Burman vulgate, making no mention of such readings as Gete for Getae at iii 52, leuastis for leuatis at vi 44, or fouet for mouet at xi 20. The oldest edition named in his apparatus is that of Riese.

In 1977 F. Della Corte published an Italian translation of the Ex Ponto with an accompanying commentary, of which fifty-eight pages are devoted to the fourth book. Most of the commentary consists of extended paraphrase of the poems; I have found it of little assistance.

The most recent text of the Ex Ponto is the 1977 Budé edition of Jacques André. His text is essentially that of Lenz, although at ix 23 he rightly prints prospicerem instead of B's aspicerem. There are a significant number of misprints in the text, apparatus, and notes, and other signs of carelessness as well.

André makes full reports of only four manuscripts in his apparatus, B, C, T, and Gothanus membr. II 121[17]. This is an inadequate sampling. B and C form a distinct group, and the Gotha manuscript is[Pg 52] too corrupt to merit a central part in an apparatus. The result is that T is the sole good representative of the vulgate class of manuscripts that is regularly cited.

For knowledge of many of his secondary manuscripts, André seems to have depended on the edition of Lenz. Since much of Lenz's information was drawn from Heinsius and other earlier editors, this means that André is often giving unverified information from collations made more than three centuries previously. He did not realize that the Antwerp manuscript he collated (our M) was Heinsius' codex Moreti, whose readings Lenz sometimes reports; the result is that he reports the same manuscript twice, under the sigla M and N.

At ix 127 he cites the sixth-century Wolfenbüttel fragment in support of the unassimilated spelling adscite (the assimilated form ascite is supported by the inscriptions and by the ancient manuscripts of Virgil). In fact, the word is not found in the fragment, which preserves only the first three letters of the line.

Finally, André shows insufficient knowledge of the Heinsius-Burman vulgate; this is evident not only from the text but from the introduction, where he prefaces his list of principal editions by saying 'Nous ne mentionnerons que les editions fondées sur des principes scientifiques, dont la première est celle de R. Merkel, Berlin, 1854' (the edition was published at Leipzig in 1853).

In spite of what I have said against it, André's edition has considerable merit. His apparatus is the first to supply a lemma[Pg 53] for each variant reading reported, and is clear and easy to read. His selection of manuscripts is inadequate, but at least he makes a full report of the four manuscripts he uses. The apparatus is in every way a great improvement on that of Lenz. At the same time, he provides a clear prose translation, an informative introduction, ample footnotes, and thirteen pages of "notes complémentaires". His notes sometimes come close to forming a true commentary, and I often quote from them.

In preparing this edition of the fourth book of the Ex Ponto, I have carefully read all the editions discussed above, and have attempted to include a comprehensive list of conjectures in the apparatus. I have read Burman's variorum edition with particular attention, and have often restored readings favoured by Heinsius to the text. A complete examination of the manuscripts must await a full edition of all four books of the Ex Ponto; but on the basis of published editions I have selected the nine manuscripts that appeared most likely to assist in establishing the text, and have included full reports of their readings in the critical apparatus. I believe that even this preliminary apparatus gives a clearer picture of the evidence for the text of Ex Ponto IV than any previous edition.[Pg 54]

P. OVIDI NASONIS

EPISTVLARM EX PONTO LIBER QVARTVS

CONSPECTVS SIGLORVM

G

Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel: Cod. Guelf. 13.11 Aug. 4°
(fragmentum Guelferbytanum)
saec v/vi

continet ix 101-8 et 127-33, xii 15-19 et 41-44. uersus saepe non integri.

B

Monacensis lat. 384
saec xii

C

Monacensis lat. 19476
saec xii

M

Antuerpiensis Musei Plantiniani Denucé 68
saec xii/xiii
codex Moreti Heinsianus

F

Francofortanus Barth 110
saec xiii

H

Holkhamicus 322, nunc British Library add. 49368
saec xiii

I

Laurentianus 36 32
saec xiii
primus Mediceus Heinsii

L

Lipsiensis bibl. ciu. Rep. I 2° 7
saec xiii

T

Turonensis 879
saec xii/xiii

incipit liber quartus B² incipit quartus sexto pompeio M liber ·iiii· sexto pompeio F incipit ·iiii· sexto pompeio H^2(?) ad pompeium lib ·iiii· I² hanc epistulam mittit sexto pompeio L || 1 deductum carmen] carmen deductum M || qui] cui Williams || seu] si ILF^2ul || 4 accedet] accedat M || summa] summe C || 5 trahis] trahes Owen (1894) || uultus om C || equidem] equid e B || 7 quin esset] esset quin H || 9-10 add F² in marg || 9 o] di B dii I || in] ab B || istis] illis F || 10 quod] quid F² || 11 alii] aliis L aliis M^2c || uellem cum scribere] cum uellem scribere B uellem conscribere F¹ uellem describere P[Pg 57]

13 mendis] mensis C || 14 manu est] manu T || 15 summam] summum LT finem F^2(gl) || ipse FTP ille BCMHIL || 16 hanc HI ha MFLT ah B a C hunc J. N. Grant || meruisse] merunisse M^ac || 18 non] nec L || 19 quid pro nec H, incertum || fastidita] fastidia F¹ || 20 putes] putas L puta I puto B^ac, ut uid || 21 et] sed fort legendum || leuis] lenis L || haec meritis] e meritis F¹T emeritis HM² || 23 numquam] non quam M || 24 mihi om C || negauit] negabit C || 25 nunc] hunc C || quoque] quisque C || nil] non M^pcF¹ nunc P || 26 feretque Heinsius refertque MFHILTB² referta C refert B¹[Pg 58]

27 unde] un* B¹ || futuri] futura ITF² || 28 quisque ex quique C, ut uid || 29 ut] et T || est] et I^ac || 30 aequoreo] equoreas T^ac || 31 arcis] artis LP || ut Actaeae] et actee T ut athee L uta^aceae C, ut uid || eburna] uberna C || aerea fragmentum Louaniense Heinsii (Korn, Lenz), codex Iunianus Heinsii (Korn); uide Haupt Opuscula 584 aurea Heinsius enea (=aenea) BMFHILT, contra metrum anea C || 32 Phidiaca] phasadica C || facta] ficta Heinsius || 33 Calamis BCI^acL calais MFI^pcTP cala bis H, ut uid || laudem] laudes B² || quos] quas B^ac que I^ac, ut uid || sum] pars excerpta Politiani res M^2(gl?) || non] pars F om P || ultima] ultimȩ (=ultimae) C || 36 tuae] teuȩ (=teuae) C[Pg 59]

seuero B²H² seuero amico suo M ad mauximum F¹ [sic] ad seuerum F²I² hanc epistulam mittit seuero L || 1 regum] rerum C uatum M¹FIL || 2 intonsis] intensis H euxinis M¹ inuisis F^2ul || 5 orba ... numeris] uerba ... numerus C || cessauit] cessabit B¹ || 6 uices] uias T || 8 quae] quod T || 9 Falerna] falerno M || 10 triptolemo] triptolomo CL tritolemo F tritolomo IT || det] dat FT || 11 interque] inter I || 13 ad hunc carmen] carmen ad hunc fragmentum Louaniense Heinsii (Lenz) || 14 cunctandi] cunctanti FH cunctadi I[Pg 60]

17 uenas excaecat MFIT cum uenas cecat BCHL uenas cum caecat Castiglioni (Lenz) || in undis] in unda F in aruis Dalzell inundans Madvig (Lenz) apertas uel aquarum Tarrant hiulcas Merkel olim (1884) || 18 laesaque] lessaque M^ac lapsaque Merkel (1884) || resistit] resistat L || 21 Homerum] homorum H¹ quid C^ac, incertum (hameo?) || 22 ipse MFH ille BCILT || 23 studiis] studii FIM^pc || quoque frena] frena quoque I^ac || 26 quid pro qui HP, incertum || nobis] uobis M || abest] adest T || 27 uix sumptae ... tabellae BCMFHL (uix ex uin C, ut uid) uix sumpta ... tabella T assumpte [Pg 61]... tabelle I || 28 imponit] imposuit I

29 ne] nec L || uoluptas] uolumptas CM¹ uoluntas FL || 30 numeris] humeris C^ac || nectere] flectere T || 32 add in marg I^{1, ut uid} || 32 sit ut] fuit I (in ras?) fiat ut H¹ fiat H² || ista] illa FIP || 33 gestus] gressus I¹PF^2ul gestus [sic] F^3ul || 34 legas] legam L legant F^2ul || idem est] obest F¹I¹LP || 36 calcar] carcar C || habet] habes B^ac || 37 om P || 37 hic] haec T || Corallis] coraillis M^ac || 38 Hister] inster L || obit Damsté (Mnemosyne LXVI 32) habet codd || 39 quaque] quamque BC || 40 materia] materiam B^ac || diem] **dem M^ac[Pg 62]

41 quia nec BCH(I^ac) me nec I^pcP neque me MFLT || uinum] unum C || nec me] neque me T || 42 tacitum add I¹ in marg tantum C || 43 nec me] nec I^ac hec me C, ut uid || 45 frigida] frigora C || restant] restat IP || 46 meruere] metuere L || 47 at] ac LP || Aonius] adonius I | | 48 cedit] cedat T || ama] amas M^2ul || 50 aliquod] aliquid CP[Pg 63]

III

ad ingratum MFB²H² ad inuidum I² || 1 conquerar] con****ar M¹ (confitear primitus?) || sine add M² || 2 qui sis] quis sis HLTM² || 3 ne] nec (B^ac)CH || commendere] commendare CL || querela] querelam C^pc quelelam C^ac || 4 carmine] carmi/ne I nomine H || 5 dum] cum M || 7 nunc quia] dum mea F¹ || contraxit] traxit M¹ abtraxit [sic] M² || 9 me uis] uis me I^pcT uis I^ac || uideri] fateri M^2ulF^2ul tueri P || 10 quisque] quique H^acP || sit add C^1? || 11-12 post 13-14 ponit B || 11 quamquam] quamquam I^2?c qūm C (=quoniam) quamuis M^2ul || 12 iunctus] uinctus HP || amicitia] amicia M[Pg 64]

13 tua] sua L || 14 iocis] locis M^2ul locus P || 15 ille ego] ille B^ac || domesticus F^1c denso (F^ac) || 16 unica] uinea L || 17 ille] i/le B^1c idem (B^ac)CM¹H || ego sum] ego T^ac ego iudicii B^ac || quem nunc an uiuam Leidensis Heinsii qui nunc an uiuam BCMFHILT quem nunc an uiuat Heinsius || 18 subit Heinsius fuit codd || 19 fui] fuit (B^ac)CP || simulasse] simulare F¹ || fateris] fereris Heinsius || 20 leuis] lenis H || 21 aut age] eia age 'uterque Medonii [=Bodleianus Rawl G 105, 106] pro diuersa lectione', probante Heinsio || aliquam quae te mutauerit [mutauerat C mutauit F] iram BCMFHIL aliquid quod te mutauit in iram T || 22 est, iusta] est ista I^ac[Pg 65]

23 quod te nunc crimen similem] quod te nunc similem crimen H quae te consimilem res nunc FIL || uetat] ueta L¹ || 24 an] aut B || 25 factisque B^2c || 26 charta notata tribus] parcere fama refert C || 27 sed et] sed te I subito (B¹)C || 28 te ... nec] et ... non T || parcere fama refert] charta notata tribus C || 29 a] o M¹FILT || recedat TM² recedit BCM¹FHIL 30 tuo] meo HI || 31 stabili] stabilis L || quam sit leuis orbe] quam leuis orbe C quantum sit in orbe L || 32 quem fragmentum Boxhornianum Heinsii (=Leid. Bibl. Publ. 180 G) quae BCMFHILT || summo dubium scripsi summo dubio C summum dubio BMFILT mundum dubio H dubio summum fort scribendum || 33 quauis] quamuis MLP || aura] aura est MF || 34 par ex per M, ut uid || sola] ft̅a L(=facta) || tua est] tuē ē C[Pg 66]

35 omnia] omina M¹FILT euentus F^2(gl) || pendentia] pedentia I || 36 ruunt] cadunt M^2ul || 38 tamen] etiam Riese || 39 Syracosia Heinsius syracusia CMFHILT siracuna B^2c syracusa Gothanus II 121, saec xiii (André) 'etiam bene'—Heinsius || formidatus] fortunatus M || 40 famem] famen C famē L || 41 Magno maius] maius magno I || ille] ipse MI || 43-44 damnat Bentley || 44 om B¹C indigus effectus omnibus ipse magis MHILTF² [(indigus: indiguus M indigens F^2ul) (indigus ... omnibus: omnibus ... indigus I) (effectus: est factus IL effectis Ellis[Owen 1894]) (ipse: ille T) (magis: fuit F^2ul)] achillas pharius abstulit ense caput F¹ fragmentum Louaniense Heinsii (Burman)[Pg 67]

45 ille] ipse I || Iugurthino] iuigurtino M, ut uid || Cimbroque] cimboque B || 47 latuit Marius M iacuit marius H marius latuit L marius iacuit BCFIT || 50 uix] non M^2ul || facit R.J. Tarrant feret BC habet MFHILT || 52 Gete Heinsius e codicibus Getae edd || 53 i bibe] ebibe B || purgantes pectora sucos] purgantia pocula sompnos F^2ul || 54 Anticyra] anticera MI || 55 nec] ne L || 57 laeta] lenta I^ac[Pg 68]

IIII

de consulatu sexti pompe(i)i FB²H² pompeio amico suo M ad sextum pompeium I² || 3 nec] non F || 4 rubis ex iubis F || 6 ut] quin M^2ul || nulla] ulla M^2ul || parte BCMFHILT, sicut coni Bentley pace P || 8 aquas] aquis H || 9 uultum] uultumque L || diffundere] defendere P, I ut uid || causam] causa BCT || 10 possim] possem L possum F || nec] non I || 11 cum] dum FIT, sicut coni Bentley || solus BC tristis MFHILT || spatiarer] spatiare F^ac paciarer M^pc paciare M^ac || 12 penna] pinna C[Pg 69]

13 neque CMHL nec BFIT || erat corpus BCFL corpus erat MHIT || 19 rumore] sermone H || 20 ad gentes] agentes C || 23 reseraueris] reseruaueris L || 25 summi ... honoris] summo ... honore I || uelabit F^{2c, ut uid} || 27 paene atria] penetralia I, F^2ul ut uid laeta atria Burman, qui et plena atria coniecit[Pg 70]

29 tibi ... adiri] tibi ... adire L te ... adire H^2ul || 31 certae] cerno Owen (1915) certant Damsté (Mnemosyne XLVII 33-34) || 32 Falisca] falesca B palistra F^2ul ut uid || post 32 distichon excidisse putat Ehwald (KB 63) || 33 omnes, tum quos HL omnes tunc quos BCMFIT tunc hos ores P omnes, tunc hos Ehwald || 34 cupias] capias B, ut uid cupies fort scribendum || erunt B, sicut coni Heinsius erit MFHILT om C || 35 curia te] cura te H curiaque Heinsius || excipiet] excipias C || patresque] partesque C || e BCM ex FHILT || uocati] uocari C || 36 intendent] intendunt BC || ad ex at C || 37 hilarauerit] hilauerit M^ac[Pg 71]

40 qui] que B^ac, ut uid || facias cur ita, saepe dabit Riese facias cur ita saepe, dabit edd || dabit] dabunt LF^2ul || 43 cernar] cernor MIL cenor H || 45 quamlibet Heinsius qua libet H¹ qua licet M^acP quo licet L quod licet BCM^pcFIT et licet H^2ul scilicet Castiglioni (Lenz) || mente in ras F² || 46 aspiciet I^1c aspicuum (I^ac) || 47 di B dii CMFHILT || nostrum] nomen nostrum C || 48 miser ille facit] facit ille miser T || 49 pertulerit] protulerit H || 50 mollius] micius F^2ul(=mitius)[Pg 72]

sexto pompeio B²H² pompeo amico suo M ad sextum pompeium F ad eundem sextum pompeium I² || 4 latet] letet C^ac || 5 cum gelidam] congelidam F¹ || Thracen] tracem I tracē F || opertum] opertam L || nubibus] niuibus LP || Haemon Laurentianus 38 39, saec xv (Lenz); Ven. Marcianus XII 106, saec xv (Lenz); editio princeps Bononiensis (Lenz) hemum BCMFHILT || 6 Ionii] ycarii F^2ul || aquas] aquis M^ac? iter aquas C quid F^2ul, incertum (extasis?) || 7 luce F^2c 8 faciatis] facietis C^pc facetis C^ac || 9 Pompeia] ponpeia C || petetur FT petatur BCMHIL || 10 ulla] illa CI || 11 qui] que I^ac || requiret BMFH requirat CILT[Pg 73]

13 fateri] fatendum F futuri (B^ac) uerum L^2(gl) || 14 uera Hilberg, Die Gesetze der Wortstellung im Pentameter des Ovid 35-36 (fateri uera) uerba codd (uerba ... habent) ficta ex minus ficta M || 15 uobis] nobis L || nullo] ullo P, probante Heinsio || 18 cum premet] comprimet F¹ || altus] alter B¹ || 19 positam] ualidam H || componet] componit L || ad] in F || 20 opes] opem I || 21 aut] at H¹ || ubi erunt] ubi C || uocati] uoocati M || 23 aut feret BCFHILTM^3ul afferet M^2c || 24 parum noto] parum nato C patrum toto Burman || 25 ab] et BC || uacuum] uacuo Heinsius[Pg 74]

27 turba] cura Heinsius || requieuerit] requierit C^ac requieurit F¹ || 30 reddere uerba] uerba reddere I || 32 a miti] * miti F^ac amiti BM¹H amitti L om I^ac || 33 referre] fateri F || 35 Bistonium] bistanium L || tepefecerit] tepefecerat M tepecerit I^ac || 36 cura] pura I^ac || 37-40 add B² in margine || 37 uitae quoque] sunt uite M || 40 mancipii ... tui CB² mancipium ... tuum MFHILTB³ mancipio ... tuo Brissonius ('lib. VI. de Form. pag. 517'—Burman) [Pg 75]mancipio ... tuum Merkel (1853) || tempus] tepus M

41 carituros] carituras L || ueliuolas] ueliferas M¹ || 44 possit] posset L 45 haec] hoc MT || 46 peracta] perac ta F^2c[Pg 76]

bruto B²H² bruto amico suo M ad brutum FI² || 1 illis] ipsis T || 3 tu quod] tu qui L^ac, ut uid quod tu IT || 4 ei edd hei Barberinus lat. 26, saec xiii (Lenz) et BCM¹FILT si H heu M^2ul || illud] istud H || ualet] ualent FIT H, ut uid || 5 Scythia] sythia HIL scithica M || Olympias acta LT olympias acta est BMFHI olimpia facta est C || 5-6 Olympias acta iam Housman (Owen) Olympias acta est. iam edd || 7 perstat] praestat CP || 8 opponit] opposuit H || nostris in loco a prima manu relicto add F² nostris B^2c || insidiosa] insidiosam C^ac inuidiosa FHM² || 9 eras] erat (B¹)C || pro me, Fabiae] fabie pro me I || laus BCMHILTF³ dux F¹ lux F², probante Burman || maxime] maxima CP[Pg 77]

11 occidis] occidit (B¹)C || preces] pedes M || causamque] causaque B^2c || ego add F² || 12 fueram] fuero BC fuerim British Library Burney 220, saec xii-xiii (André) || 13 timeo nostram cuiquam] timeo cuiquam nostram F nostram cuiquam timeo I || 14 tua] tuȩ C(=tuae) || concidit] consul B^ac constitit Némethy || 15 Augustus] augstus I^ac augustum L^ac || detectae scripsi deceptae codd decepti J. N. Grant || 18 positus] positis C || 21 te quoque] teque I || idem] iam F || possum] possim F possem T || 22 cognite] condite M^2ul || nota] fide LTM^2ulF^2ul || 24 hic] plus T || aduerso] auerso H || creuit ex creauit H[Pg 78]

26 crederet] diceret F^2ul || 27 lenem] lene C || 29 ignoret] ignorat TP || Marte BCHI in arte MFLT || 30 tuo] tuos M || 31 eiusdem est] eisdem est F^ac, ut uid eiusdem Heinsius 'cum tribus libris' || uidentur BMFH, sicut coni Bentley uidetur CILT || 33 est] est seuere M^ac || 34 taetrum R. J. Tarrant tinctum BCM¹FHILT tritum M^2ul coctum M^2ul tinctu Ehwald (KB 83) tinguat Merkel (1884) || 36 linguae ex linge B || 37 limantur] limatur C || 38 ingenui pectoris scripsi ingenium corporis codd ingenium nominis D. R. Shackleton Bailey[Pg 79]

40 auxilium subito tu sibi [sic] ferre soles M² in marg || 41 hoc] haec FHL || 43 uestri] uestrum Heinsius || 44 mala F² in ras || solliciti BCM^2ul sollicite M¹FHILT || leuastis Barberinus lat. 26, saec xiii (Heinsius) leuatis BCMFHILT || ero] ope C || 45 hic] hinc HTP || nimium nobis] nimium uobis BC nobis nimium I^acT || Hister] inster L || 46 Euxino] euxini I euxinum T eximio F || uertet] uertit FP || 47 utque] atque BHL² ante codd Feschii et Hafniensis Heinsii || si] ceu Heinsius ('ante, Thyesteae redeant ceu tempora mensae, / solis ad Eoas currus agetur aquas') || tempora] fercula 'malim reponi, sed obstant libri ueteres'—Heinsius[Pg 80]

49 doluistis] lugetis T || ademptum] adempto Basileensis F IV 26, saec xiii-xiv (Korn), probante Heinsio adeptum LP || 50 arguat] arguar B[Pg 81]

VII

uestali B²H² ad uestalem amicum suum M ad uestalem FI² hanc epistulam misit uostali L || 1 Euxinas] exunias I || horas [=oras] CI undas BMFHLT || 2 locis] getis T || 3 praesens] praeses P || iaceamus] aceamus C^ac || 4 queri] loqui IM^2ul || 5 nostrae] semper I^ac || 6 Alpinis] Arpinis Verpoorten (Lenz) || 8 uina] rura F^2ul || 9 ut ducat Iazyx BCMFHIT [Iazyx Merula (Burman) iahis B ayzys C¹ iazys C^1?ul iatis M iazis F yacis H hiacis I yases T] trahat ut glatiati L educat ut altas P || 10 bubulcus] bububcus B || 11-12 post 13-14 ponit T || 11 et mitti] et miti I^ac admitti F^2ul || adunco] aduuco L^ac || 12 telum] ferum T uulnus F^2ul[Pg 82]

13 spectata] speculata L || 14 quid pro etiam H, incertum || proprio] propria B || 15 tenditur Owen tenditis BCMFHI^pcL tendis et T tendet I^ac, ut uid tendisti Merkel tendit is Oberlin ('sc. Mars, cf. 45'—Owen 1894) tendis at [uel et] ad temptauit Castiglioni (Lenz) || 17 plenis] plenus (F^ac)I || plenis tibi fructibus ingens, edd plenus tibi fructibus, ingens Ehwald || ingens 'corruptum'—Riese; om M^ac || 18 erit] erat duo codd Burmanni inest Heinsius adest Heinsius || 19 hoc] hic B^2c haec I, ut uid || 19-21 negat ... negat] neget ... negat unus ex Thuaneis Heinsii (=Parisinus lat. 8256 uel 8462) neget ... neget Burman || 21 Aegissos uide CIL III pag. 1009 egisos I¹T ecisos I², ut uid egiros FLP egyros H egilos C egylos B egypsos M || recepta] recepto F¹HP || 22 opis] opis I^1c opus FH(I^ac)[Pg 83]

23 dubium] dubium est CL dubum I^ac || manune BCT manuue M^pcFHIL manu M^ac || 24 urbs/ F^2c || iugo] loco I || 25 Sit(h)onio BCMFIT sidonio H scithonio L || 26 ereptas] erectas B^ac eruptas C || 27 deuecta] deuectus L || 29 Donni CB^1?ul domni IT, M ut uid dōni H dompni L dauni F domu B¹ || 30 uiros] globos Heinsius || 31 conspicuus] conspicuis IP || 34 saxaque ... plura] pluraque ... saxa F || subis] su/bis H || 35 moratur] miratur C || 36 madent] rubent Gottorphianus Heinsii uirent Heinsius[Pg 84]

37 haerent] horrent L || pennis] pinnis C || 38 parsque ex pasque M || fere] fero Heinsius || uacat] caret PM^2(gl)F^2(gl) || 39 ////ictus I || 40 minor] minus B^acP || acri] acro B acer P actae Iunianus Heinsii altae auctor electorum Etonensium || 41 Aiax] iaiax C || 42 Hectoreas] hectoas B^ac || 43 ut] et M^2ul || propius] proprius F^acH || dextera dextrae] dextre dextera I^ac dextera dextre est B (dextre ē) dextera dextra est C (dextraē) || 44 potuit om C || ense] esse C || 46 quotque] quodque CP || dederis] dederas L || quosque] quotque H || 47 aceruos] acerbos C, M^ac ut uid || 48 multus] uictus H || erat] eat C^ac[Pg 85]

51 tantum] tamen et M || alios M^2?c || 52 ibat] ibit BP || 53 Aegissos uide ad 21 egisos T egiros CFHL egyros B egipsos I egypsos M || 54 sunt] sint F¹ || facta] ficta C[Pg 86]

VIII

swillio B² suillo amico suo M ad suillium F suillo H² ad suillum I² hanc epistulam mittit suillo L || 1 exculte] exculta L exulte M || Suilli] suille TP || 3 possit Gothanus II 121, saec xiii (Lenz), Barberinus lat. 26, saec xiii (Lenz) posset BCMFHILT || rogando] precando T || 5 iam nil] mihi nil HT mihi non ILP || 6 uoco] uolo B¹C || 7 modo] mihi MFT || duret F^2c || 12 generum] gerum H¹, ut uid || 14 te] t* B¹(tu?)[Pg 87]

15 at] et T || nihil] nil I || reperire] re/perire F || pudore] pudoris T || 16 caeca] saeua Riese laeua fort legendum || 17 seu] si M¹ || excutias] inquiras F¹M^2ul || 18 inueniemur HILB^2ulF^2ul inuenientur MF¹T perueniemus B¹C || 19 uelis/ F^2c || qui sint mores] qui sunt mores I, ut uid mores qui sint M || inquirere] inquire M || nostri] nostros I, probante Heinsio || 20 detrahe] dete I¹ || 22 exora] excola B^ac || 23 di] at C || sunt] sint BCFM^2ul || 24 nulla est] nulla FT || notior] certior I || 25 non] nec I || sinit] sinet I || illa] ara M¹ || 26 rebus] *ebus B[Pg 88]

27 quamlibet] qualibet I qua libet B^pcC || iuuerit] pauerit unus Vaticanus, unde fouerit Heinsius || 29 tunc] nunc C || 30 ualeant quantum] quantum ualeant F || 31 Pario] phario LF²H²I² || 32 carpsit] carsit C^ac carp*it B^2c capsit F^ac || meas] meos L || 33 facient uobis] facient nobis C faciant uobis FI, probante Heinsio uobis faciant M^{2c, ut uid} || urbesque] urbeque F¹ || beatae] batȩ C^ac bate F || 37 sed] si T || quam] quantum B² || abunde C ab unde B habunde MHILT, F^2c in ras || est om I¹[Pg 89]

39 nec quae] nequȩ C || pauper dis libat] pauper delibat F dis pauper libat ML || acerra] acerba C (=acerua) || 40 minus] minos C || lance] luce M || 41 lactens] lactans F¹ || 43 officio] in uita C || 44 aptior] altior P aptior F^2c gratior Heinsius ex tredecim codicibus || ulla] illa B¹C || 45 uestrarum] uastarum Burman certarum Heinsius || laudum] laudem I^ac, ut uid rerum M^2ul || 46 actorum MFIT auctorum BCHL || 47 sepulcri] sepul**ri M^ac || 49-50 in marg add F²; post 51-52 ponit B¹ || 49 t//abida I^2c, ut uid || consumit] cumsumit F², fort BCI[Pg 90]

51-54 om F || 51 Agamemnona] agamenona IL nosti] nostis MH || contra] quid B², non liquet || 54 haec] has Heinsius || 55 dicere] credere T || 58 suas] duas F^2ul: 'id est oriens et occidens' (F^2gl) || 59 Gigantas Heinsius gigantes codd || 60 nimbiferi scripsi; possis et nimbigeri legere nimbifero BCI nibifero T nubifero MFHL fulmineo P fumoso M^2(gl) || uindicis] uindice B || datos] das M¹ || 62 capta traxit] traxit capta I^ac || Oechalia edd oethalia BI ethalia C(F^ac)L etholia MHPTF^pc || 63 addidit] addiuit B^ac addit F¹I^ac abdidit L[Pg 91]

65 igitur om H^ac || uiui] riui Hertzberg ad Prop IV i 59 || 68 iudicio B^2c || tuo ex suo T, ut uid || 69 quod] qui T || nomen] numen 'unus Heinsii cum prima editione, ut Augustus intelligatur'—Burman || tantum] tanto C || 71 si R. J. Tarrant sed codd || mauis IF^2ul maius BF¹ utrumque legere possis in CMHLT || 72 nec] non I || 74 quodque] quod B^ac || lusus] ludus MLI² leue L^2(gl) || 75 citharam] citharum C || Apollo FILT apollo est BCMH || 77 docti desunt nec BF¹T docte desunt nec LF² docti nec desunt CM desunt docti nec HI[Pg 92]

79 nos] uos H^ac || summouit] dimouit H || 81 tueri] tuenti B^pcF¹ || 82 atque] at sit F^2ul || isdem CFI^ac iisdem T hi(i)sdem MHI^pcL his dem B¹ his det B², ut uid || 83 pellitis] peditis ex proditis C, ut uid || Corallis] coraulis M || 84 effugiamque] effugi*m F¹ || 85 misero patria est] misero est patria H || in add M² || ullo M illo BCFHILT || 86 minus] minor F^2ul || Ausonia] ausonio C ausonia F^2c || distet] distat BCT distet M^{2c, ut uid} || loco] locus F || 87 recentes] recenter Heinsius || 88 quam] cum H || minima BCHILTM², F² in ras nimia M¹ || 89 tangat] tangant C^acH || care] cara B^acC || Suilli] suille T || 90 socero ex cero M || paene] pena B^ac[Pg 93]

racino B² grecino amico suo M ad grecinum FI² grecino H² hanc epistulam mittit grecinno L || 1 unde] inde T || iuuat] uiuat F || Graecine] grecinne LT || 2 Euxinis] exinis C, ut uid (ecinis Lenz, André) || 3 di BC dii MFHILT || 4 fasces] fascis C faces F¹I^acP^ac || 5 ut] et MITF^2ulH^2ul || 7 domini] domino I^ac om M¹ || partes et praestet F² in ras || partes] partis C || praestet] pr̅āt L || 8 officium] officium et M^ac, ut uid || festo Burman iusto T, sicut coni Merkel iusso BCMFHIL || littera] litora C || 9 atqui unus e duobus Hafniensibus Heinsii atque BCM¹FHILT ast M^2ul || genitus] genitis F¹ || 12 lingua] linga I¹ || salutandi] salutanti C[Pg 94]

14 minus ... meus quam] meus ... minus quam M minus ... meusque C minor ... meus quam T || tuus add I in marg || 16 ulla] illa B^acM^ac || 17 cingit] cinget MIF² tanget F^2ul || tibi add F² || 18 iuberer] uiderer unus Vaticanus, probante Heinsio || 19 cuperem add F² cuper** H || 20 lateris] lateri MFL || 22 sed] sic F || tum] tunc MFH || 23 prospicerem] aspicerem B respicerem Riese || 25-26 damnant Heinsius Bentley || 25 quoque] quodque L utque F^2ulM^2gl || tangant BC tangunt MFHILT || 26 tegeret] regeret L[Pg 95]

27-28 damnat Merkel (1884) || 27 curuli] curili I || 28 Numidae edd numidi BCMHILT nimidi F || sculptile] scalpule C scutile F¹ sculptile M^2c || opus] ebur T || 29 at] et HL || arces] artes B^ac || 30 dum] cum CL || iussu] iusso B || 31 grates ex magnus T || 33 plena quam] plenaque CF¹ quam plena I || 34 ter] terque B² || laetus] plenus T || 35 hic] tunc Housman (Owen 1894) hinc Merkel (1884), Schenkl (Owen) sic Merkel (1853) || ego] mihi C || 36 ius urbis si editio Aldina 1502 ius uerbis si B¹CMF¹IT ius uerbi si H ius nobis si F² uim uerbis si B², F³ ut uid si uerbis uim L || 37 quaeque] quoque C, ut uid[Pg 96]

39 aequis] aequos C || 40 causa] culpa Heinsius || negata] nagata C || iuuet] foret B^ac, 'unde uerum eliciendum'—Riese || 41 domo scripsi loco codd foco fort legendum || usus Heinsius utor BCL utar MFHIT utens Williams (utens ... aspiciamque) || 42 aspiciamque] aspiciensque Williams (utar ... aspiciensque) || 43 haec] nec B^ac || 44 decretis Korn secretis codd secreto Wheeler || finget] fingit B, C ut uid || tuis] locis Etonensis B. k. 6.18, saec xiii (Lenz), probante Heinsio (secretis ... locis) || 45 longi] longe TF² (=longae) || lustri] lutri H^ac lustra F^2ul || 46 cernet P, Gothanus membr. II 121, saec xiii (André) credet BCFHILT cernet M^2c || exacta] perfecta M^2(gl)I^2(gl) || 47 om C || 48 publica] puplica LP || petat] petit M[Pg 97]

50 albaue BCI albaque MFHLT || opimorum] primorum IT || 51 iam] tu FT || potiora] maiora P || 52 principis] numinis M || 53 pius] prius I^ac || 57 laetitiae est LT laetitia est BCFHI letici* est M laetitiae Heinsius e tribus codd || cedens BCL^pcT credens L^ac cendens M cedet FHI || 59-60 fort spurii || 59 Graecine] degrecine M^1c (= grecine ex decembri[-is?]) || Decembri] decembris M || 60 suscipit] suspicit (B^ac)C suscipiet M^2(gl) || 61 uobis] nobis (F¹)H || alterna] aterna C, ut uid[Pg 98]

63 fueris consul] consul fueris T fueris B¹ || bis consul et ille] bis consul et ipse H et ille M^ac || 64 binus] bimus Gudianus 228 (Owen 1894), probante Heinsio || honor] honos L || 65 quamquam] quamque C || nullum] nullium B^acP || 67 auctoris] actoris MFI || 69 Flaccoque] flacco T || 71 cum FILT quod BC ut MH quum Weise (Ehwald KB 48) || a] ab B || propiore] propriore CFL || uacabit] uacabis Riese || 72 uotis] uestris M^ac || 73 et] quid B, incertum || quae scripsi qua CMFHIL quem BT || sinum] sonum Williams || laxate editio princeps Romana 1471 iactate codd || rudentes] rudentis B || 74 exeat] et exeat C || e BCH a MFILT || Stygiis] stigis C^ac[Pg 99]

75 praefuit] praefugit C || 77 Mysas gentes BT misas gentis C missas gentes FI missus gentes L gentes missas MH sibi commissas F^2(gl) commissas H^2(g1) || 78 fisos] fortes M^2ul || 79 Troesmin Heinsius; uide CIL V 6183-88, 6195 troesmen C troesenen B¹ troien L troezen HITB² troezem F trozenam M || 80 infecitque] infecit M¹ || Danuuium Korn danubium codd || 81 quaere] queri T || Scythicique incommoda caeli add F² || Scythicique] siticique I || 82 terrear] terreat C || hoste] ense H || 83 serpentis] serpentes I^ac || felle] sola C || 85 mentiar] effluat FL anfluat P * fluat M^2c[Pg 100]

87 ubi] ubi uel tibi B || narrarit] narraret C narrauit F¹ || fama] fata F² || 90 nec] hec C || uersa mea] mea uersa H¹ rapta mea F || 91 animo 'optimus Vaticanus', probante Heinsio animi BCMFHILT || 92 perstat] praestat BC || 93-94 damnat Merkel; 93 'uersus suspectus'—Heinsius; post longe hexametri finem, pentametrum, hexametri initium excidisse putat Ehwald || 93 sic ego sum longe [-ȩ C] sic hic BCMFHILT sic ego sum, sic hic sanctis Korn sic ego sum longe, Scythicis Owen (ed. Tristium 1889, p. xxxviii) || longe] lenis Némethy || 95 re ... nulla MHIL rem ... nullam BCFT tot iam] iam tot L || 96 uirue] uirque M[Pg 101]

97 hoc] hec H quies animi H^2(gl) || facit ut] facit et BC facitut F^2c faciunt (F¹) || misero faueant adsintque] faueant assint miseroque T || adsintque] adsinque C^ac adsintque F^2c absintque (F¹) || 98 quoniam] quid M^2c in ras, incertum (ipsum?) || mihi est] michi M || 99 illi] ille I^ac || malunt] malint Heinsius || 100 respectu ... sui] respectu ... suo ML || cupiunt] cupiant Heinsius || 101 nec] neu Heinsius || mihi] si B^2(gl?) || 102 immunes] in munem B || publica] puplica LP || cera BCMHILF^2ul cura T causa F¹F^2ul(sic) terra F^2ul || 103 quae R. J. Tarrant haec L, probante Heinsio et BCMFHIT ea Heinsius || gloria] gratia Heinsius || sit G est CMFHILT quid B, non liquet[Pg 102]

107 pariter GBMFHILT pariterque C || coniunxque GBCM^pcFHILT natusque M^ac || 108 iam ... non GBCMFHLT non ... iam I || facto] fato G || 109 neu] ne BC || 110 auiae BCILM^2ul liuie M¹FHTI^2gl || proximus] protimus [sic] H¹ || 112 surgit] fugit M || orbe] ore H¹ || 113-14 damnat Williams || 113 licet] uelim fort legendum || hoc me non BCT,H^ac? hec me non FHIL me numquam M || 115-16 damnat R. J. Tarrant || 115 possumus] nos possumus I || ora] ara B || 116 dei] diem HP || 117 cognita] condita F || 118 longa] loga M[Pg 103]

119 is] hic M¹ his P || laeuus fuerat TF^2ul letus fuerat BC leuius fuerat LP leuuus fuerat M leuior fuerat F¹H fuerat letuus ^I || 120 audierit] audierat F || ista] illa M || 121 fortuna est] fortuna H¹ || 122 exiguas] exiguus B^ac || 123 haec] hoc F || urbe] orbe I^ac || 124 sed pietate] haec pietate ex haec pietate haec pietate I || /sumus B^2c || 125 et] ut C set L || tamen haec tangent] tanget tamen hoc F || aures] iram I^ac || 126 nil] non CL || illum] illi B¹ || fit BFI sit LT possis alterutrum legere in CMH || 127 tu certe] tu c seruat G spatium quinque litterarum reliquit C en certe M^2ul || haec] hoc FIT || ascite] adscite B accite M acṣcite F || 128 ut 'legendum ex ueteribus'—Naugerius et BCMFHILT[Pg 104]

129 conuexa] onu seruat G connexa L || 130 sollicito GB²CMFHILT sollito B¹ || preces CMHIT praeces G p̅ces BFL || 131 perueniant GBC peruenient FHILT perueniunt M || istuc GBCMFHI illuc LT || forsitan GBCFHILT forsita M || 132 misi] miss G || facta GBC^pcMFHILT facto C^ac || 133-34 nec ... immerito] nec seruat G nam ... e merito [unde ex merito C. P. Jones] fort legendum || 134 mite] mitte F^ac || habes] habet B¹[Pg 105]

albinouano B² albino uano H² albinouano amico suo M ad albino uanom F ad albinouanum I² hanc epistulam mittit albinouano L || 1 Haec] hic MF || Cimmerio British Library Harley 2607 (Tarrant) cumerio M¹ in etiam memori C in ********** B¹ in hemonio HITP in euxino F in exino B^2c bistonio LM^2ul || aestas] aetas C || 2 pellitos] pellitas BH pellito C || 3 ecquos ... ecquod Laurentianus 36 2, saec xv (Lenz) et quos ... et quod BMFHILT at quos ... et quod C || carissime] ḣin̅e L || 4 Albinouane] albino uane H || 6 atteritur Heinsius et teritur codd deteritur Heinsius || post 6 hos uersus habet M: set cum nostra malis uexentur corpora multis / aspera non possum perpetiendo mori || 7 perdit I perdet BCMFHLT || 8 cessat duritia] duritia cessat C^ac cesset duritia Castiglioni (Lenz) || mea. edd mea? Riese, Castiglioni[Pg 106]

9 exemplum est animi BCMFLT (anini T) exemplum animi est H exemplum animi I || 10 dubio ... mari] ćbio ... mori C || 11 non] quae 'liber unus Bers[manni]. & ego inueni in editione Vicentina. & Ciofano pro textu est'—Auctor Electorum Etonensium || 12 pertulit] non tulit Auctor Elect. Eton. (quae tamen ... non tulit) || morae] m-ore F || 13 pulchram ex pulcham M || Calypso] calipson FH || 14 aequoreaeque] equoreque I^ac Aeaeaeque Merkel || concubuisse] incubuisse T || deae] deo C || 15 Hippotades] hypodates FHT || 17 cantantes] cantantis B || audisse F audire BCMHILT || 18 lotos B¹C lothos MFLTH²I² lethes I¹P sucus H¹ quid B², incertum (votos?) || amara] amarus H¹ || fuit] erat H || 19 faciant] faciunt H || sucos] lucos C || 20 meae] meȩ est C[Pg 107]

21 urbem BCMT urbes FHIL || Laestrygonos BC lestrigonis MFIT listrigonis HL || 22 quas] quos T || Hister] inster L **ster C || 23 feritate] pietate BC, I^ac ut uid || Piacchen B piaechen C phiacem T piacē MFHIL || 24 mei] mihi T || 25 Scylla] silla CP || feris] ferox IT || quod] quae M^2ul quamuis H || latret] latrat FM^2ul || 26 Heniochae edd enioche CFH en*oche B¹ emioche M, ut uid enochie ITB² emochee L || nautis] multis I nobis B² || 27 nec] non L || Charybdin] caripdin I charydin C || Achaeis] ach—eis I || 28 epotum B et potum C epotet MFHILT || ter uomat] ter uomet H¹ euomat C || illa] ore M^2ul || 29 quamquam] quamuis T || errant BCFH errent MILT || 30 latus] natus C || hoc non] non M^ac I¹[Pg 108]

31 infrondes] frondes C || 32 hic] hec L || uel] quae I¹ || reddit] fecit M^2ul || 34 naue] nauu C^ac, ut uid || 35 istinc] istuc MFI || uix uos] uix nos BL uos uix T || credere] crederer H || 36 fert] foret C^ac || 37 tamen] tantum L mihi M^2c in ras || nec te causas BCMFHLT (te in ras M^2c) causas nec te I || 39 praebentia] ducentia F, probante Burman || 40 perpetuum M2ul praecipuum BCM¹FHILT || 41 hinc] hic FL || huic] hinc L 42 uires ... polo 'Meynke, recte?'—Riese uires ... loco codd mores ... locus Merkel (1884) || a propiore] asperiore H¹ a superiore H^2ul[Pg 109]

43 at BCMF²HILT et F¹ set F²[sic] || aduerso] auerso Bentley || tepidum] tepidus MH^2c tepide F^2ul || 46 multo] misto M^2ul(=mixto) || 47 Lycus] lucus I || Peniusque Heinsius ex Plin. NH VI 14 peneusque CI paneusque BMHT poneusque L panesque F || Hypanisque Heinsius 'ex libris antiquis' hitanisque B hyranisque C ut uid, M ut uid hytanusque F hytanesque T hitaneusque ex hitanque I hythausque H iponesque L || Calesque I. Vossius ex 'Eustathio Scholiis in Periegeten' (Heinsius) catesque BCMFHLT charesque I || 48 crebro] crebo B torto I || tortus] pulsus M || Halys B halis H alis MFILT hilas C || 49 Partheniusque BHL partheniasque C, ut uid parthemiusque IT parthiniusque M partenusque F || Cinapses BC; fluuius prorsus ignotus Cynapses edd cinapsis L tynapses H cinaspes FIT niphates M (ex Luc. III 245) Cinolis Auctor Electorum Etonensium 'Cinolis emporium Arriano' || 50 et nullo] et ullo I hanc aliquo Leidensis Heinsii haud aliquo Heinsius[Pg 110]

51 Thermodon] themodon C || turmae BCM turbe FHILT || 52 Graiis CM grais BHILT a grais F || Phasi] phasis H¹ || 53 Borysthenio editio princeps Romana 1471 boristenico BCML boristonico F boistronico I boistonico T boistenio H || liquidissimus] rapidissimus T || Dirapses BCFHLT; fluuius ignotus diraspes I daraspes M Lycastus Auctor Electorum Etonensium, probante Riese || 54 Melanthus] melantis T || Cadmique] add I² in loco a prima manu relicto cathmique B || 56 inter] interque M || 57 alii] amnes M¹ || omnes] omnis B || 58 Danuuius Korn danubius codd || negat] neget F¹ || 59 laticum] liticum L || 61 quin] qui CP, fort F^ac || pigraeque] nigreque T[Pg 111]

63 marina est] marina ILT || 64 pondus] nomen ILB² momen Wakefield ad Lucr. VI 474 || 65 roget] rogat CT || 67 detinui ... tempus, curasque excerpta Politiani detinui ... tempus curamque LT detinui ... curas tempusque BCMFHI diminui ... curas tempusque codex Petri Daniel^ul (Burman), sicut coniecerat Burman distinui ... curas, tempusque Auctor Electorum Etonensium || 68 fructum praesens] praesens fructum F || 69 abfuimus] afluimus B¹ aff*uimus C absumus a M || scribimus] scripsimus MFL || dolore] labore M || 71 dubito] dubito M^2cF^{2c, ut uid} dubites F^3ul, ut uid || cum] tum C || 73 quemque] queque C || imitere] imite** C (folium lacerum) imitare HLT, I^pc ut uid imita I^ac ut uid[Pg 112]

75 quamquam est] quamquam MP || factis ingens] ingens factis F ingens actis T factis uiges P || conditur] conditus HT cognitus F || a te] arte L || 76 uir] uix LT || tantus quanto L tanto quantus B^acCFHIT^pc tantus quantus M^2c tanto quanto B^pcT^ac quanto tantus fort legendum || 77 est] et I || ex] in C || nobis] uobis H || imitabile] imitabibe C || quiddam] quoddam L quidquam M^2ul || 78 fide MFH fidem BCILT || 80 quos in ras M² || illi MFHIL ulli BCT || 81 operosa] onerosa M^2c laboriosa I^2(gl) || 83 qui] quae C cum L || perstas IPF^2ul praestas BCMF¹HT pr̅ās L || 84 non est] non B¹[Pg 113]

gallioni B²H² gallioni amico suo M pollioni F ad gallionem I² hanc epistulam mittit gallioni L || 1 Gallio] pollio F || 3 cuspide] cupide M^ac || 6 quererere] querere BCP || 7 dis placuit] displicuit (B¹) || spoliare ex poliare F || 8 habuere] hūere IT (=habuere) hubuere C^ac || 9 nam] iam F || 10 damna] uerba TF^2ul || meis] nostris M mihi Ehwald || 12 uerbaque] uerba B¹ || nota] uota L uerba C || 13 dolorem] putarem C || 14 iam] tam I || pridem] prima C^ac[Pg 114]

15 perueniens scripsi peruenit codd || 16 ac BCML et FHIT || 17 officium est ... certi] officium ... certi est M || 19 at] aut C || longa] longua uel longna M || dies] quies L || 20 fouet Heinsius mouet codd || nouat] mouet T(M¹)(F¹) || 21 utinam] utinam ut F || mihi BF¹ tibi MHILTF² om C[Pg 115]

XII

tuticano B²H²F tu[ti add M²]cano amico suo M han [sic] epistulam mittit tuticano L || 3 aut BC ast MFHILT || 5 fortunaque] naturaque excerpta Scaligeri, probante Heinsio || 6 modos] pedes I || 8 desinat] desinet I^ac || hoc] hic T || 9 pudeat] pudet H || te qua] te qua B^2c qua te H¹P || moratur] moretur FHT || 10 Tuticanumque] Tuditanumque Heinsius olim (Burman); uide Val Max VII viii 1 || 11 et] non M nec FI^pc at Camps (CQ n.s. IV [1954] 206-7)[Pg 116]

13 aut] nec R. J. Tarrant (nec potes ... nec producatur) || producatur MHI (ut M^2[gl]) ut ducatur LTB²F^2ul ut dicatur B¹CF¹ || correptius BFLT correptior C, fort recte correctius MHI || 14 sit] si B^acP || porrecta] producta F¹ || 16 merito GBCFHILT cunctis M || 17 dilati] lati G || muneris GBCMF¹HILT nominis F^2ul || 18 reddet GCMIT reddit BFHL || amor GBCFHI¹L ager TI²; add M² (in ras?) || 19 canam quacumque nota, tibi edd canam, quacumque nota tibi Luck || quacumque nota] quacumquenaia G quantumque licet I || tibi GBCMFHIL mea T || 20 mihi ... puer] mihi om I^ac puer ... mihi CT || 22 fratri F^2?c || 23 tu duxque] mihi duxque FL[Pg 117]

25 saepe] nempe M¹ || 26 tibi] tui L tuo T mihi H^2ul, ut uid || litura] litu/ra F^2c littera (F¹) || meo] mea T tuo H^2ul, ut uid || 27 dignam (B¹)CT^pc dignum MFHILT^acB^2c || Phaeacida] pheatica IL eacida C || 28 cum] cū/ I (=cum) || Pieriae BCF¹T pieride HF² pierides IL pyerides M^2c || deae] tue M^2ul || 29 uiridi] in uiridi L || 30 albentes] albentis B || 31 nisi ex ubi L || 32 inuicto] inuito uel inuecto 'libri nonnulli ueteres', unde inducto Heinsius olim || 33 desint] desunt M¹ deerint M^2ul, ut uid || 35 praefrigidus] praefigidus B¹H^ac perfrigidus ILF²[Pg 118]

37 lapso] lasso BCM || dura] clausa M^2ul || sodali ex sobali B || 38 nostris add F² || abestque ex absitque M || malis] meis C || 40 honor] amor C || 42 ne GBCMFHIT nec L || deserat GBCMHILT desinat F || 45 nolimue] molimne B || uelimue] uelim B¹ || 46 mihi ... mea] mea ... mihi CFT || nota] mora L || 47 relinquit] reliquit MF relinquat I^ac, ut uid refugit C^ac || 48 re] me M^ac, ut uid spe Heinsius[Pg 119]

49 quaeras] uideas M¹ || qua sim] qua sum L sim qua C || tibi add M² || iuuandus] iuuanda C^ac || 50 quaque ... uide LF³ quaque ... uale F¹T quoque ... uide I^acM^2ul quoque ... uado BCHI^pc quoque ... modo [Pg 120]M¹ quoque ... uale F²I^2ul || uia uenias scripsi uiam facias codd

XIII

ad sodalem B² caro amico suo M ad carum FI² caro H² || 1 memorande] numerande C || 2 qui quod es, id BCFI qui quod id es MH quique quod es LT, fort recte || aue] ades T || 3 saluteris MFT salutaris BCHIL || protinus] proximus CT || 5 mirifica] miririfica B murifica C || publica] puplica LP || certe] certe est BC || 6 cumque B^2c? || est, non] non L || 7 ut add M² || 8 quod ... uideor] quid ... uidear Heinsius || tuum] meum F^2ul || 11 prodent] produnt ILF^2ul credent C || auctorem] actorem MF || dignas] dipnas C^ac || nouimus] contra uiam C (cont̅ uiā) || illi] ille C || quem] que C || ipse] esse MT[Pg 121]

13 et] at C || colore] colure C^ac, ut uid || 14 insignis] insignis B^{2c, ut uid} ansignis C^ac || suis] meis F¹ || 15 Thersiten] therseten C || prohibebat] prohibebit H¹, ut uid || forma latere] latere forma I^ac || 16 Nireus edd nereus codd deus maris F^2(gl) || 17 sint] sunt L || decebit] licebit L (fort ex decebit) || 18 Getes] gethas F¹ || 19 Getico scripsi] geticos scripsi (B^ac) || libellum] libellos I || 20 structaque] scriptaque I || nostris] nobis H¹ || 22 inhumanos] inhumanas C^pc humanas C^ac || 23 laudes de Caesare dixi edd olim laudes: de Caesare dixi J. Gilbert, Jahrb. für kl. Ph. 1896, 62 (Owen 1915) || laudes] laudem M[Pg 122]

25 mortale] immortale T^ac || 26 aetherias ... domos] ethereos ... deos I || numen] nomen BC(M¹)L || 27 parem ... patri] parem ... patr* B patrem ... patri (H^ac) patri ... parem M || uirtute] in uirtute L || coactus excerpta Scaligeri rogatus codd || 28 recusati] recusari C || ceperit] ceperat L cepit F, fort ex recepit || inperii F^2c || 29 Vestam] uestem M deam M^2(gl) uastam F^acP testem H || 30 ambiguum] ambiguum est MFIL^2(gl) || 31-32 esse duos iuuenes firma adiumenta parentis qui interpunxi esse duos iuuenes, firma adiumenta parentis, qui edd || 32 qui] cui 'editi plures'—Burman || dederint] dederant M^2c dederit L¹ || certa] cara I || sui] fui C[Pg 123]

37 haec] hac C || de] tu B^acC tu de B^pc || 38 imperio] imperii C || eras] eris M¹ILF^2ul || 39 me iam] iam me T || Care] kare M || 40 uidet] tenet F || 43 at tu] ast ego F¹ || studii] studui C || foedera] federe B^ac || 45 uincto scripsi capto codd || 46 uestris] nostris MIL || adferat] afferet F¹ praebeat I offerat Heinsius 47 pueri, uotum commune deorum edd pueri, uotum commune, deorum Postgate (Owen 1894) || uotum commune deorum corruptum || deorum] duorum M¹F^2ul augusti et liuie F^2gl suorum Heinsius || 48 quos ... formandos] quos ... formandos M^2c quis ... formandis LPF^2ul || laus est] est laus F tibi ... est H (laus H^2[gl] ad finem uersus) || magna] mag** L maga F¹ || datos] datos M^2c deos I^?ul data L datis F^2ulP datur F^2ul[Pg 124]

49 potes] potest B^ac || praebe nostrae] nostrae praebe FI || momenta Vaticanus 1595, saec xv (Mercati [Lenz]), sicut coni Scaliger et Gronouius monimenta BCMFHILT || 50 mutato ex muto B[Pg 125]

XIV

epistula ad tuticanum B² tuticano amico suo M tuticano F²H² ad tuticanum I² || 1 quem BMFLT; add I² in spatio a prima manu relicto que CH || sum modo] summo (B¹) || 4 te Berolinensis Diez. B. Sant. 1, saec. xiii (Lenz), Bodleianus Rawlinson G 105^ul (Tarrant) me BCMFHILT || 5 est om I¹ || inuisa] non uisa C || 6 ex istis] ex illis C Euxinis Castiglioni (Lenz) || scilicet] ilicet fort legendum || 7 terra quo muter [mutar F²] ab ista F¹, Bodleianus Canon. lat. 1, saec xiii (Tarrant), Barberinus lat. 26, saec xiii (Lenz) terra quo mittar ab ista BCMFHILT terra quam muter ut ista Heinsius [nulla prior cura est] terra quam muter ut ista Heinsius terra nisi muter ut ista Heinsius terrae quo muter ab Histro Williams || 8 quia quam] quamquam C[Pg 126]

9 medias] medi*s B || Syrtes] syr*tis B¹, ut uid systes C || Charybdin CH caribdim BT caribdī MFL caripdī I || 10 mittite B^pcILF^2ul mitte MH mittat B^acC mittant F¹ mutē T (mittē legit André) || 12 inferius F^1c || 13 gramina] carmina C flamina Bentley || 14 Marticolis] in articolis C || 15 suscensent C succensent BM^pcFHILT successent M^ac || 16 publica] puplica LP || mota meis] nota meis H meis I¹ est [meis] I^2(gl?) || 17 laedi] lȩde C^ac || 18 plectar] plectat L || incauto] incapto M || 19 incidere] incindere F || 20 telaque] tela M || sequor] sequar CP[Pg 127]

21 deuertor] deuertar B || et] ad M², 'quinque libri. quod placet'—Heinsius || 22 offendit] effudit F¹ || naufraga] naufagra H || 23 sed] at fort legendum || 24 quos B^2c || 25 excutiat] excuriat L || 27 frigus] frugus C || de om I¹ || timendos] timendus L || 29 in] non C || crimina] carmina H || 30 culpatis] culpatus B^acC || solum] locum MH || 31 'uersus suspectus'—Heinsius || quam uitabilis] quam miserabilis H quam uitiabilis A. G. Lee (PCPhS 181 [1950-51] 3), fort recte ut illaudabilis Bentley || Ascra] ascre BCH, fort recte || 32 agricolae] argolici I^2ul[Pg 128]

33 et] **t M¹ at Puteaneus Heinsii (=Parisinus lat. 8239, saec xiii) (Lenz), Laurentianus 36 2, saec xv (Lenz), edd ante Korn non uel nec fort legendum || in] ut L || 34 intumuit] intimuit I¹ || Ascra] illa I || 36 indice] iudice IL || docta B doctus C dicta MFHILT nota excerpta Scaligeri, sex codd Heinsii, probante Riese || loci est] loci FT in est C (ī ē) || 37 om C || 37 non] nec L || sed mores] sermones L || 38 Scepsius Scaliger, Castig. in Catull. 15, 19 (=32, ed. 2) (Lenz) sceptius C septius MFT septius B^2c septius L^2c septi L¹, ut uid sepcius I celsius H || Ausonios] ausononios uel ausonomos L || actaque MFT actaue BHIL acte ue C || 39 falsa] fassa M¹ || est om C || 40 auctori] actori [Pg 129]C^acF¹ || fera] sua F¹ || 41 populi ... concitat iram] populum ... uertit in iram L || 42 inque] isque F

43 tam] iam C || pectore] pectorore H || candidus] callidus H || 44-45 in marg add B¹F² || 44 nemo ... meo] meo ... nemo H¹ || 45 Illyrica] ilira L || essem] eem M || 46 non] nec (F^ac?)L || mordenda] mordeda M || 47 uobis] nobis L || 48 Graios edd gratos BCMFHIL raros T geticos 'unus Vaticanus ... aeque bene [ac "Graios"!], nisi uis rectius'—Ciofanus || 49 gens] ius C || Paeligni] pēligni L || 50 lenior M^pcF^pcHIT leuior BC(M^ac)F^acL || 51 uix] uos F²] || incolumi] incolumi B^2c in colonia C || 52 is] i/s B est M || est] is M || 53 adhuc] ad hunc C || sum om F¹ || oris] aruis L || 54 si qui] siquid T || munera] mumera C[Pg 130]

57 grata] gata H^ac || igitur latone F^2c || 59 cara] cala C^ac grata B² || 59 Tomis HLB² tomus B¹T thomus I^{2c, ut uid} domus CF¹ thomos MF^2ul || quae BMLT quae a CFHI || 61 placidae] placidam B || 62 foret] forent F², ut uid[Pg 131]

sexto pompeio B²MFH² ad sextum pompeium I² || 1 usquam ... extat] usquam ... extet Guethling (Lenz) extat ... usquam M || 2 requirit Bodleianus Auct. F 2 1 (Tarrant), Laurentianus 38 39 (Lenz), editio princeps Bononiensis (Lenz), 'ex duobus' Heinsius requirat BCMFHLT requiret I, British Library Burney 220 (Tarrant), Bodleianus Rawlinson G 105 (Tarrant), Othob. lat. 1469, saec xv (Tarrant) || agam] agat fort legendum || 5 miserae] supere H || 6 pars] noster pars B^ac || 7 horto ... arui] hasto ... arui C horto ... agri TP horti ... aruo Williams || 8 lento] lecto 'Basil. et hoc probat Barth. Aduers. xxxvii.10'—Burman[Pg 132]

9 Tmolia terra BM^2ul tinolia t. C thimolia t. L thimola t. T timula t. I, ut uid mollia t. HP etholia t. F¹ gnosia t. F^2ul habet methina M¹ || racemos] ramos M^ac || 10 Sicyon] sicio B¹ scithion T || Hybla] hilba B^ac || 11 testere] testare (M¹)LI¹P tristare F¹ narare I^2ul || signate] signare LP || 12 est om F^ac || loquor] loquar M^pc || 13 rem paruam MHIT paruam rem BCFL, fort recte || 15 Trinacria] tinacria H || regnataque terra] regnaque terra I¹ tellus regnata M || philippo] phiūppo C || 19 tristi] cristi L || 20 potes H^2c[Pg 133]

21 amicius] micius B^pc (=mitius) amicitius L || aruum] auum M^ac || 23 precando] rogando HF^2ul || 25-26 spurios puto. 'ambiguus hic locus est, eoque difficilior quoque, et obscurior'—Micyllus; 'xv 25 libri "Erroris nam", quod nisi aegre intellegi nequit, quamquam nec correctio satisfacit'—Merkel (1884), qui maeroris pro erroris coniecit || 25 nam] iam FI discernere] decernere MI¹ || 26 maius] magis I nauis F¹ || auxilium] axilium M xilium I¹ || 27 flumine] flamine M^2c, ut uid || saepe secundo] saepe F¹ secundo saepe I^ac || 29 semperque] semper C || 30 iusta] iussa F¹ || 31 uerum quid] colloquio C || faciam] fac in I[Pg 134]

33 aliud cupiens] uolens aliud I || delabor] dilabor L || 34 uix sanus; seclusit Merkel (1884) || 34 ipsa locum ... rogat] inque locum ... redit temptauit Tarrant || per se littera ... rogat] pro se tristia ... rogant [uel petunt] temptaui || per se ... rogat] per se ... petit unus Heinsii per se ... facit unus Heinsii pro se ... facit Heinsius || 35 me] nos M^2ul || 37 munera] carmina F¹ munere F^2ul nomina F^3ul, ut uid || 38 mea] tua H || me] te (F¹) || audiet FHIT audiat BCML || 39 audiet] audiat L || est om M || ullo] illo M^ac, sicut coni Bentley || 40 transit nostra feros] transierit seuos T[Pg 135]

41 seruatoremque] seruṭatoremque M seruataremque L || 42 meque] neque C || tuum libra norit et aere magis Barberinus lat. 26^2ul (Lenz), F³? (m̅ = magis) tuum libra norit et aere minus BCMHILT (libra ex liba I) tuum libra norit et aere datum F¹ || suum [libra norit et aere] minus F^2ul [tellus ... quaecumque ...] meque, tuum libra, nouit, et aere, minus Gronouius, Obs. II i meque tuum libra norit et aere tuum Heinsius tuae libra norit et aere manus Rappold (Owen 1915) tuae libra norit et aere domus temptaui; cf Suet Aug 61 1[Pg 136]

XVI

ad inuidum B²MI² ad inimicum H² || 1 carmina] carmia M || 3 uenit. at scripsi uenit et BCMFILT ueniet H || nomen] uoto H (noto?) || 4 tum] tunc F || uiuis] uiuus H || erat] eat C^ac || 5 cum foret et FHT cumque foret BCMIL || Rabirius MFI sabirius BC rabarius T rabirtius H rabilinus L Sabellius Barth, Adu. xxxvii 10 (Burman) || 6 Iliacusque] iliacus H || sidereusque] sidere/usque B Cecropiusque Bentley; cf x 71 'cum Thesea carmine laudes' || pedo M^2c || 7 Iunonem laesisset] iunonem lesissent B^ac, ut uid lesisset iunonem M || Carus] karus B || 8 Iunonis] iunonisque H || si iam] siam C¹ || gener ... foret BCMFHT (foret M^1c) neger foret L foret genus I[Pg 137]

11 imparibus numeris] imparibus [spatium septem litterarum] his H || 12 sufficis, et] sufficis M^ac || 13 Penelopae] penelopi H penolope CI || 13 solinus H^2(gl) in marg || 15 Trisomen C (trisom̅) trisomem B¹ trosenē L trionē F troinē I trozenen M troezen T tr****m H troilem B² Troezena quidam apud Micyllum Tymelen temptauit Heinsius Thressen [=Hero] M. Hertz (Lenz) Chrysen Roeper (Riese) Troesmin Ehwald Troesmen Owen Sinatroncen ['Parthorum regis nomen'] Bergk, Opusc. I 664 pro suam t. || imperfectumque] imperfectamque H imperfectum I¹ interruptumque Bergk || 16 deseruit] destituit Bergk || Sabinus] salinus (M¹)T solius F^2ul || 17 dictus] dignus I || 18 Gallica] gallia M¹ || duxit] dixit M¹ || arua] arma B^1?ulHI[Pg 138]

19 domito ... ab Hectore] domitam ... ab hectore FM^2ul domitam ... ab hercule Gothanus II 121, saec xiii (André), probante Korn || Camerinus] cam̅inus T caminus F || 20 sua nomen Phyllide Tuscus] fata nomen pillide tuscus C sua tuscus phillide nomen L sua nomen Phyllide Fuscus Heinsius ('nomen magis Romanum') || 21 ueliuolique] ueiiuolique C || uates] nomen Merkel ad Ibin p. 377 (Owen) || posses BCMHILT possis F, fort recte || 23 quique] cuique C || proelia] pretia C || dixit] salustius M^2gl || 24 Marius scripti] marius scriptor C scriptor marius B || 24 dexter] promptus M, fort in ras P || 25 Trinacriusque BCFL tinacriusque IT tenar*sque H eticiusque M || Perseidos] perseidis BCI Peneidos Ehwald (=Daphnes) || auctor ... auctor] auctor ... actor H actor ... actor F || et] set F² || Tyndaridosque] tyndaridisque MI[Pg 139]

27 Maeoniam] meonidē H || Pheacida L pheacida M^2c pheatida I pheicida H ecaeida B¹ aeacida C hetaterā F hecateida T ecateida B² || et une HLB² et une M^2c et una IT et uni B¹C in anguem F; 'latet aliquid'—Burman || 28 lyrae] l*rȩ C^ac || 29 Musaque] uisaque C || 29 Turrani BCMLT turani FI tiranni H Thorani Heinsius || tragicis] gtragicis T || innixa] innexa T || 30 (in ras?) add C² || 30 et tua] ipseque C² || socco] socio C², ut uid || Melisse MFB² mel isse B¹ molisse IL molasse T melose H molesse C² (malesse legunt Lenz, André) || leuis] leui H Othob. lat. 1469, saec xv (Tarrant), sicut coni Heinsius || 31 Varius LTB^2ul uariis C uarus B¹MFHI || Gracchusque edd olim graccusque T, probante Ehwald gra*ccusque B gracusque HIL gratusque CMF || 31 darent] daret F parent (B¹)C || tyrannis BC, sicut coni Heinsius tyranni MFHILT || 32 Proculus] proculuus M pro cuius B^2c prochius C[Pg 140]

33 locus desperatus. 'haec nec Latina sunt, nec satis intelligo quid sibi uelint'—Heinsius

Tityron antiquas Passerque rediret ad herbas B¹C (Passerque ex passerque Riese)
titirus antiquas et erat qui pasceret herbas HILT (titirus: tiarus I^ac) (pasceret: diceret L)
[tityron antiquas] et erat qui gigneret [herbas] B^3ul
titirus eternas caneret qui procreet herbas F (procreet: pasceret F^2ul)
titirum et antiquas recuṣbasse referret ad umbras M
[tityron antiquas] recubasse refertur [ad herbas] B²
Tityron aprica recubantem pangeret umbra Heinsius (Korn)
Tityron aprica recubasse referret in umbra Heinsius (Korn)
Tityron apricus recubasse referret ad umbras [uel undas] Heinsius (Korn)
Tityrus antiquis armentaque pasceret herbis Withof (Korn)
Tityrus antiquas pastorque rediret ad herbas Korn
Tityrus antiquas rursus reuocaret ad herbas Madvig (Adu. crit. II praef)
Tityrus antiquas capras ubi pasceret herbas Madvig (Adu. crit. II 105)
Tityrus apricans, ut erat, qui pasceret, herbas Bergk (Opusc. I 667)
Tityron Andinasque esset qui diceret herbas Roeper (Korn)
Tityron antiquas pastorem exciret ad herbas Owen (1915)
Tityron antiquas carmenque referret ad herbas Schneiderhan (Lenz)
Tityron antiquas Passer reuocaret ad herbas Luck

33 antiquas] eternas F intactas uel ac uacuas uel ac uirides Riese || 34 aptaque ... arma] altaque ... arma M armaque ... apta I || uenanti] uenati C uenandi F^2ul || Grattius Buecheler e cod illius poetae (RhM 35 [1880] 407) gratius CFLT gracius BMHI[Pg 141]

35 Naiadas C. P. Jones naiadas a HLI² nayades a MT naidas a BCFI² || Fontanus] fontusanus M montanus H, ut uid || 38 longa mora] mora longa L || uulgus habet] uulgus habent HI^ac fama tenet T || 39-40 spurios putat Williams || 39 essent et iuuenes] quid pro essent C, incertum et iuuenes essent H || iuuenes quorum, quod interpunxi iuuenes, quorum quod edd || cura unus Thuaneus Heinsii (=Parisinus lat. 8256 uel 8462) causa BCMFHILT || 41 tamen in] tanta in M¹L tamen e Heinsius || 42 lumen] numen 'editi aliquot'—Burman || praesidiumque fori] praesidiumque meum H¹; uide Hor Carm I i 2[Pg 142]

43 maternos] fraternos B¹CH || Cottas] coctas L || cui om FIL || Messallasque BCM messalosque IL messalinosque HT messalanosque F || 44 Maxime B¹CM^pc, sicut coni Burman maxima M^acFHILTB² || ingeminata] cui geminata F || 46 legeretur] regeretur BC^pc regaretur C^ac || 47 proscindere] procindere F^ac praescindere T discindere I || 48 neu] nec IF ne H || 49 relicta] retenta T, ut uid (retn̅ta) || 50 ut] ut ca T^ac || 51-52 spurios puto || 51 demittere Berolinensis Diez. B. Sant. 1, saec xiii (Lenz), Laurentianus 36 2, saec xv (Lenz), editio princeps Bononiensis (Lenz) dimittere BCMFHILT || artus] albis C (astus Lenz; André dubitanter) || explicit liber ouidii de ponto fe li ci ter sint bona scribenti sint uita salusque legenti B explicit liber ouidii de ponto C[Pg 143] explicit liber publii·o·n·de ponto M explicit ouidius de ponto uade sed incultus qualem decet exulis esse F explicit o de ponto H hic liber explicit gratia christo detur L[Pg 144]

COMMENTARY

EPISTVLARVM EX PONTO LIBER QVARTVS. The precise title of these poems is uncertain. The one mention Ovid makes of the poems' title is of little assistance: 'inuenies, quamuis non est miserabilis index, / non minus hoc illo triste quod ante dedi' (EP I i 15-16). The earliest manuscript of the poems, the ninth-century Hamburgensis scrin. 52 F (extant to III ii 67), gives no title at the start of the poems, but has 'EX PONTO LIBER ·II· EXPLICIT' at the end of the second book. Later manuscripts generally call the poems the De Ponto or Epistulae de Ponto. The original name was probably not present in the archetype; these titles were perhaps invented with the aid of the first distich of the first poem: 'Naso Tomitanae iam non nouus incola terrae / hoc tibi de Getico litore mittit opus'. Heinsius strongly preferred Ex Ponto to De Ponto ('nihil magis inscitum aut barbarum hac inscriptione'), citing in its support the first line of Tr V ii 'Ecquid, ut e Ponto noua uenit epistula, palles'. In reality ex and de are equally acceptable Latin (Cic Att XV xxvi 5; Fam XIV xx), but Ex Ponto is the title found in the oldest manuscript of the poems and has become usual since Heinsius' time; in the absence of further evidence it may be allowed to stand.

Heinsius made two other suggestions for the poems' title. The first, Pontica, seems best suited for a poem describing the geography of the area around Tomis or the characteristics of its inhabitants. His second suggestion, Epistulae Ponticae, is attractive, but without any particular probability.[Pg 146]

I. To Sextus Pompeius

Sextus Pompeius, consul ordinarius in AD 14, is the most illustrious of Ovid's correspondents in the Ex Ponto; patron of Valerius Maximus, he was related to Pompey the Great (Sen Ben IV 30 2) and to Augustus (Dio LVI 29 5). For discussions of his career, see Syme HO 156-62, Pauly-Wissowa XXI,2 2265 61, and Dessau PIR P 450. He is the recipient of four poems in the fourth book, but is nowhere mentioned in the first three books of the Ex Ponto. Since Pompeius helped Ovid during his journey to exile (v 31-38), their relationship must have been of long standing; clearly Pompeius had indicated to Ovid his preference not to be mentioned in his verse, even after it had become clear to most of Ovid's friends that being named by him would carry no penalty. In EP III vi, Ovid exhorts a timid friend to allow him to name him; there is no indication, however, that the poem was addressed to Pompeius.

Ovid seems to have been best served in exile by those of his friends who were of no particular eminence. In Tr III iv 3-8 & 43-44 he complains not only of the treatment he has received from Augustus, but also of the lack of assistance from those of his friends most in a position to help. Once Sextus Pompeius had indicated he was willing to be named publicly, Ovid could not ignore the influence that a man of such position could bring to bear; hence the number of poems addressed to him in the fourth book.[Pg 147]

Ovid starts the poem with an elaborate assertion of his past and present desire to mention Pompeius in his verse (1-22), and then briefly recounts the services Pompeius has rendered to him, and will continue to render (23-26). The reason he is confident that Pompeius will continue to assist him is that Pompeius' past assistance has been such that he is now, in effect, Pompeius' creation, and brings glory to him in the way that great works of art do for their creators (27-36).

1. DEDVCTVM. 'Composed'. Deducere is often used in reference to the drawing of fibres from the wool on the distaff and the shaping of the thread (Catullus LXIV 311-14). From this meaning derive the two senses the word can have when referring to poetry, 'composed' and 'finely spun, delicate'. The first sense is seen here and at Tr I i 39, EP I v 13, and at Tr V i 71 'ipse nec emendo, sed ut hic deducta legantur', and the second at Ecl VI 4-5 'pastorem, Tityre, pinguis / pascere oportet ouis, deductum dicere carmen', where deductum ... carmen represents the Μοῦσαν ... λεπταλέην of Callimachus Aetia I 24; Servius comments on the metaphor from spinning. It has been suggested that Met I 4 'ad mea perpetuum deducite tempora carmen' shows this meaning as well; see Kenney Ouidius Prooemians 51-52.

Hor Ep II i 225 'tenui deducta poemata filo' stands somewhere between the two senses.

2. DEBITOR ... VITAE. See v 33-36 (Ovid's letter speaking to Pompeius) 'te sibi, cum fugeret, memori solet ore referre / barbariae tutas[Pg 148] exhibuisse uias, / sanguine Bistonium quod non tepefecerit ensem, / effectum cura pectoris esse tui'. The passage suggests that Pompeius supplied Ovid with a bodyguard for his journey overland from Tempyra to Tomis, either in an official capacity—Dessau suggests (PIR P 450) that Pompeius might have been proconsul of Macedonia—or, more probably, from his Macedonian estates, for which Dessau and Syme (HO 157) cite xv 15.

3. QVI. Williams' CVI is possibly correct; the line would then refer to the titulus of the poem in a published text.

3. SEV NON PROHIBES. 'If you do not try to prevent'. The context makes it clear that Pompeius will not in fact prevent Ovid from mentioning Pompeius in his poem. This conative sense is much more commonly found with the imperfect than with the present; the only way it can be dispensed with in this passage is if cui is read and, as Professor R. J. Tarrant suggests, prohibes taken to refer to the later inclusion of the poem in a published collection.

4. ACCEDET MERITIS. Pompeius' even allowing Ovid to name him would count as a favour. Nowhere in the poem does Ovid specify why Pompeius might prefer not to be named.

4. ACCEDET MERITIS HAEC QVOQVE SVMMA TVIS. 'This sum will be added to the favours you have done me'. Professor J. N. Grant points out to me [Pg 149]the technical terms of finance used in the passage: debitor ... accedet ... summa. I once thought that summa was equivalent in sense to cumulus ('addition') at EP II v 35-36 'hoc tibi facturo, uel si non ipse rogarem, / accedat cumulus gratia nostra leuis', but have found no parallel for this sense of summa.

5. TRAHIS VVLTVS. 'Frown'—compare iii 7 'contraxit uultum Fortuna', viii 13-14 'ei mihi, si lectis uultum tu uersibus istis / ducis', Am II ii 33 'bene uir traxit uultum rugasque coegit', and Met II 774 'ingemuit uultumque una ac [Housman: ima ad codd] suspiria duxit'.

5-6. EQVIDEM PECCASSE FATEBOR, / DELICTI TAMEN EST CAVSA PROBANDA MEI. 'Yes, I shall certainly confess my guilt, but the reason for my offence is one that necessarily wins approval'. Ovid uses the correct legal terminology; compare Cic Mur 62 'fatetur aliquis se peccasse et sui [Halm: cui uel eius codd] delicti ueniam petit'. Other instances in Ovid of peccasse fateri at hexameter-ends are Am III xiv 37, Met III 718, VII 748 & XI 134, and EP II iii 33.

7. NON POTVIT MEA MENS. Compare Tr V ix 25-26 'nunc quoque se, quamuis est iussa quiescere, quin te / nominet inuitum, uix mea Musa tenet'.

8. OFFICIO. Used again of Ovid's writing of verse-epistles at Tr V ix 33-34 'ne tamen officio memoris laedaris amici, / parebo iussis—parce timere—tuis'.[Pg 150]

8. OFFICIO ... PIO. The words similarly combined at Tr III iii 84 and Tr V vi 4 'officiique pium ... onus'. The adjective ('loyal') is a favourite term of commendation in the poems of exile, applied to fides (Tr V xiv 20, EP III ii 98), coupled with memor (Tr IV v 18, V iv 43), or used to characterize the inseparable friends of myth such as Theseus and Pirithous (Tr I ix 31) or Castor and Pollux (Tr IV v 30).

9. IN. B's AB is possibly correct, ab istis meaning 'to judge by them, on the basis of their evidence'. Professor R. J. Tarrant cites Prop III iii 38 'ut reor a facie, Calliopea fuit'.

11. ALII VELLEM CVM SCRIBERE. The line confirms that Ovid was not at liberty to name Sextus Pompeius in his poems even after he had begun the composition of the first three books of the Ex Ponto.

Ovid similarly indicates his frustrated desire to name his correspondent at Tr IV v 10 'excidit heu nomen quam mihi paene tuum' and at EP III vi 1-2 'Naso suo (posuit nomen quam paene!) sodali / mittit ... hoc breue carmen'.

11. VELLEM CVM. B offers CVM VELLEM, which I take to be a simple corruption to prose word-order. It is however the reading printed by Owen; and it could be argued that cum uellem is the correct reading, and was altered to uellem cum for metrical reasons. Lucretius and Catullus were fond of placing a spondaic word in the fourth foot of the hexameter; in the Augustan age practice altered, and the pattern was generally avoided; compare Aen I 1 'Arma uirumque cano, Troiae qui[Pg 151] primus ab oris'. It was, however, permitted occasionally, especially when the previous foot ended in a long monosyllable (Platnauer 20-22). Scribes quite often alter such lines so as to remove the spondaic word from coinciding with the fourth foot; an instance of this can be seen at line 7 'non potuit mea mens quin esset grata teneri', where H offers the scribal alteration esset quin. For a full discussion see Housman 269.

13. MENDIS. This is probably a form of mendum rather than of menda; compare Cic II Ver II 104 'quid fuit istic antea scriptum? quod mendum ista litura correxit?' and Att XIII xxiii 2 ' tantum librariorum menda tolluntur'. I have found no earlier instance in verse of mendum meaning 'error' in this sense; Ovid in his poems of exile uses the terms of his craft more readily than any of his predecessors.

14. VIX INVITA FACTA LITVRA MANV EST. Vix goes with facta; André seems to take it with inuita ('ma main l'effaçait presque à regret').

15. VIDERIT is a complete sentence meaning 'let him look to himself'. Compare the following examples: 'nona terebatur miserae uia; "uiderit [sc Demophoon]" inquit / et spectat zonam pallida facta suam' (RA 601-2), '"uiderit! insanos" inquit "fateamur amores"' (Met IX 519), 'cur tamen est mihi cura tui tot iam ante peremptis? / uiderit! intereat, quoniam tot caede procorum / admonitus non est' (Met X 623-25), 'uiderit! audentes forsque deusque iuuat' (Fast II 782), 'uideris! [cod Ambrosianus G 37 sup (saec xiv), sicut coni Heinsius:[Pg 152] uiderit codd plerique] audebo tibi me scripsisse fateri' (EP I ii 9). The idiom is found with an expressed subject at AA II 371 'uiderit Atrides: Helenen ego crimine soluo' and AA III 671-72 'uiderit utilitas: ego coepta fideliter edam: / Lemniasin gladios in mea fata dabo'. It is clearly derived from the use of uiderit 'look after, take care of' with an expressed object, as at Her XII 209-11 'quo feret ira sequar! facti fortasse pigebit— / et piget infido consuluisse uiro. / uiderit ista deus qui nunc mea pectora uersat!'. Although uiderit in these passages clearly has a jussive sense, it is probably future perfect in origin, since uidero 'I shall look after' is quite frequent in Terence and Cicero: see Martin on Ter Ad 437 'de istoc ipse uiderit' and OLD uideo 18b.

15. AD SVMMAM means 'in short' or 'to sum up', and is used to introduce a recapitulation of what has just been expressed or concluded. The line should therefore be taken as the end of a debate which Ovid has had with himself. For the idiom, Ehwald (KB 45) cites Cic Att VII vii 7, XIV i 1, Hor Ep I i 106 'ad summam, sapiens uno minor est Ioue, Petronius Sat 37 5 'ad summam, mero meridie si dixerit illi tenebras esse, credet', 37 10, 57 3 & 9, 58 8 (in all these passages the narrator's neighbour at table is the speaker) and 71 1 (Trimalchio speaking). Professor R. J. Tarrant cites Sen Apoc 11 3 'ad summam, tria uerba cito dicat et seruum me ducat'.

AD SVMMVM is the reading of L and T and is printed by Burman (who punctuates uiderit ad summum) and Merkel (ad summum dixi). OLD summus[Pg 153] 8b gives only one instance of ad summum, where it means 'at most' (Scribonius Largus 122). The phrase does not seem appropriate to the present context.

15. IPSE (FTP) is so much better in sense ('although he may object') than the ILLE of most manuscripts that I have followed all previous editors in accepting it.

16. HANC. This, the reading of H and I (perhaps recovered by conjecture), must be preferred to HA (AH, A), the reading of the other manuscripts, since without it licet ipse queratur would have to be linked to uiderit, which seems awkward. The corruption of hāc to ha is not difficult, especially in view of the following pudet; compare Met IX 531 'pudet, a pudet edere nomen'.

17. SI QVID EA EST. 'If it really exists'. The affirmation would be 'est aliquid Lethe'; compare Prop IV vii 1 'Sunt aliquid Manes: letum non omnia finit'.

17. HEBETANTEM PECTORA. I have found no other instance in Ovid of this transferred sense of hebetare, but compare Aen II 604-6 'omnem quae nunc obducta tuenti / mortalis hebetat uisus tibi ... nubem eripiam' and Aen VI 731-32. The transferred sense is found at Celsus II i 11 'Auster aures hebetat ... omnis calor ... mentem hebetat'; compare as well Pliny NH XVIII 118 '[faba ...] hebetare sensus existimata' and Suet Cl 2 'animo simul et corpore hebetato'.

Oblitus in 18 indicates that pectus is virtually equivalent to[Pg 154] 'mind' or even 'memory'. In Ovid it often has the sense 'poetic feeling', as at xii 16 'pectus habere neger'.

17. LETHEN. Compare Tr IV i 47-48 'utque soporiferae biberem si pocula Lethes, / temporis aduersi sic mihi sensus abest'.

21. ET can be construed, as connecting with the preceding nec; compare Fast VI 325 'nec licet et longum est epulas narrare deorum'. SED should however possibly be read, the word contrasting with the preceding nec as at ii 15-16 'nec tamen ingenium nobis respondet ut ante, / sed siccum sterili uomere litus aro'. The error could easily be induced by the final s of the preceding putes; compare Med 55-56 'par erui mensura decem madefiat ab ouis / (sed [uar et] cumulent libras hordea nuda duas)'.

21. LEVIS HAEC ... GRATIA. 'This unimportant expression of gratitude'. The same use of leuis at EP II v 35-36 'hoc tibi facturo, uel si non ipse rogarem, / accedat cumulus gratia nostra leuis'.

21. HAEC MERITIS REFERATVR GRATIA. Similar phrasing at Met V 14-15 'meritisne haec gratia tantis / redditur?', Tr V iv 47 'plena tot ac tantis referetur gratia factis', EP I vii 61 'emeritis referenda est gratia semper', and EP III i 79-80 'nec ... debetur meritis gratia nulla meis'.

23. NVMQVAM PIGRA FVIT NOSTRIS TVA GRATIA REBVS. Wheeler rightly points out Ovid's play in 21-23 on the varying senses of gratia (thanks),[Pg 155] gratus (grateful), and gratia (favour, kindness).

26. FERETQVE is Heinsius' correction for the REFERTQVE of the manuscripts (REFERT B¹, REFERTA C); it is made necessary by the following fiducia tanta futuri. Owen, Lenz, and André report feretque as the reading of the thirteenth-century Canonicianus lat 1, but Professor R. J. Tarrant, who has examined the manuscript, informs me that it in fact reads refertque.

For the pattern compare Tr III viii 12 'quae non ulla tibi fertque feretque dies' and Tr II 155-56 'per superos ... qui dant tibi longa dabuntque / tempora'.

The corruption was natural enough, particularly in view of such passages as Fast VI 334 'errantes fertque refertque pedes', Tr I vii 5-6 (to a friend who owned a ring with Ovid's portrait) 'hoc tibi ... senti ... dici, / in digito qui me fersque refersque [codd: ferasque Heinsius] tuo', and Tr V xiii 29 'sic ferat ac referat tacitas nunc littera uoces'.

28. QVOD FECIT QVISQVE TVETVR OPVS. 'Everyone protects the work he has created'. This is hardly a commonplace of ancient poetry, and the catalogue which follows of famous works of art does not serve to illustrate it.

29-34. Ovid's description of the works of Apelles, Phidias, Calamis, and Myron was influenced by Propertius' catalogue of artists at III ix 9-16; in particular, he imitates 10-12 'exactis Calamis se mihi[Pg 156] iactat equis; / in Veneris tabula summam sibi poscit Apelles; / Parrhasius parua uindicat arte locum', and 15 'Phidiacus signo se Iuppiter ornat eburno'. Professor E. Fantham points out to me the inclusion of Apelles, Calamis, and Myron as canonical figures in a catalogue of artists at Cic Brut 70 and of all four in a similar catalogue at Quint XII x 6-9.

29. VENVS. Ovid is speaking of the famous Aphrodite Anadyomene painted by Apelles (fourth century BC) in Cos; hence the epithet Coi later in the line—Apelles was in fact from Colophon. Ovid had probably seen the picture in Rome, for Augustus brought it there from Cos (Strabo XIV 2 19; Pliny NH XXXV 91).

Ovid refers to the painting at Am I xiv 33-34 and Tr II 527-28. At AA III 223-24 (quoted in the next note) Ovid seems to be describing a cut gem copied from the painting.

30. AEQVOREO MADIDAS QVAE PREMIT IMBRE COMAS. Imbre depends on madidas. Premit is equivalent to exprimit, as is shown by AA III 224 'nuda Venus madidas exprimit imbre comas'. For exprimere taking as object that out of which something is pressed or squeezed see Celsus IV 24 and Pliny NH XXIX 31.

The Romans would not have found aequoreo ... imbre strange. Although the primary transferred sense of imber would be rain-water, it is used of sea-water as early as Ennius Ann 497-98 Vahlen[Pg 157] 'ratibusque fremebat / imber Neptuni', and without defining qualifier at Aen I 123.

31. ACTAEAE = the metrically difficult Atheniensis. The word is generally confined to high poetry (Ecl II 24, Met II 554 & 720, VI 711, VII 681 & VIII 170), but its first occurrence is in prose, at Nepos Thras 2 1 'hoc initium fuit salutis Actaeorum'; some manuscripts read Atticorum, which may be right.

31. VEL EBVRNA VEL AEREA CVSTOS. There were at Athens two famous statues of Athena sculpted by Phidias: 'Phidias ... fecit ex ebore auroque [Mayhoff: aeque codd] Mineruam Athenis quae est in Parthenone stans, ex aere uero ... Mineruam tam eximiae pulchritudinis ut formae cognomen acceperit ['was named the Minerva Formosa']' (Pliny NH XXXIV 54); the second, less famous statue is described at Pausanias I 28 2.

Heinsius' note is something of an oddity. He begins by reading AVREA for the AENEA of most manuscripts, taking uel eburna uel aurea custos to refer to the chryselephantine statue in the Parthenon, 'sed altius consideranti locum apparet de duplici statua Mineruae agi, altera eburnea, altera aenea'. Aenea therefore continued to be the accepted reading until 1873, when Haupt (Opuscula 584) pointed out that it was unmetrical, and restored aerea, found in some manuscripts.

The inverse error occurs at Her VI 32, where most manuscripts have the unmetrical aeripedes for aenipedes. But Merkel, followed by[Pg 158] Palmer, considered 31-38 an interpolation; and aeripedes may have been what the interpolator wrote.

32. PHIDIACA ... MANV. Ovid is recalling Prop III ix 15 'Phidiacus ... Iuppiter'. For the Latin poets' use of a personal adjective for the genitive of the noun, see Austin's interesting note on Aen II 543 Hectoreum.

33. VINDICAT VT CALAMIS LAVDEM QVOS FECIT EQVORVM. 'As Calamis lays claim to the praise given his horses'. Calamis, a sculptor of the fifth century BC, was particularly famous for his statues of horses; see Pliny NH XXXIV 71 'habet simulacrum et benignitas eius ['Praxiteles' generosity is seen in one of his statues']; Calamidis enim quadrigae aurigam suum imposuit, ne melior in equorum effigie defecisse in homine crederetur. ipse Calamis et alias quadrigas bigasque fecit equis sine aemulo expressis'.

33. QVOS FECIT EQVORVM. Similar instances of hyperbaton at 28 'quod fecit quisque tuetur opus', Met IV 803 'pectore in aduerso quos fecit sustinet angues', and Fast VI 20 'tum dea quos fecit sustulit ipsa metus'.

34. VT SIMILIS VERAE VACCA MYRONIS OPVS. The Cow of Myron (late fifth century BC) was his most famous work. Praise of the statue's lifelike appearance was a stock theme of Hellenistic writers of epigram; it appears from Pliny NH XXXIV 57 that the poetry written about the statue[Pg 159] was as notable as the statue itself. Thirty-six poems of the Palatine Anthology deal with the theme (IX 713-42 & 793-98). Ausonius wrote eight epigrams on the same subject (Ep LXVIII-LXXV), of which I quote LXVIII as a typical example of what both the Greek and Latin epigrams are like:

The statue was in Athens during Cicero's lifetime (II Verr IV 135); Ovid is likely to have seen it during his visit to the city (Tr I ii 77). He would certainly have seen the four statues of cattle sculpted by Myron which Augustus placed in his temple of Apollo, and which Propertius described: 'atque aram circum steterant armenta Myronis, / quattuor artificis, uiuida signa, boues' (II xxxi 7-8).

35. VLTIMA. 'Smallest, least important'. For this rare sense compare Hor Ep I xvii 35 'principibus placuisse uiris non ultima laus est', Cons ad Liuiam 44 'ultima sit laudes inter ut illa tuas', Vell Pat I 11 1, and the other instances cited by OLD ultimus 9.

35. SVM ('I am not the least of your possessions') seems unobjectionable enough; most editors have, however, accepted PARS from the excerpta Politiani.[Pg 160]

36. MVNVS OPVSQVE is a Latin phrase with the general meaning of 'creation'. It is used in this sense at Cic Tusc I 70 'haec igitur et alia innumerabilia cum cernimus, possumusne dubitare quin iis praesit aliquis uel effector ... uel ... moderator tanti operis et muneris?', ND II 90, Off III 4 'nulla enim eius ingenii [sc Africani] monumenta mandata litteris, nullum opus otii, nullum solitudinis munus extat', and Met VII 435-36 (to Theseus) 'quodque suis securus arat Cromyona colonus, / munus opusque tuum est'.[Pg 161]

II. To Cornelius Severus

Cornelius Severus (Schanz-Hosius 268-69 [§ 317]) was one of the most famous poets contemporary with Ovid; of him Quintilian said 'etiam si uersificator quam poeta melior ['even if his facility outruns his inspiration'], si tamen (ut est dictum) ad exemplar primi libri bellum Siculum perscripsisset, uindicaret sibi iure secundum locum [sc after Virgil]' (X i 89). The elder Seneca quoted with approval Severus' lines on the death of Cicero, as the finest lament produced on the subject (Suas VI 26: Winterbottom ad loc refers to a commentary by H. Homeyer, Annales univ. Saraviensis [phil. Fak.] 10 [1961], 327-34). EP I viii was addressed to a different Severus: in the third and fourth lines of the present poem, Ovid expresses his embarrassment at having addressed no poem to Severus previously, and in the earlier poem no mention is made of the addressee's poetry.

The poem is an apology to Severus for Ovid's not having sent a poem to him before; he offers two excuses for the omission. In the first fourteen lines, he flatters Severus by saying that so good a poet hardly needs to receive verse from someone else; in the twenty-four lines that follow he describes how his poetry, because of the conditions at Tomis, is now less abundant and of poorer quality than before. The subject is one Ovid had employed before: Tr III xiv, a request for indulgence to Ovid's verse, and Tr V xii, a reply to a friend who had urged him to write more poetry, treat the same topic in much the same way. The theme is similar to that of Catullus LXVIII[Pg 162] 1-40, where the poet explains that his brother's death has caused his lack of interest in poetry.

In 39-46 Ovid moves to the somewhat discordant topic (which serves however to re-emphasize his misery at Tomis) of how he continues to write poetry to take his mind off present evils, a theme he had used several times before, most notably in EP I v. He ends the poem with a request that Severus send him some of his recent work (47-50).

1. QVOD LEGIS. Similar beginnings to verse-epistles at Her III 1 'Quam legis a rapta Briseide littera uenit', Tr V vii 1, EP I vii 1-2 'Littera pro uerbis tibi, Messaline, salutem / quam legis a saeuis attulit usque Getis', and EP III v 1 'Quam legis unde tibi mittatur epistula quaeris?'.

Compare as well Her X 3-4 'Quae legis ex illo, Theseu, tibi litore mitto / unde tuam sine me uela tulere ratem'. This poem has suffered from two separate interpolations at its beginning. Certain manuscripts start the poem with the distich 'Illa relicta feris etiam nunc, improbe Theseu, / uiuit et haec aequa mente tulisse uelis', which is universally condemned; but the formulaic nature of 3-4 suggests that 1-2 'Mitius inueni quam te genus omne ferarum, / credita non ulli quam tibi peius eram', found in all manuscripts, is a second interpolation. Micyllus was the first to see this; a recent discussion at Kirfel 69-70.

1. VATES MAGNORVM MAXIME REGVM. Severus apparently wrote a poem dealing with pre-Republican Rome, to judge from xvi 9 his most famous work: 'quique dedit Latio carmen regale, Seuerus'. Heinsius took the[Pg 163] two passages as meaning that Severus was a writer of tragedy, citing Tr II 553 'et dedimus tragicis scriptum regale cothurnis'; compare as well Hor Sat I x 42-43 'Pollio regum / facta canit pede ter percusso ['in iambic trimeter']'. Heinsius' suggestion is possible enough, but since Seneca and Quintilian speak of Severus as an epic poet and there is no mention of the stage in this poem, it should be rejected.

Similar language is used of epic poetry at Ecl VI 3 'cum canerem reges et proelia' and Prop III iii 1-4 'Visus eram ... reges, Alba, tuos et regum facta tuorum, / tantum operis, neruis hiscere posse meis'.

1. REGVM. VATVM (M¹FIL) is a conscious or unconscious attempt to extend the etymological figure seen in magnorum maxime.

5-6. ORBA TAMEN NVMERIS CESSAVIT EPISTVLA NVMQVAM / IRE PER ALTERNAS OFFICIOSA VICES. Other mentions of what was clearly an extensive prose correspondence between Ovid and his friends at Tr V xii 1-2 and EP I ix 1-2.

6. OFFICIOSA. 'Attentive'. The preface to Martial XII gives a good illustration of the sense: 'consequimur ut molesti potius quam ut officiosi esse uideamur'.

Officiosus occurs five times in the Ex Ponto, but only four times in the rest of Ovid's poetry.

9-10. Aristaeus was famous for his beekeeping (Virgil G IV 315-558). Bacchus was the god of wine, and Triptolemus had disseminated the knowledge of grain-farming (Met V 646-61). Alcinous might seem a[Pg 164] strange companion to these three, but evidently Homer's description of Alcinous' orchard (Od VII 112-31) made a strong impression on the Latin poets. From Ovid compare Am I x 56 'praebeat Alcinoi poma benignus ager' and Met XIII 719-20 'proxima Phaeacum felicibus obsita pomis / rura petunt', from Propertius III ii 13 'nec mea Phaeacas aequant pomaria siluas', and from Virgil G II 87 'pomaque et Alcinoi siluae' 'the fruit-trees of Alcinous'.

9. BACCHO VINA FALERNA. Heinsius preferred M's BACCHO VINA FALERNO. But the passage he cited in its support, Silius III 369-70 'Tarraco ... uitifera, et Latio tantum cessura Lyaeo' is not in fact parallel: Lyaeo there stands for uino, and the passage means 'Tarraco, rich in vines, conceding priority to Latin wine alone'. Ovid wished to balance the hexameter with the pentameter, and used a standard epithet to fill out the metre.

10. ALCINOO. Note the quadrisyllable ending, and compare EP II ix 41-42 'quis non Antiphaten Laestrygona deuouet? aut quis / munifici mores improbet Alcinoi?'. In his later poetry Ovid shows a steadily increasing willingness to allow his pentameters to end with words other than disyllables. Every pentameter of the amatory poems and the first fifteen Heroides ends in a disyllable. Two quadrisyllabic endings occur in the later books of the Fasti: V 582 fluminibus and VI 660 funeribus. In the first five books of the Tristia there are eight such endings, in the first three books of the Ex Ponto there are seven, while in the fourth book there are no less than fourteen instances of[Pg 165] quadrisyllabic endings: nearly as many as in all the rest of Ovid's corpus put together.[18] 'Sermo magis etiam quam illic [sc in the Tristia] ... neglectus est et degenerauit' Riese remarked, but it can reasonably be doubted that a poet of Ovid's facility would break the rule of the disyllabic ending except by choice. A moderation of the rule became general: the author of Her XVI-XXI (whom I do not believe to have been Ovid) allowed pudicitiae (XVI 290), superciliis (XVII 16), and deseruit (XIX 202) (Platnauer 17); a count of pentameters in Martial V shows the proportion of non-disyllabic endings at 20%—the shorter the poem, the more freely they are admitted. Quadrisyllable endings are frequent in the metrically strict Claudian.

Ovid admitted quadrisyllable endings more freely if they were proper names. Of the twenty-one quadrisyllable verse-endings in the Ex Ponto, six involve proper nouns: II ii 76 Dalmatiae, ix 42 Alcinoi, the present passage, IV iii 54 Anticyra, viii 62 Oechalia, and ix 80 Danuuium. Professor E. Fantham points out to me that Ovid follows Propertius' similar practice: 42 of the 166 quadrisyllable pentameter endings in Propertius are proper names (Platnauer 17).

The fifteen other instances in the Ex Ponto of quadrisyllabic pentameter-endings are II ii 6 perlegere, ii 70 imperium, iii 18 articulis, v 26 ingenium, III i 166 aspiciant, IV v 24 officio, vi 6 alterius, vi 14 auxilium, ix 48 utilitas, xiii 28 imperii,[Pg 166] xiii 46 ingeniis, xiv 4 inuenies, xiv 18 ingenio, xiv 56 imposuit, and xv 26 auxilium.

For Ovid's use of trisyllabic and pentasyllabic endings, see at ix 26 tegeret (page 294) and iii 12 amicitia (p 181).

11. FERTILE PECTVS HABES. Compare Tr V xii 37-38 'denique non paruas animo dat gloria uires, / et fecunda facit pectora laudis amor'.

11. INTERQVE HELICONA COLENTES. Poets are also described as being on Parnassus at Tr IV i 50, x 23 & x 120. Helicon is the goal of poets at Hor Ep II i 218 (cited at 36).

12. PROVENIT continues the agricultural metaphor of fertile pectus. For prouenire = 'grow', see AA III 101-2 'ordior a cultu: cultis bene Liber ab uuis / prouenit', Fast IV 617 'largaque prouenit cessatis messis in aruis', and Nux 10; for the metaphorical sense see Am I iii 19-20 'te mihi materiem felicem in carmina praebe— / prouenient causa carmina digna sua' and Her XV 13-14 'nec mihi dispositis quae iungam carmina neruis / proueniunt'.

For uberius ... prouenit compare Caesar BG V 24 'eo anno frumentum in Gallia propter siccitates angustius prouenerat'.

13. MITTERE AD HVNC CARMEN. Burman printed without comment MITTERE CARMEN AD HVNC, the reading of Heinsius' fragmentum Louaniense. It seems to be a mere normalization of the hyperbaton; the elimination of the elision (mittere ad) may have been a factor as well.[Pg 167]

13. AD HVNC indicates that Ovid cannot have addressed these words in the first instance directly to Severus, but must here be recollecting his earlier thoughts. I have therefore placed the line in quotation marks.

15. NEC TAMEN. 'This was the principal reason; a second reason, however, was that ...'

15. INGENIVM = 'poetic talent', as often. Compare viii 66, xvi 2, Tr III vii 47, EP II ii 103, EP II v 21 (quoted at 20 uena pauperiore), EP II v 26, and EP III iv 11.

15. RESPONDET introduces the agricultural image of 18 'sed siccum sterili uomere litus aro', for the word here means 'yield'. OLD respondeo 8c cites for the literal sense Virgil G II 63-64 'truncis oleae melius, propagine uites / respondent', Columella II 1 3 'humus ... magno faenore ... colono respondet', Col III 3 4; for a transferred use see Sen Ep LXXXI 1 'non respondeant [sc beneficia] potius quam non dentur'.

16. SICCVM ... LITVS ARO. Proverbial for a useless activity. See Otto harena 4 and compare Tr V iv 47-48 'plena tot ac tantis referetur gratia factis, / nec sinet ille [Ovid] litus arare boues'.

Sterili is transferred by hypallage from litus; siccum serves no purpose beyond providing a balancing epithet.[Pg 168]

17. VENAS EXCAECAT, the reading of most codices, is obviously correct as against the VENAS CVM CAECAT of BCHL. Ovid uses excaecare again at Met XV 270-72 'hic fontes natura nouos emisit, at illic / clausit ... flumina prosiliunt aut excaecata [uar exsiccata] residunt'.

17. IN VNDIS is probably corrupt; if it is retained, from the context it must mean 'in the water of springs' (Professor A. Dalzell). Williams suggests 'in the case of water', marking the analogy with pectora sic mea sunt limo uitiata malorum in 19.

For undis as a corrupt hexameter ending, compare Met XV 276 'redditur Argolicis ingens Erasinus in aruis [codd: in undis Sen NQ III 26 4]', Met VIII 162 'liquidus Phrygiis Maeandros in aruis [uar liquidis Phrygius ... in undis]', and Met XIV 155 'sedibus Euboicam Stygiis emergit in urbem [uar sedibus euboicis stigiis emersus ab undis]'.

The line seems to have passed without comment until Merkel's second edition: 'in undis minus bene positum uidetur; temptabam hiulcas, quod expressisset Statius Theb. VIIII 450 hiulcis flumina uenis Suggerit ['he (the river Asopos) opens his springs wide and adds his streams']'. There seems no obvious reason, however, for Ovid to define the springs as 'gaping'.

Madvig conjectured INVNDANS, the corruption of which would be easy; but uenas seems more in need of a modifier than limus—Professor R. J. Tarrant suggests APERTAS or AQVARVM, Professor A. Dalzell IN ARVIS.[Pg 169]

Professor Tarrant also suggests to me that in undis could well have originated as a gloss on uenas.

18. LAESAQVE. There seems no reason to replace this with Merkel's LAPSAQVE ('flowing back'?), which even seems to contradict the sense of resistit.

The same sense of laesus at Am III vii 32 'deficiunt laesi carmine ['spell'] fontis aquae'.

20. VENA PAVPERIORE. The same image of Ovid's poetic talent at Tr III xiv 33-34 'ingenium fregere meum mala, cuius et ante / fons infecundus paruaque uena fuit' and EP II v 21-22 'ingenioque meo, uena quod paupere manat, / plaudis, et e riuo flumina magna facis'.

23. DA VENIAM FASSO. As a poet himself, Severus would be particularly shocked at Ovid's admission he has virtually ceased to write poetry. Similar phrasing at III ix 45-46 'confesso ignoscite, docti: / uilior est operis fama salute mea'.

23. FRENA REMISI. 'I have let go of the reins' = 'I have stopped writing poetry'; for the sense, compare Aen VII 599-600 (of Latinus) 'nec plura locutus / saepsit se tectis rerumque reliquit habenas'.

The metaphor of the poet as driver is found as early as Bacchylides (V 176-78) and Pindar (Ol VI 22 ff). A full list of Greek and Latin passages is included in Henderson's note on RA 397-98; the image is particularly frequent in Roman didactic poetry, being[Pg 170] found even at Columella X 215-16. See as well Kenney Nequitiae Poeta 206. In Ovid the image is found at AA I 39-40 & 264, II 426, III 467-68 & 809-10, RA 397-98, Fast I 25-26, II 360, IV 10, and VI 586. The only instances I have found that are not from Ovid's didactic verse are the present passage and xii 23-24 'tu bonus hortator, tu duxque comesque fuisti, / cum regerem tenera frena nouella manu'.

24. DVCITVR. 'Is formed, written'. The same sense at Met I 649 (of Io) 'littera ... quam pes in puluere duxit' and Met X 215-16 'AI AI / flos habet inscriptum, funestaque littera ducta est'.

25. IMPETVS ILLE SACER. 'The famous divine impulse'. Similar phrasing at Fast VI 5-6 'est deus in nobis; agitante calescimus illo: / impetus hic sacrae semina mentis habet'.

25. VATVM PECTORA NVTRIT. Nutrit here seems to mean 'sustain'. Its usual transferred sense is 'cause to grow', as at III iv 26 (the only other passage I have found where the verb is used of poetry) and Hor C IV iv 26.

27. VIX VENIT AD PARTES ... MVSA. 'My Muse with difficulty performs her functions'. Partes in the sense of 'theatrical role' (Ter Ph 27) early acquired the extended sense of 'role', 'function', or 'duty'. Burman cites as parallels Am I viii 87 'seruus et ad partes sollers ancilla parentur' and Nux 68; compare as well AA II 546 'cum, tener, ad partes tu quoque, somne, uenis' and EP III i 41-42 'utque iuuent alii, tu debes uincere amicos, / uxor, et ad partes prima uenire tuas'.[Pg 171]

27. SVMPTAE ... TABELLAE. Compare Met IX 523-25 'scribit damnatque tabellas ... inque uicem sumptas ponit positasque resumit'.

29. NE DICAM. I have found no other instance of the expression in verse, but it is common in Cicero (Kühner-Stegmann II i 825).

30. NVMERIS NECTERE VERBA. 'Bind words to metre'. I take numeris as a dative; no close parallel presents itself, but compare Aen IV 239-40 'pedibus talaria nectit / aurea'.

33. NVMEROSOS ... GESTVS. Compare Am II iv 29 'illa placet gestu numerosaque bracchia ducit', AA II 305 'bracchia saltantis, uocem mirare canentis', and Prop II xxii 5-6 'siue aliquis molli diducit candida gestu / bracchia, seu uarios incinit ore modos'. Heinsius thought GRESSVS (I¹PF^3ul) possible as well, citing Varro LL IX 5 'pedes male ponere atque imitari uatias ['bow-legged men'] coeperit', Martianus Capella IX 909 'licet pulchris rosea numeris ac libratis passibus moueretur', and Maximianus (6th century) El III 27 'suspensos ponere gressus'. But the strong manuscript authority for gestus and the parallels in Ovid mark it as clearly preferable to gressus.

33. PONERE. The verb seems strange, but Burman cited in its support Val Max VIII vii 7 'Roscius ... nullum umquam spectante populo gestum, nisi quem domi meditatus fuerat, ponere [codd: promere E. Schulze] ausus est'.[Pg 172]

35-36. LAVDATAQVE VIRTVS / CRESCIT. For this commonplace of ancient literature see Otto ars 3 and compare RA 393 'nam iuuat et studium famae mihi creuit honore', Tr V xii 37-38 'denique non paruas animo dat gloria uires, / et fecunda facit pectora laudis amor', EP III ix 21 'scribentem iuuat ipse fauor minuitque laborem', Prop IV x 3, and Cic Tusc I 4.

36. IMMENSVM GLORIA CALCAR HABET. The same metaphor at Tr V i 75-76 'denique nulla mihi captatur gloria, quaeque / ingeniis stimulos subdere fama solet', EP I v 57-58 'gloria uos acuat; uos, ut recitata probentur / carmina, Pieriis inuigilate choris', and Hor Ep II i 217-18 'uatibus addere calcar / ut studio maiore petant Helicona uirentem'.

37. HIC MEA CVI RECITEM ... CARMINA. A constant complaint of Ovid in exile. Compare Tr III xiv 39-40 'nullus in hac terra, recitem si carmina, cuius / intellecturis auribus utar, adest', Tr IV i 89-90, and Tr V xii 53 'non liber hic ullus, non qui mihi commodet aurem'. Perhaps it is significant that Ovid does not complain in the present passage that he has no books available: certainly he must have had a substantial library at hand when he composed the Ibis.

38. BARBARVS HISTER. The same phrase in the same position (leaving space for the disyllable) at EP III iii 26 'et coit astrictis barbarus Hister aquis'.[Pg 173]

Hister was the name of the lower course of the Danube (Pliny NH IV 79). Ovid uses the metrically convenient Hister fifteen times in the Ex Ponto, as against two instances only of Danuuius (IV ix 80 & x 58).

38. OBIT Damsté HABET codd. In support of obit Damsté cited x 22 'gentibus obliqua quas obit Hister aqua' (Mnemosyne XLVI 32). As Professor R. J. Tarrant points out, the only meaning that can be attached to quasque alias gentes barbarus Hister habet is 'the other people that live in the Danube'; he compares Her VI 135-36 'prodidit illa patrem; rapui de clade Thoanta. / deseruit Colchos; me mea Lemnos habet' and Aen VI 362 (Palinurus speaking) 'nunc me fluctus habet'. EP III ii 43-44 'nos ... quos procul a uobis Pontus et [uar barbarus] Hister habet', cited by Lenz in support of habet, is not a good parallel in view of the different subject (Pontus et Hister instead of Hister alone).

Lenz cited Tr II 230 'bellaque pro magno Caesare Caesar obit' for a variant habet; Professor Tarrant cites another instance of the corruption at Met I 551-52 'pes modo tam uelox pigris radicibus haeret, / ora cacumen obit'.

41. NEC VINVM NEC ME TENET ALEA FALLAX. The same statement at EP I v 45-46 'nec iuuat in lucem nimio marcescere uino, / nec tenet incertas alea blanda manus'. For Ovid's temperance, compare EP I x 30 'scis mihi quam solae paene bibantur aquae'.[Pg 174]

Me tenet in the present passage should perhaps be translated 'holds my attention' (OLD teneo 22) rather than 'attracts' (Wheeler).

41. VINVM. For wine as a diversion from sorrow, compare Tib I ii 1 'Adde merum uinoque nouos compesce dolores' (with Smith's note) and Tib I v 37 'saepe ego temptaui curas depellere uino'.

42. TACITVM TEMPVS. Similar phrases at AA II 670 'iam ueniet tacito curua senecta pede', Fast VI 771 'tacitis ... senescimus annis', Tr III vii 35-36 'senectus / quae strepitus passu non faciente uenit', Tr IV vi 17 'tacito pede lapsa uetustas' and Tr IV x 27 'tacito passu labentibus annis'.

43. QVOD CVPEREM. At EP I viii 39-62 Ovid, having detailed the urban pleasures he has lost, speaks of his agricultural pursuits in Italy, and laments that this diversion is not available to him at Tomis. The two passages add personal meaning to his description at Met XIV 623-34 of Pomona's gardening and his prescription at RA 169-98 of agriculture as a diversion from an unhappy love-affair.

43. SI PER FERA BELLA LICERET. Compare EP II vii 69-70 'tempus in agrorum cultu consumere dulce est: / non patitur uerti barbarus hostis humum' and EP III viii 6 'hostis ab agricola uix sinit illa [sc loca] fodi'. At Tr III x 57-66 Ovid gives a vivid description of what could happen to the farmers of Tomis in a raid.[Pg 175]

44. NOVATA = 'restored to fertility through ploughing'. Ovid more commonly uses renouare, as at Tr V xii 23-24 'fertilis, assiduo si non renouetur aratro, / nil nisi cum spinis gramen habebit ager', Am I iii 9, Met I 110 & XV 125, Fast I 159, and Tr IV vi 13.

45. RESTANT is not strictly logical, but a similar attraction of number is confirmed by metre at Tr I ii 1 'Di maris et caeli—quid enim nisi uota supersunt?'; RESTAT (IP) must therefore be rejected.

Similar confusions occur in the manuscripts at Met XIV 396 'nec quicquam antiqui [Berolinensis Heinsii: antiquum codd plerique] Pico nisi nomina restant' and Tr IV x 85 'si tamen extinctis aliquid nisi nomina restant'.

47. TV, CVI BIBITVR FELICIVS AONIVS FONS. For the image of the poet drinking from Hippocrene see Prop III iii 5-6 'paruaque tam magnis admoram fontibus ora, / unde pater sitiens Ennius ante bibit'. Both here and at II x 25 Propertius speaks of Hippocrene as the spring of epic poetry specifically.

47. FELICIVS. 'With happier result'; compare Ibis 559 'nec tibi, si quid amas, felicius Haemone [=quam Haemoni] cedat'.

47. AONIVS FONS. Platnauer (13) cites only four instances from the elegiac poets of hexameters ending in monosyllables: Prop II xxv 17 'amor, qui', Am II ix 47 'Cupido, est', the present passage, and EP IV ix 101 'quibus nos'. Ehwald and Levy compare Met V 573 'quae tibi causa fugae, cur sis, Arethusa, sacer fons'. The coincidence[Pg 176] suggests that in both passages Ovid was recalling a line-ending from an earlier poet. Alternatively, Professor E. Fantham suggests to me that Ovid may here have deliberately created an awkward line-ending so as to mock himself and bear out his claim of waning inspiration.

48. VTILITER ... CEDIT. Similar phrasing at EP II vii 19 '[iam liquet ...] obseruare deos ne quid mihi cedat amice'.

49. MERITO. 'With justification'; Severus' previous service to the Muses has brought him fame and not, as in Ovid's case, disaster.

50. HVC ALIQVOD CVRAE MITTE RECENTIS OPVS. A similar request at EP III v 29-30 (to Cotta Maximus) 'quod licet, ut uidear tecum magis esse, legenda [Burman: legendo uel loquendo codd] / saepe precor studii pignora mitte tui'.

50. CVRAE = 'poetic toil', as at Tr II 11-12 'hoc pretium curae [fragmentum Treuirense (saec x): uitae codd plerique] uigilatorumque laborum / cepimus', EP I v 61 'cur ego sollicita poliam mea carmina cura?', and EP III ix 29. At xvi 39 and Tr II 1 the word means 'product of poetic toil'.[Pg 177]

III. To An Unfaithful Friend

By the time Ovid wrote this poem, the letter of reproach was a genre familiar to him: each book of the Tristia (with the obvious exception of II) contains such a poem (I viii; III xi; IV ix; V viii), and in the Ibis Ovid had, by the extended treatment of a number of standard topics within the subject, created a poem of over six hundred lines.

Ovid begins the poem by stating that he has heard about his friend's faithlessness; he asks what possible excuse there might be for this behaviour (1-28). He then warns his friend that Fortune is changeable, and gives four examples of famous men who fell from prosperity (29-48). He ends the poem by stating once again that Fortune is undependable, and gives his own catastrophe as an instance; his friend should remember this, and moderate his behaviour accordingly (49-58).

The poem has points of contact with the earlier poems of reproach. Tr I viii is addressed to a friend who failed to visit Ovid after his disaster: he can scarcely believe his friend is human. In Tr III xi, Ovid asks his enemy why through his actions he makes his punishment even worse. Tr IV ix is a warning that if Ovid's enemy does not cease attacking him, he will through his poetry make his enemy's name infamous throughout the world. Tr V viii, the poem closest in theme to the present one, is a warning to his enemy that Fortune is changeable and Augustus merciful, so he and Ovid might one day change situations.[Pg 178]

The Ibis, being primarily a catalogue of literary curses, stands somewhat apart from the other poems of reproach in structure as in size; yet the opening of the poem, in which Ovid describes his enemy's conduct and the ways he might respond, offers a number of parallels to the present poem.

1. CONQVERAR AN TACEAM. Kenney (Nequitiae Poeta 204-5), commenting on AA I 739 'conquerar an moneam', cites other instances of the same rhetorical device at Aen III 39 ' eloquar an sileam?' and Met IX 147 'conquerar an sileam?', as well as the present passage.

1. CONQVERAR. The choice of verb is significant: this poem is a rhetorical conquestio transferred to verse. Kenney cites Cicero's definition of conquestio at Inu I 106: 'conquestio est oratio auditorum misericordiam captans ... id locis communibus efficere oportebit, per quos Fortunae uis in omnes et hominum infirmitas ostenditur; qua oratione ... animus hominum ... ad misericordiam comparatur, cum in alieno malo suam infirmitatem considerabit'.

1. PONAM SINE NOMINE CRIMEN. 'Shall I put my accusation in my poem without naming you?'. The same sense of ponere at Tr I v 7 'positis pro nomine signis', Tr IV iv 7, and EP III vi 1-2 'Naso suo (posuit nomen quam paene!) sodali / mittit ab Euxinis hoc breue carmen aquis'.

2. QVI SIS. The boundary between adjectival qui and pronominal quis in Latin was not absolute; and just as one finds such forms as quis clamor[Pg 179] (Met III 632), so it seems to have been Latin practice to use qui before forms of esse in indirect discourse, perhaps in order to avoid a double s-sound. Some instances of this from verse are Ecl I 18 'iste deus qui sit da, Tityre, nobis', Ecl II 19 'nec qui sim quaeris, Alexi', Aen III 608-9 'qui sit fari ... hortamur', Met XIV 841 'mihi nec quae sis dicere promptum est', Met XV 595 'is qui sit signo, non nomine dicam', Fast V 191 'ipse doce quae sis', Ibis 52 'teque breui qui sis dissimulare sinam', Ibis 61 'qui sis nondum quaerentibus edo', and EP III vi 57 'teque tegam, qui sis'. In some of these passages quis is found as a variant reading; given the ease of corruption, the rule should perhaps be made canonical, and such passages as Met I 248-49 'quis sit laturus in aras / tura' supplied with forms of qui even when, as in this instance, there is only weak manuscript support. (Professor R. J. Tarrant prefers, however, to retain quis at Met I 248, seeing a difference between expressions of identity [qui sis ... dicam] and of description [sit and laturus go closely together]).

The use of qui seems to have extended to past subjunctives of esse as well as present: compare Met XI 719 'qui [uar quis] foret ignorans'. For discussions see Löfstedt II 79-96 and Shackleton Bailey on Att III x 2 'possum obliuisci qui fuerim, non sentire qui sim?'.

In preclassical Latin qui is found for quis even in direct questions: OLD qui A4a cites Pl Capt 833 'qui uocat', Ter Ph 990 'qui nominat me', and Scipio minor V 19 Malcovati³ 'qui spondet mille nummum'. The usage must have continued in spoken Latin, for it is found at Vitruvius VII 5 6 and Petronius 62 8.[Pg 180]

3. NOMINE NON VTAR, NE COMMENDERE QVERELA. An interesting indication of the confidence Ovid felt in his poetry. In his earlier poems of reproach, Ovid had represented his not naming the person as an act of forbearance (Tr IV ix 1-4; Ibis 51-54).

5. DVM MEA PVPPIS ERAT VALIDA FVNDATA CARINA. The common ancient metaphor of shipwreck also used of Ovid's exile at Tr I i 85-86, Tr II 99-102, Tr III iv 15-16 'dum tecum uixi, dum me leuis aura ferebat, / haec mea per placidas cumba cucurrit aquas', Tr V xii 50, and EP II iii 25-28.

9-10 form a tricolon, where each phrase represents the same action in progressively more specific terms: (1) 'dissimulas etiam' (2) 'nec me uis nosse uideri' (3) 'quisque sit audito nomine Naso rogas'.

9. DISSIMVLAS. The same word in similar contexts at Tr I i 62 'dissimulare uelis, te liquet esse meum', Tr III vi 2, Tr IV iii 54, Tr IV iv 28, and EP I ii 146.

9. NEC ME VIS NOSSE VIDERI. 'You don't want others to think you know me'. Similar thought and language at Tr IV iii 51 'me miserum si turpe putas mihi nupta uideri!' and EP II iii 29-30 'cumque alii nolint etiam me nosse uideri, / uix duo proiecto tresue tulistis opem'.[Pg 181]

10. QVISQVE SIT. QVIQVE SIT (H^acP) could be defended, sit determining the form qui, even with the intervening enclitic, but given the prevalence of relative quique at line-beginnings in Ovid (compare xvi 9, 11, 15, 19 & 23) it seems better to take it as a trivial error.

11, 13, 15, 17. ILLE EGO. The same idiom to stir someone's memory at Fast III 505-6 'illa ego sum cui tu solitus promittere caelum: / ei mihi, pro caelo qualia dona fero' and EP I ii 129-32 'ille ego sum qui te colui, quem festa solebat / inter conuiuas mensa uidere tuos: / ille ego qui duxi uestros Hymenaeon ad ignes, / et cecini fausto carmina digna toro'. R. G. Austin, discussing the spurious proem to the Aeneid (CQ LX, n.s. XVIII [1968] 110-11), cites Tr V vii 55-56 'ille ego Romanus uates—ignoscite, Musae!— / Sarmatico cogor plurima more loqui', Met I 757-58 'ille ego liber, / ille ferox tacui', Statius Sil V v 38 & Theb IX 434, and Silius XI 177-82: 'It will be noticed ... that all these examples represent the new situation as a fall from grace'.

12. AMICITIA. Ovid allows pentasyllabic words to end the pentameter only in the poetry of exile (Platnauer 17). There are eight such words in the Tristia, and four in the Ex Ponto: I ii 68 patrocinium, II ix 20 Ericthonius, this passage, and xiii 44 amicitiae (Platnauer 17; Riese vii). This distribution contrasts with Ovid's increasing fondness in the Ex Ponto for trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic endings, for which see at ix 26 tegeret and ii 10 Alcinoo.[Pg 182]

The later Heroides have two pentasyllabic pentameter-endings, XVI 290 pudicitiae and XVII 16 superciliis.

13-14. ILLE EGO QVI PRIMVS TVA SERIA NOSSE SOLEBAM, / ET TIBI IVCVNDIS PRIMVS ADESSE IOCIS. The same joining of seria and ioci (or lusus) at Tr I viii 31-32, EP I ix 9-10, EP II iv 9-10 'seria multa mihi tecum conlata recordor, / nec data iucundis tempora pauca iocis', and EP II x 41-42. It is found in prose and early Latin: Luck at Tr I viii 31-32 cites Cic Fin II 85 'at quicum ioca, seria, ut dicitur, quicum arcana, quicum occulta omnia? tecum, optime', Pliny Ep II xiii 5 'cum hoc seria, cum hoc iocos miscui', Pliny Ep IV xvii 5 'nihil a me ille secretum, non ioculare, non serium, non triste, non laetum', and Ennius Ann 239-40 Vahlen³ 'cui res audacter magnas paruasque iocumque / eloqueretur'.

15. CONVICTOR. The word belongs properly to prose, the only other occurrences in verse being two passages in Horace's Satires: I iv 96 'me ... conuictore usus amicoque' & I vi 47 'quia sim tibi, Maecenas, conuictor'. Conuictus is similarly found in verse twice only, in Ovid's poetry of exile (Tr I viii 29-30 'conuictu causisque ualentibus ... temporis et longi iunctus amore tibi' & EP II x 9-10 'quam [sc curam] tu uel longi debes conuictibus aeui, / uel mea quod coniunx non aliena tibi est').

15. DENSOQVE. 'Frequent, often recurring'. This sense of densus is not found elsewhere in Ovid, but compare Virgil G IV 347 'densos[Pg 183] diuum numerabat amores', Statius Theb VI 421, and Juvenal IX 35-37 'quamuis ... blandae assidue densaeque tabellae / sollicitent'. The closest parallel for the poetic singular cited by OLD densus 3a is Martial IX lxxxvii 1-2 'Septem post calices Opimiani / denso cum iaceam triente [19] blaesus'.

15. DOMESTICVS. Apparently the only instance of the substantive in verse. The word is common enough in prose, and formed part of the spoken language, for it is found in reported speech at Petronius 45 6.

17. QVEM Leidensis Heinsii QVI codd plerique. Qui cannot be connected with nescis, and so is without antecedent. The scribe was probably influenced by 11, 13, and 15, in which ille ego is completed by a nominative clause.

17. VIVAM. Heinsius' VIVAT is unnecessary: the assimilation of person seems reasonable enough in view of such passages as EP I ii 129-31 'ille ego sum qui te colui ... ille ego qui duxi uestros Hymenaeon ad ignes'.

18. SVBIT Heinsius FVIT codd. The preceding nescis requires a verb with present meaning; and fuit seems impossible to construe as a true[Pg 184] perfect (with present result). Heinsius' subit seems an elegant solution: certain manuscripts offer the same corruption of subit to fuit at Met IX 93-94 'lux subit, et primo feriente cacumina sole / discedunt iuuenes' and Met XIV 827-28 'pulchra subit facies et puluinaribus altis / dignior'.

19-20. SIVE FVI NVMQVAM CARVS, SIMVLASSE FATERIS; / SEV NON FINGEBAS, INVENIERE LEVIS. For a similar opposition (either alternative being discreditable), see Met IX 23-24 'nam, quo te iactas, Alcmena nate, creatum, / Iuppiter aut falsus pater est aut crimine uerus'.

21. AVT. 'Otherwise'. For the use of aut as a disjunctive adverb rather than a conjunction compare xii 3 'aut ego non alium prius hoc dignarer honore' and the passages there cited. Here, as at xii 3, the idiom has been misunderstood by scribes, with such resulting variants in late manuscripts as EIA ('uterque Medonii pro diuersa lectione'; accepted by Heinsius) and DIC (Gothanus II 121; printed by Burman).

21. IRAM. 'Cause for anger'. This seems to be the only instance of the meaning, ira not being found even as a predicative dative; but compare the use of laudes to mean 'acts deserving praise', as at viii 87 'tuas ... laudes ... recentes'.

23. QVOD TE NVNC CRIMEN SIMILEM seems to be the correct reading; the line connects with the an crimen ... of 24. QVAE TE CONSIMILEM RES NVNC (FIL) looks like a rewriting of the line, perhaps following the[Pg 185] loss of crimen by haplography (crim̅ similē). There seems no good reason why Ovid would have used the emphatic consimilem instead of the more usual similem.

25. SI ... OPEM NVLLAM ... FEREBAS. 'If you had no intention of assisting me'—the inceptive or conative imperfect (Woodcock 200). Similar phrasing at Tr I viii 9-10 'haec ego uaticinor, quia sum deceptus ab illo / laturum misero quem mihi rebar opem' and EP II vii 46 'et nihil inueni quod mihi ferret opem'.

25. REBVS ... FACTISQVE. 'Through financial help or action on my behalf'. Ovid does not use this sense of res elsewhere in his poetry.

26. VERBIS ... TRIBVS. 'A few words'. For the idiom Williams cites Plautus Mil 1020 '"breuin an longinquo sermoni?" "tribu' uerbis"' and Trin 963 'adgrediundust hic homo mi astu.—heus, Pax, te tribu' uerbis uolo'; from comedy, OLD tres b cites Ter Ph 638. From the classical period compare Sen Apocol 11 3 'ad summam, tria uerba cito dicat, et seruum me ducat', Sen Ep 40 9, and Quint IX iv 84 'haec omnia in tribus uerbis'; Camps sees tres as having the same indefinite meaning at Prop II xiii 25-26 'sat mea sit magno [Phillimore: sit magna uel sat magna est codd] si tres sint pompa libelli / quos ego Persephonae maxima dona feram'.

27. SED ET was the standard reading until Ehwald's defence (KB 63) of SVBITO, the reading of (B¹) and C.[Pg 186]

Ehwald's reasoning was that sed et would indicate that the news of his friend's slandering him was additional information, and that Ovid already knew something of his friend's behaviour. But this is precisely the case: Ovid has just finished saying that his friend has done nothing to help him (9-10), and now he gives the additional information that his friend is even working against him. Ehwald supported the asyndeton that subito creates by quoting Met XV 359-60 'haud equidem credo: sparsae quoque membra uenenis / exercere artes Scythides memorantur easdem', where in fact quoque seems a convincing parallel to sed et.

27. INSVLTARE IACENTI. 'Torment in my misery'. Ovid plays on the literal meanings of iacere and in-saltare; for the latter, see Aen XII 338-39 'caesis / hostibus insultans'. Ovid uses insultare in only three other passages. All are from the poems of exile, and all are about the ill-treatment accorded Ovid: Tr II 571 'nec mihi credibile est quemquam insultasse iacenti', Tr III xi 1, and Tr V viii 3-4 'curue / casibus insultas quos potes ipse pati?'.

29. A DEMENS. A indicates a certain amount of sympathy with the person addressed, as can be seen from Tr V x 51-52 'quid loquor, a demens? ipsam quoque perdere uitam, / Caesaris offenso numine, dignus eram' and Ecl II 60-61 'quem fugis, a demens? habitarunt di quoque siluas / Dardaniusque Paris'. O (M¹FILT) would indicate rather less sympathy: compare Met III 640-41 'dextera Naxos erat: dextra mihi lintea danti / "quid facis, o demens? quis te furor" inquit "Acoete?"'.[Pg 187]

29. RECEDAT (TM²) is no doubt a scribal conjecture, but a correct one: 'Why, in case disaster should strike ...'. Most manuscripts have RECEDIT.

31. ORBE probably means 'wheel'; compare Tib I v 70 'uersatur celeri Fors leuis orbe rotae' and Cons ad Liuiam 51-52 (quoted in the next note). However, Professor E. Fantham points out to me that it could also mean 'sphere': she cites Pacuvius 366-67 Ribbeck² (Rhet Her II 36) 'Fortunam insanam esse et caecam et brutam perhibent philosophi, / saxoque instare in globoso praedicant uolubilei'. Smith at Tib I v 70 gives numerous instances of both images.

32. QVEM, found in Heinsius' fragmentum Boxhornianum (=Leid. Bibl. Publ. 180 G), must be right as against the QVAE of the other manuscripts; if a definition is to be given after the preceding 'haec dea non stabili quam sit leuis orbe fatetur', it should be a definition of the wheel, not the goddess. But the resulting quem summum dubio seems very awkwardly phrased, and further emendation is probably needed.

The obvious solution would be to read 'quem summo [C in fact reads summo] dubium sub pede semper habet'. This would give orbis a standard epithet, as at Tr V viii 7-8 'nec metuis dubio Fortunae stantis in orbe / numen' and Cons ad Liuiam 51-52 'nempe per hos etiam Fortunae iniuria mores / regnat et incerta est hic quoque nixa [Pg 188]rota'. In support of the rather more difficult summo ... pede (='toes') Professor R. J. Tarrant cites Sen Suas II 17 'insistens summis digitis ['toes']—sic enim solebat quo grandior fieret', Sen Tro 1090-91 'in cacumine / erecta summos [uar summo] turba librauit pedes', and Met IV 562 'aequora destringunt summis Ismenides alis'; compare as well Met IX 342-43 'in adludentibus undis / summa pedum taloque tenus uestigia tingit'.

A second solution might be to read 'quem dubio summum sub pede semper habet'; the transfer of dubius from orbis to pes seems acceptable enough, and Met IV 134-36 'oraque buxo / pallidiora gerens exhorruit aequoris instar, / quod tremit exigua cum summum stringitur aura' offers a good parallel to summum.

The image of Fortune standing on her wheel occurs elsewhere in Ovid's poems of exile at Tr V viii 7-8 (quoted above) and EP II iii 55-56 'scilicet indignum, iuuenis carissime, ducis / te fieri comitem stantis in orbe deae'.

33. QVOLIBET EST FOLIO ... INCERTIOR. For the proverb, see Otto folium 1; and from Ovid compare Am II xvi 45-46 'uerba puellarum, foliis leuiora caducis, / inrita qua uisum est uentus et unda ferunt', Her V 109-10 'tu leuior foliis tum cum sine pondere suci / mobilibus uentis arida facta uolant', and Fast III 481-82 (Ariadne speaking) 'Bacche leuis leuiorque tuis quae tempora cingunt / frondibus'.

33. QVAVIS INCERTIOR AVRA. Compare Her VI 109-10 'mobilis Aesonide uernaque incertior aura, / cur tua polliciti pondere uerba carent?'. Otto (uentus 1) cites as well Prop II v 11-13 'non ita Carpathiae[Pg 189] uariant Aquilonibus undae, / nec dubio nubes uertitur atra Noto, / quam facile irati uerbo mutantur amantes', Her XVIII 185-86 (Leander to Hero) 'cumque minus firmum nil sit quam uentus et unda, / in uentis et aqua spes mea semper erit?', and Calpurnius Ecl III 10 'mobilior uentis o femina!'.

The folium and uentus images of the present line are found together at Prop II ix 33-35 'non sic incerto mutantur flamine Syrtes, / nec folia hiberno tam tremefacta Noto, / quam cito feminea non constat foedus in ira'.

34. PAR ILLI = par illius leuitati. Similar compressions at vi 40 'mollior est animo femina nulla tuo' and commonly.

37-38. Ovid gives four instances of unexpected catastrophe, two from Greek history, two from Roman; the greater importance of the Roman examples is emphasized by their position and by the doubling of the space allotted to each example from two lines to four. There is a similar transition at Prop II vi 19-20 'cur exempla petam Graium? tu criminis auctor / nutritus duro, Romule, lacte lupae'.

The Greek examples may have been a traditional pairing: Croesus and Dionysius are mentioned together at Lucian Gall 23 as notable instances of personal catastrophe.

37. OPVLENTIA CROESI. Croesus as the archetype of wealth also at Tr III vii 41-42 'nempe dat ... Fortuna rapitque, / Irus et est subito qui modo Croesus erat'.[Pg 190]

The story of Croesus' downfall and the subsequent sparing of his life by Cyrus is taken from Herodotus I 86-88.

It is clear from his poetry that Ovid had a good knowledge of at least the first book of Herodotus:

(1) Met III 135-37 'sed scilicet ultima semper / expectanda dies homini est, dicique beatus / ante obitum nemo supremaque funera debet' may have been drawn from Solon's advice to Croesus at Herodotus I 32 7: 'εἰ δὲ πρὸς τούτοισι [if in addition to having prosperity while alive] ἔτι τελευτήσει τὸν βίον εὖ, οὗτος ἐκεῖνος τὸν σὺ ζητέεις, [ὁ add Stein] ὄλβιος κεκλῆσθαι ἄξιός ἐστι· πρὶν δ' ἂν τελευτήσῃ, ἐπισχεῖν μηδὲ καλέειν κω ὄλβιον, ἀλλ' εὐτυχέα'.

(2) At Fast II 79-118 Ovid tells the story of Arion found at Herodotus I 23-24.

(3) At Fast II 663-66 there occurs the clearest instance of borrowing: Ovid uses the story of the border dispute between Sparta and Argos (Herodotus I 82) in the course of his discussion of the god Terminus: 'si tu signasses olim Thyreatida terram, / corpora non leto missa trecenta forent, / nec foret Othryades congestis lectus [Barth: tectus codd] in armis. / o quantum patriae sanguinis ille dedit!'.

37. AVDITA EST CVI NON. Compare Met XV 319-20 'cui non audita est obscenae Salmacis undae / Aethiopesque lacus?'.

38. NEMPE TAMEN VITAM CAPTVS AB HOSTE TVLIT. 'Even so, it is undeniable that he became a prisoner, and received his life as a[Pg 191] gift from his enemy'. Vitam ferre also at EP II i 45 (from a description of Germanicus' triumph of AD 12) 'maxima pars horum uitam ueniamque tulerunt'.

39. ILLE ... FORMIDATVS. Equivalent to ille with a defining qui-clause: 'The famous man who had once been feared ...'. Ovid is referring to Dionysius II, the student of Plato, who was expelled from Syracuse in 344 and became a schoolmaster in Corinth. Valerius Maximus (VI ix ext 6) also gives Dionysius as an example of unexpected disaster, and Plutarch (Timoleon 14) cites him as an example of the operations of Fortune. For an account of Dionysius' life at Corinth, see Justinus XXI v. There was a Greek proverb 'Διονύσιος ἐν Κορίνθῳ' (Cic Att IX ix 1; Quintilian VIII vi 52), apparently referring to his continued lust for power: 'Dionysius ... Syracusis expulsus Corinthi pueros docebat: usque eo imperio carere non poterat' (Cic Tusc III 27). Discussions of the proverb at Otto Dionysius and Shackleton Bailey on Att IX ix 1.

39. SYRACOSIA ... IN VRBE. Restored by Heinsius from the manuscripts' unmetrical SYRACVSIA, as at Fast VI 277. The same confusion between Συρακόσιος and Συρακούσιος is found in the manuscripts of Pindar (Ol I 23), the Attic form supplanting the original Doric. The same corruption is found in some ninth-century manuscripts of Virgil at Ecl VI 1 'Prima Syracosio dignata est ludere uersu' and in the Veronese scholia, and in the manuscripts of Claudian carm min LI 6 (Housman 1273).[Pg 192]

40. HVMILI ... ARTE. For the low social position of the schoolmaster in antiquity, see Bonner 146-62, and compare especially Juvenal VII 197-98 'si Fortuna uolet, fies de rhetore consul; / si uolet haec eadem, fiet de consule rhetor' and Pliny Ep IV xi 1 'nunc eo decidit ut exul de senatore, rhetor de oratore fieret'.

41. MAGNO MAIVS. 'Greater than (Pompey) the Great'. Even in the letters of Cicero, Pompey is occasionally called Magnus without further identification (Att I xvi 12). Other plays on the name at Fast I 603-4 'Magne, tuum nomen rerum est mensura tuarum; / sed qui te uicit nomine maior erat' and Lucan I 135 'stat magni nominis umbra', where Getty cites Velleius II 1 4 'Pompeium magni nominis uirum'.

42. CLIENTIS OPEM. After the final defeat at Pharsalus, Pompey fled to Egypt and sought the protection of Ptolemy XIII (Caesar BC III 103, Plutarch Pomp 77).

Pompey similarly treated as the victim of Fortune at Cic Tusc I 86 and through much of Lucan VII-VIII; compare as well Anth Lat Riese 401 'Quam late uestros duxit Fortuna triumphos, / tam late sparsit funera, Magne, tua'.

Compare as well Anth Lat 415 39-40 'spes Magnum profugum toto discurrere in orbe / iusserat et pueri regis adire pedes'; the distich follows a description of the hardships undergone by Marius.

44. The line is omitted by B¹ and C; other manuscripts offer (with minor variations) INDIGVS EFFECTVS OMNIBVS IPSE MAGIS or ACHILLAS[Pg 193] PHARIVS ABSTVLIT ENSE CAPVT, a line apparently devised with the aid of Juvenal X 285-86 'Fortuna ... uicto caput abstulit' and Lucan VIII 545-46 'ullusne in cladibus istis / est locus Aegypto Phariusque admittitur ensis?', both passages concerned with Pompey's murder by Achillas. Clearly a line of the poem was lost in transmission.

Heinsius and Bentley felt that the entire distich should be deleted; but 43 seems acceptable enough, and it is appropriate that the description of Pompey's downfall be balanced with the four-line mention of Marius that follows. It would be strange if Pompey's sensational murder were overlooked, as this was regarded by the poets as the ultimate reversal of his fortunes: compare Manilius IV 50-55, Juvenal X 283-86 (which is joined to a mention of Marius' reversal) and Anth Lat 401-3 Riese.

45. IVGVRTHINO ... CIMBROQVE TRIVMPHO. Marius rose to prominence in the Jugurthine war, celebrating his triumph in 104; in 101 his defeat in the Po valley of the Cimbri, a Germanic tribe originally from Jutland, ended a twelve-year military threat to Rome.

47. IN CAENO LATVIT MARIVS. In 88 Sulla, whose command against Mithridates had been transferred to Marius by a special law, marched on Rome and induced the Senate to name Marius an outlaw; Marius was forced to escape to Africa, at one point on the route hiding in the marshes of Minturnae. This ordeal is mentioned by the poets who deal[Pg 194] with Marius, but they consider that he reached the low point of his fortunes when he arrived at Carthage. Compare Manilius IV 47-49, Juvenal X 276-77 'exilium et carcer Minturnarumque paludes / et mendicatus uicta Carthagine panis' and Anth Lat 415 33-38 Riese.

47. LATVIT MARIVS M IACVIT MARIVS H MARIVS LATVIT L MARIVS IACVIT BCFIT. Iacere and latere could each be corrupted to the other with ease: such corruptions occur in certain manuscripts at Met I 338 and Fast II 244 (iacere corrupted to latere) and Fast II 467, II 587 & III 265 (latere corrupted to iacere). Although it is weakly attested, latuit should be read here in view of the use of abdere at Velleius II xix 2 'paludem Maricae, in quam se fugiens consectantis Sullae equites abdiderat' and Lucan II 70 'exul limosa Marius caput abdidit ulua', and of κρύπτειν at Plutarch Marius 37 5: latere is often virtually a passive form of abdere.

Marius latuit looks like a normalization of word order from the emphatic latuit Marius.

47. CANNAQVE PALVSTRI. Canna palustris is a standard feature of Ovid's marshes; see AA I 554, RA 142, and Met IV 298 & VIII 337. At RA 142 Henderson comments 'Ovid probably means the plant called in this country [Scotland] Reed (Phragmites communis, a grass), which the Italians call canna di palude; smaller than harundo (Arundo donax, the Greek κάννα and Italian canna), it nevertheless often reaches a height of 6 or 7 feet'.[Pg 195]

48. MVLTA PVDENDA. The entire sequence of events during Marius' flight to Africa.

50. FACIT R. J. Tarrant. For fidem facere ('induce belief') compare Met VI 565-66 'dat gemitus fictos commentaque funera narrat, / et lacrimae fecere fidem' and Caesar BC II 37 1 'nuntiabantur haec eadem Curioni, sed aliquamdiu fides fieri non poterat: tantam habebat suarum rerum fiduciam'. Ehwald (KB 63) defends FERET (BC), quoting Aen X 792 'si qua fidem tanto est operi latura uetustas', but the true meaning of this line is 'if antiquity can ever win belief for a deed so grand' (Jackson Knight); the idiom cannot be fitted into the present passage with acceptable meaning. HABET, the reading of most manuscripts, does not account for FERET, but is in itself acceptable enough; compare Her XVI 59-60 'ecce pedum pulsu uisa est mihi terra moueri— / uera loquar ueri [Heinsius: uero codd] uix habitura fidem' and Cic Flac 21 'sed fuerint incorruptae litterae domi; nunc uero quam habere auctoritatem aut quam fidem possunt?'.

51. SI QVIS MIHI DICERET. Compare Tr IV viii 43-44 'hoc mihi si Delphi Dodonaque diceret ipsa, / esse uideretur uanus uterque locus'.

52. GETE is read from the manuscripts by Heinsius; the form is the same as at Met X 608 'Hippomene uicto', Fast IV 593 'uictore Gyge', EP II iv 22 'in Aeacide Nestorideque', and EP I viii 6 'dura pharetrato bella mouente Gete [uar Geta]'. All editors but Heinsius print GETAE, but this is contrary to Ovid's usage: compare (to take only a few[Pg 196] instances) Ibis 637 'Sarmaticas inter Geticasque sagittas', EP I i 79 'inque locum Scythico uacuum mutabor ab arcu', and EP III v 45 'ipse quidem Getico peream uiolatus ab arcu'. The only apparent exceptions to the rule I have found are Tr IV i 21 'Sinti [Ehwald: inter codd Sintae Iac. Gronouius] nec militis ensem', where the compound expression alters matters somewhat, and Fast V 580 'Parthi [uar Parthis] signa retenta manu', where Partha should probably be read; compare Fast VI 244 'Mauras pertimuere manus [codd: minas Alton]' and EP I iii 59-60 'altera Bistonias pars est sensura sarisas, / altera Sarmatica spicula missa manu'.

53. I BIBE ... ANTICYRA. A hendiadys for 'Go drink all the mind-purging hellebore that grows in Anticyra'.

53. PVRGANTES ... SVCOS. For discussions of elleborus see Theophrastus HP IX 10, Pliny NH XXV 47-61, and Aulus Gellius XVII xv. There were two varieties of the plant, black and white (from the colour of their roots): the former was a laxative, the latter induced vomiting and was thought to sharpen the intellect; compare Val Max VIII vii ext 5, Pliny NH XXV 52, Martianus Capella IV 327, and the other passages cited by Brink at Hor AP 300.

54. ANTICYRA. Three places of this name are known from ancient sources; it is not known which of them Ovid had in mind. One was[Pg 197] a city in Locris on the north side of the entrance to the Corinthian Gulf; the second was a city near Mount Oeta (Strabo IX v 10), and the third an island of uncertain location (Pliny NH XXV 52). It is possible that Hor AP 300 'tribus Anticyris caput insanabile' should be taken to mean that all three places were famous for hellebore, but ps-Acron glosses tribus Anticyris as 'tribus ... potionibus [Keller: potus codd] ... aut multo elleboro', which Brink accepts, citing Hor Sat II iii 82-83 'danda est ellebori multo pars maxima auaris; / nescio an Anticyram ratio illis destinet omnem' and Persius IV 16 'Anticyras ... sorbere meracas' for the metonymy, and Petronius 88 4 'Chrysippus, ut ad inuentionem sufficeret, ter elleboro animum detersit' for the number. The last two places at least seem to have been known for their hellebore; compare Pliny NH XXV 49 'plurimum autem nascitur in Oete monte et optimum uno eius loco circa Pyram' and XXV 52 'Drusum quoque apud nos ... constat hoc medicamento liberatum comitiali morbo ['epilepsy'] in Anticyra insula'.

57. TV QVOQVE FAC TIMEAS. That is, his friend should start to behave better towards him. For a similar exhortation at the end of a poem of reproach, see Tr I viii 49-50 'effice peccati ne sim memor huius, et illo / officium laudem quo queror ore tuum'; even in the Ibis there is a veiled offer of reconciliation: 'et neque nomen in hoc nec dicam facta libello, / teque breui qui sis dissimulare sinam. / postmodo, si perges, in te mihi liber iambus / tincta Lycambeo sanguine tela dabit' (51-54).[Pg 198]

58. DVM LOQVERIS. Compare Am I xi 15 'dum loquor, hora fugit' and Hor Carm I xi 7-8 'dum loquimur, fugerit inuida / aetas'; Nisbet and Hubbard cite ad loc Persius V 153 and Petronius 99 3, noting that the sententia is not found before Horace.[Pg 199]

IV. To Sextus Pompeius

In this second poem addressed to Sextus Pompeius, Ovid celebrates the news that Pompeius is to be consul ordinarius in the following year. As Pompeius was consul in 14, Ovid probably wrote the poem shortly after the election of magistrates in 13.

Poems iv and v form a pair, the first being an account of Ovid's reaction on learning of Pompeius' election, the second being a letter to the new consul. Both poems have points of contact with poem ix, a letter of congratulation sent to Graecinus on his becoming suffect consul.

The poem begins with general reflections that no sadness is absolute, which prepare for the description of how the news came to Ovid of Pompeius' election (1-20). He pictures to himself the ceremonies that will take place (21-42), and ends with the hope that in the midst of the festivities Pompeius will still be able to remember him (43-50).

1-6. In these lines Ovid reverses the usual ancient sentiment that no pleasure is unalloyed. Compare Hor Carm II x 17-18 'non, si male nunc, et olim / sic erit'. For the more usual thought, see Met VII 453-54 'nulla est sincera uoluptas, / sollicitique aliquid laetis interuenit' and Fast VI 463 'interdum miscentur tristia laetis'.[Pg 200]

1. AVSTRALIBVS VMIDA NIMBIS. An image used elsewhere by Ovid as a metaphor of his unhappiness: see Tr I iii 13 'hanc animo nubem dolor ipse remouit', Tr V v 22 'pars uitae tristi cetera nube uacet', and EP II i 5-6 'tandem aliquid pulsa curarum nube serenum ['cloudless'] uidi'.

1. VMIDA. For the dampness of the south wind, compare Met I 65-66 'contraria tellus / nubibus assiduis pluuiaque madescit ab Austro'.

2. NON INTERMISSIS ... AQVIS. Non intermissis in the same metrical position at EP I iv 16 'non intermissis cursibus ibit equus'; intermissus used of bad weather at Tr II 149-51 'uentis agitantibus aera [uar aequora] non est / aequalis rabies continuusque furor, / sed modo subsidunt intermissique silescunt'.

7. DOMO PATRIAQVE CARENS OCVLISQVE MEORVM. Similar phrasing at Tr III vii 45 'cum caream patria uobisque domoque', Tr III xi 15-16 'quod coniuge cara, / quod patria careo pignoribusque meis', Tr V v 19 (of his wife) 'illa domo nataque sua patriaque fruatur', Tr I v 83, Tr IV vi 19, Tr IV ix 12, Tr V x 47, EP I iii 47, and EP II ix 79.

7. OCVLISQVE MEORVM. Compare Tr V iv 27-30 'nec patriam magis ille suam desiderat ... quam uultus oculosque tuos, o dulcior illo / melle quod in ceris Attica ponit apis'. Oculisque meorum seems to mean 'regards des miens' (André) rather than 'the sight of my own' (Wheeler); compare Aen XI 800-1 'oculosque tulere / cuncti ad reginam',[Pg 201] Met VII 256 'et monet arcanis oculos remouere profanos', Persius V 33 'permisit sparsisse oculos ['to look where I chose']', and from prose Cic Fam IX ii 2 'ut uitemus oculos hominum'.

9. VVLTVM DIFFVNDERE. The action opposite to trahis uultus (i 5); compare Met XIV 272 'diffudit uultus' and from prose Sen Ep 106 5 'nisi dubitas an uultum nobis mutent, an frontem astringant, an faciem diffundant'. It is probably from this expression that diffundere acquired the extended sense of 'mentally relax' (OLD diffundo 5), for which compare Met IV 766 'diffudere animos', Met III 318 'Iouem ... diffusum nectare', and AA I 218 'diffundetque animos omnibus ista dies'.

9. CAVSAM. CAVSA (BCT) is grammatical enough, but corruption from qua ... causam to qua ... causa is more likely than the inverse.

The construction of the sentence is rather complex: Ovid's normal practice would be to employ an objective genitive with causa.

10. POSSIM BCMHIT POSSEM L POSSVM F. The clause is in primary tense sequence following the true perfect inueni, which represents the present result of a past action. Compare fecit ... minuant in 5-6.

10. NEC MEMINISSE = et obliuisci. Nec (non) meminisse is metrically useful for filling the second hemistich of the pentameter up to the disyllable; so used at vi 50 'arguat ingratum non meminisse sui', Tr IV iv 40 & V xiii 18, and EP II iv 6.[Pg 202]

11. SOLVS BC. TRISTIS, the reading of the other six manuscripts, is tempting, as being the less neutral of the two adjectives, and was accepted without question by Heinsius and Burman. If it is accepted, one could argue that Ovid refers back to the word at 21 'dilapsis ... curis'. But solus is shown to be correct by the passage Ovid is here imitating, Virgil G I 388-89 'tum cornix plena pluuiam uocat improba uoce / et sola in sicca secum spatiatur harena'. Solus was lost through haplography ('fulua solus': the elongated 's' form common in manuscripts would have facilitated the error) and tristis interpolated to restore the metre. Ehwald believed (KB 63) that the error arose from tristis having been written above solus in the archetype, but there is no reason to accept this, since the one could not stand as a gloss for the other.

11. SPATIARER HARENA. The phrase is taken from Virgil G I 388-89 (quoted in the previous note); Ovid imitates the passage again at Met II 572-73 'lentis / passibus, ut soleo, summa spatiarer harena'.

12. VISA EST A TERGO PENNA DEDISSE SONVM. 'I thought I heard a wing rustle behind me'. A similar advent of an unseen deity at Met III 96-98 'uox subito audita est; neque erat cognoscere promptum / unde, sed audita est: "quid, Agenore nate, peremptum / serpentem spectas? et tu spectabere serpens"'. Compare as well Met V 294-98 'Musa loquebatur: pennae sonuere per auras, / uoxque salutantum ramis ueniebat ab altis. / suspicit et linguae quaerit tam certa loquentes / unde sonent hominemque putat Ioue nata locutum; / ales erat'.[Pg 203]

12. PENNA BMFHILT PINNA C. Pinna and penna, perhaps from different roots, were confused even in antiquity. The ancient manuscripts of Virgil offer pinna as the spelling even for the meaning 'wing', but Quintilian clearly took penna as the correct spelling for this sense: 'quare ['therefore'] discat puer ... quae cum quibus cognatio; nec miretur cur ... a pinno quod est acutum [sc fiat] securis utrimque habens aciem bipennis, ne illorum sequatur errorem qui, quia a pennis duabus hoc esse nomen existimant, pennas auium dici uolunt'. (I iv 12).

13. NEQVE ERAT CMHL NEC ERAT BFIT. Virgil had a very strong preference for neque before words starting with a vowel, but Ovid did not follow this rule: compare Met I 101 'nec ullis', 132 'nec adhuc', 223 'nec erit', 306 'nec ablato', and 322 'nec amantior'. However, it seems better to accept neque as the true reading in view of the good manuscript support and the parallel at Met III 96-97 'uox subita audita est (neque [uar nec] erat cognoscere promptum / unde, sed audita est)'.

13. NEQVE ERAT CORPVS. 'But there was no body'. Neque (nec) represents sed ... non as well as et ... non.

It is one of Ovid's favourite devices to describe the aspect of gods when they appear to him, as at Am III i 7-14 (Elegy and Tragedy), Fast I 95-100 (Janus), Fast III 171-72 (Mars), Fast V 194 (Flora), Fast V 637-38 (Tiber), and EP III iii 13-20 (Amor). The only other passage where Ovid says he did not see the god is Fast VI 251-54, but[Pg 204] Vesta had no traditional appearance that Ovid could make use of: compare Fast VI 298 'effigiem nullam Vesta ... habet'.

The reason that Ovid did not describe Fama was that the picture of Fama as a winged monster which Virgil had made standard (Aen IV 174-88) could not easily be integrated into the poem. The only description of Fama in Ovid is at Met IX 137-39 'Fama loquax praecessit ad aures, / Deianira, tuas, quae ueris addere falsa / gaudet, et e minima sua per mendacia crescit'. At Met XII 39-63 there is a memorable description of Fama's dwelling-place. Fama is also personified (but with no descriptions) at EP II i 19-20 & II ix 3.

16. PER IMMENSAS AERE LAPSA VIAS. Similar phrasing at EP III iii 77-78 (Amor speaking) 'ut tamen aspicerem consolarerque iacentem, / lapsa per immensas est mea penna uias'.

17. QVO NON TIBI CARIOR ALTER. Compare Tr III vi 3 'nec te mihi carior alter', Tr IV vi 46 'qua nulla mihi carior, uxor', and EP II viii 27 'per patriae nomen, quae te tibi carior ipso est'.

18. CANDIDVS ET FELIX PROXIMVS ANNVS ERIT. Compare Fast I 63-64 'ecce tibi faustum, Germanice, nuntiat annum / inque meo primus carmine Ianus adest'. No doubt both passages echo the phrasing of a New Year wish or prayer.

18. CANDIDVS. 'Favourable'. Compare Tr V v 13-14 (on his wife's birthday) 'optime natalis! quamuis procul absumus, opto / candidus[Pg 205] huc uenias', Prop IV i 67-68 'Roma, faue, tibi surgit opus, date candida ciues / omina, et inceptis dextera cantet auis!', and Fast I 79-80 'uestibus intactis Tarpeias itur in arces, / et populus festo concolor ipse suo est'.

19. DIXIT ET has a definite epic flavour, being found in Virgil at Aen I 402 & 736, II 376, III 258, IV 659, V 477, VI 677, VIII 366 & 615, IX 14, X 867, XI 561 & 858, XII 266 & 681, and G IV 499; from Ovid compare Met I 466-67 'dixit et eliso percussis aere pennis / impiger umbrosa Parnasi constitit arce', I 762 'dixit et implicuit materno bracchia collo', III 474, IV 162 & 576, V 230 & 419, VIII 101, and VIII 757. A close parallel at EP III iii 93-94 (Amor has been speaking with Ovid) 'dixit et aut ille est tenues dilapsus in auras, / coeperunt sensus aut uigilare mei'.

22. EXCIDIT. 'I forgot'; the opposite of subit 'I remember'. The idiom is standard Latin (OLD excido¹ 9b); Ovidian instances at Her XII 71, Am II i 18, Met VIII 449-50 'excidit omnis / luctus et a lacrimis in poenae uersus amorem est', Met XIV 139, Fast V 315, Tr I v 14, EP II iv 24, and EP II x 8 'exciderit tantum ne tibi cura mei'.

23. VBI ... RESERAVERIS ANNVM. 'When you have unlocked the year'. Compare Ovid's descriptions of Janus at Fast I 99 'tenens baculum dextra clauemque sinistra' and Fast I 253-54 '"nil mihi cum bello: pacem postesque tuebar / et" clauem ostendens "haec" ait "arma gero"'.[Pg 206]

23. LONGVM ANNVM. André translates, 'l'année longue à venir', citing Cic Phil V 1 'Nihil umquam longius his Kalendiis Ianuariis mihi uisum est', to which OLD longus 14a adds (among other passages) Caesar BG I 40 13 'in longiorem diem collaturus' and Sen Ep 63 3 'non differo in longius tempus'; but the meaning 'far off' seems unsuited to the present context. Longum should be taken in its usual sense; it perhaps emphasizes that the whole year is still ahead.

24. SACRO MENSE. Sacer because of the religious ceremonies marking the New Year.

25-28. The first action of the new consul was to take auspices at his home and to assume the consular toga: compare Livy XXI 63 10 (217 BC; Flaminius has entered his consulship while absent from Rome) 'magis pro maiestate uidelicet imperii Arimini quam Romae magistratum initurum et in deuersorio hospitali quam apud penates suos praetextam sumpturum' (Mommsen Staatsrecht I³ 615-17).

26. NE TITVLIS QVICQVAM DEBEAT ILLE SVIS. There are two possible ways of understanding this line.

One way is to take titulis as referring to Pompeius' earlier magistracies, 'as if the series of offices were a score which Pompey would pay in full when he became consul' (Wheeler). A similar use at Her IX 1 'Gratulor Oechaliam titulis accedere nostris'.

Titulis does not have to be taken as a strict reference to the offices Pompeius had already held, but can have the wider sense of[Pg 207] 'reputation, honour'. Compare the opening line of Her IX quoted above; Professor R. J. Tarrant cites Met XV 855 'sic magnus cedit titulis Agamemnonis Atreus' and Juvenal VIII 241.

The second way to take the passage is, with Némethy, to understand titulis ... suis as being equivalent to maioribus suis, qui magnos titulos habent, the tituli being the inscriptions below the imagines of Pompeius' ancestors. A parallel for the sense at EP III i 75-76 'hoc domui debes de qua censeris, ut illam / non magis officiis quam probitate colas'. Professor E. Fantham suggests a refinement: titulis ... suis should be taken in the sense 'achievements of his ancestors'. Compare Prop IV xi 32 'et domus est titulis utraque fulta suis'.

27. PAENE ATRIA. Heinsius preferred PENETRALIA, the reading of I and F² ('sed ne sic quidem locus mihi uidetur plane in integrum restitutus'), apparently objecting to paene. The word seems weak enough, especially in view of Virgil G I 49 'illius immensae ruperunt horrea messes', but Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me a similarly weak paene at Tr III xi 13-14 'sic ego belligeris a gentibus undique saeptus / terreor, hoste meum paene premente latus'. Burman conjectured LAETA and PLENA; neither seems very convincing.

For atria compare Her XVI 185-86 'occurrent denso tibi Troades agmine matres, / nec capient Phrygias atria nostra nurus'. Penetralia, although poorly attested, is in itself appropriate enough, since the new consul began his magistracy in front of his penates: Festus (Mueller 208; Lindsay 231) defined the penetralia as the 'penatium deorum sacraria'.[Pg 208]

28. ET POPVLVM LAEDI DEFICIENTE LOCO. The jostling of a crowd similarly described at Am III ii 21-22 'tu tamen a dextra, quicumque es, parce puellae; / contactu lateris laeditur ista tui'.

29-34. The new consul, accompanied by lictors, left his house and went in solemn procession to the Capitoline, where he took his place on the curule chair, and then sacrificed to Iuppiter Optimus Maximus. A meeting of the Senate followed, held in the temple of Jupiter.

At ix 17-32 Ovid gives a similar description of the consul's entering on his office.

29. TARPEIAE ... SEDIS. Capitolinus is metrically awkward; hence the synecdoche from the Tarpeia rupes, the part of the Capitoline from which criminals were hurled. Similar tropes at viii 42 'uictima Tarpeios inficit icta focos', ix 29 'at cum Tarpeias esses deductus in arces', and commonly in the poets.

30. FACILES IN TVA VOTA. 'Receptive to your prayers'; for this frequent sense of facilis compare Her XII 84 'sed mihi tam faciles unde meosque deos?', Met V 559 'optastis facilesque deos habuistis', Tr IV i 53 'sint precor hae [the Muses] saltem faciles mihi', EP II ii 19-20 'esse ... fateor ... difficilem precibus te quoque iure meis', Her XVI 282 'sic habeas faciles in tua uota deos', and Grattius 426.

31-32. The asyndeton in this distich is odd, given the preceding series of connectives. If the text is unsound, however, alteration[Pg 209] of certae to certant (Damsté) or cerno (Owen) is not the cure. By using certae Ovid is indicating that there will be a clean blow with the axe, a good omen for the coming year. For the opposite omen, see Aen II 222-24 (describing Laocoon) 'clamores simul horrendos ad sidera tollit: / qualis mugitus, fugit cum saucius aram / taurus et incertam excussit ceruice securim'.

31-32. BOVES NIVEOS ... QVOS ALVIT CAMPIS HERBA FALISCA SVIS. Compare Am III xiii 13-14 'ducuntur niueae populo plaudente iuuencae, / quas aluit campis herba Falisca suis' and Fast I 83-84 (a description of the sacrifices on January 1st) 'colla rudes operum praebent ferienda iuuenci, / quos aluit campis herba Falisca suis'.

33-34. CVMQVE DEOS OMNES, TVM QVOS IMPENSIVS AEQVOS / ESSE TIBI CVPIAS, CVM IOVE CAESAR ERVNT. Cupias must be supplied with deos omnes—'You will wish the favour of all the gods; those gods whose favour you will particularly wish will be Caesar and Jupiter'. The omission of the verb from the cum-clause seems very strange, however, and Ehwald (KB 63-64) is possibly correct in supposing a distich to have fallen from the text after 32; in this case, cumque deos omnes is probably far removed from its original form.

33. OMNES, TVM QVOS. Ehwald wished to read OMNES, TVNC HOS (P reads TVNC HOS ORES), hos referring to the gods of the Capitol who had been named in the distich missing after 32; but this would leave cum Ioue Caesar erunt without a predicate.[Pg 210]

33. AEQVOS. 'Favourable'; compare Her I 23 'sed bene consuluit casto deus aequus amori'; Tr I ii 6 'aequa Venus Teucris, Pallas iniqua fuit', Tr III xiv 29 'aequus erit scriptis', and Tr IV i 25.

35. E MORE VOCATI. 'Convened, as is traditional'. After the sacrifice on the Capitoline, the new consul addressed the assembled Senate; compare Livy XXVI 26 5 'M. Marcellus cum idibus Martiis consulatum inisset, senatum eo die moris modo causa habuit ['held a session of the Senate simply because it was traditional to do so']' and Livy XXI 63 8 'ne die initi magistratus Iouis optimi maximi templum adiret, ne senatum inuisus ipse et sibi uni inuisum uideret consuleretque'.

36. INTENDENT AVRES. The expression is not found elsewhere in Ovid, or in Virgil; but compare Manilius II 511 'at nudus Geminis intendit Aquarius aurem'. The expression is presumably an extension of oculos (aciem) intendere, for which see Cic Tusc IV 38, Ac II 80, and Tac Ann IV 70.

37. FACVNDO TVA VOX ... ORE. For Pompeius' eloquence, Némethy cites Val Max II vi 8 'facundissimo ... sermone, qui ore eius quasi e beato quodam eloquentiae fonte manabat' and IV vii ext 2 'clarissimi ac disertissimi uiri'.

37. HILARAVERIT. The verb is rare and elevated in tone. Compare Cic Brut 44 (of Pericles' oratory) 'huius suauitate maxime hilaratae Athenae sunt', Catullus LXIII 18, and Ecl V 69.[Pg 211]

38. VTQVE SOLET, TVLERIT PROSPERA VERBA DIES. Compare Fast I 175-76 (Ovid to Janus) '"at cur laeta tuis dicuntur uerba Kalendis, / et damus alternas accipimusque preces?"'.

40. Riese's punctuation 'facias cur ita, saepe dabit' seems preferable to the alternate 'facias cur ita saepe, dabit', as placing more emphasis on Augustus and being perhaps an echo of Tr IV ii 12 'munera det meritis, saepe datura, deis'.

42. OFFICIVM POPVLI = populum officium facientem; the same metonymy at Met XV 691-93 (of Aesculapius) 'restitit hic agmenque suum turbaeque sequentis / officium placido uisus dimittere uultu / corpus in Ausonia posuit rate'.

44. NEC POTERVNT ISTIS LVMINA NOSTRA FRVI. Other non-personal subjects at Cic Am 45 (animus) and ps-Quint Decl VII 10 'uulneribus illis non fruentur oculi'. In all of these passages the transition from an expressed personal subject to a faculty or part of the personality seems fairly natural.

45. QVAMLIBET is a correction by Heinsius: 'far away as you might be ...'. The QVOD (QVA) LICET of most manuscripts anticipates the following qua possum, contrary to Ovid's practice.

45. QVA POSSVM, MENTE. A commonplace of the poems of exile: compare ix 41-42 'mente tamen, quae sola domo non exulat, usus / praetextam fasces aspiciamque tuos', Tr III iv 56, Tr IV ii 57 'haec ego summotus[Pg 212] qua possum mente uidebo', EP I viii 34 'cunctaque mens oculis peruidet usa suis', EP II iv 8, EP II x 47, and EP III v 47-48.

V. To Sextus Pompeius

The poem was written shortly after Pompeius' accession to the consulship (compare 4 'tectaque brumali sub niue terra latet' and 24 'deque parum noto consulet officio'). It takes the form of a set of instructions to the poem on what it should do when it reaches Rome. Ovid tells the poem it should look for Pompeius, and includes a short description of some of the consular functions Pompeius might be carrying out (1-26). He then instructs the poem in what it is to say to Pompeius: it should describe to him Ovid's gratitude for past and present services, and promise (using several adynata as illustrations) that this gratitude will be eternal (27-46).

A close parallel to this poem is furnished by Tr III vii, in which Ovid tells the poem where it is to seek his stepdaughter Perilla and what it is to say to her. Similar personifications are found in Tr I i, in which Ovid gives instructions to his book on what it should do when it reaches Rome and the prudence it should show, in Tr III i, where the book describes its arrival in Rome, in Tr V iv, where the letter tells of Ovid's misery and his loyalty to his friend, and in Ovid's exhortation to his elegi at Fast II 3-6. The device is not unique to Ovid, being found at Catullus XXXV, Hor Ep I xx, and Statius Sil IV iv.

1. LEVES ELEGI. The same phrase at Am II i 21 'blanditias elegosque leues, mea tela, resumpsi'.[Pg 214]

1. DOCTAS AD CONSVLIS AVRES. 'To the ears of a consul who appreciates poetry'. Compare Hor Ep I xiii 17-18 'carmina quae possint oculos aurisque morari / Caesaris' and Prop II xiii 11-12.

2. HONORATO refers specifically to Pompeius' consulship. Honor is often used with the restricted sense of 'magistracy'.

3. LONGA VIA EST. Compare Tr I i 127-28 (the end of Ovid's instructions to his book) 'longa uia est, propera! nobis habitabitur orbis / ultimus, a terra terra remota mea'.

3. LONGA VIA EST, NEC VOS PEDIBVS PROCEDITIS AEQVIS. The uia longa is seen as a possible cause of the metre's lameness at Tr III i 11-12.

3. NEC ... PEDIBVS ... AEQVIS. Ovid often mentions the alternating pattern of elegiac verse: compare xvi 11 numeris ... imparibus ... uel aequis and the passages there cited, Am III i 8 (of Elegy) 'et, puto, pes illi longior alter erat', and EP III iv 85-86 'ferre etiam molles elegi tam uasta triumphi / pondera disparibus non potuere rotis'.

5. HAEMON Laurentianus 38 39 (saec xv), Ven. Marcianus XII 106 (saec xv), editio princeps Bononiensis HAEMVM BCMFHILT. I follow Heinsius and Burman in printing Haemon, in consideration of the preceding Thracen: it seems neater to have both place-names in their Greek forms. Haemum is similarly the transmitted reading at Met VI 87 (of the[Pg 215] tapestry created by Minerva) 'Threiciam Rhodopen habet angulus unus et Haemon' and Met X 76-77 (of Orpheus) 'in altam / se recipit Rhodopen pulsumque Aquilonibus Haemon', the preferable Haemon being found only in certain late manuscripts.

6. TRANSIERĪTIS. In early Latin this would necessarily have been a perfect subjunctive, the future perfect indicative being transierĭtis with the second 'i' short; but after Ennius and Plautus the forms (like -erīs and -erĭs)) are used indifferently, according to metrical necessity. See Platnauer 56 and Kühner-Stegmann I 115-16.

7. LVCE MINVS DECIMA DOMINAM VENIETIS IN VRBEM. '[Starting from Brundisium] you will arrive in Rome before the tenth day'. The same idiom at Fast V 379 'nocte minus quarta promet sua sidera Chiron'.

8. VT FESTINATVM NON FACIATIS ITER. The trip would probably be not much shorter than ten days. André cites Livy XXXVI 21 and Plutarch Cato maior 14 3 for Cato's five-day journey from Hydruntum (Livy; Hydruntum is about seventy-five kilometres southeast of Brundisium) or Brundisium (Plutarch) in 191 to announce the victory over Antiochus III at Thermopylae; both authors mention the journey for its speed. The more leisurely journey from Rome to Brundisium described in Hor Sat I v seems to have taken about fifteen days; see Palmer on I v 103.

9. Either PETETVR (FT) or PETATVR (BCMHIL) is possible enough. Petetur seems the better reading in view of uenietis (7) and erit (16), the[Pg 216] corruption perhaps having been induced by faciatis in the preceding line. But the jussive petatur could be continuing from ite in the first line; compare Statius Sil IV iv 4-5 'atque ubi Romuleas uelox penetraueris arces, / continuo dextras flaui pete Thybridis oras'.

10. NON EST AVGVSTO IVNCTIOR VLLA FORO. Compare xv 16 'quam domus [sc tua] Augusto continuata foro'.

11. SI QVIS VT IN POPULO. 'If someone in the crowd'. This seems to be the sense of ut in populo; Wheeler's translation 'as may happen in the crowd' will work here and at Tr I i 17-18 'si quis ut in populo nostri non immemor illi [=illic], / si quis qui quid agam forte requirat, erit', but not at Tr II 157-58 'per patriam, quae te tuta et secura parente est, / cuius ut in populo pars ego nuper eram' or at Hor Sat I vi 78-80 (Horace describes his schooldays) 'uestem seruosque sequentis / in magno ut populo si qui uidisset, auita / ex re praeberi sumptus mihi crederet illos'.

A similar idiom appears at Tr II 231-32 'denique ut in tanto quantum non extitit umquam / corpore pars nulla est quae labet imperii'

11. QVI SITIS ET VNDE. Similar phrasing at Ilias Lat 554-55 'nomen genusque roganti, / qui sit et unde'.

12. NOMINA ... QVAELIBET ... FERAT. Ferat = 'receive as answer'. Compare Livy V 32 8 '[M. Furius Camillus] cum accitis domum tribulibus [Pg 217]clientibusque ... percontatus animos eorum responsum tulisset se conlaturos quanti damnatus esset, absoluere eum non posse, in exilium abiit' and XXI 19 11.

12. DECEPTA ... AVRE. Compare Met VII 821-23 'uocibus ambiguis deceptam praebuit aurem / nescio quis nomenque aurae tam saepe uocatum / esse putat nymphae'.

14. VERA, MINVS Hilberg VERBA MINVS codd. For the phrase uera fateri Hilberg (35-36) cited as parallels Met VII 728 & IX 53, Tr I ix 16, EP III i 79 'si uis uera fateri', EP III ix 19 'quid enim dubitem tibi uera fateri?', to which add EP II iii 7. For the contrast of uera and ficta Hilberg cited EP III iv 105-6 'oppida turritis cingantur eburnea muris, / fictaque res uero [codd: uerae Riese] more putetur agi'; see as well Tr I ix 15-16 'haec precor ut semper possint tibi falsa uideri; / sunt tamen euentu uera fatenda meo'. For the corruption of uera to uerba he cited Fast I 332, Tr III vi 36, III xi 33 & IV iii 58, and Prop III xxiv 12 'naufragus Aegaea uera [Passerat: uerba codd] fatebar [uar fatebor] aqua'; for the position of uera he cited EP III i 46 & IV xiii 26. The corruption was no doubt assisted by the isolated position of uera at the start of the pentameter.

15-16. COPIA NEC VOBIS NVLLO PROHIBENTE VIDENDI / CONSULIS ... ERIT. 'Even if no one stops you, you will not be able to see the consul [because he will be busy]'. Heinsius preferred to read VLLO (P), but this does not yield sense: it would have to mean 'you will be able to see the consul if no one prevents you' or 'you will be unable to see[Pg 218] the consul if anyone prevents you'; neither of these meanings would cohere with what follows.

15. COPIA. 'Opportunity'; compare Met XI 278 'copia ... facta est adeundi tecta tyranni', EP III i 135-37 'cum domus Augusti ... laeta ... plenaque pacis erit, / tum tibi di faciant adeundi copia fiat', and Aen I 520 'coram data copia fandi', XI 248 (=I 520) & XI 378.

17. DICENDO IVRA. The plural is poetic, the standard phrase being ius dicere: OLD ius² 4b cites Livy III 52 6 alone for the plural.

17-26. Ovid lists in order of ascending importance some of the activities Pompeius as consul might be engaged in, starting with the hearing of lawsuits and ending with visits to the imperial family. For a shorter instance of the device of listing the recipient's possible activities, see Tr III vii 3-4 (Ovid tells his letter to seek Perilla) 'aut illam inuenies dulci cum matre sedentem, / aut inter libros Pieridasque suas'.

18. CONSPICVVM ... SIGNIS EBVR. Signis = 'bas-relief'; the sense is confined to verse (OLD signum 12b). Compare ix 27 'signa ... in sella ... formata curuli', Met V 80-82 'altis / extantem signis ... cratera', Met XII 235-36 'signis extantibus asper / antiquus crater', Met XIII 700, Lucr V 1427-28 'ueste ... purpurea atque auro signisque ingentibus apta', Aen V 267, V 536 & IX 263, Prop IV v 24, Statius Theb I 540, and Silius II 432.[Pg 219]

18. CVM PREMET ALTVS EBUR. 'When he sits tall on the curule chair'. The same situation similarly described at Fast I 81-82 'iamque noui praeeunt fasces, noua purpura fulget, / et noua conspicuum pondera sentit ebur'; compare as well Med Fac 13 'matrona premens altum rubicunda sedile' and Met V 317 'factaque de uiuo pressere sedilia saxo'.

19. REDITVS ... COMPONET. 'Will be arranging the [state's] income'. For reditus compare Am I x 41 'turpe tori reditu census augere paternos' and EP II iii 17-18 'at reditus iam quisque suos amat, et sibi quid sit / utile sollicitis supputat ['calculates'] articulis'. For componet compare Cic II Verr IV 36 'compone hoc quod postulo de argento' and Tac Ann VI 16 5.

19. POSITAM ... AD HASTAM. A spear placed in the ground was a symbol of magisterial authority, and as such was always present at the letting of tax contracts. For the language compare Cic Leg Agr II 53 'ponite ante oculos uobis Rullum ... hasta posita ... auctionantem'. For hasta with the specific meaning of 'contract-letting', see Livy XXIV 18 11 'conuenere ad eos frequentes qui hastae huius generis adsueuerant'. The practice is recalled in the modern Italian term for 'auction', uendita all'asta.

20. MINVI MAGNAE. A word play on minus and magis at least; but Professor E. Fantham points out to me that Ovid probably had in mind the phrase maiestatem populi Romani minuere (Cic Inu II 53 & Phil[Pg 220] I 21); Pompeius will not allow the interests of the state to be damaged.

21. IN IVLIA TEMPLA = in curiam Iuliam. Caesar had started the construction of a new senate-house in 44; it was opened by Augustus in 29. The building, as restored by Diocletian, survives substantially intact: see Nash I 301.

22. TANTO DIGNIS CONSVLE REBVS. Note the separation of the epithets from the nouns, and the high level of diction produced by the hyperbaton.

23. NATOQVE. Tiberius, son of Ti. Claudius Nero, had been adopted by Augustus in AD 4.

24. DEQVE PARVM NOTO CONSVLET OFFICIO. 'Will be asking advice about his unfamiliar office'. It still being winter, Pompeius would not have been very long in office, and so would not yet have been very familiar with his duties. Burman objected to this notion ('nec Ovidium tam adulandi imperitum fuisse puto, ut ignorantiam aut seruitutem tam imprudenter obiiceret Pompeio') and conjectured DEQVE PATRVM TOTO CONSVLET OFFICIO, that is, 'consulet Caesares, quale uelint esse officium totius senatus'. But the conjecture is unattractive, and the problem not as great as Burman thought: both Ovid and Pompeius would wish to emphasize the importance of the Caesars.[Pg 221]

25. AB HIS VACVVM. A prose usage, paralleled in Ovid by EP I i 79 alone 'inque locum Scythico uacuum mutabor ab arcu'. Elsewhere Ovid has nine instances of uacuus with the simple ablative and two instances of uacuus with the genitive, while Virgil never has uacuus with a complement. ET HIS VACVVM, given by B and C, is perhaps an attempt to restore normal poetic idiom.

26. A MAGNIS ... DEIS. 'After the great gods'—Augustus and Tiberius. Dio says that it was remarked after Augustus' death that both of the consuls for the year were related to the emperor (LVI 29 5); it is strange that Ovid nowhere mentions Pompeius' link with the imperial family.

For the sense of ab, compare for example Ecl V 48-49 'nec calamis solum aequiperas, sed uoce magistrum: / fortunate puer, tu nunc eris alter ab illo' and Statius Theb IV 842.

27. CVM TAMEN ... REQVIEVERIT. After it has arrived in Rome, the poem should not vex Pompeius by approaching him when he is busy. At Tr I i 93-96 Ovid in the same way advises his book when it should approach Augustus, and at EP III i 135-40 gives similar directions to his wife. Compare as well Met IX 572-73 (a messenger carries Byblis' declaration of love to her brother) 'apta minister / tempora nactus adit traditque fatentia [H. A. Koch: latentia codd] uerba' and Met IX 610-12 (Byblis' explanation of the failure of her suit) 'forsitan et missi sit quaedam culpa ministri: / non adiit apte, nec legit idonea, credo, / tempora, nec petiit horam animumque uacantem'.[Pg 222]

27. A TVRBA RERVM. 'De ces multiples affaires' (André). Heinsius conjectured CVRA, citing ix 71 (addressed to Graecinus as consul) 'cum tamen a rerum cura propiore uacabit'. The conjecture is elegant enough, but the manuscript reading seems sufficiently supported by Her II 75-76 (Phyllis to Demophoon) 'de tanta rerum turba factisque parentis / sedit in ingenio Cressa relicta tuo' and EP III i 144 'per rerum turbam tu quoque oportet eas'; compare as well Columella XI 2 25.

28. MANSVETAS ... MANVS. The same phrase in the same position at Prop III xvi 9-10 'peccaram semel, et totum sum pulsus in annum: / in me mansuetas non habet illa manus'. Mansuetus is foreign to poetic vocabulary, not being found in Virgil or Horace, and only three times in Propertius (I ix 12, I xvii 28, III xvi 10): in Ovid it occurs elsewhere only at Tr III vi 23 'numinis ut laesi fiat mansuetior ira' and Ibis 26.

28. PORRIGET ILLE MANVS. Manus = manum; for the latter, compare Her XVIII 15-16 'protinus haec scribens "felix i littera" dixi, / "iam tibi formosam porriget illa manum"'. Alternatively, the phrase could be taken to indicate Pompeius' gesture of welcoming to a suppliant: at Met III 458 Narcissus, saying how he wished to embrace his reflection, says 'cumque ego porrexi tibi bracchia, porrigis ultro'.

31-32. VIVIT ADHVC VITAMQVE TIBI DEBERE FATETVR, / QVAM PRIVS A MITI CAESARE MVNVS HABET. See on i 2 debitor ... uitae, and compare Tr V ix 11-14 'Caesaris est primum munus, quod ducimus auras; / gratia post[Pg 223] magnos est tibi habenda deos. / ille dedit uitam; tu quam dedit ille tueris, / et facis accepto munere posse frui': the similarity of phrasing makes it all but certain that the poem was addressed to Pompeius.

33. MEMORI ... ORE. The phrase belongs to high poetic diction: compare Met VI 508 'absentes pro se memori rogat ore salutent', Met X 204 (Apollo to the dead Hyacinthus) 'semper eris mecum memorique haerebis in ore', and AA III 700 'auditos memori detulit ore sonos'.

35. SANGVINE BISTONIVM QVOD NON TEPEFECERIT ENSEM. Another instance of high poetic diction: compare Her I 19 'sanguine Tlepolemus Lyciam tepefecerat hastam', Aen IX 333-34 'atro tepefacta cruore / terra', Aen IX 418-19 'hasta ... traiecto ... haesit tepefacta cerebro', and Hor Sat II iii 136.

37-38. ADDITA PRAETEREA VITAE QVOQVE MVLTA TVENDAE / MVNERA. The dative expresses purpose. For the sense of tueri 'sustain', compare Tr V ix 13 'uitam ... quam dedit ille tueris', Cic Deiot 22 'atque antea quidem maiores copias alere poterat; nunc exiguas uix tueri potest', Livy V 4 5, XXIII 38 12 & XXXIX 9 5, and Pliny NH XXXIII 134 'M. Crassus negabat locupletem esse nisi qui reditu annuo legionem tueri posset'.

38. NE PROPRIAS ATTENVARET OPES. This may be a reference to the financial burden of living in exile, but more probably refers to the[Pg 224] actual financial loss Ovid suffered in exile: 'ditata est spoliis perfida turba meis' (EP II vii 62). It is clear from Tr I vi 7-8 that Ovid had feared such losses from the beginning of his exile.

Attenuare is a very strong verb: compare Met VIII 843-45 (of Erysichthon) 'iamque fame patrias altique uoragine uentris / attenuarat ['had exhausted'—Miller] opes, sed inattenuata manebat / tum quoque dira fames'.

39. PRO QVIBVS VT MERITIS REFERATVR GRATIA. Similar language to Pompeius at i 21 'et leuis haec meritis referatur gratia tantis'.

40. MANCIPII ... TVI (CB²) 'belonging to your property' seems a much more elegant construction than the other manuscripts' MANCIPIVM ... TVVM 'your slave', and was conjectured by Heinsius; in support of mancipium ... tuum Burman cited viii 65-66 'si quid adhuc igitur uiui, Germanice, nostro / restat in ingenio, seruiet omne tibi'.

41-44. Ovid uses the common device of listing adynata; the second version of the device at Tr I viii 1-10, where Ovid says that now his friend has betrayed him he expects to see the adynata occur. Comprehensive listings of adynata in ancient literature given by Smith on Tib I iv 65-66, Shackleton Bailey on Prop I xv 29, Nisbet and Hubbard on Hor Carm I ii 9, xxix 10 & xxxiii 7, and by Gow on Theocritus I 132-36.

42. VELIVOLAS occurs once more at xvi 21 'ueliuolique maris uates', and nowhere else in Ovid's poetry. It is found at Lucretius V 1442 and[Pg 225] Aen I 224 'mare ueliuolum', and was from old Latin poetry: Macrobius (Sat VI v 10) cites instances from Livius Andronicus (Morel 58) and Ennius (Ann 380 Vahlen³; Andromache 74 Ribbeck³).

43. SVPINO. 'Backwards'; almost the reverse of praeceps. The same sense at Med Fac 40 'nec redit in fontes unda supina suos'.

45. SVA DONA. Compare Her XII 203 (Medea to Jason) 'dos mea tu sospes' and Sen Med 142 'muneri parcat meo [=uitae suae]' & 228-30.

46. SIC FVERIT VESTRAE CAVSA PERACTA VIAE. 'So you will have carried out the reason for your journey'. The same sense of causa at Met VI 449-50 'coeperat aduentus causam, mandata referre / coniugis' and of peragere (always with mandata as object) at Met VII 502, XI 629 & XIV 460, Fast III 687, and Tr I i 35-36 'ut peragas mandata, liber, culpabere forsan / ingeniique minor laude ferere mei'.

Professor E. Fantham points out to me that Ovid may here be playing on a second sense of causam peragere, 'end a speech [in court]', for which see Met XV 36-37 'spretarumque agitur legum reus ... peracta est / causa prior ['the case for the prosecution'—Miller], crimenque patet' and Her XXI 152.[Pg 226]

VI. To Brutus

Of the Brutus to whom this poem is addressed nothing is known beyond what Ovid here tells us. He was an advocate, by Ovid's testimony an eminent one (29-38), and had been among the few who stood by Ovid at the time of his exile (23-26). The collection of Ex Ponto I-III was apparently dedicated to him, since the first poem of the first book and the last poem of the third book are addressed to him, but the two poems fail to give any further information on him or on his relationship to Ovid.

Ovid starts the poem with the reflection that he has now spent five years at Tomis (1-6). Fortune has tricked him: Fabius Maximus died before he could appeal to Augustus, Augustus before he could pardon Ovid (7-16). He hopes that the poem he has written on the apotheosis of Augustus will win him pardon; Brutus' fine qualities guarantee that he shares Ovid's wishes (17-22). The poem ends with a eulogy of Brutus' character and an assurance of Ovid's eternal gratitude to those friends who stood by him (23-50).

3-4. SED TV QVOD NOLLES, VOLVIT MISERABILE FATVM; / EI MIHI, PLVS ILLVD QVAM TVA VOTA VALET. For the play on nolle/uelle and the thought of 4, compare Met IX 757-58 'quodque ego, uult genitor, uult ipsa socerque futurus, / at non uult natura, potentior omnibus istis'.[Pg 227]

5. QVINQVENNIS. Ovid often mentions the time he has spent in exile: see Tr IV vi 19-20 (AD 10) 'ut patria careo, bis frugibus area trita est, / dissiluit nudo pressa bis uua pede', Tr IV vii 1-2 'Bis me sol adiit gelidae post frigora brumae, / bisque suum tacto Pisce peregit iter', Tr V x 1-2 (AD 11-12) 'Vt sumus in Ponto, ter frigore constitit Hister, / facta est Euxini dura ter unda maris', EP I ii 25-26 (AD 12-13) 'hic me pugnantem cum frigore cumque sagittis / cumque meo fato quarta fatigat hiemps', EP I viii 27-28 'ut careo uobis, Stygias detrusus in oras, / quattuor autumnos Pleias orta facit', EP IV x 1 (AD 14) 'Haec mihi Cimmerio bis tertia ducitur aestas', and EP IV xiii 39-40 'sed me iam, Care, niuali / sexta relegatum bruma sub axe uidet'.

Ovid's first full year of exile was AD 9; since Augustus died on 19 August 14, this poem can be securely dated to the final few months of that year.

5. OLYMPIAS in Latin can mean a period of four or of five years; Ovid may have used quinquennis to remove the ambiguity. Olympias elsewhere in classical poetry apparently only at Manilius III 596, where it also denotes a five-year period.

5-6. OLYMPIAS ACTA / IAM Housman OLYMPIAS ACTA EST. / IAM edd. The subject of transit must be Olympias, since otherwise the pentameter is without a subject. Wheeler offers 'the time is now passing to a second lustrum', which does not account for the genitive lustri [Pg 228]... alterius (a second tempus, in the accusative, would have to be understood), while André gives 'et déjà j'entre dans un second lustre', which does not explain the person of transit. The editors' reading could be retained, and Olympias understood as the subject of the pentameter; but it seems simpler to follow Housman in omitting est (with L and T) and joining the two lines in a single sentence.

Transit is in strict terms illogical, since an Olympiad once completed (acta) cannot pass into a second period of time, but the idiom seems natural enough in view of Ovid's use of transire with seasons at Met XV 206 'transit in aestatem post uer robustior annus'; compare as well Fast V 185 (to Flora) 'incipis Aprili, transis in tempora Maii'.

7. PERSTAT ENIM FORTVNA TENAX. In Ovid's case, Fortune does not show her typical inconstancy.

8. OPPONIT NOSTRIS INSIDIOSA PEDEM. Otto pes 7 cites this passage and Petronius 57 10 'et habebam in domo qui mihi pedem opponerent hac illac'.

9-10. CERTVS ERAS ... LOQVI. 'You had made up your mind to speak'. The same idiom at Her IV 151-52, Her VII 9 'certus es, Aenea, cum foedere soluere naues ...?', Met IX 43, X 394 & XI 440; the impersonal construction at Met V 533, IX 53 'certum est mihi uera fateri' & X 38-39.[Pg 229]

9. FABIAE LAVS, MAXIME, GENTIS. Similar phrasing at EP III iii 2 'o sidus Fabiae, Maxime, gentis, ades'. This passage seems to be the earliest instance of laus 'object of praise; reason for praise' used of a person: TLL VII.2 1064 73 ff. cites from classical Latin only Eleg Maec 17-18 'Pallade cum docta Phoebus donauerat artes; / tu decus et laudes huius et huius eras', Valerius Flaccus II 243-44 'decus et patriae laus una ruentis, / Hypsipyle', Silius XIII 824, and Martial I xlix 2-3 'nostraeque laus Hispaniae ... Liciniane'. LVX (F²), printed by Burman, is acceptable enough (compare Cic Cat IV 11 'hanc urbem, lucem orbis terrarum'), but is clearly a guess based on F¹'s DVX.

For a full discussion of the career of Paullus Fabius Maximus, consul ordinarius in 11 BC, see Syme HO 135-55. He is the recipient of EP I ii, a request to plead for Ovid with Augustus, and EP III iii, an account of Ovid's vision of Amor which ends with a plea for Fabius' assistance. He is prominently mentioned at Hor Carm IV i 9-12 as a suitable prey for Venus, and it appears from Juvenal VII 94-95 that he was a famous patron of literature: Ovid mentions his scripta at EP I ii 135. We learn from the same poem that Ovid's wife was a member of Fabius' family: 'ille ego de uestra cui data nupta domo est' (136).

10. SVPPLICE VOCE LOQVI. Similar phrasing at Met VI 33 'supplice uoce roga: ueniam dabit illa roganti'. The adjectival use of supplex is[Pg 230] not confined to verse; OLD supplex 2 cites instances from Caesar and Suetonius.

11. OCCIDIS ANTE PRECES. 'You died before making your request'. Since Fabius is named in an inscription (CIL VI 2023a, line 17; cited by Froesch 209) as having participated in the election of Drusus to the Arval Brotherhood on 15 May AD 14, he must have died very shortly before Augustus.

11-12. CAVSAMQVE EGO, MAXIME, MORTIS ... ME REOR ESSE TVAE. The death of Fabius, so soon before that of Augustus, seems to have raised popular suspicions. Tacitus (Ann I 5 1-2) mentions a rumour that Fabius had secretly accompanied Augustus to Planasia to visit Agrippa Postumus and that his wife had warned Livia of this; Augustus heard of this, and at Fabius' funeral she was heard blaming herself for his death. If Fabius' death occurred under strange circumstances, Ovid's accusation against himself of having been its cause may have special point.

For a full discussion of the circumstances of Fabius' death, see Syme HO 149-51.

12. NEC FVERAM TANTI. 'But I was not worth this much'. Fueram has the sense of the imperfect, as at AA I 103-4 'tunc neque marmoreo pendebant uela theatro, / nec fuerant liquido pulpita rubra croco'; other instances at Her V 69, AA II 137, AA III 429 & 618, and Tr III xi 25. A full discussion at Platnauer 112-14: he cites thirteen[Pg 231] instances from Propertius, who seems to have been fondest of the idiom, and only one certain instance from Tibullus, II v 79 'haec fuerant olim'.

FVERO (BC) gives the sense 'but I will be discovered not to have been worth this much'; the tense seems difficult to fit to the context.

FVERIM (British Library Burney 220, saec xii-xiii) 'but I hope I was not worth so much' is quite possibly correct, and would account for the corruption to fuero.

12. NEC ... TANTI. Similar phrasing at Met X 613 (Atalanta ponders Hippomenes' willingness to risk death to gain her hand) 'non sum me iudice tanti'.

13. MANDARE. 'Consign'; a legal term for charging others with carrying out business on one's behalf, which carried certain obligations with it. See Gaius III 155-62, Just Inst III 26, and the discussion at Buckland 514-21.

15. DETECTAE ... CVLPAE scripsi DECEPTAE ... CVLPAE codd. Me decipit error is a phrase used by Ovid to mean 'I am making a mistake'; see EP III ix 9-12 'auctor opus laudat ... iudicium tamen hic non decipit error ['I do not make this error of judgment'], / nec quicquid genui protinus illud amo'. Ovid uses the expression very often for the "mistake" which led to his exile: see Tr I iii 37-38 (Ovid to his friends on the night of his exile) 'caelestique uiro quis me deceperit error / dicite pro culpa ne scelus esse putet', Tr IV i 23 'scit quoque [sc Musa][Pg 232] cum perii quis me deceperit error', and EP II ii 61 'quasi me nullus deceperit error'. He uses decipere once when speaking of the other cause of his exile: 'o puer [sc Amor], exilii decepto causa magistro' (EP III iii 23). Wheeler took deceptae to refer to Ovid: 'Augustus had begun to pardon the fault I committed in error'. This kind of extreme hypallage, with the true modified noun not expressed, does not however seem to be Ovid's practice, although found in the Silver poets: Statius Theb IX 425 'deceptaque fulmina' means 'the thunderbolts thrown by Jupiter at the request of Semele, who had been deceived by Juno'. Professor J. N. Grant suggests DECEPTI to me; but the genitive of the first person is rare in Ovid, and the perfect participle without expressed noun seems difficult. Owen saw the difficulty with deceptae, and in his second edition referred to Livy XXII 4 4 'id tantum hostium quod ex aduerso erat conspexit; ab tergo ac super caput deceptae insidiae'. But deceptae (which has been variously emended) there means occultae, as explained by Housman (521-22), who cited Prop II xxiv 35-36 'Phrygio fallax Maeandria campo / errat et ipsa suas decipit unda uias' and Sen HF 155 for the same sense; and occultae is clearly not the meaning here required, since Ovid's misdemeanour was all too visible.

Being unable to explain deceptae, I have conjectured detectae. Ovid seems to have committed his error in two stages. First he committed the original misdemeanour; then he kept silent about it when it might have been better for him to speak. Compare Tr III vi 11-13[Pg 233] 'cuique ego narrabam secreti quicquid habebam, / excepto quod me perdidit, unus eras. / id quoque si scisses, saluo fruerere sodali'. Later this misdemeanour was discovered: for the arrival of the news of this discovery when Ovid was visiting Elba with Cotta Maximus, see EP II iii 83-90. It is to this discovery that detectae refers: 'Augustus had begun to forgive the misdemeanour that had been revealed'. For this use of detegere compare Met II 544-47 'ales / sensit adulterium Phoebeius [coruus, the raven], utque latentem / detegeret culpam, non exorabilis index, / ad dominum tendebat iter' and Livy XXII 28 8 'necubi ... motus alicuius ... aut fulgor armorum fraudem ... detegeret'.

Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me the parallel problem at Met IX 711 'indecepta pia mendacia fraude latebant', where context requires indecepta to have the meaning 'undetected'. Indecepta might be taken to support deceptae in the present passage, but I am more inclined to read indetecta for indecepta: of the various conjectures made, Zingerle's inde incepta is most commonly accepted.

At Her IX 101-2 'tolle procul, decepte, faces, Hymenaee, maritas / et fuge turbato tecta nefanda pede!', detecte should similarly be read. Detecte better explains why Hymenaeus should flee; also, Hymenaeus has not been deceived, for it appears from 61-62 'spes bona det uires; fratris [Palmer: fratri codd] nam nupta futura es; / illius de quo mater, et uxor eris' that Macareus had fully intended to marry Canace.[Pg 234]

16. SPEM NOSTRAM TERRAS DESERVITQVE SIMVL. The -que should of course be taken with terras.

This is a typical instance of Ovid's love of syllepsis, of giving a single verb two objects (or more), each of which uses a different meaning of the verb. Compare, from many instances, ix 90 'nec cum fortuna mens quoque uersa mea est', Her VII 9 'certus es, Aenea, cum foedere soluere naues', Met II 601-2 'et pariter uultusque deo plectrumque colorque / excidit', Met VIII 177, Fast III 225, Fast III 857 'hic [the messenger of Ino] ... corruptus cum semine', Fast V 652 'montibus his ponunt spemque laremque suum', and EP II vii 84 'meque simul serua iudiciumque tuum'.

16. DESERVITQVE. Ovid does not use deserere with things as object until his poetry of exile: compare Tr I ix 65 'nec amici desere causam'. Instances in the later Heroides at XV 155 'Sappho desertos cantat amores' and XVI 260 'orantis medias deseruere preces'; in both cases the objects are virtually equivalent to persons.

17-18. DE CAELITE ... RECENTI ... CARMEN. The poem does not survive. At xiii 25-32 Ovid describes a similar poem on the apotheosis of Augustus, written in Getic.

17. RECENTI. 'New, freshly created'. Used in similar contexts at [Pg 235]Met IV 434-35 'umbraeque recentes ... simulacraque functa sepulcris', VIII 488 'fraterni manes animaeque recentes', X 48-49 'Eurydicenque uocant: umbras erat illa recentes / inter', and especially XV 844-46 'Venus ... Caesaris eripuit membris nec in aera solui / passa recentem animam caelestibus intulit astris'.

18. CARMEN IN ORA DEDI. 'I sent a poem for you to recite from and speak of'. Dare meaning 'send' is usually restricted to use with litteras (OLD do 10; compare Cic Att II i 12 & IX viiB 1, Livy XXVII 16 13).

For in ora, compare Catullus XL 5 'an ut peruenias in ora uulgi [sc hoc facis]?', Hor Ep I iii 9 '... Titius, Romana breui uenturus in ora', Prop III ix 32 (to Maecenas) 'et uenies tu quoque in ora uirum', Tr V vii 29-30 'non tamen ingratum est quodcumque obliuia nostri / impedit et profugi nomen in ora refert', and Livy II 36 3. The only instance I have found of the expression being used of a thing rather than a person other than this passage is also from Ovid: 'illud opus ... nunc incorrectum populi peruenit in ora, / in populi quicquam si tamen ore mei est' (Tr III xiv 21-24). Neither passage would have seemed strange to the Romans, given the close identification between poet and work: compare Ennius' famous 'uolito uiuo' per ora uirum' and Met XV 878 'ore legar populi'.

20. SACRAE ... DOMVS. Augustus' house called 'magni ... Iouis ... domum' at Tr III i 38; compare as well EP III i 135 'domus Augusti, Capitoli more colenda'.

20. MITIOR IRA. Compare EP III iii 83 'pone metus igitur: mitescet Caesaris ira'.

21. LIQVIDO POSSVM IVRARE. 'I can swear unambiguously'. The only other instance of this sense in verse apparently III iii 49-50 'scis tamen et liquido iuratus dicere possis / non me legitimos sollicitasse toros'. From prose compare Cic II Verr IV 124 'confirmare hoc liquido, iudices, possum, ualuas magnificentiores ... nullas umquam ullo in templo fuisse', II Verr III 136, Fam XI 27 7 'alia sunt quae liquido negare soleam', and Sen Ben VII 9 5.

22. NON DVBIA ... NOTA. The phrase logically belongs with the preceding line: on the firm evidence of Brutus' past behaviour (described in 23-42), Ovid can confidently state that Brutus prays for his restoration. Non dubia by litotes for certa (for which see Her XX 207 'te ... nimium miror, nota certa furoris'); nota 'tangible sign, evidence' similarly used at Met I 761 (generis). FIDE (LTM^2ulF^2ul) is an obvious gloss for nota.

23. VERVM ... AMOREM. 'Sincere love' (Wheeler); compare Met V 61 'ueri non dissimulator amoris' and Tr IV iv 71 'et comes exemplum ueri Phoceus amoris'.[Pg 237]

25. TVAS ... LACRIMAS NOSTRASQVE. The tears of Ovid's friends at his departure described at Tr III iv 39-40, EP I ix 17-18, and EP II xi 9-10 (to Rufus) 'grande uoco lacrimas meritum quibus ora rigabas, / cum mea concreto sicca dolore forent'.

26. PASSVROS POENAM CREDERET ESSE DVOS. Compare Tr V iv 37-38 (Ovid's letter speaking) 'quamuis attonitus, sensit tamen omnia, nec te / se minus aduersis indoluisse suis'.

27. LENEM TE MISERIS GENVIT NATURA. Compare Cic Tusc II 11 'te natura excelsum quendam uidelicet et altum et humana despicientem genuit' and Ennius Ann 112 Vahlen³ (of Romulus) 'qualem te patriae custodem di genuerunt'.

29. MARTE FORENSI. Similar metaphor for the lawcourts at Fast IV 188 'et fora Marte suo litigiosa uacent', Tr III xii 17-18 'ludis / cedunt uerbosi garrula bella fori' and Tr IV x 17-18 'frater ... fortia uerbosi natus ad arma fori'. According to Ovid real wounds were suffered in the forum at Tomis: 'adde quod iniustum rigido ius dicitur ense, / dantur et in medio uulnera saepe foro' (Tr V x 43-44).

30. POSSE TVO PERAGI VIX PVTET ORE REOS. Similar language at Tr I i 23-24 'protinus admonitus repetet mea crimina lector, / et peragar populi publicus ore reus'. Peragere refers to the prosecution of a defendant carried to its end, but does not imply success for the prosecutor: see Pliny Ep III ix 30 and Ulpian Dig XLVIII v 2 1[Pg 238] 'non alias ad mulierem possit peruenire, nisi reum peregerit [sc adulterii]; peregisse autem non alias quis uidetur, nisi et condemnauerit'.

31. QVAMVIS PVGNARE VIDENTVR BMFH. Given the dependent pugnare, it seems hardly possible to read the VIDETVR given by the other manuscripts. The same problem arises at Met VIII 463-64 'pugnant materque sororque, / et diuersa trahunt unum duo nomina pectus', where the manuscripts divide between pugnant and pugnat; for an unambiguous parallel, see Her XIX 173 'nunc, male res iunctae, calor et reuerentia pugnant'.

Heinsius further suggested deleting est from the preceding scilicet eiusdem est 'cum tribus libris', but the change in number does not seem unduly harsh.

32. SVPPLICIBVS FACILEM. See on iv 30 faciles in tua uota, and compare Am II iii 5-6 (to his girl's eunuch) 'mollis in obsequium facilisque rogantibus esses, / si tuus in quauis praetepuisset amor' and Her XVI 197-98 'da modo te facilem, nec dedignare maritum ... Phrygem'.

Ovid is here indirectly referring to his own situation: compare EP III iii 107-8 'at tua supplicibus domus est adsueta iuuandis, / in quorum numero me precor esse uelis'.

33. LEGIS VINDICTA. 'The exacting of punishment on behalf of the law'. The law has been broken, and therefore demands retribution; Brutus acts on its behalf. For the sense of the genitive compare Val Max I 1 ext 3:[Pg 239] (Dionysius of Syracuse committed many acts of sacrilege, but punishment was visited on him after his death in the form of his son's ignominious career) 'lento enim gradu ad uindictam sui diuina procedit ira tarditatemque supplicii grauitate pensat'.

33. LEGIS ... SEVERAE. Seuerae here serves as a standard epithet and has no such special force as at EP III iii 57-58 'uetiti ... lege seuera / credor adulterii composuisse notas'.

34. VERBA VELVT TAETRVM SINGVLA VIRVS HABENT. The same image at EP III iii 105-6 'ergo alii noceant miseris optentque timeri, / tinctaque mordaci spicula felle gerant'.

34. TAETRVM R. J. Tarrant TINCTV Ehwald TINCTVM codd. Tinctum is impossible: if the word were used, it would have to go with uerba. Compare Ibis 53-54 'liber iambus / tincta Lycambeo sanguine tela dabit', Ibis 491 '[tamque cadas domitus ...] quam qui dona tulit Nesseo tincta ueneno', EP III i 26 'tinctaque mortifera tabe sagitta madet', and EP III iii 106 'tinctaque mordaci spicula felle gerant'. Ehwald's tinctu is linguistically and palaeographically somewhat better than Merkel's tinguat: for similar corruptions compare Fast III 612 'flet tamen admonitu motus, Elissa, tui', where many manuscripts read admonitus, and Tr I iv 9 'pinea texta sonant pulsu [Rothmaler: pulsi codd], stridore rudentes'. Even so, 'Each of your words carries poison, as though it had been dipped in it' seems awkward. For Professor Tarrant's taetrum compare Lucretius I 936[Pg 240] 'absinthia taetra', Dirae 23 'taetra uenena', and Hal 131 'nigrum ... uirus'.

34. VIRVS HABENT. Compare Tr IV i 84 'aut telo uirus habente perit' & III x 64 'nam uolucri ferro tinctile uirus inest'.

35-36. HOSTIBVS EVENIAT QUAM SIS VIOLENTVS IN ARMIS / SENTIRE. Hostibus eueniat is a common phrase in Ovid: compare Am II x 16-17 'hostibus eueniat uita seuera meis! / hostibus eueniat uiduo dormire cubili', Am III xi 16, AA III 247, Fast III 493-94 'at, puto, praeposita est fuscae mihi Candida paelex! / eueniat nostris hostibus ille dolor [recc quidam: color codd plerique]!', and Her XVI 219-20 (Paris to Helen) 'hostibus eueniant conuiuia talia nostris, / experior posito qualia saepe mero!'.

37. QVAE TIBI TAM TENVI CVRA LIMANTVR. 'Which are sharpened by you with such painstaking care'. For this meaning of limare compare Pliny NH VIII 71 'cornu ad saxa limato' and Cic Brut 236 '[M. Piso ...] habuit a natura genus quoddam acuminis, quod etiam arte limauerat'.

37-38. VT OMNES / ISTIVS INGENVI PECTORIS ESSE NEGENT. 'So that all would deny that they are the product of your kindly spirit'; for this sense of ingenuus compare Catullus LXVIII 37-38 'quod cum ita sit, nolim statuas nos mente maligna / id facere aut animo non satis ingenuo'. Ingenui pectoris is my correction for the manuscripts' INGENIVM CORPORIS, which could only mean 'so that all would deny[Pg 241] that the talent of your body exists'; Ovid can hardly be identifying the tela of 36 with Brutus' ingenium. Wheeler translates 'On these [the missiles of your tongue] you use the file with such extreme care that none would recognize in them your real nature', and André 'que personne ne croirait qu'un tel esprit habite ton corps'; neither translation fits the Latin. Shackleton Bailey's INGENIVM NOMINIS still leaves unsolved the problem of ingenium.

The corruption of ingenui to ingenium (or rather, ingeniū) is simple enough; and the interchange of pectus and corpus is a common error.

42. NOTITIAM ... INFITIATA. Infitiari used similarly at EP I vii 27 'nec tuus est genitor nos infitiatus amicos'.

43. IMMEMOR ... IMMEMOR. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out the similar epanalepsis at Hor Ep I xi 9 'oblitusque meorum, obliuiscendus et illis'.

44. SOLLICITI BCM^2ul SOLLICITE M¹FHILT. The adjective with adverbial meaning would be especially liable to corruption. The same construction at Am II iv 25 'dulce canit flectitque facillima uocem'.

44. LEVASTIS Barberinus lat. 26, saec xiii LEVATIS BCMFHILT. If 44 were taken in isolation, leuatis, which most editors print, would be acceptable enough; compare Tr IV i 49 ' iure deas igitur ueneror mala nostra leuantes' and EP III vi 13-14 'nec scelus admittas si consoleris amicum, / mollibus et uerbis aspera fata leues'. But it is clear from[Pg 242] 42 'est infitiata' and 49 'doluistis' that Ovid is speaking of the time of his banishment, and so leuastis must be read. Compare Tr I v 75 'me deus oppressit, nullo mala nostra leuante', EP II vii 61-62 'recta fides comitum poterat mala nostra leuare: / ditata est spoliis perfida turba meis', and EP III ii 25-26 'pars estis pauci melior, qui rebus in artis / ferre mihi nullam turpe putastis [uar putatis] opem'.

45-50. Compare the listing of adynata at the end of v (41-44), which again illustrates Ovid's eternal gratitude (to Sextus Pompeius). Here the personal detail (hic nimium nobis conterminus Hister) makes the adynaton reflect Ovid's own circumstances.

46. DE MARE. The same form of the ablative at Tr V ii 20 'pleno de mare'. Compare Ovid's frequent use of the metrically convenient ablative in -e of third-declension adjectives.

47-48. Thyestes' feast cited as a proverbial example at Met XV 62 (Pythagoras is urging a vegetarian diet) 'neue Thyesteis cumulemus uiscera mensis', Tr II 391-92 'si non Aeropen [Politianus: Meropen uel Europen codd] frater sceleratus amasset, / auersos Solis non legeremus equos', Lucan I 534-44, and Martial III xlv 1-2 'Fugerit an Phoebus mensas cenamque Thyestae / ignoro: fugimus nos, Ligurine, tuam'.

47. VTQVE ... SI = et, quasi. All of the instances of the idiom cited by Lewis & Short ut II A 2e and OLD ut 8d are from prose, except for Ter Eun 117 and Lucilius 330 Marx. In none of these passages is ut[Pg 243] separated from si: the hyperbaton elevates the phrase and makes more natural its use in verse.

49. QVI ME DOLVISTIS ADEMPTVM. 'Who mourned my exile' is the meaning imposed by context, but the phrase would usually mean 'who mourned my death': compare EP I ix 41 'iure igitur lacrimas Celso libamus adempto', and the similar use of raptus for the exiled Ovid at xi 5 and xvi 1. For Ovid's considering his exile as his death, see xvi 1-4, Tr III iii 53 'cum patriam amisi, tunc me periisse putato', and EP I ix 56 'et nos extinctis adnumerare potest'.[Pg 244]

VII. To Vestalis

Vestalis, a younger son of Cottius, monarch of a small kingdom in the Alps (see at 29 [p 253]), was primipilaris of the legion of the area (perhaps the V Macedonica). He had just been named administrator of the region around Tomis (see at 1); as an important local official, he was a natural choice as recipient of one of Ovid's letters.

The poem starts with a description of the harsh climate of Tomis, to which Vestalis along with Ovid can now testify, and of the savagery of the inhabitants (1-12). This serves as a bridge to a compliment to Vestalis on being named primipilaris (13-18), and to the main body of the poem, a long and rather conventional description of how Vestalis led the final attack in the recovery of Aegissos (19-52). In the concluding distich Ovid declares that he has rendered immortal the deeds of Vestalis.

1. ORAS (CI) seems more suited to the nature of Vestalis' command than VNDAS, the reading of the other manuscripts. After Euxinas, corruption from oras to undas would be very easy, the inverse less so. Ovid does not elsewhere use Euxinae orae, the usual substantives with Euxinus being aquae, mare, fretum, and, closest in meaning, litus, for which see iii 51 'litus ad Euxinum ... ibis', Tr V ii 63-64 'iussus ad Euxini deformia litora ueni / aequoris', and Tr V iv 1.[Pg 245]

2. POSITIS ... SVB AXE in effect acts as a single adjective meaning 'northern'; axe plays a subordinate role and so does not require an epithet. The phrasing may be based on Accius 566-67 Ribbeck² '[ora ...] sub axe posita ad Stellas septem, unde horrifer / Aquilonis stridor gelidas molitur niues'. Lycaonio ... sub axe at Tr III ii 2.

3. ASPICIS EN PRAESENS. Compare ix 81-86, where Ovid invites Graecinus to ask his brother Flaccus, recently stationed in the Pontus, about conditions of life in the area.

3. IACEAMVS. 'Lie suffering': similarly used at EP I iii 49 'orbis in extremi iaceo desertus harenis', I vii 5, II ix 4 & III i 85 'ut minus infesta iaceam regione labora'.

4. FALSA ... QVERI. Perhaps a common phrase: Professor R. J. Tarrant cites Sallust Iug 1 'Falso queritur de natura sua genus humanum'.

5-6. ACCEDET ... FIDES. 'People will believe'. Compare Cic Diu I 5 'Cratippusque ... isdem rebus fidem tribuit, reliqua diuinationis genera reiecit' and Tac Germ 3 4 'ex ingenio quisque demat uel addat fidem' 'each can believe or disbelieve this according to his disposition'.

5-6. NON IRRITA ... FIDES = rata fides, a phrase meaning 'trustworthiness', rata having no special force. Compare Met III 341 'prima fide [genitive] ... ratae temptamina', Tr I v 49-50 'multa credibili tulimus ratamque, / quamuis acciderint, non habitura fidem', and Tr III x 35-36[Pg 246] 'cum sint praemia falsi / nulla, ratam debet testis habere fidem'. Note the hyperbaton in all these passages.

6. ALPINIS IVVENIS REGIBVS ORTE. See at 29 progenies alti fortissima Donni (p 253). For the language, compare Hor Carm I i 1 'Maecenas atauis edite regibus'.

7. IPSE VIDES CERTE GLACIE CONCRESCERE PONTVM. At ix 85-86 Ovid tells Graecinus to ask his brother Flaccus 'mentiar, an coeat duratus frigore Pontus, / et teneat glacies iugera multa freti'.

Similar language at Tr III x 37-38 'uidimus ingentem glacie consistere pontum, / lubricaque [codd: lubrica cum fort scribendum] immotas testa premebat aquas'.

8. IPSE VIDES RIGIDO STANTIA VINA GELV. The same picture more explicitly given at Tr III x 23-24 'nudaque consistunt, formam seruantia testae, / uina, nec hausta meri, sed data frusta bibunt'.

9-10. IPSE VIDES ONERATA FEROX VT DVCAT IAZYX / PER MEDIAS HISTRI PLAVSTRA BVBVLCVS AQVAS. Similar descriptions at Tr III x 33-34 'perque nouos pontes, subterlabentibus undis, / ducunt Sarmatici barbara plaustra boues' and Tr III xii 29-30 'nec mare concrescit glacie, nec ut ante per Histrum / stridula Sauromates plaustra bubulcus agit'.

9. IAZYX. The Iazyges Sarmatae are mentioned by Pliny (NH IV 80) and by Strabo (VII 3 17), who describes them as one of several tribes[Pg 247] living between the Borysthenes (Dnepr) and the Danube. They are also listed by Pompey, under the name of 'Iazyges Metanastae', the Wandering Iazyges (Geog III 7); the 'Iazyges' he describes as living along the shore of the Maeotis (III 5 19). Tacitus mentions the nation at Ann XII 29 4 (Vannius, king of the Suebi, is under attack) 'ipsi manus propria pedites, eques e Sarmaticis Iazygibus erat' and at Hist III 5 (the principes Sarmatarum Iazygum are enlisted to ensure the defence of Moesia in the absence of the regular troops; their offer to raise infantry as well as supplying their usual force of cavalry is rejected because of the fear of future treachery).

The name of the tribe was difficult metrically, so here Ovid calls them Iazyges, while at Tr III xii 30 (cited in the previous note) he calls them Sauromatae. At EP I ii 77 he solves the difficulty through hendiadys: 'quid Sauromatae faciant, quid Iazyges acres'.

11. ASPICIS. Ovid here uses verbs of seeing in an interesting way. At 7 and 9 he has uides; then aspicis suggests continuity but at the same time movement toward a new subject, and with a military detail introduced so as to introduce Vestalis' experience of war; then in 13-14 the emphasis is changed by the contrary-to-fact past optative utinam ... spectata fuisset.

11. ASPICIS ET MITTI SVB ADVNCO TOXICA FERRO. 'You behold how poison is hurled on the barbed steel' (Wheeler). The telum of 12 should be taken to be a spear, since mittere never seems to be used[Pg 248] of arrows. At Ibis 135 the hasta is mentioned as the special weapon of the Iazyges.

11. ADVNCO. The spear had hooks. Compare Met VI 252-53 'quod [sc ferrum] simul eductum est, pars et pulmonis in hamis / eruta cumque anima cruor est effusus in auras', where Bömer cites among other passages Curtius IX 5 23 'corpore ... nudato animaduertunt hamos inesse telo nec aliter id sine pernicie corporis extrahi posse quam ut secando uulnus augerent' and Prop II xii 9 'et merito hamatis manus est armata sagittis'.

13-14. ATQVE VTINAM PARS HAEC TANTUM SPECTATA FVISSET, / NON ETIAM PROPRIO COGNITA MARTE TIBI. A similar opposition at Met III 247-48 (of Actaeon) 'uelletque uidere, / non etiam sentire canum fera facta suorum'.

15. TENDITVR Owen TENDITIS codd. The number of tenditis is inappropriate to the context. Owen's tenditur, independently conjectured two years later by Ehwald (KB 84), seems a somewhat more elegant solution to the problem than Merkel's TENDISTI. It puts the weight of the line on ad primum ... pilum rather than on Vestalis himself; the pentameter, with its emphasis on the honor, suggests that this is right.

15. PRIMVM PILVM. Compare Am III viii 27-28 'proque bono uersu primum deducite pilum! / nox [A. Y. Campbell: hoc uel hic codd] tibi, si[Pg 249] belles [Madvig: uelles codd], possit, Homere, dari'. The primipilaris was the commander of the first century of the first cohort of the Roman legion, and hence first in rank among the legion's centurions.

17. PLENIS is the reading of all but two of the manuscripts collated. For this sense of plenus ('abundant'), compare Am I viii 56 'plena uenit canis de grege praeda lupis', Nux 91-92 'illa [the tree that is not near a road] suo quaecumque tulit dare dona colono / et plenos fructus adnumerare potest', Hor Sat I i 57, and Cic Sex Rosc 6 'alienam pecuniam tam plenam atque praeclaram'. Ehwald read PLENVS (F^acI), joining ingens with uirtus in the following line, arguing that the honour would not seem a great one to a member of a royal family. But Ovid devoted four lines to describing Vestalis' new rank: he must have believed that Vestalis would consider it a very great honour indeed. As well, if ingens is connected with titulus, uirtus ... maior gains point.

17. PLENIS ... FRVCTIBVS. For the wealth of the primipilaris, see Am III viii 9-10 'ecce recens diues parto per uulnera censu / praefertur nobis sanguine pastus eques'. In that poem the newly-rich primipilaris, Ovid's rival in love, is given a character very different from that of Vestalis.

18. IPSA TAMEN VIRTVS ORDINE MAIOR ERIT. A similar sentiment at EP II ix 11-14 (to king Cotys) 'regia, crede mihi, res est succurrere[Pg 250] lapsis ... fortunam decet hoc istam ['this befits your position'], quae maxima cum sit, / esse potest animo uix tamen aequa tuo'.

19. NON NEGAT HOC HISTER. For the device of calling to witness the scenes of military exploits compare Catullus LXIV 357 'testis erit magnis uirtutibus unda Scamandri' and the passages there cited by Fordyce. For non negat Professor A. Dalzell cites Catullus IV 6-7 'negat ... negare'.

20. PVNICEAM GETICO SANGVINE FECIT AQVAM. Similar language at ix 79-80 (of Flaccus) 'hic raptam Troesmin celeri uirtute recepit, / infecitque fero sanguine Danuuium'.

21. AEGISSOS. The city, the modern Tulcea, is situated about 110 kilometres directly north of Tomis (Constanţa) on the southernmost branch of the Danube, 60 kilometres from the mouth of the river. At EP I viii 11-20 Ovid describes the recapture of the city from the Getes; evidently the city had been lost once again.

Aegissos is the spelling certified by three of the five sources cited by Mommsen (CIL III page 1009), namely Hierocles Synecdemus 637 14, Notitia dignitatum 99, and Procopius Aed IV 7 20. The Itinerarium Antoninianum (226 2) offers Aegiso (ablative); Ehwald (KB 41), citing Mommsen, took this as sufficient justification for retaining the single s of the Ex Ponto manuscripts, although the now lost Strasbourg manuscript had egissus at I viii 13 (and an indication of an alternative ending in -os). The Ravenna Cosmography (4 5), Mommsen's final source, reads Aegypsum.[Pg 251]

27. TE SVBEVNTE RECEPTA. 'Recaptured on your attack'. Intransitive subire in this sense belongs to military vocabulary: compare Caesar BG VII 85 'alii tela coniciunt, alii testudine facta subeunt' and Curtius IV 2 23. For instances from military prose of subire with a direct object see Caesar BG II 27 'subire iniquissimum locum', Hirtius BG VIII 15, Bell Alex 76 2 'subierant iniquum locum', and Bell Hisp 24 2.

22. INGENIO ... LOCI. 'The nature (i.e. difficulty) of its terrain'. The same standard phrase at Tac Ann VI 41 'locorumque ingenio', Hist I 51 'diu infructuosam et asperam militiam tolerauerant ingenio loci caelique ['climate']', and from Ovid Tr V x 17-18 'tumulus defenditur ipse / moenibus exiguis ingenioque loci' and EP II i 52 '[oppida ...] nec satis ingenio tuta fuisse loci'.

22. NIL OPIS. The expression is rather prosaic: compare Cic Fam IV i 1 'aliquid opis rei publicae tulissemus'.

23. DVBIVM BMFHIT DVBIVM EST CL. The same variant in many manuscripts at EP III i 17-18 (Ovid is addressing Tomis) 'nec tibi sunt fontes laticis nisi paene marini, / qui potus dubium sistat alatne sitim'.

24. NVBIBVS AEQVA. 'As high as the clouds'. For this use of aequus compare Aen IX 674 'abietibus iuuenes patriis in [Heyne: et codd; cf Il XII 132 'ἕστασαν ὡς ὅτε τε δρύες οὔρεσιν ὑψικάρηνοι'] montibus aequos', Statius Ach I 173 'aequus uertice [Pg 252]matri', Sen Ep 94 61 'aequum arcibus aggerem ... et muros in miram altitudinem eductos', and Aen IV 89 'aequataque machina caelo'.

25. INTERCEPERAT. Intercipere 'capture' common in Livy (IX 43 3, XXI 1 5, XXVI 51 12, XXXVI 31 10); compare Ammianus XX 7 17 & XX 10 3 'locis ... recuperatis quae olim barbari intercepta retinebant ut propria'.

26. EREPTAS VICTOR HABEBAT OPES. Similar phrasing at Fast III 49-51 'hoc ubi cognouit contemptor Amulius aequi / (nam raptas fratri uictor habebat opes), / amne iubet mergi geminos'.

27. FLVMINEA ... VNDA. Flumineus does not occur elsewhere in the Tristia or Ex Ponto; fluminea ... aqua at Fast II 46 & 596.

27. VITELLIVS. This Vitellius is presumably one of the four sons of Publius Vitellius, grandfather of the emperor. Suetonius wrote of the sons, Aulus, Quintus, Publius, and Lucius, that they were 'quattuor filios amplissimae dignitatis cognomines ac tantum praenominibus distinctos' (Vit 2 2). Heinsius suggested Aulus (cos AD 32) was the one here meant, 'nisi ad L. Vitellium patrem [sc principis] referre mauis'. 'On the general and reasonable assumption', wrote Syme (HO 90), 'this is P. Vitellius'. But Suetonius calls P. Vitellius 'Germanici comes', and he is heard of in 15 assisting Germanicus in a campaign (Tac Ann I 70 1): it is perhaps more likely that Publius would have[Pg 253] been with Germanicus at the time of the capture of Aegissos, and that another of the brothers is meant. Certainty is in any case not attainable.

29. PROGENIES ALTI FORTISSIMA DONNI. For the phrasing, compare EP II ix 1-2 'Regia progenies, cui nobilitatis origo / nomen in Eumolpi peruenit usque ['goes back to'], Coty'.

The Donnus here referred to is Vestalis' grandfather (CIL V 7817), or possibly a more distant ancestor. Vestalis' father, Cottius, became a client of Augustus; at XV 10 7 Ammianus mentions the worship still accorded Cottius 'quod iusto moderamine rexerat suos, et ascitus in societatem rei Romanae quietem genti praestitit sempiternam'. At Nero 18 Suetonius mentions as one of the few additions to the empire under Nero the 'regnum ... Alpium defuncto Cottio'. This Cottius would probably have been Vestalis' older brother; André is therefore right to infer that Vestalis 'n'était pas l'héritier du trône, ce qu'Ovide n'aurait pas manqué de signaler'.

30. IMPETVS. Impetus + infinitive usually indicates a mad impulse: the only other exception in Ovid is Met V 287-88 (one of the Muses speaking) 'impetus ire fuit; claudit sua tecta Pyreneus / uimque parat, quam nos sumptis effugimus alis'.

31. CONSPICVVS LONGE FVLGENTIBVS ARMIS. Modelled on Aen XI 769 'insignis longe Phrygiis fulgebat in armis'.[Pg 254]

32. FORTIA NE POSSINT FACTA LATERE CAVES. Vestalis would in any case have fought bravely; so that his deeds would not pass unnoticed, he led the attack.

33. INGENTIQVE GRADV. When Ovid elsewhere use ingens gradus (passus) he gives the phrase a humorous tone: see Am III i 11 'uenit et ingenti uiolenta Tragoedia passu', AA III 303-4 'illa uelut coniunx Vmbri rubicunda mariti / ambulat ingentes uarica fertque gradus', and Met XIII 776-77 (of Polyphemus) 'gradiens ingenti litora passu / degrauat'. The straightforwardness of this passage is of a piece with the rest of the poem.

For an example of the normal epic use of this detail, see Aen X 572 'longe gradientem'.

34. SAXAQVE ... GRANDINE PLVRA. The same phrase in the same metrical position at Ibis 467-68 'aut te deuoueat certis Abdera diebus, / saxaque deuotum grandine plura petant'.

35. MISSA SVPER IACVLORVM TVRBA. 'The crowding missiles hurled from above' (Wheeler).

38. FERE. Heinsius' FERO would involve the repetition of fero in 44; and fero uulnere would be rather feeble when applied to a shield.

Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me that Ovid's description of Vestalis' exploit may have served as a distant model for Lucan's[Pg 255] account of how a centurion named Scaeua rallied Caesar's forces and led an attack against Pompey's encampment (VI 140-262). Scaeua was made primipilaris in reward for his bravery (Caesar BC III 53 5).

40. SED MINOR EST ACRI LAVDIS AMORE DOLOR. Similar language of a similar exploit at Met XI 525-28 'ut miles, numero praestantior omni, / cum saepe adsiluit defensae moenibus urbis, / spe potitur tandem laudisque accensus amore / inter mille uiros murum tamen occupat unus'. Ovid's description of Vestalis' exploit is little more than a string of conventional phrases.

41-42. TALIS APVD TROIAM DANAIS PRO NAVIBVS AIAX / DICITVR HECTOREAS SVSTINVISSE FACES. Compare Met XIII 7-8 (Ajax speaking of Ulysses) 'at non Hectoreis dubitauit cedere flammis, / quas ego sustinui, quas hac a classe fugaui' and Met XIII 384-85 (the death of Ajax) 'Hectora qui solus, qui ferrum ignesque Iouemque / sustinuit totiens, unam non sustinet iram'. All three passages are drawn from Il XV 674-746, the description of how Ajax repulsed Hector's attempt to set the Greek ships afire, and in particular from 730-31 'ἔνθ' ἄρ' ὅ γ' ἕστήκει δεδοκημένος, ἔγχεϊ δ' αἰεὶ / Τρῶας ἄμυνε νεῶν, ὅς τις φέροι ἀκάματον πῦρ'.

41. PRO NAVIBVS. 'In front of the ships'; a reminiscence of Il XV 746 (the final line of the book) 'δώδεκα δὲ προπάροιθε νεῶν αὐτοσχεδὸν οὖτα'.

43. DEXTERA DEXTRAE. Ovid used syncope in dextera where metrically convenient. Elsewhere when he employs the two forms he is usually[Pg 256] describing the joining of hands in pledge or friendship. See Her II 31 'commissaque dextera dextrae', Her XII 90 'dextrae dextera iuncta meae', and Met VI 447-48 'dextera dextrae / iungitur'. For a different use, see Met III 640-41 'dextera [uar dextra] Naxos erat: dextra mihi lintea danti / "quid facis, o demens? quis te furor," inquit "Acoete?"'.

45-46. DICERE DIFFICILE EST QVID MARS TVVS EGERIT ILLIC, / QVOTQVE NECI DEDERIS QVOSQVE QVIBVSQVE MODIS. As Professor E. Fantham points out to me, this praeteritio takes the place of a full aristeia detailing Vestalis' exploits.

46. QVOSQVE QVIBVSQVE MODIS. Compare quotque quibusque modis in an erotic context at Am II viii 28, and Tr III xii 33-34 'sedulus occurram nautae, dictaque salute, / quid ueniat quaeram quisue quibusue locis'.

47. ENSE TVO FACTOS CALCABAS VICTOR ACERVOS. Compare Met V 88 (of Perseus) 'extructos morientum calcat aceruos'.

50. MVLTAQVE FERT MILES VVLNERA, MVLTA FACIT. A similar conjunction of verbs at Fast II 233-34 'non moriuntur inulti, / uulneraque alterna dantque feruntque manu'.

52. IBAT. IBIT (BP) is printed by all modern editors except André, and is possibly correct: compare Am II iv 31-32 'ut taceam de me, qui causa tangor ab omni, / illic Hippolytum pone, Priapus erit' for the future tense used of a mythological character, and EP II xi 21-22 'acer et ad palmae per se cursurus honores, / si tamen horteris, fortius ibit [uar ibat] equus' for the corruption of future to imperfect.[Pg 257]

53. TEMPVS IN OMNE. Similar promises of immortality at Tr I vi 36 (to his wife) 'carminibus uiues tempus in omne meis', EP II vi 33-34 (to Graecinus) 'crede mihi, nostrum si non mortale futurum est / carmen, in ore frequens posteritatis eris', and EP III i 93 (to his wife) 'nota tua est probitas testataque tempus in omne'.

VIII. To Suillius

This poem, nominally addressed to Suillius, husband of Ovid's stepdaughter, is in fact directed to Germanicus, of whose staff Suillius was a member (see at 23 [pp 264-65]).

Ovid begins the poem by expressing his pleasure at receiving, at last, a letter from Suillius, saying he hopes that Suillius does not feel ashamed of being related to him by marriage (1-20). He then asks him to address Germanicus on his behalf (21-26). In 27-30 he says how grateful he will be if Germanicus assists him; at 31 he begins to address Germanicus directly in a tripartite defence of poetry. The first part (31-42) builds on 34 'Naso suis opibus, carmine, gratus erit': Ovid is now poor, but can still offer Germanicus his poetry. The second section (43-66) builds on 43-44 'nec tamen officio uatum per carmina facto / principibus res est aptior ulla uiris', and explains how verse brings immortality to great men and their deeds. The third section (67-78) offers culminating evidence for the value of poetry: Germanicus is himself a poet. Ovid moves from this to a final plea that Germanicus help his fellow-poet: once removed from Tomis, he will praise him in verse (79-88). In the final distich of the poem, he asks Suillius to assist his prayer.

The structure of the poem is similar to that of Tr V ii. In that poem Ovid addresses his wife for the first thirty-eight lines, telling[Pg 259] her of his misery and asking her to approach Augustus on his behalf. In the six lines that follow, he asks himself what he will do if she fails him; he answers that he will make his own direct approach to Augustus. The final thirty-four lines are his prayer to Augustus, in which he describes the hardships he endures at Tomis and begs for a mitigation of his punishment. It is remarkable that in both poems direct addresses to members of the imperial family should be disguised in this way: it seems probable that Tr II, Ovid's long defence of his conduct, had been received by Augustus with hostility, and that he was thenceforth more circumspect.

1-2. SERA QVIDEM ... GRATA TAMEN. Tamen goes with grata, balancing quidem. For instances of the separate serus tamen idiom ('it is late in happening, but it does in fact happen') see Nisbet and Hubbard at Hor Carm I xv 19.

1. SERA QVIDEM. It seems that in spite of his being a close relative of Ovid, Suillius, like Sextus Pompeius (see the introduction to i), had been reluctant to be openly associated with him.

1. STVDIIS EXCVLTE. 'Refined'. Studiis adds little to the force of exculte: the same idiom at Quintilian XII ii 1 'mores ante omnia oratori studiis erunt excolendi' and Cic Tusc I 4 'ergo in Graecia musici floruerunt, discebantque id omnes, nec qui nesciebat satis excultus doctrina putabatur'.[Pg 260]

1. SVILLI. P. Suillius Rufus (PW IV A,l 719-22; PIR¹ S 700) is otherwise chiefly known to us from three passages of Tacitus: Suillius is presented as 'strong, savage, and unbridled' (Syme Tacitus 332). At Ann IV 31, Tacitus describes how, in 24, Tiberius insisted that Suillius, convicted of accepting a bribe, be relegated to an island rather than merely be exiled from Italy; what seemed cruelty at the time later seemed wisdom in view of his later behaviour as a favourite of Claudius. At Ann XI 1-7 Tacitus describes how Suillius' excesses resulted in a proposal in the Senate to revive the lex Cincia of 204 BC, by which advocates had been forbidden remuneration: the proposal was modified by Claudius at the instance of Suillius and others affected so as to establish a maximum fee of ten thousand sesterces. At Ann XIII 42-43 (AD 58) Tacitus tells how Suillius, 'imperitante Claudio terribilis ac uenalis', was charged with extortion as proconsul of Asia and with laying malicious charges under Claudius. Banished to the Balearic islands, he led a luxurious existence, remaining unrepentant.

3-4. PIA SI POSSIT SVPEROS LENIRE ROGANDO / GRATIA. Compare 21 'si quid agi sperabis posse precando'.

5-6. ANIMI SVM FACTVS AMICI / DEBITOR. 'Your friendly purpose has placed me in your debt' (Wheeler). The genitive similarly used for the cause of indebtedness at i 2 'debitor est uitae qui tibi, Sexte, suae' and Tr I v 10 'perpetuusque animae debitor huius ero'.[Pg 261]

6. MERITVM VELLE IVVARE VOCO. 'I call the desire to help a favour already given'. Otto uelle 2 cites EP III iv 79 'ut desint uires, tamen est laudanda uoluntas', Prop II x 5-6 'quod si deficient uires, audacia certe / laus erit: in magnis et uoluisse sat est', Pan Mess 3-7, Laus Pisonis 214; the same proverb at Sen Ben V 2 2 'uoluntas ipsa rectum petens laudanda est'.

7. IMPETVS ISTE TVVS LONGVM MODO DVRET IN AEVVM. Similar phrasing at EP II vi 35-36 (Graecinus has been rendering Ovid assistance) 'fac modo permaneas lasso, Graecine, fidelis, / duret et in longas impetus iste moras'.

9. IVS ALIQVOD. 'A certain claim on each other'. The same phrase for a similar situation at EP I vii 60 (to Messalinus, elder brother of Cotta Maximus) 'ius aliquod tecum fratris amicus habet'.

9. ADFINIA. The adfinis was a relative by marriage, commonly, as here, a son-in-law; a relative by common descent was a cognatus.

9. ADFINIA VINCVLA. Vinculum used of family relationships at Met IX 550 (Byblis wishes to marry her brother) 'expetit ... uinclo tecum propiore ligari' and Cic Planc 27 'cum illo maximis uinclis et propinquitatis et adfinitatis coniunctus'.

10. INLABEFACTA. The word elsewhere in Latin only at xii 29-30 'haec ... concordia ... uenit ad albentes inlabefacta comas'. Ovid is fond of using negative participles of this type.[Pg 262]

11-12. NAM TIBI QVAE CONIVNX, EADEM MIHI FILIA PAENE EST, / ET QVAE TE GENERVM, ME VOCAT ILLA VIRVM. The same type of circumlocution at Her III 45-48 (Briseis to Achilles) "diruta Marte tuo Lyrnesia moenia uidi; ... uidi ... tres cecidisse quibus [Bentley: tribus codd] quae mihi, mater erat'.

11. EADEM MIHI FILIA PAENE EST. This is presumably Perilla, the recipient of Tr III vii, whom Ovid there speaks of in terms appropriate to a stepfather.

13-14. EI MIHI, SI LECTIS VVLTVM TV VERSIBVS ISTIS / DVCIS, ET ADFINEM TE PVDET ESSE MEVM. A similar lament at EP II ii 5-6 'ei mihi, si lecto uultus tibi nomine non est / qui fuit, et dubitas cetera perlegere!'; both passages are followed by defences of Ovid's character.

15. NIHIL BCMFHLT NIL I. Copyists were more prone to alter nil to nihil than the inverse; but in 1919 Housman demonstrated that nihil was Ovid's invariable form for the latter half of the first foot by pointing out that in all of the twenty-odd passages where the manuscripts offer nihil or nil at that position the following word invariably begins with a vowel (Collected Papers 1000-1003). There would be no reason for such an avoidance of consonants if Ovid had allowed nil in this position; he must therefore have used nihil alone.[Pg 263]

16. FORTVNAM, QVAE MIHI CAECA FVIT. The image of Fortune being blind to a single individual seems very strange. Professor R. J. Tarrant suggests that caeca could mean 'unforeseeing', and by fortunam Ovid could be referring to his own previous circumstances; alternatively, caeca might be a corruption induced by the familiar image of the blind goddess, replacing an original SAEVA (Riese) or LAEVA, for which compare Silius III 93-94 'si promissum uertat Fortuna fauorem, / laeuaque sit coeptis'.

17-18. SEV GENVS EXCVTIAS, EQVITES AB ORIGINE PRIMA / VSQVE PER INNVMEROS INVENIEMVR AVOS. A similar claim at Tr IV x 7-8 'usque a proauis uetus ordinis heres, / non modo fortunae munere factus eques'. The status of eques was not hereditary except in the case of a senator's son. The Paeligni did not receive the citizenship until after the Social War; to be born to equestrian status, and to assume that he could have had a senatorial career (Tr IV x 35), Ovid must have belonged to one of the dominant families of the region.

17. EXCVTIAS. 'Examine'. Ovid plays on the primary meaning of the word, 'shake out', at Am I viii 45-46 'has quoque quae frontis rugas in uertice portant [Burman: quas ... portas codd] / excute; de rugis crimina multa cadent'. The transferred meaning had lost any sense of metaphor by Ovid's time, however; see especially Tr II 224 'excutiasque oculis otia nostra ['the product of my leisure hours'—Wheeler] tuis'.[Pg 264]

19-20. SIVE VELIS QVI SINT MORES INQVIRERE NOSTRI, / ERROREM MISERO DETRAHE, LABE CARENT. A similar claim of no fault beyond his error at EP II ii 15-16 'est mea culpa grauis, sed quae me perdere solum / ausa sit, et nullum maius adorta nefas'.

20. ERROREM ... DETRAHE. At Met II 38-39 the same phrase with a different meaning: (Phaethon to his father) 'pignora da, genitor, per quae tu uera propago / credar, et hunc animis errorem ['doubt'] detrahe nostris*.

20. LABE CARENT. The same sense of labes at Tr I ix 43 'uitae labe carentis' and Prop IV xi 41-42 'neque ulla labe mea nostros erubuisse focos'; compare as well the phrase sine labe at Tr II 110 (domus), Tr IV viii 33 (decem lustris ... peractis), EP I ii 143 (praeteriti anni), EP II vii 49 (uita prior), Her XVII 14 (tenor uitae), and Her XVII 69 (fama).

22. QVOS COLIS ... DEOS. A similar definition of the imperial family at EP II ii 123 'quos colis ad superos haec fer mandata sacerdos'.

23. DI TIBI SVNT CAESAR IVVENIS. BCFM^2ul read SINT; but the indicative seems to be required by the preceding 'quos colis ... deos' and the following 'tua numina placa' and 'hac certe nulla est notior ara tibi'.

23. CAESAR IVVENIS. Germanicus; he would have acquired the cognomen Caesar on his adoption by Tiberius in AD 4. Iuuenis probably refers to Germanicus' title of princeps iuuentutis, which EP II v 41-42[Pg 265] indicates he must have held: 'te iuuenum princeps, cui dat Germania nomen, / participem studii Caesar habere solet'. Germanicus' holding of the title is not elsewhere attested.

At Ann IV 31 5, Tacitus identifies Suillius as 'quaestorem quondam Germanici'; at Ann XIII 42 4, he represents Suillius as saying of himself and Seneca 'se quaestorem Germanici, illum domus eius adulterum fuisse'. His service under Germanicus was clearly a principal fact of his life.

25-26. ANTISTITIS ... PRECES. Here antistes is virtually equivalent to cultor, as at Tr III xiv 1 'Cultor et antistes doctorum sancte uirorum'; compare as well Met XIII 632-33 'Anius, quo ... antistite Phoebus / rite colebatur'.

27-28. QVAMLIBET EXIGVA SI NOS EA IVVERIT AVRA, / OBRVTA DE MEDIIS CVMBA RESVRGET AQVIS. Ovid here mixes two nautical metaphors: if a ship is overwhelmed by high seas, a favouring breeze will not be of great assistance.

28. OBRVTA DE MEDIIS CVMBA RESVRGET AQVIS. Similar wording at [Sen] Oct 345-48 '[cumba ...] obruta ... ruit in pelagus rursumque salo / pressa resurgit'.

29. TVNC EGO TVRA FERAM RAPIDIS SOLLEMNIA FLAMMIS. Perhaps a verbal reminiscence of Aen IX 625-26 'Iuppiter omnipotens, audacibus adnue coeptis. / ipse tibi ad tua templa feram sollemnia dona'.[Pg 266]

29. TVRA ... SOLLEMNIA. The phrase does not occur elsewhere in Ovid; but compare the passage from Aen IX quoted above, as well as the conjunction of words at Tr III xiii 16 'micaque sollemni turis in igne sonet'.

29. RAPIDIS is here used as a standard epithet; its full force ('destructive') at Met II 122-23 'tum pater ora sui sacro medicamine nati / contigit et rapidae fecit patientia flammae', Met XII 274-75 'correpti rapida, ueluti seges arida, flamma / arserunt crines', and EP III iii 60 (to Amor) 'sic numquam rapido lampades igne uacent'.

31-32. NEC TIBI DE PARIO STATVAM, GERMANICE, TEMPLVM / MARMORE. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me the reference to Virgil G III 13-16 'et uiridi in campo templum de marmore ponam ... in medio mihi Caesar erit templumque tenebit'; Parii lapides are mentioned at III 34. Here Ovid makes the temple literal, and conducts his recusatio in the terms used by love-poets.

32. CARPSIT OPES ... MEAS. 'Has destroyed my wealth'. This is not strictly true, since Ovid at v 38 says that Pompeius give him gifts (Ovid's letter speaking) 'ne proprias attenuaret opes'.

The same use of carpere at ix 121-22 'fortuna est impar animo, talique libenter / exiguas carpo munere pauper opes' and Am I viii 91 'et soror et mater, nutrix quoque carpat amantem'.

34. NASO SVIS OPIBVS, CARMINE, GRATVS ERIT. Compare Am II xvii 27 'sunt mihi pro magno felicia carmina censu' and Am I iii entire.[Pg 267]

37. QVAM POTVIT ... MAXIMA. For the idiom compare Cic Fam XIII vi 5 'quam maximas ... gratias agat' and ND II 129 'gallinae ['hens'] ... cubilia sibi nidosque construunt eosque quam possunt mollissime substernunt'.

37. GRATVS ABVNDE EST. Apparently the only instance in classical poetry of abunde modifying an adjective. The prose authors cited by the lexica are Sallust, Livy, Valerius Maximus, Curtius, the elder Pliny, and Quintilian. Abunde elsewhere in Ovid only at Met XV 759 'humano generi, superi, fauistis abunde!' and Tr I vii 31 'laudatus abunde'.

38. FINEM PIETAS CONTIGIT ILLA SVVM. 'That act of piety has reached its objective', that is, has made the giver gratus.

39-42. For the sentiment compare EP III iv 81-82 'haec [sc laudanda uoluntas] facit ut ueniat pauper quoque gratus ad aras, / et placeat caeso non minus agna boue'.

41-42. GRAMINE PASTA FALISCO / VICTIMA TARPEIOS INFICIT ICTA FOCOS. Compare iv 29-32 'templaque Tarpeiae primum tibi sedis adiri ... colla boues niueos certae praebere securi, / quos aluit campis herba Falisca suis'.

42. INFICIT. 'Stain'. Inficere in the context of a sacrifice also at Met XV 134-35 '[uictima ...] percussa ... sanguine cultros / inficit' and Hor Carm III xiii 6.[Pg 268]

44. PRINCIPIBVS ... VIRIS. A fixed colloquial idiom: OLD princeps¹ 5 cites Plautus Amphitruo 204 'delegit uiros primorum principes' and Hor Ep I xvii 35 'principibus placuisse uiris non ultima laus est'. There was a parallel expression principes feminae: see Pliny NH VIII 119 and Tac Ann XIII 42 (Suillius compares himself to Seneca) 'an grauius aestimandum sponte litigatoris praemium honestae operae adsequi quam corrumpere cubicula principum feminarum?'.

45. CARMINA VESTRARVM PERAGVNT PRAECONIA LAVDVM. Praeconia in a similar context at Tr II 65 'inuenies uestri praeconia nominis illic [in the Metamorphoses]'; used with peragere at Tr V i 9 'ut cecidi, subiti perago praeconia casus'.

45. LAVDVM. 'Deeds meriting praise'; compare 87 'tuas ... laudes ... recentes'. The meaning is found even in prose: see Caesar BC II 39 4 'haec tamen ab ipsis inflatius commemorabantur, ut de suis homines laudibus libenter praedicant' and the other passages cited at OLD laus¹ 3b.

46. ACTORVM. AVCTORVM (BCHL) is possible enough; but actorum accords better with the preceding laudum.

46. CADVCA. 'Impermanent'. The sense is frequent in Cicero: see Rep VI 17 'nihil est nisi mortale et caducum praeter animos' and Phil IV 13. Elsewhere in Ovid the usual sense of the word is 'ineffectual': see Fast I 181-82 'nec lingua caducas / concipit[Pg 269] ulla preces, dictaque pondus habent' and Ibis 88 'et sit pars uoti nulla caduca mei'. Similar uses at Her XV 208 & XVI 169.

47. CARMINE FIT VIVAX VIRTVS, EXPERSQVE SEPULCRI / NOTITIAM SERAE POSTERITATIS HABET. For the immortality given by verse, compare from Ovid Tr V xiv 5 (to his wife) 'dumque legar, mecum pariter tua fama legetur' and EP III ii 35-36 (to those friends who assisted him) 'uos etiam seri laudabunt saepe nepotes, / claraque erit scriptis gloria uestra meis'. The topic is closely related to that of the poet's own immortality, for which, in Ovid, see xvi 2-3 'non solet ingeniis summa nocere dies, / famaque post cineres maior uenit' and Met XV 871-79.

For other poets' treatment of the immortality given by verse, see Prop III ii 17-26, Hor Carm IV ix, Pindar Nem VII 11-16, Gow on Theocritus XVI 30, and Murgatroyd on Tib I iv 63-66.

47. VIVAX VIRTVS. Compare Hor AP 68-69 'mortalia facta peribunt, / nedum sermonum stet honos et gratia uiuax'.

47. EXPERSQVE SEPVLCRI. The diction of this line is very elevated: Professor R. J. Tarrant compares Met IX 252-53 (Jupiter speaking of Hercules) 'aeternum est a me quod traxit, et expers / atque immune necis' and Cons Liu 59-60 'Caesaris adde domum, quae certe funeris expers / debuit humanis altior esse malis'. The following line's [Pg 270]notitiam ... habet is in comparison an anticlimax.

49. TABIDA CONSVMIT FERRVM LAPIDEMQVE VETVSTAS. Iron and flint were proverbial for hardness: compare x 3-4 'ecquos tu silices, ecquod, carissime, ferrum / duritiae confers, Albinouane, meae?', Her X 109-10, AA I 473-76, Met XIV 712-13, Fast V 131-32, Tr IV vi 13-14, and EP II vii 39-40; other passages are cited by Smith at Tib I iv 18 'longa dies molli saxa peredit aqua'. At I 313-16, Lucretius, discussing the invisible wearing away of substances, says 'stilicidi casus lapidem cauat, uncus aratri / ferreus occulte decrescit uomer in aruis, / strataque iam uolgi pedibus detrita uiarum / saxea conspicimus'.

51. SCRIPTA FERVNT ANNOS. The phrase completes the sentence begun in the previous distich, as is shown by the parallel passages Am I x 61-62 'scindentur uestes, gemmae frangentur et aurum; / carmina quam tribuent, fama perennis erit' and Am I xv 31-32 'ergo cum silices, cum dens patientis aratri / depereant aeuo, carmina morte carent'.

51. FERVNT. 'Withstand'; the same sense at Tr V ix 8 'scripta uetustatem si modo nostra ferunt', Cic Am 67 'ea uina quae uetustatem ferunt', Silius IV 399-400 'si modo ferre diem ... carmina nostra ualent', and Quintilian II 4 9 'sic et annos ferent et uetustate proficient'.

51-53. AGAMEMNONA ... THEBAS. The two great cycles of Greek heroic mythology. The same conjunction at Am III xii 15-16 'cum Thebae, cum Troia foret, cum Caesaris acta, / ingenium mouit sola Corinna meum'[Pg 271] and Tr II 317-20 'cur non Argolicis potius quae concidit armis / uexata est iterum carmine Troia meo? / cur tacui Thebas et uulnera mutua fratrum / et septem portas sub duce quamque suo'; compare as well Prop II i 21 '[canerem ...] nec ueteres Thebas nec Pergama, nomen Homeri'. Lucretius, arguing that the world was created at a definite moment, wrote 'cur supera ['before'] bellum Thebanum et funera Troiae / non alias alii quoque res cecinere poetae?' (V 326-27).

52. QVISQVIS CONTRA VEL SIMVL ARMA TVLIT. The leaders of the Greeks and Trojans.

The line's structure parallels 54 'quicquid post haec, quicquid et ante fuit'. Both are conspicuous by their lack of adornment.

55. DI QVOQVE CARMINIBVS, SI FAS EST DICERE, FIVNT. This is possibly a reference to Herodotus II 53, where Herodotus says that Homer and Hesiod established the Greek pantheon; for Ovid's borrowings from Herodotus, see at iii 37 opulentia Croesi (p 189). The same idea previously in Xenophanes (fr. 11 Diels).

The line looks ahead to 63-64 'et modo, Caesar, auum, quem uirtus addidit astris, / sacrarunt aliqua carmina parte tuum'.

55. SI FAS EST DICERE. Ovid here apologizes for the shocking statement he is making. Up to this point poetry has helped give lasting fame to what was already a fact, but here poetry is actually making something happen (or appear to happen). At Am III xii 21-40 Ovid similarly describes how poets created the myths.[Pg 272]

57-64. Ovid follows the same sequence in the Metamorphoses, describing the separation of Chaos at I 5-31, the attack of the Giants at I 151-55, Bacchus' conquest of India at IV 20-21 & 605-6, and Hercules' capture of Oechalia at IX 136; he foretells Augustus' apotheosis at XV 868-70. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out that these lines may well be referring specifically to the earlier poem.

57-58. SIC CHAOS EX ILLA NATVRAE MOLE PRIORIS / DIGESTVM PARTES SCIMVS HABERE SVAS. 'Thus we know Chaos now has its divisions after having been arranged in order from the famous mass that was its previous nature'. Ovid describes the separation of the elements at Met I 25-31 and Fast I 103-10; see also Ecl VI 31-36.

I take illa ('famous') to refer to the familiarity through the poets and philosophers of the notion of the separation of Chaos into the four elements. Alternatively, Professor A. Dalzell points out to me that illa could have a pejorative sense.

58. DIGESTVM. 'Separated'. At Met I 7 Ovid calls Chaos 'rudis indigestaque moles'.

59. ADFECTANTES CAELESTIA REGNA GIGANTAS. At Am III xii 27 Ovid, speaking of false legends created by the poets, says 'fecimus Enceladon iaculantem mille lacertis'.

In his youth, Ovid had attempted but later abandoned a poem on the battle of the Giants against Jupiter 'designed to glorify Augustus under the guise of Jupiter' (Owen Tristia II p. 77): the language he[Pg 273] uses at Tr II 333-40 seems too explicit to be a mere instance of the love-poet's defence of his subject-matter: 'at si me iubeas domitos Iouis igne Gigantas [Heinsius: Gigantes codd] / dicere, conantem debilitabit onus. / diuitis ingenii est immania Caesaris acta / condere, materia ne superetur opus. / et tamen ausus eram; sed detrectare uidebar, / quodque nefas, damno uiribus esse tuis.[20] / ad leue rursus opus, iuuenalia carmina, ueni, / et falso moui pectus amore meum'. He refers to the same poem again at Am II i 11-18 'ausus eram, memini, caelestia dicere bella / centimanumque Gyen—et satis oris erat— / cum male se Tellus ulta est, ingestaque Olympo / ardua deuexum Pelion Ossa tulit. / in manibus nimbos et cum Ioue fulmen habebam, / quod bene pro caelo mitteret ille suo— / clausit amica fores! ego cum Ioue fulmen omisi; / excidit ingenio Iuppiter ipse meo'.

The actual descriptions of the Giants' rebellion in Ovid's surviving poems are brief (Met I 151-62 & 182-86, Fast V 35-42), but references to the rebellion are frequent (Met X 150-51, Fast I 307-8, Fast IV 593-94, Fast V 555, Tr II 71, Tr IV vii 17, EP II ii 9-12). The accounts at Met V 319-31 of the flight of some of the gods to Egypt and at Fast II 459-74 of Venus' flight to the Euphrates are no doubt derived from Ovid's earlier researches.[Pg 274]

59. ADFECTANTES. 'Unlawfully seeking to obtain'; compare Met I 151-52 'neue foret terris securior arduus aether, / adfectasse ferunt regnum caeleste Gigantas' and Fast III 439 'ausos caelum adfectare Gigantas'. This sense is found in prose: compare Livy I 50 4 'cui enim non apparere adfectare eum imperium in Latinos?'. At Livy I 46 2 the word is used without the conative sense: 'neque ea res Tarquinio spem adfectandi regni minuit'.

59. GIGANTAS Heinsius. The manuscripts have GIGANTES, which Lenz, Wheeler, and André print. In classical Latin poetry, Greek nouns of the third declension with plural nominatives in -ες and plural accusatives in -ας retained these endings. Housman 836-39 gives many instances where metre demonstrates an accusative in -ας. In Ovid when such an ending occurs, some manuscripts commonly offer the normalized -es; at Tr II 333, as here, all manuscripts offer Gigantes, again corrected by Heinsius.

Such apparent violations of the rule as Fast I 717 'horreat Aeneadās et primus et ultimus orbis', Fast III 105-6 'quis tunc aut Hyadās aut Pliadas Atlanteas / senserat' and Virgil G I 137-38 'nauita tum stellis numeros et nomina fecit, / Pleiadās, Hyadās, claramque Lycaonis Arcton' are of course no real exceptions, the lengthening of short closed vowels at the ictus being permitted (Platnauer 59-62).

60. AD STYGA NIMBIFERI VINDICIS IGNE DATOS. 'Hurled to the underworld by the lightning-bolt of cloud-gathering Jupiter'. This was Jupiter's[Pg 275] first use of the weapon: see Fast III 439-40 'fulmina post ausos caelum adfectare Gigantas / sumpta Ioui: primo tempore inermis erat'.

60. NIMBIFERI VINDICIS IGNE is my correction of the manuscripts' NIMBIFERO and NVBIFERO. The unmodified uindicis and modified igne of the manuscript readings might be defended by EP II ix 77 'quicquid id est [whatever Ovid has committed], habuit moderatam uindicis iram', but uindicis is there defined by the following 'qui nisi natalem nil mihi dempsit humum', and moderatam is a more suitable epithet for iram than is nimbifero for igne in the present passage., At Tr II 143-44 'uidi ego pampineis oneratam uitibus ulmum, / quae fuerat saeuo fulmine tacta Iouis', the manuscripts divide between saeuo and saeui, which has a good claim to be considered the true reading; in any case, Iouis is less in need of a defining adjective than uindicis in the present passage. Finally, the genitive here is strongly supported by Ibis 475-76 'ut Macedo rapidis icta est cum coniuge flammis, / sic precor aetherii uindicis igne cadas'.

The corruption may have been induced by a wish to introduce interlocking word order: for a similar instance see at ii 9 Baccho uina Falerna (p 164). But in fact substantive and epithet are constantly found linked at the caesura of the pentameter: the strong break in the metre at that point no doubt made the construction more readily acceptable there than in other positions.

I have printed nimbiferi in preference to nubiferi because Jupiter is linked with nimbi at two other passages. The first of these is[Pg 276] Am II i 15-16 'in manibus nimbos et cum Ioue fulmen habebam, / quod bene pro caelo mitteret ille suo', and the second Met III 299-301, where Ovid describes Jupiter's preparations to descend on Semele: 'aethera conscendit uultuque sequentia traxit / nubila, quis nimbos immixtaque fulgura uentis / addidit et tonitrus et ineuitabile fulmen'.

61-62. SIC VICTOR LAVDEM SVPERATIS LIBER AB INDIS ... TRAXIT. Bacchus' conquest of India is also mentioned by Ovid at Fast III 465-66 'interea Liber depexos crinibus Indos / uicit et Eoo diues ab orbe redit', Fast III 719-20, and Tr V iii 23-24.

61-62. LIBER ... ALCIDES. The same pairing (both times in the context of Augustan panegyric) at Aen VI 801-5 'nec uero Alcides tantum telluris obiuit, / fixerit aeripedem ceruam licet, aut Erymanthi / pacarit nemora et Lernam tremefecerit arcu; / nec qui pampineis uictor iuga flectit habenis / Liber, agens celso Nysae de uertice tigris' and Hor Carm III iii 9-15. Ovid may have made similar mention of Bacchus and Hercules in his panegyric of Augustus.

61-62. SIC ... LAVDEM ... ALCIDES CAPTA TRAXIT AB OECHALIA. Hercules attacked and captured Oechalia in order to carry off Iole, the king's daughter. This was his last exploit, for it led to Deianira's sending him the poisoned robe which caused his death. The capture of Oechalia is also mentioned at Her IX passim (the poem perhaps not by Ovid) and Met IX 136-40.[Pg 277]

62. OECHALIA. For the quadrisyllable ending to the pentameter, see at ii 10 Alcinoo (p 164).

63. AVVM. Augustus. In AD 4 Augustus adopted Tiberius (son of Livia's first husband, Ti. Claudius Nero), and Tiberius adopted Germanicus, son of his brother Drusus.

63. QVEM VIRTVS ADDIDIT ASTRIS. Compare Aen VIII 301 (of Hercules) 'salue, uera Iouis proles, decus addite diuis'.

Augustus died on 19 August AD 14; on 17 September the Senate decreed caelestes religiones for him (Tac Ann I 10 8; Fasti Amiternini, Antiates, & Oppiani, at Ehrenberg-Jones 52). Augustus' apotheosis is also mentioned at ix 127-32 and xiii 23-26.

64. ALIQVA ... PARTE. The same phrase in the same metrical position at Fast I 133-34 (Janus speaking) 'uis mea narrata est. causam nunc disce figurae: / iam tamen hanc aliqua tu quoque parte uides'.

64. CARMINA. Ovid is referring to his own poems (in Latin and Getic) on Augustus' apotheosis, also mentioned at vi 17-18 'de caelite ... recenti ... carmen', ix 131-32 'carmina ... de te ... caelite ... nouo', and xiii 25-26.

65-66. SI QVID ADHVC IGITVR VIVI, GERMANICE, NOSTRO / RESTAT IN INGENIO, SERVIET OMNE TIBI. Compare Prop IV i 59-60 'sed tamen exiguo quodcumque e pectore riui / fluxerit, hoc patriae seruiet omne meae', which Ovid is clearly imitating. Hertzberg ad loc conjectured[Pg 278] RIVI for our passage, which may well be right; but uiui seems to agree better with restat.

67. VATIS ... VATES. For an extreme instance of Ovid's favourite figure of polyptoton (Quintilian IX 3 36-37), see the account at Met IX 43-45 of Achelous' wrestling-match with Hercules: 'inque gradu stetimus, certi non cedere, eratque / cum pede pes iunctus, totoque ego pectore pronus / et digitos digitis et frontem fronte premebam'. Other instances of polyptoton with uates at Fast I 25 (to Germanicus) 'si licet et fas est, uates rege uatis habenas' and EP II ix 65 (to Cotys, king of Thrace, apparently a writer of poetry) 'ad uatem uates orantia bracchia tendo',

67. VATES. Approximately nine hundred lines survive of a version of Aratus generally attributed to Germanicus, who might have been composing the poem at the time Ovid was writing: Augustus' apotheosis is mentioned at 558-60. It is possible however that Tiberius was the poem's author: he is known to have written a Conquestio de morte L. Caesaris and to have composed Greek verse (Suet Tib 70). For a full discussion see the introduction to Gain's edition of the Aratus.

69-70. QVOD NISI TE NOMEN TANTVM AD MAIORA VOCASSET, / GLORIA PIERIDVM SVMMA FVTVRVS ERAS. Compare Met V 269-70 (the Muses to Minerva) 'o nisi te uirtus opera ad maiora tulisset, / in partem uentura chori Tritonia nostri'.[Pg 279]

There is a striking parallel to this passage in Quintilian's address to Domitian in his catalogue of poets: 'hos nominamus quia Germanicum Augustum ab institutis studiis deflexit cura terrarum, parumque dis uisum est esse eum maximum poetarum' (X i 91-92).

70. GLORIA PIERIDVM SVMMA. Gloria similarly used at EP II xi 28 'maxima Fundani gloria, Rufe, soli', Aen VI 767 'proximus ille Procas, Troianae gloria gentis', and Val Max IV iii 3 'Drusum ... Germanicum, eximiam Claudiae familiae gloriam'. The term was used in particular of fine cattle: see AA I 290 'candidus, armenti gloria, taurus', Pan Mess (Corp Tib III vii) 208 'tardi pecoris ... gloria taurus' and Aetna 597 'gloria uiua Myronis' (on Myron's Cow see at i 34 ut similis uerae uacca Myronis opus [p 158]).

71. SI DARE R. J. Tarrant. The manuscripts' SED DARE is a possible reading; but Professor Tarrant's slight change removes the awkwardness of nec tamen following immediately upon sed.

71. MAVIS IF^2ul MAIVS BF¹. Either of the two variants could be read from CMHLT. The preferable reading is mauis, since it links more closely to potes in the pentameter, and would be especially liable to corruption after maiora two lines previous. I have found no good parallel for singular maius 'a more important thing': for the plural OLD maior 5 cites from verse Fast IV 3 'certe maiora canebas' and its model, Ecl IV 1 'paulo maiora canamus'.[Pg 280]

72. NEC TAMEN EX TOTO DESERERE ILLA POTES. Graecinus was another of Ovid's addressees who, while a soldier, kept up his other pursuits: 'artibus ingenuis [=lībĕrālibus], quarum tibi maxima cura est, / pectora mollescunt asperitasque fugit. / nec quisquam meliore fide complectitur illas, / qua sinit officium militiaeque labor' (EP I vi 7-10).

72. EX TOTO. 'Altogether'. Compare EP I vi 27-28 'spes igitur menti poenae, Graecine, leuandae / non est ex toto nulla relicta meae'. The idiom was probably subliterary: the only instances from the time of Ovid cited by OLD totum 2 are Celsus III 3 71b 'neque ex toto in remissionem desistit' and Columella V 6 17 'antequam ex toto arbor praeualescat'.

73. NVMERIS ... VERBA COERCES. 'You arrange words in metrical patterns'. Similar wording at Cic Or 64 'mollis est enim oratio philosophorum ... nec uincta numeris ['not in rhythmic prose'], sed soluta liberius'.

Professor E. Fantham points out to me that Ovid may also be playing on numerus 'military contingent' (OLD numerus 9): 'you draft words in squads'.

75-76. NEC AD CITHARAM NEC AD ARCVM SEGNIS APOLLO, / SED VENIT AD SACRAS NERVVS VTERQVE MANVS. Apollo is similarly described at Met X 107-8 (of Cyparissus) 'nunc arbor, puer ante deo dilectus ab illo / qui citharam neruis et neruis temperat arcum'.[Pg 281]

76. VENIT = conuenit. In Latin verse a simple verb can carry the sense of any of its compounds, even when this sense is quite different from the usual meaning of the simple verb. Compare Catullus LXIV 21 'tum Thetidi pater ipse iugandum Pelea sensit', "where it is plain that iugandum is for coniugandum, and this leads the reader to the conclusion that sensit is for consensit, where the omission decidedly affects the sense" (Bell 330).

The line should not be taken as an instance of the expression uenire ad manum (OLD uenio 7c), since the idiom's sense 'be convenient' does not fit the context here: for the sense compare Livy XXXVIII 21 6 'quod [sc saxum] cuique temere trepidanti ad manum uenisset' and Quintilian II xi 6 'abrupta quaedam, ut forte ad manum uenere, iaculantur'. Venire in manus offers a somewhat more satisfactory meaning, almost equivalent to 'have, hold' (compare Cic Q Fr II xv [xiv] i 'quicumque calamus in manus meas uenerit' and Persius III 11 'inque manus chartae nodosaque uenit harundo'), but seems to be a separate idiom.

79. QVAE QVONIAM NEC NOS. 'Since she continues to give poetic inspiration to myself as well as to you'. Quae quoniam seems very prosaic, but Ovid uses the phrase again at Tr I ix 53-54 'quae [sc coniectura] quoniam uera est ... gratulor ingenium non latuisse tuum'.

79-80. VNDA ... VNGVLA GORGONEI QUAM CAVA FECIT EQVI. Hippocrene, the spring of the Muses, said to have been created by the hoof-beat[Pg 282] of Pegasus. Similarly described at Met V 264 'factas pedis ictibus undas', Fast V 7-8 'fontes Aganippidos Hippocrenes, / grata Medusaei signa ... equi' and Persius prol 1 'fonte ... caballino'.

80. VNGVLA ... CAVA. Professor J. N. Grant points out to me the possible borrowing from Ennius Ann 439 Vahlen³ 'it eques et plausu caua concutit ungula terram'.

80. GORGONEI ... EQVI. The same phrase in the same metrical position at Fast III 450 'suspice [sc caelum]: Gorgonei colla uidebis equi'. For the birth of Pegasus from the blood of the Gorgon Medusa, see Met IV 784-86,

81. COMMVNIA SACRA TVERI. Sacra similarly used of poetry at Tr IV i 87, Tr IV x 19 'at mihi iam puero caelestia sacra placebant', EP II x 17 'sunt tamen inter se communia sacra poetis', and EP III iv 67 'sunt mihi uobiscum communia sacra, poetae'. For tueri 'observe, maintain' compare Cic Tusc I 2 'mores et instituta uitae resque domesticas ac familiaris nos profecto et melius tuemur et lautius'.

82. ISDEM STVDIIS IMPOSVUISSE MANVM. Similar phrasing at Tr IV i 27-28 'non equidem uellem ... Pieridum sacris imposuisse manum'.

82. IMPOSVISSE has the sense of the present infinitive, as is shown by tueri in the previous line; compare as well ii 27-28 'uix sumptae Musa tabellae / imponit pigras, paene coacta, manus'. For the idiom, see[Pg 283] Platnauer 109-12. It is particularly frequent in the latter half of the pentameter, immediately before the disyllable: compare, from many instances, AA III 431-32 'ire solutis / crinibus et fletus non tenuisse decet' and Tr IV viii 5-12 'nunc erat ut posito deberem fine laborum / uiuere, me nullo sollicitante metu, / quaeque meae semper placuerunt otia menti / carpere et in studiis molliter esse meis, / et paruam celebrare domum ueteresque Penates ... inque sinu dominae carisque sodalibus inque / securus patria consenuisse mea'. The idiom, although more common in elegiac verse, is also found in epic: compare Aen X 14 'tum certare odiis, tum res rapuisse licebit'.

83. LITORA PELLITIS NIMIVM SVBIECTA CORALLIS. Compare ii 37 'hic mea cui recitem nisi flauis scripta Corallis'. Strabo mentions the Coralli as inhabiting the region near Haemus (VII 5 12); they are rather obscurely described at Val Fl VI 89-94 'densique leuant uexilla Coralli, / barbaricae quis signa rotae, ferrataque dorso / forma suum ['of pigs'], truncaeque Iouis simulacra columnae; / proelia nec rauco curant incendere cornu, / indigenas sed rite duces et prisca suorum / facta canunt ueterumque, uiris hortamina, laudes'.

85. VLLO M ILLO BCFHILT. Illo is not a possible reading, since of course most parts of the empire would have been less isolated than[Pg 284] Tomis. Ovid does not specify a preferred place of exile at either Tr IV iv 49 'nunc precor hinc alio iubeat discedere' or EP III i 29-30 'non igitur mirum ... altera si nobis usque rogatur humus', nor in any of the passages listed in the next two notes.

86. QVI MINVS ... DISTET. For this constant prayer of the exiled Ovid, see Tr II 575-78 (the concluding lines) 'non ut in Ausoniam redeam, nisi forsitan olim, / cum longo poenae tempore uictus eris; / tutius exilium pauloque quietius oro, / ut par delicto sit mea poena suo', Ibis 28, EP III i 4 & 85, EP III iii 64, EP III vii 30, EP III ix 38, and EP III ix 1-4 'Quod sit in his eadem sententia, Brute, libellis, / carmina nescio quem carpere nostra refers, / nil nisi me terra fruar ut propiore rogare, / et quam sim denso cinctus ab hoste loqui'.

86. DISTET FHILM^2c. Lenz and André print DISTAT (BCT); however, the defining subjunctive seems to be required, and is supported by EP II viii 36 'daque procul Scythico qui sit ab hoste locum'.

88. MAGNAQVE QVAM MINIMA FACTA REFERRE MORA. At EP III iv 53-60 Ovid speaks of how a poem of his on a recent triumph has been late in being written, and will be late in reaching Rome: 'cetera certatim de magno scripta triumpho / iam pridem populi suspicor ore legi. / illa bibit sitiens lector, mea pocula plenus; / illa recens pota est,[Pg 285] nostra tepebit aqua. / non ego cessaui, nec fecit inertia serum: / ultima me uasti distinet [scripsi: sustinet codd] ora freti. / dum uenit huc rumor properataque carmina fiunt / factaque eunt ad uos, annus abisse potest'.

IX. To Graecinus

C. Pomponius Graecinus (PIR¹ P 540), suffect consul in 16, was the recipient of EP I vi, an appeal for his assistance, and of EP II vi, a request that he be more lenient towards Ovid's faults and continue to assist him. He must have been an old friend of Ovid, for Am II x is addressed to him ('Tu mihi, tu certe, memini, Graecine, negabas / uno posse aliquem tempore amare duas'), and he was clearly a literary patron (EP I vi 7-8 'artibus ingenuis, quarum tibi maxima cura est, / pectora mollescunt asperitasque fugit').

The poem begins with Ovid's wish that his letter might arrive on the day Graecinus becomes consul (1-4). He imagines himself present when Graecinus enters his magistracy; since he will not be there, he will at least in his mind imagine Graecinus carrying out his consular functions (5-56). He then speaks of Graecinus' brother Flaccus, who will succeed him as consul ordinarius for 17: the two brothers will take pleasure in each other's office (57-65). He describes the brothers' devotion to Tiberius, and asks for their assistance in obtaining his removal from Tomis (65-74). The mention of his exile serves as a bridge to the topic of his life in Tomis. Flaccus can attest to the hardships Ovid endures, since he was recently stationed in the area (75-86). Once Graecinus has learned of these hardships from Flaccus, he should ask what Ovid's reputation in Tomis is. He will learn that Ovid is well liked, and has even received public[Pg 287] honours (87-104). His loyalty to the imperial family is well known: Flaccus may have heard of this, Tiberius will eventually learn of it, but Augustus has certainly observed it from heaven; Ovid's poems are perhaps inducing Augustus to yield to his prayers (105-34).

The poem is the longest in the book, and combines several almost unrelated sections dealing with a number of subjects. The first section of the poem, the celebration of Graecinus' nomination to the consulship, is very heavily indebted to IV iv, Ovid's first poem on Sextus Pompeius' election to the consulship. The section detailing Flaccus' presence near Tomis owes something to IV vii, the letter to Vestalis. The description of Ovid's reputation in Tomis is new, and shows a softening of his attitude towards his fellow-townsmen, but the description of his piety to the imperial family owes much to III ii, a letter of thanks to Cotta for the gift of images of the members of the family. The poem's discursiveness and large number of derived elements suggest a hasty composition.

1. GRAECINE. Graecinus became a frater Arualis in 21 (CIL VI 2023); the C. Pomponius Graecinus of CIL XI 5809 (Iguvium) seems not to have survived to enter the Senate (Syme HO 74-75). Graecinus is not mentioned in literary sources apart from Ovid, but his brother Flaccus was rather more famous: see at 75 (p 308).

3. DI FACIANT looks like a colloquial expression. Other instances at iv 47-48 'di faciant aliquo subeat tibi tempore nostrum / nomen', Tr V xiii 17, and Prop II ix 24.[Pg 288]

3. AVRORAM here is virtually equivalent to diem; it is not found elsewhere in the poetry of exile, but compare Fast I 461 & II 267-68 'tertia post idus nudos aurora Lupercos / aspicit'.

3. OCCVRRAT. 'Arrive', as commonly: compare Cic Phil I 9, Livy XXXVII 50 7 'ad comitiorum tempus occurrere non posse', and Pliny Ep VI xxxiv 3 'uellem Africanae [sc pantherae] quas coemeras plurimas ad praefinitum diem occurrissent'.

4. BIS SENOS = dŭŏdĕcim, metrically difficult because of its initial three consecutive short vowels. Roman poets avoid using the usual names for numbers above nouem, with the obvious exceptions of centum and mille; sometimes, as here, metrical exigencies left them with no alternative. For bis seni (sex) Tarrant at Sen Ag 812 bis seno ... labore cites Ennius Ann 323 Vahlen², Ecl I 43, Aen I 393, Prop II xx 7, Met VIII 243, Fast I 28, Sen Tro 386 & Oed 251, and from Greek Callimachus Aetia I fr. 23 19 Pfeiffer.

7. IN DOMINI SVBEAT PARTES. Partes = 'function'; see at ii 27 uix uenit ad partes ... Musa (p 170). For subeat 'undertake' compare Quintilian X i 71 'declamatoribus ... necesse est secundum condicionem controuersiarum plures subire personas' and the passages cited at OLD subeo 7b.

8. FESTO Burman IVSSO BCMFHIL IVSTO T, sicut coni Merkel. Iusso has been explained since Merula as meaning that Ovid hopes the letter will[Pg 289] arrive on the day it is told to; but the word seems rather strange, and lacks the point it has in the passages cited by Ehwald (KB 64), AA II 223-24 'iussus adesse foro, iussa maturius hora / fac semper uenias, nec nisi serus abi' and Prop IV vi 63-64 (of Cleopatra) 'illa petit Nilum cumba male nixa fugaci, / hoc unum, iusso non moritura die' (she would commit suicide at a time of her own choosing), or at Aen X 444 (cited by Owen in 1894) 'socii cesserunt aequore iusso', where iusso stands by hypallage for iussi. The meaning of iusto is inappropriate for the present passage, as will be seen from Suet Tib 4 2 'retentis ultra iustum tempus ['the time allowed'] insignibus'. Burman's conjecture festo was not placed in the text even by its author, but it seems a reasonable solution to the difficulty. For it Burman cited 56 'hic quoque te festum consule tempus agam'; see as well Fast I 79-80 'uestibus intactis Tarpeias itur in arces, / et populus festo concolor ipse suo est'. The corruption of so straightforward an epithet may seem unlikely, but compare Prop IV xi 65-66 'uidimus et fratrem sellam geminasse curulem; / consule quo, festo [Koppiers: facto codd] tempore, rapta soror'.

9. ATQVI unus e duobus Hafniensibus Heinsii. The ATQVE of BCMFHILT is possibly right. For the adversative sense here required, OLD atque 9 cites Plautus Aul 287-88 'atque ego istuc, Anthrax, aliouorsum dixeram, / non istuc quod tu insimulas', Mer 742, and Ter Heaut 189 (apparently a misprint for 187 'atque etiam nunc tempus est') from comedy, but from the classical period only Cic Att VI i 2 'ac putaram[Pg 290] paulo secus' and Fam XIV iv 5 'atque ego, qui te confirmo, ipse me non possum', and instances of ac tamen at Fam VII xxiii 1, Caesar BC III 87 4, and Tac Ann III 72. In view of the doubtful status of adversative atque at the time of Ovid and the ease of corruption of atqui to atque I have followed Heinsius in reading atqui. Heinsius similarly restored atqui from his codex Richelianus for the other manuscripts' atque at Tr II 121-24 'corruit haec ... sub uno ... crimine lapsa domus. / atqui ea sic lapsa est ut surgere, si modo laesi / ematuruerit Caesaris ira, queat'; and atque is found for the correct atqui in some manuscripts at Hor Sat I ix 52-53 '"magnum narras, uix credibile!" "atqui / sic habet"' and EP I ii 33-34 'atqui / si noles sanus, curres hydropicus', and in most manuscripts at Ep I vii 1-5 'Quinque dies tibi pollicitus me rure futurum / Sextilem totum mendax desideror. atqui, / si me uiuere uis sanum recteque ualentem, / quam mihi das aegro, dabis aegrotare timenti, / Maecenas, ueniam'.

12. SALVTANDI MVNERE ... TVI. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me the notably prosaic use of the defining gerundive.

13. GRATATVS has the force of a present participle, as is shown by cum dulcibus ... uerbis; André mistranslates 'après t'avoir félicité, je t'embrasserai avec des mots tendres'. The perfect participle of deponent verbs takes past or present meaning indifferently, according to context.[Pg 291]

16. VT CAPERET FASTVS VIX DOMVS VLLA MEOS seems strange, as does Némethy's explanation 'poeta elatus superbia tectum uertice tangere sibi uidetur'. Perhaps the distich means something like 'on that day I would be filled with a pride which no ancestry, no matter how illustrious, could justify'.

16. FASTVS. 'Haughtiness'—Wheeler. The same sense at AA II 241-42 'exue fastus, / curam mansuri quisquis amoris habes' and Aen III 326-27 (Andromache speaking) 'stirpis Achilleae fastus iuuenemque superbum ... tulimus'. Ovid generally uses fastus of the arrogance of women to their suitors (Am II xvii 9, Met XIV 762, Fast I 419); the word is not found elsewhere in the poetry of exile.

17. DVMQVE LATVS SANCTI CINGIT TIBI TVRBA SENATVS. Compare iv 41 'inde domum repetes toto comitante senatu'; Ovid is here obviously referring to the earlier procession from the new consul's house.

20. LATERIS ... LOCVM is a strange phrase, but is made easier by latus ... cingit in 17. Compare also such passages as Met II 448-49 'nec ... iuncta deae lateri nec toto est agmine prima' and Aen X 160-61 'Pallas ... sinistro / adfixus lateri'. It is possible that latus here means 'companion', as at Martial VI lxviii 4 'Eutychos ille, tuum, Castrice, dulce latus'.

20. HABVISSE is equivalent to habere, as is shown by esse in the preceding line. For the idiom, see at viii 82 imposuisse (p 282) and xi 2 habuisse (p 361).[Pg 292]

21. TVRBA QVAMVIS ELIDERER. Elidere similarly used of a crowd's jostling at Sen Clem I 6 1; an extended description at Juvenal III 243-48.

23. PROSPICEREM. Owen in his second edition, Wheeler, and Lenz follow Ehwald (KB 64) in printing B's ASPICEREM. Ehwald argued that prospicerem, 'survey from a distance', was inappropriate in view of the preceding turba quamuis eliderer. But the verb should be taken not with the pentameter that precedes, but with the one that follows, 'densaque quam longum turba teneret iter': prospicerem seems very appropriate. Riese conjectured RESPICEREM 'look back at', but emendation seems unnecessary.

Compounds of specere (the simple verb is used by Plautus and Ennius) are peculiarly liable to confusion: prospicere is similarly corrupted to aspicere in some manuscripts at Met III 603-4 'ipse quid aura mihi tumulo promittat ab alto / prospicio' and Met XI 715-16 'notata locis reminiscitur acta fretumque / prospicit', and other instances of variation of prefix will be found at Met II 405, VI 343, XI 150, XIV 179, XV 577, 660 & 842, Fast I 139 & 461, V 393 & 561, and Her XIX 21.

25-26. Heinsius and Bentley questioned the authenticity of these lines, but the distich does not seem lame enough to warrant excision, and tegeret (see below) is paralleled elsewhere.[Pg 293]

25. QVOQVE MAGIS NORIS. 'Listen: this will make you understand better'. Ovid is very fond of quoque magis and the corresponding quoque minus, particularly at line-beginnings. He generally uses the formula to denote the emotion which information he then gives should induce. Compare Met I 757-58 '"quo"que "magis doleas, genetrix" ait, "ille ego liber, / ille ferox tacui"', Met III 448-50 (Narcissus to his reflection) 'quoque magis doleam, nec nos mare separat ingens ... exigua prohibemur aqua', Met XIV 695-97 'quoque magis timeas ... referam tota notissima Cypro / facta', Tr I vii 37-38, and EP I viii 9-10 'quoque magis nostros uenia dignere libellos, / haec in procinctu carmina facta leges'; similar instances of quoque minus at Met II 44, VIII 579, 620 & 866, and EP III ii 52. The present passage shows the same idiom, but with the difference that a subordinate clause (quam me uulgaria tangant) depends on the verb (noris) introduced by the quoque magis clause.

The same formula is used with a different sense, the quoque being an ablative of degree of difference, at Am III ii 28 and Met IV 64 'quoque magis tegitur, tectus magis aestuat ignis'.

EP II v 15-16 'quoque magis moueare malis, doctissime, nostris, / credibile est fieri condicione loci' reads oddly; something has probably been lost from the text after the hexameter.

25. VVLGARIA. 'Commonplace, ordinary'. Compare Hor Sat II ii 38 and Cic De or II 347 'neque enim paruae [sc res] neque usitatae neque uulgares admiratione aut omnino laude dignae uideri solent'.[Pg 294]

25. TANGANT. 'Impress'; compare Her V 81 'non ego miror opes, nec me tua regia tangit', Her VI 113, Her VII 11, Met IV 639, Met X 614-15 'nec forma tangor (poteram tamen hac quoque tangi), / sed quod adhuc puer est: non me mouet ipse, sed aetas', and Fast V 489, as well as Her XVI 83. For tangere with a neuter plural subject see Aen I 462 'mentem mortalia tangunt'.

26. TEGERET. There are twenty trisyllabic pentameter endings in Tibullus, thirty in Propertius, but only five in Ovid, all in the Ex Ponto: I i 66 faciet, I vi 26 scelus est, I viii 40 liceat, III vi 46 uideor, and this passage (Platnauer 15-16). Quadrisyllabic endings are similarly frequent in the poetry of exile: see at ii 10 Alcinoo (p 164).

27. SIGNA ... IN SELLA ... FORMATA CVRVLI. For signum 'bas-relief' see at v 18 conspicuum signis ... ebur (the phrase also of the curule chair).

28. NVMIDAE SCVLPTILE DENTIS OPVS. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me the clear imitation of Prop II xxxi 12 'ualuae, Llbyci nobile dentis opus'.

28. NVMIDAE ... DENTIS edd NVMIDI ... DENTIS codd. The masculine first declension substantive Numida is occasionally used as an adjective: compare AA II 183 'Numidasque leones' (some manuscripts read Numidosque) and Juvenal IV 99-100 'ursos ... Numidas'. André prints Numidi, citing a nominative Numidus at CIL VIII 17328, the variant[Pg 295] at AA II 183, and Apicius VI 8 4 'pullum Numidum' (where there is a variant Numidicum, which André printed in his 1974 edition of Apicius). But given the support for the first-declension form offered by the Juvenal passage and the better manuscripts of the Ars Amatoria, the danger in adducing a doubtful passage of Apicius and a single inscription to determine poetic usage, and the ease of corruption to the second declension, it seems better to assume that Ovid here used the first declension form.

Numidae ... dentis is high poetic diction: compare Met XI 167-68 'instructam ... fidem gemmis et dentibus Indis', Catullus LXIV 47-48 'puluinar ... Indo ... dente politum', Prop II xxxi 12 (quoted above), and Statius Sil III iii 94-95 'Indi / dentis honos'.

28. SCVLPTILE. The word does not seem to occur again in Latin until Prudentius Steph X 266.

30. DVM expresses purpose; if it were temporal, the verb would be cadit instead of caderet: compare 17-18 'dumque latus sancti cingit tibi turba senatus, / consulis ante pedes ire iuberer eques'.

31. SECRETO represents Ovid's response to the bidding fauete linguis. The word is frequent in comedy, but is very rare in verse, being virtually confined to satire (Hor Sat I ix 67, Juvenal I 95).[Pg 296]

31-32. MAGNVS ... DEVS = Iuppiter Optimus Maximus. Compare AA II 540 'eris magni uictor in arce Iouis'.

33. TVRAQVE MENTE MAGIS PLENA QVAM LANCE DEDISSEM. The same notion of sincerity of feeling being more important than size of gifts at viii 35-40.

34. TER QVATER ... LAETVS. 'Infinitely happy'; compare Prop III xii 15 'ter quater in casta felix, o Postume, Galla!', Aen I 94 'o terque quaterque beati', AA II 447-48, and Tr III xii 25-26 'o quater et quotiens non est numerare beatum / non interdicta cui licet urbe frui!'. The phrase is common in Ovid, but he generally uses it to mean 'several times': compare Am III i 31-32 'mouit ... terque quaterque caput', Met II 49, Met IV 734 'ter quater exegit repetita per ilia ferrum', Met VI 133, Met IX 217, Met XII 288, Fast I 576, and Fast I 657 'ter quater euolui signantes tempora fastos'.

35. HIC. 'Hier auf dem Kapitol'—Ehwald (KB 65). The idiom is somewhat strange, but seems well enough supported by Met XIV 372-73 '"per o, tua lumina" dixit / "quae mea ceperunt, perque hanc, pulcherrime, formam"' and Her XVI 137, passages cited by R, J. Tarrant at Sen Ag 971 'dummodo hac ['your'] moriar manu'. Compare as well Prop I xi 17-18 'non quia perspecta non es mihi cognita fama, / sed quod in hac omnis parte ['at Baiae'] timetur [codd: ueretur Lachmann] amor' and Fedeli ad loc.[Pg 297]

36. VRBIS editio Aldina 1502 VERBIS codd. Ius urbis = ius urbis habitandae; compare Met XIII 471-72 'genetrici corpus inemptum / reddite, neue auro redimat ius triste sepulcri [=sepeliendi]'.

37-38. MENTE ... OCVLIS. Similarly contrasted at Met XV 62-64 'isque, licet caeli regione remotos, / mente deos adiit et, quae natura negarat ['Medic. rectius' (Heinsius): negabat codd] / uisibus humanis, oculis ea pectoris hausit'.

38. NON ITA CAELITIBVS VISVM EST. 'The gods decided otherwise'. Compare xi 7 'non ita dis placuit', Met VII 699, Tr IV viii 15-16 (Ovid had hoped for a peaceful and happy old age) 'non ita dis uisum est, qui me terraque marique / actum Sarmaticis exposuere locis'. These passages are probably all echoes of Aen II 426 'dis aliter uisum'.

40. IVVET B^pcCMFHILT FORET B^ac 'unde uerum eliciendum'—Riese. But the correction is by the original hand (Owen suggested that the error was induced by foret at the end of the preceding distich), and iuuet is unobjectionable: Ovid is explaining his admission in the previous line that the gods were perhaps just in his case—claiming he was innocent, that is, that the gods had been unjust, would be of no assistance to him.[Pg 298]

41. MENTE TAMEN, QVAE SOLA DOMO NON EXVLAT, VSVS. See at iv 45 qua possum, mente (p 211).

41. QVAE SOLA DOMO NON EXVLAT. Similar wording at Tr III iv 45-46 'Nasonisque tui quod adhuc non exulat unum / nomen ama'.

41. DOMO NON EXVLAT. Domo is my conjecture for the transmitted LOCO, which is strange and difficult to construe. FOCO is also possible; but the singular would be unusual. For domo compare Ter Eun 610 'domo exulo nunc'.

42. PRAETEXTAM FASCES ASPICIAMQVE. The -que logically belongs with fasces, joining it with praetextam: such dislocations are common in the pentameter because of its strict metrical requirements.

According to the manuscripts the preceding line ends with VTAR; I have printed Heinsius' VSVS, since there would otherwise be an asyndeton between utar and aspiciam. There are similar errors at 57 and xi 15 (cedet for cedens; peruenit for perueniens): here we may have a deliberate alteration by a scribe who did not understand the force of the delayed enclitic and sought a verb to couple aspiciam with.

44. DECRETIS Korn SECRETIS codd SECRETO Wheeler. Korn's conjecture makes the pentameter an amplification of the hexameter, a common pattern in Ovid; its corruption to secretis would be easy. Ehwald (KB 39-40) retained secretis, citing Tac Ann III 37 'secreta ['solitary[Pg 299] designs'—Grant] patris mitigari' and Pliny Pan 53 6 (we should rejoice in our present good fortune under Trajan, and weep at the tribulations endured under previous emperors) 'hoc secreta nostra ['our private thoughts'], hoc sermones, hoc ipsae gratiarum actiones agant'. But in a list of the consul's public functions such a deviation of subject seems inappropriate. Wheeler's secreto is a little forced: 'my mind ... shall fancy itself present unseen at your actions'. Ehwald objected that Korn did not explain what his conjecture meant; but decernere was used of the consuls' judicial decisions (Cic Att XVI xvi a 4(6) 'consulum decretum').

45. LONGI ... LVSTRI. The epithet seems to have no special force: compare iv 23 'longum ... annum'.

46. CERNET PM^2c, Gothanus membr. II 121 (saec xiii) CREDET BCFHILT. Cernet seems preferable to credet as continuing the image of uidebit in 43.

46. EXACTA CVNCTA LOCARE FIDE. Graecinus will be careful and incorruptible in assigning taxation contracts. For fide compare v 20 'et minui magnae non sinet urbis opes'; for exacta compare Suet Tib 18 'cum animaduerteret Varianam cladem temeritate et neglegentia ducis [Pg 300]accidisse ... curam ... solita [scripsi; confer Liu XXVII 47 1 'multitudo ... maior solita' solito codd] exactiorem praestitit'.

48. PVBLICA QVAERENTEM QVID PETAT VTILITAS. The consul acted as chairman of the Senate, proposing the order of the day, and asking the senators in order of seniority for their sententiae on the appropriate action for the question under discussion.

48. PVBLICA ... VTILITAS. 'The people's interest'. For utilitas compare Met XIII 191 'utilitas populi', Cic Part Or 89 'persaepe euenit ut utilitas cum honestate certet', Cic Sul 25 'populi utilitati magis consulere quam uoluntati', and Livy VI 40 5 & VIII 34 2 'posthabita filii caritas publicae utilitati'.

49. PRO CAESARIBVS = pro Caesarum factis. Compare Res Gestae 4 'ob res a me aut per legatos meos auspicis [=auspiciis] meis terra marique prospere gestas quinquagiens et quinquiens decreuit senatus supplicandum esse dis immortalibus. dies autem per quos ex senatus consulto supplicatum est fuere DCCCLXXXX'.

49. CAESARIBVS. Tiberius, Germanicus, and Drusus. Similarly used at EP II vi 18 (to Graecinus) 'omnia Caesaribus [Augustus and Tiberius] sic tua facta probes'.

49. DECERNERE GRATES. 'Propose (in the Senate) the decreeing of thanks'. The sense of decernere is common in prose: see Cic Prou Cons 1, Att VII i 7, and the other passages at OLD decerno 6.

49. GRATES appears occasionally in prose (Tarrant at Sen Ag 380 reddunt grates cites Livy XXIII 11 12, Curtius IX 6 17, and Vell Pat[Pg 301] II 25 4), but in hexameter and elegiac verse is the necessary representative for grātĭās.

51. CVM IAM FVERIS POTIORA PRECATVS. For potior 'more important' compare Caesar BC I 8 (a reported remark of Pompey) 'semper se rei publicae commoda priuatis necessitudinibus habuisse potiora', Livy VIII 29 2, and the many passages at OLD potior² 4. The usage belongs to prose: Ovid elsewhere and Virgil always use potior to mean either 'more powerful' or 'preferable'.

53-54. SVRGAT ... DETQVE. The apodosis of an implied condition: 'If you prayed for me, the fire would rise'.

53. SVRGAT AD HANC VOCEM PLENA PIVS IGNIS AB ARA. The same favourable omen at Met X 278-79 (Pygmalion has finished his prayer to Venus) 'amici numinis omen, / flamma ter accensa est apicemque per aera duxit'.

53. PLENA ... AB ARA. Another indication of Graecinus' devotion to the Caesars.

53. PIVS. 'Holy'; compare pia tura at Am III iii 33, Met XI 577, and Tr II 59, pia sacra at Tr V v 2, and pio ... igne at Tr V v 12.

54. LVCIDVS. Proleptic: 'The flame-tips would become bright and furnish a good omen for your prayer'.[Pg 302]

57. LAETITAE EST LT. Most manuscripts have LAETITIA EST. Similarly at Met VIII 430 'illi laetitiae est cum munere muneris auctor' most codices read laetitia est. Heinsius thought LAETITIAE possibly correct here, as might be the case also in the Metamorphoses: laetitiae could easily have been misread as laetitia ē [=est], with laetitiae est as a later correction.

58. FRATER. L. Pomponius Flaccus (PIR¹ P 538), consul ordinarius for 17. As the greater honour would indicate (Graecinus was consul suffectus), Flaccus was more prominent than his brother and, unlike Graecinus, is several times mentioned in literary sources outside Ovid. At II 129 Velleius Paterculus speaks of Flaccus' ability and modesty, and Suetonius (Tib 42 1) names him as a drinking-companion of the emperor, made propraetor of Syria by Tiberius. Tacitus says that Flaccus proposed the supplicationum dies following the discovery in 16 of Libo's plot against Tiberius (Ann II 32 3); at Ann II 41 2 he names Flaccus as consul at the time of Germanicus' great triumph in 17, and at VI 27 3 mentions Flaccus' death in 34 while propraetor of Syria. For Flaccus' special mission to Thrace shortly after the time this poem was written, see at 75 (p 308).

EP I x is addressed to Flaccus, but gives little information except that Flaccus had, like Graecinus, given help to Ovid (37-40).[Pg 303] Ovid's relations with Flaccus were clearly not as intimate as those with his brother.

59-60. The distich may be an interpolation, or at least deeply corrupted in its present form. Professor E. Fantham points out to me that the construction of die with both summo ... Decembri and Iani is awkward, and that dies Iani does not seem to be used elsewhere in Latin literature. The tense of suspicit is strange as well: a future would normally be expected here.

61. QVAEQVE EST IN VOBIS PIETAS. 'Your family-feeling is so great that ...' The same idiom at Met V 373 'quae iam patientia nostra est', EP I vii 59, EP II ii 21-22 'quaeque tua est pietas in totum nomen Iuli, / te laedi cum quis laeditur inde [=ex illis] putas', and Hor Sat I ix 54-55 'quae tua uirtus, / expugnabis'. The sense is frequent in prose (OLD qui¹ A 12).

The expression is used as a simple relative with the implication of size only from context at Tr III v 29 'quaeque tibi linguae est facundia, confer in illud' and Tr III vi 7-8 'quique est in caris animi [codd: animo fort legendum; uide ad 91] tibi candor amicis— / cognitus est illi quem colis ipse uiro'.

61-62. ALTERNA ... GAVDIA. Flaccus will first rejoice to see Graecinus become consul; then Graecinus will have the pleasure of seeing Flaccus consul.[Pg 304]

64. BINVS seems sufficiently confirmed, as Ehwald points out (KB 51-52) by bis ... bis in the preceding line; BIMVS, conjectured by Heinsius and found in certain late manuscripts, seems ingenious but unnecessary. Ehwald compares Ecl III 30 'bis uenit ad mulctram, binos alit ubere fetus'.

64-65. HONOR ... INGENS. At vii 17 Ovid calls the rank of primipilaris 'titulus ... ingens'.

65-66. MARTIA ... ROMA. The same phrase at Tr III vii 52 and EP I viii 24; compare as well Aen I 276-77 'Romulus ... Mauortia condet / moenia'. Mars, father of Romulus and Remus, was peculiarly the god of Rome: compare Fast I 39-40 & III 85-86 'Mars Latio uenerandus erat, quia praesidet armis: / arma ferae genti remque decusque dabant'.

The reference to Mars is very apt in view of the primarily military nature of the republican consul's office.

67. MVLTIPLICAT TAMEN HVNC GRAVITAS AVCTORIS HONOREM. Flaccus had been nominated for the consulship by Tiberius.

For language and sentiment compare Met VIII 430 'illi laetitiae est cum munere muneris auctor'.

67. GRAVITAS is linked with Hercules at Met IX 270, with Jupiter at Met I 207 (considered suspect by Merkel) and II 847, with all the Olympian gods at Met VI 73, and with Augustus at Tr II 512. Underneath[Pg 305] the ostensible connection to Jupiter at Met II 846-47 'non bene conueniunt nec in una sede morantur / maiestas et amor' Professor R. J. Tarrant sees an allusion to Augustus.

69-70. IVDICIIS IGITVR LICEAT FLACCOQVE TIBIQVE / TALIBVS AVGVSTI TEMPVS IN OMNE FRVI. Compare EP II vi 17-18 (to Graecinus) 'quodque soles animo semper, quod uoce precari, / omnia Caesaribus sic tua facta probes'.

70. AVGVSTI = Tiberii; his name in inscriptions is TI·CAESAR·AVG (Sandys 235).

71. CVM FILT QVOD BC VT MH QVVM Weise. The archetype was illegible at this point, and the manuscripts offer various supplements. Of these cum seems the most appropriate. Ehwald favoured quod (KB 48), but all except one of the passages he cited are instances of quod superest or quod reliquum est. The one relevant passage he cited was Fast II 17-18 (to Augustus) 'ergo ades et placido paulum mea munera uultu / respice, pacando si quid ab hoste uacat'. Many manuscripts however offer uacas (for which compare Prop II xxxii 7 'quodcumque uacabis'), and the corruption to the third person seems an easy one. Vacare in general does not seem to occur with an expressed impersonal subject.

71. CVRA PROPIORE. The same phrase at Met XIII 578-79 'cura deam propior luctusque domesticus angit / Memnonis amissi'.[Pg 306]

73. SI QVAE DABIT AVRA SINVM. 'If some wind should give the opportunity of filling my sails'. Quae is my correction for QVA (CMFHIL), which would make the sentence mean 'If the wind should in some way ...'. The difficulty here is with the apparently already existing aura: what breeze is Ovid referring to? QVEM (BT) presents the same difficulty ('If the breeze should offer any opportunity ...') and in any case looks like a scribal correction. I take qua to be an unmetrical form corrupted from the rare form quae of the indefinite adjective. For the form, compare Ter Heaut 44 'si quae [Bembinus (saec iv-v): qua recc] [sc fabula] laboriosast, ad me curritur', Hor Sat I iv 93-95 'mentio si quae [uar qua] ... te coram fuerit, defendas, ut tuus est mos', Hor Sat II vi 10 'o si urnam argenti fors quae mihi monstret', and CIL I 583 37 'SEIQVAE CAVSA ERIT'. Quae in the present passage offers the same notion of a fresh breeze rising as is found at viii 27-28 'quamlibet exigua si nos ea [sc ara] iuuerit aura, / obruta de mediis cumba resurget aquis' and Tr IV v 19-20 'remis ad opem luctare ferendam / dum ueniat placido mollior aura deo'.

Quae should possibly be written at Met VI 231-33 'praescius imbris ... rector / carbasa deducit ne qua leuis effluat aura', but Professor R. J. Tarrant points out that qua can be defended by taking leuis to mean 'nimble', a sense supported here by effluat. A strong case could be made for reading quae at Hor Carm III xiv 19-20 'Spartacum si qua potuit uagantem / fallere testa'.[Pg 307]

73. SINVM. Sinus in the sense of 'sail' is common enough (Am II xi 38, AA III 500, Fast V 609, and Aen III 455 & V 16; the origin of the metonymy seen at Prop III ix 30 'uelorum plenos ... sinus'); but the brachylogy here 'opportunity of filling my sails' is remarkable.

73. LAXATE editio princeps Romana IACTATE codd. Korn, Lenz, and André print the manuscript reading, and Korn offers three parallel passages in its defence, none of which stands up to examination. The first is EP III ii 5-6 'cumque labent alii iactataque uela relinquant, / tu lacerae remanes ancora sola rati', where iactata means 'storm-whipped'; compare Statius Theb VII 139-41 'uento / incipiente ... laxi iactantur ubique rudentes'. At Cic Tusc V 40 (a Spartan to a wealthy sea-merchant) 'non sane optabilis quidem ista ... rudentibus apta fortuna', 'Well, your fortune depends on your cables, and I don't think it something to be sought for', iactare does not appear. The third passage, Virgil G II 354-55 'seminibus positis superest diducere terram / saepius ad capita ['roots'] et duros iactare bidentis', hardly seems relevant.

For laxate rudentes 'let out the sails' Heinsius cited Aen III 266-67 'tum litore funem / deripere excussosque iubet laxare rudentis' 'Next he commanded us to fling hawsers from moorings and uncoil and ease the sheets' (Jackson Knight), Aen VIII 707-8 'uentis ... uela dare et laxos iamiamque immittere funis', Cic Diu I 127, Lucan V 426-27 'pariter soluere rates, totosque rudentes / laxauere sinus', and Lucan IX 1004.[Pg 308]

74. E STYGIIS ... AQVIS. Similar phrasing at Met X 697 'Stygia ... unda, Met XI 500 'Stygia ... unda', Aen VI 374 'Stygias ... aquas', Aen XII 91 'Stygia ... unda', and Cons Liu 410 'Stygia ... aqua'.

Ovid often uses the phrasing of his exile: see Tr I ii 65-66 'mittere me Stygias si iam uoluisset in undas / Caesar, in hoc uestro non eguisset ope', Tr IV v 22, EP I viii 27 'careo uobis, Stygias detrusus in oras', and EP II iii 44 'a Stygia quantum mors [codd: sors Heinsius] mea distat aqua?'. For Ovid's exile as the equivalent of death, see at vi 49 qui me doluistis ademptum (p 243).

75. PRAEFVIT HIS ... LOCIS MODO FLACCVS. At Ann II 64-67 Tacitus reports how, following the death of Augustus, Rhescuporis attacked and imprisoned his brother Cotys (addressee of EP II ix), alleging a plot against himself; on their father's death, the kingdom of Thrace had been divided between them, Cotys receiving the better regions. Tiberius insisted that Rhescuporis release his brother and come to Rome to explain the situation; Rhescuporis then killed his brother, claiming it was a suicide. 'nec tamen Caesar placitas semel artes mutauit, sed defuncto Pandusa, quem sibi infensum Rhescuporis arguerat [scripsi: arguebat M], Pomponium Flaccum, ueterem stipendiis et arta cum rege amicitia eoque accommodatiorem ad fallendum ob id maxime Moesiae praefecit'; the previous service mentioned by Tacitus is no doubt the command Ovid is here referring to.

Flaccus succeeded in trapping Rhescuporis and bringing him to Rome; he was found guilty and sent in exile to Alexandria, where he[Pg 309] died. Velleius Paterculus placed the episode first in his list of memorable events of Tiberius' reign (II 129); it is briefly mentioned at Suet Tib 37 4.

75. FLACCVS. 'Ab hoc Flacco uolunt quidam Valachiam ['Wallachia'] fuisse dictam olim Flacciam, quod nomen sensim corruptela sermonis transiit in Valachiam. Vide Georgii a ['von'] Reychersdorff Chorographiam Transyluaniae. pag. 33 [first published in 1595; see British Museum Gen Cat 200 383] qui addit hinc [sic] adhuc Romanum ibi sermonem durare, licet admodum corruptum. sed hae fabulae'—Burman. Clearly the existence of Rumanian was not widely known in Western Europe at the time Burman wrote.

77. MYSAS GENTES = Moesos. Strabo (VII 3 10; cited by André) claims a common origin for the Μοισοί of Europe and the Μυσοί of Asia. For the Greek form, compare Ovid's use of Getes for Geta and Sauromates for Sarmata.

78. ARCV FISOS ... GETAS. For the bow as the typical Getic weapon, see iii 52 'arcu ... Gete", EP III v 45 'Getico ... arcu' and Ibis 635 'Geticasque sagittas'.

78. ENSE. The gladius, typical weapon of the Roman legionary. For the precise equivalence of the two terms, see Quintilian X i 11. In Ovid's poetry, the proportion of instances of ensis to instances of gladius is about 90:30; in the poetry of exile, it is 21:3.[Pg 310] For a discussion of ensis/gladius, with statistics, see Axelson 51; the only poets to admit gladius more freely than Ovid are Lucan and Juvenal.

79. TROESMIN Heinsius TROESMEN C TROESENEN B¹ TROEZEN uel similia codd plerique. Troesmis, the modern Galaţi, is located on the north bank of the Danube, about 160 kilometres inland from Aegissos (Tulcea). Heinsius did not have the assistance of CIL V 6183-88 & 6195, but seems nonetheless to have conjectured that Troesmin was a possible reading ('sed legendum, Τρωισμὶς uel Τρωσμίς'). Korn was the first to place Troesmin in the text.

80. INFECITQVE FERO SANGVINE DANVVIVM. Compare the similar description of Vestalis' recapture of Aegissos: 'non negat hoc Hister, cuius tua dextera quondam / puniceam Getico sanguine fecit aquam' (vii 19-20).

80. DANVVIVM. According to Owen at Tr II 192 this, and not DANVBIVM (the reading of the manuscripts), is the spelling certified by the inscriptions. Manuscripts divide between the two spellings at Hor Carm IV xv 21 and Tac Germ I 1.

81-86. Ovid similarly calls Vestalis as his witness at vii 3-4 'aspicis en praesens quali iaceamus in aruo, / nec me testis eris falsa solere queri'.[Pg 311]

81. INCOMMODA. The word is not found elsewhere in Ovid, and is not used in verse, except for satire (Hor AP 169; Juvenal XIII 21). It is particularly common in Caesar.

81. CAELI = 'climate', as commonly (Tr III iii 7, Prop II xxviii 5, Cic Att XI xxii 2).

82. QVAM VICINO TERREAR HOSTE ROGA. An imitation of Tib I i 3 'quem labor assiduus uicino terreat hoste'.

83. SINTNE LITAE TENVES SERPENTIS FELLE SAGITTAE. Similar descriptions of poisoned arrows at Tr IV i 77 'imbuta ... tela uenenis', Tr IV i 84, Tr III x 64, Tr V vii 16 'tela ... uipereo lurida felle', EP I ii 16 'omnia uipereo spicula felle linunt', EP III i 26, and EP III iii 106.

84. FIAT AN HVMANVM VICTIMA DIRA CAPVT. Human sacrifice similarly mentioned at Tr IV iv 61-62 'illi quos audis hominum gaudere cruore, / paene sub eiusdem sideris axe iacent'.

85. MENTIAR. Professor J. N. Grant points out to me the asyndeton following quaere ... sintne. Compare the similar problem at iv 31-32.

85. AN COEAT DVRATVS FRIGORE PONTVS. Similar wording at vii 7 'ipse uides certe glacie concrescere Pontum', Tr II 196 'maris astricto quae coit unda gelu', and Tr III x 37.

86. IVGERA MVLTA FRETI. According to TLL VII.2 629 7-8 this is the unique instance of iugerum being applied to water. The transferred[Pg 312] sense is natural enough in view of the poets' application to the sea of such words as campus and arua.

89. NON SVMVS ... ODIO. Basically a prose use; but compare Met II 438 'huic odio nemus est', Fast VI 558, EP II i 4 'iam minus hic odio est quam fuit ante locus', and Ecl VIII 33 'tibi est odio mea fistula'.

Owen's second edition has the misprint 'nec sumus hic odio', reproduced by Wheeler. The error was induced by nec at the start of the pentameter.

90. NEC CVM FORTVNA MENS QVOQVE VERSA MEA EST. For Ovid's use of syllepsis, see at vi 16 spem nostram terras deseruitque simul (p 234). For the sentiment of this line, compare Sen Med 176 'Fortuna opes auferre, non animum potest', where Costa cites Accius 619-20 Ribbeck² 'nam si a me regnum Fortuna atque opes / eripere quiuit, at uirtutem non quiit', Sen Ben IV 10 5, Sen Ep XXXVI 6, and Euripides fr. 1066 Nauck.

91. ILLA QVIES ANIMO. Animo is locative; or perhaps in should be supplied from the following line: for the joining of a noun with a following preposition already with a complement, see Clausen on Persius I 131 'abaco numeros et secto in puluere metas'. I read animo (found in one of Heinsius' Vatican manuscripts) because of the parallel structure it gives with the following in ore, but ANIMI (BCMFHILT) is possible enough: OLD quies 7 cites quies animi at Celsus III 18 5.[Pg 313]

91. QVAM TV LAVDARE SOLEBAS. The same phrase at Her XV 193 'haec sunt illa [sc pectora], Phaon, quae tu laudare solebas'. For the persistence of Ovid's old habits, compare EP I x 29-30 (he remains a moderate drinker, as formerly).

93-94. SIC EGO SVM LONGE, SIC HIC, VBI BARBARVS HOSTIS / VT FERA PLVS VALEANT LEGIBVS ARMA, FACIT is clearly corrupt, as will be seen from Wheeler's 'Such is my bearing in this far land, where the barbarian foe causes cruel arms to have more power than law' and André's 'Je vis au loin, ici, où un ennemi barbare donne aux armes cruelles plus de force qu'aux lois'. Merkel ejected the distich, which seems the best solution; it is not necessary to the poem's structure, and the iterated facit ut in unrelated clauses at 94 and 97 is suspicious. Also, as Professor R. J. Tarrant notes, the ut in 94 makes one expect that ut in 95 will be correlative, when it in fact continues the thought of 93 (or rather of 91-92, after 93-94 are excised).

Heinsius thought 93 alone to be suspect; if so, the meaning lying behind the text is probably something like 'What I once was at Rome, I still am here'.

93-94. HIC, VBI BARBARVS HOSTIS, / VT FERA PLVS VALEANT LEGIBVS ARMA FACIT. Similar statements at Tr V vii 47-48 'non metuunt leges, sed cedit uiribus aequum, / uictaque pugnaci iura sub ense iacent' and Tr V x 43-44; see also Otto lex 3.[Pg 314]

93. BARBARVS HOSTIS. The same phrase at Tr III x 54, Tr IV i 82, and EP II vii 70.

95. RE ... NVLLA MHIL REM NVLLAM BCFT. The verb queri can take a direct object, or be constructed with de + ablative, but not both; this would in effect give the verb two objects. Re ... nulla removes this difficulty and is obviously prone to corruption, the true object de nobis being postponed to the following line.

96. FEMINA ... VIRVE PVERVE = 'anyone'; compare Tr III vii 29-30 'pone, Perilla, metum: tantummodo femina nulla / neue uir a scriptis discat amare tuis', and Ovid's use of femina uirque 'everyone' at Met VI 314-15 'femina uirque timent cultuque impensius omnes ... uenerantur numina', RA 814, Tr I iii 23, and Tr II 6. The repeated u in uirue would not have offended the Romans: compare for instance Tr III vii 30 'neue uir', Am I viii 97 'uiri uideat toto uestigia lecto', and Met XII 204 'poteratque uiri uox illa uideri'; conscious alliteration at Am III vii 59 'uiuosque uirosque' and Met XIII 386 'inuictumque uirum uicit'.

98. HAEC QVONIAM TELLVS TESTIFICANDA MIHI EST. Similar phrasing at Ibis 27-28 (of Augustus) 'faciet quoque forsitan idem / terra sit ut propior testificanda mihi'.

100. RESPECTV ... SVI. 'Out of consideration for themselves'. Respectus elsewhere in Ovid only at Tr I iii 99-100 (of his wife after[Pg 315] his departure) '[narratur ...] uoluisse mali [Madvig: mori codd] moriendo ponere sensus, / respectu tamen non periisse mei'. Respectus is found in Phaedrus, Martial, and Juvenal, but not in Virgil, Horace, or Propertius.

101. NEC MIHI CREDIDERIS in its absolute use here seems colloquial: elsewhere Ovid uses nec ... credideris to introduce a dependent clause (Tr V xiv 43; EP I viii 29).

101. EXTANT DECRETA QVIBVS NOS / LAVDAT ET IMMVNES PVBLICA CERA FACIT. The same honour described in greater detail at xiv 51-56.

101. EXTANT ('there exist') is somewhat more forceful than the nearly equivalent sunt: compare xiv 44 'extat adhuc nemo saucius ore meo', Cic Planc 2 'uideo ... hoc in numero neminem ... cuius non extet in me summum meritum', and Cic Diu I 71.

102. PVBLICA CERA = tabulae publicae, 'public records', for which compare Cic Arch 8 & Fl 40, and Livy XXVI 36 11. The same metonymy at Val Max II x 1, where tabulae and cera are used as synonyms, and at Hor Ep I vi 62 'Caerite cera', where commentators cite Aulus Gellius' mention of tabulae Caerites (XVI 13).

103. QVAE R. J. Tarrant HAEC L, probante Heinsio ET BCMFHIT. Quae connects with idem in the following line and provides a more satisfactory sense than et, which would make the sentence mean that Ovid did not consider the decrees something to boast of. Quae quamquam[Pg 316] is preferable to haec quamquam since it connects better with the preceding line and is obviously more prone to corruption; but for a similar corruption of haec compare Prop II xxiii 1 'fuit indocti haec [uar et] semita uulgi'. For quae Professor Tarrant cites EP III v 9-10 'quae quamquam lingua mihi sunt properante per horas / lecta satis multas, pauca fuisse queror' and EP III viii 23-24 'quae quamquam misisse pudet ... tu tamen haec quaeso consule missa boni'.

103. QVAMQVAM ... SIT G QVAMQVAM ... EST BCMFHILT. For the subjunctive Luck compares Met XIV 465 'admonitu quamquam luctus renouentur amari' and Met XV 244-45 'quae [sc elementa] quamquam spatio distent, tamen omnia fiunt / ex ipsis'; in the first passage a few manuscripts and in the second the majority offer the indicative. Ovid usually has the indicative following quamquam; but sit should be taken as the correct reading here in view of G's early date.

105. NEC PIETAS IGNOTA MEA EST. At xiii 19-38 Ovid describes an instance of his pietas, the reciting to the Getes of a poem in Getic on Tiberius.

105-10. The figures of the imperial family had been a gift of Cotta Maximus, for which EP II viii was a letter of thanks. For a discussion of Ovid's treatment of the imperial family, particularly in the poems of exile, see K. Scott "Emperor Worship in Ovid", TAPA LXI [1930] 43-69.[Pg 317]

107. NATVSQVE PIVS. Tiberius; see at viii 63 auum (p 277). For Tiberius' piety to Augustus' memory compare Tac Ann IV 37 4 (AD 25; Tiberius speaking) 'cum diuus Augustus sibi atque urbi Romae templum apud Pergamum sisti non prohibuisset, qui omnia facta dictaque eius uice legis obseruem, placitum iam exemplum ... secutus sum'.

107. CONIVNXQVE SACERDOS. Livia, priestess of the deified Augustus; Germanicus was his flamen. For the language compare Vell Pat II 75 3 'Liuia ... genere, probitate, forma Romanarum eminentissima, quam postea coniugem Augusti uidimus, quam transgressi ad deos sacerdotem ac filiam'.

111. PRECANTIA VERBA = preces. The same phrase at Met VI 164, IX 159, and XIV 365.

113-14. Williams suggested deleting this distich: 'The distance between Tota and Pontica terra, the use of licet=if, and Pontica terra immediately followed by Pontica tellus, point to an interpolation'.

The hyperbaton of tota ... Pontica terra seems standard enough. Wheeler translates licet quaeras as 'you are free to inquire', which may be right; however, the phrase does indeed seem awkward, and licet may be an intrusive gloss that has displaced uelim: compare Her IV 18 'fama—uelim quaeras—crimine nostra uacat'. The repetition of Pontica terra and Pontica ... tellus is a very strong argument for deleting one of the two distichs. However, 115-16 seems more likely to be the interpolation in view of the difficulties discussed in the next note.

115. ORA. Ehwald (KB 65) read ARA (B), citing Dessau ILS 154 14-15 'ara(m) numini Augusto pecunia nostra faciendam curauimus; ludos / ex idibus Augustis diebus sex p(ecunia) n(ostra) faciendos curauimus'; but the ara and ludi are clearly separate items in the inscription, which does not support the phrasing ara natalem ludis celebrare.

Even with ora, 115-16 read rather oddly: the notion of an individual conducting ludi is strange, and the singular dei seems rather vague after the collective his of 111. If the distich is excised (as Professor R. J. Tarrant suggests) 113-14 round out the paragraph that began with 105 (note the correspondence of uidet hospita terra in 105 with testis Pontica terra in 114), and 117 introduces hospites as a second class of witnesses.

118. LONGA. Not 'distant' (Wheeler) but 'long'; compare Met XIII 407 'longus in angustum qua clauditur Hellespontus'. Longus meaning 'distant' is extremely rare: OLD longus 6 cites only Silius VI 628[Pg 319] 'remeans longis ... oris' and ps-Quintilian Decl 320 6 'longas terras ... peragraui' (Lewis and Short add Justinus 18 1 'longa a domo militia'). The normal Latin words for 'distant' were longinquus and longe (ancestor of French loin).

119. IS in its various forms occurs only seven times in EP IV: the other occurrences are of feminine singular ea at i 17, viii 27 & xiv 11, of eius at xv 6 (its only occurrence in the Ex Ponto), of accusative id at i 19, and of accusative neuter plural ea at x 35.

The elegiac poets avoided the use of is, preferring hic, ille, and iste. The singular nominative forms were the only ones used relatively freely by Ovid (about forty instances of each); Tibullus and Propertius avoided even these (Platnauer 116; Axelson 70-71).

119. QVO LAEVVS FVERAT SVB PRAESIDE PONTVS. See at 75 praefuit his ... locis modo Flaccus (p 308).

119. LAEVVS ... PONTVS = Euxini litora laeua (Tr IV i 60). A similar brachylogy at EP I iv 31 'iunctior Haemonia est Ponto quam Roma sinistro [Burman: sit Histro codd]'.

119. PRAESIDE. This seems to be the first instance of praeses 'governor' in Latin. It is found in prose from Tacitus and Suetonius on: Trajan even uses it in his official correspondence (Pliny Ep X xliv).

121. AVDIERIT. Probably a perfect subjunctive 'may have heard', although possibly an epistolary future perfect indicative ('when you receive this, your brother will perhaps [forsitan] have heard'). For the perfect subjunctive compare Met X 560-62 'forsitan audieris aliquam certamine cursus / ueloces superasse uiros'.

121. FORTVNA EST IMPAR ANIMO. Similar phrasing at Tr V v 46-47 (on his wife's birthday) 'at non sunt ista gaudia nata die, / sed labor et curae fortunaque moribus impar'; but note the different sense of fortuna.

121. FORTVNA. 'My means' (Wheeler). The sense is rare but classical; OLD fortuna 12 cites among other passages Cic Fam XIV 4 2 'periculum fortunarum ['possessions'] et capitis sui' and Caes BG V 43 4.

122. CARPO ... OPES. For the sense of carpo see at viii 32 carpsit opes ... meas (p 266).

126. ILLVM CMFHILTB² ILLI B¹. Either accusative or dative would be acceptable enough with latere. The earliest instances from verse given by TLL VII.2 997 49 are Lucretius III 280 for the dative and Aen I 130 for the accusative. I retain the accusative because it is the reading of most manuscripts, including B's close relative C. There are similar variants involving the object of latere at Fast V 361: the accusative given by most manuscripts is generally read in preference to the dative.[Pg 321]

127-29. TV ... TV. For the anaphora of tu in hymns or solemn prayer, see the passages collected by Nisbet and Hubbard at Hor Carm I x 9 and by Tarrant at Sen Ag 311.

127. SVPERIS ASCITE. Asciscere is generally used of admission to the citizenship or to the Senate: for parallels to the metaphorical use here, see Tarrant at Sen Ag 812-13 'tuus ille bis seno meruit labore / adlegi caelo magnus Alcides'.

128. Causal VT ['ex ueteribus' Naugerius] seems an appropriate correction for the manuscripts' lame ET.

129-30. NOSTRAS ... PRECES. The hyperbaton adds elevation and dignity to the prayer.

129-30. INTER CONVEXA ... SIDERA = inter sidera conuexi caeli; the hypallage adds further to the elevation of the passage. For conuexa compare Festus (58 Muller; 51 Lindsay) 'conuexum est ex omni parte declinatum, qualis est natura caeli, quod ex omni parte ad terram uersum declinatum est', Met I 26 'ignes conuexi uis et sine pondere caeli', Ecl IV 50, and Cic Arat 560 (314). In particular compare Aen I 607-8, which Ovid is clearly imitating: 'dum montibus umbrae / lustrabunt, conuexa polus dum sidera pascet'. There is some question as to whether conuexa should there be taken with sidera, or as the object of lustrabunt: Ovid clearly took it with sidera.[Pg 322]

130. SOLLICITO QVAS DAMVS ORE PRECES. For the general wording compare Tr III viii 20 'tum quoque sollicita mente rogandus erit' and EP III i 148 'nil nisi sollicitae sint tua uerba preces': for sollicito ... ore compare sollicita uoce at Met X 639 & XIV 706.

131. PERVENIANT ISTVC. Compare EP II ii 95 'si tamen haec audis et uox mea peruenit istuc [=Romam]'.

131-32. CARMINA ... QVAE DE TE MISI CAELITE FACTA NOVO. Ovid also mentions his poems on Augustus' apotheosis at vi 17-18, viii 63-64 & xiii 25-26.

133-34. NEC TV / IMMERITO NOMEN MITE PARENTIS HABES. 'Et ce n'est pas sans raison que tu portes le doux nom de Père' (André) must be correct as against Wheeler's 'for not undeservedly hast thou the gracious name of "Father"', since nec, although it can mean et ... non or sed ... non, cannot mean nam ... non; the proof of this is the frequent occurrence of neque enim.

The litotes non (haud, nec) immerito is common enough in Latin: see the many examples at TLL VII.1 457 26 ff. But in the four instances given of nec immerito, it never serves to introduce a new phrase as here. At Plautus St 28 'decet neque id immerito eueniet' it introduces a second verb which amplifies the preceding one, while it modifies preceding verbs at Ter Ad 615 'tanta nunc suspicio de me incidit neque ea immerito', Val Max IV vii 1 'inimicus patriae fuisse Ti. Gracchus existimatus est, nec immerito, quia potentiam suam saluti[Pg 323] eius praetulerat', and Quintilian X i 104 'habet amatores—nec immerito—Cremuti libertas'. One would expect a clause of causation to follow auguror his igitur flecti tua numina, and I think it possible that Ovid wrote NAM TV / E MERITO (Professor C. P. Jones suggests EX MERITO). Both the corruption from e merito and the subsequent interpolation of nec would be easy enough. For e(x) merito, compare vii 16 'contigit ex merito qui tibi nuper honor'.

133. NEC TV. The elegiac poets admitted a monosyllabic ending to the hexameter if it was preceded by another monosyllable closely linked to it in sense: see Platnauer 13. For true monosyllabic endings, see at ii 47 Aonius fons.

134. NOMEN MITE PARENTIS = nomen parentis, quod significat te mitem esse. At Tr I i 73 and EP II viii 51 members of the imperial family are called mitissima numina. There is another instance of hypallage with nomen mite (a different sense of mitis being used) at Fast V 64 'nomen et aetatis mite [codd: rite Riese] senatus erat', 'the very name of senate signified a ripe old age' (Frazer).

134. PARENTIS = patris patriae. For the title compare Res Gestae 35 (the final achievement listed by Augustus) 'tertium decimum consulatum cum gerebam, senatus et equester ordo populusque Romanus uniuersus appellauit me patrem patriae, idque in uestibulo aedium mearum inscribendum esse et in curia et in foro Aug. sub quadrigis quae[Pg 324] mihi ex s.c. positae sunt decreuit'. Suetonius describes the conferring of the title at Aug 58.[Pg 325]

X. To Albinovanus Pedo

The poem is the only one in the Ex Ponto addressed to Albinovanus. Considering the elder Seneca's express testimony that Albinovanus was a close friend of Ovid (see at 4 [pp 327-28]), this is rather surprising; perhaps Albinovanus, an associate of Germanicus (Tac Ann I 60 2), had, like some of Ovid's other friends, asked not to be mentioned in his verse.

The poem begins with the statement that Ovid is now in his sixth year of exile; unlike flint and iron, he is not touched by the passing of time (1-8). He says that his tribulations are like those of Ulysses, but more severe; there follows a comparison of his experiences with those of Ulysses (9-30). He then describes the bleakness of the climate, and how the sea freezes over in winter (31-34). He has heard that his accounts are not believed at Rome, and will therefore explain the reasons for the sea's freezing over (35-38). At Tomis the north wind prevails, and the salinity of the sea is reduced by the influx of many large rivers (which are listed in a catalogue); the sea's freezing is caused by these two factors (39-64). He is telling all this to Albinovanus to pass the time; Albinovanus is writing poetry as well, about Theseus, who is an example for him to follow (65-82). Ovid does not wish to imply that Albinovanus is not already doing everything possible to assist him (83-84).

The poem combines with remarkable ease a number of quite disparate subjects, and is in this sense reminiscent of Tibullus. Most of the[Pg 326] subjects had been used previously in the poetry of exile; in particular, see Tr I v 57-84 for an extended comparison of the trials of Ulysses and those of Ovid. The disquisition on the reasons for the Euxine's freezing over is, however, new. It seems to have been drawn from a geographical or physical treatise which has left its mark elsewhere in Latin literature: see at 37-38 (p 340-42).

1. CIMMERIO British Library Harley 2607 (Tarrant) CVMERIO M¹ IN ETIAM MEMORI C IN ********** B¹ IN HEMONIO HITP IN EVXINO F IN EXINO B^2c BISTONIO LM^2ul Many centuries had passed since the Cimmerians had inhabited Scythia; even Herodotus, who tells the story of their departure, seems to regard the event as belonging to the distant past (IV 11-12). Homer was vaguely aware of the nation: at Od XI 13-19 (imitated at Pan Mess 64-66), he speaks of the 'Κιμμερίων ἀνδρῶν ... πόλις' by the stream of Ocean, which never receives sunlight.

For Cimmerio Burman compared Claudian Cons Stil I 129 'nunc prope Cimmerii tendebat litora Ponti'; see as well In Eutr I 249 'extra Cimmerias, Taurorum claustra, paludes'.

1. BIS TERTIA ... AESTAS. The poem is therefore dated to the summer of 14. For Ovid's mentions of the length of his exile, see at vi 5 quinquennis (p 227).

3. ECQVOS ... ECQVOD Laurentianus 36 2, saec xv ET QVOS ... ET QVOD BCMFHILT. The same corruption is found in certain manuscripts at Met III 442-45 (Narcissus speaking) '"ecquis, io siluae, crudelius"[Pg 327] inquit "amauit? ... ecquem ... qui sic tabuerit longo meministis in aeuo?"' and commonly. Other instances of ecquis in emotionally heightened questions at Fast IV 488, Tr I vi 11, EP III i 3, and Her XXI 106.

3. SILICES ... FERRVM. See at viii 49 tabida consumit ferrum lapidemque uetustas (p 270).

4. ALBINOVANE. Albinovanus Pedo [21] and Ovid seem to have been close friends. Ovid mentions him again at xvi 6 'sidereusque Pedo', and he was the source of the famous anecdote in the elder Seneca (Cont II 2 12) of how Ovid chose as the three lines in his poems he most wished to retain the same three verses a group of his friends most wished to remove.

He was a famous raconteur: the younger Seneca calls Pedo fabulator elegantissimus at Ep CXXII 15-16 when repeating one of his anecdotes.

At the time this poem was written, Albinovanus was engaged on a Theseid (71). Quintilian perhaps had this poem in mind when he included a rather slighting mention of Albinovanus in his catalogue of epic poets at X i 90: 'Rabirius ac Pedo non indigni cognitione, si uacet'. He may, however, have been thinking of Albinovanus' poem[Pg 328] on Germanicus' campaigns, of which the elder Seneca preserves some twenty-three hexameters (Suas I 15; commentary by V. Bongi, Istituto Lombardo di scienze e lett. Rendiconti [Classe di Lettere] ser. 3 13 [1949], 28-48. Norden and others have attributed Morel Incert 46 'ingenia immansueta suoque simillima caelo' to the same poem). Martial several times mentions Albinovanus as a writer of epigrams (II lxxvii 5, V v 5 & X xx (xix) 10); this fits well with the younger Seneca's description of Albinovanus as fabulator elegantissimus.

At Ann I 60 2, Tacitus mentions Pedo as 'praefectus finibus Frisiorum' in Germanicus' campaign of 15.

5-6. LAPIDEM ... ANVLVS ... VOMER. See at viii 49 tabida consumit ferrum lapidemque uetustas (p 270), and compare AA I 473-76 'ferreus assiduo consumitur anulus usu, / interit assidua uomer aduncus humo. / quid magis est saxo durum, quid mollius unda? / dura tamen molli saxa cauantur aqua'.

6. ATTERITVR Heinsius. Korn and Riese printed the manuscripts' ET TERITVR, for which Riese cited Tr I iv 9-10 'pinea texta sonant pulsu [Rothmaler: pulsi codd], stridore rudentes, / ingemit et nostris ipsa carina malis' and Tr III iv 57-58 'ante oculos errant domus, urbsque et forma locorum, / acceduntque suis singula facta locis', but these are extended descriptions of single events, not lists of separate examples.[Pg 329]

Elsewhere in Ovid, the only form found of atterere is attritus: this circumstance perhaps contributed to the corruption of the present passage.

6. ATTERITVR PRESSA VOMER ADVNCVS HVMO. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me the hypallage in this passage. Pressus is to be taken twice, with uomer and with humo: the earth is pressed down as the plough is pressed into it.

7. TEMPVS EDAX. The same phrase at Met XV 234; compare as well edax ... uetustas at Met XV 872.

7. PRAETER NOS. At EP II vii 39-45, Ovid (with a series of images parallel to that of the present passage) says that he is in fact being worn away by the hardships he is enduring: 'ut ... caducis / percussu crebro saxa cauantur aquis, / sic ego continuo Fortunae uulneror ictu ... nec magis assiduo uomer tenuatur ab usu, / nec magis est curuis Appia trita rotis, / pectora quam mea sunt serie calcata malorum'.

8. PERDIT I PERDET BCMFHLT. The tense is made probable by the preceding cauat ... consumitur ... atteritur and the following cessat; compare as well Tr IV vi 17-18 'cuncta potest ... uetustas / praeter quam curas attenuare meas'. Third conjugation verbs in the third person are for obvious reasons peculiarly apt to corruption of tense and mood. The alteration from present to future is rather less[Pg 330] common than the inverse corruption, for an instance of which see at xii 18 reddet (p 378).

8. CESSAT DVRITIA MORS QVOQVE VICTA MEA. Death does not conquer Ovid, but is conquered by him. Professor E. Fantham points out to me the baroque inversion in the phrase, citing as a parallel Sen Tr 1171-75, where Hecuba says that death fears her and flees her.

Riese placed a question mark at the end of the line, but since in 7 Ovid asserts unambiguously that time does not affect him, there seems no reason to make the following line a question. In his poems from exile Ovid often expresses his wish to die; see Tr III viii 39-40 'tantus amor necis est querar ut cum Caesaris ira / quod non offensas uindicet ense suas', Tr III xiii 5-6, IV vi 49-50, and V ix 37-38.

9. EXEMPLVM EST ANIMI NIMIVM PATIENTIS VLIXES. Ovid frequently compares his trials in exile to those undergone by Ulysses. The longest instance of this is Tr I v 57-84; compare as well Tr III xi 61-62 'crede mihi, si sit nobis collatus Vlixes, / Neptuni minor est quam Iouis ira fuit', Tr V v 1-4, and EP I iii 33-34, II vii 59-60 & III vi 19-20.

Ulysses' voyage was a favourite subject of the Latin poets. For a surviving example, see Prop III xii 23-36. An indication of the subject's popularity is the fact that Pan Mess 45-49 'nam seu diuersi fremat inconstantia uulgi, / non alius sedare queat; seu[Pg 331] iudicis ira / sit placanda, tuis poterit mitescere uerbis. / non Pylos aut Ithace tantos genuisse feruntur / Nestora uel paruae magnum decus urbis Vlixem' is followed not by a description of Ulysses' eloquence, as would have been appropriate, but by a narrative of his travels (52-81): this illogical sequence was no doubt induced by the poet's familiarity with similar descriptions of Ulysses' voyage in the poetry of his time.

Professor E. Fantham cites Seneca's use of Ulysses as an exemplum patientiae at Sen Dial II 2 1, where Hercules is compared to Ulysses.

9. EXEMPLVM EST. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me the unusual baldness of the phrase. In Ovid's earlier verse exemplum has an instructional or minatory overtone (AA III 686, Met IX 454). The flatter use of exemplum seems to be typical of the poetry of exile: compare EP III i 44 'coniugis exemplum diceris esse bonae', and Tr I v 21, IV iii 72 & IV iv 71.

9. NIMIVM PATIENTIS = πολύτλας (Il VIII 97, Od V 171, et saep.). The sense of nimium seen here is not generally found in poetry, or even in literary prose; the instances cited by OLD nimium² 2 are all from comedy, Cato, and the letters of Cicero.

10. DVO LVSTRA. Compare xvi 13-14 'Vlixem / errantem saeuo per duo lustra mari' and AA III 15-16 'est pia Penelope lustris errante duobus / et totidem lustris bella gerente uiro'.[Pg 332]

11. SOLLICITI ... FATI is based on such phrases as sollicita uita (Prop II vii 1) and sollicitissima aetas (Sen Breu Vit 16 1). Similar phrasing at Tr IV x 116 'nec me sollicitae taedia lucis habent'.

11. PLACIDAE SAEPE FVERE MORAE. Compare Prop III xii 23-24 'Postumus alter erit miranda coniuge Vlixes: / non illi longae tot nocuere morae'.

13. SEX ANNIS. According to Homer (Od VII 261), Ulysses left Calypso in the eighth year of his stay on her island. André points out that Hyginus Fab CXXV 16 has Ulysses on the island for one year only; for other estimates of the length of Ulysses' stay, see Roscher III 627. Ovid was probably influenced by the bis ... tertia of the poem's opening. Cimmerio in 1 furnishes another connection with Ulysses (Od XI 14; quoted at 1).

13. FOVISSE. Compare Od V 118-120 (Calypso speaking) 'Σχέτλιοί ἐστε, θεοί, ζηλήμονες ἔξοχον ἄλλων, / οἵ τε θεαῖς ἀγάασθε παρ' ἀνδράσιν εὐνάζεσθαι / ἀμφαδίην, ἤν τίς τε φίλον ποισετ' ἀκοίτην'.

13. CALYPSO BCMILT. Lenz and André print CALYPSON (FH). Roman poets followed the Greek declension of feminine proper nouns ending in -ω; compare Pan Mess 77 'fecunda Atlantidos arua Calypsus [uar calipsos]'. The accusatives of such nouns are of the same form as the nominative. See for example Aen IV 383-84 'et nomine Dido / saepe uocaturum' and Aen VII 324-25 'luctificam Allecto dirarum ab sede dearum /[Pg 333] infernisque ciet tenebris', cited by Charisius 63 (Keil); neither he nor Servius shows knowledge of an accusative in -on. Scribes, however, found the declension puzzling; and it is common to find the pseudo-accusative in -on offered by some manuscripts whenever the true form in -o occurs; this has happened at Her VI 65 'ultimus e sociis sacram conscendis in Argo', Her VII 7 'certus es ire tamen miseramque relinquere Dido [edd: Didon codd]', Her XII 9 'cur umquam Colchi Magnetida uidimus Argo', Am II ii 45 'dum nimium seruat custos Iunonius Io', Am II xix 29 'dum seruat Iuno mutatam cornibus Io', and Prop I xx 17-18 'namque ferunt olim Pagasae naualibus Argo [edd: Argon codd] / egressam longe Phasidos isse uiam'. Modern editors often print the spurious form, even at AA I 323 'et modo se Europen fieri, modo postulat Io', where all manuscripts offer the correct reading.

For a full discussion of this and the inverse corruption (for instance of Iason to Iaso), see Goold 12-14.

14. AEQVOREAEQVE. Compare Am II xvii 17-18 'creditur aequoream Pthio Nereida regi, / Egeriam iusto concubuisse Numae' and AA II 123-24 'non formosus erat, sed erat facundus Vlixes, / et tamen aequoreas torsit amore deas'. Merkel's AEAEAEQVE is ingenious but unnecessary.

15. HIPPOTADES = Aeolus. The same patronymic at Met IV 663, XI 431, XIV 86, XIV 224 & XV 707.

15. QVI DAT PRO MVNERE VENTOS. Compare Met XIV 223-26 'Aeolon ille refert Tusco regnare profundo, / Aeolon Hippotaden, cohibentem carcere[Pg 334] uentos; / quos bouis inclusos tergo, memorabile munus, / Dulichium sumpsisse ducem' and Od X 19-26.

17. NEC BENE CANTANTES LABOR EST AVDISSE PVELLAS. The description is intentionally prosaic. For the Homeric account of the Sirens see Od XII 37-54 & 153-200.

17. AVDISSE F AVDIRE BCMHILT. Audire cannot stand, as the present tense conflicts with fuit in the following line. For est audisse representing fuit audire, compare Met IX 5-6 (Achelous hesitates before recounting his wrestling-match with Hercules) 'referam tamen ordine: nec tam / turpe fuit uinci quam contendisse decorum est'.

18. NEC DEGVSTANTI LOTOS AMARA FVIT. See Od IX 82-104 for Homer's account of the Lotus-eaters.

18. NEC ... AMARA = et dulcis. Compare Od IX 94 'λωτοῖο ... μελιηδέα καρπόν'.

18. DEGVSTANTI. The verb is extremely rare in the sense 'taste, sample'; this is the only instance of the meaning found in poetry, although a transferred use is found at Lucretius II 191-92 'ignes ... celeri flamma degustant tigna trabesque' and Aen XII 375-76 'lancea ... summum degustat uulnere corpus'.

Ovid uses the somewhat more common gustare in a similar context at Tr IV i 31-32 'sic noua Dulichio lotos gustata palato / illo quo nocuit grata sapore fuit'.[Pg 335]

21. VRBEM LAESTRYGONOS = 'Λάμου αἰπὺ πτολίεθρον, / Τηλέπυλον Λαιστρυγονίην' (Od X 81-82) or 'Lami ueterem Laestrygonos ... urbem' (Met XIV 233), where the crews of all the ships but Ulysses' own were killed and eaten; accounts of this at Od X 76-132 and Met XIV 233-42. Ovid refers again to the episode at EP II ix 41 'quis non Antiphaten Laestrygona deuouet?'.

21. LAESTRYGONOS BC LE(-I-)STRYGONIS MFHILT. Laestrygonos = Λαιστρυγόνος (Od X 106). At Met XIV 233 (cited above) all manuscripts offer Laestrygonis; the Greek genitive should probably be read as here.

22. GENTIBVS OBLIQVA QVAS OBIT HISTER AQVA. Similar wording at ii 37-38 'hic mea cui recitem nisi flauis scripta Corallis, / quasque alias gentes barbarus Hister obit?'.

22. OBLIQVA apparently refers to the swirling of a river's eddies. The sense 'winding' generally given the word would fit at Met IX 17-18 (Achelous to the father of Deianira) 'dominum me cernis aquarum / cursibus obliquis inter tua regna fluentum', but not at Met VIII 550-53 (Achelous to Theseus) '"succede meis" ait "Inclite, tectis, / Cecropide, nec te committe rapacibus undis: / ferre trabes solidas obliquaque uoluere magno / murmure saxa solent"' or Her VI 87 'illa refrenat aquas obliquaque flumina sistit'. At Met I 39 'fluminaque obliquis cinxit decliuia ripis', obliquis should be taken with flumina, and decliuia with ripis; or possibly both adjectives should be taken with both nouns.[Pg 336]

23. VINCET. Like superare, uincere has the twin meanings of 'surpass' and 'defeat'.

23. CYCLOPS. The same pairing of the Laestrygonians and Polyphemus at EP II ii 113-114 (to Messalinus; he should address Augustus on Ovid's behalf) 'nec tamen Aetnaeus uasto Polyphemus in antro / accipiet uoces Antiphatesue tuas'.

23. FERITATE goes with uincet: 'will surpass in savagery'. I once thought PIETATE (BCI^ac) was the correct reading, connecting the word with saeuum and taking it as a reference to human sacrifice; but this seems strained and obscure. Pietate may be an intrusion from ecclesiastical Latin; Professor R. J. Tarrant suggests that it is possibly an anticipation of the following Piacchen.

23. PIACCHEN B PIAECHEN C. See the critical apparatus for the other forms offered by the manuscripts. As the king's name is not elsewhere recorded, its true form must remain in doubt.

24. QVI QVOTA TERRORIS PARS SOLET ESSE MEI. With Burman, Weber, and Wheeler I take the line as a statement: compare EP II x 31 'et quota pars haec sunt rerum quas uidimus ambo' (cited by Williams), where quota, as here, takes the meaning 'how small' from context. Most editors take it as a question, for which compare Am II xii 9-10 'Pergama cum caderent bello superata bilustri, / ex tot in Atridis pars quota laudis erat?'.[Pg 337]

25-27. SCYLLA ... CHARYBDIN. Ovid gives similar descriptions of Scylla at Am III xii 21-22 and EP III i 122, of Charybdis at Am II xvi 25-26, and of Scylla and Charybdis at Her XII 123-26 and Met XIII 730-33. All such descriptions in Latin poetry of course derive ultimately from Od XII 73-110.

25. QVOD LATRET AB INGVINE MONSTRIS. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me Ovid's imitation here of Ecl VI 74-75 'Scyllam ... candida succinctam latrantibus inguina monstris'; the rates and nautae of Ovid's line 26 are in lines 76 and 77 of the Virgilian passage.

25. QVOD. 'Granted that'. Bömer at Met VII 705 claims that the only passage where this is the necessary meaning of quod is Priapea VI 1 'quod sum ligneus ... Priapus ... prendam te tamen', but it seems to be the meaning required at Lucretius II 532-35 'nam quod rara uides magis esse animalia quaedam / fecundamque minus naturam cernis in illis, / at regione locoque alio terrisque remotis / multa licet genere esse in eo numerumque repleri'.

All six instances of the idiom cited by the OLD (quod 6c) are from poetry. In the two instances already cited, quod is followed by the indicative, as is the case at Prop III ii 11-16. Quod in this sense followed by the subjunctive seems to be an Ovidian idiom; it is used by him at Her IV 157-61 'quod mihi sit genitor, qui possidet aequora, Minos, / quod ueniant proaui fulmina torta manu, / quod sit auus radiis frontem uallatus acutis, / purpureo tepidum qui mouet axe[Pg 338] diem— / nobilitas sub amore iacet!' and Met VII 704-7 'liceat mihi uera referre / pace deae: quod sit roseo spectabilis ore, / quod teneat lucis, teneat confinia noctis, / nectareis quod alatur aquis, ego Procrin amabam', and by an imitator of Ovid at Her XVIII 41.

26. HENIOCHAE NAVTIS PLVS NOCVERE RATES. The Heniochi lived on the eastern shore of the Euxine and were, as Ovid indicates, known as pirates (Strabo XI 2 12-13).

27. INFESTIS ... ACHAEIS. Mela includes the Achaei and the Heniochi in his list of 'ferae incultaeque gentes uasto mari adsidentes' (I 110). The two nations are grouped together by Strabo (XII 2 12) and Pliny (NH VI 30).

28. EPOTVM ... VOMAT. Professor R. J. Tarrant cites the verbal similarity at (pseudo-Ovidian) Am III v 18 'iterum pasto pascitur ante cibo'.

28. EPOTVM B ET POTVM C EPOTET MFHILT. Epotet is supported by Her XII 125 'quaeque uomit totidem fluctus totidemque resorbet' and Od XII 105-6 'τρὶς μὲν γάρ τ' ἀνίησιν ἐπ' ἤματι, τρὶς δ' ἀναροιβδεῖ / δεινόν'. Professor A. Dalzell points out in particular 'τρὶς ... τρὶς' paralleling ter ... ter in the present passage. But at RA 740 Ovid wrote 'hic uomit epotas [uarr et potat; hic potat; optatas; acceptas; aequoreas] dira Charybdis aquas'; and the corruption to epotet seems much more probable than the inverse. Ovid elsewhere uses only the perfect participle of epotare.[Pg 339]

29. LICENTIVS ERRANT. Ovid is clearly imitating Aen VII 557-58 (Juno to Allecto) 'te super aetherias errare licentius auras / haud pater ille uelit, summi regnator Olympi', apparently the only other instance of licentius in classical verse.

31-32 act as a bridge to the next major section of the poem, and do not in themselves contribute to what has been said.

32. HIC FRETA VEL PEDITI PERVIA REDDIT HIEMPS. Other mentions of the sea's freezing at vii 7, Tr II 196, III x 35-50 & V x 2, and EP III i 15-16 (to the Pontus) 'tu glacie freta uincta tenes, et in aequore piscis / inclusus tecta saepe natauit aqua'.

Parts of the Black Sea do in fact freeze: 'In winter, spurs of the Siberian anticyclone (clear, dry, high-pressure air mass) create a strong current of cold air, and the northwestern Black Sea cools down considerably, with regular ice formation' (article on "Black Sea", Encyclopaedia Britannica, Macropaedia vol. 2, pp. 1096-98 [Chicago: 1974]).

32. HIEMPS. For the last one hundred years, the spelling given in editions of Latin texts has generally been hiems (some exceptions are Palmer's Heroides, the Paravia Virgil, and Reynolds' editions of Seneca), but the spelling in the ancient manuscripts of Virgil is invariably hiemps. Munro's argument for this spelling seems[Pg 340] unanswerable: 'obeying the almost unanimous testimony of our own [i.e. O and Q of Lucretius] and other good mss. we cannot but give umerus umor and the like: also hiemps. I have heard it asked what then is the genitive of hiemps; to which the best reply perhaps would be what is the perfect of sumo or the supine of emo. The Latins wrote hiemps, as they wrote emptum sumpsi sumptum and a hundred such forms, because they disliked m and s or t to come together without the intervention of a p sound; and our mss. all attest this: tempto likewise is the only true form, which the Italians in the 15th century rejected for tento' (Lucretius ed. 4 vol. 1 p. 33).

33-34. VT, QVA REMVS ITER PVLSIS MODO FECERAT VNDIS, / SICCVS CONTEMPTA NAVE VIATOR EAT. Ovid has in mind Virgil's description of the freezing of a Scythian river (G III 360-62) 'concrescunt subitae currenti in flumine crustae, / undaque iam tergo ferratos sustinet orbis, / puppibus illa prius, patulis nunc hospita plaustris'.

35. QVI VENIVNT ISTINC VIX VOS EA CREDERE DICVNT; / QVAM MISER EST QVI FERT ASPERIORA FIDE. For Ovid's fear that his accounts of what he has undergone will not be believed, see vii 3-4 and Tr I v 49-50, III x 35-36 & IV i 65-66. In particular, see ix 85-86 'mentiar, an coeat duratus frigore Pontus, / et teneat glacies iugera multa freti'.

37-38. NEC TE CAVSAS NESCIRE SINEMVS / HORRIDA SARMATICVM CVR MARE DVRET HIEMPS. Ovid's principal explanation of the freezing of the Euxine, the low salinity of the water, is found in four other Latin[Pg 341] authors. At IV 718-28, Valerius Flaccus offers a catalogue of rivers similar to that of Ovid, and, like Ovid, gives the cold winter winds as a subsidiary reason for the freezing. It is quite possible that Ovid is Valerius' source; but this is very unlikely to be the case for Macrobius Sat VII xii 28-38 (cited by Burman). The passage is a discussion of why, although oil congeals, wine and vinegar do not. Wine does not freeze because it contains elements of fire; this is why Homer called it αἴθοπα οἶνον. Vinegar does not freeze because it is so bitter; it is like seawater, which because of its bitterness does not congeal. 'nam quod Herodotus historiarum scriptor contra omnium ferme qui haec quaesiuerunt opinionem scripsit [IV 28], mare Bosporicum, quod et Cimmerium appellat, earumque partium mare omne, quod Scythicum dicitur, id gelu constringi et consistere, aliter est quam putatur'. It is not the seawater that freezes, but the layer of fresh water above it, which comes from the rivers that flow into the Euxine. Macrobius goes on to explain that there is an outflow of fresh water to the Mediterranean and an influx of seawater, with perfect correctness: the Encyclopaedia Britannica article cited at 32 notes that 'Flows in the Bosporus are complex, with surface Black Sea water going out and deep, saltier water coming in from the Sea of Marmara*.

There can be very little doubt, given the identity of the explanations and the similarity of language, that Ovid and Macrobius were drawing on a common source. The same source is reflected at[Pg 342] Gellius XVII viii 8-16. Here Taurus the philosopher asks Gellius why oil often congeals, but wine does not. Gellius answers that wine is fiery by nature, which is why Homer called it αἴθοπα οἶνον. Taurus responds that wine is indeed known to have fire in it, for it warms the body when drunk; yet vinegar, in spite of its cooling effects, never freezes; perhaps things which are light and smooth are more prone to freezing. It is also worth asking why fresh water freezes, but seawater does not. 'tametsi Herodotus ... historiae scriptor contra omnium ferme qui haec quaesiuerunt opinionem scribit mare Bosporicum, quod Cimmerium appellatur, earumque partium mare omne quod Scythicum dicitur, gelu stringi et consistere'. No explanation for the freezing-over is given.[22]

Ammianus Marcellinus XXII 8 48 gives the same two explanations for the Euxine's freezing as Ovid: 'quicquid autem eiusdem Pontici sinus Aquilone caeditur et pruinis, ita perstringitur gelu ut nec amnium cursus subteruolui credantur, nec per infidum et labile solum gressus hominis possit uel iumenti firmari, quod uitium numquam mare sincerum, sed permixtum aquis amnicis temptat'. At XXII 8 46 he once again mentions the sweetness of the Euxine's waters.

Lucan describes the freezing of the Euxine (V 436-41), but gives no explanation of the cause.[Pg 343]

39. PLAVSTRI PRAEBENTIA FORMAM ... SIDERA. The Great Bear. Other mentions of the constellation at Met X 446-47 'inter ... triones / flexerat obliquo plaustrum temone Bootes', Tr III iv b 1-2 (47-48), III x 3-4 & V iii 7-8, and EP I v 73-74. Compare as well Germanicus Aratea 24-26 'axem Cretaeae dextra laeuaque tuentur / siue Arctoe seu Romani cognominis Vrsae / Plaustraue [Grotius:-que codd], quae facie [scripsi (datiuum)[23]: facies codd] stellarum proxima uerae [Barth: uera uel uero codd]', Her XVIII 152, Sen Ag 66-68, and Lucan V 23 'Hyperboreae plaustrum glaciale sub Vrsae'.

Praebentia formam is elevated diction: Professor R. J. Tarrant cites Lucretius V 581-83 'luna ... claram speciem certamque figuram / praebet'.

40. PERPETVVM M^2ul PRAECIPVVM BCM¹FHILT. Praecipuum could be defended by EP III i 13-14 (to the Pontus) 'nec tibi pampineas autumnus porrigit uuas, / cuncta sed immodicum tempora frigus habet', but praecipuus in fact always seems to have the notion of 'outstanding' or 'superior', which does not seem appropriate to the present passage. For perpetuum compare Tr III ii 7-8 'plurima sed pelago terraque pericula passum /[Pg 344] ustus ab assiduo frigore Pontus habet', Tr III x 14 '[niuem ...] indurat Boreas perpetuamque facit', Tr V ii 65-66 'me ... cruciat numquam sine frigore caelum, / glaebaque canenti semper obusta gelu', EP I iii 49-50 'orbis in extremi iaceo desertus harenis, / fert ubi perpetuas obruta terra niues', and EP II vii 72 'frigore perpetuo Sarmatis ora riget'.

41. HINC ORITVR BOREAS. Compare Tr III xi 7-8 'barbara me tellus et inhospita litora Ponti / cumque suo Borea Maenalis ursa uidet' and Ibis 11-12 'ille relegatum gelidos Aquilonis ad ortus / non sinit exilio delituisse meo'.

41. DOMESTICVS. The word is rare in verse; Ovid uses it as a substantive at iii 15 'ille ego conuictor densoque domesticus usu'. Here Ovid may be recalling the language of Met VI 685-86 (of Boreas) 'ira, / quae solita est illi nimiumque domestica uento'.

42. VIRES. Merkel proposed MORES, citing Virgil G I 50-52 'at prius ignotum ferro quam scindimus aequor, / uentos et uarium caeli praediscere morem / cura sit' and Statius Sil III ii 87 'quos tibi currenti praeceps gerat Hadria mores'. The second passage is not to the point, since it means 'what sort of obedience to your wishes do you expect from the Adriatic as you make your voyage'. In any case, Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me the poor logic of Merkel's proposed text: Ovid is deriving the natura loci from its surroundings; he should not now be saying that Boreas gets his mores from the area.[Pg 345] The reading of the manuscripts seems acceptable enough if one accepts Meynke's polo for loco ('he gathers strength from the nearby North Pole'). For sumit uires compare Met VIII 882 (Achelous speaking) 'armenti modo dux uires in cornua sumo', Met XI 510-11 'ut ... solent sumptis incursu uiribus ire ... feri ... leones' and Hor Ep I xviii 85 'neglecta solent incendia sumere uires'. Professor R. J. Tarrant compares such phrases as sumere iras (Met II 175), animos (Met III 544-45), and cornua (AA I 239, Tr IV ix 27).

42. POLO Meynke LOCO codd. The pointlessness of loco is made clear enough by Wheeler's 'and he takes on strength from a place nearer to him'. Meynke's polo removes the difficulty, answers well to the following 'at Notus, aduerso tepidum qui spirat ab axe', and is supported by the language of Met II 173 'quaeque polo posita est glaciali proxima Serpens', and Fast IV 575-76 (of Ceres) 'errat et in caelo liquidique immunia ponti / adloquitur gelido proxima signa polo'. For the corruption, compare the common misreading of locum for solum.

43. ADVERSO ... AB AXE. Ovid here seeks a contrast with polo in the previous line; but clearly he means only that the south wind comes from the opposite direction, not that it originates at the South Pole.

Bentley conjectured AVERSO for aduerso, and the two words are obviously prone to interchange: compare Tr I iii 45 (of Ovid's wife,[Pg 346] after his departure) 'multaque in auersos [Heinsius: aduersos codd] effudit uerba Penates' and the variations among the manuscripts at Virgil G I 218 'auerso ... astro', Aen XII 647 'auersa uoluntas', and Sen Tr 1123 'auersa cingit campus' (on which see Housman 1076). But aduerso 'opposite' seems to have the sense required here.

43. TEPIDVM QVI SPIRAT. For the construction compare Met IX 661 'sub aduentu spirantis lene Fauoni' and Avienus Descr Orb 847 'uel qua lene Notus spirat'. The trivialized TEPIDVS QVI SPIRAT is found in MH^2c. Tepidus Notus occurs four times in Ovid (Am I iv 12, I vii 56 & II viii 20, and Tr III xii [xiii] 42).

44. LANGVIDIORQVE VENIT. Compare EP II i 1-2 'Huc quoque Caesarei peruenit fama triumphi, / languida quo fessi uix uenit aura Noti'.

46. AB AMNE. Similar instrumental uses of ab at Her X 138 'tunicas lacrimis sicut ab imbre graues', AA III 545 'ingenium placida mollitur ab arte', Met I 65-66 'contraria tellus / nubibus assiduis pluuiaque madescit ab Austro', Met IV 162-63 'pectus ... adhuc a caede tepebat', and Fast V 323 'caelum nigrescit ab Austris'.

47-58. For the lengthy catalogue, typical of Ovid, compare the listing of Actaeon's dogs at Met III 206-25 (in particular at 217 'et Dromas et Canache Sticteque et Tigris et Alce') and the catalogue of trees that came to listen to Orpheus sing (Met X 90-107).[Pg 347]

47. LYCVS. A number of rivers had this name in the ancient world. Ovid presumably means the Paphlagonian Lycus referred to by Virgil at G IV 366-67 'omnia sub magna labentia flumina terra / spectabat diuersa locis, Phasimque Lycumque ...'.

47. SAGARIS. The modern Sakarya; it flows into the Black Sea about 125 kilometres east of Istanbul. It is mentioned at Pliny NH VI 1 4 'Sangaris fluuius ex inclutis. oritur in Phrygia, accipit uastos amnes ... idem Sagiarius plerisque dictus'.

47. PENIVSQVE. The 'flumen et oppidum Penius' are mentioned at Pliny NH VI 14 as being in the region of the Caucasus on the Euxine coast; nearby were 'multis nominibus Heniochorum gentes'. The river seems not to be mentioned elsewhere in ancient literature.

47. HYPANISQVE. The modern Bug empties into the Black Sea about 50 kilometres east of Odessa. It is mentioned again by Ovid at Met XV 285-86 'quid? non et Scythicis Hypanis de montibus ortus, / qui fuerat dulcis, salibus uitiatur amaris?' and Virgil G IV 370 'saxosumque sonans Hypanis'.

47. CALESQVE. Isaac Vossius made this correction for the manuscripts' CATESQVE (I has CHARESQVE) on the basis of 'Eustathio Scholiis in Periegeten'. Heinsius aptly cited a description of the occasionally violent flow of the river at Thucydides IV 75 2.[Pg 348]

As indicated by this passage, the modern Alapli flows into the Black Sea near Ereğli, about 200 kilometres east of Istanbul.

48. CREBRO VERTICE TORTVS HALYS. An imitation of Aen VII 566-67 'fragosus / dat sonitum saxis et torto uertice torrens'. Tortus when used of water generally refers to the disturbance caused by rowing (Fast V 644; Catullus LXIV 13; Aen III 208).

48. HALYS. The modern Kizil Irmak flows into the Black Sea about 600 kilometres east of Istanbul. André compares Apollonius' description of the river (II 366-67) 'ῥοαὶ Ἅλυος ποταμοῖο / δεινὸν ἐρεύγονται'.

49-50. The three rivers mentioned in these lines are all named for their swiftness.

49. PARTHENIVSQVE RAPAX. The modern Bartin flows into the Black Sea about 280 kilometres east of Istanbul and about 240 kilometres west of Sinop. It is in fact a very calm river: this information was available to Ovid from Apollonius II 936-37 'Παρθενίοιο ῥοὰς ἁλιμυρήεντος, / πρηυτάτου ποταμοῦ' (cited by André).

49. VOLVENS SAXA. Similar phrasing at Met VIII 552-53 '[undae ...] ferre trabes solidas obliquaque uoluere magno / murmure saxa solent'.

49. CINAPSES BC CINAPSIS L TYNAPSES H CINASPES FIT NIPHATES M. Editors read CYNAPSES; but since the river is not otherwise known,[Pg 349] restoration is dangerous. M's reading looks like an interpolation from Lucan III 245 'Armeniusque tenens uoluentem saxa Niphaten' (cited by Micyllus).

50. NVLLO TARDIOR = uelocior omni; André mistranslates 'le plus lent des fleuves'. Compare Tr I v 1 'O mihi post nullos umquam [uar ullos numquam] memorande sodales' and EP I iii 65-66 'Zmyrna uirum tenuit, non Pontus et hostica tellus, / paene minus nullo Zmyrna petenda loco'.

50. TYRAS. The modern Dnestr flows into the Black Sea about fifty miles south of Odessa; near its mouth is the city of Ovidiopol. The river is briefly mentioned at Pliny NH IV 82 & 93, and at Mela II 7, where it is called the 'Tyra'; this however seems to be a scribal error induced by the following separat.

51. THERMODON. The modern Terme flows into the Black Sea about 100 kilometres southeast of the mouth of the Kizil Irmak (Halys). It was conventional to mention the Amazons in connection with the river (Met XII 611, Aen XI 659-60, Prop III xiv 13-14, Ammianus Marcellinus XXII 8 17). Professor E. Fantham suggests to me that Ovid may here be providing Albinovanus with material for the part of his Theseid dealing with Theseus' expedition against the Amazons.

Ovid also mentions the Thermodon at Met I 248-49 (the story of Phaethon) 'arsit et Euphrates Babylonius, arsit Orontes / Thermodonque citus Gangesque et Phasis et Hister'. As in the present distich, the[Pg 350] Thermodon and Phasis, both prominent in mythology, are mentioned together.

51. TVRMAE BCM TVRBAE FHILT. There is a similar variation among the manuscripts at AA III l-2 'Arma dedi Danais in Amazonas; arma supersunt / quae tibi dem et turmae, Penthesilea, tuae'. From other descriptions of the Amazons, the Auctor Electorum Etonensium aptly compares Val Fl IV 603 (cateruas) and 607 (turma); compare as well Statius Sil I vi 56 (turmas). It is possible that turma should be read at Prop III xiv 13-14 'qualis Amazonidum nudatis bellica mammis / Thermodontiacis turba lauatur aquis'; but this would make bellica redundant.

53. BORYSTHENIO ... AMNE = Bory̅sthĕnē. The river is the modern Dnepr, which flows into the Black Sea about 120 kilometres east of Odessa, about 50 kilometres east of the mouth of the Bug (Hypanis). For the metrical device here employed, compare Prop II vii 17-18 'hinc etenim tantum meruit mea gloria nomen, / gloria ad hibernos lata Borysthenidas', Avienus Descr Orb 448 'inde Borysthenii uis sese fluminis effert' & 721 'ora Borysthenii qua fluminis in mare uergunt'.

54. MELANTHVS. The modern Melet Irmak flows into the Black Sea about 25 kilometres west of Trabzon (Trapezus). It is mentioned in passing at Pliny NH VI 11.[Pg 351]

55-56. QVIQVE DVAS TERRAS, ASIAM CADMIQVE SOROREM, / SEPARAT ET CVRSVS INTER VTRAMQVE FACIT. The Tanais (Don) is named as the border between Europe and Asia by Pliny (NH IV 78) and Avienus (Descr Orb 28 & 861). Compare as well Lucan III 272-76 'qua uertice lapsus / Riphaeo Tanais diuersi nomina mundi / imposuit ripis Asiaeque et terminus idem / Europae, mediae dirimens confinia terrae, / nunc hunc, nunc illum, qua flectitur, ampliat orbem'.

Vibius Sequester (Geog Lat min [Riese] p. 212) has an entry 'Hypanis Scythiae qui, ut ait Gallus "uno tellures diuidit amne duas": Asiam enim ab Europa separat'. The Hypanis cannot be the river Ovid is here referring to, for it has already been mentioned in 47; but, as Lenz saw, the line from Gallus could well have been in Ovid's mind as he wrote this passage. Professor R. J. Tarrant notes that the extraordinary Cadmique sororem could well be a borrowing from the earlier poet.

57-58. INTER MAXIMVS OMNES / CEDERE DANVVIVS SE TIBI, NILE, NEGAT. A similar conjunction at Tr III x 27-28 'ipse, papyrifero qui non angustior amne, / miscetur uasto multa per ora freto'. Herodotus compares the courses of the Nile and the Danube, concluding 'οὕτω τὸν Νεῖλον δοκέω διὰ πάσης τῆς Λιβύης διεξιόντα ἐξισοῦσθαι τῷ Ἴστρῳ' (II 34), referring to the length of the rivers, however, rather than their volume of discharge. At NQ III 22 Seneca mentions the belief of some that because of their large size and the fact that their sources were both unknown the Nile and the Danube must both have[Pg 352] been formed at the creation of the world, unlike other rivers. At IV 1 1-2 he argues against those who equated the two rivers, pointing out that the source of the Danube was known to be in Germany, and that the two rivers flood at different times of the year.

59. COPIA TOT LATICVM QVAS AVGET ADVLTERAT AQVAS. The comparative freshness of the waters of the Black Sea was well known in antiquity. Besides the passages cited at 37-38, see Polybius IV 42 3 and Philostratus Imag I 13 7.

61-62. QVIN ETIAM, STAGNO SIMILIS PIGRAEQVE PALVDI, / CAERVLEVS VIX EST DILVITVRQVE COLOR. Ovid's drinking water was, on the other hand, rather brackish: 'est in aqua dulci non inuidiosa uoluptas: / aequoreo bibitur cum sale mixta palus' (EP II vii 73-74).

63. INNATAT VNDA FRETO DVLCIS. Similar wording at Macrobius Sat VII 12 32 'superficies maris, cui dulces aquae innatant, congelascit'.

64. PONDVS B¹CMFHT NOMEN ILB². Wakefield conjectured MOMEN on the basis of Lucretius VI 473-74 'quo magis ad nubis augendas multa uidentur / posse quoque e salso consurgere momine ponti'. But pondus seems appropriate to the context in a way that momen 'heaving' does not. Nomen habe(n)t is a frequent line-ending in Ovid, occurring some twenty-five times (once in Her XVI). Proprium nomen occurs in Ovid at Fast V 191-92 (Ovid is addressing Flora) 'ipsa doce quae sis. hominum sententia fallax: / optima tu proprii nominis auctor[Pg 353] eris' and EP I viii 13-14 'Caspius Aegissos, de se si credimus ipsis, / condidit et proprio nomine dixit opus'. The phrase would have been very familiar to the scribes from grammatical treatises ('proper noun'). A combination of these circumstances no doubt induced the error.

Professor A. Dalzell suggests to me that momen is perhaps correct, the notion being that the salt water keeps moving, and so does not freeze. Pondus would then be a (mistaken) gloss that has displaced momen from the text; nomen would be a simple misreading of momen.

66. CERTIS ... MODIS. 'Metre'; compare Fast III 388 'ad certos uerba canenda modos', Tib II i 51-52 'agricola ... primum ... cantauit certo rustica uerba pede' and Manilius III 35 'pedibus ... iungere certis'.

67. DETINVI ... TEMPVS, CVRASQVE FEFELLI excerpta Politiani DETINVI ... TEMPVS CVRAMQVE FEFELLI LT DETINVI ... CVRAS TEMPVSQVE FEFELLI BCMFHI. Tempus fallere 'make time pass unnoticed' is perfectly acceptable Latin; compare Tr III iii 11-12 'non qui labentia tarde / tempora narrando fallat amicus adest', Her I 9-10 'nec mihi quaerenti spatiosam fallere noctem / lassaret uiduas pendula tela manus', Met VIII 651 'interea medias fallunt sermonibus horas', Tr IV x 112-14 'tristia ... carmine fata leuo. / quod quamuis nemo est cuius referatur ad aures, / sic tamen absumo decipioque diem', and Her XIX 37-38 'tortaque uersato ducentes stamina fuso / feminea tardas fallimus arte moras'. The difficulty with the manuscript reading in the present passage is that[Pg 354] detinui curas is without parallel. Heinsius therefore accepted Politian's reading, citing in its support Met I 682-83 'sedit Atlantiades et euntem multa loquendo / detinuit sermone diem'. The Auctor Electorum Etonensium objected that detinui tempus was inappropriate: 'poeta tempus detinere noluit, quod scilicet per se morari atque haerere uidebatur inuisum'. He conjectured DISTINVI CVRAS and Burman DIMINVI CVRAS, which he later found in one of his manuscripts. But detinere here can have the same meaning 'occupy, keep busy' as it has at the Metamorphoses passage, where A. G. Lee cites the present passage (with Politian's reading) and Tr V vii 39 'detineo studiis animum falloque dolores'.

The interchange of adjoining metrically and grammatically equivalent substantives is very common.

67-68. "DETINVI" DICAM "TEMPVS, CVRASQVE FEFELLI; / HVNC FRVCTVM PRAESENS ATTVLIT HORA MIHI". The thought of the passage also at ii 39-40 & 45 'quid nisi Pierides, solacia frigida, restant', Tr V i 33-34 'tot mala pertulimus, quorum medicina quiesque / nulla nisi in studio est Pieridumque mora', and EP I v 53-55 'magis utile nil est / artibus his, quae nil utilitatis habent. / consequor ex illis casus obliuia nostri'.

69. ABFVIMVS SOLITO ... DOLORE. Compare Cic Fam IV iii 2 'a multis et magnis molestiis abes'; I have found no parallel from verse.

71. THESEA. For Theseus as the type of loyalty, compare Tr I iii 66 'o mihi Thesea pectora iuncta fide!', I v 19-20, I ix 31-32, V iv 25-26 (Ovid's letter speaking) 'teque Menoetiaden, te qui comitatus Oresten, / te uocat Aegiden Euryalumque suum', and EP II iii 43, II vi 26 & III ii 33-34 'occidit et Theseus et qui comitauit Oresten; / sed tamen in laudes uiuit uterque suas'. From other authors, Otto Theseus cites Prop II i 37-38, Martial VII xxiv 3-4 & X xi 1-2, Claudian Ruf I 107, Ausonius Epist XXV 34, Apollinaris Sidonius Ep III xiii 10, Carm V 288 & Carm XXIV 29. Professor R. J. Tarrant notes that in Bion fr. 12 (Gow) there is a pairing of Theseus/Pirithous and Orestes/Pylades similar to what we find in Ovid.

72. TITVLOS. 'Claims to glory'; compare Met VII 448-49 (to Theseus) 'si titulos annosque tuos numerare uelimus, / facta prement annos' and Met XII 334 'uictori titulum ... Dictys Helopsque dederunt'.

75. CONDITVR A TE. Ovid does not elsewhere use a person as the object of condere, although at Tr II 335-36 he uses a person's achievements as object: 'diuitis ingenii est immania Caesaris acta / condere'.

76. TANTVS QVANTO L TANTO QVANTVS B^acCFHIT^pc TANTVS QVANTVS M^2c TANTO QVANTO B^pcT^ac QVANTO TANTVS fort legendum. The transmitted[Pg 356] reading, tanto quantus, can be construed: Professor E. Fantham translates 'a man so great as should have been sung with this mighty style'. This however subordinates Theseus to Albinovanus, while the purpose of the line is to emphasize Theseus' greatness. Tanto quanto is generally printed: it is acceptable enough (compare EP II ix 11-12 'regia, crede mihi, res est succurrere lapsis, / conuenit et tanto, quantus es ipse, uiro'), but is very weakly attested, and does not explain the transmitted reading. I have printed L's tantus quanto; quanto tantus might also be read.

76. QVANTO ... ORE. For os 'grandness of utterance' Professor R. J. Tarrant compares Am II i 11-12 'ausus eram, memini, caelestia dicere bella ... et satis oris erat'.

78. INQVE FIDE THESEVS QVILIBET ESSE POTEST. For the use of mythological figures as character types, compare RA 589 'semper habe Pyladen aliquem qui curet Oresten' and Martial VI xi 9-10 'ut praestem Pyladen, aliquis mihi praestet Oresten. / hoc non fit uerbis, Marce: ut ameris, ama'.

79-82. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me how the example of Theseus balances the comparison with Ulysses at the start of the poem. Earlier Ovid argued against a difference of scale between his own case and the mythic figure's: here he insists on it.[Pg 357]

79. HOSTES ... DOMANDI. For lists of these enemies, see Her II 69-70 'cum fuerit Sciron lectus toruusque Procrustes / et Sinis' and the Athenians' hymn of praise to Theseus at Met VII 433-50.

79. CLAVAQVE. For Theseus' club see Her IV 115-16 (Phaedra to Hippolytus) 'ossa mei fratris claua perfracta trinodi / sparsit humi' and Her X 77 'me quoque, qua fratrem, mactasses, improbe, claua'. Ovid mentions the club of Hercules about a dozen times.

80. VIX ILLI. For uix 'with difficulty' OLD uix 1 cites Fast I 508 'uix est Euandri uixque retenta manu'.

Most editors print VIX VLLI (BCT), which is possible enough. Vix illi seems rather more forceful, however, as making the point that even Theseus was able to make the dangerous journey only with difficulty, and that before him the road was impassable. Compare Met VII 443-44 'tutus ad Alcathoen, Lelegeia moenia, limes / composito Scirone patet'.

81. OPEROSA. The word in the sense 'troublesome' seems confined to prose except for this passage and Her II 63-64 'fallere credentem non est operosa puellam / gloria; simplicitas digna fauore fuit'.

83. PERSTAS IPF^2ul. Compare Tr IV i 19-20 'me quoque Musa leuat Ponti loca iussa petentem: / sola comes nostrae perstitit illa fugae' and Tr V xiv 19-20 'quae ne quis possit temeraria dicere, persta [uar praesta] / et pariter serua meque piamque fidem'. PERSTAS, the reading[Pg 358] of most manuscripts, would have no acceptable meaning in the present passage; it has no object, and the intransitive meaning, 'stand out', is clearly inappropriate. The error may have been induced by Tr IV v 23-24 'teque, quod est rarum, praesta constanter ad omne / indeclinatae munus amicitiae'; more probably, it is an aftereffect of praestandus in 81.

83. INDECLINATVS governs amico. The only other instance of the word in classical Latin seems to be Tr IV v 24, quoted at the end of the last note.

84. LINGVA QVERENTE. Ovid elsewhere uses persons as the subject of queri, except for similar uses of metonymy at xiv 26 'littera de uobis est mea questa nihil' and Tr V xi 1-2 'Quod te nescioquis per iurgia dixerit esse / exulis uxorem, littera questa tua est'.[Pg 359]

XI. To Gallio

The poem is a letter of condolence to the famous rhetor Junius Gallio, an old friend of Ovid (see at 1). Ovid starts the poem by saying that Gallio should certainly be mentioned in his poetry, because he helped Ovid at the time of his catastrophe (1-4). This one misfortune should have been enough for him, but now he has lost his wife (5-8). Ovid wept on receiving the news, but will not attempt to comfort him, since by now the grief is in the past, and he would risk renewing it (9-20). Also (and he hopes this will turn out to be the case), Gallio may already have remarried (21-22).

The poem is one of the shortest in Ovid's canon (Am II iii is shorter), and has few parallels with his other poems. The one that comes closest is EP I ix, addressed to Cotta Maximus, which describes Ovid's reaction on hearing of the death of Celsus. There are some verbal parallels as well with EP I iii, Ovid's answer to Rufinus' letter of consolation on his exile. In the commentary I cite passages from Ser. Sulpicius Rufus' famous letter to Cicero on the death of his daughter Tullia (Fam IV v) and from Seneca's treatises of consolation; Ovid was clearly making use of the common topics of the genre.

1. GALLIO. Junius Gallio [24], adoptive father of the younger Seneca's[Pg 360] elder brother, is often cited by the elder Seneca, who considered him one of the four supreme orators of his time (Contr X praef. 13). At Suas III 6-8, Seneca discusses Gallio's fondness for the Virgilian phrase plena deo (which, oddly, is not found in our text of the poet), and quotes Gallio as saying that his friend Ovid was also very fond of the phrase. Quintilian and Tacitus did not share Seneca's high opinion of Gallio: Quintilian criticizes the lack of restraint in his style (IX ii 92), while at Dial 26 1 Tacitus has Messalla say how he prefers 'G. Gracchi impetum aut L. Crassi maturitatem quam calamistros ['curling irons' = 'excessive ornament'] Maecenatis aut tinnitus Gallionis'.

In AD 32 Gallio proposed in the Senate that ex-members of the Praetorian guard be permitted to use the theatre seats reserved for members of the equestrian order; this resulted in a bitter and sarcastic letter from Tiberius to the Senate attacking Gallio's presumption; he was first exiled, then brought back to custody in Rome after it was decided that Lesbos, chosen by him, was too pleasant a place of exile (Tac Ann VI 3; Dio LXVIII 18 4).

1. EXCVSABILE. The word is extremely rare, and is not found in verse outside the Ex Ponto: compare I vii 41-42 'quod nisi delicti pars excusabilis esset, / parua relegari poena futura fuit' and III ix 33-34 'nil tamen e scriptis magis excusabile nostris / quam sensus cunctis paene quod unus inest'.[Pg 361]

2. HABVISSE could have the usual past sense of the perfect infinitive, but more probably is equivalent to habere: compare ix 20 'gauderem lateris non habuisse locum' and see at viii 82 imposuisse (p 282).

3-4. CAELESTI CVSPIDE FACTA ... VVLNERA. 'Wounds inflicted by no human weapon'. The cuspis is attributed to Mars at Am I i 11, to Neptune at Met XII 580, and to Athena at Fast VI 655. At Sen Ag 368-71 'tuque, o magni nata Tonantis / inclita Pallas, / quae Dardanias saepe petisti / cuspide terras', R. J. Tarrant cites HF 563 (Dis), HF 904 & Phaed 755 (Bacchus), HO 156 (Hercules), and Juvenal II 130 (Mars). Professor Tarrant points out to me that the cuspis does not seem to be attributed to Jupiter, no doubt because the fulmen was too firmly established as his weapon. Ovid is therefore not making his customary specific equation of Augustus with Jupiter.

4. FOVISTI. Fouere was a technical term in medicine for bathing something in a liquid (Cato Agr 157 4, Celsus IV 2 4, Columella VI 12 4). The word occurs in this sense in poetry: see Met II 338-39 'nomen ... in marmore lectum / perfudit lacrimis et aperto pectore fouit', Met VIII 654 (perhaps spurious; the passage is one where textual doublets occur), Met X 186-87 (Hyacinthus has just been struck by Apollo's discus) 'deus conlapsos ... excipit artus, / et modo te refouet, modo tristia uulnera siccat', Met XV 532 'et lacerum foui Phlegethontide corpus in unda', and Aen XII 420 'fouit ea uulnus lympha longaeuus Iapyx'.[Pg 362]

5. RAPTI. The word could be taken to mean 'dead'; compare xvi 1 'Nasonis ... rapti', where the context shows this is the meaning, and EP I ix 1-2 (to Cotta Maximus) 'Quae mihi de rapto tua uenit epistula Celso, / protinus est lacrimis umida facta meis'. For the similarly ambiguous use of ademptus, see at vi 49 qui me doluistis ademptum (p 243).

6. QVOD QVERERERE. For the phrase, compare Am I iv 23-24 (Ovid is listing the signals his girl should use at the dinner-table) 'si quid erit de me tacita quod mente queraris, / pendeat extrema mollis ab aure manus', Tr V i 37 (of Fortune) 'quod querar, illa mihi pleno de fonte ministrat', Her XIX 79, and Her XX 34 & 94.

7-8. PVDICA / CONIVGE. Being pudica, she deserved to survive—Professor E. Fantham points out to me here Ovid's use of what could be called the quid profuit topic.

The reference to Gallio's wife seems rather cool in tone. For some very warm descriptions of recently deceased wives, see Lattimore 275-80.

8. NON HABVERE NEFAS. This sense of habere, very common in prose, does not seem to occur elsewhere in Ovid; but Professor R. J. Tarrant cites Aen V 49-50 'dies ... adest quem semper acerbum, / semper honoratum ... habebo'.

9. LVCTVS = causae luctus. Other instances of this sense of luctus, which seems to be confined to poetical passages of great emotional[Pg 363] content, at Met I 654-55 (Inachus to Io) 'tu non inuenta reperta / luctus eras leuior', Met IX 155, and Aen VI 868 (Aeneas has just seen Marcellus) 'o nate, ingentem luctum ne quaere tuorum'.

10. LECTAQVE CVM LACRIMIS SVNT TVA DAMNA MEIS. Compare EP I ix 1-2 (quoted above at 5 rapti) and Fam IV v 1 (Ser. Sulpicius Rufus to Cicero) 'Postea quam mihi renuntiatum est de obitu Tulliae, filiae tuae, sane quam pro eo ac debui grauiter molesteque tuli communemque eam calamitatem existimaui'.

10. TVA DAMNA. Compare Fast II 835-36 (Lucretia has just killed herself) 'ecce super corpus communia damna gementes / obliti decoris uirque paterque iacent' and Tr IV iii 35 'tu uero tua damna dole, mitissima coniunx'.

11. SED NEQVE SOLARI PRVDENTEM STVLTIOR AVSIM. Compare Fam IV v 6 'plura me ad te de hac re scribere pudet, ne uidear prudentiae tuae diffidere'. For the opposite reasoning, see Sen Cons Marc 1 1 'Nisi te, Marcia, scirem tam longe ab infirmitate muliebris animi quam a ceteris uitiis recessisse et mores tuos uelut aliquod antiquum exemplar aspici, non auderem obuiam ire dolori tuo'.

12. VERBAQVE DOCTORVM NOTA. Compare EP I iii 27-30 (to Rufinus, who has written him a letter of consolation on his exile) 'cum bene firmarunt animum praecepta iacentem, / sumptaque sunt nobis pectoris arma tui, / rursus amor patriae ratione ualentior omni, / quod tua[Pg 364] fecerunt scripta retexit opus', and Sen Cons Marc 2 1 'scio a praeceptis incipere omnes qui monere aliquem uolunt, in exemplis desinere'.

13-14. FINITVMQVE TVVM ... DOLOREM / IPSA IAM PRIDEM SVSPICOR ESSE MORA. Compare EP I iii 25-26 'cura quoque interdum nulla medicabilis arte est— / aut, ut sit, longa est extenuanda mora', Fam IV v 6 'nullus dolor est quem non longinquitas temporis minuat ac molliat', and Cons Marc 8 1 'dolorem dies longa consumit'. For a variation of the theme, see Cons Marc 1 6 'illud ipsum naturale remedium temporis, quod maximas quoque aerumnas componit, in te una uim suam perdidit'.

The topic of time as the healer of pain is common in ancient literature from New Comedy on: see Tarrant on Sen Ag 130 'quod ratio non quiit, saepe sanauit mora', Otto dies 6, and Kassel 53.

13. SI NON RATIONE. Ratio similarly used to counter strong emotion (without success) at EP I iii 27-30 (quoted at 12), Met VII 10-11 (Medea falls in love with Jason) 'ratione furorem / uincere non poterat', and Met XIV 701-2 (similar phrasing for Iphis' falling in love with Anaxarete).

15-16. DVM TVA PERVENIENS, DVM LITTERA NOSTRA RECVRRENS / TOT MARIA AC TERRAS PERMEAT, ANNVS ABIT. Similar phrasing at EP III iv 59-60 'dum uenit huc rumor properataque carmina fiunt / factaque eunt ad uos, annus abisse potest'.[Pg 365]

15. PERVENIENS is my correction for the manuscripts' peruenit. The perfect tense of peruenit conflicts with the following permeat and abit. It might be argued that the perfect is acceptable, since Ovid is speaking of a past event; but he would not have used the perfect of an action which took place over a considerable period of time. For perueniens ... permeat referring to a past event, compare Ovid's use of the present uenit in the very similar passage EP III iv 59-60 (quoted at the end of the last note).

The postponement of permeat to the following line made the corruption of dum ... perueniens to dum ... peruenit simple enough.

17. TEMPORIS OFFICIVM EST SOLACIA DICERE CERTI. Here Ovid says that words of comfort should not be offered too late; at RA 127-30 he says they should not be offered too early: 'quis matrem, nisi mentis inops, in funere nati / flere uetet? non hoc illa monenda loco est. / cum dederit lacrimas animumque impleuerit aegrum, / ille dolor uerbis emoderandus erit'.

For the same concern with time as in the present passage and medical imagery similar to that in 19-20, see Cons Marc 1 8 and Cons Hel 1 2 'dolori tuo, dum recens saeuiret, sciebam occurrendum non esse, ne illum ipsa solacia irritarent et accenderent; nam in morbis quoque nihil est perniciosius quam immatura medicina. expectabam itaque, dum ipse uires suas frangeret et ad sustinenda remedia mora mitigatus tangi se ac tractari pateretur'. See as well the passages cited at Kassel 52-53: from modern literature he quotes Sterne[Pg 366] Tristram Shandy III 29 'Before an affliction is digested consolation ever comes too soon;—and after it is digested—it comes too late: so that you see ... there is but a mark between those two, as fine almost as a hair, for a comforter to take aim at'.

18. DVM DOLOR IN CVRSV EST. Compare RA 119 'dum furor in cursu est, currenti cede furori' and Met XIII 508-10 (Hecuba speaking) 'in cursuque meus dolor est: modo maxima rerum ... nunc trahor exul, inops, tumulis auulsa meorum'.

18. AEGER. The substantive aeger is quite common in both verse and prose, but always with the meaning 'physically ill'; even when used, as here, with a transferred meaning, the sense of metaphor is still present. Compare RA 313-14 'curabar propriis aeger Podalirius herbis, / et, fateor, medicus turpiter aeger eram', EP I iii 17 'non est in medico semper releuetur ut aeger', and EP III iv 7-8 'firma ualent per se, nullumque Machaona quaerunt; / ad medicam dubius confugit aeger opem'.

The adjective, however, is used by the poets from Ennius on (Sc 254 & 392 Vahlen³), particularly in the phrases mens aegra and animus aeger, to indicate a state of mental anguish. Compare, from Ovid, Tr III viii 33-34 'nec melius ualeo quam corpore mente, sed aegra est / utraque pars aeque', Tr IV iii 21, IV vi 43 & V ii 7, EP I iii 89-90 'uereor ne ... frustra ... iuuer admota perditus aeger ope', I v 18 & I vi 15 'tecum tunc aberant aegrae solacia mentis', and[Pg 367] Ibis 115; from other poets, compare Cons ad Liuiam 395, Hor Ep I viii 8, and Aen I 208 & IV 35. The same use of the adjective is found occasionally in the historians (Sallust Iug 71 2, Livy II 3 5, etc).

19. LONGA DIES = tempus. Compare Met I 346, Met XIV 147-48 (the Sibyl to Aeneas) 'tempus erit cum de tanto me corpore paruam / longa dies faciet', and Tr I v 11-14 'spiritus et uacuas prius hic tenuandus in auras / ibit ... quam subeant animo meritorum obliuia nostro, / et longa pietas excidat ista die'.

19. VVLNERA MENTIS. Ovid is fond of this metaphorical sense of uulnus; see Met V 425-27 'Cyane ... inconsolabile uulnus / mente gerit tacita', Tr IV iv 41-42 'neue retractando nondum coeuntia rumpam / uulnera: uix illis proderit ipsa quies', EP I iii 87-88 'nec tamen infitior, si possent nostra coire / uulnera, praeceptis posse coire tuis', and EP I v 23 'parcendum est animo miserabile uulnus habenti'. To judge from Seneca, the metaphor was usual in treatises of consolation: 'antiqua mala in memoriam reduxi et, ut scires [Schultess: uis scire codd] hanc quoque plagam esse sanandam, ostendi tibi aeque magni uulneris cicatricem' (Cons Marc 1 5), 'itaque utcumque conabar manu super plagam meam imposita ad obliganda uulnera uestra reptare' (Cons Hel 1 1).

20. FOVET Heinsius MOVET codd. For the meaning of fouet see at 4 fouisti (p 361). Mouet here is to some extent supported by Ovid's use of such verbs as tangere and tractare in contexts like that of the present[Pg 368] passage; compare EP I vi 21-22 'nec breue nec tutum peccati quae sit origo / scribere; tractari uulnera nostra timent', EP II vii 13, and EP III vii 25-26 'curando fieri quaedam maiora uidemus / uulnera, quae melius non tetigisse fuit'. But tractare and tangere are neutral in force, while mouet here would mean 'disturb', as at Hor Carm III xx 1-2 'Non uides quanto moueas periclo, / Pyrrhe, Gaetulae catulos leaenae?' and Lucan VIII 529-30 'bustum cineresque mouere / Thessalicos audes bellumque in regna uocare?'. As Professor R. J. Tarrant comments, if mouet were read in the present passage, intempestiue would lose the appropriateness it has when fouet is read: there is no proper time to "disturb" a wound.

20. NOVAT. Similar phrasing at Tr II 209 'nam non sum tanti renouem ut tua uulnera, Caesar' and RA 729-30 'admonitu refricatur amor, uulnusque nouatum / scinditur'.

21. ADDE QVOD. Professor E. Fantham points out to me how extraordinary the occurrence of this phrase in the last distich of the poem is. Of the twenty-five instances of the idiom in Ovid's poems [25], none[Pg 369] except the present passage occur in the final distich of a poem or book. The other examples all occur in the middle of an argument, or lead into another distich containing a final injunction or proof of an argument. As Professor J. N. Grant suggests to me, this poem therefore furnishes another example of Ovid's favourite device of unexpectedly altering a poem's tone in the final distich, for a discussion of which see at xiv 61-62 (p 427).

21. MIHI BF¹ TIBI MHILTF² om C. As Burman saw, mihi must be the correct reading, the perfect subjunctive acting as a past optative: 'certe ego mihi praeferrem: utinam mihi, mentionem facienti noui tui coniugii, uerum illud omen uenerit, neque fallar, sed tu iam uxorem duxeris, ut ego uoueo'. Tibi is hardly possible, since an omen to Gallio indicating that he had remarried would be superfluous.[Pg 370]

XII. To Tuticanus

Tuticanus [26] (known only from the Ex Ponto) seems from the testimony of the poem (19-30) to have been a close friend of Ovid; he is mentioned again at xiv 1-2 and xvi 27. It is reasonable to suppose that, like Sextus Pompeius, he had previously been unwilling to allow Ovid to mention him in his verse.

The poem opens with a discussion of the difficulty of fitting Tuticanus' name into elegiac verse: Ovid could split the name between verses, or alter the quantity of one or another of the name's syllables, but neither procedure would be acceptable to Ovid or to his readers (1-18). He has known Tuticanus since early youth; they assisted each other in their verse (19-30). He is quite certain that Tuticanus will not desert him (31-38). He should use his influence with Tiberius to assist Ovid; but Ovid is so confused after his hardships that he cannot suggest precisely what Tuticanus should do; he leaves this to Tuticanus' judgment (39-50).

The appeal for assistance is a constant theme of the poetry of exile; and the recalling of their assisting each other with their poetry is paralleled by EP II iv, in which Ovid recalls how he used to submit his verse to Atticus for criticism, and by Tr III vii, Ovid's letter to his stepdaughter Perilla, whom he assisted when she first[Pg 371] began writing verse. The opening discussion of the metrical difficulty of Tuticanus' name finds parallels elsewhere in Latin and Greek literature (see at 1-2), but is remarkable for its fullness. The explanation for this fullness may well be Tuticanus' being a fellow poet: he would be amused by the use of his own name for the witty discussion of the handling of metrical difficulties with which he himself would be familiar enough.

1-2. QVOMINVS IN NOSTRIS PONARIS, AMICE, LIBELLIS, / NOMINIS EFFICITVR CONDICIONE TVI. A constant problem for the Latin poets was the impossibility of using words with cretic patterns (a long syllable, followed by a short syllable, followed by another long syllable) in hexameter or elegiac verse. The fact played an important part in determining Latin poetic vocabulary; for instance, such an ordinary word as femina, cretic in its oblique cases, is usually represented through metonymy by such words as nurus and mater. Proper names presented a special problem, which could however occasionally be solved through the use of special forms or circumlocutions; hence such lines as 'cumque Borysthenio liquidissimus amne [=Bory̅sthĕnē] Dirapses' (x 53) and 'Scipiadas [=Scīpĭōnes], belli fulmen, Carthaginis horror' (Lucretius III 1034). Sometimes, as in the present passage, such avenues were not available, and the poet was simply unable to use the name he wanted. From Greek authors Marx, commenting on Lucilius 228-29, cites Critias fr. 5 'οὐ γάρ πως ἦν τοὔνομα ἐφαρμόζειν ἐλεγείῳ' Archestratus fr. 29 (Brandt) 'ἰχθύος αὐξηθέντος ὃν ἐν μέτρῳ οὐ θέμις εἰπεῖν' and Ep Gr 616 (Kaibel) 'οὐ γὰρ ἐν ἑξαμέτροισιν ἥρμοσεν τοὔνομ' ἐμόν' [Pg 372] In Latin, the best-known reference to this difficulty is Hor Sat I v 86-87 'quattuor hinc rapimur uiginti et milia raedis, / mansuri oppidulo, quod uersu dicere non est'. On the passage Porphyrion comments 'Aequum Tuticum significat [this is disputed by modern commentators, since the town's known location does not fit with Horace's indication; no certain candidate has been proposed], cuius nomen hexametro uersu compleri [codd: contineri fort legendum] non potest. hoc autem sub exemplo Lucili posuit. nam ille in sexto Saturarum [228-29 Marx] sic ait: "seruorum est festus dies hic, / quem plane hexametro uersu non dicere possis"'. In his comment on the passage from Horace, Lejay cites Martial IX xi 10-17 (Martial wanted to mention Flavius Ĕărĭnus, whose name starts with three consecutive short vowels) 'nomen nobile, molle, delicatum / uersu dicere non rudi uolebam: / sed tu, syllaba contumax, rebellas. / dicunt Eiarinon tamen poetae, / sed Graeci, quibus est nihil negatum, / et quos Ἆρες Ἄρες decet sonare: / nobis non licet esse tam disertis / qui Musas colimus seueriores', Rutilius Namatianus 419-22 (of Vŏlŭsĭanus [short 'o', 'u', and 'i'] Rufius) 'optarem uerum complecti carmine nomen, / sed quosdam refugit regula dura pedes. / cognomen uersu ueheris [Préchac: ueneris uel uenens codd], carissime Rufi; / illo te dudum pagina nostra canit', and Apollinaris Sidonius Carm XXIII 485-86 'horum nomina cum referre uersu / affectus cupiat, metrum recusat'.

Professor C. P. Jones cites the discussion at Pliny Ep VIII iv 3-4. Pliny, writing to Caninius, who is composing a poem in Greek[Pg 373] on the Dacian war, discusses the difficulty of using barbara et fera nomina in the poem: 'sed ... si datur Homero et mollia uocabula et Graeca ad leuitatem uersus contrahere extendere inflectere, cur tibi similis audentia, praesertim non delicata sed necessaria, non detur?'.

For a further discussion of the topic, see L. Radermacher, "Das Epigramm des Didius", SAWW 170,9 [1912] 1-31.

1. QVOMINVS is rare in Augustan verse; but compare AA II 720 'non obstet tangas quominus illa [sc loca] pudor'.

3. AVT BC AST MFHILT. The false reading was probably induced by a failure to understand the meaning of aut 'otherwise', for which compare iii 21 'aut age, dic aliquam quae te mutauerit iram', Met VII 699, Met X 50-52 'hanc [sc Eurydicen] simul et legem Rhodopeius accipit heros, / ne flectat retro sua lumina donec Auernas / exierit ualles; aut inrita dona futura', and Tr I viii 43-45 'quaeque tibi ... dedit nutrix ubera, tigris erat. / aut mala nostra minus quam nunc aliena putares'.

2. CONDICIONE. 'Nature'. Compare Lucretius II 300-1 'et quae consuerint gigni gignentur eadem / condicione et erunt et crescent uique ualebunt'.

4. SI MODO. 'If, that is ...' Compare 43-44 'quid mandem quaeris? peream nisi dicere uix est, / si modo qui periit ille perire potest'.

5. LEX PEDIS. 'The rules of metre'. Lex used similarly at Hor Carm IV ii 10-12 'per audaces noua dithyrambos / uerba deuoluit numerisque[Pg 374] fertur / lege solutis', Cic Or 58 'uersibus est certa quaedam et definita lex', and Columella XI 1 1.

5. FORTVNAQVE. The sense of the word is difficult. It seems, as Professor R. J. Tarrant notes, to combine the idea of 'condition, state' (compare for example Aen II 350 'quae sit rebus fortuna uidetis') with that of 'unfortunate circumstances', giving the general sense 'the fact that you have the bad luck to possess a metrically impossible name'. Three lines before, Ovid used nominis ... condicione tui; and in the present line he seems to have been influenced by the common phrase condicio et fortuna, 'allotted circumstances of life', for which compare Cic Off I 41 'est autem infima condicio et fortuna seruorum', Mil 92 'in infimi generis hominum condicione atque fortuna'. At II Verr I 81 Cicero similarly adapts the expression to suit his context: 'Lampsacenis ... populi Romani condicione sociis, fortuna seruis, uoluntate supplicibus'.

7. NOMEN SCINDERE. That is, split the name so that the hexameter (uersus prior) would end in Tūtĭ- and the following pentameter (uersus minor) begin with -cānŭs. Such word-divisions are not permissible in Augustan verse; from earlier poetry Professor C. P. Jones cites Ennius Ann 609 Vahlen³ 'saxo cere comminuit brum'.

9-14. Ovid lists the three possible ways of scanning the name so as to remove the cretic: Tūtĭcănus, Tŭtĭcānus, and Tūtīcānus.[Pg 375]

9. MORATVR = longa est. The TLL cites Velius Longus VII 55 5 Keil 'hanc ... naturam esse quarundam litterarum, ut morentur et enuntiatione sonum detineant'.

11. ET BCHI^acLT NON M NEC FI^pc. Nec, printed by some editors, cannot by itself be correct, for there is no negative with the corresponding producatur in the following distich. A negative is implicitly supplied for potes ... uenire and producatur by 15-16 'his ego si uitiis ...', but Professor R. J. Tarrant is possibly right to suggest that nec should be read both here and (replacing aut) at the beginning of 13.

W. A. Camps (CQ n.s. IV [1954] 206-7) has pointed out that it is somewhat odd that 'The first two possibilities are introduced, in lines 7 and 9, in terms that disclaim them at once' and that 'the third and fourth possibilities are added without disclaimer ... in terms that would be quite appropriate to serious suggestions'. He suggests reading at, so that 11-12 represent an imaginary rejoinder to Ovid's rejection of the possibilities already suggested; Ovid's rejoinder is given at 15 'his ego si uitiis ...'. But at potes is difficult: Ovid could have written 'at, puto, potes', speaking in his own person to raise an objection he would then counter, or he could have represented Tuticanus as saying 'at ... possum'; but it is hard to see how he could have written 'at potes'.

13. PRODVCATVR MHI VT DVCATVR LTB²F^2ul VT DICATVR B¹CF¹. Producere is the correct technical term for 'lengthen'; compare Quintilian[Pg 376] VII ix 13 'productio quoque in scripto et correptio in dubio relicta causa est ambiguitatis' & IX iii 69 'uoces ['words'] ... productione tantum uel correptione mutatae'. Vt ducatur is unlikely to be right. Ducatur could certainly stand for producatur (although this would destroy the balance with the following correptius), but the verb is clearly indicated as a potential subjunctive by the preceding potes ... uenire; and ut (which would in any case be taken as correlative with ut in line 12) cannot stand with this construction. Vt dicatur, Ehwald's preferred reading ('dicatur et sit secunda [syllaba] productâ morâ longa'—KB 68), is even less likely to be right, since dicere in this context could only mean 'pronounce', as at Cic Or 159 '"inclitus" dicimus breui prima littera, "insanus" producta'.

13. EXIT. Exire similarly used of words being uttered at Her VIII 115-16 (Hermione speaking) 'saepe Neoptolemi pro nomine nomen Orestae / exit, et errorem uocis ut omen amo'. OLD exeo 2d gives other instances from Cicero (Brutus 265), Seneca (Ben V 19 4), and Quintilian (XI iii 33), but from verse outside Ovid only Martial XII xi 3, where the word has a somewhat different meaning: 'cuius Pimpleo lyra clarior exit ab antro?'.

14. PORRECTA is equivalent to longa, and belongs to secunda (sc syllaba) by hypallage. Compare Quintilian I vi 32 'aut correptis aut porrectis ... litteris syllabisue' & I vii 14 'usque ad Accium et ultra porrectas syllabas geminis, ut dixi, uocalibus scripserunt[Pg 377] [that is, they wrote uiita for uita and so on; such spellings occur sometimes in inscriptions]', and Rutilius Lupus I 3.

15. VITIIS. Vitium similarly used for faults of diction at AA III 295-96 'in uitio decor est: quaerunt male reddere uerba; / discunt posse minus quam potuere loqui', Cic de Or I 116, and Quintilian I v 17, a discussion of the shortening and lengthening of vowels; this he includes among the 'quae accidunt in dicendo uitia'. Ovid is probably combining this sense with that of 'poetic weakness', for which compare Tr I vii 39-40 'quicquid in his igitur uitii rude carmen habebit, / emendaturus, si licuisset, eram' and the use of uitiosus at xiii 17 and Tr IV i 1 and IV x 61.

16. MERITO PECTVS HABERE NEGER. 'People would quite rightly say that I was ignorant'. Compare Met XIII 290-91 & 295 (Ulysses is speaking of Ajax's claim to the arms of Achilles) 'artis opus tantae rudis et sine pectore miles / indueret? neque enim clipei caelamina nouit ... postulat ut capiat quae non intellegit arma!'.

17-18. MVNERIS ... QVOD MEVS ADIECTO FAENORE REDDET AMOR. Adiecto faenore = 'with interest added on'; Ovid will make up for his past negligence by sending Tuticanus more than one poem ('tibi carmina mittam'). It is clear from the opening distich of poem xiv that Ovid sent the poem to Tuticanus very soon after the composition of xii: 'Haec tibi mittuntur quem sum modo carmine questus / non aptum numeris nomen habere meis'.[Pg 378]

A similar use of faenus at EP III i 79-81 'nec ... debetur meritis gratia nulla meis. / redditur illa quidem grandi cum faenore nobis'.

The variant AGER (TM²I²) for amor was clearly induced by such passages as Tib II vi 21-22 'spes sulcis credit aratis / semina quae magno faenore reddat ager', RA 173-74 'obrue uersata Cerealia semina terra, / quae tibi cum multo faenore reddat ager', and EP I v 25-26 'at, puto ... sata cum multo faenore reddit ager': these passages refer to the original meaning of faenus ('faenum appellatur naturalis terrae fetus; ob quam causam et nummorum fetus faenus est uocatum'—Festus 94 Muller, 83 Lindsay).

18. REDDET GCMIT REDDIT BFHL. Numerous instances of similar corruptions in Lucan and Juvenal given by Willis (166-67), who remarks 'The general trend seems to be from other tenses to the present, and from other persons and numbers to the third person singular'.

19. QVACVMQVE NOTA. 'With whatever method of indicating your name is possible'. For the collocation of nota and nomen, see Aen III 443-44 'insanam uatem aspicies, quae rupe sub ima / fata canit foliisque notas et nomina mandat'.

Luck joins the phrase with the following tibi carmina mittam, but the construction seems somewhat cumbersome; it is probably better to retain the comma after nota and take the phrase with teque canam.

20-22. PVERO ... PVER ... FRATRI FRATER. For Ovid's use of polyptoton, see at viii 67 uatis ... uates (p 278).

23. DVXQVE COMESQVE. The same phrase at Tr III vii 18 (to his stepdaughter Perilla) 'utque pater natae duxque comesque fui' and Tr IV x 119-20 (to his Muse) 'tu dux et comes es, tu nos abducis ab Histro, / in medioque mihi das Helicone locum'.

24. FRENA NOVELLA. For the image, see at ii 23 frena remisi (p 169). Nouellus is a rare word in poetry. In prose, the word is often used of young plants or farm animals; and here frena nouella may well be a metonymy for frena nouellorum equorum. Alternatively, the word could be equivalent to noua 'new, unfamiliar', as at Fast III 455 'iamque indignanti noua frena receperat ore'. In either case, Ovid is clearly referring to the beginning of his poetic career.

25. SAEPE EGO CORREXI SVB TE CENSORE LIBELLOS. Compare Tr III vii 23-24 (to Perilla) 'dum licuit, tua saepe mihi, tibi nostra legebam; / saepe tui iudex, saepe magister eram'. Censore was probably still felt as a metaphor; the only precedent given at OLD censor 2b is Hor Ep II ii 109-10 'at qui legitimum cupiet fecisse poema / cum tabulis animum censoris sumet honesti', which is virtually a simile.

26. SAEPE TIBI ADMONITV FACTA LITVRA MEO EST. Similar phrasing in a similar context at EP II iv 17-18 (to Atticus) 'utque meus lima rasus liber esset amici, / non semel admonitu facta litura tuo est'.

27. DIGNAM MAEONIIS PHAEACIDA ... CHARTIS. 'A Phaeacid worthy of the Homeric original you were translating'. It is clear from xvi 27[Pg 380] that Tuticanus produced a translation rather than a new work in imitation of Homer: 'et qui Maeoniam Phaeacida uertit'.

27. MAEONIIS = 'Homeric', Homer being considered a native of Maeonia (Lydia). The same use at RA 373 'Maeonio ... pede', EP III iii 31-32 'Maeonio ... carmine', and Prop II xxviii 29 'Maeonias ... heroidas'; the word in this sense perhaps brought into standard poetic vocabulary by Horace (Carm I vi 2 'Maeonii carminis', Carm IV ix 5-6 'Maeonius ... Homerus').

27. CHARTIS = carminibus. Compare AA II 746 'uos eritis chartae proxima cura meae'. The metonymy is not found in Virgil or Propertius, but compare Lucretius IV 970 'patriis ... chartis' = 'Latinis uersibus' (I 137) and Hor Carm IV ix 30-31 'non ego te meis / chartis inornatum silebo' (where Kiessling-Heinze point out that chartis refers to the poem in its published state being transmitted to others, rather than to the poem at its moment of composition).

28. CVM TE PIERIAE PERDOCVERE DEAE. For the poet's being divinely taught, compare Prop II x 10 & IV i 133, Her XV 27-28 'at mihi Pegasides blandissima carmina dictant; / iam canitur toto nomen in orbe meum', and the disclaimers at Prop II i 3 and AA I 25-28 'non ego, Phoebe, datas a te mihi mentiar artes, / nec nos aeriae uoce monemur auis, / nec mihi sunt uisae Clio Cliusque sorores / seruanti pecudes uallibus, Ascra, tuis'. The topic is an important one in ancient literature, the most influential passages being the opening[Pg 381] of Hesiod's Theogony (referred to in the passage just cited) and the beginning of Callimachus' Aetia.

29. TENOR. 'Course'; the same use at Her VII 111-12 (Dido speaking) 'durat in extremum uitaeque nouissima nostrae / prosequitur fati qui fuit ante tenor'.

29. VIRIDI ... IVVENTA. Ovid is perhaps imitating Aen V 295 'Euryalus forma insignis uiridique iuuenta'. Similar phrasing at AA III 557 'uiridemque iuuentam', Tr IV x 17 'frater ad eloquium uiridi tendebat ab aeuo', and Tr III i 7-8 'id quoque quod uiridi quondam male lusit in aeuo / heu nimium sero damnat et odit opus'; at the last passage Luck aptly cites Met XV 201-3 'nam tener et lactens puerique simillimus aeuo / uere nouo [sc annus] est; tunc herba nitens et roboris expers turget'.

30. ALBENTES ... COMAS. For the synecdoche compare Callimachus Ep LXIV (=Anth Pal V xxiii) 5-6 'ἡ πολιὴ δὲ / αὐτίκ' ἀναμνήσει ταῦτά σε πάντα κόμη'.

Ovid would have been about sixty years of age at the time of this poem, old by Roman standards; but his father lived to ninety, and was survived by his wife (Tr IV x 77-80).

30. INLABEFACTA occurs in classical Latin only here and at viii 9-10 'ius aliquod faciunt adfinia uincula nobis / (quae semper maneant inlabefacta precor)'.[Pg 382]

31-32. QVAE NISI TE MOVEANT, DVRO TIBI PECTORA FERRO / ESSE VEL INVICTO CLAVSA ADAMANTE PVTEM. Compare Her II 137 'duritia ferrum ut superes adamantaque teque', Her X 109-10, and Met IX 614-15 (Byblis on her brother) 'nec rigidas silices solidumue in pectore ferrum / aut adamanta gerit'.

Professor R. J. Tarrant notes the unexpected shift in the thought of the poem: earlier it was Ovid who was guilty of delaying in sending Tuticanus any sign of his friendship. Ovid might be postponing the real point of the letter for reasons of tact: Tuticanus has acted as though his long association with Ovid meant nothing to him, but Ovid does not want to complain of this openly, and so stresses his own failure to send Tuticanus a letter.

33-36. The set of adynata is remarkable for the way Ovid makes each of them relate to his own hardships; even Boreas and Notus have a specific connection, since Ovid complains so often of the climate of Tomis.

35. TEPIDVS BOREAS ... SIT. A comparable inversion of nature described at Ibis 34 'et tepidus gelido flabit ab axe Notus' (before Ovid will forgive his enemy).

35. PRAEFRIGIDVS appears here for the first time in Latin; it occurs later in Celsus and the elder Pliny. Praegelidus, however, is found at Livy XXI 54 7.[Pg 383]

36. ET POSSIT FATVM MOLLIVS ESSE MEVM. The personal reference in the last element of the series of adynata is a clear break with the conventions of the topic. The last (and therefore greatest) curse in the Ibis has a similar personal reference: 'denique Sarmaticas inter Geticasque sagittas / his precor ut uiuas et moriare locis'.

37. LAPSO FHILT LASSO BCM. Lapso ... sodali seems to me the preferable reading, since it contrasts Ovid's former life in Rome with his disgrace and exile; but lasso is well attested and can be construed easily enough. Unfortunately, parallels from the poems of exile are of little use, since in most of them the one word could easily be read for the other: 'tu quoque magnorum laudes admitte uirorum, / ut facis, et lapso [uar lasso] quam potes adfer opem' (EP II iii 47-48), 'fac modo permaneas lasso [uar lapso], Graecine, fidelis, / duret et in longas impetus iste moras' (EP II vi 35-36), 'regia, crede mihi, res est succurrere lapsis [uar lassis], / conuenit et tanto, quantus es ipse, uiro' (EP II ix 11-12), 'digne uir hac serie, lapso [uar lasso] succurrere amico / conueniens istis moribus esse puta' (EP III ii 109). Professor R. J. Tarrant cites similar variants in the text of Seneca at HF 646 & 803 and Thy 616 & 658.

A clear decision can be made, however, for the phrase res lassae; it is certified as the correct term by the parallel phrase res fessae, for which see Aen III 145 'quam fessis finem rebus ferat' and Aen XI 335 'consulite in medium et rebus succurrite fessis', cited by Luck at Tr I v 35. For res lassae in Ovid, compare Tr I v 35 'quo magis,[Pg 384] o pauci, rebus succurrite lassis', Tr V ii 41 'unde petam lassis solacia rebus?', EP II ii 47 'nunc tua pro lassis nitatur gratia rebus', and EP II iii 93 'respicis antiquum lassis in rebus amicum'; in each of these passages lapsis is found as a variant for lassis. Similarly, the sixth-century codex Romanus reads lapsis at Virgil G IV 449 'uenimus hinc lassis quaesitum oracula rebus'.

38. HIC CVMVLVS NOSTRIS ABSIT ABESTQVE MALIS. Festus defines cumulus as a heap added to an already full measure (s.u. auctarium, 14 Muller, 14 Lindsay). The transferred sense is common in Cicero (Prou Cons 26, S Rosc 8, Att XVI iii 3), and is found elsewhere in Ovid at EP II v 35-36 'hoc tibi facturo uel si non ipse rogarem / accedat cumulus gratia nostra leuis' and Met XI 205-6 'stabat opus: pretium rex infitiatur et addit, / perfidiae cumulum, falsis periuria uerbis'.

38. ABSIT ABESTQVE. The more natural abest absitque cannot be placed in a pentameter.

39. PER SVPEROS, QVORVM CERTISSIMVS ILLE EST. Similar line-endings at Ibis 23-24 'di melius! quorum longe mihi maximus ille est, / qui nostras inopes noluit esse uias' and EP I ii 97-98 'di faciant igitur, quorum iustissimus ipse est, / alma nihil maius Caesare terra ferat'.

40. QVO ... PRINCIPE. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out that Augustus must here be meant, since it appears from 20 that Ovid and Tuticanus[Pg 385] were contemporaries: Tuticanus must by the time of the poem's writing have been in later middle age, rather late to be prospering only under Tiberius. T. P. Wiseman (268) has suggested that Ovid's Tuticanus might be the son of a Tuticanus Callus known to have been senator before 48 BC.

41-42. EFFICE ... NE SPERATA MEAM DESERAT AVRA RATEM. 'See to it that the breeze I hope for does not fail to come to my ship'. Deserere generally refers to something failing one that was originally operative: compare Cic Att VII vii 7 'nisi me lucerna desereret' ('if the lamp were not going out'—Shackleton Bailey), Plautus Mer 123 'genua hunc cursorem deserunt' and the other passages cited at OLD desero 2b. But sperata indicates that the breeze cannot yet be present; other instances of the same metaphor at viii 27-28 'quamlibet exigua si nos ea iuuerit aura, / obruta de mediis cumba resurget aquis', ix 73 'et si quae dabit aura sinum, laxate rudentes', and Tr IV v 19-20 'utque facis, remis ad opem luctare ferendam, / dum ueniat placido mollior aura deo',

43. QVID MANDEM QVAERIS. Similar wording at EP III i 33-34 (to his wife) 'quid facias quaeris? quaeras hoc scilicet ipsa [Riese: ipsum codd]: / inuenies, uere si reperire uoles'.

Ovid's pretense of not knowing what to tell Tuticanus to do was an ingenious solution to his friends' complaint that he was constantly repeating the same instructions to them (EP III vii 1-6). Professor[Pg 386] R. J. Tarrant points out the balance with the poem's start, where Ovid pretends not to know how to address Tuticanus.

43. PEREAM NISI DICERE VIX EST. Similar doubt expressed at Tr IV iii 31-32 'quid tamen ipse precer dubito, nec dicere possum / affectum quem te mentis habere uelim'. Peream nisi, which Ovid plays on in the next line, is colloquial and foreign to poetic diction: instances at OLD pereo 3b.

44. SI MODO QVI PERIIT ILLE PERIRE POTEST. Similar phrasing at Tr I iv 27-28 'uos animam saeuae fessam subducite morti, / si modo qui periit non periisse potest'.

45. NEC QVID NOLIMVE VELIMVE. Compare Met XI 492-93 'nec se ... fatetur / scire ratis [codd: satis fort scribendum] rector ... quid iubeatue uetetue' and Tr I ii 31-32 'rector in incerto est nec quid fugiatue petatue / inuenit'.

46. NEC SATIS VTILITAS EST MIHI NOTA MEA. 'And I am at a loss to know what is to my advantage'. Satis strengthens the sentence: compare Ter Hec 877 'ego istuc sati' scio', 'I know that very well'. For utilitas, see at ix 48 publica ... utilitas (p 300).

48. SENSVS here means 'judgement' or 'good sense', as at Prop II xii 3 'is primum uidit sine sensu uiuere amantes' and Val Max I vi ext 1 'si quod uestigium in uecordi pectore sensus fuisset'. Elsewhere in Ovid sensus carries the meaning 'awareness, consciousness'.[Pg 387]

48. CVM RE codd CVM SPE Heinsius. Cum re, 'along with my fortune', seems somewhat out of place; but Burman pointed out that consilium et res seems to have been a Latin phrase, citing Sallust Iug 74 'neque illi res neque consilium aut quisquam hominum satis placebat' and Ter Eun 240-41 'itan parasti te ut spes nulla relicua in te siet tibi? / simul consilium cum re amisti?'.

50. QVAQVE VIA VENIAS AD MEA VOTA, VIDE. This is a provisional restoration of the line. The manuscript reading which most closely approaches this text is that of L and F³, QVAQVE VIAM FACIAS AD MEA VOTA, VIDE; the other manuscripts have the same text, except that QVOQVE is found in some for quaque, while for uide there are the variants MODO, VADO, and VALE.

My restoration is based on 6 'quaque meos adeas est uia nulla modos' and Fast I 431-32 (Priapus approaches the sleeping nymph Lotis) 'a pedibus tracto uelamine uota / ad sua felici coeperat ire uia'.

Before Professor E. Fantham brought this passage to my attention, I had thought that M's quoque uiam facias ad mea uota modo was correct. Modo is weak and does not fit well with the preceding qua ... parte, but at least is acceptable Latin; for quo ... modo compare Med 1-2 'Discite quae faciem commendet cura, puellae, / et quo sit uobis forma tuenda modo' and Ibis 55-56 'nunc quo Battiades inimicum deuouet Ibin, / hoc ego deuoueo teque tuosque modo'.

The image in quoque ... uado ['ford'] is rather strange, and for this sense of the word Ovid seems to have used the plural (Met III 19;[Pg 388] Met IX 108). At Fast IV 300 'sedit limoso pressa carina uado', uado means 'river-bottom'.

Ovid does not end any one of his dozens of verse epistles with uale, so the reading of FTI^2ul must be discounted.

If my restoration is correct or nearly correct, the original corruptions would have been of uia to uiam and of uenias to facias; the latter corruption might have been a deliberate interpolation to procure a governing verb for uiam, or might have been a misreading of or conjectural restoration for a damaged archetype. The variant quoque for quaque and the different variants for uide would have been secondary corruptions, unless they also were the result of a damaged archetype.

50. VIDE. For uide at the end of the pentameter, compare EP II ii 55-56 'num tamen excuses erroris origine factum, / an nihil expediat tale mouere, uide'. It must however be said that uide is somewhat strange following the subjunctive quaeras.[Pg 389]

XIII. To Carus

Nothing is known of the Carus to whom this poem is addressed beyond what Ovid tells us: that he wrote a poem on Hercules (11-12; xvi 7-8) and that he was teacher of the sons of Germanicus (47-48).

The poem begins with a pun on the meaning of Carus' name (1-2). This opening will in itself demonstrate to Carus who his correspondent is (3-6). Carus can himself be recognized through his style (7-12). Ovid does not claim that his poetry is excellent, only that it is individual; if his poetry is poor, it is because he is almost a Getic poet now (13-18). He has written a poem in Getic, which was well received (19-22). It was a description of the apotheosis of Augustus and a laudation of the members of the imperial family (23-32). When he finished reciting the poem, he was applauded; one person even suggested that his piety merited a recall (33-38). But it is now the sixth year of his exile, and poems will not assist him, since in the past they have done him harm. Carus should use his influence to secure Ovid's recall (39-50).

Certain elements of the poem, such as the flattering references to Carus' poetry and the request for his help, are commonplaces of the poetry of exile; the list of the members of the imperial family is similarly paralleled in Ovid's other poems (see at 25-32 [p 400]). Ovid nowhere else explicitly describes any of his Getic poems.[Pg 390]

1. MEMORANDE BMFHILT NVMERANDE C. For memorande compare Tr I v 1 'O mihi post nullos umquam memorande sodales'. Numerande is in itself acceptable enough: see ix 35 'hic ego praesentes inter numerarer amicos'.

2. QVI QVOD ES, ID BCFI QVI QVOD ID ES MH QVIQVE QVOD ES LT. For the use of id, Ehwald (KB 47) cited Fast II 23-24 'quaeque capit lictor domibus purgamina uersis ['swept out'] / torrida cum mica farra, uocantur idem [sc februa]', Hor Sat II iii 139-41 (of Orestes) 'non Pyladen ferro uiolare aususue sororem / Electram, tantum male dicit utrique uocando / hanc Furiam, hunc aliud', Sen Ben I 3 10 'id quemque uocari iubent', and Tac Germ 6 'definitur et numerus: centeni ex singulis pagis sunt, idque ipsum inter suos uocantur' ['they are called "The Hundred"']'.

Quique quod es is, however, an attractive reading: compare Tr I v 1-2 'O mihi post nullos umquam memorande sodales, / et cui praecipue sors mea uisa sua est'. Quique quod is obviously prone to haplography; on the other hand, it could be a rewriting of qui quod id es, which is itself presumably a simple corruption through interchange of qui quod es id. I therefore print qui quod es id, although with some hesitation.

2. VERE. 'Justly'. For the same adverb used once again of names "properly" applied, see Tr V x 13-14 'quem tenet Euxini mendax cognomine litus, / et Scythici uere terra sinistra freti'.[Pg 391]

2. CARE. Luck among others believes that Carus is also addressed at Tr III v 17-18 'sum quoque, care, tuis defensus uiribus absens / (scis "carum" ueri nominis esse loco)'; but it seems excessively ingenious to make Ovid say 'I call you carus instead of your real name, Carus'. Still, as Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me, the passage is odd, in that Ovid elsewhere uses care only in conjunction with another vocative (compare viii 89 'care Suilli' and Tr III iv 1-2 'care quidem ... sed tempore duro / cognite'); care may have been used as a metrical equivalent to the suppressed name, in the way the "cover names" in elegy correspond to the shape of the alleged actual names of the women. Unlike care, carissime is often found by itself (Tr I v 3, III iii 27, III vi 1, IV vii 19 & V vii 5; EP II iv 21 & IV x 3).

2. AVE occurs in Ovid only here and at RA 639-40 'nec ueniat seruus, nec flens ancillula fictum / suppliciter dominae nomine dicat "aue!"', and is not common in writing. It was, however, frequent in everyday speech, as is clear from Sen Ben VI 34 3 'uulgare et publicum uerbum et promiscuum ignotis "aue"'.

3. SALVTERIS MFT SALVTARIS BCHIL. Ovid usually employs the subjunctive in indirect questions; this is demonstrated by metre at such passages as Fast VI 385-86 'increpat illos / Iuppiter et sacro quid uelit ore docet', Tr II 294 'sustulerit quare quaeret Ericthonium', Tr II 297-98 'Isidis aede sedens cur hanc Saturnia[Pg 392] quaeret / egerit Ionio Bosphorioque mari', Tr V xiv 1-2 'Quanta tibi dederim nostris monumenta libellis ... uides', EP I i 55-56 'talia caelestes fieri praeconia gaudent, / ut sua quid ualeant numina teste probent' and EP II vii 3 'subsequitur quid agas audire uoluntas'.

I have found two passages where metre demonstrates that Ovid used the indicative in an indirect question, Met X 637 'quid facit [codd plerique: quod facit recc quidque agat Heinsius quid factum Merkel quid uelit Nick quid facti Rappold dissidet Korn quid sciat Slater] ignorans amat et non sentit amorem' and EP I viii 25-26 'sed memor unde abii queror, o iucunde sodalis, / accedant nostris saeua quod arma malis'. But in the first passage faciat would have an ambiguous meaning, since it could represent either quid facio or quid faciam, and in the second ăbĭĕrim with its short 'a', 'i', and 'e', would be metrically intractable.

It is difficult to say whether the scribes were more prone to influence by the subjunctive normal in classical Latin prose, or by the indicative of the Romance languages and of ecclesiastical Latin. I print the subjunctive in view of Ovid's usual practice, and in particular because of EP I ii 5 'forsitan haec a quo mittatur epistula quaeras' and EP III v 1 'Quam legis unde tibi mittatur epistula quaeris?'. But Professor R. J. Tarrant notes that the need for a dependent subjunctive would be more strongly felt with quaerere in these two passages than with the index of the present passage.

Not all poets were as strict as Ovid in using the subjunctive in indirect questions. Propertius at III v 26-46 has the following verbs[Pg 393] in a series of indirect questions: temperet, uenit, deficit, redit, superant, captet, sit uentura, bibit, tremuere, luxerit (from lugere), coit, exeat, eat, sint (uar sunt), furit, custodit, descendit, potest.

3. COLOR HIC. 'The style of this opening'. Ovid is presumably referring to its playful tone. Compare Tr I i 61 (to his poem) 'ut titulo careas, ipso noscere colore', at which Luck cites Martial XII ii 17-18 'quid titulum poscis? uersus duo tresue legantur, / clamabunt omnes te, liber, esse meum'.

Color is not found in precisely this sense until Horace. For a discussion of its development, see Brink at Hor AP 86 operumque colores.

4. STRVCTVRA. This passage is the first instance cited by OLD structura 1b of structura in this transferred sense, which becomes common in Silver prose, particularly Quintilian (I x 23, VIII vi 67, IX iv 45). Lewis and Short point out that Cicero uses the word in similar contexts only as a simile: compare Brut 33 'ante hunc [sc Isocratem] enim uerborum quasi structura et quaedam ad numerum conclusio nulla erat', Or 149 'quasi structura quaedam', and Opt Gen 5 'et uerborum est structura quaedam'.

There are two instances in Ovid of struere with a similar meaning, both from the Ex Ponto. One is from line 20 of this poem ('structa ... uerba'), while the other is at II v 19 'structos inter fera proelia uersus'.[Pg 394]

5. MIRIFICA is a colloquialism. Common in the letters of Cicero, the word (according to TLL VIII 1060 52) is not found in Livy, Vitruvius, Celsus, Curtius, or Tacitus. The only poets apart from Terence and Ovid cited as using the word are Accius, Ausonius, and the author of the Ciris (although the passage where the word occurs, 12-13, is corrupt); see also Catullus LIII 2, LXXI 4, and LXXXIV 3. For a discussion of mirificus, see Axelson 61, and of the similarly colloquial mirifice Hofmann 78.

5. PVBLICA = 'usual, ordinary'. Compare Am III vii 11-12 'et mihi blanditias dixit dominumque uocauit, / et quae praeterea publica uerba iuuant', AA III 479-80 'munda, sed e medio consuetaque uerba, puellae, / scribite: sermonis publica forma placet', and Sen Ben VI 34 3 (quoted at 2 aue).

6. QVALIS ENIM CVMQVE EST. A common phrase in the poets when they speak of their own verse: compare Catullus I 8-9 'quare habe tibi quidquid hoc libelli / qualecumque', Hor Sat I x 88-89 'quibus [sc amicis] haec, sunt qualiacumque, / arridere uelim, doliturus, si placent spe / deterius nostra' (at which Bentley cited the present passage), Martial V lx 5 'qualiscumque legaris ut per orbem', and Statius Sil II praef 'haec qualiacumque sunt, Melior carissime, si tibi non displicuerint, a te publicum accipiant; sin minus, ad me reuertantur' (both passages cited by Munro, Criticisms 5).[Pg 395]

7. VT TITVLVM CHARTAE DE FRONTE REVELLAS. The same hypothetical case at Tr I i 61-62 'ut titulo careas, ipso noscere colore; / dissimulare uelis, te liquet esse meum' and EP II ix 49-52 (to King Cotys) 'nec regum quisquam magis est instructus ab illis [sc the liberal arts] ... carmina testantur, quae si tua nomina demas / Threicium iuuenem composuisse negem'.

7. REVELLAS 'tear away' is surprisingly strong in its overtones. It is found only here in the poems of exile, six times in the other elegies, and fifteen times in the Metamorphoses.

8. QVOD SIT OPVS VIDEOR DICERE POSSE TVVM. 'I think I could say which work was yours'. Heinsius' QVID SIT OPVS VIDEAR is a strange error: the interrogative adjective is acceptable enough, while the notion of the subjunctive must of course be contained in posse, not in the verb that governs it.

11. PRODENT AVCTOREM VIRES. 'His strength will reveal the poet's identity'. The same sense of prodere at Met II 433 'impedit amplexu nec se sine crimine prodit', Met XIV 740-41 'adapertaque ianua factum / prodidit', and Am I viii 109 'uox erat in cursu, cum me mea prodidit umbra'. Vires again used of poetic skill at Tr I vi 29 'ei mihi non magnas quod habent mea carmina uires', Tr IV ix 16 'Pierides uires et sua tela dabunt', EP III iii 34, and EP III iv 79.[Pg 396]

13. DEPRENSA. Deprendere 'recognize, detect' is also found at Met II 93-94 'utinamque oculos in pectore posses / inserere et patrias intus deprendere curas' and Met VII 536-37 'strage canum primo uolucrumque ouiumque boumque / inque feris subiti deprensa potentia morbi', as well as at Livy XLII 17 7 (uenenum) and Celsus III 18 3 '[phrenetici ...] summam ... speciem sanitatis in captandis malorum operum occasionibus praebent, sed exitu deprenduntur'. This seems to be a semi-medical sense; Professor R. J. Tarrant suggests that colore may bear the secondary meaning 'complexion' in this passage.

15. TAM MALA THERSITEN PROHIBEBAT FORMA LATERE. For Thersites' ugliness, see Il II 216-19 'αἴσχιστος δὲ ἀνὴρ ὑπὸ Ἴλιον ῆλθε· / φολκὸς ἔην, χωλὸς δ' ἕτερον πόδα· τὼ δέ οἱ ὤμω / κυρτώ, ἐπὶ στῆθος συνοχωκότε· αὐτὰρ ὕπερθε / φοξὸς ἔην κεφαλήν, ψεδνὴ δ' ἐπενήνοθε λάχνη'.

For the modern reader, Thersites' ugliness is hardly his leading characteristic; but at EP III ix 9-10 Ovid again refers to his appearance: 'auctor opus laudat: sic forsitan Agrius [his father] olim / Thersiten facie dixerit esse bona'. Other mentions of Thersites' ugliness at Lucian Dial Mort XXV (Thersites argues that he is now as handsome as Nireus) and Epictetus Diss II 23 32 (Thersites is contrasted with Achilles), to which Professor C. P. Jones adds from Greek epigram Greek Inscr. Brit. Mus. IV ii 1114; other citations from late Greek authors at PW V A,2 2457 18-38 & 2464 23-66 and Roscher V 670 23 ff.[Pg 397]

16. NIREVS. For the beauty of Nireus, see Il II 671-74 'Νιρεὺς αὖ Σύμηθεν ἄγε τρεῖς νῆας ἐί̈σας, / Νίρεὺς Ἀγλαί̈ης υἱὸς Χαρόποιό τ' ἄνακτος, / Νίρεύς, ὃς κάλλιστος ἀνὴρ ὑπὸ Ἴλιον ῆλθε / τῶν ἄλλων Δαναῶν μετ' ἀμύμονα Πηλεί̈ωνα'. This is the only mention of Nireus in the poem; but Demetrius (Peri Hermeneias 62; cited by Cope at Aristotle Rhet 1414a) remarks that because of Homer's use of epanaphora (the repetition of Nireus' name) and dialysis (asyndeton) 'σχεδὸν ἅπαξ τοῦ Νιρέως ὀνομασθέντος ἐν τῷ δράματι μεμνήμεθα οὐδὲν ἧττον ἢ τοῦ Άχιλλέως καὶ τοῦ Ὀδυσσέως'. Ovid mentions Nireus again at AA II 109-12 'sis licet antiquo Nireus adamatus Homero ... ingenii dotes corporis adde bonis'; see also Hor Epod XV 22 'forma ... uincas Nirea', Hor Carm III xx 15 (where Nireus is paired with Ganymede) and Prop III xviii 27 'Nirea non facies, non uis exemit Achillem'; from Greek epigram Professor C. P. Jones cites Peek Griech. Versinschr. 1728 (Merkelbach ZPE 25 [1977] 281).

16. CONSPICIENDVS. The word is metrically suited to the second half of the pentameter, before the disyllable: compare Tib I ii 70 & II iii 52, Fast V 118 & V 170, and Tr II 114.

17. MIRARI SI is a colloquialism: most of the passages from verse cited at TLL VIII 1067 14 are from Plautus and the hexameter poems of Horace; from Propertius compare II iii 33 'haec ego nunc mirer si flagret nostra iuuentus?' and from Ovid Her X 105 'non equidem miror si stat uictoria tecum' and Tr I ix 21 'saeua neque admiror metuunt si fulmina'.[Pg 398]

19. A PVDET, ET GETICO SCRIPSI SERMONE LIBELLVM. The rest of the distich after a pudet explains the exclamation ('I have even written ...'), and so the punctuation should mark the break. The idiom is different from the et pudet et construction seen at xv 29 'et pudet et metuo ['I am both embarrassed and afraid'] semperque eademque precari' and Tr V vii 57-58 'et pudet et fateor ['I confess with embarrassment'], iam desuetudine longa / uix subeunt ipsi uerba Latina mihi'.

The only other instance of independent a pudet in Ovid is AA III 803-4 'quid iuuet et uoces et anhelitus arguat oris; / a pudet, arcanas pars habet ista notas', which, however, Professor R. J. Tarrant suspects is part of an interpolation.

19. GETICO ... SERMONE. Ovid repeatedly claims to have learned Getic and Sarmatian: compare Tr III xiv 47-48 'Threicio Scythicoque fere circumsonor ore, / et uideor Geticis scribere posse modis', Tr V vii 55-56 'ille ego Romanus uates—ignoscite, Musae!— / Sarmatico cogor plurima more loqui', Tr V xii 58 'nam didici Getice Sarmaticeque loqui', and EP III ii 40 (identical to Tr V xii 58).

It is of course not possible to prove that Ovid did or did not learn Getic and write poetry in that language. But in the absence of other evidence, it seems better to suppose that he did learn the language since (a) he claims to have do so, (b) Latin and Greek would hardly have been widely spoken in the region, and (c) a man with Ovid's[Pg 399] linguistic facility would have had little difficulty in learning the languages of the region.

20. STRVCTAQVE ... VERBA. Compare Cic de Or III 171 'struere uerba', and see at 4 structura (p 393).

20. NOSTRIS ... MODIS. Ovid did not use native rhythms, but instead used Latin metres.

21. ET PLACVI. Luck compares EP I v 63-64 'forsitan audacter faciam, sed glorior Histrum / ingenio nullum maius habere meo', but it is clear enough from the context that Ovid was there speaking of his Latin poetry.

21. GRATARE. Gratari is extremely rare in Latin, being found only in the poets and historians; grātŭlāri was of course not available (except for grātŭlŏr) for use in dactylic verse. Other instances of the word in Ovid at ix 13 'gratatusque darem cum dulcibus oscula uerbis', Her VI 119 'nunc etiam peperi; gratare ambobus, Iason!', Her XI 65, Met I 578, VI 434, IX 244 & 312, and Fast III 418.

22. INTER INHVMANOS ... GETAS. The same phrase in the same metrical position at EP I v 65-66 'hoc ubi uiuendum est satis est si consequor aruo / inter inhumanos esse poeta Getas' and EP III v 27-28 [Pg 400]'quem ... fatum ... inter inhumanos maluit esse Getas'.

23. LAVDES DE CAESARE DIXI. In 1896 J. Gilbert ingeniously proposed the punctuation 'laudes [potential subjunctive]: de Caesare dixi'. But laus de + ablative instead of the more usual objective genitive construction is supported by Tac Ann I 12 'addidit laudem de Augusto'. Nipperdey there explains de by equating laus with oratio and sermo, both of which take de as a normal construction; but it appears from the present passage that laus de may have been a special term for panegyric. Professor E. Fantham notes that Ovid may have been seeking a synonym for laudātĭō.

24. ADIVTA EST NOVITAS NVMINE NOSTRA DEI. Nouitas nostra could mean either 'my novel attempt' (Wheeler, Lewis and Short) or 'my inexperience'; if the latter, adiuta would bear the uncommon but quite valid meaning 'compensated for'; OLD adiuuo 7 cites passages from Cicero (Fam V xiii 5 'ea quibus secundae res ornantur, aduersae adiuuantur'), Livy, and Ulpian.

25-32. Similar catalogues of the imperial family occur at Met XV 834-47, Tr II 161-68, Tr IV ii 7-12, EP II ii 69-74, and EP II viii 29-34; these passages are quoted from below.

25-26. NAM PATRIS AVGVSTI DOCVI MORTALE FVISSE / CORPUS, IN AETHERIAS NVMEN ABISSE DOMOS. Other mentions of the deified Augustus at vi 15-16 'coeperat Augustus detectae ignoscere culpae; / spem nostram terras deseruitque simul' and viii 63-64 'et modo, Caesar, auum, quem uirtus addidit astris, / sacrarunt aliqua carmina parte tuum'.[Pg 401] Ovid had predicted Augustus' apotheosis: see Met XV 838-39 'nec nisi cum senior Pylios aequauerit annos, / aetherias sedes cognataque sidera tanget', Tr II 57-58 'optaui peteres caelestia sidera tarde, / parsque fui turbae parua precantis idem', and Tr V ii 51-52, V v 61-62, V viii 29-30 & V xi 25-26.

Augustus' apotheosis was similar to those of Hercules, Aeneas, Romulus, and Julius Caesar: compare the descriptions at Met IX 262-72 'interea quodcumque fuit populabile flammae / Mulciber abstulerat, nec ... quicquam ab imagine ductum / matris habet, tantumque Iouis uestigia seruat ... maiorque uideri / coepit et augusta fieri grauitate uerendus. / quem pater omnipotens inter caua nubila raptum / quadriiugo curru radiantibus intulit astris', Met XIV 603-4 'quicquid in Aenea fuerat mortale, repurgat [sc Numicius] / et respersit aquis; pars optima restitit illi', Met XIV 824-28 'abstulit [sc Mars] Iliaden: corpus mortale per auras / dilapsum tenues ... pulchra subit facies et puluinaribus altis / dignior', and Met XV 844-46 'Venus ... Caesaris eripuit membris neque in aera solui / passa recentem animam caelestibus intulit astris'.

25. PATRIS AVGVSTI. Patris to make it clear that Ovid is not speaking of Tiberius Caesar Augustus.

26. CORPVS ... NVMEN. Precisely the same distinction is found in Velleius' description of Augustus' apotheosis and the start of Tiberius' reign: 'post redditum caelo patrem et corpus eius humanis[Pg 402] honoribus, numen diuinis honoratum, primum principalium eius operum fuit ordinatio comitiorum' (II 124 3).

27. PAREM VIRTVTE PATRI. Compare EP II viii 31-32 (to Augustus, about Tiberius) 'perque tibi similem uirtutis imagine natum, / moribus agnosci qui tuus esse potest'.

27-28. FRENA ... IMPERII. The same metaphor at Tr II 41-42 'nec te quisquam moderatius umquam / imperii potuit frena tenere sui', EP II ix 33 'Caesar ut imperii moderetur frena precamur', and EP II v 75 (of Germanicus) 'succedatque suis orbis moderator habenis'.

At Fast I 531-34 Ovid uses the same metaphor, as here, of Tiberius' accession to power: (Carmenta is prophesying Rome's future) 'et penes Augustos patriae tutela manebit: / hanc fas imperii frena tenere domum. / inde nepos natusque dei [Tiberius was the adopted son of Augustus, and therefore the grandson of Julius Caesar], licet ipse recuset, / pondera caelesti mente paterna feret'. In all of these passages Ovid may have had in mind Aen VII 600 (of Latinus) 'saepsit se tectis rerumque reliquit habenas'.

27-28. FRENA ... SAEPE RECVSATI ... IMPERII. At Tr V iv 15-16 Ovid had used frena recusare of a horse: 'fert tamen, ut debet, casus patienter amaros, / more nec indomiti frena recusat equi'. This perhaps influenced his choice of words here.[Pg 403]

27. COACTVS excerpta Scaligeri ROGATVS codd. Ovid is referring to the second meeting of the Senate after the death of Augustus (the first meeting had been devoted to funeral arrangements); at this meeting there had been some confusion over Tiberius' intentions. Rogatus is awkward to construe, since Tiberius must already have been asked to accept power: otherwise he could not have refused the offer. The difficulty of rogatus is clearly shown by the description of the scene in Tacitus: 'et ille [sc Tiberius] uarie disserebat de magnitudine imperii sua modestia. solam diui Augusti mentem tantae molis capacem: se in partem curarum ab illo uocatum experiendo didicisse quam arduum, quam subiectum fortunae regendi cuncta onus, proinde in ciuitate tot inlustribus uiris subnixa non ad unum omnia deferrent: plures facilius munia rei publicae sociatis laboribus executuros ... senatu ad infimas obtestationes procumbente, dixit forte Tiberius se ut non toti rei publicae parem, ita quaecumque pars sibi mandaretur eius tutelam suscepturum ... fessus ... clamore omnium, expostulatione singulorum flexit paulatim, non ut fateretur suscipi a se imperium, sed ut negare et rogari desineret' (Ann I 11-13). Scaliger's conjecture is supported by (and is probably based on) the corresponding description at Suetonius Tib 24 'principatum ... diu ... recusauit ... tandem quasi coactus et querens miseram et onerosam iniungi sibi seruitutem, recepit imperium'.

Professor A. Dalzell notes, however, that Suetonius' description is an imperfect parallel, since coactus is there modified by quasi;[Pg 404] he suggests to me that rogatus could be accepted, if it is taken closely with recusati—Tiberius finally accepted what he had many times been offered and had many times refused.

29. VESTAM. Ovid similarly equates Livia with Venus and Juno at EP III i 117-18 'quae Veneris formam, mores Iunonis habendo / sola est caelesti digna reperta toro', and implicitly equates her with Juno at Fast I 650 'sola toro magni digna reperta Iouis'. These appear to be instances of metaphor rather than true equations; but PW XIII,1 913-14 cites inscriptions indicating a cult of Livia-as-Juno.

29-30. LIVIA ... AMBIGVVM NATO DIGNIOR ANNE VIRO. Tiberius is mentioned by Ovid in connection with Livia at Fast I 649, a description of the rededication of the temple of Concordia in AD 10: 'hanc tua constituit genetrix et rebus et ara', but does not figure in Ovid's other mentions of Livia (Fast V 157-58, Tr II 161-62, EP II viii 29-30, and EP III i 117-18); these passages would have been written before Tiberius' assumption of power.

For the coupling of both Augustus and Tiberius with Livia, Professor C. P. Jones cites 'ἡ δοίους σκήπτροισι θεοὺς αὐχοῦσα Σεβαστή / Καίσαρας' from an epigram of Ovid's contemporary Honestus.[27]

30. AMBIGVVM. The same use of ambiguum (which may be an Ovidian peculiarity) at Met I 765-66 'ambiguum Clymene precibus Phaethontis[Pg 405] an ira / mota magis' and Met XI 235-36 'est specus in medio, natura factus an arte / ambiguum, magis arte tamen'.

30. ANNE. The word is found at Am III xi 49-50 'quicquid eris, mea semper eris; tu selige tantum, / me quoque uelle uelis, anne coactus amem' and Fast VI 27-28 (Juno speaking) 'est aliquid nupsisse Ioui, Iouis esse sororem / fratre magis dubito glorier anne uiro'; the resemblances between this and the present passage are obvious. Bömer ad loc cites instances of anne from Plautus (Amph 173), Terence (Eun 556), Cicero (Fin IV 23, Att XII xiv 2), and Virgil (G I 32 & II 159, Aen VI 864).

31. DVOS IVVENES. Germanicus and Drusus. For other mentions of them, see Tr II 167 'tui, sidus iuuenale, nepotes', Tr IV ii 9 'et qui Caesareo iuuenes sub nomine crescunt', EP II ii 71-72 'praeterit ipse suos animo Germanicus annos, / nec uigor est Drusi nobilitate minor', and EP II viii 33-34.

31. ADIVMENTA. The word is rare in verse (but see Lucretius VI 1022 and Silius XI 605 & XVI 12), and Ovid here seems to be giving a version of the construction in which people are said to be adiumento, as at Cic Att XII xxxi 2 'magno etiam adiumento nobis Hermogenes potest esse in repraesentando ['in making cash payment'—Shackleton Bailey]', Varro LL V 90, and Rhet Her III 29. TLL I 704 1 cites "Caecil. mort. 18" for 'duo minores, qui sint adiumento', which[Pg 406] resembles the present passage, but I do not understand the reference: "Caecil." does not appear in the table of authors.

33. NON PATRIA ... SCRIPTA CAMENA. 'Written in a poem that was not in Latin'. This is the only instance in Ovid of this sense of Camena, which seems to have been a Horatian idiom: see Carm II xvi 38 'spiritum Graiae tenuem Camenae', Ep I i 1-3 'Prima dicte mihi, summa dicende Camena ... Maecenas', and AP 275 'tragicae ... Camenae'. Professor R. J. Tarrant cites Martial XII xciv 5 'fila lyrae moui Calabris exculta Camenis', which possibly refers to Horace.

36. MVRMVR. The hum caused by the exchange of approving comments. Compare Met XIII 123-24 'finierat Telamone satus, uulgique secutum / ultima murmur erat'. Livy (XXXII 22 1) has a murmur of mingled praise and dissent following a speech: 'murmur ortum aliorum cum adsensu, aliorum inclementer adsentientes increpantium'. Other murmura are disapproving or anxious, as at Met I 206, VIII 431 & IX 421, and Aen XII 238-39.

The Latin murmur could be quite loud: Martial uses the word of a lion's roar (VIII liii [lv] 1).

41. NOCVERVNT. Nocere again used of the Ars Amatoria at xiv 20 'telaque adhuc demens quae nocuere sequor?' and Tr IV 1 35.[Pg 407]

42. PRIMAQVE TAM MISERAE CAVSA FVERE FVGAE. The second cause was of course Ovid's error (EP III iii 67-72).

43. STVDII COMMVNIA FOEDERA SACRI. Similar references to shared poetic interests at viii 81 'communia sacra tueri', EP II v 60 (to Salanus, a famous orator) 'seruat studii foedera quisque sui', EP II ix 63-64 (to Cotys, king of Thrace, who was a writer of verse) 'haec quoque res aliquid tecum mihi foederis adfert; / eiusdem sacri cultor uterque sumus', EP II x 17 'sunt tamen inter se communia sacra poetis', and EP III iv 67 'sunt mihi uobiscum communia sacra, poetae'.

44. PER NON VILE TIBI NOMEN AMICITIAE. 'By the name of friendship which is not cheap in your eyes' (Wheeler). Professor R. J. Tarrant cites similar invocations at Tr I viii 15 'illud amicitiae sanctum et uenerabile nomen', and EP II iii 19-20 'illud amicitiae quondam uenerabile nomen / prostat', III ii 43 & III ii 100.

44-46. AMICITIAE ... INGENIIS. For Ovid's use of quadrisyllable endings for pentameters, see at ii 10 Alcinoo (p 164).

45-46. SIC VINCTO LATIIS GERMANICVS HOSTE CATENIS / MATERIAM VESTRIS ADFERAT INGENIIS. Compare EP II viii 39-40 'sic fera quam primum pauido Germania uultu / ante triumphantes serua feratur equos'. Germanicus celebrated his triumph in 17: see Tac Ann II 41.[Pg 408]

Vestris is a true plural referring to Carus and other poets who might be inspired by Germanicus' exploits. For this use of uester to address one member of a collectivity, see Austin on Aen I 140 and Fordyce on Catullus XXIX 20.

45. VINCTO is my restoration for the manuscripts' CAPTO, which I am unable to construe with catenis. Vincto was first corrupted to uicto, which was then displaced by the gloss capto. For the picture compare AA I 215 'ibunt ante duces onerati colla catenis'; for uincto compare Livy VII 27 8 'eos uinctos consul ante currum triumphans egit', and for uincto ... catenis compare Caesar BG I 53 'trinis catenis uinctus'.

47. VOTVM COMMVNE DEORVM. Wheeler translates 'the source of universal prayers to the gods'. But it seems difficult to take uotum in this sense, and impossible to construe deorum. André translates 'c'est le voeu de tous les dieux', but it seems strange to have gods forming a uotum. Postgate placed a comma before deorum; but Germanicus and Agrippina were not gods. Heinsius conjectured SVORVM, but this seems rather forced. I suspect that deorum is correct, the sense of the passage being close to that of Fast II 63-64 'templorum positor, templorum sancte repostor, / sit superis opto mutua cura tui'; but what originally stood in place of uotum is not clear.[Pg 409]

48. QVOS LAVS FORMANDOS EST TIBI MAGNA DATOS. 'Whose entrustment to you for education is an immense honour'. For the construction Ehwald (KB 68) cites Aen IX 92 (Cybebe asks that Aeneas' ships be rescued from fire) 'prosit nostris in montibus ortas', 'let it profit them that it was in my mountains that they had their origin' (Jackson Knight).

49. MOMENTA. 'Influence'. Compare Caesar BC III 70 2 'ita paruae res magnum in utramque partem momentum habuerunt', Livy I 47 6, Hor Ep I x 15-16 'ubi gratior aura / leniat et rabiem Canis et momenta Leonis', and Manilius II 901 (of the fifth temple) 'hic momenta manent nostrae plerumque salutis'.

49. MOMENTA Vaticanus 1595 (saec xv), sicut coni Scaliger et Gronouius MONIMENTA BCMFHILT. Similarly, most manuscripts have monimenta at Met XI 285-86 (Ceyx to Peleus) 'adicis huic animo ['my kindly nature'] momenta potentia, clarum / nomen auumque Iouem'.

49-50. SALVTI, / QVAE NISI MVTATO NVLLA FVTVRA LOCO EST. A similar qualification of salus at Met IX 530-31 'quam nisi tu dederis non est habitura salutem / hanc tibi mittit amans'; Bömer ad loc cites other word-plays with salus at Her IV 1, XVI 1 & XVIII 1, and at Tr III iii 87-88.

XIV. To Tuticanus

In his first poem to Tuticanus, Ovid had promised that other poems would follow: 'teque canam quacumque nota, tibi carmina mittam' (xii 19). The present poem was written quite shortly after xii, perhaps in AD 16: 'Haec tibi mittuntur quem sum modo carmine questus / non aptum numeris nomen habere meis'.

The opening distich indicates that the poem is addressed to Tuticanus. The dedication is a perfunctory one, however, since he is not referred to at any other point of the letter: Ovid perhaps felt that he had fulfilled any obligations he had to Tuticanus with the highly personal earlier poem.

In 3-14 Ovid expresses at length his wish to be sent anywhere, even the Syrtes, Charybdis, or the Styx, as long as he can escape Tomis. Such complaints as these have caused the Tomitans to be angry with him (15-22). But he has been misunderstood: he was complaining not of the people but of the land. Hesiod criticized Ascra, Ulysses Ithaca, and Metrodorus Rome, all with impunity, but Ovid's verse has once more caused him trouble (23-44). The Tomitans have been as kind to him as the Paeligni would have been: they have even granted him immunity from taxation, and publicly crowned him (45-56). After this lengthy account of the Tomitans, he moves to an unexpectedly quick summing-up: Tomis is as dear to him as Delos is to Latona (57-60). This conclusion is immediately undercut by the final distich: his only wish is that[Pg 411] Tomis were not subject to attack, and that it had a better climate. This type of undercutting is paralleled elsewhere in Ovid's verse: I discuss these passages at 61-62.

At ix 97-104 Ovid had mentioned the Tomitans' sympathy for him; but the present poem is unique for the praise Ovid bestows on them, and furnishes a striking contrast to the horrific picture of Tomis in, for instance, Tr V x. A primary purpose of Ovid's poetry from exile was to secure recall, and so he no doubt intentionally emphasized his hardships; it is clear enough from this poem that at the same time he was in fact reaching an accommodation with his new conditions of life.

3. VTCVMQVE. 'Somehow (in spite of my hardships)'. The word is used by Ovid only in the poetry of exile, and only in this sense: compare Ibis 9-10 'quisquis is est (nam nomen adhuc utcumque tacebo), / cogit inassuetas sumere tela manus' and EP III ix 53 'postmodo collectas [sc litteras] utcumque sine ordine iunxi'. This is a prose sense of utcumque, common in Livy; when the word is used in verse, it generally means 'whenever' (Hor Epod XVII 52, Carm I xvii 10, I xxxv 23, II xvii 11, III iv 29 & IV iv 35) or 'however' (Aen VI 822; the only instance of the word in Virgil).

4. TE Berolinensis Diez. B. Sant. 1, saec xiii Bodleianus Rawlinson G 105^ul ME BCMFHILT. Me seems unlikely to be right, for the phrase 'nil me praeterea quod iuuet inuenies' would not only be awkward in itself, but would also be in apparent contradiction with the following[Pg 412] 'ipsa quoque est inuisa salus', where salus refers back to utcumque ualemus.

5. VLTIMA VOTA. 'My utmost wish'. For this sense of ultimus compare Cic Fin III 30 'summum bonum, quod ultimum appello', Livy XXVII 10 11 'aurum ... quod ... ad ultimos casus ['the greatest emergencies'] seruabatur promi placuit', Hor Carm II vii 1-2 'O saepe mecum tempus in ultimum / deducte Bruto militiae duce' (tempus has the same meaning as casus in the passage from Livy), and Petronius 24 'non tenui ego diutius lacrimas ... ad ultimam perductus tristitiam'.

6. SCILICET seems difficult to explain in this context, and the translators ignore its presence. ILICET ('at once') should possibly be read: the corruption of the rarer word to the more common would be easy enough in view of the final s of the preceding istis.

7. MVTER F¹ Bodleianus Canon. lat. 1, saec xiii Barberinus lat. 26, saec xiii. Muter is so much choicer than the better attested mittar that I have followed editors from Ciofanus to Merkel in printing it. Gronovius (Obseruationes III 1) made a strong case for muter, citing Virgil G II 50 (where however the meaning of mutata is disputed), Hor Sat II vii 63-64 'illa tamen se / non habitu mutatue loco peccatue superne', Claudian Rap Pros I 62 'rursus corporeos animae mutantur in artus' (where mittuntur is a variant reading, which Hall prints), and[Pg 413] from Ovid Tr V ii 73-74 'hinc ego dum muter, uel me Zanclaea [Politianus: Panchea codd] Charybdis / deuoret aque [Heinsius: atque codd] suis ad Styga mittat aquis', and EP I i 79 'inque locum Scythico uacuum mutabor ab arcu'; compare as well Cic Balb 31 'ne quis inuitus ciuitate mutetur' and Livy V 46 11 'quod nec iniussu populi mutari finibus posset'.

11. BENE. 'Profitably'. Compare Tac Ann III 44 'miseram pacem uel bello bene mutari'. The word in this sense is generally used in describing good commercial investments: see Plautus Cur 679-80 'argentariis male credi qui aiunt, nugas praedicant, / nam et bene et male credi dico', Sen Suas VII v 'si bene illi pecunias crediderunt faeneratores', Cic II Verr V 56 'ut intellegerent Mamertini bene se apud istum tam multa pretia ac munera conlocasse', and Livy II 42 8.

11. COMMVTABITVR. Commutare was a commercial term: it is used of selling at Cic Clu 129 'ad perniciem innocentis fidem suam et religionem pecunia commutarit', Columella XII 26 2 'reliquum mustum ... aere commutato', Dig II xv 8 24 'si uinum pro oleo uel oleum pro uino uel quid aliud commutauit', and CIL I 585 27.

12. SI QVID ET INFERIVS QVAM STYGA MVNDVS HABET. Professor R. J. Tarrant notes another instance of the same idea at Sen Thy 1013-14 'si quid infra Tartara est / auosque nostros'.[Pg 414]

13. GRAMINA. 'Weeds'. Compare Met V 485-86 'lolium tribulique fatigant / triticeas messes et inexpugnabile gramen' and Tr V xii 24 'nil nisi cum spinis gramen habebit ager'; TLL VI.2 2165 65 notes as well Columella IV 4 5 'omnesque herbas et praecipue gramina extirpare, quae nisi manu eleguntur ... reuiuiscunt'.

CARMINA, the reading of C, is a frequent corruption of gramina, occurring as a variant at Met II 841 & XIV 44 and Fast VI 749; it gives no obvious sense in this passage. Bentley's FLAMINA is ingenious but unattractive.

14. MARTICOLIS is possibly an Ovidian innovation, being found elsewhere only at Tr V iii 21-22 'adusque niuosum / Strymona uenisti Marticolamque Geten'.

14. NASO. The use of the third person adds to the emotive power of the tricolon 'ager ... hirundo ... Naso'.

15-16. TALIA SVSCENSENT PROPTER MIHI VERBA TOMITAE, / IRAQVE CARMINIBVS PVBLICA MOTA MEIS. For the similar omission of the est of a perfect passive, even in the presence of a parallel finite verb, see Met VII 517-18 'Aeacus ingemuit tristique ita uoce locutus: / "flebile principium melior fortuna secuta est"'.

15. SVSCENSENT. The word is foreign to high poetry. It occurs in Ovid only here and at EP III i 89-90 'nec mihi suscense, totiens si carmine nostro / quod facis ut facias teque imitere rogo'; the only[Pg 415] instances from other poetry cited at OLD suscenseo are from Her XVI-XXI and Martial.

SVSCENSENT is the spelling of C; the other manuscripts have SVCCENSENT. I print susc- because that is the spelling given by the ninth-century Hamburg manuscript at EP III i 89 (cited above), where most manuscripts offer succ-. Succ- is, however, quite possibly correct, for although susc- is the spelling of the ancient manuscripts of Plautus and Terence (and of the older manuscripts of the Heroides), succ- is found at Livy XLII 46 8 in the fifth-century Vienna codex.

18. PLECTAR. Similar uses at Tr III v 49 'inscia quod crimen uiderunt lumina, plector' and EP III iii 64 (Ovid to Amor) 'meque loco plecti commodiore uelit'.

18. AB INGENIO is parallel to per carmina in the preceding line; for the idiom, see at x 46 ab amne (p 346).

23. SED NIHIL ADMISI. 'But I have committed no crime'—Wheeler. Compare EP III vi 13 'nec scelus admittas si consoleris amicum'. Admittere in this sense belonged to daily speech: TLL I 752 77 cites Plaut Trin 81, Ter HT 956 'quid ego tantum sceleris admisi miser', Lucilius 690 Marx, and Hor Ep I xvi 53.

25. NOSTRI MONIMENTA LABORIS is rather grand, perhaps because Ovid intended the poem to come near the end of the collection. At Tr III iii 78 Ovid's libelli are called his most lasting monimenta, and at EP III v 35 Ovid flatteringly refers to Maximus Cotta's monimenta laboris.

26. LITTERA DE VOBIS EST MEA QVESTA NIHIL. This, of course, is manifestly untrue. See Tr V x entire, and compare for instance Tr V vii 45-46 'siue homines [sc specto], uix sunt homines hoc nomine digni, / quamque lupi saeuae plus feritatis habent'.

28. ET QVOD PVLSETVR MVRVS AB HOSTE QVEROR. Compare EP III i 25 'adde metus et quod murus pulsatur ab hoste'.

30. SOLVM BCFILT LOCVM MH. The interchange is very common (examples at Met I 345 & VII 57); the reverse corruption in some manuscripts at EP II ii 96 'sit tua mutando gratia blanda loco'.

31-40. The argument Ovid here employs ("other have done what I have done, and not suffered for it") is that used at Tr II 361-538 to excuse the Ars Amatoria.

31-40. VITABILIS. A. G. Lee has ingeniously conjectured VITIABILIS (PCPhS 181 [1950-51] 3). It would have the sense uitiosa; Lee compares such words as aerumnabilis, perniciabilis, and lacrimabilis. He argued that Hesiod nowhere said that Ascra was 'always to be avoided' (although this is a natural inference from Op 639-40) and that the[Pg 417] variants miserabilis, mirabilis, and mutabilis 'point to the conclusion that the archetype was here difficult to make out'. For uitium used of localities he cited EP III ix 37 'quid nisi de uitio scribam regionis amarae', and for the word uitiabilis (in the sense 'corruptible') Prudentius Apoth 1045 and Ham 215 (there is a variant uitabilis in a ninth-century manuscript of the Hamartigenia).

Lee's argument is a good one, but uitabilis does not seem in itself objectionable enough to be removed from the text. The variant readings he cites are from unnamed manuscripts of Burman, and are not safe evidence for the condition of the archetype. It can be said in Lee's favour that Heinsius and Bentley before him clearly found uitabilis somewhat strange: Heinsius considered the verse suspect, while Bentley conjectured VT ILLAVDABILIS.

31. ASCRA MFILT. I take ASCRE (BCH) to be a hypercorrect formation by the scribes; Ascra is metrically guaranteed at 34 'Ascra suo' and AA I 28 'Ascra tuis'. It is possible that Ascre is correct, although its use would be strange so close to Ascra in 34: Ovid certainly used both nympha and nymphe (Her IX 103; Met III 357).

32. AGRICOLAE ... SENIS. For Hesiod as an old man compare AA II 3-4 'laetus amans donat uiridi mea carmina palma, / praelata Ascraeo Maeonioque seni', Prop II xxxiv 77 'tu canis Ascraei ueteris praecepta poetae', and Ecl VI 69-70 'hos tibi dant calamos, en accipe, Musae, / Ascraeo quos ante seni'.[Pg 418]

35. SOLLERTE ... VLIXE. Sollerte could represent either πολυμήχανος (Il II 173) or πολύτροπος (Od I 1). I believe that Ovid was translating πολύτροπος, since Livius Andronicus in translating Od I 1 had used uersutus to represent the adjective: 'Virum mihi, Camena, insece uersutum'. It is clear from Cic Brut 236 'genus ... acuminis ... quod erat in reprehendendis uerbis uersutum et sollers' that the Romans regarded the two adjectives as having much the same force.

At Hor Sat II v 3-5 πολυμήχανος is translated by dolosus: (Tiresias to Ulysses) 'iamne doloso / non satis est Ithacam reuehi patriosque penates / aspicere?'.

36. HOC TAMEN ASPERITAS INDICE DOCTA LOCI EST. At Od IX 27 Ulysses describes Ithaca to Alcinous as 'τρηχεῖ' [=aspera] ἀλλ' ἀγαθὴ κουροτρόφος'.

36. DOCTA (B; C has DOCTVS) seems clearly preferable to DICTA, offered by most of the manuscripts, which cannot be construed with hoc ... indice. The difficulty with docta is that the passive of docere seems in general to have been used of the person taught, not the thing; this is no doubt what induced Riese to print NOTA, found in certain of Heinsius' manuscripts. Still, the construction seems logical enough in view of the double accusative construction of the verb in the active.

38. SCEPSIVS. Metrodorus [28] of Scepsis (a town on the Scamander, about[Pg 419] 60 kilometres upstream from Troy) was famous for his hatred of Rome; see Pliny NH XXXIV 34 'signa quoque Tuscanica per terras dispersa quin [Detlefsen: quae codd] in Etruria factitata sint non est dubium. deorum tantum putarem ea fuisse, ni Metrodorus Scepsius, cui cognomen [Professor R. J. Tarrant suggests that 'Μισορωμαῖος' has fallen out of the text around this point] a Romani nominis odio inditum est, propter MM statuarum Volsinios expugnatos obiceret'. According to Plutarch (Lucullus 22) and Strabo (Geog XIII 1 55), he was a close confidant of Mithridates; apparently, when on a mission to Tigranes, he privately advised him not to give Mithridates the requested assistance against Rome. Tigranes reported this to Mithridates; Metrodorus was either executed by Mithridates, or died of natural causes while being sent back to him. Cicero mentions Metrodorus and his phenomenal memory at de Or II 360.

The present passage is more specific than any other surviving reference to Metrodorus' anti-Roman sentiments; Ovid had perhaps read the scripta in question.

As both Cicero and Pliny use the epithet 'Scepsius', Ovid's reference would have been immediately understood: Mētrŏdōrus could not be used in elegiac verse.

38. ACTAQVE ROMA REA EST. Similar verse-endings at RA 387-88 'si mea materiae respondet Musa iocosae, / uicimus, et falsi criminis acta rea est', Fast IV 307-8 'casta quidem, sed non et credita: rumor iniquus / laeserat, et falsi criminis acta rea est', and Tr IV i 26[Pg 420] 'cum mecum iuncti criminis acta [sc Musa] rea est'; other instances of reus agi at Her XIV 120, Met XV 36, Tr I i 24, Tr I viii 46, and Her XX 91. See at xv 12 nil opus est legum uiribus, ipse loquor (p 434) for a full discussion of Ovid's use of legal terminology.

39. FALSA ... CONVICIA has a place in the rhetoric of Ovid's argument, balancing uerissima crimina at 29.

40. OBFVIT AVCTORI NEC FERA LINGVA SVO. Obesse is used of Ovid's own situation at Tr I i 55-56 'carmina nunc si non studiumque quod obfuit odi, / sit satis', IV i 25 'scilicet hoc ipso nunc aequa [sc Musa], quod obfuit ante', IV iv 39 'aut timor aut error nobis, prius obfuit error' & V i 65-68. Compare as well Tr II 443-44 'uertit Aristiden Sisenna, nec obfuit illi / historiae turpis inseruisse iocos'.

41. INTERPRES. The word probably combines the senses of 'translator' and 'interpreter'; that is, the person intentionally misconstrued the meaning of certain passages.

As André points out, Ovid's statement here that his Latin poems have caused him difficulty in Tomis indicates that Latin was not as completely unknown in the city as Ovid claims at, for example, Tr III xiv 47-48, V vii 53-54 'unus in hoc nemo est populo qui forte Latine / quamlibet [Heinsius: quaelibet codd] e medio reddere uerba queat' & V xii 53-54 'non liber hic ullus, non qui mihi commodet aurem, /[Pg 421] uerbaque significent quid mea norit, adest'; compare as well Tr III xiv 39-40.

42. INQVE NOVVM CRIMEN CARMINA NOSTRA VOCAT. In crimen uocare was a normal idiom: compare Cic Scaur (e) 'custos ille rei publicae proditionis est in crimen uocatus' and Fam V xvii 2 'ego te, P. Sitti, et primis temporibus illis quibus in inuidiam absens et in crimen uocabare defendi'.

42. NOVVM CRIMEN. The uetus crimen was of course the accusation that the Ars Amatoria was immoral. Professor E. Fantham suggests to me that nouum could have the meaning 'unprecedented', as at Cic Lig 1 'Nouum crimen, C. Caesar, et ante hunc diem non auditum propinquus meus ad te Q. Tubero detulit'. Ovid would therefore be saying that the kind of geographical maiestas the Tomitans were accusing him of did not constitute a proper charge.

43. PECTORE CANDIDVS. 'Kind of heart'. This sense of candidus is constantly misunderstood by modern commentators. The basic transferred sense of the word is 'kind' or 'generous towards others'. This can be clearly seen in such passages as Tr III vi 5-8 'isque erat usque adeo populo testatus, ut esset / paene magis quam tu quamque ego notus, amor; / quique est in caris animi [codd: animo fort legendum] tibi candor amicis— / cognita sunt ipsi quem colis ipse uiro', Tr IV x 130-32 'protinus ut moriar non ero, terra, tuus. / siue fauore tuli siue hanc ego carmine famam, / iure tibi grates, candide lector, ago',[Pg 422] Tr V iii 53-54 'si uestrum merui candore fauorem, / nullaque iudicio littera laesa meo est', EP II v 5, EP III ii 21-22 'aut meus excusat caros ita candor amicos, / utque habeant de me crimina nulla fauet', and EP III iv 13 'uiribus infirmi uestro candore ualemus'.

For pectore candidus compare from other authors Hor Epod XI 11-12 'candidum / pauperis ingenium', Val Max VIII xiv praef 'candidis ... animis' and Scribonius Largus praef 5 26 'candidissimo animo'.

44. EXTAT ADHVC NEMO SAVCIVS ORE MEO. Ovid makes similar claims at Tr II 563-65 'non ego mordaci destrinxi carmine quemquam ... candidus a salibus suffusis felle refugi' and Ibis 1-8 'Tempus ad hoc, lustris bis iam mihi quinque peractis, / omne fuit Musae carmen inerme meae ... nec quemquam nostri nisi me laesere libelli ... unus ... perennem / candoris titulum non sinit esse mei'. André says of the present passage, 'C'est oublier le poème Contre Ibis', but Housman wrote 'Who was Ibis? Nobody. He was much too good to be true. If one's enemies are of flesh and blood, they do not carry complaisance so far as to chose the dies Alliensis for their birthday and the most ineligible spot in Africa for their birthplace. Such order and harmony exist only in worlds of our own creation, not in the jerry-built edifice of the demiurge ... And when I say that Ibis was nobody, I am repeating Ovid's own words. In the last book that he wrote, several years after the Ibis, he said, ex Pont. IV 14 44, "extat adhuc nemo saucius ore meo"' (1040). Housman is wrong to adduce this line as though it were a statement made under oath (compare the claim made[Pg 423] in 26 'littera de uobis est mea questa nihil'). It is nonetheless true that in the extant poems of reproach Ovid does not identify the person he is addressing.

45. ILLYRICA ... PICE NIGRIOR. For the formula, Otto (pix) cites this passage and Il IV 275-77 'νέφος ... μελάντερον ἠύτε πίσσα' and from Latin poetry AA II 657-58 'nominibus mollire licet mala: fusca uocetur / nigrior Illyrica cui pice sanguis erit', Met XII 402-3 'totus pice nigrior atra, / candida cauda tamen', EP III iii 97 'sed neque mutatur [uar fuscatur] nigra pice lacteus umor', Her XVIII 7 'ipsa uides caelum pice nigrius', and Martial I cxv 4-5 'sed quandam uolo nocte nigriorem, / formica, pice, graculo, cicada'.

45. ILLYRICA ... PICE. A famous mineral pitch was produced near Apollonia; André cites Pliny NH XVI 59 'Theopompus scripsit in Apolloniatarum agro picem fossilem non deteriorem Macedonica inueniri', NH XXXV 178, and Dioscorides I 73.

45. NIGRIOR. The man who was niger had qualities opposite to those of the man who was candidus; that is, he habitually thought and spoke evil of others. This is illustrated by Hor Sat I iv 81-85 'absentem qui rodit amicum, / qui non defendit alio culpante, solutos / qui captat risus hominum famamque dicacis, / fingere qui non uisa potest, commissa tacere / qui nequit—hic niger est, hunc tu, Romane,[Pg 424] caueto'. The same sense is seen at Sat I iv 91 & 100, and at Cic Caec 28 'argentarius Sex. Clodius cui cognomen est Phormio, nec minus niger nec minus confidens quam ille Terentianus est Phormio'. A similar sense of ater is seen at Hor Epod VI 15-16 'an si quis atro dente me petiuerit, / inultus ut flebo puer'; Lindsay Watson ad loc (in an unpublished University of Toronto dissertation) cites Hor Ep I xix 30 'nec socerum quaerit quem uersibus oblinat atris' for the same meaning.

A specific connection is often made between blackness and envy: compare Met II 760 (the home of Inuidia is nigro squalentia tabo) and Statius Sil IV viii 16-17 (atra Inuidia).

Catullus XCIII 2 'nec scire utrum sis albus an ater homo' and similar passages at Cic Phil II 41 and Apuleius Apol 16 are examples of an unrelated idiom meaning 'I know absolutely nothing about you'.

46. MORDENDA. For biting as an image of malice, Watson at Hor Epod VI 15 'atro dente' cites Cic Balb 57 'in conuiuiis rodunt, in circulis uellicant; non illo inimico, sed hoc malo dente carpunt', and Val Max IV 7 ext 2 'malignitatis dentes'; Professor R. J. Tarrant cites Hor Sat II i 77 and Martial V xxviii 7 'robiginosis cuncta dentibus rodit'. The image is of course used at times specifically of jealousy; Watson cites Tr IV x 123-24 'nec, qui detrectat praesentia Liuor iniquo / ullum de nostris dente momordit opus' and EP III iv 73-74 'scripta placent a morte fere, quia laedere uiuos / liuor et iniusto carpere dente solet', and Professor Tarrant cites Hor Carm IV iii 16 'et iam[Pg 425] dente minus mordeor inuido' and Pindar P II 52-53 'ἐμὲ δὲ χρεὼν / φεύγειν δάκος ἀδινὸν κακαγοριᾶν'.

48. GRAIOS. The more poetic Graius is more than four times as common in Ovid as Graecus, which, apart from Her III 2, is only found in the Fasti (I 330, IV 63 & V 196) and the Tristia (III xii 41, V ii 68 & V vii 11).

49. GENS MEA PAELIGNI REGIOQVE DOMESTICA SVLMO. This line is a type of hendiadys, the first half of the line being redefined by the second. The other cities of the Paeligni were Corfinium and Superaequum.

51-52. INCOLVMI ... SALVOQVE. The two words, equivalent in meaning, were used together as a common Latin phrase; see Caesar BC I 72 3 'mouebatur etiam misericordia ciuium ... quibus saluis atque incolumibus rem obtinere malebat' & II 32 12 'saluum atque incolumem exercitum', Cic Fin IV 19, Diuin in Q Caec 72, Inuen II 169, and Livy XXIII 42 4 'saluo atque incolumi amico', XXIX 27 3 & XLI 28 9.

53. IMMVNIS is also used without a qualifying word or phrase at Plautus Tr 354, Sall Iug 89 4 'eius [sc oppidi] apud Iugurtham immunes', Cic Off III 49 'piratas immunes, socios uectigales habemus', [Pg 426]Cic Font 17, Livy XXXIV 57 10 'urbes ... liberas et immunes' & XXXVII 55 7, and CIL XIV 4012 4. For a recent discussion of immunitas, see V. Nutton, "Two Notes on Immunitas: Digest 27,1,6,10 and 11", JRS 1971, 52-63.

54. EXCEPTIS SI QVI MVNERA LEGIS HABENT. The phrase is difficult. Perhaps legal magistrates enjoyed immunity from taxation; if this is what Ovid is saying, munera legis is related to such expressions as consulatus munus (Cic Pis 23) and legationis munus (Phil IX 3). Munus by itself of magistrates' duties is quite common.

Professor E. Fantham suggests to me, however, that munera legis is a reference to civic duties, or liturgies, that Greek cities imposed on certain of their citizens, and Ovid may be saying that citizens performing such liturgies at Tomis procured exemption from regular taxation.

Wheeler translates 'those only excepted who have the boon by law'. This seems difficult; but Professor A. Dalzell notes that the strangeness of the phrasing may be the results of Ovid's striving for a play on munera/immunis.

55. CORONA. Professor C. P. Jones notes that the corona indicates that Ovid was probably invested with a local priesthood.

57-58. DELIA TELLVS, / ERRANTI TVTVM QVAE DEDIT VNA LOCVM. Accounts of this at Met VI 186-91 (Niobe speaking) 'Latonam ... cui maxima quondam / exiguam sedem pariturae terra negauit! / nec caelo nec[Pg 427] humo nec aquis dea uestra recepta est: / exul erat mundo, donec miserata uagantem / "hospita tu terris erras, ego" dixit "in undis" / instabilemque locum Delos dedit' and in the passages cited by Williams at Aen III 76 and Tarrant at Sen Ag 384f.

61-62. DI MODO FECISSENT PLACIDAE SPEM POSSET HABERE / PACIS, ET A GELIDO LONGIVS AXE FORET. In this final distich Ovid unexpectedly reverts from his gratitude to the Tomitans to the subject of the first part of the poem, the inhospitality of the region.

This passage provides an example of the technique pointed out in the Amores by Douglass Parker ("The Ovidian Coda", Arion 8 [1969]) whereby Ovid unexpectedly modifies a poem's tone in the concluding distich. In Am I x Ovid rails against his girl because she has asked him for a present: 'nec dare, sed pretium posci dedignor et odi; / quod nego poscenti, desine uelle, dabo!' (63-64). In Am II xiv Ovid scolds his girl for having an abortion: 'di faciles, peccasse semel concedite tuto, / et satis est; poenam culpa secunda ferat!' (43-44). In II xv, Ovid imagines that he becomes the ring he is giving his girl: 'inrita quid uoueo? paruum proficiscere munus; / illa data tecum sentiat esse fide!' (27-28). Am I vii, I xiii, I xiv, and II xiii are other examples of the device.

62. A GELIDO ... AXE. Compare XV 36 'dura iubet gelido Parca sub axe mori' and Her VI 105-6 (Hypsipyle to Jason) 'non probat Alcimede[Pg 428] mater tua—consule matrem— / non pater, a gelido cui uenit axe nurus'.[Pg 429]

XV. To Sextus Pompeius

The poem, the fourth and last in the book to be addressed to Pompeius, is an elaborate appeal to him to continue his assistance.

It starts with the assertion that Pompeius, after the Caesars, is principally responsible for Ovid's well-being (1-4). The favours Pompeius has done for Ovid are innumerable and extend throughout his life (5-10). Ovid will of his own volition declare that he is as much Pompeius' property as Pompeius' estates in Sicily and Macedonia, his house in Rome, or his country retreat in Campania; because of Ovid, Pompeius now has property in the Pontus (11-20). Ovid asks him to continue working on his behalf (21-24). He knows that he does not have to urge Pompeius, but he cannot help himself (27-34). No matter whether he is recalled or not, he will always remember Pompeius; all lands will hear that it is he who saved Ovid, and that Ovid belongs to him (35-42).

The poem effectively combines a number of commonplaces of the works of exile, subordinating them to the central theme of Ovid's indebtedness to Pompeius. The topic of Ovid as Pompeius' property is to a certain extent foreshadowed in EP I vii, throughout which Ovid refers to himself as a client of Messalinus' family: 'ecquis in extremo positus iacet orbe tuorum, / me tamen excepto, qui precor esse tuus?' (5-6); it is found explicitly at i 35-36 'sic ego sum rerum non ultima, Sexte, tuarum / tutelaeque feror munus opusque[Pg 430] tuae'. Syme (HO 156) believes that the addressing of the first and penultimate letters to Pompeius constitutes a dedication of the book to Pompeius. However, as Syme recognizes, the abnormal length of the book indicates that it may be a posthumous collection (see page 4 of the introduction); if so, the arrangement of the poems is presumably by Ovid's literary executor.

The poem is remarkable for the cluster of legal terms at 11-12. The passage is evidence for Ovid's expertise and interest in law. For other indications of this in his works, see at 12 (p 434).

1. SI QVIS ... EXTAT. Pompeius is kept in the third person through line 10; Ovid thereby indicates that he is making a public declaration.

1. EXTAT. As Riese pointed out, the choice in 1-2 is between extat ... requirit and extet ... requirat; the problem is that the manuscripts give extat ... requirat, requirit being found only in a few manuscripts of Heinsius, while extet is a conjecture of Guethling. Owen (1894) thought that the ending of extat caused requirit to be corrupted to requirat; on the other hand, the alteration of extet to extat would be all but automatic. There is a similar difficulty at Tr I i 17-18 'si quis ut in populo nostri non immemor illi [=illic], / si quis qui quid agam forte requirat erit', where most manuscripts have requiret. Both passages seem to involve the assimilation of requirere to the mood of the verb immediately following. I print extat ... requirit in consideration of Tr III x 1-2 'Si quis adhuc istic meminit[Pg 431] Nasonis adempti, / et superest sine me nomen in urbe meum' (cited by Lenz), Tr III v 23-24 'si tamen interea quid in his ego perditus oris— / quod te credibile est quaerere—quaeris, agam' and Tr V vii 5 'scilicet ut semper quid agam, carissime, quaeris'.

3. CAESARIBVS = Augusto et Tiberio. Augustus is similarly given primary credit for Ovid's survival at v 31-32 'uiuit adhuc uitamque tibi debere fatetur, / quam prius a miti Caesare [=Augusto] munus habet'.

4. A SVPERIS ... PRIMVS. The same idiomatic use of ab 'after' at v 25-26 'tempus ab his uacuum Caesar Germanicus omne / auferet; a magnis hunc colit ille deis' and Fast III 93-94 (of the month of March) 'quintum Laurentes, bis quintum Aequiculus acer, / a tribus hunc primum turba Curensis habet'.

5. TEMPORA ... OMNIA. Compare i 23 'numquam pigra fuit nostris tua gratia rebus'.

5. COMPLECTAR. Complecti in the weak sense 'include, take in' is found in Ovid only here and at Tr I v 55 'non tamen idcirco complecterer omnia uerbis'. The usage is common in prose (OLD complector 8).

6. MERITIS. Compare i 21-22 'et leuis haec meritis referatur gratia tantis; / si minus, inuito te quoque gratus ero'.[Pg 432]

7-10. QVAE NVMERO TOT SVNT. Ovid is very fond of using this type of catalogue to indicate great number. Compare AA I 57-59 ('tot habet tua Roma puellas'), AA II 517-19 ('tot sunt in amore dolores'), AA III 149-50 (the many ways women can ornament themselves), Tr V vi 37-40 (the number of Ovid's ills), and EP II vii 25-28 ('nostrorum ... summa laborum').

8. GRANA. Ovid does not use pomegranates in his similar catalogues elsewhere. Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me how Ovid elaborates the novel item of comparison in a full distich with several picturesque details (Punica, lento cortice, rubent), then reviews familiar elements rather more quickly in 9-10, with geography the ordering principle.

9. AFRICA QVOT SEGETES. Compare EP II vii 25 'Cinyphiae segetis citius numerabis aristas' (the Cinyps was a river in Libya).

9. SEGETES ... RACEMOS. Compare AA I 57 'Gargara quot segetes, quot habet Methymna racemos'.

9. TMOLIA TERRA = Lydia. The adjective Tmolius (from Tmolus, a mountain in Lydia famous for its wines) occurs only here.

10. QVOT SICYON BACAS. Compare AA II 518 'caerula quot bacas Palladis arbor habet'. For Sicyonian bacae compare Virgil G II 519 'Sicyonia [Pg 433]baca' and Ibis 317 'oliuifera ... Sicyone'.

10. QVOT PARIT HYBLA FAVOS. Fauos stands by a type of metonymy for apes; compare AA II 517 'quot apes pascuntur in Hybla', AA III 150 'nec quot apes Hybla nec quot in Alpe ferae', and Tr V vi 38 'florida quam multas Hybla tuetur apes'. For a similar metonymy, see EP II vii 26 'altaque quam multis floreat Hybla thymis'.

11. CONFITEOR; TESTERE LICET. 'I make a public deposition; you, Pompeius, may be a witness'. The deposition is to the effect that Ovid is now Pompeius' property by virtue of the many gifts Pompeius has made to him.

11. TESTERE ... SIGNATE. André cites Dig XXII v 22 'curent magistratus cuiusque loci testari uolentibus et se ipsos et alios testes uel signatores praebere'.

11. SIGNATE, QVIRITES. After addressing Pompeius directly (testere licet), Ovid addresses those witnessing the mancipatio. As Professor A. Dalzell points out, this was achieved ex iure Quiritium; there is a similar direct address to the witnessing Quirites in the formula for establishing a will (Gaius II 104).

Professor Dalzell also notes the abrupt change of audience; typical of Propertius, this is a very unusual procedure in Ovid.

For signare used without an object, compare Suet Cl 9 2 'etiam cognitio falsi testamenti recepta est, in quo et ipse signauerat' & Nero 17 'cautum ut testamentis primae duae cerae testatorum modo nomine inscripto uacuae signaturis ostenderentur'.[Pg 434]

Ovid uses testis and signare in a similarly metaphorical sense at EP III ii 23-24 (he forgives those friends who deserted him in his disaster) 'sint hac [M (Heinsius): hi codd] contenti uenia, signentque [uarr sientque; fugiantque] licebit / purgari factum me quoque teste suum'

12. NIL OPVS EST LEGVM VIRIBVS, IPSE LOQVOR. Ehwald (KB 52) aptly cites Quintilian V vii 9 'duo genera sunt testium, aut uoluntariorum aut eorum quibus in [in add editio Aldina] iudiciis publicis lege denuntiari solet ['or those who are summoned sub poena in trials']'.

The reference in this passage to a legal procedure is rather curious, as is the connected reference in 41-42. But it is clear from Ovid's verse that he had a solid practical expertise and interest in law. In his youth he had been one of the tresuiri monetales or capitales (Tr IV x 33-34), and had also served in the centumviral court (Tr II 93-94; EP III v 23-24). He must have been known for his knowledge of law as well as for his fairness in order to be selected as arbitrator in private cases: 'res quoque priuatas statui sine crimine iudex, / deque mea fassa est pars quoque uicta fide' (Tr II 95-96). E. J. Kenney has presented some interesting statistics concerning the frequent occurrence of legal terms in Ovid's poetry ("Ovid and the Law", Yale Classical Studies XXI [1969] 241-63) comparing the number of occurrences of certain legal terms in Ovid and in Lucretius, Catullus, Virgil, Propertius, Tibullus, and the Odes of Horace. Ius and lex are not much more common in Ovid than[Pg 435] in the other poets (the proportions being 134:59 and 74:60 respectively for Ovid and the other poets combined); this is not surprising, since these common words could hardly be considered technical terms. Arbiter (7:4) and lis (23:10) are not much more common in Ovid than in the other poets. But it will be seen from the following list how fond Ovid was of legal terminology: legitimus (16:0), iudex (47:12), iudicium (39:7), index (26:1), indicium (36:8), arbitrium (23:6), reus (23:5), uindex (26:5), uindicare (16:6), uindicta (11:0), asserere (3:0), assertor (1:0). Compare as well the play on legal terminology at AA I 83-86 (with Hollis's notes), and the use of such terms as addicere (Met I 617), fallere depositum (Met V 480 & IX 120), usus communis (Met VI 349), transcribere (Met VII 173), primus heres (Met XIII 154), rescindere (Met XIV 784), accensere (Met XV 546), subscribere (Tr I ii 3), sub condicione (Tr I ii 109), and acceptum referre (Tr II 10).

13. OPES ... PATERNAS. Pompeius appears to have been very wealthy. Seneca speaks of the wealth of a Pompeius (presumably the son of Ovid's patron—so Syme Ten Studies 82, HO 162), who was murdered by Gaius Caligula (Tranq 11 10).

13. REM PARVAM MHIT PARVAM REM BCFL. Either reading is possible enough. On balance, I believe paruam rem to be an intentional scribal alteration to avoid the incidence of a spondaic word in the fourth foot of the hexameter; for a discussion of the phenomenon, see at i 11 uellem cum (p 150).[Pg 436]

In an older poet, the alliteration of paruam pone paternas would be a strong argument for the reading (see page 15 of Munro's introduction to his commentary on Lucretius), but Ovid did not use the device in his poetry.

15. TRINACRIA = Sĭcĭlĭa, unusable because it begins with three consecutive short vowels; compare Met V 474-76 (of Ceres) 'terras tamen increpat omnes / ingratasque uocat nec frugum munere dignas, / Trinacriam ante alias'.

André avoids the literal meaning of the passage, joining terra with Trinacria as well as with regnataque ... Philippo and taking it to mean 'estate': 'ta terre de Trinacrie et celle où régna Philippe'. But this sense of terra is rare in Latin (Martial IX xx 2, Apuleius Met IX 35), it is difficult to see how regnataque ... Philippo could stand as an epithet in such a case, and it is clear enough that Ovid is imitating Aen III 13-14 'terra ... acri quondam regnata Lycurgo', as he does at Her X 69 'tellus iusto regnata parenti', Met VIII 623 'arua suo quondam regnata parenti', and Met XIII 720-21 'regnataque uati / Buthrotos Phrygio'. In these lines Ovid states that Pompeius owns Sicily, Macedonia, and Campania, and by the hyperbole indicates the size of Pompeius' holdings. Seneca similarly mentions how the Pompeius murdered by Gaius Caligula possessed 'tot flumina ... in suo orientia, in suo cadentia'.

16. QVAM DOMVS AVGVSTO CONTINVATA FORO. Compare v 9-10 'protinus inde domus uobis Pompeia petetur: / non est Augusto iunctior ulla foro'.[Pg 437]

18. QVAEQVE RELICTA TIBI, SEXTE, VEL EMPTA TENES. The line seems rather prosaic. For the thought, compare Cic Off II 81 'multa hereditatibus, multa emptionibus, multa dotibus tenebantur sine iniuria'; for this sense of relicta, compare Nepos Att 13 2 'domum habuit ... ab auunculo hereditate relictam', Livy XXII 26 1 'pecunia a patre relicta', and Martial X xlvii 3 'res non parta labore, sed relicta'.

19. TAM TVVS EN EGO SVM. Professor A. Dalzell notes the play on the dual sense of tuus (devoted/belonging to you) which is probably the basis of the entire poem. For tuus 'devoted' compare Tr II 55-56 '[iuro ...] hunc animum fauisse tibi, uir maxime, meque, / qua sola potui, mente fuisse tuum' and the other passages cited at OLD tuus 6.

19. MVNERE. The word is difficult. 'Gift' seems strange in view of the stress placed on Pompeius' ownership of Ovid. Professor E. Fantham suggests to me that the phrase could mean 'by virtue of whose sad service you cannot say you own nothing in the Pontus', while Professor R. J. Tarrant suggests that munere could mean 'responsibility, charge', with cuius (=mei) as an objective genitive.

21. ATQVE VTINAM POSSIS, ET DETVR AMICIVS ARVVM. This elliptical use of posse seems to be colloquial. The only instance cited by OLD possum 2a from verse is Prop IV vii 74 'potuit [uar patuit], nec tibi auara fuit'; there as well the tone is that of lively speech.[Pg 438]

21. AMICIVS ARVVM. The same phrase at Met XV 442-43 (Helenus to Aeneas) 'Pergama rapta feres, donec Troiaeque tibique / externum patrio contingat amicius aruum'. The use of the adjective amicus of things rather than person is in the main a poetic usage, but compare Cic Quinct 34 'breuitas postulatur, quae mihimet ipsi amicissima est', ND II 43 'fortunam, quae amica uarietati constantiam respuit', and Att XII xv 'nihil est mihi amicius solitudine'; other instances in the elder Pliny and Columella.

22. REMQVE TVAM PONAS IN MELIORE LOCO. Compare EP I iii 77-78 'liquit Agenorides Sidonia moenia Cadmus / poneret ut muros in meliore loco'.

24. NVMINA PERPETVA QVAE PIETATE COLIS. Tiberius and Germanicus are meant. For Pompeius' devotion to Germanicus, compare v 25-26 'tempus ab his uacuum Caesar Germanicus omne / auferet; a magnis hunc colit ille deis'.

25-26. ERRORIS NAM TV VIX EST DISCERNERE NOSTRI / SIS ARGVMENTVM MAIVS AN AVXILIVM. This distich does not belong in the text: it is in itself unintelligible, and interrupts a natural progression from 24 to 27. I am not certain that the distich is a simple interpolation, since there is nothing in the context to which it is an obvious gloss. Possibly it has been inserted from another letter from exile, in which its meaning would have been clear from context.

Argumentum is difficult. Wheeler translates, 'For 'tis hard to distinguish whether you are more the proof of my mistake or the[Pg 439] relief', and notes 'Apparently Pompey could prove (argumentum) that "error" which Ovid regarded as the beginning of his woes'. But this seems a strange thing to say, for Ovid's error was hardly in need of demonstration.

Auxilium is used in its medical sense, erroris being equivalent to morbi or uulneris; compare RA 48 'uulneris auxilium' and the passages collected at OLD remedium 1.

25. DISCERNERE. Gronovius argued (Obseruationes III xiii) that DECERNERE (MI¹) should be read here, since decernere has the required sense 'uel decertare uel iudicare et certum statuere', whereas discernere means 'separare, dirimere, distinguere, diuidere'. On the evidence of the lexica, however, Gronovius' distinction breaks down, since discernere meaning 'decide, determine, make out' is common enough: compare Sallust Cat 25 3 'pecuniae an famae minus parceret haud facile discerneres', Cic Rep 2 6 'ne nota quidem ulla pacatus an hostis sit discerni ac iudicari potest', Varro LL VII 17 'quo discernitur homo mas an femina sit', and Livy XXII 61 10 'quid ueri sit discernere'. I therefore let discernere stand.

29-30. ET PVDET ET METVO SEMPERQVE EADEMQVE PRECARI / NE SVBEANT ANIMO TAEDIA IVSTA TVO. Compare EP III vii entire (an apology to his friends for the monotony of his verse), and especially the opening lines: 'Verba mihi desunt eadem tam saepe roganti, / iamque pudet uanas fine carere preces. / taedia consimili fieri de carmine uobis, / quidque petam cunctos edidicisse reor'.[Pg 440]

30. SVBEANT ANIMO. Subire animo occurs also at Tr I v 13. Ovid uses subire with the dative several times in the poetry of exile (Tr I vii 9, II 147, III iii 14 & V vii 58; EP I ix 11, II x 43 & IV iv 47), but not beforehand; earlier he has the accusative (Met XII 472) or the simple verb (Met XV 307). The dative construction is taken up by the author of the later Heroides (XVI 99, XVIII 62).

31. RES IMMODERATA CVPIDO EST. Cupido similarly called immoderata at Apuleius Plat II 21; elsewhere qualified as immodica (Livy VI 35 6) and immensa (Aen VI 823, Tac Ann XII 7).

33. DELABOR. Cicero uses the word for moving from one subject to another (OLD delabor 5b); here the metaphorical sense 'fall' is still active.

34. IPSA LOCVM PER SE LITTERA NOSTRA ROGAT. This line as it stands is clearly corrupt. I do not understand Wheeler's 'my very letters of their own accord seek the opportunity'; André's 'c'est la lettre qui, d'elle-meme, demande le sujet' seems equally difficult, although locus can certainly have the meaning 'subject, topic of discussion' (OLD locus 24b).

The only parallel I have found is Fast II 861 'iure uenis, Gradiue: locum tua tempora poscunt'. If littera is retained in the present passage, this parallel is of little assistance, since locum there means 'a place within a larger work', and Ovid's poetry cannot ask for a locus in that sense. Taking the passage from the Fasti as[Pg 441] a parallel, I once thought that Ovid wrote ipsa locum pro se tristia nostra rogant (or petunt); for the noun triste compare Fast VI 463 'scilicet interdum miscentur tristia laetis', Ecl III 80-81 'triste lupus stabulis, maturis frugibus imbres, / arboribus uenti, nobis Amaryllidis irae', and Hor Carm I xvi 25-26 'nunc ego mitibus / mutare quaero tristia'. I now consider this unlikely, since the personal adjective nostra with tristia seems unidiomatic; but I still believe that littera is the key to the corruption.

Professor R. J. Tarrant has tentatively suggested something like inque locum ... redit, but questions whether in locum, even just after eodem, can have the sense in eundem locum. Professor Tarrant also points out to me the possible relevance of locus in the sense locus communis (compare Sen Suas I 9 'dixit ... locum de uarietate fortunae'); Ovid might be saying that his poetry had made rather frequent use of the locus de exilio. In this case, rogat would require emendation.

One of Heinsius' manuscripts read per se ... facit, which is just possibly correct. Heinsius proposed pro se ... facit, which I do not understand.

35. HABITVRA is a good instance of the future participle used to express what is inevitably destined to happen (with Parca balancing in the pentameter); for the sense, see Tarrant on Sen Ag 43 'daturus coniugi iugulum suae'.[Pg 442]

37. INOBLITA = memori. Apparently the only instance of the word in classical Latin.

39. CAELO ... SVB VLLO. Bentley oddly conjectured ILLO, the reading of M^ac, which gives the sense 'under the Tomitan sky'. This obviously contradicts the following transit nostra feros si modo Musa Getas.

41. SERVATOREM occurs in Ovid only here and at Met IV 737-38 (of Perseus) 'auxiliumque domus seruatoremque fatentur / Cassiope Cepheusque pater'. In prose it is several times used in a civic context (Cic Pis 34, Planc 102, Livy VI 20 16 & XLV 44 20; CIL IX 4852 in a dedication to Ioui optimo maximo seruatori conseruatori ... ex uoto suscepto). The solemn overtones of seruatorem must be part of what Ovid means for his own land and for the rest of the world to hear and know; the poem thus ends with an implied pronouncement to balance the public statement of the opening.

42. MEQVE TVVM LIBRA NORIT ET AERE MAGIS. This line clearly refers to mancipatio, the receiving of property (including slaves), which is described by Gaius as follows: 'adhibitis non minus quam [Boeth.: quod cod] quinque testibus ciuibus Romanis puberibus, et praeterea alio eiusdem condicionis qui libram aeneam teneat, qui appellatur libripens ['scale-holder'—de Zulueta], is qui mancipio accipit, aes [aes add Boeth.] tenens, ita dicit: "hunc ego hominem ex iure [Boeth.: iūst cod] Quiritium meum esse aio isque mihi emptus esto[Pg 443] hoc aere aeneaque libra", deinde aere percutit libram, idque aes dat ei a quo mancipio accipit quasi pretii loco' (I 119).

MAGIS is found as a secondary reading in F and in the thirteenth-century Barberinus lat. 26; the reading of most manuscripts is MINVS, which seems to me impossible. Several explanations of minus have been advanced:

(i) Gronovius took the line to mean 'tuus sum, immo mancipium tuum, nisi quod sola libra et aes mea mancipatione abfuerunt'. This retention of minus, however, involves Ovid in a qualifying retraction just when he seems to be aiming for a ringing conclusion. As well, the instances of minus cited by Gronovius do not in fact illustrate this passage: among them are EP I vii 25-26 'uno / nempe salutaris quam prius ore minus', Met XII 554-55 'bis sex Herculeis ceciderunt me minus uno ['except for me alone'] / uiribus', and Manilius I 778 'Tarquinio ... minus reges', 'the kings, except for Tarquin'.

Gronovius seems to have realized that difficulties remained, and proposed to read NOVIT in 42 and make 41-42 a relative clause dependent on tellus in 38, so that the concluding lines of the poem would mean 'mea tellus, Sulmo, Roma, Italia, me tuum esse audiet. sed audiet idem etiam, quaecumque sub alia quauis caeli parte terra posita est, et te, meum seruatorem, meque, libra et aere tuum, minus nouit'. Once again, minus seems to weaken the poem fatally.

(ii) Ehwald (KB 71) followed Gronovius' second explanation, retaining the manuscripts' norit, and glossing 'tellus, quae sub[Pg 444] ullo caelo posita est et te, meae salutis seruatorem, meque, libra et aere tuum, minus norit'.

(iii) Némethy followed Gronovius' first explanation, adding as an illustration AA I 643-44 'ludite, si sapitis, solas impune puellas: / hac minus [Burman: magis codd] est una fraude tuenda [Naugerius ex codd suis: pudenda codd] fides'. The citation does not strengthen the case for minus.

(iv) André wrote 'Minus me paraît avoir le sens de citra "sans aller jusqu'à", i.e. "sans même avoir recours à la mancipation": "tu es mon maître de ma propre volonté, et non, comme tu l'es de tes autres propriétés, par achat."' But the meaning seems to weaken the force of the poem.

I have with reluctance adopted libra ... et aere magis, taking it in the sense magis quam libra et aere ('I am yours even more than I would be if I had been acquired through mancipatio'). The closest parallel I have found for this compressed use of the ablative is the idiom at v 7 'luce minus decima', 'before the tenth day'.

Of the other readings, F¹'s tuum ... datum cannot itself be correct, although it may offer a clue to the truth. Heinsius' tuum ... tuum is grammatical enough, but (as Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me) makes Ovid say that he is Pompeius' literally through mancipatio. As well, the repetition seems odd. Rappold's tuae ... manus cannot be right, since manus did not have the sense of mancipium, except for the limited meaning of a husband's authority over his wife. Still,[Pg 445] Rappold's conjecture may be a step in the right direction, particularly in view of v 39-40 'pro quibus ut meritis referatur gratia, iurat / se fore mancipii tempus in omne tui'.[Pg 446]

XVI. To a Detractor

The anonymous detractor to whom Ovid apparently addresses this poem is probably fictional; at 47 he substitutes Liuor, dropping the pretence of speaking to a single enemy.

Ovid begins the poem by asking his detractor why he criticizes Ovid's verse. A poet's fame increases after his death; Ovid's fame was great even while he was still alive (1-4). There were many poets contemporary with Ovid (5-38). There were also younger poets, not yet published, whom he will not name, with the necessary exception of Cotta Maximus (39-44). Even among such poets, he had a reputation. Envy should therefore cease to torment him; he has lost everything but life, which is left only so that he can continue to experience pain (45-50).

The poem is of particular interest because of the catalogue of the poets of the earlier part of the reign of Tiberius. It is a reminder of how much Latin verse has been lost, for of the poets listed only Grattius survives.

Similar catalogues of poets are found at Prop II xxxiv 61-92 and Am I xv 9-30, the poets listed being however not contemporaries but illustrious predecessors. Tr IV x 41-54 is complementary to the present poem, being a list of the leading Roman poets at the beginning of Ovid's career. All of these poems come last in their book, and it seems clear enough that the present poem was meant to[Pg 447] close a published collection. Other links exist with the earlier poems: mention is similarly made in them of the poet's fame after his death (Prop II xxxiv 94, Am I xi 41-42, Tr IV x 129-30), and Am I xv (which Professor R. J. Tarrant suggests may have ended the original edition in five books of the Amores) is, like the present poem, addressed to Liuor.

1. INVIDE, QVID LACERAS NASONIS CARMINA RAPTI. Compare the question that opens Am I xv 'Quid mihi, Liuor edax, ignauos obicis annos, / ingeniique uocas carmen inertis opus'. For inuide ... laceras compare Cic Brutus 156 'inuidia, quae solet lacerare plerosque'.

1. LACERAS. Lacerare 'attack verbally' is a prose usage, found in Cicero, the historians, and the elder Seneca (OLD lacero 5; TLL VII.2 827 50).

The primary meaning of lacerare behind this usage is mordere; lacerare is found in this literal sense at Cic De or II 240 'lacerat lacertum Largi mordax Memmius', Phaedrus I xii 11 'lacerari coepit morsibus saeuis canum', and Sen Clem I 25 1.

1. NASONIS ... RAPTI. 'Of Ovid, who is now dead'. For rapti, see at xi 5 rapti (p 362).

2. NON SOLET INGENIIS SVMMA NOCERE DIES. The same thought at Am I xv 39-40 'pascitur in uiuis Liuor; post fata quiescit, / cum suus[Pg 448] ex merito quemque tuetur honos' and EP III iv 73-74 'scripta placent a morte fere, quia laedere uiuos / Liuor et iniusto carpere dente solet'.

3. CINERES = mortem. Bömer at Met VIII 539 post cinerem (where cinerem, as Bömer saw, means 'cremation'), cites among other passages Prop III i 35-36 'meque inter seros laudabit Roma nepotes: / illum post cineres auguror esse diem', Martial I i 2-6 'Martialis ... cui, lector studiose, quod dedisti / uiuenti decus atque sentienti, / rari post cineres habent poetae' and Martial VIII xxxviii 16 'hoc et post cineres erit tributum'.

3. AT is my correction for the manuscripts' ET. The point that Ovid was famous even while alive is made by tum quoque later in the verse; the only meaning that could therefore be given to et mihi nomen is 'even I had a name, even when I was alive', which is inappropriate, since in this poem Ovid is not belittling his poetic talent.

At seems to be the obvious solution, giving the sense 'poets usually become famous after they die; I, however, was famous even while alive'. Compare Tr IV x 121-22 (to his Muse) 'tu mihi, quod rarum est, uiuo sublime dedisti / nomen, ab exequiis quod dare fama solet' and Martial I i 2-6 (cited in the previous note). The more usual situation of obscurity during the poet's lifetime followed by posthumous fame is described at Prop III i 21-24.[Pg 449]

Professor C. P. Jones points out to me that et can have an adversative sense (OLD et 14a). But the two instances there cited from Augustan verse are examples of nec ... et (Fast V 530; Tr V xii 63 'nec possum et cupio non nullos ducere uersus'). Where et alone carries the adversative sense, it is generally used to join two opposing verbs or verbal phrases: compare Cic Tusc I 6 'fieri ... potest ut recte quis sentiat et id quod sentit polite eloqui non possit' and Sen NQ II 18 'quare aliquando non fulgurat et tonat?'.

4. CVM VIVIS ADNVMERARER. For Ovid's considering himself already dead, compare EP I ix 56 'et nos extinctis adnumerare potest' and EP I vii 9-10 'nos satis est inter glaciem Scythicasque sagittas / uiuere, si uita est mortis habenda genus'.

Ovid is the first poet to use adnumerare in this sense ('reckon in with'), and only in his poems of exile; it is afterwards found at Her XVI 330 and Manilius V 438.

5-36. It is possible to discern a rough order in the catalogue of names; first come the writers of epic and Pindaric verse (5-28), then the dramatists (29-31), and finally the writers of lighter verse (32-36).

5. CVM FORET ET FHT CVMQVE FORET BCMIL. Clearly either et or -que was lost, and one or both inserted to restore the metre. Cumque would be a continuation of at mihi nomen ..., which seems an inelegant construction. Cum foret et, introducing a sentence of forty-two lines[Pg 450] ending in 'dicere si fas est, claro mea nomine Musa / atque inter tantos quae legeretur erat' seems preferable; this very long sentence serves not as a continuation of the statement in 3-4, but as evidence for it.

5. MARSVS. Domitius Marsus [29] is often mentioned by Martial as a writer of epigram, sometimes being coupled with Catullus and Albinovanus Pedo (I praef, II lxxi 3 & lxxvii 5, V v 6, VII xcix 7). A friend of Maecenas, he wrote an epic poem on the Amazons (Martial IV xxix 8), and at least nine books of fabellae (Charisius I 72 Keil). Quintilian quotes from his treatise on urbanitas (VI iii 102 ff.); and he is cited as an authority by the elder Pliny (NH I 34).

The scholiasts and grammarians preserve seven fragments (Morel 110-11), the most interesting being the four lines on the death of Tibullus: 'Te quoque Vergilio comitem non aequa, Tibulle, / Mors iuuenem campos misit ad Elysios, / ne foret aut elegis molles qui fleret amores / aut caneret forti regia bella pede'.

5. MAGNIQVE RABIRIVS ORIS. Similar phrasing at Virgil G III 294 'magno nunc ore sonandum', Prop II x 12 'magni nunc erit oris opus', and AA I 206 (to Gaius) 'et magno nobis ore sonandus eris'. In the last two passages, as here, there is a specific reference to epic verse.[Pg 451]

5. RABIRIVS. Velleius Paterculus (II 36 3) mentions Rabirius (Schanz-Hosius 267-68 [§ 316]; Bardon 73-74) alongside Virgil: 'paene stulta est inhaerentium oculis ingeniorum enumeratio, inter quae maxima nostri aeui eminent princeps carminum Vergilius Rabiriusque'. Quintilian speaks of him with rather less admiration: 'Rabirius ac Pedo non indigni cognitione, si uacet' (X i 90). Seneca (Ben VI 3 1) quotes a passage of his with Mark Antony speaking; presumably one of his poems dealt with the civil war.

6. ILIACVSQVE MACER. Pompeius Macer [30] was one of Ovid's closest friends; he is the addressee of Am II xviii and EP II x. The son of Theophanes of Mytilene, Pompey's confidant, he was intimate with Tiberius (Strabo XIII 2 3); under Augustus he had served as procurator of Asia and had been placed in charge of the libraries at Rome (Suet Iul 56 7). Two poems in the Greek Anthology are generally attributed to him (VII ccxix; IX xxviii).

Iliacus is explained by Am II xviii 1-3 'Carmen ad iratum dum tu perducis Achillem ['while you are writing a poem about the Trojan war up to the starting-point of the Iliad'] / primaque iuratis induis arma uiris, / nos, Macer, ignaua Veneris cessamus in umbra' and EP II x[Pg 452] 13-14 'tu canis aeterno quicquid restabat Homero, / ne careant summa Troica bella manu'; Macer had written poems narrating those parts of the Trojan war not covered by the Iliad.

The Macer mentioned at Tr IV x 43-44 must be a different person, for he is described as already being grandior aeuo in Ovid's youth.

For sidereus ('divine' or 'resplendent'), Bardon aptly cited Columella X 434 (written in hexameters) 'siderei uatis ... praecepta Maronis'.

7. ET, QVI IVNONEM LAESISSET IN HERCVLE, CARVS. This is the Carus to whom xiii is addressed: compare xiii 11-12 'prodent auctorem uires, quas Hercule dignas / nouimus atque illi quem canis ipse pares'.

As Jupiter's son by Alcmene, Hercules suffered from Juno's enmity until his deification.

8. IVNONIS SI IAM NON GENER ILLE FORET. Perhaps Carus' poem included Hercules' marriage to Hebe.

9. SEVERVS. On Severus, the addressee of poem ii, see the introduction to that poem; for quique dedit Latio carmen regale, see at ii 1 uates magnorum maxime regum (p 162).

10. SVBTILI ... NVMA. Numa is otherwise unknown. Subtilis means 'clean and elegant in style'; compare Cic De or I 180 'oratione maxime[Pg 453] limatus atque subtilis' and Brutus 35 'tum fuit Lysias ... egregie subtilis scriptor atque elegans, quem iam prope audeas oratorem perfectum dicere'.

10. PRISCVS VTERQVE. Only one poet of this name is known, Clutorius (Tac Ann III 49-51) or C. Lutorius (Dio LVII 20 3) Priscus. All that is known of him is the manner of his death: in AD 21 he was put to death for composing and reciting a premature poem on the death of Drusus.

11. IMPARIBVS NVMERIS ... VEL AEQVIS. Like Ovid, Montanus wrote both elegiac and hexameter verse.

For impar used of elegiac verse, compare Hor AP 75 (the earliest instance) 'uersibus impariter iunctis', Am II xvii 21, Am III i 37, AA I 264, Tr II 220, EP II v 1 (disparibus), EP III iv 86 (disparibus), EP IV v 3 (nec ... aequis), and line 36 of the present poem.

11. MONTANE. Iulius Montanus is mentioned in passing at Sen Cont VII 1 27, where he is called egregius poeta; in Donatus' life of Virgil (29) his admiration of Virgil's manner of reciting is mentioned, on the authority of the elder Seneca. The younger Seneca, calling him 'tolerabilis poeta et amicitia Tiberi notus et frigore', tells some amusing anecdotes about the length of his recitations and his fondness for describing sunrises and sunsets (Ep CXXII 11-13). He quotes from him twice (Morel 120).[Pg 454]

13-14. ET QVI PENELOPAE RESCRIBERE IVSSIT VLIXEM / ERRANTEM SAEVO PER DVO LUSTRA MARI. All that is known of Sabinus is what Ovid says here and in his list of Sabinus' poems at Am II xviii 27-34 'quam cito de toto rediit meus orbe Sabinus / scriptaque diuersis rettulit ille locis! / candida Penelope signum cognouit Vlixis; / legit ab Hippolyto scripta nouerca suo. / iam pius Aeneas miserae rescripsit Elissae, / quodque legat Phyllis, si modo uiuit, adest. / tristis ad Hypsipylen ab Iasone littera uenit; / det uotam Phoebo Lesbis amata lyram' (this line, like the letter of Sappho, has been considered suspect; see R. J. Tarrant, "The Authenticity of the Letter of Sappho to Phaon (Heroides XV)", HSPh 85 [1981] 133-53).

Since the letter of Ulysses is the first one mentioned in the list at Am II xviii 29, it was presumably the first poem in Sabinus' collection of epistles; hence Ovid's use of it here to indicate the entire collection.

15. TRISOMEN C TRISOMEM B¹. For the many other variants, see the apparatus. The word is clearly corrupt; correction is difficult in the absence of further information on Sabinus. TROEZENA (a conjecture reported by Micyllus) seems unattractive. Heinsius had difficulty with the passage: 'an Tymelen? opinor certe nomen puellae a Sabino decantatae hic latere'. TROESMIN, suggested by Ehwald (JAW CIX [1901] 187), is unlikely—why would Sabinus have wished to recount Vestalis' capture of the city?—but not, as claimed by Vollmer (PW I A,2[Pg 455] 1598 34), unmetrical: lengthening is common enough before the main caesura (although I have found no example of lengthened -in). Bardon (61) wished to read TROEZEN (which is in fact the reading of T), apparently not realizing that an accusative form is required.

15-16. DIERVM ... OPVS. Sabinus apparently started work on a calendar-poem, which may have resembled the Fasti; compare Fast I 101 'uates operose dierum'.

17. INGENIIQVE SVI DICTVS COGNOMINE LARGVS. For the play on the name compare xiii 2 'qui quod es, id uere, Care, uocaris, aue'. Nothing is known of Largus beyond what Ovid here tells us.

18. GALLICA QVI PHRYGIVM DVXIT IN ARVA SENEM. Largus described Antenor's migration to Venetia and founding of Patavium, for which see Aen I 242-49 and Livy I 1.

18. PHRYGIVM ... SENEM. At Il III 149-50 Antenor is listed among the 'δημογέροντες ... γήραϊ δὴ πολέμοιο πεπαυμένοι' sitting on the Trojan wall who see Helen approach.

19. DOMITO ... AB HECTORE TROIAM. 'The story of Troy after the death of Hector'. Gothanus II 121 has the interpolation DOMITAM ... AB HECTORE, which Korn printed.[Pg 456]

20. SVA PHYLLIDE. Presumably Tuscus' equivalent of Gallus' Lycoris. However, as Professor A. Dalzell points out, the reference to love poetry is odd in a sequence of epic and didactic writers.

20. TVSCVS is not otherwise certainly known. Kiessling (Coniectanea Propertiana, Greifswald, 1875) proposed that he was the "Demophoon" addressed in Prop II xxii; this suggestion has won support from Birt [RhM XXXII [1877] 414), Bardon (61; I owe these references to him), and André, but does not seem extremely convincing, especially since Propertius had been writing some three decades earlier. Merkel, in his edition of the Tristia (p. 373), identifies him with the grammarian Clodius Tuscus, without offering a reason.

21. VELIVOLIQVE MARIS VATES. It is not known who this was, or what the precise subject of the poem might have been; perhaps it resembled the Halieutica. André mentions that Varro Atacinus has been proposed, but does not name the author of the suggestion, which seems rather fanciful; as he points out, Varro had died some fifty years previously. Luck in his edition has proposed Abronius Silo, of whom two hexameters survive (Sen Suas II 19 = Morel 120), but, as André remarks, the fact that he, like Ovid, was a follower of the rhetor Porcius Latro is hardly sufficient evidence for the identification.

22. CAERVLEOS ... DEOS = 'the gods of the sea'. Compare Met II 8 'caeruleos habet unda deos'.

23. ACIES LIBYCAS ROMANAQVE PROELIA. The poem may have concerned the Jugurthine war, or Caesar's African campaign; compare Fast IV 379-80 'illa dies Libycis qua Caesar in oris / perfida magnanimi contudit arma Iubae'.

For the juxtaposition of opposing proper adjectives (Libycas Romana), see Tarrant on Sen Ag 613-13a Dardana tecto / Dorici ... ignes.

24. ET MARIVS SCRIPTI DEXTER IN OMNE GENVS. For the phrasing compare Tr II 381-82 'omne genus scripti grauitate tragoedia uincit: / haec quoque materiam semper amoris habet' and Tr II 517-18 'an genus hoc scripti faciunt sua pulpita ['stage'] tutum, / quodque licet, mimis scaena licere dedit?'. C's MARIVS SCRIPTOR and B's SCRIPTOR MARIVS were no doubt induced by the hyperbaton of scripti ... genus.

25. TRINACRIVSQVE ... AVCTOR. In view of the following auctor ... Lupus, Trinacrius should be taken as a proper name, and not as an adjective. The adjectival form of the name is, however, suspicious, and may be a corruption far removed from what Ovid wrote.

25. SVAE seems strange, and is probably corrupt. Wheeler translated 'Trinacrius who wrote of the Perseid he knew so well', while André ignored suae altogether: 'l'auteur trinacrien de la "Perséide"'.[Pg 458]

25-26. AVCTOR / TANTALIDAE REDVCIS TYNDARIDOSQVE LVPVS. Lupus (otherwise unknown) apparently wrote of the return of Menelaus and Helen to Sparta.

Tantalides is used only here of Menelaus. Elsewhere in Latin verse it is used of Agamemnon, Atreus, and Pelops: see OLD Tantalides. Ovid is here using the diction of high poetry.

27. ET QVI MAEONIAM PHAEACIDA VERTIT. Tuticanus; his translation of the Phaeacian episode of the Odyssey is mentioned at xii 27-28. As that poem explains, his name could not be used in elegiac verse: hence the periphrasis in this passage.

27. ET VNE HLB² ET VNE M^2c ET VNA IT ET VNI B¹C IN ANGVEM F. Vne was liable to corruption because of the hyperbaton with Rufe in the next line, and because of the rarity of the vocative of unus. For unus in the sense 'unique, outstanding', compare Catullus XXXVII 17 'tu praeter omnes une de capillatis' ('you outstanding member of the long-haired set'—Quinn) and Prop II iii 29 'gloria Romanis una es tu nata puellis'.

27-28. VNE / PINDARICAE FIDICEN TV QVOQVE, RVFE, LYRAE. An imitation of Hor Carm IV iii 21-23 'totum muneris hoc tui est / quod monstror digito praetereuntium / Romanae fidicen lyrae'.

28. RVFE. Otherwise unknown. André correctly points out that he is unlikely to be the Rufus addressed in EP II xi, 'dont Ovid n'aurait pas[Pg 459] manqué alors de vanter le talent poétique'. Bardon (59) mentions that A. Reifferscheid ("Coniect. noua", Ind. lect. Bresl., 1880/81, p. 7) identified this Rufus with the Pindaric poet Titius of Hor Ep I iii 9-10, thereby creating 'le très synthétique Titius Rufus'. But there is nothing very compelling about the identification.

29. MVSAVE TVRRANI. The poet is not otherwise certainly known. Bardon (48) reports the conjectures of Hirschfeld ("Annona", Philologus, 1870, p. 27) identifying him with C. Turranius, praefectus annonae at the time of Augustus' death (Tac Ann I 7) and of Munzer (Beitr. zur Quellenkritik 387-89), identifying him with the geographical writer Turranius Gracilis mentioned by the elder Pliny (NH III 3, IX 11).

29. INNIXA COTVRNIS. The coturnus was distinguished by its high sole; hence innixa ('supported by'). Compare Am III i 31 (of Tragedy) 'pictis innixa coturnis' and Hor AP 279-80 'Aeschylus ... docuit magnumque loqui nitique coturno'.

29. COTVRNIS. As Brink at Hor AP 80 points out, coturnus (not cothurnus) is the spelling favoured by the best manuscripts of Virgil and Horace.

30. ET TVA CVM SOCCO MVSA, MELISSE, LEVIS. H offers LEVI, also conjectured by Heinsius, which may be right: the epithet with socco would provide a pleasing balance with the preceding tragicis [Pg 460]... coturnis. On the other hand, Professor R. J. Tarrant in support of leuis cites RA 375-76 'grande sonant tragici, tragicos decet ira coturnos: / usibus e mediis soccus habendus erit' and Hor AP 80 'socci ... grandesque coturni'; in both passages soccus has no adjective.

Propertius uses Musa leuis of his verse (II xii 22); compare as well Tr II 354 'Musa iocosa' (Ovid's amatory verse), EP I v 69 'infelix Musa', Lucretius IV 589 & Ecl I 2 'siluestrem ... Musam', and Quintilian X i 55 'Musa ... rustica et pastoralis' (the poetry of Theocritus).

Leuis is used of comedy at Fast V 347-48 'scaena leuis decet hanc [sc Floram]: non est, mihi credite, non est / illa coturnatas inter habenda deas' and Hor AP 231 'effutire leues indigna Tragoedia uersus'.

30. MELISSE. Thanks principally to Suetonius Gram 21, we are comparatively well informed about Melissus (Schanz-Hosius 176-77 [§ 277]; Bardon 49-52). Brought up a slave (his father had disowned him at birth), he was given a good education by the man who accepted him, and was given to Maecenas, who manumitted him. He wrote one hundred and fifty books of Ineptiae. 'Fecit et nouum genus togatarum inscripsitque trabeatas'; it is no doubt these plays that Ovid is here referring to.

31. VARIVS. Possibly the famous author of the Thyestes and editor of the Aeneid (Schanz-Hosius 162-64 [§ 267]; Bardon 28-34; fragments at Morel 100-1 and Ribbeck 265). Riese objected to the identification[Pg 461] on chronological grounds (the Thyestes was produced in 29 BC), but the date of his death is unknown, and he may have survived to the time of Ovid's exile.

31. GRACCHVSQVE. The manuscripts omit the aspirate, and Ehwald cites CIL VI 1 1505 for a mention of Ti. Sempronius Graccus, but in his discussion of the aspirate Quintilian makes it clear that Graccus was an obsolete spelling (I v 20).

Gracchus (Bardon 48-49) is mentioned by Priscian, Nonius, and the author of the De dubiis nominibus, who among them preserve four fragments and three titles (Ribbeck 266). One of the titles is a Thyestes; Professor R. J. Tarrant plausibly suggests that Ovid may here be alluding to the plays by Varius and Gracchus on the theme with his words cum ... darent fera uerba tyrannis, Atreus being the archetype of the tyrant in tragedy.

Nipperdey proposed that Ovid's Gracchus was the Sempronius Gracchus implicated in the disgrace of Julia (Vel Pat II 100 5); see Syme HO 196 and Furneaux on Tac Ann I 53 4. The identification is however far from certain.

32. CALLIMACHI PROCVLVS MOLLE TENERET ITER. Proculus is otherwise unknown. Ehwald suggested (JAW 43 [1885] 141) that he was a dramatic poet like Varius and Gracchus, citing a mention of the 'σατυρικὰ δράματα, τραγῳδίαι, κωμῳδίαι' of Callimachus in the Souda. But Callimachus' [Pg 462]primary reputation was hardly that of a tragedian; and molle ... iter must be a reference to Aetia 25-28: 'καὶ τόδ' ἄνωγα, τὰ μὴ πατέουσιν ἅμαξαι / τὰ στειβειν, ἑτέρων δ' ἴχνια μὴ καθ' ὁμά / [Hunt: δίφρον ἐλ]ᾷν μηδ' οἷμον ἀνὰ πλατύν, ἀλλὰ κελεύθους / [Pfeiffer: ἀτρίπτο]υς, εἰ καὶ στεινοτέρην ἐλάσεις'.

For mollis used specifically of elegy (the Aetia were in elegiac verse), see EP III iv 85 and Prop I vii 19 (cited by André); for the word in an overtly Callimachean context, see Prop III i 19 'mollia, Pegasides, date uestro serta poetae'.

Tenere here has the sense 'keep to', as at Met II 79 'ut ... uiam teneas' and Q Cic (?) Pet 55 'perge tenere istam uiam quam institisti [Gruterus: instituisti codd]'; Professor R. J. Tarrant rightly sees a suggestion of conscious artistic preference, and a faint allusion to the places where Augustan poets renounce the attractions of higher poetry.

33. TITYRON ANTIQVAS PASSERQVE REDIRET AD HERBAS B¹C. For the many variants and emendations proposed, see the apparatus.

Housman has offered a defence of B and C's version of this line (937-39). He accepted Riese's printing of Passer as a proper name ('M. Petronius Passer' is mentioned at Varro RR III 2 2), and took the passage to mean 'He wrote bucolics, or, as Ovid puts it, he went back to Tityrus and the pastures of old': the construction is 'cum Passer rediret ad Tityron antiquasque herbas'. In writing the line, Ovid resorted to three devices, 'each of them legitimate, but not perhaps elsewhere assembled in a single verse'. The first is the delay of the preposition ad after Tityron, which it governs; the second is[Pg 463] the delay of -que, which properly belongs with antiquas; and the third is the placing of the verb between its two objects. For each of these devices Housman furnishes convincing parallels.

Housman's argument is ingenious and informative, but I do not believe that he is right in defending the line: the accumulation of difficulties is suspicious, and the divergence of the manuscripts is greater here than at any other point in the book. Heinsius wrote of the line, 'haec nec Latina sunt, nec satis intelligo quid sibi uelint'. Like Heinsius, I believe the line to be deeply corrupted and, in the absence of further evidence, impossible to correct.

34. APTAQVE VENANTI GRATTIVS ARMA DARET. Compare Grattius 23 'carmine et arma dabo et uenandi [cod: uenanti et Vlitius] persequar artis'.

34. GRATTIVS. The manuscripts have GRATIVS (CFLT) or GRACIVS (BMHI); and Gratius is what editors both of Ovid and Grattius printed until Buecheler pointed out (RhM 35 [1880] 407) that Grattius is the only form found in inscriptions, and is what is given in the oldest manuscript of Grattius, Vindobonensis 277 (saec viii/ix), which predates the manuscripts of EP IV by at least four hundred years.

35. NAIADAS C. P. Jones NAIADAS A HLI² NAYADES A MT NAIDAS A BCFI². Ovid elsewhere invariably uses the dative of agent with amatus (Am I v 12, II viii 12, III ix 55-56, AA II 80, Tr I vi 2, II 400, III i 42, IV x 40).[Pg 464]

As Professor Jones notes, following the interpolation of a, the shorter form Naidas was introduced in BCFI¹ to restore metre.

36. IMPARIBVS ... MODIS. See at 11 imparibus numeris ... uel aequis (p 453).

37-38. QVORVM MIHI CVNCTA REFERRE / NOMINA LONGA MORA EST. Similar phrasing at Met XIII 205-6 'longa referre mora est quae consilioque manuque / utiliter feci spatiosi tempore belli' and Fast V 311-12 (Flora speaking) 'longa referre mora est correcta obliuia damnis; / me quoque Romani praeteriere patres'.

39-40. ESSENT ET IVVENES QVORVM, QVOD INEDITA CVRA EST, / APPELLANDORVM NIL MIHI IVRIS ADEST. All editors, misled no doubt by 37, mispunctuate this passage, placing a comma before quorum instead of after: this destroys the gerundive quorum ... appellandorum, leaving the pentameter without a construction.

Williams proposed excising this distich, the reasons being (1) the sudden change from forent to essent, (2) the use of inedita, which is not found elsewhere, (3) the use of cura in a sense, 'written work', that is found only in late Latin, and (4) the prose turn of quorum ... appellandorum. To which it can be replied that (1) forent and essent are equivalent, and metrical convenience alone could justify the change, (2) the use of negatived perfect participles such as inedita, indeclinatus (x 83), and inoblita (xv 37) is a hallmark[Pg 465] of Ovid's style, (3) cura is used in this sense by Tacitus (Dial 3 3 & 6 5; Ann III 24 4 & IV 11 5); its earlier use in verse is not surprising, and (4) gerundives were allowed in Latin verse; here, as at ix 12 'salutandi munere functa tui', the hyperbaton compensates for any awkwardness.

39. CVRA unus Thuaneus Heinsii CAVSA BCMFHILT. The same error in some manuscripts at Her I 20 'Tlepolemi leto cura nouata mea est', and Fast I 55 'uindicat Ausonias Iunonis cura Kalendas'; the inverse corruption at Am II xii 17 and Fast IV 368.

In 1894 Owen printed causa. The word can certainly have the meaning he attributed to it ('ὑπόθεσις', 'theme'), as at Prop II i 12 'inuenio causas mille poeta nouas', but this does not seem appropriate to the context here. In his later edition Owen returned to the usual reading.

41. APPELLANDORVM. Appellare used with the same sense (OLD appello² 11) at III vi 6 'appellent ne te carmina nostra rogas'; nōmĭnāre was not available for Ovid's use.

41-44. COTTA ... MAXIME. M. Aurelius Cotta Maximus Messalinus [31] (Forschungen in Ephesos III 112 no. 22; cited by Syme HO 117) was the younger son of Messalla, the patron of Tibullus; he was the recipient of six of the Epistulae ex Ponto (I v, I ix, II iii, II viii,[Pg 466] III ii & III v). He is undoubtedly the M. Aurelius or Aurelius Cotta recorded by Tacitus as consul for 20 (Ann III 2 3 & 17 4). He was born much later than his brother Messalinus (the addressee of EP I vii and II ii), who was consul in 3 BC; the chronology is confirmed by a mention of him as praetor in 17 (Inscriptiones Italiae XIII i p. 298; see Syme Ten Studies 52), and by Ovid's testimony that Cotta was born after Ovid had become acquainted with his family (EP II iii 69-80). Cotta was clearly a very close friend of Ovid; this can be seen particularly from EP II iii, in which Ovid recounts how Cotta sent the first letter of comfort after his catastrophe (67-68) and tells how he confessed his error to Cotta. ] Tacitus gives some information on Cotta's public career. In AD 16, in the aftermath of the discovery of Libo's plot against Tiberius, Cotta proposed that Libo's image not be in his descendants' funeral processions (Ann II 32 1). In 20, as consul, he similarly proposed penalties against Piso's family (Ann III 17), and in 27 he is mentioned as attacking Agrippina so as to please Tiberius (Ann V 3). The most interesting mention of him is at Ann VI 5 (AD 32), where Tacitus tells of how Tiberius himself intervened in favour of Cotta after he had been charged with maiestas; the eventual result was that charges were laid against Cotta's chief accuser.

42. PIERIDVM LVMEN. At EP III v 29-36 Ovid asked Cotta to send him some of his poetry.[Pg 467]

For the sense of lumen here ('ornament'), OLD lumen 11 cites among other passages Cic Sul 5 'haec ornamenta ac lumina rei publicae' and Phil II 54 (of Pompey) 'imperi populi Romani decus ac lumen fuit'.

42. PRAESIDIVMQVE FORI = 'defender of the law'. Compare vi 33-34 'cum tibi suscepta est legis uindicta seuerae, / uerba uelut taetrum singula uirus habent'.

43. MATERNOS COTTAS. This passage should be taken in conjunction with EP III ii 103-8 (to Cotta) 'adde quod est animus semper tibi mitis, et altae / indicium mores nobilitatis habent, / quos Volesus patrii cognoscat nominis auctor, / quos Numa maternus non neget esse suos, / adiectique probent genetiua ad nomina Cottae, / si tu non esses, interitura domus'. The simplest explanation of these two passages is that Cotta had been adopted by a maternal uncle, the last surviving Aurelius Cotta.

The question of Cotta's maternal ancestry is a vexed one; for a full discussion see Syme HO 119-21.

The present passage was written with Prop IV xi 31-32 in mind: 'altera maternos exaequat turba Libones, / et domus est titulis utraque fulta suis'.

44. NOBILITAS INGEMINATA. In a famous study (Kleine Schriften I 1 ff.; trans. The Roman Nobility [1969]), Matthias Gelzer demonstrated that the usual meaning of nobilis was 'descended from a consul'. Cotta was descended from a consul on both sides.[Pg 468]

At Met XIII 144-47 Ovid uses nobilitas to mean 'descent from a god': (Ulysses speaking) 'mihi Laertes pater est, Arcesius illi, / Iuppiter huic ... est quoque per matrem Cyllenius addita nobis / altera nobilitas: deus est in utroque parente!'.

44. INGEMINATA. A verbal echo of EP I ii 1-2 (to Fabius Maximus) 'Maxime, qui tanti mensuram nominis imples, / et geminas animi nobilitate genus'.

46. ATQVE INTER TANTOS QVAE LEGERETVR ERAT. This is the end of the sentence that began at 5.

46. INTER TANTOS. Compare EP III i 55-56 (Ovid has just compared himself to Capaneus, Amphiaraus, Ulysses, and Philoctetes) 'si locus est aliquis tanta inter nomina paruis, / nos quoque conspicuos nostra ruina facit'.

47. SVMMOTVM codd SVBMOTVM edd. The assimilated summ- is standard in the manuscripts of Virgil and Lucretius, and should not be altered.

47. PROSCINDERE = 'revile, defame'. This seems to be the first instance of the word in this sense; the other examples cited by OLD proscindo 3 are Val Max V iii 3, Val Max VIII 5 2 'C. Flauium eadem lege accusatum testis proscidit', Pliny NH XXXIII 6, and Suet Cal 30 2 'equestrem ordinem ut scaenae harenaeque deuotum assidue proscidit'. The word connects with laceras in the first line of the poem, and with neu cineres sparge, cruente, meos in 48.[Pg 469]

49. OMNIA PERDIDIMVS. The same phrase at Met XIII 527-28 (Hecuba speaking) 'omnia perdidimus: superest cur uiuere tempus / in breue sustineam proles gratissima matri'.

49. TANTVMMODO is a prose word. It occurs elsewhere in Ovid only at Fast III 361 'ortus erat summo tantummodo margine Phoebus' and at Tr III vii 29-30 'pone, Perilla, metum; tantummodo femina nulla / neue uir a scriptis discat amare tuis'. Being a colloquial term, it is found in satire (Hor Sat I ix 54) and comedy (Ter Ph 109).

50. SENSVM MATERIAMQVE MALI. 'An occasion for pain, and the ability to feel it'. For sensum compare EP I ii 29-30 'felicem Nioben ... quae posuit sensum saxea facta mali [uar malis]' and EP I ii 37 'uiuimus ut numquam sensu careamus amaro'. For materiam compare Her VII 34 'materiam curae praebeat ille meae!', Met X 133-34 'ut leuiter pro materiaque doleret / admonuit' and EP I x 23-24 'dolores, / quorum materiam dat locus ipse mihi'.

51-52. QVID IVVAT EXTINCTOS FERRVM DEMITTERE IN ARTVS? / NON HABET IN NOBIS IAM NOVA PLAGA LOCVM. I believe this distich is an interpolation for the following reasons:

(1) Lines 49-50 form an effective ending, which 51-52 weaken. In 49-50 Ovid says that life is all that is left to him; and in 52 it is stated that he is already wounded in every place possible. These statements are contradictory.[Pg 470]

(2) The use of a weapon in 51 is at odds with the rending metaphor of laceras (1) and proscindere (47).

(3) There seems something peculiar about ferrum demittere in artus; the examples of demittere with this sense in the Metamorphoses involve ilia (IV 119, XII 441), armi (XII 491), and iugulum (XIII 436; similar phrasing at Her XIV 5).

The distich's fabrication was assisted by EP II vii 41-42 'sic ego continue Fortunae uulneror ictu, / uixque habet in nobis iam noua plaga locum'.[Pg 471]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Editions and commentaries

T. Harles, Publii Ovidii Nasonis Tristium Libri V Ex Ponto Libri IIII. Erlangen, 1772.

R. Merkel, P. Ovidius Naso, vol. 3: Tristia. Ibis. Ex Ponto Libri. Fasti. Halieutica. Leipzig, 1853.

A. Riese, P. Ovidii Nasonis Carmina, vol. 3: Fasti. Tristia. Ibis. Ex Ponto. Halieutica. Fragmenta. Leipzig, 1874.

R. Merkel, P. Ovidius Naso, vol. 3: Tristia. Ibis. Ex Ponto Libri. Fasti. Leipzig, 1884, reprinted 1902.

S. G. Owen, in J. P. Postgate's Corpus Poetarum Latinorum, vol. 1. London, 1894.

S. G. Owen, P. Ovidi Nasonis Tristium Libri Quinque Ibis Ex Ponto Libri Quattuor Halieutica Fragmenta. Oxford, 1915, reprinted 1963.

G. Némethy, Commentarius Exegeticus ad Ovidii Epistulas ex Ponto. Budapest, 1915.

G. Némethy, Supplementum Commentariorum ad Ovidii Amores, Tristia, et Epistulas ex Ponto. Budapest, 1922.[Pg 472]

R. Ehwald and F. W. Levy, P. Ovidius Naso, vol. 3: Tristium Libri V. Ibis. Ex Ponto Libri IV. Leipzig, 1922.

A. L. Wheeler, Ovid. Tristia. Ex Ponto. Cambridge (Massachusetts) and London, 1924, reprinted 1975.

G. Luck, Publius Ovidius Naso. Briefe aus der Verbannung, with a German translation by W. Willige. Zurich and Stuttgart, 1963.

F. della Corte, Ovidio. I Pontica [translation and commentary], 2 vols. Genoa, 1977.

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INDEX OF TOPICS DISCUSSED

ad summam = 'in short', 152

addressees in Ex Ponto IV, 6-9

advantages offered by digital editions (ebooks), vi-vii

Albinovanus Pedo, 7-8, 327-328

André, J.
text and translation of 1977, 51-53

apotheoses of Hercules, Aeneas, Romulus, Julius Caesar, and Augustus as described by Ovid, 401

articles arising from this edition, iv-vi

aut = 'otherwise', 184, 373

Black Sea, freezing of, 339
accuracy of Ovid's account, 341
source for Ovid's account of its freezing, 340-42
Ammianus Marcellinus' explanation, 342
Aulus Gellius' explanation, 342
Lucan's description, 342
Macrobius' explanation, 341
[Pg 478] Valerius Flaccus' explanation, 341

Brutus, 7, 16, 226

Burman, Peter
folio edition of the works of Ovid (1727), 37-38

Calypso accusative, 332

candidus = 'kind of heart', 421-22

Carus, 8, 20

certus eras = 'you had made up your mind', 228

conative imperfect tense, 185

conative present tense, 148

Cornelius Severus, 7

Cotta Maximus, 8-9, 465-66

Cottius, 244, 253

coturnus vs. cothurnus, 459

cretics, impossibility of using in elegiac verse, 371-73

critical apparatus, conventions used in creating, 34-37

decipere: Me decipit error = 'I am making a mistake', 231

deductum = (1) 'composed', (2) 'finely spun, delicate', 147

Della Corte, F.
translation and commentary of Ex Ponto (1977), 51

deponent verbs, perfect participle of, 290

differences between Ex Ponto IV and Ovid's earlier poems from exile, 9-11

Donnus, ancestor of Vestalis, 253

editions of the Ex Ponto before Heinsius, 37

Ehwald, Rudolf
Kritische Beiträge zu Ovids Epistulae ex Ponto (1896), 45-46

ensis vs. gladius, 309-310

eques: Ovid's status as a member of the equestrian order, 263

Ex Ponto IV a work entirely separate from EP I-III; its structure, 4-5

Ex Ponto vs. De Ponto: correct title of the collection, 145

excidit = 'I forgot', 205

excutere = 'examine', 263

Fabius Maximus, 7

facie dative singular of facies, 343

fueram equivalent to imperfect, 230

Gallio, 7, 19-20

Gete ablative singular of Getes, 195-196

Giants' rebellion, Ovid's unfinished poem about, 272-273

Gracchus vs. Graccus, 461

Graecinus, 6-7, 16, 286

Graius vs. Graecus, 425

gratari used by the poets in place of the metrically difficult gratulari, 399

Harles, Theophilus
edition of 1772; his discovery of manuscript B of the Ex Ponto, 39

Heinsius, Nicolaus
central role in the history of Ovid's text, 37-38
controversial emendations, 41
difficulty in determining preferred readings of, 42-43

Herodotus, Ovid's knowledge of, 190, 271

hexameter endings, monosyllabic, 175-176, 323

hexameter, fourth foot
use of spondees, 150-151

hiemps, spelling of, 339-40

history of this edition, iv-vii

Iazyges Sarmatae (Pontic tribe), 246-47

indices, rationale for the two, vii-viii

indirect questions
Ovid's preference for subjunctive vs. indicative, 391-92
Propertius' indifference to subjunctive vs. indicative, 392-93

ingenium loci = 'difficulty of its terrain', 251

intended audience of this edition, ii

is vs. hic, ille, and iste, 319

Junius Gallio, 359-60

Korn, Otto
discovery of manuscript C, 45
edition of 1868: use of manuscript B; attitude towards Heinsius, 40-42

lapsus and lassus common variant readings, 383-84

law, Ovid's expertise in, 434-35

Lenz (Levy), F.
edition of 1922, 48-49
edition of 1938, 49-50

levels of diction within Ex Ponto IV, 11-12

Luck, G.
1963, 50-51

manuscripts of Ex Ponto IV, 23-34
Antuerpiensis Musei Plantiniani Denucé 68 (M), 28-30
fragmentum Guelferbytanum, Cod. Guelf. 13.11 Aug. 4° (G), 23-24
Francofurtanus Barth 110 (F), 30-31
Hamburgensis scrin. 52 F (A), 23
Holkhamicus 322 (H), 31
Laurentianus 36 32 (I), 32
Lipsiensis bibl. ciu. Rep. I 2° 7 (L), 32
Monacensis latinus 384 (B), 25-28
Monacensis latinus 19476 (C), 25-28
Parisinus lat. 7993 (P), 33
Turonensis 879 (T), 32-33
vulgate manuscripts (MFHILT), 28-29

mare (ablative singular), 242

Merkel, Rudolf
edition of 1853, 40
edition of 1884, 45

Morrow, Rob, x

munus opusque = 'creation', 160

murmur, 406

nature of this edition, vii

Némethy, Geza
commentary of 1915, 48

neque = sed ... non, 203

neque before vowel, vs. nec, 203

niger as a moral quality, 423-24

nihil vs. nil, 262

Nireus' handsomeness as a commonplace, 397

numbers higher than novem, Roman poets' avoidance of usual names for, 288

Numida masculine substantive and adjective, 294-95

obliquus = 'swirling', 335

opportunity presented by the Ex Ponto to future editors and commentators, iii

Ovid's attitude towards his wife, 9

Ovid's life and literary production in exile, 1-4

Owen, S. G.
edition of 1894, 45
edition of 1915, 46-47

penna vs. pinna, 28, 203

pentameter endings
trisyllabic, 294
quadrisyllabic, 164-166
pentasyllabic, 181-182

perfect subjunctive vs. future perfect indicative forms, 215

polyptoton, Ovid's use of, 278, 378

potior = 'more important', 301

principes viri, 268

prose words in EP IV, 12

qui used for quis ("qui sit"), 178-179

quod = 'granted that', 337-338

quoque magis, 293

reasons why the text in this edition differs from that of earlier editors, iii

res lassae (fessae), 383-84

Riese, Alexander
independence of judgment in 1874 edition, 44

Severus, 18-19

Sextus Pompeius, 6, 146
poems addressed to, 12-14

simple verbs used for compound ones, 281

Suillius (P. Suillius Rufus), 260
poem addressed to (viii), 14-15

summotum vs. submotum, 468

suscensere vs. succensere, 415

syllepsis, Ovid's use of, 234

ter quarter = 'infinitely', 296

Thersites' ugliness as a commonplace, 396

third declension accusative plural endings: -es vs. -is, 27-28

titles of the individual poems, 34

Tuticanus, 8, 17-18

Ulysses' voyage a favourite topic of the Roman poets, 330-31

ut in populo = 'in the crowd', 216

Vestalis, 8, 21, 244

viderit = 'let him look to himself', 151-152

Virgil, Aen I 608, Ovid's interpretation of, 321

Weber, W. E.
Corpus Poetarum Latinorum (1833); attitude towards Heinsius, 39-40

Wheeler, A. L.
text and translation (1924), 49

Williams, W. H.
commentary (1881): focus on Indo-European philology, 44

INDEX OF TEXTUAL EMENDATIONS

This is an index to those textual emendations first appearing in this edition.
Where a critic's name is not supplied, the emendation was proposed by the Editor.

Germanicus
Aratea 26: 343

Horace
Carm III xiv 19: 306

Mela
II 7: 349

Ovid, Heroides
IX 101: 233

Ovid, Ars Amatoria
III 803-04 (R. J. Tarrant): 398

Ovid, Metamorphoses
VI 233: 306
IX 711: 233
XI 493: 386
[Pg 490]XIV 233: 335

Ovid, Fasti
V 580: 196

Ovid, Tristia
III vi 7: 303, 421
III x 38: 246

Ovid, Ex Ponto
II v 15-16: 293
III iv 58: 284-85
IV i 16 (J. N. Grant): 57
IV i 21: 57, 154
IV ii 17 (A. Dalzell): 60, 168
IV ii 17 (R. J. Tarrant): 60, 168
IV iii 32: 65, 187-188
IV iii 50 (R. J. Tarrant): 67, 195
IV iv 34: 70
IV vi 15: 77, 231-32
IV vi 15 (J. N. Grant): 77, 232
IV vi 34 (R. J. Tarrant): 78, 239
IV vi 38: 78, 240-241
[Pg 491]IV vi 38 (D. R. Shackleton Bailey): 78, 241
IV viii 16: 87, 263
IV viii 60: 90, 275
IV viii 71 (R. J. Tarrant): 91, 279
IV ix 41: 96, 298
IV ix 59-60: 97, 303
IV ix 73: 98, 306
IV ix 103 (R. J. Tarrant): 101, 315-16
IV ix 113: 102, 318
IV ix 115-16 (R. J. Tarrant): 102, 318
IV ix 133-34: 104, 322-23
IV ix 134 (C. P. Jones): 104, 323
IV x 76: 112, 355-56
IV xi 15: 114, 365
IV xii 13 (R. J. Tarrant): 116, 375
IV xii 50: 119, 387-88
IV xiii 31-32 (punctuation): 122
IV xiii 45: 123, 408
IV xiv 6: 125, 412
IV xiv 23: 127
IV xiv 33: 128
IV xv 2: 131
IV xv 25-26: 133, 438
IV xv 34 (R. J. Tarrant): 134, 440-41
IV xv 34: 134, 440-41
IV xv 42: 135
[Pg 492]IV xvi 3: 136, 448-49
IV xvi 35 (C. P. Jones): 141, 463-64
IV xvi 39 (punctuation): 141, 464
IV xvi 51-52: 142, 469-70

Pliny the Elder
NH XXXIV 34 (R. J. Tarrant): 419

Porphyrion
on Hor. Sat I v 87: 372

Propertius
III xiv 14: 350

Suetonius
Tiberius 18: 299

Tacitus
Ann II 66: 308

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The evidence for Ovid's error and the many theories advanced to explain it are gathered and fully discussed in J. C. Thibault's The Mystery of Ovid's Exile (Berkeley: 1964).

[2] For these references I am indebted to page xxxv of A. L. Wheeler's excellent introduction to the Loeb edition of the Tristia and Ex Ponto. For the date of Tiberius' triumph, see Syme History in Ovid 40.

[3] Professor Tarrant notes however that unlike I-III the fourth book was not written within a very short time; if Ovid had collected what he thought worth publishing of his output over several years, it would not be surprising to find it longer than the preceding collections.

[4] Professor E. Fantham notes as well the central placement of poem ix, with its laudes Augusti.

[5] Full information on what is known of each of the addressees will be found in the introductions to the poems in the commentary.

[6] Ovid had used a similar technique in Tr I i, where he gives his book instructions for its voyage to Rome, including directions on how it should approach Augustus.

[7] Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me in particular that lines 63-64 on the apotheosis of Augustus being in part accomplished through poetry are one of the few instances in the poetry of exile of Ovid's earlier mischievous irony towards Augustus—a sign of a return on Ovid's part to his earlier form.

[8] However, Albinovanus' poem on Germanicus' campaigns may have had a strong geographical element; as Professor E. Fantham notes, Ovid may here be appealing to this interest, or demonstrating competitive skill in handling the topic.

[9] The manuscripts were probably produced at the same German centre. Professor R. J. Tarrant has noted the presence of the Ex Ponto in book-lists of the eleventh and early twelfth centuries from Blaubeuern, Tegernsee, Bamberg, Egmond, and Cracow (Texts and Transmission 263); he suggests Tegernsee to me as a probable candidate for the production of B and C.

[10] G. P. Goold ("Amatoria Critica", HSPh 69 [1965] 10) has an interesting discussion of the problems in establishing Ovid's orthography. For accusative plural endings in the third declension, he concludes that -is for Ovid can be neither established nor excluded.

[11] In recent years much progress has been made in identifying the manuscripts Heinsius used. See the monograph of Munari and the articles of Reeve and Lenz listed in the bibliography.

[12] Electa minora ex Ovidio, Tibullo et Propertio, London, 1705. The book was reprinted as late as 1860 (Brit. Mus. Gen. Catalogue, vol. 177, col. 470). I quote some of the notes on x in the commentary and apparatus.

[13] 'Diligenter autem et religiose tractaui codicem et singulas epistolas bis, et in locis uexatis saepius contuli. Neque tamen, quae hominum est imbecillitas, aciem oculorum quaedam effugisse, negabo' (xi-xii).

[14] A. Grafton has noted that Heinsius' publisher Elzevier seems to have been unwilling to alter the text as it already existed (JRS LXVII [1977], 173). I owe my knowledge of Heinsius' editorial practices as here described to Professor R. J. Tarrant, who has examined the Harvard copies of the 1664 edition of Heinsius' text (without notes), the 1670 Leiden edition of Bernard Cnippingius, which reproduces Heinsius' notes, and the 1663 reprint of Daniel Heinsius' edition.

[15] Consequently any statements I make on Heinsius' editorial practices are based on explicit statements in his notes.

[16] My knowledge of the manuscript is drawn from André's apparatus.

[17] He collated four other manuscripts, M, Bernensis bibl. munic. 478, Diuionensis bibl. munic. 497, and British Library Burney 220, but gives their readings only occasionally.

[18] These figures are taken from Platnauer 17 and from page vii of Riese's preface to his edition.

[19] A drinking-vessel holding one third of a sextarius (OLD triens 3).

[20] Compare Suet Aug 89 3 'componi tamen aliquid de se nisi et serio et a praestantissimis offendebatur, admonebatque praetores ne paterentur nomen suum commissionibus obsolefieri ['be cheapened in prize declamations'—Rolfe]'.

[21] PIR¹ A 343; PIR² A 479; PW 1,1 1314 21-40; Schanz-Hosius II 266 (§315); Bardon 69-73.

[22] Macrobius does include the explanation for the freezing-over. In view of his fuller account, I believe that Macrobius drew his material from Gellius' source and not from Gellius. It is of course possible enough that Macrobius conflated Gellius with another source.

[23] This seems the best solution to the awkwardness of the line as currently printed. Gellius IX xiv 21 gives two examples of dative facie from Lucilius. Plautus regularly uses fide (Aul 667, Pers 193, Poen 890, Trin 117) and die (Am 546, Capt 464, Trin 843); dative pube is found at Pseud 126. Sallust and Caesar use fide (Iug 16 3; BG V 3 7); at the time of Germanicus, fide is found at Hor Sat I iii 94-95 'quid faciam si furtum fecerit, aut si / prodiderit commissa fide sponsumue negarit?', and pernicie at Livy V 13 5.

[24] PIR¹ I 493; PIR² I 756; PW X,l 1035 26; Schanz-Hosius 349 (§ 336)

[25] Instances at Her VI 99, Am I xiv 13 & II vii 23, AA II 675, III 81 & III 539, Met XIII 117, XIII 854 & XIV 684, Fast III 143, III 245 & VI 663, Tr I v 79, II 135, V x 43, V xii 21 & V xiv 15, EP I vii 31, II xi 23, III ii 103, III iv 45, III vi 35, IV x 45, the present passage, and IV xiv 45. (Ovid's imitator uses the expression at Her XVII 199.) The preponderance of this presumably colloquial expression in the poems of exile is noteworthy.

[26] PIR¹ T 314; PW VII A,2 1611 62; Schanz-Hosius 272 (§ 318 16)

[27] Honestus XXI 1-2 Gow-Page (Garland of Philip); discussed by Professor Jones at HSCP 74 (1970) 249-55.

[28] PW XV,2 1481 3; Jacoby FGrH no. 184.

[29] PIR¹ D 131; PIR² D 153; Schanz-Hosius 174-76 (§ 275-76); Bardon 52-57.

[30] PIR¹ P 473; Syme HO 73-74; Bardon 65-66; J. Schwartz, "Pompeius Macer et la jeunesse d'Ovide", RPh XXV (1951) 182-94. Macer is discussed in the section of Schanz-Hosius dealing with Ovid's catalogue of poets (269-72; § 318); I give references to Schanz-Hosius below only for poets dealt with outside this section.

[31] PIR¹ A 1236; PIR² A 1488; PW 11,2 2490 13

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS		i
PREFACE		ii
INTRODUCTION		1
TEXTUAL INTRODUCTION		23
P. OVIDI NASONIS EPISTVLARM EX PONTO LIBER QVARTVS		54
CONSPECTVS SIGLORVM		54
I	Ad Sextum Pompeium	56
II	Ad Seuerum	59
III	Ad ingratum	63
IIII	Ad Sextum Pompeium	68
V	Ad Sextum Pompeium	72
VI	Ad Brutum	76
VII	Ad Vestalem	81
VIII	Ad Suillium	86
IX	Ad Graecinum	93
X	Ad Albinouanum	105
XI	Ad Gallionem	113
XII	Ad Tuticanum	115
XIII	Ad Carum	120
XIV	Ad Tuticanum	125
XV	Ad Sextum Pompeium	131
XVI	Ad inuidum	136
COMMENTARY		144
I.	To Sextus Pompeius	146
II.	To Cornelius Severus	161
III.	To An Unfaithful Friend	177
IV.	To Sextus Pompeius	199
V.	To Sextus Pompeius	213
VI.	To Brutus	226
VII.	To Vestalis	244
VIII.	To Suillius	258
IX.	To Graecinus	286
X.	To Albinovanus Pedo	325
XI.	To Gallio	359
XII.	To Tuticanus	370
XIII.	To Carus	389
XIV.	To Tuticanus	410
XV.	To Sextus Pompeius	429
XVI.	To a Detractor	446
BIBLIOGRAPHY		471
INDEX OF TOPICS DISCUSSED		477
INDEX OF TEXTUAL EMENDATIONS		489