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Title: The Native Races [of the Pacific states], Volume 2, Civilized Nations

Author: Hubert Howe Bancroft

Release date: May 25, 2013 [eBook #42808]

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Melissa McDaniel and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NATIVE RACES [OF THE PACIFIC STATES], VOLUME 2, CIVILIZED NATIONS *** 




Transcriber's Note:


Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation in the original
document have been preserved.


Italics in the footnote citations were inconsistently applied by the typesetter.


The following changes were made or suggested:


On page 43, a word is possibly missing in the phrase "we will pass
over third force, 'la race';"


On the fold-out chart between pages 509 and 510, Clavigero, Month 10
may be "Xocohuetzl".


In footnote 95, the citation for Herrera is missing a book name.


In footnote 638, a reference to Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, is incomplete.




THE WORKS


OF



HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.


VOLUME II.


THE NATIVE RACES.


Vol. II. CIVILIZED NATIONS.


SAN FRANCISCO:

A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.

1883.




Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by

HUBERT H. BANCROFT,

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.




All Rights Reserved.


CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.




CHAPTER I.

SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.


 page.


Definition of the Terms—The Universal Soul of Progress—Man the Instrument
and not the Element of Progress—Origin of Progressional
Phenomena—The Agency of Evil—Is Civilization Conducive to
Happiness?—Objective and Subjective Humanity—Conditions Essential
to Progress—Continental Configurations—Food and Climate—Wealth
and Leisure—Association—War, Slavery, Religion, and
Government—The Development of Progressional Law1


CHAPTER II.

GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.


The American Civilization of the Sixteenth Century—Its Disappearance—The
Past, a New Element—Dividing line between Savage
and Civilized Tribes—Bounds of American Civilization—Physical
Features of the Country—Maya and Nahua Branches of Aboriginal
Culture—The Nahua Civilization—The Aztecs its Representatives—Limits
of the Aztec Empire—Ancient History of Anáhuac
in Outline—The Toltec Era—The Chichimec Era—The Aztec Era—Extent
of the Aztec Language—Civilized Peoples outside of Anáhuac—Central
American Nations—The Maya Culture—The Primitive
Maya Empire—Nahua Influence in the South—Yucatan and
the Mayas—The Nations of Chiapas—The Quiché Empire in Guatemala—The
Nahuas in Nicaragua and Salvador—Etymology of
Names81


CHAPTER III.

GOVERNMENT OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.


System of Government—The Aztec Confederacy—Order of Succession—Election
of Kings among the Mexicans—Royal Prerogatives—Government
and Laws of Succession among the Toltecs, and in
Michoacan, Tlascala, Cholula, Huexotzinco, and Oajaca—Magnificence
of the Nahua Monarchs—Ceremony of Anointment—Ascent
to the Temple—The Holy Unction—Address of the High-Priest to
iv
the King—Penance and Fasting in the House called Tlacatecco—Homage
of the Nobles—General Rejoicing throughout the Kingdom—Ceremony
of Coronation—The Procuring of Sacrifices—Description
of the Crown—Coronation Feasts and Entertainments—Hospitality
extended to Enemies—Coronation Speech of Nezahualpilli,
King of Tezcuco, to Montezuma II. of Mexico—Oration
of a Noble to a Newly elected King133


CHAPTER IV.

PALACES AND HOUSEHOLDS OF THE NAHUA KINGS.


Extent and Interior of the Great Palace in Mexico—The Palace of
Nezahualcoyotl, King of Tezcuco—The Zoölogical Collections of
the Nahua Monarchs—Montezuma's Oratory—Royal Gardens and
Pleasure-Grounds—The Hill of Chapultepec—Nezahualcoyotl's
Country Residence at Tezcozinco—Toltec Palaces—The Royal
Guard—The King's Meals—An Aztec Cuisine—The Audience
Chamber—After-dinner Amusements—The Royal Wardrobe—The
King Among his People—Meeting of Montezuma II. and Cortés—The
King's Harem—Revenues of the Royal Household—Policy of
Aztec Kings158


CHAPTER V.

THE PRIVILEGED CLASSES AMONG THE NAHUAS.


Titles of the Nobility and Gentry—The Power of the Nobles—The
Aristocracy of Tezcuco—The Policy of King Techotlalatzin—Privileges
of the Nobles—Montezuma's Policy—Rivalry between Nobles
and Commons—The Knightly Order of Tecuhtli—Ceremony of
Initiation—Origin of the Order—The Nahua Priesthood—The
Priests of Mexico—Dedication of Children—Priestesses—Priesthood
of Miztecapan—The Pontiff of Yopaa—Tradition of Wixipecocha—The
Cave of Yopaa—The Zapotec Priests—Toltec Priests—Totonac
Priests—Priests of Michoacan, Puebla, and Tlascala186


CHAPTER VI.

PLEBEIANS, SLAVES, TENURE OF LANDS, AND TAXATION.


Influence of the Commoners—Oppression by Nobles—Deprived of Office
by Montezuma II.—Classes of Slaves—Penal Slaves—Voluntary
Slavery—Slave Market at Azcapuzalco—Punishment and Privileges
of Slaves—Division of Lands—Crown Lands—Lands of the
Nobles—Municipal Property—Property of the Temples—Tenure
of Lands in Zapotecapan, Miztecapan, Michoacan, Tlascala, Cholula,
and Huexotzinco—Similarity to Feudal System of Europe—System
of Taxation—Municipal Taxes—Lice Tribute—Tribute
from Conquered Provinces—Revenue Officers—Injustice of Montezuma
II.                                                               216
v


CHAPTER VII.

EDUCATION, MARRIAGE, CONCUBINAGE, CHILDBIRTH, AND BAPTISM.


Education of the Nahua Youth—Manner of Punishment—Marriage
Preliminaries—Nuptial Ceremony—Observance after Marriage—Mazatec,
Otomí, Chichimec, and Toltec Marriages—Divorce—Concubinage—Ceremonies
Preliminary to Childbirth—Treatment
of Pregnant Women—Proceedings of Midwife—Superstitions with
regard to Women who Died in Childbed—Abortion—Baptism—Speeches
of Midwife—Naming of Children—Baptism among the
Tlascaltecs, Mixtecs, and Zapotecs—Circumcision and Scarification
of Infants240


CHAPTER VIII.

NAHUA FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS.


Excessive Fondness for Feasts—Manner of Giving Feasts—Serving
the Meal—Professional Jesters—Parting Presents to Guests—Royal
Banquets—Tobacco Smoking—Public Dances—Manner of Singing
and Dancing—The Neteteliztli—The Drama among the Nahuas—Music
and Musical Instruments—Nahua Poetry—Acrobatic Feats—The
Netololiztli, or 'Bird Dance'—Professional Runners—The
Game of Tlactli—Games of Chance—The Patoliztli, or 'Bean
Game'—Totoloque, Montezuma's Favorite Game283


CHAPTER IX.

PUBLIC FESTIVALS.


Frequent Occurrence of Religious Feasts—Human Sacrifices—Feasts
of the Fourth Year—Monthly Festivals—Sacrifice of Children—Feast
of Xipe—Manner of Sacrifice—Feasts of Camaxtli, of the
Flower Dealers, of Centeotl, of Tezcatlipoca, and of Huitzilopochtli—Festival
of the Salt Makers—The Sacrifice by Fire—Feast of the
Dead—The Coming of the Gods—The Footprints on the Mat—Hunting
Feast—The Month of Love—Hard Times—Nahua Lupercalia—Feasts
of the Sun, of the Winter Solstice—Harvest and
Eight-Year Festivals—The Binding of the Sheaf302


CHAPTER X.

FOOD OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.


Origin of Agriculture—Floating Gardens—Agricultural Products—Manner
of preparing the Soil—Description of Agricultural Implements—Irrigation—Granaries—Gardens—The
Harvest Feast—Manner
of Hunting—Fishing—Methods of procuring Salt—Nahua
Cookery—Various kinds of Bread—Beans—Pepper—Fruit—Tamales—Miscellaneous
vi
Articles of Food—Eating of Human Flesh—Manufacture
of Pulque—Preparation of Chocolatl—Other Beverages—Intoxicating
Drinks—Drunkenness—Time and Manner of
Taking Meals342


CHAPTER XI.

DRESS OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.


Progress in Dress—Dress of the Pre-Aztec Nations—Garments of the
Chichimecs and Toltecs—Introduction of Cotton—The Maxtli—The
Tilmatli—Dress of the Acolhuas—Origin of the Tarascan Costume—Dress
of the Zapotecs and Tabascans—Dress of Women—The
Huipil and Cueitl—Sandals—Manner of Wearing the Hair—Painting
and Tattooing—Ornaments used by the Nahuas—Gorgeous
Dress of the Nobles—Dress of the Royal Attendants—Names
of the Various Mantles—The Royal Diadem—The Royal Wardrobe—Costly
Decorations363


CHAPTER XII.

COMMERCE OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.


The Main Features of Nahua Commerce—Commerce in Pre-Aztec
Times—Outrages Committed by Aztec Merchants—Privileges of
the Merchants of Tlatelulco—Jealousy between Merchants and
Nobles—Articles used as Currency—The Markets of Anáhuac—Arrangement
and Regulations of the Market-Places—Number of
Buyers and Sellers—Transportation of Wares—Traveling Merchants—Commercial
Routes—Setting out on a Journey—Caravans
of Traders—The Return—Customs and Feasts of the Merchants—Nahua
Boats and Navigation378


CHAPTER XIII.

WAR-CUSTOMS OF THE NAHUAS.


Importance of the Military Profession—Indications of Rank—Education
of Warriors—Rewards for Valor—Military Orders and their
Dress—Gorgeous War-Dresses of Montezuma and the Aztec Nobility—Dress
of the Common Soldiers—Armor and Defensive
Weapons—Offensive Weapons—Standards—Ambassadors and
Couriers—Fortifications—The Military Council—Articles of War—Declaration
of War—Spies—Order of March and Battle—War
Customs of the Tlascaltecs and Tarascos—Return of the Conquering
Army—Celebration of Feats of Arms400


CHAPTER XIV.

NAHUA LAWS AND LAW COURTS.


General Remarks—the Cihuacoatl, or Supreme Judge—the Court of
the Tlacatecatl—Jurisdiction of the Tecuhtlis—the Centectlapixques
vii
and Topillis—Law Courts and Judges of Tezcuco—Eighty-Day
Council—Tribunal of the King—Court Proceedings—Lawyers—Witnesses—Remuneration
of Judges—Justice of King Nezahualpilli—He
orders his Son's Execution—Montezuma and the Farmer—Jails—Laws
against Theft, Murder, Treason, Kidnapping,
Drunkenness, Witchcraft, Adultery, Incest, Sodomy, Fornication,
and other Crimes—Story of Nezahualcoyotl and the Boy433


CHAPTER XV.

NAHUA ARTS AND MANUFACTURES.


Metals Used and Manner of Obtaining Them—Working of Gold and
Silver—Wonderful Skill in Imitating Gilding and Plating—Working
in Stone—Lapidary Work—Wood Carving—Manufacture of
Pottery—Various Kinds of Cloth—Manufacture of Paper and
Leather—Preparation of Dyes and Paints—The Art of Painting—Feather
Mosaic Work—Leaf-Mats—Manner of Kindling Fire—Torches—Soap—Council
of Arts in Tezcuco—Oratory and Poetry—Nezahualcoyotl's
Odes on the Mutability of Life, and the Tyrant
Tezozomoc—Aztec Arithmetical System473


CHAPTER XVI.

THE AZTEC CALENDAR.


Astronomical Knowledge of the Aztecs—Contradictions of Authors respecting
the Calendar—Value of the Researches of Various Writers—The
First Regular Calendar—The Mexican Cycle—The Civil
Year—The Aztec Months—Names of the Days and their Signification—The
Commencement of the Aztec Year—The Ritual Calendar—Gama's
Arrangement of the Months—The Calendar-Stone—The
Four Destructions of the World—The Calendar of Michoacan—Reckoning
of the Zapotecs502


CHAPTER XVII.

THE AZTEC PICTURE-WRITING.


Hieroglyphic Records—The Native Books—Authorities—Destruction
of the Native Archives by Zumárraga and his Confrères—Picture-Writings
used after the Conquest for Confession and Law-Suits—Value
of the Records—Documents sent to Spain in the Sixteenth
Century—European Collections—Lord Kingsborough's Work—Picture-Writings
retained in Mexico—Collections of Ixtlilxochitl,
Sigüenza, Gemelli Careri, Boturini, Veytia, Leon y Gama, Pichardo,
Aubin, and the National Museum of Mexico—Process of Hieroglyphic
Development—Representative, Symbolic, and Phonetic
Picture-Writing—Origin of Modern Alphabets—The Aztec System—Specimen
from the Codex Mendoza—Specimen from Gemelli
Careri—Specimen from the Boturini Collection—Probable future
Success of Interpreters—The Nepohualtzitzin523
viii


CHAPTER XVIII.

ARCHITECTURE AND DWELLINGS OF THE NAHUAS.


Architecture of the Ancient Nations—General Features of Nahua Architecture—The
Arch—Exterior and Interior Decorations—Method
of Building—Inclined Planes—Scaffolds—The use of the Plummet—Building
Materials—Position and Fortification of Towns—Mexico
Tenochtitlan—The Great Causeways—Quarters and Wards of
Mexico—The Market Place—Fountains and Aqueducts—Light-houses
and Street-work—City of Tezcuco—Dwellings—Aztec Gardens—Temple
of Huitzilopochtli—Temple of Mexico—Other Temples—Teocalli
at Cholula and Tezcuco553


CHAPTER XIX.

MEDICINE AND FUNERAL RITES AMONG THE NAHUAS.


Mexican Contributions to Medical Science—The Botanical Gardens—Longevity—Prevalent
Diseases—Introduction of Small-Pox and
Syphilis—Medical Treatment—The Temazcalli—Aboriginal Physicians—The
Aztec Faculty—Standard Remedies—Surgery—Superstitious
Ceremonies in Healing—Funeral Rites of Aztecs—Cremation—Royal
Obsequies—Embalming—The Funeral Pyre—Human
Sacrifice—Disposal of the Ashes and Ornaments—Mourners—Funeral
Ceremonies of the People—Certain Classes Buried—Rites for
the Slain in Battle—Burial among the Teo-Chichimecs and Tabascans—Cremation
Ceremonies in Michoacan—Burial by the Miztecs
in Oajaca591


CHAPTER XX.

GOVERNMENT, SOCIAL CLASSES, PROPERTY, AND LAWS OF THE MAYA
NATIONS.


Introductory Remarks—Votan's Empire—Zamná's Reign—The Royal
Families of Yucatan, Cocomes, Tutul Xius, Itzas, and Cheles—Titles
and Order of Succession—Classes of Nobles—The Quiché-Cakchiquel
Empire in Guatemala—The Ahau Ahpop and Succession
to the Throne—Privileged Classes—Government of the Provinces—The
Royal Council—The Chiapanecs—The Pipiles—Nations
of Nicaragua—The Maya Priesthood—Plebeian Classes—Slaves—Tenure
of Lands—Inheritance of Property—Taxation—Debtors
and Creditor—Laws and the Administration of Justice630


CHAPTER XXI.

EDUCATION AND FAMILY MATTERS AMONG THE MAYAS.


Education of Youth—Public Schools of Guatemala—Branches of Study
in Yucatan—Marrying-Age—Degrees of Consanguinity allowed in
Marriage—Preliminaries of Marriage—Marriage Ceremonies—The
ix
Custom of the Droit du Seigneur in Nicaragua—Widows—Monogamy—Concubinage—Divorce—Laws
Concerning Adultery—Fornication—Rape—Prostitution—Unnatural
Crimes—Desire for Children—Childbirth
Ceremonies—Rite of Circumcision—Manner of
Naming Children—Baptismal Ceremonies661


CHAPTER XXII.

FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS OF THE MAYAS.


Special Observances—Fixed Feasts—Sacrifice of Slaves—Monthly
Feasts of the Yucatecs—Renewal of the Idols—Feast of the
Chacs—Hunting Festival—The Tuppkak—Feast of the Cacao-Planters—War
Feast—The Maya New Year's Day—Feasts of the
Hunters, Fishers, and Apiarists—Ceremonies in honor of Cukulcan—Feast
of the Month of Mol—Feasts of the Years Kan, Muluc, Ix,
and Cauac—Yucatec Sacrifices—The Pit of Chichen—Sacrifices of
the Pipiles—Feast of Victory—Feasts and Sacrifices in Nicaragua—Banquets—Dances—Musical
Instruments—Games687


CHAPTER XXIII.

FOOD, DRESS, COMMERCE, AND WAR CUSTOMS OF THE MAYAS.


Introduction of Agriculture—Quiché Tradition of the Discovery of
Maize—Maize Culture—Superstitions of Farmers—Hunting and
Fishing—Domestic Animals, Fowl, and Bees—Preservation and
Cooking of Food—Meals—Drinks and Drinking—Habits—Cannibalism—Dress
of the Mayas—Maxtlis, Mantles, and Sandals—Dress
of Kings and Priests—Women's Dress—Hair and Beard—Personal
Decoration—Head-Flattening, Perforation, Tattooing, and Painting—Personal
Habits—Commerce—Currency—Markets—Superstitions
of Travelers—Canoes and Balsas—War—Military Leaders—Insignia—Armor—Weapons—Fortifications—Battles—Treatment
of Captives715


CHAPTER XXIV.

MAYA ARTS, CALENDAR, AND HIEROGLYPHICS.


Scarcity of Information—Use of Metals—Gold and Precious Stones—Implements
of Stone—Sculpture—Pottery—Manufacture of Cloth—Dyeing—System
of Numeration—Maya Calendar in Yucatan—Days,
Weeks, Months, and Years—Indictions and Katunes—Perez'
System of Ahau Katunes—Statements of Landa and Cogolludo—Intercalary
Days and Years—Days and Months in Guatemala,
Chiapas, and Soconusco—Maya Hieroglyphic System—Testimony
of Early Writers on the Use of Picture-Writing—Destruction of
Documents—Specimens which have Survived—The Dresden Codex—Manuscript
Troano—Tablets of Palenque, Copan, and Yucatan—Bishop
Landa's Key—Brasseur de Bourbourg's Interpretation748


x


CHAPTER XXV.

BUILDINGS, MEDICINE, BURIAL, PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES, AND CHARACTER
OF THE MAYAS.


Scanty Information given by the Early Voyagers—Private Houses of
the Mayas—Interior Arrangement, Decoration, and Furniture—Maya
Cities—Description of Utatlan—Patinamit, the Cakchiquel
Capital—Cities of Nicaragua—Maya Roads—Temples at Chichen
Itza and Cozumel—Temples of Nicaragua and Guatemala—Diseases
of the Mayas—Medicines used—Treatment of the Sick—Propitiatory
Offerings and Vows—Superstitions—Dreams—Omens—Witchcraft—Snake-Charmers—Funeral
Rites and Ceremonies—Physical
Peculiarities—Character783









NATIVE RACES
OF THE
PACIFIC STATES
showing the location of
THE CIVILIZED NATIONS

View larger map.





THE NATIVE RACES

OF THE

PACIFIC STATES.




CIVILIZED NATIONS.




1


CHAPTER I.


SAVAGISM AND CIVILIZATION.



Definition of the Terms—Force and Nature—The Universal
Soul of Progress—Man the Instrument and not the Element
of Progress—Origin of Progressional Phenomena—The Agency
of Evil—Is Civilization Conducive to Happiness?—Objective
and Subjective Humanity—Conditions Essential to Progress—Continental
Configurations—Food and Climate—Wealth
and Leisure—Association—War, Slavery, Religion, and Government—Morality
and Fashion—The Development of Progressional Law.


The terms Savage and Civilized, as applied to races
of men, are relative and not absolute terms. At best
these words mark only broad shifting stages in human
progress; the one near the point of departure, the other
farther on toward the unattainable end. This progress
is one and universal, though of varying rapidity and
extent; there are degrees in savagism and there are
degrees in civilization; indeed, though placed in opposition,
the one is but a degree of the other. The Haidah,
whom we call savage, is as much superior to the
Shoshone, the lowest of Americans, as the Aztec is
superior to the Haidah, or the European to the Aztec.
2
Looking back some thousands of ages, we of to-day
are civilized; looking forward through the same duration
of time, we are savages.


Nor is it, in the absence of fixed conditions, and
amidst the many shades of difference presented by the
nations along our western seaboard, an easy matter to
tell where even comparative savagism ends and civilization
begins. In the common acceptation of these
terms, we may safely call the Central Californians
savage, and the Quichés of Guatemala civilized; but
between these two extremes are hundreds of peoples,
each of which presents some claim for both distinctions.
Thus, if the domestication of ruminants, or some knowledge
of arts and metals, constitute civilization, then
are the ingenious but half-torpid Hyperboreans civilized,
for the Eskimos tame reindeer, and the Thlinkeets
are skillful carvers and make use of copper; if the
cultivation of the soil, the building of substantial
houses of adobe, wood, and stone, with the manufacture
of cloth and pottery, denote an exodus from savagism,
then are the Pueblos of New Mexico no longer savages;
yet in both these instances enough may be seen, either
of stupidity or brutishness, to forbid our ranking them
with the more advanced Aztecs, Mayas, and Quichés.


We know what savages are; how, like wild animals,
they depend for food and raiment upon the spontaneous
products of nature, migrating with the beasts and
birds and fishes, burrowing beneath the ground, hiding
in caves, or throwing over themselves a shelter of bark
or skins or branches or boards, eating or starving as
food is abundant or scarce; nevertheless, all of them
have made some advancement from their original
naked, helpless condition, and have acquired some aids
in the procurement of their poor necessities. Primeval
man, the only real point of departure, and hence
the only true savage, nowhere exists on the globe to-day.
Be the animal man never so low—lower in skill
and wisdom than the brute, less active in obtaining
food, less ingenious in building his den—the first step
3
out of his houseless, comfortless condition, the first
fashioning of a tool, the first attempt to cover nakedness
and wall out the wind, if this endeavor spring
from intellect and not from instinct, is the first step
toward civilization. Hence the modern savage is not
the pre-historic or primitive man; nor is it among the
barbarous nations of to-day that we must look for the
rudest barbarism.


DEFINITION OF THE TERMS.


Often is the question asked, What is civilization?
and the answer comes, The act of civilizing; the state
of being civilized. What is the act of civilizing? To
reclaim from a savage or barbarous state; to educate;
to refine. What is a savage or barbarous state? A
wild uncultivated state; a state of nature. Thus far
the dictionaries. The term civilization, then, popularly
implies both the transition from a natural to an artificial
state, and the artificial condition attained. The
derivation of the word civilization, from civis, citizen,
civitas, city, and originally from cœtus, union, seems
to indicate that culture which, in feudal times, distinguished
the occupants of cities from the ill-mannered
boors of the country. The word savage, on the other
hand, from silva, a wood, points to man primeval;
silvestres homines, men of the forest, not necessarily
ferocious or brutal, but children of nature. From
these simple beginnings both words have gradually
acquired a broader significance, until by one is understood
a state of comfort, intelligence, and refinement;
and by the other, humanity wild and bestial.


Guizot defines civilization as an "improved condition
of man resulting from the establishment of social
order in place of the individual independence and
lawlessness of the savage or barbarous life;" Buckle
as "the triumph of mind over external agents;" Virey
as "the development more or less absolute of the moral
and intellectual faculties of man united in society;"
Burke as the exponent of two principles, "the spirit of
a gentleman and the spirit of religion." "Whatever
be the characteristics of what we call savage life," says
4
John Stuart Mill, "the contrary of these, or the
qualities which society puts on as it throws off these,
constitute civilization;" and, remarks Emerson, "a
nation that has no clothing, no iron, no alphabet, no
marriage, no arts of peace, no abstract thought, we
call barbarous."


Men talk of civilization and call it liberty, religion,
government, morality. Now liberty is no more a sign
of civilization than tyranny; for the lowest savages are
the least governed of all people. Civilized liberty, it
is true, marks a more advanced stage than savage
liberty, but between these two extremes of liberty
there is a necessary age of tyranny, no less significant
of an advance on primitive liberty than is constitutional
liberty an advance on tyranny. Nor is religion
civilization, except in so far as the form and machinery
of sacerdotal rites, and the abandonment of fetichism
for monotheism become significant of intenser thought
and expansion of intellect. No nation ever practiced
grosser immorality, or what we of the present day
hold to be immorality, than Greece during the height
of her intellectual refinement. Peace is no more
civilization than war, virtue than vice, good than evil.
All these are the incidents, not the essence, of civilization.


That which we commonly call civilization is not an
adjunct nor an acquirement of man; it is neither a
creed nor a polity, neither science nor philosophy nor
industry; it is rather the measure of progressional
force implanted in man, the general fund of the
nation's wealth, learning, and refinement, the storehouse
of accumulated results, the essence of all best
worth preserving from the distillations of good and
the distillations of evil. It is a something between
men, no less than a something within them; for neither
an isolated man nor an association of brutes can by
any possibility become civilized.


CIVILIZATION A WORKING PRINCIPLE.


Further than this, civilization is not only the measure
of aggregated human experiences, but it is a living
5
working principle. It is a social transition; a moving
forward rather than an end attained; a developing
vitality rather than a fixed entity; it is the effort or
aim at refinement rather than refinement itself; it is
labor with a view to improvement and not improvement
consummated, although it may be and is the metre
of such improvement. And this accords with latter-day
teachings. Although in its infancy, and, moreover,
unable to explain things unexplainable, the science of
evolution thus far has proved that the normal condition
of the human race, as well as that of physical
nature, is progressional; that the plant in a congenial
soil is not more sure to grow than is humanity with
favorable surroundings certain to advance. Nay, more,
we speak of the progress of civilization as of something
that moves on of its own accord; we may, if we
will, recognize in this onward movement, the same
principle of life manifest in nature and in the individual
man.


To things we do not understand we give names,
with which by frequent use we become familiar, when
we fancy that we know all about the things themselves.
At the first glance civilization appears to be a simple
matter; to be well clad, well housed, and well fed, to
be intelligent and cultured are better than nakedness
and ignorance; therefore it is a good thing, a thing
that men do well to strive for,—and that is all.
But once attempt to go below this placid surface,
and investigate the nature of progressional phenomena,
and we find ourselves launched upon an eternity of
ocean, and in pursuit of the same occult Cause, which
has been sought alike by philosophic and barbaric of
every age and nation; we find ourselves face to face
with a great mystery, to which we stand in the same
relation as to other great mysteries, such as the origin
of things, the principle of life, the soul-nature. When
such questions are answered as What is attraction,
heat, electricity; what instinct, intellect, soul? Why
are plants forced to grow and molecules to conglomerate
6
and go whirling in huge masses through space?—then
we may know why society moves ever onward
like a river in channels predetermined. At present,
these phenomena we may understand in their action
partially, in their essence not at all; we may mark
effects, we may recognize the same principle under
widely different conditions though we may not be able
to discover what that principle is. Science tells us
that these things are so; that certain combinations of
certain elements are inevitably followed by certain
results, but science does not attempt to explain why
they are so. Nevertheless, a summary of such few
simple thoughts as I have been able to gather upon
the subject, may be not wholly valueless.


FORCE AND MATTER.


And first, to assist our reflections, let us look for a
moment at some of the primal principles in nature, not
with a view to instruct in that direction, but rather to
compare some of the energies of the material world
with the intellectual or progressional energy in man;
and of these I will mention such only as are currently
accepted by latter-day science.


Within the confines of the conceivable universe one
element alone is all-potential, all-pervading,—Force.
Throughout the realms of space, in and round all
forms of matter, binding minutest atoms, balancing systems
of worlds, rioting in life, rotting in death, under
its various aspects mechanical and chemical, attractive
and repulsive, this mighty power is manifest; a unifying,
coalescing, and flowing power, older than time,
quicker than thought, saturating all suns and planets
and filling to repletion all molecules and masses.
Worlds and systems of worlds are sent whirling,
worlds round worlds and systems round systems, in a
mazy planetary dance, wherein the slightest tripping,
the least excess of momentum or inertia, of tension or
traction, in any part, and chaos were come again.
Every conceivable entity, ponderable and imponderable,
material and immaterial, is replete with force.
7
By it all moving bodies are set in motion, all motionless
bodies held at rest; by it the infinitesimal atom
is held an atom and the mass is held concrete, vapory
moisture overspreads the land, light and heat animate
senseless substance; by it forms of matter change,
rocks grow and dissolve, mountains are made and
unmade, the ocean heaves and swells, the eternal hills
pulsate, the foundations of the deep rise up, and seas
displace continents.


One other thing we know, which with the first
comprises all our knowledge,—Matter. Now force and
matter are interdependent, one cannot exist without
the other; as for example, all substance, unless held
together—which term obviously implies force—would
speedily dissolve into inconceivable nothingness. But
no less force is required to annihilate substance than to
create it; force, therefore, is alike necessary to the existence
or non-existence of matter, which reduces the
idea of a possible absence of either force or matter to
an absurdity; or, in other words, it is impossible for
the human mind to conceive of a state of things wherein
there is no matter, and consequently no force.


Force has been called the soul of nature, and matter
the body, for by force matter lives and moves and has
its being.


Force like matter, is divisible, infinitely so, as far as
human experience goes; for, though ultimates may
exist, they have never yet been reached; and it would
seem that all physical phenomena, endlessly varied
and bewildering as they may appear, spring from a few
simple incomprehensible forces, the bases of which are
attraction and repulsion; which may yet, indeed,
derive their origin from One Only Source. In the
morphological and geometrical displays of matter
these phenomena assume a multitude of phases; all
are interactive and interdependent, few are original or
primary,—for example, heat and electricity are the
offspring of motion which is the result of attractive
and repulsive force.
8


What is force and what matter, whether the one is
the essence of a self-conscious Creator and the other
his handiwork, or whether both are the offspring of a
blind chance or fate—which latter hypothesis is simply
unthinkable—it is not my purpose here to consider.
I propose in this analysis to take things as I find
them, to study the operations rather than the origin
of phenomena, to determine what man does rather
than what he ought to do, and to drop the subject at
the confines of transcendentalism. When, therefore, I
speak of force as the life of matter, it no more implies
a self-existant materialism in man, than the soul of
man implies a pantheistic self-existant soul in nature.
Omnipotence can as easily create and sustain a universe
through the media of antagonistic and interdependent
forces as through any other means, can as easily
place nature and man under the governance of fixed
laws as to hold all under varying arbitrary dispensations,
and can reconcile these laws with man's volition.
Wells of bitterness are dug by disputants under meaningless
words; scientists are charged with materialism
and religionists with fanaticism, in their vain attempts
to fathom the ways of the Almighty and restrict his
powers to the limits of our weak understanding.


It has been said that, in the beginning, the
sixty and odd supposed several elements of matter
were in a chaotic state; that matter and force were
poised in equilibrium or rioted at random throughout
space, that out of this condition of things sprang form
and development; regular motion and time began;
matter condensed into revolving masses and marked
off the days, and months, and years; organization and
organisms were initiated and intellectual design became
manifest. The infinitesimal molecules, balanced by
universal equilibrium of forces, which before motion
and time were but chaotic matter and force, were
finally supposed to have been each endowed with an
innate individuality. However this may be, we now
see every atom in the universe athrill with force, and
9
possessed of chemical virtues, and, under conditions,
with the faculty of activity. As to the Force behind
force, or how or by what means this innate energy
was or is implanted in molecules, we have here nothing
to do. It is sufficient for our purpose that we find it
there; yet, the teachings of philosophy imply that this
innate force is neither self-implanted nor self-operative;
that whether, in pre-stellar times, infinitesimal particles
of matter floated in space as nebulous fluid or
objectless vapor without form or consistence, or whether
all matter was united in one mass which was set revolving,
and became broken into fragments, which were sent
whirling as suns and planets in every direction; that
in either case, or in any other conceivable case, matter,
whether as molecules or masses, was primordially, and
is, endowed and actuated by a Creative Intelligence,
which implanting force, vitality, intellect, soul, progress,
is ever acting, moving, mixing, unfolding, and
this in every part and in all the multitudinous combinations
of matter; and that all forces and vitalities
must have co-existed in the mass, innate in and around
every atom.


THEORIES OF NEWTON AND LAPLACE.


Thus, in his great theory of the projectile impulse
given to heavenly bodies in counteraction of the attractive
impulse, Sir Isaac Newton assumes that both
impulses were given from without; that some power
foreign to themselves projected into space these heavenly
bodies and holds them there. So, too, when
Laplace promulgated the idea that in pre-planetary
times space was filled with particles and vapors, solar
systems existing only in a nebulous state and this
nebula set revolving in one mass upon its own axis
from west to east, and that as the velocity of this
mass increased suns and planets were, by centrifugal
force, thrown off and condensed into habitable but still
whirling worlds, some impulse foreign to the revolving
mass setting it in motion is implied.


With organization and motion, the phases of force,
called heat, light, electricity and magnetism, hitherto
10
held dormant in molecules are engendered; composition
and decomposition ensue; matter assumes new
and varying forms; a progressional development, which
is nothing but intelligently directed motion, is initiated,
and motion becomes eternal.


It is a well-established principle of physics that
force cannot be created or lost. The conservation of
force is not affected by the action or energies of
moving bodies. Force is not created to set a body in
motion, nor when expended, as we say, is it lost. The
sum of all potential energies throughout the universe
is always the same, whether matter is at rest or in
motion. It is evident that so long as every molecule
is charged with attractive force no atom can drop out
into the depths of unoccupied and absolute space and
become lost or annihilated; and so long as force is
dependent on matter for its perceivable existence, force
cannot escape beyond the confines of space and become
lost in absolute void.


Not only are forces interdependent, but they are
capable of being metamorphosed one into another.
Thus intellectual energy invents a machine which
drives a steamship across the ocean. This invention
or creation of the mind is nothing else than a vitalization
or setting at liberty of mechanical forces, and
without this vitalization or applied intellectual force
such mechanical force lies dormant as in so-called dead
matter. Gravitation is employed to turn a water-wheel,
caloric to drive a steam-engine, by means of
either of which weights may be raised, heat, electricity,
and light produced, and these new-created forces
husbanded and made to produce still other forces or
turned back into their original channels. And so in
chemical and capillary action, the correlation of forces
everywhere is found.


INTIMACY OF MIND AND MATTER.


Between mind and matter there exists the most
intimate relationship. Immateriality, in its various
phases of force, life, intellect, so far as human consciousness
can grasp it, is inseparable from materiality.
11
The body is but part of the soil on which it treads,
and the mind can receive no impressions except
through the organs of the body. The brain is the
seat of thought and the organ of thought; neither
can exist in a normal state apart from the other. As
a rule, the power of the intellect is in proportion to
the size and quality of the brain. Among animals,
those of lowest order have the least brains; man, the
most intellectual of animals, has relatively, if not
absolutely, the largest brain. True, in some of the
largest animals the cerebral mass is larger than in
man, but, in its chemical composition, its convolutions,
shape, and quality, that in man is superior; and it is
in the quality, rather than in the quantity of the nervous
tissues, that their superiority consists. Intelligence
enters the brain by the organs of the senses, and
through the nervous system its subtle influence radiates
to every part of the body. All human activities are
either mental or mechanical; nor will it be denied
that mental activity is produced by mechanical means,
or, that mechanical activity is the result of mental
force. Corporeal motion is mental force distributed to
the various parts of the body.


The action of immaterial forces on the material substances
of the human body manifestly accords with
the action of immaterial forces elsewhere. All the
physical and mechanical actions of the human body
accord with the physical and mechanical forces elsewhere
displayed. Man, we are told, was the last of
all created things, but in the making of man no new
matter was employed; nor in setting the body in
motion can we discover that any new force was invented.
Thus the heart beats upon mechanical principles;
the eye sees, and the voice speaks in accordance
with the general laws of optics and acoustics.


To the observer, organic activity is but the product
of combined inorganic forces. The same processes are
at work, and in the same manner, in living and in so-called
dead matter. Life, to all appearance, is but the
12
result of combined chemical and mechanical processes.
Assimilation, digestion, secretion, are explainable by
chemistry, and by chemistry alone. The stomach is a
chemical retort, the body a chemical laboratory. Carbon,
oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen, combine and separate
in the body as out of the body. The blood circulates
upon purely mechanical principles; all muscular action
is mechanical. In the phenomena of life, the only
perceptible difference is in the combinations of fundamental
elements; yet chemistry and mechanics cannot
produce a live body.


With the foregoing well-recognized principles before
us, let us now notice some few parallelisms between
mechanical and social energetics.


Man, like every other natural substance, is a compound
of force and matter. "Respiration," says Liebig,
"is the falling weight, the bent spring, which keeps
the clock in motion; the inspirations and respirations
are the strokes of the pendulum which regulates."
Atoms of matter, through the instrumentality of living
force, cohere and coalesce under endless complex
conditions into endless varieties of form and substance;
so also the activities of man, corporeal and intellectual,
result in vast accumulations of experiences, which accumulations
become the property of the whole society.
Society, like matter, is composed of units, each possessing
certain forces, attractive and repulsive; societies
act upon each other, like celestial bodies, in proportion
to their volume and proximity, and the power of the
unit increases with the increase of the mass. In association
there is a force as silent and as subtle as that
which governs atoms and holds worlds in equipoise;
its grosser forms are known as government, worship,
fashion, and the like; its finer essence is more delicate
than thought. It is this social force, attractive and
repulsive, that binds men together, tears them asunder,
kneads, and knits, and shapes, and evolves; it is
the origin of every birth, the ultimate of every activity.
Mechanical forces are manifest in machines, as the
13
lever, the wheel, the inclined plane; professional force
is manifest in intellectual ingenuity, literature, art,
science, which are the machines of human progress.


MATERIALITY ACTING ON THE MIND.


How many of all our joys and sorrows, our loves
and hates, our good and evil actions, spring from
physical causes only? Even material substances display
moods and affections, as when heated, electrified,
decomposed, or set in motion; the sea at rest presents
a different mood from the sea raging. Jean-Jacques
Rousseau's idea that the soul might be governed
for its good by material things working through
the media of the senses, is not so extravagant after all.
"The gospel according to Jean-Jacques," as Carlyle
puts it, runs as follows on this point—and, indeed, the
great Genevan evangelist at one time intended to
devote a book to the subject under the title of La
Morale Sensitive:—"The striking and numerous observations
that I had collected were beyond all dispute;
and, in their physical origin, they appeared to me
proper for furnishing an exterior regimen, which, varied
according to circumstances, should be able to place or
maintain the soul in the state most favorable to virtue.
How many wanderings one might save the reason,
how many vices might be hindered birth, if one could
but force the animal economy to favor the moral order
that it troubles so often. Climates, seasons, sounds,
colors, darkness, light, the elements, food, noise, silence,
movement, repose, all act on our bodily frame, and,
by consequence, on our soul; all offer us a thousand
firm holds to govern, in their origin, those sentiments
by which we allow ourselves to be dominated."


In contemplating the numerous activities by which
we are surrounded, again and again we are called upon
to wonder at the marvelous regularity which characterizes
all their movements. So regular are these
movements, so sure are certain conditions to accompany
certain results, that in physics, in chemistry, in physiology,
and even in society, facts are collected and
classified, and from them laws are discovered as fixed
14
and irrevocable as the facts themselves, which laws,
indeed, are themselves facts, no less than the facts
from which they are deduced.


Highly cultivated nations frame laws that provide
for many contingencies, but the code of nature
has yet finer provisions. There are conditions that
neither political nor social laws reach, there are none
not reached by physical law; in society, criminals sometimes
evade the law; in nature, never. So subtle
are the laws of nature, that even thought cannot follow
them; when we see that every molecule, by virtue
of its own hidden force, attracts every other molecule,
up to a certain point, and then from the same inherent
influence every atom repels every other atom; when
by experiments of physicists it has been proved that
in polarization, crystallization, and chemical action,
there is not the slightest deviation from an almost
startling regularity, with many other facts of like import,
how many natural laws do we feel to be yet unrevealed
and, from the exquisite delicacy of their nature,
unrevealable to our present coarse understanding.


It would be indeed strange, if, when all the universe
is under the governance of fixed laws—laws which
regulate the motion of every molecule, no less than
the revolutions of suns—laws of such subtle import,
as for instance, regulate the transformations of heat,
the convertibility and correlation of force; it would be
strange, I say, if such laws as these, when they reached
the domain of human affairs should pause and leave
the world of man alone in purposeless wanderings.


ANALOGIES BETWEEN MAN AND NATURE.


To continue our analogies. As, latent in the atom,
or in the mass, there are energies releasable only by
heat or friction,—as in charcoal, which holds, locked
up, muriatic acid gas equivalent to ninety times its volume;
or in spongy platinum, which holds in like manner
oxygen, equal to eight hundred times its volume; so,
latent in every individual, are numberless energies,
which demand the friction of society to call them out.


Force comprises two elements, attraction and repulsion,
15
analagous to the principles commonly called good
and evil in the affairs of human society; take away
from mechanical force either of these two oppugnant
elements, and there could be neither organism nor life,
so without both good and evil in human affairs there
could be no progress.


If none of the forces of nature are dissipated or lost,
and if force can no more be extinguished than matter,
and like matter passes from one form into another, we
may conclude that intellectual force is never dissipated
or lost, but that the potential energies of mind and soul
perpetually vibrate between man and nature.


Or, again, if, as we have seen, energy of every kind
is clothed in matter, and when employed and expended
returns again to its place in matter; and if the mind
draws its forces from the body, as it appears to do,
both growing, acting, and declining simultaneously;
and if the body draws its energy from the earth, which
is no less possible; then may not intellectual and progressional
force be derived from man's environment, and
return thither when expended? Every created being
borrows its material from the storehouse of matter, and
when uncreated restores it again; so every individual
born into society becomes charged with social force,
with progressional energy, which, when expended,
rests with society. Winslow's opinion on this subject
is, that "all electric and magnetic currents originate
in—are inducted from—and radiate either directly
or indirectly out of the globe as the fountain
of every form and constituency of mechanical force,
and that abstract immaterial mechanical energy, as we
have thus far discussed and developed its dual principles,
is absolutely convertible through molecular motion
into every form and expansion of secondary force,
passing successively from heat through electricity,
magnetism, etc., and vice versa, it follows that this
same mechanical energy itself, as hypostatical motive
power, must proceed out of the globe also."


Thus is loaded with potential energy the universe of
16
matter, generating life, mind, civilization, and hence we
may conclude that whatever else it is, civilization is a
force; that it is the sum of all the forces employed to
drive humanity onward; that it acts on man as mechanical
force acts on matter, attracting, repelling,
pressing forward yet holding in equilibrium, and all
under fixed and determined laws.


From all which it would appear that nothing is found
in man that has not its counterpart in nature, and that
all things that are related to man are related to each
other; even immortal mind itself is not unlike that subtle
force, inherent in, and working round every atom.


In this respect physical science is the precursor of
social science. Nature produces man; man in his
earlier conception of nature, that is in his gods, reproduces
himself; and later, his knowledge of intrinsic
self depends upon his knowledge of extrinsic agencies,
so that as the laws that govern external nature are
better understood, the laws that govern society are
more definitely determined. The conditions of human
progress can be wrought into a science only by pursuing
the same course that raises into a science any
branch of knowledge; that is, by collecting, classifying,
and comparing facts, and therefrom discovering laws.
Society must be studied as chemistry is studied;
it must be analyzed, and its component parts—the
solubilities, interactions, and crystallizations of religions,
governments and fashions, ascertained. As in the
earlier contemplations of physical nature, the action of
the elements was deemed fortuitous, so in a superficial
survey of society, all events appear to happen by
chance; but on deeper investigation, in society as in
physics, events apparently fortuitous, may be reduced
to immutable law. To this end the life of mankind
on the globe must be regarded as the life of one man,
successions of societies as successions of days in that
life; for the activities of nations are but the sum of
the activities of the individual members thereof.
17


PHYSICAL LAWS AND SOCIAL LAWS.


We have seen that man's organism, as far as it may
be brought under exact observation, is governed by
the same processes that govern elemental principles in
inorganic nature. The will of man attempting to
exert itself in antagonism to these laws of nature is
wholly ineffectual. We are all conscious of a will,
conscious of a certain freedom in the exercise of our
will, but wholly unconscious as to the line of separation
between volition and environment. Part of our actions
arise from fixed necessity, part are the result of
free will. Statistics, as they are accumulated and arranged,
tend more and more to show that by far the
greater part of human actions are not under individual
control, and that the actions of masses are, in the main,
wholly beyond the province of the human will.


Take the weather for a single day, and note the
effect on the will. The direction of the wind not unfrequently
governs one's train of thought; resolution
often depends upon the dryness of the atmosphere,
benevolence upon the state of the stomach; misfortunes,
arising from physical causes, have ere now
changed the character of a ruler from one of lofty
self-sacrifice, to one of peevish fretfulness, whereat his
followers became estranged and his empire lost in
consequence. In the prosecution of an enterprise, how
often we find ourselves drifting far from the anticipated
goal. The mind is governed by the condition
of the body, the body by the conditions of climate and
food; hence it is that many of our actions, which we
conceive to be the result of free choice, arise from
accidental circumstances.


It is only in the broader view of humanity that
general laws are to be recognized, as Dr Draper
remarks: "He who is immersed in the turmoil of a
crowded city sees nothing but the acts of men; and, if
he formed his opinion from his experience alone, must
conclude that the course of events altogether depends
on the uncertainties of human volition. But he who
ascends to a sufficient elevation loses sight of the passing
18
conflicts, and no longer hears the contentions. He
discovers that the importance of individual action is
diminishing as the panorama beneath him is extending;
and if he could attain to the truly philosophical,
the general point of view, disengage himself from all
terrestrial influences and entanglements, rising high
enough to see the whole at a glance, his acutest vision
would fail to discern the slightest indication of man,
his free will, or his works."


Let us now glance at some of the manifestations of
this progressional influence; first in its general aspects,
after which we will notice its bearing on a few of the
more important severalties intimately affecting humanity,
such as religion, morality, government, and commerce,—for
there is nothing that touches man's
welfare, no matter how lightly, in all his long journey
from naked wildness to clothed and cultured intelligence,
that is not placed upon him by this progressional
impulse.


MANI­FESTATIONS OF PRO­GRESSIONAL IMPULSE.


In every living thing there is an element of continuous
growth; in every aggregation of living things
there is an element of continuous improvement. In
the first instance, a vital actuality appears; whence,
no one can tell. As the organism matures, a new germ
is formed, which, as the parent stock decays, takes its
place and becomes in like manner the parent of a successor.
Thus even death is but the door to new
forms of life. In the second instance, a body corporate
appears, no less a vital actuality than the first; a
social organism in which, notwithstanding ceaseless
births and deaths, there is a living principle. For while
individuals are born and die, families live; while families
are born and die, species live; while species are
born and die, organic being assumes new forms and
features. Herein the all-pervading principle of life,
while flitting, is nevertheless permanent, while transient
is yet eternal. But above and independent of
perpetual birth and death is this element of continuous
19
growth, which, like a spirit, walks abroad and mingles
in the affairs of men. "All our progress," says Emerson,
"is an unfolding, like the vegetable bud. You
have first an instinct; then an opinion, then a knowledge,
as the plant has root bud and fruit."


Under favorable conditions, and up to a certain
point, stocks improve; by a law of natural selection
the strongest and fittest survive, while the ill-favored
and deformed perish; under conditions unfavorable to
development, stocks remain stationary or deteriorate.
Paradoxically, so far as we know, organs and organisms
are no more perfect now than in the beginning;
animal instincts are no keener, nor are their habitudes
essentially changed. No one denies that stocks improve,
for such improvement is perceptible and permanent;
many deny that organisms improve, for if there
be improvement it is imperceptible, and has thus far
escaped proof. But, however this may be, it is palpable
that the mind, and not the body, is the instrument
and object of the progressional impulse.


Man in the duality of his nature is brought under
two distinct dominions; materially he is subject to
the laws that govern matter, mentally to the laws
that govern mind; physiologically he is perfectly made
and non-progressive, psychologically he is embryonic
and progressive. Between these internal and external
forces, between moral and material activities there
may be, in some instances, an apparent antagonism.
The mind may be developed in excess and to the detriment
of the body, and the body may be developed in
excess and to the detriment of the mind.


The animal man is a bundle of organs, with instincts
implanted that set them in motion; man intellectual
is a bundle of sentiments, with an implanted soul that
keeps them effervescent; mankind in the mass, society,—we
see the fermentations, we mark the transitions;
is there, then, a soul in aggregated humanity as
there is in individual humanity?


The instincts of man's animality teach the organs
20
to perform their functions as perfectly at the first as at
the last; the instincts of man's intellectuality urge him
on in an eternal race for something better, in which
perfection is never attained nor attainable; in society,
we see the constant growth, the higher and yet higher
development; now in this ever-onward movement are
there instincts which originate and govern action in
the body social as in the body individual? Is not
society a bundle of organs, with an implanted Soul of
Progress, which moves mankind along in a resistless
predetermined march?


Nations are born and die; they appear first in a
state of infancy or savagism; many die in their childhood,
some grow into manhood and rule for a time the
destinies of the world; finally, by sudden extinction,
or a lingering decrepitude, they disappear, and others
take their place. But in this ceaseless coming and
going there is somewhere a mysterious agency at work,
making men better, wiser, nobler, whether they will
or not. This improvement is not the effect of volition;
the plant does not will to unfold, nor the immature
animal to grow; neither can the world of human kind
cease to advance in mind and in manners. Development
is the inevitable incident of being. Nations,
under normal conditions, can no more help advancing
than they can throw themselves into a state of
non-existence; than can the individual stop his corporeal
growth, or shut out from the intellect every
perception of knowledge, and become a living petrification.
And in whatever pertains to intellectual man
this fundamental principle is apparent. It underlies
all moralities, governments, and religions, all industries,
arts, and commerce; it is the mainspring of every
action, the consequence of every cause; it is the great
central idea toward which all things converge; it is
the object of all efforts, the end of all successes; it
absorbs all forces, and is the combined results of innumerable
agencies, good and evil.


Before the theory of Dr von Martius and his followers,
21
that the savage state is but a degeneration from
something higher, can become tenable, the whole order
of nature must be reversed. Races may deteriorate,
civilized peoples relapse into barbarism, but such
relapse cannot take place except under abnormal conditions.
We cannot believe that any nation, once
learning the use of iron would cast it away for stone.
Driven from an iron-yielding land, the knowledge of
iron might at last be forgotten, but its use would
never be voluntarily relinquished. And so with any
of the arts or inventions of man. Societies, like individuals,
are born, mature, and decay; they grow old
and die; they may pause in their progress, become
diseased, and thereby lose their strength and retrograde,
but they never turn around and grow backward or
ungrow,—they could not if they would.


BRUTES CANNOT PROGRESS.


In the brute creation this element of progress is
wanting. The bird builds its nest, the bee its cell,
the beaver its dam, with no more skill or elaboration
to-day, than did the bird or bee or beaver primeval.
The instinct of animals does not with time become
intellect; their comforts do not increase, their sphere
of action does not enlarge. By domestication, stocks
may be improved, but nowhere do we see animals
uniting for mutual improvement, or creating for themselves
an artificial existence. So in man, whose nature
comprises both the animal and the intellectual, the
physical organism neither perceptibly advances nor
deteriorates. The features may, indeed, beam brighter
from the light of a purer intellectuality cast upon them
from within, but the hand, the eye, the heart, so far as
we know, is no more perfect now than in the days of
Adam.


As viewed by Mr Bagehot, the body of the accomplished
man "becomes, by training, different from
what it once was, and different from that of the rude
man, becomes charged with stored virtue and acquired
faculty which come away from it unconsciously." But
the body of the accomplished man dies, and the son can
22
in no wise inherit it, whereas the soul of his accomplishments
does not die, but lives in the air, and becomes
part of the vital breath of society. And, again, "power
that has been laboriously acquired and stored up as statical
in one generation" sometimes, says Maudsley,
"becomes the inborn faculty of the next; and the
development takes place in accordance with that law of
increasing speciality and complexity of adaption to
external nature which is traceable through the animal
kingdom; or, in other words, that law of progress,
from the general to the special, in development, which
the appearance of nerve force amongst natural forces
and the complexity of the nervous system of man
both illustrate." On the other side John Stuart Mill
is just as positive that culture is not inherent. "Of
all vulgar modes," he remarks, "of escaping from the
consideration of the effect of social and moral influences
on the human mind, the most vulgar is that of attributing
the diversities of conduct and character to inherent
natural differences;" and, says Mr Buckle, "we cannot
safely assume that there has been any permanent improvement
in the moral or intellectual faculties of man,
nor have we any decisive ground for saying that those
faculties are likely to be greater in an infant born in
the most civilized part of Europe, than in one born in
the wildest region of a barbarous country."


Whether or not the nervous system, which is the
connective tissue between man's animality and his
intellectuality, transmits its subtle forces from one
generation to another, we may be sure that the mind
acts on the nerves, and the nerves on every part of the
system, and that the intelligence of the mind influences
and governs the materialism of the body, and the consequences
in some way are felt by succeeding generations;
but that the mind becomes material, and its
qualities transmitted to posterity, is an hypothesis yet
unestablished.


IMPROVE­MENT PURELY INTEL­LECTUAL.


Moreover we may safely conclude that the improvement
of mankind is a phenomenon purely intellectual.
23


Not that the improvement of the mind is wholly independent
of the condition of the body; for, as we shall
hereafter see, so intimate is the connection between
the mind and the body, that the first step toward
intellectual advancement cannot be taken until the
demands of the body are satisfied. Nervous phenomena
are dependent upon the same nutritive processes
that govern physical development; and that this nerve
force, through whose agency the system is charged
with intellectuality, as the molecule is charged with
mechanical force, does exist, is capable, to some extent,
of transmitting acquirements or artificial instincts
from parent to child, we have every reason to believe;
but, so far as we know, intellectual force, per se, is no
more a transmittable entity than is the flesh-quivering
of the slain ox life.


The strangest part of it all is, that though wrought
out by man as the instrument, and while acting in the
capacity of a free agent, this spirit of progress is
wholly independent of the will of man. Though in
our individual actions we imagine ourselves directed
only by our free will, yet in the end it is most
difficult to determine what is the result of free will,
and what of inexorable environment. While we think
we are regulating our affairs, our affairs are regulating
us. We plan out improvements, predetermine the
best course and follow it, sometimes; yet, for all that,
the principle of social progress is not the man, is not
in the man, forms no constituent of his physical or
psychical individual being; it is the social atmosphere
into which the man is born, into which he brings nothing
and from which he takes nothing. While a member
of society he adds his quota to the general fund
and there leaves it; while acting as a free agent he
performs his part in working out this problem of social
development, performs it unconsciously, willing or
unwilling he performs it, his baser passions being as
powerful instruments of progress as his nobler; for
avarice drives on intellect as effectually as benevolence,
24
hate as love, and selfishness does infinitely more for
the progress of mankind than philanthropy. Thus is
humanity played upon by this principle of progress,
and the music sometimes is wonderful; green fields as
if by magic take the place of wild forests, magnificent
cities rise out of the ground, the forces of nature are
brought under the dominion of man's intelligence, and
senseless substances endowed with speech and action.


It is verily as Carlyle says; "under the strangest
new vesture, the old great truth (since no vesture can
hide it) begins again to be revealed: That man is what
we call a miraculous creature, with miraculous power
over men; and, on the whole, with such a Life in him,
and such a World round him, as victorious Analysis,
with her Physiologies, Nervous Systems, Physic and
Metaphysic, will never completely name, to say nothing
of explaining."


Thus, to sum up the foregoing premises: in society,
between two or more individuals, there is at work a
mysterious energy, not unlike that of force between
molecules or life in the organism; this social energy is
under intelligent governance, not fortuitous nor causeless,
but reducible to fixed law, and capable of being
wrought into a science; is, moreover, a vital actuality,
not an incident nor an accident, but an entity, as
attraction and repulsion are entities; under this agency
society, perforce, develops like the plant from a germ.
This energy acts on the intellect, and through the intellect
on the organism; acts independently of the will,
and cannot be created or destroyed by man; is not
found in the brute creation, is not transmittable by
generation through individuals, is wrought out by
man as a free-will agent, though acting unconsciously,
and is the product alike of good and evil.


CAUSES OF MAN'S DEVELOP­MENT.


As to the causes which originate progressional phenomena
there are differences of opinion. One sees in
the intellect the germ of an eternal unfolding; another
recognizes in the soul-element the vital principle of
25
progress, and attributes to religion all the benefits of
enlightenment; one builds a theory on the ground-work
of a fundamental and innate morality; another discovers
in the forces of nature the controlling influence
upon man's destiny; while yet others, as we have seen,
believe accumulative and inherent nervous force to be
the media through which culture is transmitted.
Some believe that moral causes create the physical,
others that physical causes create the moral.


Thus Mr Buckle attempts to prove that man's
development is wholly dependent upon his physical
surroundings. Huxley points to a system of reflex
actions,—mind acting on matter, and matter on mind,—as
the possible culture-basis. Darwin advances the
doctrine of an evolution from vivified matter as the
principle of progressive development. In the transmution
of nerve-element from parents to children,
Bagehot sees "the continuous force which binds age
to age, which enables each to begin with some improvement
on the last, if the last did itself improve;
which makes each civilization not a set of detached
dots, but a line of color, surely enhancing shade by
shade." Some see in human progress the ever-ruling
hand of a divine providence, others the results of man's
skill; with some it is free will, with others necessity;
some believe that intellectual development springs
from better systems of government, others that wealth
lies at the foundation of all culture; every philosopher
recognizes some cause, invents some system, or brings
human actions under the dominion of some species
of law.


As in animals of the same genus or species, inhabiting
widely different localities, we see the results of
common instincts, so in the evolutions of the human
race, divided by time or space, we see the same general
principles at work. So too it would seem, whether
species are one or many, whether man is a perfectly
created being or an evolution from a lower form, that
all the human races of the globe are formed on one
26
model and governed by the same laws. In the customs,
languages, and myths of ages and nations far
removed from each other in social, moral, and mental
characteristics, innumerable and striking analogies
exist. Not only have all nations weapons, but many
who are separated from each other by a hemisphere
use the same weapon; not only is belief universal, but
many relate the same myth; and to suppose the bow
and arrow to have had a common origin, or that all
flood-myths, and myths of a future life are but offshoots
from Noachic and Biblical narratives is scarcely
reasonable.


It is easier to tell what civilization is not, and what
it does not spring from, than what it is and what its
origin. To attribute its rise to any of the principles,
ethical, political, or material, that come under the
cognizance of man, is fallacy, for it is as much an entity
as any other primeval principle; nor may we, with
Archbishop Whately, entertain the doctrine that civilization
never could have arisen had not the Creator
appeared upon earth as the first instructor; for, unfortunately
for this hypothesis, the aboriginals supposedly
so taught, were scarcely civilized at all, and compare
unfavorably with the other all-perfect works of creation;
so that this sort of reasoning, like innumerable
other attempts of man to limit the powers of Omnipotence,
and narrow them down to our weak understandings,
is little else than puerility.


SOCIETY ESSENTIAL TO INTELLECT.


Nor, as we have seen, is this act of civilizing the
effect of volition; nor, as will hereafter more clearly
appear, does it arise from an inherent principle of good
any more than from an inherent principle of evil.
The ultimate result, though difficult of proof, we take
for granted to be good, but the agencies employed for
its consummation number among them more of those
we call evil than of those we call good. The isolated
individual never, by any possibility, can become civilized
like the social man; he cannot even speak, and
without a flow of words there can be no complete flow
27
of thought. Send him forth away from his fellow-man
to roam the forest with the wild beasts, and he would
be almost as wild and beastlike as his companions; it
is doubtful if he would ever fashion a tool, but would
not rather with his claws alone procure his food, and
forever remain as he now is, the most impotent of
animals. The intellect, by which means alone man
rises above other animals, never could work, because
the intellect is quickened only as it comes in contact
with intellect. The germ of development therein
implanted cannot unfold singly any more than the
organism can bear fruit singly. It is a well-established
fact that the mind without language cannot fully develop;
it is likewise established that language is not
inherent, that it springs up between men, not in them.
Language, like civilization, belongs to society, and is
in no wise a part or the property of the individual.
"For strangely in this so solid-seeming World," says
Carlyle, "which nevertheless is in continual restless
flux, it is appointed that Sound, to appearance the
most fleeting, should be the most continuing of all
things." And further, as remarked by Herbert Spencer:
"Now that the transformation and equivalence of
forces is seen by men of science to hold not only
throughout all inorganic actions, but throughout all
organic actions; now that even mental changes are
recognized as the correlatives of cerebral changes,
which also conform to this principle; and now that
there must be admitted the corollary, that all actions
going on in a society are measured by certain antecedent
energies, which disappear in effecting them, while they
themselves become actual or potential energies from
which subsequent actions arise; it is strange that there
should not have arisen the consciousness that these
higher phenomena are to be studied as lower phenomena
have been studied—not, of course, after the
same physical methods, but in conformity with the
same principles."


We may hold then, a priori, that this progressional
28
principle exists; that it exists not more in the man
than around him; that it requires an atmosphere in
which to live, as life in the body requires an atmosphere
which is its vital breath, and that this atmosphere
is generated only by the contact of man with
man. Under analysis this social atmosphere appears
to be composed of two opposing principles—good and
evil—which, like attraction and repulsion, or positive
and negative electricity, underlie all activities. One
is as essential to progress as the other; either, in excess
or disproportionately administered, like an excess of
oxygen or of hydrogen in the air, becomes pernicious,
engenders social disruptions and decay which continue
until the equilibrium is restored; yet all the while
with the progress of humanity the good increases while
the evil diminishes. Every impulse incident to humanity
is born of the union of these two opposing
principles. For example, as I have said, and will
attempt more fully to show further on, association is
the first requisite of progress. But what is to bring
about association? Naked nomads will not voluntarily
yield up their freedom, quit their wanderings, hold
conventions and pass resolutions concerning the greatest
good to the greatest number; patriotism, love,
benevolence, brotherly kindness, will not bring savage
men together; extrinsic force must be employed, an
iron hand must be laid upon them which will compel
them to unite, else there can be no civilization; and to
accomplish this first great good to man,—to compel
mankind to take the initial step toward the amelioration
of their condition,—it is ordained that an evil, or
what to us of these latter times is surely an evil, come
forward,—and that evil is War.


EVIL AS A STIMULANT OF PROGRESS.


Primeval man, in his social organization, is patriarchal,
spreading out over vast domains in little bands
or families, just large enough to be able successfully
to cope with wild beasts. And in that state humanity
would forever remain did not some terrible cause
force these bands to confederate. War is an evil,
29
originating in hateful passions and ending in dire
misery; yet without war, without this evil, man would
forever remain primitive. But something more is
necessary. War brings men together for a purpose,
but it is insufficient to hold them together; for when
the cause which compacted them no longer exists, they
speedily scatter, each going his own way. Then
comes in superstition to the aid of progress. A successful
leader is first feared as a man, then reverenced
as a supernatural being, and finally himself, or his
descendant, in the flesh or in tradition, is worshiped
as a god. Then an unearthly fear comes upon mankind,
and the ruler, perceiving his power, begins to
tyrannize over his fellows. Both superstition and
tyranny are evils; yet, without war superstition and
tyranny, dire evils, civilization, which many deem the
highest good, never by any possibility, as human
nature is, could be. But more of the conditions of
progress hereafter; what I wish to establish here is,
that evil is no less a stimulant of development than
good, and that in this principle of progress are manifest
the same antagonism of forces apparent throughout
physical nature; the same oppugnant energies,
attractive and repulsive, positive and negative, everywhere
existing. It is impossible for two or more
individuals to be brought into contact with each other,
whether through causes or for purposes good or evil,
without ultimate improvement to both. I say whether
through causes or for purposes good or evil, for, to the
all-pervading principle of evil, civilization is as much
indebted as to the all-pervading principle of good.
Indeed, the beneficial influences of this unwelcome
element have never been generally recognized. Whatever
be this principle of evil, whatever man would be
without it, the fact is clearly evident that to it civilization,
whatever that may be, owes its existence. "The
whole tendency of political economy and philosophical
history," says Lecky, "which reveal the physiology
of society, is to show that the happiness and welfare
30
of mankind are evolved much more from our selfish
than what are termed our virtuous acts." No wonder
that devil-worship obtains, in certain parts, when to
his demon the savage finds himself indebted for skill
not only to overthrow subordinate deities, but to cure
diseases, to will an enemy to death, to minister to the
welfare of departed friends, as well as to add materially
to his earthly store of comforts. The world, such
as it is, man finds himself destined for a time to
inhabit. Within him and around him the involuntary
occupant perceives two agencies at work; agencies
apparently oppugnant, yet both tending to one end—improvement;
and Night or Day, Love or Crime,
leads all souls to the Good, as Emerson sings. The
principle of evil acts as a perpetual stimulant, the
principle of good as a reward of merit. United in
their operation, there is a constant tendency toward a
better condition, a higher state; apart, the result
would be inaction. For, civilization being a progression
and not a fixed condition, without incentives, that
is without something to escape from and something to
escape to, there could be no transition, and hence no
civilization.


Had man been placed in the world perfected and
sinless, obviously there would be no such thing as
progress. The absence of evil implies perfect good,
and perfect good perfect happiness. Were man sinless
and yet capable of increasing knowledge, the incentive
would be wanting, for, if perfectly happy, why should
he struggle to become happier? The advent of civilization
is in the appearance of a want, and the first act
of civilization springs from the attempt to supply the
want. The man or nation that wants nothing remains
inactive, and hence does not advance; so that it is not
in what we have but in what we have not that civilization
consists. These wants are forced upon us, implanted
within us, inseparable from our being; they
increase with an increasing supply, grow hungry from
what they feed on; in quick succession, aspirations,
31
emulations, and ambitions spring up and chase each
other, keeping the fire of discontent ever glowing, and
the whole human race effervescent.


The tendency of civilizing force, like the tendency of
mechanical force, is toward an equilibrium, toward a
never-attainable rest. Obviously there can be no
perfect equilibrium, no perfect rest, until all evil disappears,
but in that event the end of progress would
be attained, and humanity would be perfect and sinless.


Man at the outset is not what he may be, he is
capable of improvement or rather of growth; but
childlike, the savage does not care to improve, and
consequently must be scourged into it. Advancement
is the ultimate natural or normal state of man; humanity
on this earth is destined some day to be relatively,
if not absolutely, good and happy.


The healthy body has appetites, in the gratification
of which lies its chiefest enjoyment; the healthy mind
has proclivities, the healthy soul intuitions, in the exercise
and activities of which the happiest life is attainable;
and in as far as the immaterial and immortal in our
nature is superior to the material and mortal, in so far
does the education and development of our higher
nature contribute in a higher degree to our present
benefit and our future well-being.


LABOR A CIVILIZING AGENT.


There is another thought in this connection well
worthy our attention. In orthodox and popular parlance,
labor is a curse entailed on man by vindictive
justice; yet viewed as a civilizing agent, labor is
man's greatest blessing. Throughout all nature there
is no such thing found as absolute inertness; and, as
in matter, so with regard to our faculties, no sooner do
they begin to rest than they begin to rot, and even in
the rotting they can obtain no rest. One of the chief
objects of labor is to get gain, and Dr Johnson holds
that "men are seldom more innocently employed than
when they are making money."


Human experience teaches, that in the effort is
greater pleasure than in the end attained; that labor is
32
the normal condition of man; that in acquisition,
that is progress, is the highest happiness; that passive
enjoyment is inferior to the exhilaration of active
attempt. Now imagine the absence from the world
of this spirit of evil, and what would be the result?
Total inaction. But before inaction can become more
pleasurable than action, man's nature must be changed.
Not to say that evil is a good thing, clearly there is a
goodness in things evil; and in as far as the state of
escaping from evil is more pleasurable than the state of
evil escaped from, in so far is evil conducive to happiness.


The effect of well-directed labor is twofold; by exercise
our faculties strengthen and expand, and at the
same time the returns of that labor give us leisure in
which to direct our improved faculties to yet higher
aims. By continual efforts to increase material comforts,
greater skill is constantly acquired, and the mind
asserts more and more its independence. Increasing
skill yields ever increased delights, which encourage
and reward our labor. This, up to a certain point; but
with wealth and luxury comes relaxed energy. Without
necessity there is no labor; without labor no advancement.
Corporeal necessity first forces corporeal
activity; then the intellect goes to work to contrive
means whereby labor may be lessened and made more
productive.


EVIL TENDS TO DISAPPEAR.


The discontent which arises from discomfort, lies
at the root of every movement; but then comfort is a
relative term and complete satisfaction is never
attained. Indeed, as a rule, the more squalid and
miserable the race, the more are they disposed to
settle down and content themselves in their state of
discomfort. What is discomfort to one is luxury to
another; "the mark of rank in nature is capacity for
pain"; in following the intellectual life, the higher the
culture the greater the discontent; the greater the
acquisition, the more eagerly do men press forward
toward some higher and greater imaginary good. We
33
all know that blessings in excess become the direst
curses; but few are conscious where the benefit of a
blessing terminates and the curse begins, and fewer
still of those who are able thus to discriminate have
the moral strength to act upon that knowledge. As
a good in excess is an evil, so evil as it enlarges outdoes
itself and tends toward self-annihilation. If we
but look about us, we must see that to burn up the
world in order to rid it of gross evil—a dogma held by
some—is unnecessary, for accumulative evils ever tend
towards reaction. Excessive evils are soonest remedied;
the equilibrium of the evil must be maintained, or the
annihilation of the evil ensues.


Institutions and principles essentially good at one
time are essential evils at another time. The very
aids and agencies of civilization become afterward the
greatest drags upon progress. At one time it would
seem that blind faith was essential to improvement, at
another time skepticism, at one time order and morality,
at another time lawlessness and rapine; for so it
has ever been, and whether peace and smiling plenty,
or fierce upheavals and dismemberments predominate,
from every social spasm as well as fecund leisure,
civilization shoots forward in its endless course. The
very evils which are regarded as infamous by a higher
culture were the necessary stepping-stones to that
higher life. As we have seen, no nation ever did or
can emerge from barbarism without first placing its
neck under the yokes of despotism and superstition;
therefore, despotism and superstition, now dire evils,
were once essential benefits. No religion ever attained
its full development except under persecution. Our
present evils are constantly working out for humanity
unforeseen good. All systems of wrongs and fanaticisms
are but preparing us for and urging us on to a
higher state.


If then civilization is a predestined, ineluctable, and
eternal march away from things evil toward that
which is good, it must be that throughout the world
34
the principle of good is ever increasing and that of
evil decreasing. And this is true. Not only does
evil decrease, but the tendency is ever toward its
disappearance. Gradually the confines of civilization
broaden; the central principle of human progress
attains greater intensity, and the mind assumes more
and more its lordly power over matter.


The moment we attempt to search out the cause of
any onward movement we at once encounter this principle
of evil. The old-time aphorism that life is a
perpetual struggle; the first maxim of social ethics
'the greatest happiness to the greatest number'; indeed,
every thought and action of our lives points in the
same direction. From what is it mankind is so
eager to escape; with what do we wrestle; for what
do we strive? We fly from that which gives pain to
that which gives pleasure; we wrestle with agencies
which bar our escape from a state of infelicity; we
long for happiness.


IS CIVILIZATION CONDUCIVE TO HAPPINESS?


Then comes the question, What is happiness? Is
man polished and refined happier than man wild and
unfettered; is civilization a blessing or a curse?
Rousseau, we know, held it to be the latter; but not
so Virey. "What!" he exclaims, "is he happier than
the social man, this being abandoned in his maladies,
uncared for even by his children in his improvident
old age, exposed to ferocious beasts, in fear of his own
kind, even of the cannibal's tooth? The civilized man,
surrounded in his feebleness by affectionate attention,
sustains a longer existence, enjoys more pleasure and
daily comforts, is better protected against inclemencies
of weather and all external ills. The isolated man
must suffice for himself, must harden himself to endure
any privation; his very existence depends upon his
strength, and if necessity requires it of him, he must
be ready to abandon wife and children and life itself
at any moment. Such cruel misery is rare in social
life, where the sympathies of humanity are awakened,
and freely exercised."
35


Continue these simple interrogatories a little farther
and see where we land. Is the wild bird, forced to
long migrations for endurable climates and food, happier
than the caged bird which buys a daily plentiful
supply for a song? Is the wild beast, ofttimes hungry
and hunted, happier than its chained brother of the
menagerie? Is the wild horse, galloping with its fellows
over the broad prairie, happier than the civilized
horse of carriage, cart, or plow? May we not question
whether the merchant, deep in his speculating ventures,
or the man of law, poring over his brain-tearing
brief, derives a keener sense of enjoyment than
does the free forest-native, following the war-path or
pursuing his game?


As I have attempted to show, civilization is not an
end attained, for man is never wholly civilized,—but
only the effort to escape from an evil, or an imaginary
evil—savagism. I say an evil real or imaginary, for
as we have seen, the question has been seriously discussed
whether civilization is better or worse than
savagism. For every advantage which culture affords,
a price must be paid,—some say too great a price.
The growth of the mind is dependent upon its cultivation,
but this cultivation may be voluntary or involuntary,
it may be a thing desired or a thing abhorred.


Every nation, every society, and every person has
its or his own standard of happiness. The miser delights
in wealth, the city belle in finery, the scholar in learning.
The Christian's heaven is a spiritual city, where
they neither marry, nor are given in marriage;
the Norse-man's a Valhalla of alternate battle and
wassail; the Mahometan's, a paradise of houris and
lazy sensuality. The martyr at the stake, triumphant
in his faith, may be happier than the man of fashion
dying of ennui and gout; the savage, wandering through
forest and over plain in pursuit of game, or huddled in
his hut with wives and children, may be happier than
the care-laden speculator or the wrangling politician.
Content, the essence of all happiness, is as prevalent
36
among the poor and ill-mannered, as among the rich,
refined and civilized. Ubi bene, ibi patria, where it is
well with me, there is my country, is the motto of the
Indian,—and to be well with him signifies only to be
beyond the reach of hunger and enemies. Ask the
savage which is preferable, a native or a cultured state,
and he will answer the former; ask the civilized man,
and he will say the latter. I do not see any greater
absurdity in the wild man saying to the tamed one:
Give up the despotisms and diseases of society and
throw yourself with me upon beauteous, bounteous
nature; than in the European saying to the American:
If you would find happiness, abandon your filth and
naked freedom, accept Christianity and cotton shirts,
go to work in a mission, rot on a reservation, or beg
and starve in civilized fashion!


Of all animals, man alone has broken down the barriers
of his nature in civilizing, or, as Rousseau
expresses it, in denaturalizing himself; and for this denaturalization
some natural good must be relinquished;
to every infringement of nature's law, there is a penalty
attached; for a more delicate organism the price
is numberless new diseases; for political institutions
the price is native freedom. With polished manners
the candidate for civilization must accept affectation,
social despotism; with increasing wealth, increasing
wants; civilization engenders complexity in society,
and in its turn is engendered thereby. Peoples the
most highly cultured are moved by the most delicate
springs; a finer touch, the result of greater skill, with a
finer tone, the result of greater experience, produces
music more and yet more exquisite.


SUBJECTIVE AND OBJECTIVE HUMANITY.


Were man only an animal, this denaturalization
and more, would be true. The tamed brute gives up
all the benefits of savagism for few of the blessings
of civilization; in a cultured state, as compared to a
state of wild freedom, its ills are numberless, its advantages
infinitesimal. But human nature is twofold,
objective and subjective, the former typical of the
37
savage state, the latter of the civilized. Man is not
wholly animal; and by cultivating the mind, that is,
by civilizing himself, he is no more denaturalized than
by cultivating the body, and thereby acquiring greater
physical perfection. We cannot escape our nature; we
cannot re-create ourselves; we can only submit ourselves
to be polished and improved by the eternal spirit
of progress. The moral and the intellectual are as
much constituents of human nature as the physical;
civilization, therefore, is as much the natural state of
man as savagism.


Another more plausible and partially correct assertion
is, that by the development of the subjective part
of our nature, objective humanity becomes degenerated.
The intellectual cannot be wrought up to the highest
state of cultivation except at the expense of the physical,
nor the physical fully developed without limiting
the mental. The efforts of the mind draw from the
energies of the body; the highest and healthiest vigor
of the body can only be attained when the mind is at
rest, or in a state of careless activity. In answer to
which I should say that beyond a certain point, it is
true; one would hardly train successfully for a prize
fight and the tripos at the same time; but that the
non-intellectual savage, as a race, is physically superior,
capable of enduring greater fatigue, or more skillful in
muscular exercise than the civilized man is inconsistent
with facts. Civilization has its vices as well as its
virtues, savagism has its advantages as well as its
demerits.


The evils of savagism are not so great as we imagine;
its pleasures more than we are apt to think. As we
become more and more removed from evils their magnitude
enlarges; the fear of suffering increases as
suffering is less experienced and witnessed. If savagism
holds human life in light esteem, civilization
makes death more hideous than it really is; if savagism
is more cruel, it is less sensitive. Combatants
accustomed to frequent encounter think lightly of
38
wounds, and those whose life is oftenest imperiled
think least of losing it. Indifference to pain is not
necessarily the result of cruelty; it may arise as well
from the most exalted sentiment as from the basest.


Civilization not only engenders new vices, but proves
the destroyer of many virtues. Among the wealthier
classes energy gives way to enjoyment, luxury saps
the foundation of labor, progress becomes paralyzed,
and with now and then a noble exception, but few
earnest workers in the paths of literature, science, or
any of the departments which tend to the improvement
of mankind, are to be found among the powerful
and the affluent, while the middle classes are absorbed
in money-getting, unconsciously thereby, it is true,
working toward the ends of civilization.


That civilization is expedient, that it is a good, that
it is better than savagism, we who profess to be civilized
entertain no doubt. Those who believe otherwise must
be ready to deny that health is better than disease, truth
than superstition, intellectual power than stupid ignorance;
but whether the miseries and vices of savagism, or
those of civilization are the greater, is another question.
The tendency of civilization is, on the whole, to purify
the morals, to give equal rights to man, to distribute
more equally among men the benefits of this world, to
melioriate wholesale misery and degradation, offer a
higher aim and the means of accomplishing a nobler
destiny, to increase the power of the mind and give it
dominion over the forces of nature, to place the material
in subservience to the mental, to elevate the
individual and regulate society. True, it may be
urged that this heaping up of intellectual fruits tends
toward monopoly, toward making the rich richer and
the poor poorer, but I still hold that the benefits of
civilization are for the most part evenly distributed;
that wealth beyond one's necessity is generally a curse
to the possessor greater than the extreme of poverty,
and that the true blessings of culture and refinement
like air and sunshine are free to all.
39


Civilization, it is said, multiplies wants, but then
they are ennobling wants, better called aspirations, and
many of these civilization satisfies.


If civilization breeds new vices, old ones are extinguished
by it. Decency and decorum hide the hideousness
of vice, drive it into dark corners, and thereby
raise the tone of morals and weaken vice. Thus
civilization promotes chastity, elevates woman, breaks
down the barriers of hate and superstition between
ancient nations and religions; individual energy, the
influence of one over the many, becomes less and less
felt, and the power of the people becomes stronger.


Civilization in itself can not but be beneficial to
man; that which makes society more refined, more
intellectual, less bestial, more courteous; that which
cures physical and mental diseases, increases the comforts
and luxury of life, purifies religions, makes juster
governments, must surely be beneficial: it is the universal
principle of evil which impregnates all human
affairs, alloying even current coin, which raises the
question. That there are evils attending civilization as
all other benefits, none can deny, but civilization itself
is no evil.


CONDITIONS ESSENTIAL TO PROGRESS.


If I have succeeded in presenting clearly the foregoing
thoughts, enough has been said as to the nature
and essence of civilization; let us now examine some
of the conditions essential to intellectual development.
For it must not be forgotten that, while every department
of human progress is but the unfolding of a
germ; while every tendency of our life, every custom
and creed of our civilization finds its rudiment in
savagism; while, as man develops, no new elements of
human nature are created by the process; while, as the
organism of the child is as complex and complete as the
organism of the man, so is humanity in a savage state
the perfect germ of humanity civilized,—it must not
be forgotten in all this, that civilization cannot unfold
except under favorable conditions. Just as the plant,
40
though endowed with life which corresponds to the
mind-principle in progress, requires for its growth a
suitable soil and climate, so this progressional phenomenon
must have soil and sunshine before it yields
fruit; and this is another proof that civilization is not
in the man more than around him; for if the principle
were inherent in the individual, then the Hyperborean,
with his half year of light and half year of underground
darkness, must of necessity become civilized
equally with the man born amidst the sharpening
jostles of a European capital, for in all those parts that
appertain solely to the intrinsic individual, the one
develops as perfectly as the other. A people undergoing
the civilizing process need not necessarily, does not
indeed, advance in every species of improvement at
the same time; in some respects the nation may be
stationary, in others even retrograde. Every age and
every nation has its special line of march. Literature
and the fine arts reached their height in pagan Greece;
monotheism among the Hebrews; science unfolded in
Egypt, and government in Rome.


In every individual there is some one talent that can
be cultivated more advantageously than any other; so
it is with nations, every people possesses some natural
advantage for development in some certain direction
over every other people, and often the early history
of a nation, like the precocious proclivities of the child,
points toward its future; and in such arts and industries
as its climate and geographical position best
enable it to develop, is discovered the germ of national
character. Seldom is the commercial spirit developed
in the interior of a continent, or the despotic spirit
on the border of the sea, or the predatory spirit in a
country wholly devoid of mountains and fastnesses.
It cannot be said that one nation or race is inherently
better fitted for civilization than another; all may not
be equally fitted for exactly the same civilization, but
all are alike fitted for that civilization which, if left to
itself, each will work out.
41


Mankind, moreover, advances spasmodically, and in
certain directions only at a time, which is the greatest
drawback to progress. As Lecky remarks: "Special
agencies, such as religious or political institutions,
geographical conditions, traditions, antipathies, and
affinities, exercise a certain retarding, accelerating, or
deflecting influence, and somewhat modify the normal
progress." Perfect development only is permanent,
and that alone is perfect which develops the whole
man and the whole society equally in all its parts; all
the activities, mental, moral, and physical, must needs
grow in unison and simultaneously, and this alone is
perfect and permanent development. Should all the
world become civilized there will still be minor differences;
some will advance further in one direction and
some in another, all together will form the complete
whole.


Civilization as an exotic seldom flourishes. Often
has the attempt been made by a cultivated people to
civilize a barbarous nation, and as often has it failed.
True, one nation may force its arts or religion upon
another, but to civilize is neither to subjugate nor annihilate;
foreigners may introduce new industries and
new philosophies, which the uncultured may do well
to accept, but as civilization is an unfolding, and not
a creation, he who would advance civilization must
teach society how to grow, how to enlarge its better
self; must teach in what direction its highest interests
lie.


Thus it appears that, while this germ of progress is
innate in every human society, certain conditions are
more favorable to its development than others,—conditions
which act as stimulants or impediments to progress.
Often we see nations remain apparently stationary,
the elements of progress evenly balanced by
opposing influences, and thus they remain until by
internal force, or external pressure, their system
expands or explodes, until they absorb or are absorbed
42
by antagonistic elements. The intrinsic force of the
body social appears to demand extrinsic prompting
before it will manifest itself. Like the grains of wheat
in the hand of Belzoni's mummy, which held life
slumbering for three thousand years, and awoke to
growth when buried in the ground, so the element of
human progress lies dormant until planted in a congenial
soil and surrounded by those influences which
provoke development.


This stimulant, which acts upon and unfolds the
intellect, can be administered only through the medium
of the senses. Nerve force, which precedes intellectual
force, is supplied by the body; the cravings of man's
corporeal nature, therefore, must be quieted before the
mind can fix itself on higher things. The first step
toward teaching a savage is to feed him; the stomach
satisfied he will listen to instruction, not before.


Cultivation of at least the most necessary of the
industrial arts invariably precedes cultivation of the
fine arts; the intellect must be implanted in a satisfied
body before it will take root and grow. The mind must
be allowed some respite from its attendance on the body,
before culture can commence; it must abandon its state
of servitude, and become master; in other words, leisure
is an essential of culture.


As association is the primal condition of progress,
let us see how nature throws societies together or
holds them asunder. In some directions there are
greater facilities for intercommunication (another essential
of improvement) than in other directions. Wherever
man is most in harmony with nature, there he
progresses most rapidly; wherever nature offers the
greatest advantages, such as a sea that invites to commerce,
an elevated plateau lifting its occupants above
the malaria of a tropical lowland, a sheltering mountain
range that wards off inclement winds and bars out
hostile neighbors, there culture flourishes best.


OBJECTIVE AND SUBJECTIVE STIMULANTS.


So that humanity, in its twofold nature, is dependent
43
for its development upon two distinct species of
stimulants, objective and subjective. Material causations,
or those forces which minister to the requirements
of man's material nature but upon which his intellectual
progress is dependent, are configurations of surface,
soil, climate, and food. Those physical conditions
which, when favorable, give to their possessors wealth
and leisure, are the inevitable precursors of culture.
Immaterial causations are those forces which act more
directly upon man's immaterial nature, as association,
religion, wealth, leisure, and government. Continuing
the analysis, let us first examine physical stimulants.
Admitting readily two of M. Taine's primordial humanity-moving
forces, 'le milieu' or environment, and
his 'le moment' or inherited impulse, we will pass over the
third force 'la race';—for inherent differences in race,
in the present stage of science, are purely hypothetical;
it remains yet to be proved that one nation is primarily
inherently inferior or superior to another nation. That
man once created is moulded and modified by his
environment, there can be no doubt. Even a cursory
survey of the globe presents some indications favorable
and unfavorable to the unfolding of the different forms
of organic being.


Great continents, for instance, appear to be congenial
to the development of animal life; islands and
lesser continents to the growth of exuberant vegetation.
Thus, in the eastern hemisphere, which is a
compact oval, essentially continental, with vast areas
far removed from the influence of the ocean, flourish
the elephant, the hippopotamus, the rhinoceros, the
courageous lion, the fierce tiger, the largest and lordliest
of animal kind, while in the more oceanic
western hemisphere inferior types prevail. Cold and
dryness characterize the one; heat and humidity the
other; in one are the greatest deserts, in the other the
greatest lakes and rivers. Warm oceanic currents
bathe the frosty shores of the northern extremities of
the continents and render them habitable; the moisture-laden
44
equatorial atmosphere clothes the adjacent
islands and firm land in emerald verdure. Upon the
same parallel of latitude are the great Sahara Desert
of Africa, and the wilderness of luxuriant billowy foliage
of the American Isthmus. In warm, moist
climates, such species of animal life attain the fullest
development as are dependent upon the aqueous and
herbous agencies. In tropical America are seen the
largest reptiles, the most gorgeous insects,—there the
inhabitants of warm marshes and sluggish waters
assume gigantic proportions, while only upon the
broad inland prairies or upon elevated mountain ranges,
away from the influences of warm waters and humid
atmospheres, are found the buffalo, bear, and elk. The
very complexion and temperament of man are affected
by these vegetative and umbrageous elements. Unprotected
from the perpendicular rays of the sun, the
African is black, muscular, and cheerful; under the
shadow of primeval forest, man assumes a coppery hue,
lacking the endurance of the negro, and becomes in
disposition cold and melancholy.


And again, if we look for the natural causes which
tend to promote or retard association, we find in
climates and continental configurations the chief
agencies. The continent of the two Americas, in its
greatest length, lies north and south, the eastern continental
group extends east and west. Primitive
people naturally would spread out in those directions
which offered the least change of climate from that of
the primitive centre. Obviously, variations of climate
are greater in following a meridian than along a parallel
of latitude. Thus, the tropical man passing along
a meridian is driven back by unendurable cold, while a
continent may be traversed on any parallel, elevations
excepted, with but little variation in temperature. A
savage, exposed and inexperienced, not knowing how to
protect himself against severe changes of climate,
could not travel far in a northerly or southerly direction
without suffering severely from the cold or heat;
45
hence, other things being equal, the inhabitants of a
country whose greatest length lay east and west, would
intermingle more readily than those whose territory
extended north and south.


CLIMATE AND MOUNTAIN RANGES.


That the eastern hemisphere attained a higher degree
of civilization than the western, may be partly
due to the fact, that the former presents wider spaces
of uniform climate than the latter. The climatic zones
of the New World, besides being shorter, are intersected
by mountain barriers, which tend to retard
the intercourse that would otherwise naturally follow.
Thus the Mexican table-land, the seat of Aztec civilization,
is a tierra fria situated above the insalubrious
tierra caliente of either coast and the healthful tierra
templada of the slopes, but below the mountain ranges
which rise from this table-land, forming a tierra
frígida, a region of perpetual snow. To this day, the
natives of the Mexican plateau cannot live on the
sea-coast, though less than a day's journey distant.


Between the climatic zones which extend through
Europe and Asia, there are contrasts as marked and
changes as sudden, but these differences are between
the different zones rather than between longitudinal
sections of the same zone. Hence, in the old world,
where climatic zones are separated by mountain ranges
which make the transition from one to the other sudden
and abrupt, we see a greater diversity of race than in
America, where the natural barriers extend north and
south and intersect the climatic zones, thereby bringing
the inhabitants along a meridian in easier communication
than those who live in the same latitude but who
are separated by mountains, table-lands and large rivers.
That is, if color and race are dependent on climate,
America should offer greater varieties in color and
race than Europe, for America traverses the most
latitudes; but the mountain barriers of America extend
north and south, thereby forcing its people to intermingle,
if at all, in that direction, while the chief
ranges of the eastern continent extend east and west,
46
parallel with climatic zones, thereby forming in themselves
distinctly marked lines between peoples, forcing
the African to remain under his burning sun, and the
northmen in their cooler latitudes; so that in the
several climatic zones of the old world, we see the
human race distinctly marked, Aryan, Semitic, and
Turanian—white, black, and yellow—while throughout
the two Americas, from Alaska to Tierra del Fuego,
type and color are singularly uniform.


Who can picture the mighty tide of humanity,
which, while the eastern hemisphere has been developing
so high a state of culture, in America has ebbed
and flowed between barbarisms and civilizations?
Through what long and desperate struggles, continuing
age after age through the lives of nations, now advancing,
now receding, have these peoples passed? Asia,
from its central position and favorable climate, would
seem naturally to encourage a redundant population
and a spontaneous civilization; the waters of the
Mediterranean invite commerce and intercommunication
of nations, while the British Isles, from their
insular situation and distance from hypothetical primitive
centres, would seem necessarily to remain longer
in a state of barbarism. In the Pacific States of
North America we find the densest population north
along the shores of the ocean, and south on the cordillera
table-land, from the fact that the former offers
the best facilities for food and locomotion until the
latter is reached, when the interior presents the most
favorable dwelling-place for man.


Climate affects both mental and moral endowments,
the temperament of the body, and the texture of the
brain; physical energy, and mental vigor. Temperate
climates are more conducive to civilization, not for the
reason given by Mr Harris, "as developing the higher
qualities, and not invigorating the baser feelings", for
the Hyperborean is as unchaste and as great a slave
to passion as the sub-equatorial man—but because a
47
temperate climate, while it lures to exertion, rewards
the laborer.


THE INFLUENCE OF FOOD.


Next, let us consider the agency of food in human
development. The effect of food is to supply the body
with caloric, which is essential to its life, and to repair
the muscular fibres which are constantly undergoing
waste in our daily activities. These two effects are
produced by two different kinds of diet; carbonized
food, such as animal flesh, fish, oils and fats, and oxidized
food, which consists chiefly of vegetables. In hot
climates, obviously, less carbonized food is required to
keep up the necessary temperature of the body than
in cold climates. Hence it is, that hyperborean nations
subsist on whale's blubber, oil, and flesh, while the
tropical man confines himself almost exclusively to a
vegetable diet.


It is not my purpose here to enter into the relative
effects of the different kinds of food on physiological
and mental development; I desire, however, to call
attention to the comparative facility with which carbonized
and oxidized food is procured by man, and to
note the effect of this ease or difficulty in obtaining a
food supply, upon his progress. In warm, humid
climates vegetation is spontaneous and abundant; a
plentiful supply of food may, therefore, be obtained
with the smallest expenditure of labor. The inhabitants
of cold climates, however, are obliged to pursue, by
land and water, wild and powerful animals, to put
forth all their strength and skill in order to secure a
precarious supply of the necessary food. Then, again,
besides being more difficult to obtain, and more uncertain
as to a steady supply, the quantity of food consumed
in a cold climate is much greater than that
consumed in a hot climate. Now as leisure is essential
to cultivation, and as without a surplus of food
and clothing there can be no leisure, it would seem to
follow naturally that in those countries where food
and clothing are most easily obtained culture should
48
be the highest; since so little time and labor are
necessary to satisfy the necessities of the body, the
mind would have opportunity to expand. It would
seem that a fertile soil, an exuberant vegetation, soft
skies and balmy air, a country where raiment was
scarcely essential to comfort, and where for food the
favored inhabitant had but to pluck and eat, should
become the seat of a numerous population and a high
development. Is this the fact? "Wherever snow
falls," Emerson remarks, "there is usually civil freedom.
Where the banana grows, the animal system is
indolent, and pampered at the cost of higher qualities;
the man is sensual and cruel;" and we may add that
where wheat grows, there is civilization, where rice is
the staple, there mental vigor is relaxed.


Heat and moisture being the great vegetative
stimulants, tropical lands in proximity to the sea are
covered with eternal verdure. Little or no labor is
required to sustain life; for food there is the perpetually
ripening fruit, a few hours' planting, sometimes,
being sufficient to supply a family for months; for
shelter, little more than the dense foliage is necessary,
while scarcely any clothing is required.


But although heat and moisture, the great vegetative
stimulants, lie at the root of primitive progress,
these elements in superabundance defeat their own
ends, and in two ways: First, excessive heat enervates
the body and prostrates the mind, languor and inertia
become chronic, while cold is invigorating and prompts
to activity. And in tropical climates certain hours of
the day are too hot for work, and are, consequently,
devoted to sleep. The day is broken into fragments;
continuous application, which alone produces important
results, is prevented, and habits of slackness and
laxity become the rule of life. Satisfied, moreover,
with the provisions of nature for their support, the
people live without labor, vegetating, plant-like, through
a listless and objectless life. Secondly, vegetation,
stimulated by excessive heat and moisture, grows with
49
such strength and rapidity as to defy the efforts of
inexperienced primitive man; nature becomes domineering,
unmanageable, and man sinks into insignificance.
Indeed the most skillful industry of armed
and disciplined civilization is unable to keep under
control this redundancy of tropical vegetation. The
path cleared by the pioneer on penetrating the dense
undergrowth, closes after him like the waters of the sea
behind a ship; before the grain has time to spring up,
the plowed field is covered with rank weeds, wild flowers,
and poisonous plants no less beautiful than pernicious.
I have seen the very fence-posts sprouting up and
growing into trees. So destructive is the vegetation
of the Central American lowlands, that in their
triumphal march the persistent roots penetrate the
crevices of masonry, demolish strong walls, and obliterate
stupendous tumuli. The people whose climate
makes carbonized food a necessity, are obliged to call
into action their bolder and stronger faculties in order
to obtain their supplies, while the vegetable-eater may
tranquilly rest on bounteous nature. The Eskimo
struggles manfully with whale, and bear, and ice, and
darkness, until his capacious stomach is well filled
with heat-producing food, then he dozes torpidly in
his den while the supply lasts; the equatorial man
plucks and eats, basks in the open air, and sleeps.


UNMANAGE­ABLENESS OF REDUNDANT NATURE.


Here we have a medley of heterogeneous and antagonistic
elements. Leisure is essential to culture;
before leisure there must be an accumulation of wealth;
the accumulation of wealth is dependent upon the food-supply;
a surplus of food can only be easily obtained
in warm climates. But labor is also essential to development,
and excessive heat is opposed to labor. Labor,
moreover, in order to produce leisure must be remunerative,
and excessive cold is opposed to accumulation.
It appears, therefore, that an excess of labor and an
excess of leisure are alike detrimental to improvement.
Again, heat and moisture are essential to an abundant
supply of oxidized food. But heat and moisture,
50
especially in tropical climates, act as a stimulant upon
other rank productions, engendering dense forests,
tangled brush-wood, and poisonous shrubs, and filling
miasmatic marshes with noxious reptiles. These enemies
to human progress the weaponless savage is unable
to overcome.


It is, therefore, neither in hot and humid countries,
nor in excessively cold climates, that we are to look for
a primitive civilization; for in the latter nature lies
dormant, while in the former the redundancy of nature
becomes unmanageable. It is true that in the tropics
of America and Asia are found the seats of many
ancient civilizations, but if we examine them one
after the other, we shall see, in nearly every instance,
some opposite or counteracting agency. Thus,
the Aztecs, though choosing a low latitude in proximity
to both oceans, occupied an elevated table-land,
in a cool, dry atmosphere, seven or eight thousand
feet above the level of the sea. The river Nile, by
its periodic inundations, forced the ancient Egyptians
to lay by a store of food, which is the very first
step toward wealth. The rivers of India are, some of
them, subject to like overflowings, while the more
elevated parts are dry and fertile.


Egypt was the cradle of European development.
Long before the advent of Christianity, the fertile
banks of the Nile, for their pyramidal tombs, their
colossi, their obelisks and catacombs and sphinxes and
temples, were regarded by surrounding barbarians as
a land of miracles and marvels. Thence Greece derived
her earliest arts and maxims. The climate of
Egypt was unchangeable, and the inundations of the
Nile offered a less uncertain water-supply than the
rains of many other districts, and thus agriculture,
while offering to the laborer the greater part of the
year for leisure, was almost certain to be remunerative.
Common instincts and common efforts, uniformity of
climate and identity of interests produced a homogeneous
people, and forty centuries of such changeless
51
coming and going could not fail to result in improvement.


MR BUCKLE'S THEORY.


Mr Buckle, in his attempt to establish a universal
theory that heat and moisture inevitably engender
civilization, and that without those combined agencies
no civilization can arise, somewhat overreaches himself.
"In America, as in Asia and Africa," he says,
"all the original civilizations were seated in hot countries;
the whole of Peru, proper, being within the
southern tropic, the whole of Central America and
Mexico within the northern tropic." The fact is, that
Cuzco, the capital city of the Incas, is in the cordilleras,
three hundred miles from and eleven thousand
feet above the sea. For the latitude the climate is
both cold and dry. The valley of Mexico is warmer
and moister, but cannot be called hot and humid.
Palenque and Copan approach nearer Mr Buckle's
ideal than Cuzco or Mexico, being above the tierra
caliente proper, and yet in a truly hot and humid
climate.


The Hawaiian Islands,—an isolated group of lava
piles, thrown up into the trade winds on the twentieth
parallel, and by these winds deluged on one side with
rain, while the other is left almost dry, with but little
alluvial soil, and that little exceedingly fertile,—at the
time of their discovery by Captain Cook appeared to
have made no inconsiderable advance toward feudalism.
Systems of land tenure and vassalage were in
operation, and some works for the public weal had
been constructed. Here were the essentials for a low
order of improvement such as was found there, but
which never, in all probability, would have risen much
higher.


Again, Mr Buckle declares that, "owing to the
presence of physical phenomena, the civilization of
America was, of necessity, confined to those parts
where alone it was found by the discoverers of the New
World." An apparently safe postulate; but, upon
any conceivable hypothesis, there are very many
52
places as well adapted to development as those in which
it was found. Once more: "The two great conditions
of fertility have not been united in any part of the
continent north of Mexico." When we consider what
it is, namely, heat and humidity, upon which Mr Buckle
makes intellectual evolution dependent, and that not
only the Mexican plateau lacked both these essentials,
in the full meaning of the term, but that both are
found in many places northward, as for instance, in
some parts of Texas and in Louisiana, a discrepancy in
his theory becomes apparent. "The peculiar configuration
of the land," he continues, "secured a very
large amount of coast, and thus gave to the southern
part of North America the character of an island." An
island, yes, but, as M. Guyot terms it, an "aerial
island;" bordered on either side by sea-coast, but by
such sea-coast as formed an almost impassable barrier
between the table-land and the ocean.


"While, therefore," adds Mr Buckle, "the position
of Mexico near the equator gave it heat, the shape of
the land gave it humidity; and this being the only part
of North America in which these two conditions were
united it was likewise the only part which was at all
civilized. There can be no doubt, that if the sandy
plains of California and Southern Columbia, instead of
being scorched into sterility, had been irrigated by the
rivers of the east, or if the rivers of the east had been
accompanied by the heat of the west, the result of either
combination would have been that exuberance of soil,
by which, as the history of the world decisively proves,
every early civilization was preceded. But inasmuch
as, of the two elements of fertility, one was deficient in
every part of America north of the twentieth parallel,
it followed that, until that line was passed, civilization
could gain no resting place; and there never has been
found, and we may confidently assert never will be
found, any evidence that even a single ancient nation,
in the whole of that enormous continent, was able to
make much progress in the arts of life, or organize
53
itself into a fixed and permanent society." This is a
broad statement embodying precipitate deductions
from false premises, and one which betrays singular
ignorance of the country and its climate. These same
"sandy plains of California" so far from being "scorched
into sterility", are to-day sending their cereals in every
direction—to the east and to the west—and are capable
of feeding all Europe.


WHY WERE CALIFORNIANS NOT CIVILIZED?


I have often wondered why California was not the
seat of a primitive civilization; why, upon every converging
line the race deteriorates as this centre is
approached; why, with a cool, salubrious seaboard, a
hot and healthful interior, with alternate rainy and
dry seasons, alternate seasons of labor and leisure
which encourage producing and hoarding and which
are the primary incentives to accumulation and wealth,
in this hot and cool, moist and dry, and invigorating
atmosphere, with a fertile soil, a climate which in no
part of the year can be called cold or inhospitable,
should be found one of the lowest phases of humanity
on the North American continent. The cause must be
sought in periods more remote, in the convulsions of
nature now stilled; in the tumults of nations whose
history lies forgotten, forever buried in the past. Theories
never will solve the mystery. Indeed, there is
no reason why the foundations of the Aztec and
Maya-Quiché civilizations may not have been laid
north of the thirty-fifth parallel, although no architectural
remains have been discovered there, nor other
proof of such an origin; but upon the banks of the
Gila, the Colorado, and the Rio Grande, in Chihuahua,
and on the hot dry plains of Arizona and New Mexico,
far beyond the limits of Mr Buckle's territory where
"there never has been found, and we may confidently
assert never will be found" any evidence of progress,
are to-day walled towns inhabited by an industrial and
agricultural people, whose existence we can trace back
for more than three centuries, besides ruins of massive
buildings of whose history nothing is known.
54


Thus, that California and many other parts of North
America could not have been the seat of a primitive
civilization, cannot be proved upon the basis of any
physical hypothesis; and, indeed, in our attempt to
elucidate the principles of universal progress, where
the mysterious and antagonistic activities of humanity
have been fermenting all unseen for thousands of ages,
unknown and unknowable, among peoples of whom our
utmost knowledge can be only such as is derived from
a transient glimpse of a disappearing race, it is with
the utmost difficulty that satisfactory conclusions can
in any instance be reached.


It is in a temperate climate, therefore, that man
attains the highest development. On the peninsulas
of Greece and Italy, where the Mediterranean invites
intercourse; in Iran and Armenia, where the climate
is cold enough to stimulate labor, but not so cold as to
require the use of all the energies of body and mind in
order to acquire a bare subsistence; warm enough to
make leisure possible, but not so warm as to enervate
and prostrate the faculties; with a soil of sufficient
fertility to yield a surplus and promote the accumulation
of wealth, without producing such a redundancy of
vegetation as to be unmanageable by unskilled, primitive
man—there it is that we find the highest intellectual
culture.


It sometimes happens that, in those climates which
are too vigorous for the unfolding of the tender germ,
cultivation is stimulated into greater activity than in
its original seats. It sometimes happens that, when
the shell of savagism is once fairly broken, a people
may overcome a domineering vegetation, and flourish
in a climate where by no possibility could their development
have originated. Even in the frozen regions
of the north, as in Scandinavia, man, by the intensity
of his nature, was enabled to surmount the difficulties
of climate and attain a fierce, rude cultivation.
The regions of Northern Europe and Northern America,
notwithstanding their original opposition to man,
55
are to-day the most fruitful of all lands in industrial
discoveries and intellectual activities, but in the polar
regions, as in the equatorial, the highest development
never can be reached.


The conditions which encourage indigenous civilization
are not always those that encourage permanent
development, and vice versa. Thus, Great Britain in
her insulation, remained barbarous long after Greece
and Italy had attained a high degree of cultivation,
yet when once the seed took root, that very insulation
acted as a wall of defense, within which a mighty
power germinated and with its influence overspread
the whole earth.


Thus we have seen that a combination of physical
conditions is essential to intellectual development.
Without leisure, there can be no culture, without
wealth no leisure, without labor no wealth, and without
a suitable soil and climate no remunerative labor.


Now, throughout the material universe, there is no
object or element which holds its place, whether at
rest or in motion, except under fixed laws; no atom of
matter nor subtle mysterious force, no breath of air,
nor cloudy vapor nor streak of light, but in existing
obeys a law. The Almighty fiat: Be fruitful and multiply,
fruitful in increase, intellectual as well as physical,
was given alike to all mankind; seeds of progress
were sown broadcast throughout all the races human;
some fell on stony places, others were choked with
weeds, others found good soil. When we see a people
in the full enjoyment of all these physical essentials to
progress yet in a state of savagism, we may be sure
that elements detrimental to progress have, at some
period of their history, interposed to prevent natural
growth. War, famine, pestilence, convulsions of nature,
have nipped in the bud many an incipient civilization,
whose history lies deep buried in the unrecorded past.


ASSOCIATION AN ELEMENT OF PROGRESS.


The obvious necessity of association as a primary
condition of development leaves little to be said on
56
that subject. To the manifestation of this Soul of
Progress a body social is requisite, as without an individual
body there can be no manifestation of an individual
soul. This body social, like the body individual,
is composed of numberless organs, each having its
special functions to perform, each acting on the others,
and all under the general government of the progressional
idea. Civilization is not an individual attribute,
and though the atom, man, may be charged with stored
energy, yet progress constitutes no part of individual
nature; it is something that lies between men and not
within them; it belongs to society and not to the individual;
man, the molecule of society, isolate, is inert
and forceless. The isolated man, as I have said, never
can become cultivated, never can form a language,
does not possess in its fullness the faculty of abstraction,
nor can his mind enter the realm of higher
thought. All those characteristics which distinguish
mankind from animal-kind become almost inoperative.
Without association there is no speech, for speech is but
the conductor of thought between two or more individuals;
without words abstract thought cannot flow,
for words, or some other form of expression, are the
channels of thought, and with the absence of words the
fountain of thought is in a measure sealed.


At the very threshold of progress social crystallization
sets in; something there is in every man that
draws him to other men. In the relationship of the
sexes, this principle of human attraction reaches its
height, where the husband and wife, as it were, coalesce,
like the union of one drop of water with another, forming
one globule. As unconsciously and as positively
are men constrained to band together into societies as
are particles forced to unite and form crystals. And
herein is a law as palpable and as fixed as any law in
nature; a law, which if unfulfilled, would result in the
extermination of the race. But the law of human
attraction is not perfect, does not fulfill its purpose
apart from the law of human repulsion, for as we have
57
seen, until war and despotism and superstition and
other dire evils come, there is no progress. Solitude
is insupportable, even beasts will not live alone; and
men are more dependent on each other than beasts.
Solitude carries with it a sense of inferiority and
insufficiency; the faculties are stinted, lacking completeness,
whereas volume is added to every individual
faculty by union.


COÖPERATION AND THE DIVISION OF LABOR.


But association simply, is not enough; nothing
materially great can be accomplished without union
and coöperation. It is only when aggregations of
families intermingle with other aggregations, each
contributing its quota of original knowledge to the
other; when the individual gives up some portion of
his individual will and property for the better protection
of other rights and property; when he entrusts
society with the vindication of his rights; when he
depends upon the banded arm of the nation, and not
alone upon his own arm for redress of grievances, that
progress is truly made. And with union and coöperation
comes the division of labor by which means each,
in some special department, is enabled to excel. By
fixing the mind wholly upon one thing, by constant
repetition and practice, the father hands down his
art to the son, who likewise, improves it for his descendants.
It is only by doing a new thing, or by
doing an old thing better than it has ever been done
before, that progress is made. Under the régime of
universal mediocrity the nation does not advance; it
is to the great men,—great in things great or small,
that progress is due; it is to the few who think, to the
few who dare to face the infinite universe of things and
step, if need be, outside an old-time boundary, that
the world owes most.


Originally implanted is the germ of intelligence, at
the first but little more than brute instinct. This
germ in unfolding undergoes a double process; it
throws off its own intuitions and receives in return
those of another. By an interchange of ideas, the experiences
58
of one are made known for the benefit of another,
the inventions of one are added to the inventions of
another; without intercommunication of ideas the intellect
must lie dormant. Thus it is with individuals,
and with societies it is the same. Acquisitions are
eminently reciprocal. In society, wealth, art, literature,
polity, and religion act and react on each other;
in science a fusion of antagonistic hypotheses is sure
to result in important developments. Before much
progress can be made, there must be established a
commerce between nations for the interchange of
aggregated human experiences, so that the arts and
industries acquired by each may become the property
of all the rest, and thus knowledge becomes scattered
by exchange, in place of each having to work out every
problem for himself. Thus viewed, civilization is a
partnership entered into for mutual improvement;
a joint stock operation, in which the product of every
brain contributes to a general fund for the benefit
of all. No one can add to his own store of knowledge
without adding to the general store; every invention,
and discovery, however insignificant, is a contribution
to civilization.


In savagism, union and coöperation are imperfectly
displayed. The warriors of one tribe unite against
the warriors of another; a band will coöperate in pursuing
a herd of buffalo; even one nation will sometimes
unite with another nation against a third, but such
combinations are temporary, and no sooner is the particular
object accomplished than the confederation
disbands, and every man is again his own master. The
moment two or more persons unite for the accomplishment
of some purpose which shall tend permanently
to meliorate the condition of themselves and others,
that moment progress begins. The wild beasts of the
forest, acting in unison, were physically able to rise up
and extirpate primitive man, but could beasts in reality
confederate and do this, such confederation of wild
beasts could become civilized.
59


THE SAVAGE HATES CIVILIZATION.


But why does primitive man desire to abandon his
original state and set out upon an arduous never-ending
journey? Why does he wish to change his mild
paternal government, to relinquish his title to lands as
broad as his arm can defend, with all therein contained,
the common property of his people? Why does he
wish to give up his wild freedom, his native independence,
and place upon his limbs the fetters of a social
and political despotism? He does not. The savage
hates civilization as he hates his deadliest foe; its
choicest benefits he hates more than the direst ills of
his own unfettered life. He is driven to it; driven to
it by extraneous influences, without his knowledge
and against his will; he is driven to it by this Soul of
Progress. It is here that this progressional phenomenon
again appears outside of man and in direct opposition
to the will of man; it is here that the principle
of evil again comes in and stirs men up to the accomplishment
of a higher destiny. By it Adam, the first
of recorded savages, was driven from Eden, where
otherwise he would have remained forever, and remained
uncivilized. By it our ancestors were impelled
to abandon their simple state, and organize more
heterogeneous complex forms of social life. And it is
a problem for each nation to work out for itself. Millions
of money are expended for merely proselyting
purposes, when if the first principles of civilization
were well understood, a more liberal manner of teaching
would prevail.


Every civilization has its peculiarities, its idiosyncrasies.
Two individuals attempting the same thing
differ in the performance; so civilization evolving under
incidental and extraneous causes takes an individuality
in every instance. This is why civilizations will not
coalesce; this is why the Spaniards could make the
Aztecs accept their civilization only at the point of the
sword. Development engendered by one set of phenomena
will not suit the developments of other circumstances.
The government, religion, and customs
60
of one people will not fit another people any more than
the coat of one person will suit the form of another.
Thought runs in different channels; the happiness of
one is not the happiness of another; development
springs from inherent necessity, and one species cannot
be engrafted on another.


Let us now examine the phenomena of government
and religion in their application to the evolution of
societies, and we shall better understand how the
wheels of progress are first set in motion,—and by
religion I do not mean creed or credulity, but that
natural cultus inherent in humanity, which is a very
different thing. Government is early felt to be a need
of society; the enforcement of laws which shall bring
order out of social chaos; laws which shall restrain the
vicious, protect the innocent, and punish the guilty;
which shall act as a shield to inherent budding morality.
But before government, there must arise some
influence which will band men together. An early evil
to which civilization is indebted is war; the propensity
of man—unhappily not yet entirely overcome—for killing
his fellow-man.


GOVERNMENT AND RELIGION.


The human race has not yet attained that state of
homogeneous felicity which we sometimes imagine;
upon the surface, we yet bear many of the relics of
barbarism; under cover of manners, we hide still more.
War is a barbarism which civilization only intensifies,
as indeed civilization intensifies every barbarism which
it does not eradicate or cover up. The right of every
individual to act as his own avenger; trial by combat;
justice dependent upon the passion or caprice of the
judge or ruler and not upon fixed law; hereditary feuds
and migratory skirmishes; these and the like are
deemed barbarous, while every nation of the civilized
world maintains a standing army, applies all the arts
and inventions of civilization to the science of killing,
and upon sufficient provocation, as a disputed boundary
or a fancied insult, no greater nor more important than
61
that which moved our savage ancestors to like conduct,
falls to, and after a respectable civilized butchery of
fifty or a hundred thousand men, ceases fighting, and
returns, perhaps, to right and reason as a basis for the
settlement of the difficulty. War, like other evils
which have proved instruments of good, should by
this time have had its day, should have served its
purpose. Standing armies, whose formation was one
of the first and most important steps in association and
partition of labor, are but the manifestation of a lingering
necessity for the use of brute force in place of
moral force in the settlement of national disputes.
Surely, rational beings who retain the most irrational
practices concerning the simplest principles of social
life cannot boast of a very high order of what we are
pleased to call civilization. Morality, commerce, literature,
and industry, all that tends toward elevation of
intellect, is directly opposed to the warlike spirit. As
intellectual activity increases, the taste for war
decreases, for an appeal to war in the settlement of
difficulties is an appeal from the intellectual to the
physical, from reason to brute force.


Despotism is an evil, but despotism is as essential
to progress as any good. In some form despotism is
an inseparable adjunct of war. An individual or an
idea may be the despot, but without cohesion, without
a strong central power, real or imaginary, there can be
no unity, and without unity no protracted warfare.
In the first stages of government despotism is as
essential as in the last it is noxious. It holds society
together when nothing else would hold it, and at a time
when its very existence depends upon its being so held.
And not until a moral inherent strength arises sufficient
to burst the fetters of despotism, is a people fit
for a better or milder form of government; for not until
this inherent power is manifest is there sufficient cohesive
force in society to hold it together without being
hooped by some such band as despotism. Besides thus
cementing society, war generates many virtues, such
62
as courage, discipline, obedience, chivalrous bearing,
noble thought; and the virtues of war, as well as its
vices, help to mould national character.


Slavery to the present day has its defenders, and
from the first it has been a preventive of a worse
evil,—slaughter. Savages make slaves of their prisoners
of war, and if they do not preserve them for
slaves they kill them. The origin of the word, servus,
from servare, to preserve, denotes humane thought
rather than cruelty. Discipline is always necessary to
development, and slavery is another form of savage
discipline. Then, by systems of slavery, great works
were accomplished, which, in the absence of arts and
inventions, would not have been possible without slavery.
And again, in early societies where leisure is so necessary
to mental cultivation and so difficult to obtain,
slavery, by promoting leisure, aids elevation and refinement.
Slaves constitute a distinct class, devoted
wholly to labor, thereby enabling another class to live
without labor, or to labor with the intellect rather
than with the hands.


Primordially, society was an aggregation of nomadic
families, every head of a family having equal rights,
and every individual such power and influence as he
could acquire and maintain. In all the ordinary avocations
of savage life this was sufficient; there was
room for all, and the widest liberty was possessed by
each. And in this happy state does mankind ever
remain until forced out of it. In unity and coöperation
alone can great things be accomplished; but men
will not unite until forced to it. Now in times of war—and
with savages war is the rule and not the exception—some
closer union is necessary to avoid extinction;
for other things being equal, the people who are most
firmly united and most strongly ruled are sure to prevail
in war. The idea of unity in order to be effectual
must be embodied in a unit; some one must be made
chief, and the others must obey, as in a band of wild
beasts that follow the one most conspicuous for its
63
prowess and cunning. But the military principle alone
would never lay the foundation of a strong government,
for with every cessation from hostilities there would be
a corresponding relaxation of government.


GOVERNMENT FORCED UPON MAN.


Another necessity for government here arises, but
which likewise is not the cause of government, for
government springs from force and not from utility.
These men do not want government, they do not want
culture; how then is an arm to be found sufficiently
strong to bridle their wild passions? In reason they
are children, in passion men; to restrain the strong
passions of strong non-reasoning men requires a power;
whence is this power to come? It is in the earlier
stage of government that despotism assumes its most
intense forms. The more passionate, and lawless, and
cruel the people, the more completely do they submit to
a passionate, lawless, and cruel prince; the more ungovernable
their nature, the more slavish are they in
their submission to government; the stronger the
element to be governed, the stronger must be the government.


The primitive man, whoever or whatever that may
be, lives in harmony with nature; that is, he lives as
other animals live, drawing his supplies immediately
from the general storehouse of nature. His food he
plucks from a sheltering tree, or draws from a sparkling
stream, or captures from a prolific forest. The
remnants of his capture, unfit for food, supply his
other wants; with the skin he clothes himself, and
with the bones makes implements and points his
weapons. In this there are no antagonisms, no opposing
principles of good and evil; animals are killed not
with a view of extermination, but through necessity,
as animals kill animals in order to supply actual wants.
But no sooner does the leaven of progress begin to work
than war is declared between man and nature. To
make room for denser populations and increasing comforts,
forests must be hewn down, their primeval
inhabitants extirpated or domesticated, and the soil
64
laid under more direct contribution. Union and coöperation
spring up for purposes of protection and aggression,
for the accomplishment of purposes beyond the
capacity of the individual. Gradually manufactures
and commerce increase; the products of one body of
laborers are exchanged for the products of another, and
thus the aggregate comforts produced are doubled to
each. Absolute power is taken from the hands of the
many and placed in the hands of one, who becomes the
representative power of all. Men are no longer dependent
upon the chase for a daily supply of food; even
agriculture no longer is a necessity which each must
follow for himself, for the intellectual products of one
person or people may be exchanged for the agricultural
products of another. With these changes of occupation
new institutions spring up, new ideas originate,
and new habits are formed. Human life ceases to be
a purely material existence; another element finds
exercise, the other part of man is permitted to grow.
The energies of society now assume a different shape;
hitherto the daily struggle was for daily necessities,
now the accumulation of wealth constitutes the chief
incentive to labor. Wealth becomes a power and
absorbs all other powers. The possessor of unlimited
wealth commands the products of every other man's
labor.


But in time, and to a certain extent, a class arises
already possessed of wealth sufficient to satisfy even
the demands of avarice, and something still better,
some greater good is yet sought for. Money-getting
gives way before intellectual cravings. The self-denials
and labor necessary to the acquisition of wealth
are abandoned for the enjoyment of wealth already
acquired and the acquisition of a yet higher good.
Sensual pleasure yields in a measure to intellectual
pleasure, the acquisition of money to the acquisition
of learning.


Where brute intelligence is the order of the day,
man requires no more governing than brutes, but when
65
lands are divided, and the soil cultivated, when wealth
begins to accumulate and commerce and industry to
flourish, then protection and lawful punishment become
necessary. Like the wild horse, leave him free, and
he will take care of himself; but catch him and curb
him, and the wilder and stronger he is the stronger
must be the curb until he is subdued and trained, and
then he is guided by a light rein. The kind of government
makes little difference so that it be strong enough.


THE SUPERNATURAL IN CIVILIZATION.


Granted that it is absolutely essential to the first
step toward culture that society should be strongly
governed, how is the first government to be accomplished;
how is one member of a passionate, unbridled
heterogeneous community to obtain dominion absolute
over all the others? Here comes in another evil to
the assistance of the former evils, all for future good,—Superstition.
Never could physical force alone compress
and hold the necessary power with which to burst
the shell of savagism. The government is but a reflex
of the governed. Not until one man is physically or
intellectually stronger than ten thousand, will an independent
people submit to a tyrannical government, or
a humane people submit to a cruel government, or a
people accustomed to free discussion to an intolerant
priesthood.


At the outset, if man is to be governed at all, there
must be no division of governmental force. The cause
for fear arising from both the physical and the supernatural
must be united in one individual. In the absence
of the moral sentiment the fear of legal and that
of spiritual punishments are identical, for the spiritual
is feared only as it works temporal or corporal evil.
Freedom of thought at this stage is incompatible with
progress, for thought without experience is dangerous,
tending towards anarchy. Before men can govern
themselves they must be subjected to the sternest discipline
of government, and whether this government
be just or humane or pleasant is of small consequence
66
so that it be only strong enough. As with polity so
with morality and religion; conjointly with despotism
there must be an arbitrary central church government,
or moral anarchy is the inevitable consequence. At
the outset it is not for man to rule but to obey; it is
not for savages, who are children in intellect to think
and reason, but to believe.


And thus we see how wonderfully man is provided
with the essentials of growth. This tender germ of
progress is preserved in hard shells and prickly coverings,
which, when they have served their purpose are
thrown aside as not only useless but detrimental to
further development. We know not what will come
hereafter, but up to the present time a state of bondage
appears to be the normal state of humanity; bondage,
at first severe and irrational, then ever loosening,
and expanding into a broader freedom. As mankind
progresses, moral anarchy no more follows freedom of
thought than does political anarchy follow freedom of
action. In Germany, in England, in America, wherever
secular power has in any measure cut loose from
ecclesiastical power and thrown religion back upon
public sentiment for support, a moral as well as an
intellectual advance has always followed. What the
mild and persuasive teachings and lax discipline of
the present epoch would have been to the Christians
of the fourteenth century, the free and lax government
of republican America would have been to republican
Rome. Therefore, let us learn to look charitably upon
the institutions of the past, and not forget how much
we owe to them; while we rejoice at our release from
the cruelty and ignorance of mediæval times, let us
not forget the debt which civilization owes to the
rigorous teachings of both Church and State.


MORALITY AND CREED.


Christianity, by its exalted un-utilitarian morality
and philanthropy, has greatly aided civilization. Indeed
so marked has been the effect in Europe, so great
the contrast between Christianity and Islamism and
the polytheistic creeds in general, that Churchmen
67
claim civilization as the offspring of their religion.
But religion and morality must not be confounded
with civilization. All these and many other activities
act and react on each other as proximate principles in
the social organism, but they do not, any or all of them,
constitute the life of the organism. Long before morality
is religion, and long after morality religion sends
the pious penitent to his knees. Religious culture is a
great assistant to moral culture as intellectual training
promotes the industrial arts, but morality is no more
religion than is industry intellect. When Christianity,
as in the early settlement of Mexico and Central
America, falls into the hands of unprincipled adventurers
or blind zealots who stand up in deadly antagonism
to liberty, then Christianity is a drag upon
civilization; and therefore we may conclude that in so
far as Christianity grafts on its code of pure morality
the principle of intellectual freedom, in so far is civilization
promoted by Christianity, but when Christianity
engenders persecution, civilization is retarded thereby.


Then Protestantism sets up a claim to the authorship
of civilization, points to Spain and then to England,
compares Italy and Switzerland, Catholic America
and Puritan America, declares that the intellect can
never attain superiority while under the dominion of
the Church of Rome; in other words, that civilization
is Protestantism. It is true that protestation against
irrational dogmas, or any other action that tends
toward the emancipation of the intellect, is a great
step in advance; but religious belief has nothing whatever
to do with intellectual culture. Religion from its
very nature is beyond the limits of reason; it is emotional
rather than intellectual, an instinct and not an
acquisition. Between reason and religion lies a domain
of common ground upon which both may meet and join
hands, but beyond the boundaries of which neither
may pass. The moment the intellect attempts to penetrate
the domain of the Supernatural all intellectuality
vanishes, and emotion and imagination fill its place.
68
There can be no real conflict between the two, for
neither, by any possibility, can pass this neutral ground.
Before the mind can receive Christianity, or Mahometanism,
or any other creed, it must be ready to accept
dogmas in the analysis of which human reason is powerless.
Among the most brilliant intellects are found
Protestants, Romanists, Unitarians, Deists, and Atheists;
judging from the experiences of mankind in ages
past, creeds and formulas, orthodoxy and heterodoxy,
have no inherent power to advance or retard the intellect.
Some claim, indeed, that strong doctrinal bias
stifles thought, fosters superstition, and fetters the
intellect; still religious thought, in some form, is inseparable
from the human mind, and it would be very
difficult to prove that belief is more debasing than
non-belief.


DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGIOUS IDEAL.


Religion at first is a gross fetichism, which endows
every wonder with a concrete personality. Within
every appearance is a several personal cause, and to
embody this personal cause in some material form is
the first effort of the savage mind. Hence, images are
made in representation of these imaginary supernatural
powers. Man, of necessity, must clothe these supernatural
powers in the elements of some lower form.
The imagination cannot grasp an object or an idea beyond
the realms of human experience. Unheard-of
combinations of character may be made, but the constituent
parts must, at some time and in some form,
have had an existence in order to be conceivable. It
is impossible for the human mind to array in forms of
thought anything wholly and absolutely new. This
state is the farthest remove possible from a recognition
of those universal laws of causation toward which
every department of knowledge is now so rapidly tending.
Gods are made in the likeness of man and beast,
endowed with earthly passions, and a sensual polytheism,
in which blind fate is a prominent element, becomes
the religious ideal. Religious conceptions are
69
essentially material; all punishments and rewards are
such as effect man as a material being; morality, the
innate sense of right and wrong, lies stifled, almost
dormant.


Thrown wholly upon himself, without experience to
guide him, the savage must, of necessity, invest nature
with his own qualities, for his mind can grasp none
other. But when experience dispels the nearer illusions,
objects more remote are made gods; in the sun
and stars he sees his controlling destinies; the number
of his gods is lessened until at last all merge into one
God, the author of all law, the great and only ruler of
the universe. In every mythology we see this impersonation
of natural phenomena; frost and fire, earth
and air and water, in their displays of mysterious
powers, are at once deified and humanized. These
embodiments of physical force are then naturally formed
into families, and their supposed descendants worshiped
as children of the gods. Thus, in the childhood of society,
when incipient thought takes up its lodgment
in old men's brains, shadows of departed heroes mingle
with shadows of mysterious nature, and admiration
turns to adoration.


Next arises the desire to propitiate these unseen
powers, to accomplish which some means of communication
must be opened up between man and his deities.
Now, as man in his gods reproduces himself, as all his
conceptions of supernatural power must, of necessity,
be formed on the skeleton of human power, naturally it
follows that the strongest and most cunning of the
tribe, he upon whom leadership most naturally falls,
comes to be regarded as specially favored of the gods.
Powers supernatural are joined to powers temporal,
and embodied in the chieftain of the nation. A grateful
posterity reveres and propitiates departed ancestors.
The earlier rulers are made gods, and their descendants
lesser divinities; the founder of a dynasty, perhaps,
the supreme god, his progeny subordinate deities.
The priesthood and kingship thus become united;
70
religion and civil government join forces to press mankind
together, and the loose sands of the new strata
cohere into the firm rock, that shall one day bear
alone the wash of time and tide.


Hence arise divine kingship, and the divine right
of kings, and with the desire to win the favor of this
divine king, arise the courtesies of society, the first
step toward polish of manners. Titles of respect and
worship are given him, some of which are subsequently
applied to the Deity, while others drop down into the
common-place compliments of every-day life.


Here then, we have as one of the first essentials of
progress the union of Church and State, of superstition
and despotism, a union still necessarily kept up
in some of the more backward civilizations. Excessive
loyalty and blind faith ever march hand in hand. The
very basis of association is credulity, blind loyalty to
political powers and blind faith in sacerdotal terrors.
In all mythologies at some stage temporal and spiritual
government are united, the supernatural power
being incarnated in the temporal chief; political despotism
and an awful sanguinary religion,—a government
and a belief, to disobey which was never so much as
thought possible.


See how every one of these primary essentials of
civilization becomes, as man advances, a drag upon
his progress; see how he now struggles to free himself
from what, at the outset, he was led by ways he knew
not to endure so patiently. Government, in early
stages always strong and despotic, whether monarchical,
oligarchical, or republican, holding mankind under
the dominion of caste, placing restrictions upon commerce
and manufactures, regulating social customs,
food, dress,—how men have fought to break loose
these bonds! Religion, not that natural cultus instinctive
in humanity, the bond of union as well under
its most disgusting form of fetichism, as under its
latest, loveliest form of Christianity; but those forms
and dogmas of sect and creed which stifle thought
71
and fetter intellect,—how men have lived lives of sacrifice
and self-denial as well as died for the right to
free themselves from unwelcome belief!


RELATION OF GOVERNMENT TO CIVILIZATION.


In primeval ages, government and religion lay lightly
on the human race; ethnology, as well as history,
discloses the patriarchal as the earliest form of government,
and a rude materialism as the earliest religious
ideal; these two simple elements, under the form of
monsters, became huge abortions, begotten of ignorance,
that held the intellect in abject slavery for thousands
of years, and from these we, of this generation, more
than any other, are granted emancipation. Even
wealth, kind giver of grateful leisure, in the guise of
avarice becomes a hideous thing, which he who would
attain the higher intellectual life, must learn to despise.


Government, as we have seen, is not an essential
element of collective humanity. Civilization must
first be awakened, must even have passed the primary
stages before government appears. Despotism, feudalism,
divine kingship, slavery, war, superstition, each
marks certain stages of development, and as civilization
advances all tend to disappear; and, as in the
early history of nations the state antedates the government,
so the time may come in the progress of
mankind when government will be no longer necessary.
Government always grows out of necessity; the intensity
of government inevitably following necessity. The
form of government is a natural selection; its several
phases always the survival of the fittest. When the
federalist says to the monarchist, or the monarchist to
the federalist: My government is better than yours,
it is as if the Eskimo said to the Kaffir: My coat, my
house, my food, is better than yours.


The government is made for the man, and not the
man for the government. Government is as the prop
for the growing plant; at first the young shoot stands
alone, then in its rapid advancement for a time it
requires support, after which it is able again to stand
72
alone. What we term the evils of government are
rather its necessities, and are, indeed, no evils at all.
The heavy bit which controls the mouth of an untamed
horse is to that horse an evil, yet to the driver a
necessity which may be laid aside as the temper of the
animal is subdued. So despotism, feudalism, slavery,
are evils to those under their dominion, yet are they
as necessary for the prevention of anarchy, for the
restraint of unbridled passions, as the powerful bit
to the horse, and will as surely be laid aside when no
longer required. Shallow-minded politicians talk of
kingcraft, arbitrary rule, tyrants, the down-trodden
masses, the withholding of just rights; as though the
government was some independent, adverse element,
wholly foreign to the character of the people; as
though one man was stronger than ten thousand; as
though, if these phases of society were not the fittest,
they would be tolerated for a moment. The days of
rigorous rule were ever the best days of France and
Spain, and so it will be until the people become
stronger than the strength of rulers. Republicanism
is as unfit for stupid and unintellectual populations,
as despotism would be for the advanced ideas and liberal
institutions of Anglo-Saxon America. The subject
of a liberal rule sneeringly crying down to the
subject of an absolute rule his form of government, is
like the ass crying to the tiger: Leave blood and meat;
feed on grass and thistles, the only diet fit for civilized
beasts! Our federal government is the very best for
our people, when it is not so it will speedily change;
it fits the temper of American intelligence, but before
it can be planted in Japan or China the traditions and
temper of the Asiatics must change.


We of to-day are undergoing an important epoch in
the history of civilization. Feudalism, despotism, and
fanaticism have had each its day, have each accomplished
its necessary purpose, and are fast fading away.
Ours is the age of democracy, of scientific investigation,
and freedom of religious thought; what these may
73
accomplish for the advancing intellect remains to be
seen. Our ancestors loved to dwell upon the past, now
we all look toward the future.


LATTER-DAY PROGRESSION.


The sea of ice, over which our forefathers glided so
serenely in their trustful reliance, is breaking up.
One after another traditions evaporate; in their application
to proximate events they fail us, history ceases
to repeat itself as in times past. Old things are passing
away, all things are becoming new; new philosophies,
new religions, new sciences; the industrial spirit
springs up and overturns time-honored customs;
theories of government must be reconstructed. Thus,
says experience, republicanism, as a form of government,
can exist only in small states; but steam and
electricity step in and annihilate time and space. The
Roman republic, from a lack of cohesive energy, from
failure of central vital power sufficient to send the
blood of the nation from the heart to the extremities,
died a natural death. The American republic, covering
nearly twice the territory of republican Rome in
her palmiest days, is endowed with a different species
of organism; in its physiological system is found a new
series of veins and arteries, the railway, the telegraph,
and the daily press,—through which pulsates the life's
blood of the nation, millions inhaling and exhaling
intelligence as one man. By means of these inventions
all the world, once every day, are brought
together. By telegraphic wires and railroad iron
men are now bound as in times past they were bound
by war, despotism, and superstition. The remotest
corners of the largest republics of to-day, are brought
into closer communication than were the adjoining
states of the smallest confederations of antiquity. A
united Germany, from its past history held to be an
impossibility, is, with the present facilities of communication,
an accomplished fact. England could
as easily have possessed colonies in the moon, as
have held her present possessions, three hundred years
ago. Practically, San Francisco is nearer Washington
74
than was Philadelphia when the foundations of
the Capitol were laid. What is to prevent republics
from growing, so long as intelligence keeps pace with
extension? The general of an army may now sit before
his maps, and manœuvre half a score of armies a
hundred or a thousand miles apart, know hourly the
situation of every division, the success of every battle,
order an advance or a retreat, lay plots and make combinations,
with more exactness than was once possible
in the conduct of an ordinary campaign.


MORALS, MANNERS, AND FASHION.


A few words about morals, manners, and fashion,
will further illustrate how man is played upon by his
environment, which here takes the shape of habit. In
their bearing on civilization, these phenomena all
come under the same category; and this, without
regard to the rival theories of intuition and utility in
morals. Experience teaches, blindly at first yet daily
with clearer vision, that right conduct is beneficial,
and wrong conduct detrimental; that the consequences
of sin invariably rest on the evil-doer; that for an
unjust act, though the knowledge of it be forever
locked in the bosom of the offender, punishment is
sure to follow; yet there are those who question the
existence of innate moral perceptions, and call it all
custom and training. And if we look alone to primitive
people for innate ideas of morality and justice I
fear we shall meet with disappointment. Some we find
who value female chastity only before marriage, others
only after marriage,—that is, after the woman and
her chastity both alike become the tangible property
of somebody. Some kindly kill their aged parents,
others their female infants; the successful Apache
horse-thief is the darling of his mother, and the hero
of the tribe; often these American Arabs will remain
from home half-starved for weeks, rather than suffer
the ignominy of returning empty-handed. Good, in the
mind of the savage, is when he steals wives; bad, is when
his own wives are stolen. Where it is that inherent
75
morality in savages first makes its appearance, and in
what manner, it is often difficult to say; the most
hideous vices are everywhere practiced with unblushing
effrontery.


Take the phenomena of Shame. Go back to the
childhood of our race, or even to our own childhood,
and it will be hard to discover any inherent quality
which make men ashamed of one thing more than
another. Nor can the wisest of us give any good and
sufficient reason why we should be ashamed of our
body any more than of our face. The whole man was
fashioned by one Creator, and all parts equally are
perfect and alike honorable. We cover our person
with drapery, and think thereby to hide our faults
from ourselves and others, as the ostrich hides its
head under a leaf, and fancies its body concealed
from the hunter. What is this quality of shame if it
be not habit? A female savage will stand unblushingly
before you naked, but strip her of her ornaments
and she will manifest the same appearance of shame,
though not perhaps so great in degree, that a European
woman will manifest if stripped of her clothes.
It is well known how civilized and semi-civilized
nations regard this quality of propriety. Custom,
conventional usage, dress and behavior, are influences
as subtle and as strong as any that govern us, weaving
their net-work round man more and more as he
throws off allegiance to other powers; and we know
but little more of their origin and nature than we do
of the origin and nature of time and space, of life and
death, of origin and end.


Every age and every society has its own standard
of morality, holds up some certain conduct or quality
as a model, saying to all, Do this, and receive the much-coveted
praise of your fellows. Often what one people
deem virtue is to another vice; what to one age is
religion is to another superstition; but underlying all
this are living fires, kindled by Omnipotence, and destined
to burn throughout all time. In the Spartan
76
and Roman republics the moral ideal was patriotism;
among mediæval Churchmen it took the form of asceticism;
after the elevation of woman the central idea
was female chastity.


In this national morality, which is the cohesive
force of the body social, we find the fundamental principle
of the progressional impulse, and herein is the
most hopeful feature of humanity; mankind must progress,
and progress in the right direction. There is
no help for it until God changes the universal order of
things; man must become better in spite of himself;
it is the good in us that grows and ultimately prevails.


As a race we are yet in our nonage; fearful of the
freedom given us by progress we cling tenaciously to
our leading-strings; hugging our mother, Custom, we
refuse to be left alone. Liberty and high attainments
must be meted out to us as we are able to receive
them, for social retchings and vomitings inevitably
follow over-feedings. Hence it is, that we find ourselves
escaped from primeval and mediæval tyrannies
only to fall under greater ones; society is none the less
inexorable in her despotisms because of the sophistry
which gives her victims fancied freedom. For do we
not now set up forms and fashions, the works of our
own hands, and bow down to them as reverently as
ever our heathen ancestors did to their gods of wood
and stone? Who made us? is not the first question
of our catechism, but What will people say?


ORIGIN AND SIGNIFICANCE OF DRESS.


Of all tyrannies, the tyranny of fashion is the most
implacable; of all slaveries the slavery to fashion is
the most abject; of all fears the fear of our fellows
is the most overwhelming; of all the influences that
surround and govern man the forms and customs which
he encounters in society are the most domineering.
It is the old story, only another turn of the wheel
that grinds and sharpens and polishes humanity,—at
the first a benefit, now a drag. Forms and fashions
are essential; we cannot live without them. If we
77
have worship, government, commerce, or clothes, we
must have forms; or if we have them not we still must
act and do after some fashion; costume, which is but
another word for custom, we must have, but is it
necessary to make the form the chief concern of our
lives while we pay so little heed to the substance? and
may we not hope while rejoicing over our past emancipations,
that we shall some day be free from our
present despotisms?


Dress has ever exercised a powerful influence on
morals and on progress; but this vesture-phenomenon
is a thing but imperfectly understood. Clothes serve
as a covering to the body of which we are ashamed,
and protect it against the weather, and these, we infer,
are the reasons of our being clothed. But the fact is,
aboriginally, except in extreme cases, dress is not
essential to the comfort of man until it becomes a
habit, and as for shame, until told of his nakedness,
the primitive man has none. The origin of dress lies
behind all this; it is found in one of the most deep-rooted
elements of our nature, namely, in our love of
approbation. Before dress is decoration. The successful
warrior, proud of his achievement, besmears
his face and body with the blood of the slain, and
straightway imitators, who also would be thought
strong and brave, daub themselves in like manner; and
so painting and tattooing become fashionable, and pigments
supply the place of blood. The naked, houseless
Californian would undergo every hardship, travel a
hundred miles, and fight a round with every opposing
band he met, in order to obtain cinnabar from the
New Almaden quicksilver mine. So when the hunter
kills a wild beast, and with the tail or skin decorates
his body as a trophy of his prowess, others follow his
example, and soon it is a shame to that savage who
has neither paint, nor belt, nor necklace of bears' claws.
And so follow head-flattenings, and nose-piercings, and
lip-cuttings, and, later, chignons, and breast-paddings,
and bustles. Some say that jealousy prompted the
78
first Benedicks to hide their wives' charms from their
rivals, and so originated female dress, which, from its
being so common to all aborigines, is usually regarded
as the result of innate modesty. But whatever gave
us dress, dress has given much to human progress.
Beneath dress arose modesty and refinement, like the
courtesies that chivalry threw over feudalism, covering
the coarse brutality of the barons, and paving the way
to real politeness.


ETIQUETTE, MORALITY, LAWS.


From the artificial grimaces of fashion have sprung
many of the natural courtesies of life; though here,
too, we are sent back at once to the beginning for the
cause. From the ages of superstition and despotism
have descended the expressions of every-day politeness.
Thus we have sir, from sieur, sire, seigneur, signifying
ruler, king, lord, and aboriginally father. So madam,
ma dame, my lady, formerly applied only to women of
rank. In place of throwing ourselves upon the ground,
as before a god or prince, we only partially prostrate
ourselves in bowing, and the hat which we touch to an
acquaintance we take off on entering a church in token
of our humility. Again, the captive in war is made
a slave, and as such is required to do obeisance to his
master, which forms of servility are copied by the people
in addressing their superiors, and finally become
the established usage of ordinary intercourse. Our
daily salutations are but modified acts of worship, and
our parting word a benediction; and from blood, tomahawks,
and senseless superstitions we turn and find all
the world of humanity, with its still strong passions
and subtle cravings, held in restraint by a force of
which its victims are almost wholly unconscious,—and
this force is Fashion. In tribunals of justice, in
court and camp etiquette, everywhere these relics of
barbarism remain with us. Even we of this latter-day
American republicanism, elevate one of our fellows to
the chieftainship of a federation or state, and call him
Excellency; we set a man upon the bench and plead
our cause before him; we send a loafer to a legislature,
79
and straightway call him Honorable,—such divinity
doth hedge all semblance of power.


Self-denial and abstinence lie at the bottom of etiquette
and good manners. If you would be moral,
says Kant, you must "act always so that the immediate
motive of thy will may become a universal rule
for all intelligent beings," and Goethe teaches that
"there is no outward sign of courtesy that does not
rest on a deep, moral foundation."


Fine manners, though but the shell of the individual,
are, to society, the best actions of the best men
crystallized into a mode; not only the best thing, but
the best way of doing the best thing. Good society
is, or ought to be, the society of the good; but fashion
is more than good society, or good actions; it is more
than wealth, or beauty, or genius, and so arbitrary in
its sway that, not unfrequently, the form absorbs the
substance, and a breach of decorum becomes a deadly
sin.


Thus we see in every phase of development the
result of a social evolution; we see men coming and going,
receiving their leaven from the society into which
by their destiny they are projected, only to fling it
back into the general fund interpenetrated with their
own quota of force. Meanwhile, this aggregation of
human experiences, this compounding of age with age,
one generation heaping up knowledge upon another;
this begetting of knowledge by knowledge, the seed so
infinitesimal, the tree now so rapidly sending forth its
branches, whither does it tend? Running the eye
along the line of progress, from the beginning to the
end, the measure of our knowledge seems nearly full;
resolving the matter, experience assures us that, as
compared with those who shall come after us, we
are the veriest barbarians. The end is not yet; not
until infinity is spanned and eternity brought to an end,
will mankind cease to improve.


Out of this conglomeration of interminable relationships
80
concordant and antagonistic laws are ever
evolving themselves. Like all other progressional
phenomena, they wait not upon man; they are self-creative,
and force themselves upon the mind age
after age, slowly but surely, as the intellect is able
to receive them; laws without law, laws unto themselves,
gradually appearing as from behind the mists
of eternity. At first, man and his universe appear
to be regulated by arbitrary volitions, by a multitude
of individual minds; each governs absolutely his
own actions; every phenomenon of nature is but the
expression of some single will. As these phenomena,
one after another, become stripped of their mystery,
there stands revealed not a god, but a law; seasons
come and go, and never fail; sunshine follows rain,
not because a pacified deity smiles, but because the
rain-clouds have fallen and the sun cannot help shining.
Proximate events first are thus made godless,
then the whole host of deities is driven farther and
farther back. Finally the actions of man himself are
found to be subject to laws. Left to his own will, he
wills to do like things under like conditions.


As to the nature of these laws, the subtle workings
of which we see manifest in every phase of society,
I cannot even so much as speak. An infinite ocean
of phenomena awaits the inquirer; an ocean bottomless,
over whose surface spreads an eternity of progress,
and beneath whose glittering waves the keenest
intellect can scarcely hope to penetrate far. The universe
of man and matter must be anatomized; the
functions of innumerable and complex organs studied;
the exercise and influence of every part on every other
part ascertained, and events apparently the most capricious
traced to natural causes; then, when we know
all, when we know as God knoweth, shall we understand
what it is, this Soul of Progress.


CHAPTER II.


GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED NATIONS.



81



The American Civilization of the Sixteenth Century—Its Disappearance—The
Past, a New Element—Dividing line between
Savage and Civilized Tribes—Bounds of American Civilization—Physical
Features of the Country—Maya and Nahua
Branches of Aboriginal Culture—The Nahua Civilization—The
Aztecs its Representatives—Limits of the Aztec Empire—Ancient
History of Anáhuac in Outline—The Toltec Era—The
Chichimec Era—The Aztec Era—Extent of the Aztec Language—Civilized
Peoples outside of Anáhuac—Central American
Nations—The Maya Culture—The Primitive Maya Empire—Nahua
Influence in the South—Yucatan and the Mayas—The
Nations of Chiapas—The Quiché Empire in Guatemala—The
Nahuas in Nicaragua and Salvador—Etymology of Names.



In the preceding volume I have had occasion several
times to remark that, in the delineation of the
Wild Tribes of the Pacific States, no attempt is
made to follow them in their rapid decline, no attempt
to penetrate their past or prophesy a possible
future, no profitless lingering over those misfortunes
that wrought among them such swift destruction. To
us the savage nations of America have neither past
nor future; only a brief present, from which indeed
we may judge somewhat of their past; for the rest,
foreign avarice and interference, European piety and
greed, saltpetre, steel, small-pox, and syphilis, tell a
speedy tale. Swifter still must be the hand that
sketches the incipient civilization of the Mexican and
82
Central American table-lands. For although here we
have more past, there is still less present, and scarcely
any future. Those nations raised the highest by their
wealth and culture, were the first to fall before the
invader, their superior attainments offering a more
shining mark to a rapacious foe; and falling, they
were the soonest lost,—absorbed by the conquering
race, or disappearing in the surrounding darkness.
Although the savage nations were rapidly annihilated,
traces of savagism lingered, and yet linger; but
the higher American culture, a plant of more delicate
growth and more sensitive nature, withered at
the first rude touch of foreign interference. Instead
of being left to its own intuitive unfoldings, or instead
of being fostered by the new-comers, who might have
elevated by interfusion both their own culture and
that of the conquered race, the spirit of progress was
effectually stifled on both sides by fanatical attempts
to substitute by force foreign creeds and polities for
those of indigenous origin and growth. And now behold
them both, the descendants of conquerors and of
conquered, the one scarcely less denaturalized than
the other, the curse inflicted by the invaders on a
flourishing empire returning and resting with crushing
weight on their own head. Scarce four centuries
ago the empire of Charles the Fifth, and the empire
of Montezuma the Second, were brought by the force
of progress most suddenly and unexpectedly face to
face; the one then the grandest and strongest of the
old world as was the other of the new. Since which
time the fierce fanaticism that overwhelmed the New
World empire, has pressed like an incubus upon the
dominant race, and held it fast while all the world
around were making the most rapid strides forward.


THE PAST, A NEW ELEMENT.


No indigenous civilization exists in America to-day,
yet the effects of a former culture are not altogether
absent. The descendant of the Aztec, Maya, and Quiché,
is still of superior mind and haughtier spirit than his
roving brother who boasts of none but a savage ancestry.
83
Still, so complete has been the substitution of foreign
civil and ecclesiastical polities, and so far-reaching
their influence on native character and conduct; so intimate
the association for three and more centuries with
the Spanish element; so closely guarded from foreign
gaze has been every manifestation of the few surviving
sparks of aboriginal modes of thought, that a study
of the native condition in modern times yields, by itself,
few satisfactory results. This study, however, as
part of an investigation of their original or normal
condition, should by no means be neglected, since it
may furnish illustrative material of no little value.


Back of all this lies another element which lends to
our subject yet grander proportions. Scattered over
the southern plateaux are heaps of architectural remains
and monumental piles. Furthermore, native
traditions, both orally transmitted and hieroglyphically
recorded by means of legible picture-writings,
afford us a tolerably clear view of the civilized nations
during a period of several centuries preceding
the Spanish conquest, together with passing glances,
through momentary clearings in the mythologic clouds,
at historical epochs much more remote. Here we
have as aids to this analysis,—aids almost wholly
wanting among the so-called savage tribes, antiquities,
tradition, history, carrying the student far back
into the mysterious New World past; and hence it
is that from its simultaneous revelation and eclipse,
American civilization would otherwise offer a more
limited field for investigation than American savagism,
yet by the introduction of this new element the
field is widely extended.


Nor have we even yet reached the limits of our resources
for the investigation of this New World civilization.
In these relics of architecture and literature,
of mythology and tradition, there are clear indications
of an older and higher type of culture than that brought
immediately to the knowledge of the invaders; of a type
that had temporarily deteriorated, perhaps through the
84
influence of long-continued and bloody conflicts, civil
and foreign, by which the more warlike rather than the
more highly cultured nations had been brought into
prominence and power. But this anterior and superior
civilization, resting largely as it does on vague tradition,
and preserved to our knowledge in general allusions
rather than in detail, may, like the native condition
since the conquest, be utilized to the best
advantage here as illustrative of the later and better-known,
if somewhat inferior civilization of the
sixteenth century, described by the conqueror, the
missionary, and the Spanish historian.


Antique remains of native skill, which have been
preserved for our examination, may also be largely
used in illustration of more modern art, whose products
have disappeared. These relics of the past are also
of the highest value as confirming the truth of the
reports made by Spanish writers, very many, or perhaps
most, of whose statements respecting the wonderful
phenomena of the New World, without this incontrovertible
material proof, would find few believers
among the sceptical students of the present day.
These remains of antiquity, however, being fully described
in another volume of this work, may be referred
to in very general terms for present purposes.


ORIGIN OF AMERICAN CIVILIZATION.


Of civilization in general, the nature of its phenomena,
the causes and processes by which it is
evolved from savagism, I have spoken sufficiently in
the foregoing chapter. As for the many theories respecting
the American civilization in particular, its
origin and growth, it is not my purpose to discuss
them in this volume. No theory on these questions
could be of any practical value in the elucidation of
the subject, save one that should stand out among the
rest so preëminently well-founded as to be generally accepted
among scientific men, and no one of all the multitude
proposed has acquired any such preëminence.
A complete résumé of all the theories on the subject,
with the foundations which support them, is given elsewhere
85
in connection with the ancient traditionary history
of the aboriginal nations. It is well, however,
to remark that our lack of definite knowledge about
the origin of this civilization is not practically so important
as might appear at first thought. True, we
know not for certain whether it is indigenous or exotic;
and if the former, whether to ascribe its cradle to the
north or south, to one locality or many; or if the latter,
whether contact with the old world was effected
at one or many points, on one occasion or at divers
epochs, through the agency of migrating peoples or
by the advent of individual civilizers and teachers.
Yet the tendency of modern research is to prove the
great antiquity of the American civilization as well as
of the American people; and if either was drawn
from a foreign source, it was at a time probably so
remote as to antedate any old-world culture now existing,
and to prevent any light being thrown on the
offspring by a study of the parent stock; while if indigenous,
little hope is afforded of following rationally
their development through the political convulsions of
the distant past down to even a traditionally historic
epoch.


I may then dispense with theories of origin and details
of past history as confusing rather than aiding
my present purpose, and as being fully treated elsewhere
in this work. Neither am I required in this
treatment of the civilized races to make an accurate
division between them and their more savage neighbors,
to determine the exact standard by which savagism
and civilization are to be measured, or to vindicate
the use of the word civilized as applied to the American
nations in preference to that of semi-civilized, preferred
by many writers. We have seen that civilization
is at best only a comparative term, applied to some of
the ever-shifting phases of human progress. In many
of the Wild Tribes already described some of its characteristics
have been observed, and the opposite elements
of savagism will not be wanting among what I proceed
86
to describe as the Civilized Nations. There is not a savage
people between Anáhuac and Nicaragua that has
not been influenced in its institutions by intercourse,
warlike, social, or commercial, with neighbors of higher
culture, and has not exerted in its turn a reflex influence
on the latter. The difficulty of drawing division-lines
between nations thus mutually acting on each other is
further increased in America by the fact that two or
three nations constitute the central figure of nearly
all that has been observed or written by the few that
came in actual contact with the natives. This volume
will, therefore, deal rather with the native civilization
than with the nations that possessed it.


While, however, details on all the points mentioned,
outside of actual institutions found existing in the sixteenth
century, would tend to confusion rather than
to clearness, besides leading in many cases to endless
repetition, yet a general view of the whole subject, of
the number, extent, location, and mutual relations of
the nations occupying the central portions of the continent
at its discovery, as well as of their relations to
those of the more immediate past, appears necessary
to an intelligent perusal of the following pages. In
this general view I shall avoid all discussion of disputed
questions, reserving arguments and details for
future volumes on antiquities and aboriginal history.


HOME OF THE AMERICAN CULTURE.


That portion of what we call the Pacific States which
was the home of American civilization within historic or
traditionally historic times, extends along the continent
from north-west to south-east, between latitudes 22°
and 11°. On the Atlantic side the territory stretches
from Tamaulipas to Honduras, on the Pacific from Colima
to Nicaragua. Not that these are definitely drawn
boundaries, but outside of these limits, disregarding the
New Mexican Pueblo culture, this civilization had left
little for Europeans to observe, while within them
lived few tribes uninfluenced or unimproved by contact
with it. No portion of the globe, perhaps, embraces
87
within equal latitudinal limits so great a variety
of climate, soil, and vegetation; a variety whose important
bearing on the native development can be understood
in some degree, and which would doubtless
account satisfactorily for most of the complications of
progressional phenomena observed within the territory,
were the connection between environment and
progress fully within the grasp of our knowledge. All
the gradations from a torrid to a temperate clime are
here found in a region that lies wholly within the
northern tropic, altitudinal variations taking the place
of and producing all the effects elsewhere attributable
to latitude alone. These variations result from the
topography of the country as determined by the conformation
given to the continent by the central cordillera.
The Sierra Madre enters this territory from the
north in two principal ranges, one stretching along the
coast of the Pacific, while the other and more lofty
range trends nearer the Atlantic, the two again uniting
before reaching the isthmus of Tehuantepec. This
eastern branch between 18° 40´ and 20° 30´ opens out
into a table-land of some seventy-five by two hundred
miles area, with an altitude of from six to eight thousand
feet above the sea level. This broad plateau or
series of plateaux is known as the tierra fria, while the
lower valleys, with a band of the surrounding slopes,
at an elevation of from three to five thousand feet, including
large portions of the western lands of Michoacan,
Guerrero, and Oajaca, between the two mountain
branches, constitute the tierra templada. From the
surface of the upper table-land rise sierras and isolated
peaks of volcanic origin, the highest in North America,
their summits covered with eternal snow, which shelter,
temper, and protect the fertile plateaux lying at
their base. Centrally located on this table-land, surrounded
by a wall of lofty volcanic cliffs and peaks, is
the most famous of all the valley plateaux, something
more than one hundred and sixty miles in circuit, the
valley of Mexico, Anáhuac, that is to say, 'country by
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the waters,' taking its name from the lakes that formerly
occupied one tenth of its area. Anáhuac, with an
elevation of 7,500 feet, may be taken as representative
of the tierra fria. It has a mean temperature of 62°, a
climate much like that of southern Europe, although
dryer, and to which the term 'cold' can only be comparatively
applied. The soil is fertile and productive,
though now generally presenting a bare and parched
surface, by reason of the excessive evaporation on lofty
plains exposed to the full force of a tropical sun, its
natural forest-covering having been removed since the
Spanish conquest, chiefly, it is believed, through artificial
agencies. Oak and pine are prominent features
of the native forest-growth, while wheat, barley, and
all the European cereals and fruits flourish side by side
with plantations of the indigenous maize, maguey, and
cactus. From May to October of each year, corresponding
nearly with the hot season of the coast, rains
or showers are frequent, but rarely occur during the
remaining months. Trees retain their foliage for ten
months in the year, and indeed their fading is scarcely
noticeable. Southward of 18°, as the continent narrows,
this eastern table-land contracts into a mountain
range proper, presenting a succession of smaller terraces,
valleys, and sierras, in place of the broader
plateaux of the region about Anáhuac. Trending
south-eastward toward the Pacific, and uniting with
the western Sierra Madre, the chain crosses the
isthmus of Tehuantepec at a diminished altitude,
only to rise again and expand laterally into the
lofty Guatemalan ranges which stretch still south-eastward
to Lake Nicaragua, where for the second
time a break occurs in the continental cordillera at
the southern limit of the territory now under consideration.
From this central cordillera lateral subordinate
branches jut out at right angles north and
south toward either ocean. As we go southward the
vegetation becomes more dense, and the temperature
higher at equal altitudes, but the same gradations of
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'fria' and 'templada' are continued, blending into each
other at a height of 5,000 to 6,000 feet. The characteristics
of the cordillera south of the Mexican table-land
are lofty volcanic peaks whose lower bases are
clothed with dense forests, fertile plateaux bounded by
precipitous cliffs, vertical fissures or ravines of immense
depth torn in the solid rock by volcanic action, and
mountain torrents flowing in deep beds of porphyry
and forming picturesque lakes in the lower valleys.
Indeed, in Guatemala, where more than twenty volcanoes
are in active operation, all these characteristic
features appear to unite in their highest degree of
perfection. One of the lateral ranges extends north-eastward
from the continental chain, forming with a
comparatively slight elevation the back-bone of the
peninsula of Yucatan.


THE TIERRA CALIENTE.


At the bases of the central continental heights, on
the shores of either ocean, is the tierra caliente, a name
applied to all the coast region with an elevation of less
than 1,500 feet, and also by the inhabitants to many
interior valleys of high temperature. So abruptly do
the mountains rise on the Pacific side that the western
torrid band does not perhaps exceed twenty miles in
average width for its whole length, and has exerted
comparatively little influence on the history and development
of the native races. But on the Atlantic
or gulf coast is a broad tract of level plain and marsh,
and farther inland a more gradual ascent to the interior
heights. This region presents all the features of
an extreme tropical climate and vegetation. In the
latitude of Vera Cruz barren and sandy tracts are seen;
elsewhere the tierra caliente is covered with the densest
tropical growth of trees, shrubs, vines, and flowers,
forming in their natural state an almost impenetrable
thicket. Cocoa, cotton, cacao, sugar-cane, indigo, vanilla,
bananas, and the various palms are prominent
among the flora; while the fauna include birds in infinite
variety of brilliant plumage, with myriads of tormenting
and deadly insects and reptiles. The atmosphere
90
is deadly to all but natives. The moist soil, enriched
by the decay of vegetable substances, breathes
pestilence and malaria from every pore, except during
the winter months of incessant winds, which blow from
October to March. Southern Vera Cruz and Tabasco,
the tierra caliente par excellence, exhibit the most luxuriant
display of nature's prodigality. Of alluvial and
comparatively recent formation this region is traversed
by the Goazacoalco, Alvarado, Usumacinta, and other
noble rivers, which rise in the mountains of Guatemala,
Chiapas, and Tehuantepec. River-banks are crowded
with magnificent forest-trees, and the broad savanas
farther back marked off into natural plantations of the
valuable dye-woods which abound there, by a network
of branch streams and canals, which serve both for
irrigation and as a medium of transport for the native
products that play no unimportant rôle in the world's
commerce. Each year inundations are expected between
June and October, and these transform the
whole system of lagoons into a broad lake. Farther
up the course of the rivers on the foothills of the cordillera,
are extensive forests of cedar, mahogany, zapote,
Brazil, and other precious woods, together with
a variety of medicinal plants and aromatic resins.


The whole of Yucatan may, by reason of its temperature
and elevation above the sea, be included in
the tierra caliente, but its climate is one of the most
healthful in all tropical America. The whole north
and west of the peninsula are of fossil shell formation,
showing that at no very distant date this region
was covered by the waters of the sea. There are no
rivers that do not dry up in winter, but by a wonderful
system of small ponds and natural wells the country
is supplied with water, the soil being moreover always
moist, and supporting a rich and vigorous vegetation.


THE NAHUA AND MAYA ELEMENTS.


Notwithstanding evident marks of similarity in
nearly all the manifestations of the progressional spirit
in aboriginal America, in art, thought, and religion,
91
there is much reason for and convenience in referring
all the native civilization to two branches, the Maya
and the Nahua, the former the more ancient, the latter
the more recent and wide-spread. It is important,
however, to understand the nature and extent of this
division, and just how far it may be considered real
and how far ideal. Of all the languages spoken among
these nations, the two named are the most wide-spread,
and are likewise entirely distinct. In their traditional
history, their material relics, and, above all, in their
methods of recording events by hieroglyphics, as well
as in their several lesser characteristics, these two
stocks show so many and so clear points of difference
standing prominently out from their many resemblances,
as to indicate either a separate culture from
the beginning, or what is more probable and for us
practically the same thing, a progress in different
paths for a long time prior to the coming of the Europeans.
Very many of the nations not clearly affiliated
with either branch show evident traces of both
cultures, and may be reasonably supposed to have developed
their condition from contact and intermixture
of the parent stocks with each other, and with the neighboring
savage tribes. It is only, however, in a very general
sense that this classification can be accepted, and
then only for practical convenience in elucidating the
subject; since there are several nations that must be
ranked among our civilized peoples, which, particularly
in the matter of language, show no Maya nor Nahua
affinities. Nor is too much importance to be attached
to the names Maya and Nahua by which I designate
these parallel civilizations. The former is adopted for
the reason that the Maya people and tongue are commonly
regarded as among the most ancient in all the
Central American region, a region where formerly
flourished the civilization that left such wonderful
remains at Palenque, Uxmal, and Copan; the latter
as being an older designation than either Aztec or
Toltec, both of which stocks the race Nahua includes.
92
The civilization of what is now the Mexican Republic,
north of Tehuantepec, belonged to the Nahua branch,
both at the time of the conquest and throughout the
historic period preceding. Very few traces of the
Maya element occur north of Chiapas, and these are
chiefly linguistic, appearing in two or three nations
dwelling along the shores of the Mexican gulf. In
published works upon the subject the Aztecs are the
representatives of the Nahua element; indeed, what
is known of the Aztecs has furnished material for nine
tenths of all that has been written on the American
civilized nations in general. The truth of the matter
is that the Aztecs were only the most powerful of a
league or confederation of three nations, which in the
sixteenth century, from their capitals in the valley,
ruled central Mexico. This confederation, moreover,
was of comparatively recent date. These three nations
were the Acolhuas, the Aztecs, and the Tepanecs, and
their respective capitals, Tezcuco, Mexico, and Tlacopan
(Tacuba) were located near each other on the lake
borders, where, except Mexico, they still are found in
a sad state of dilapidation. Within the valley, in general
terms, the eastern section belonged to Tezcuco,
the southern and western to Mexico, and a limited
territory in the north-west to Tlacopan. At the time
when the confederation was formed, which was about
one hundred years before the advent of the Spaniards,
Tezcuco was the most advanced and powerful of the
allies, maintaining her precedence nearly to the end of
the fifteenth century. Tlacopan was far inferior to
the other two. Her possessions were small, and according
to the terms of the compact, which seem
always to have been strictly observed, she received
but one fifth of the spoils obtained by successful war.
While keeping within the boundaries of their respective
provinces, so far as the valley of Mexico was concerned,
these three chief powers united their forces to
extend their conquests beyond the limits of the valley
in every direction. Thus under the leadership of a line
93
of warlike kings Mexico extended her domain to the
shores of either ocean, and rendered the tribes therein
tributary to her. During this period of foreign conquest,
the Aztec kings, more energetic, ambitious, warlike,
and unscrupulous than their allies, acquired a
decided preponderance in the confederate councils and
possessions; so that, originally but a small tribe, one of
the many which had settled in the valley of Anáhuac,
by its valor and success in war, by the comparatively
broad extent of its domain, by the magnificence of its
capital, the only aboriginal town in America rebuilt
by the conquerors in anything like its pristine splendor,
and especially by being the people that came directly
into contact with the invaders in the desperate
struggles of the conquest, the Aztecs became to Europeans,
and to the whole modern world, the representatives
of the American civilized peoples. Hence,
in the observations of those who were personally acquainted
with these people, little or no distinction is
made between the many different nations of Central
Mexico, all being described as Aztecs. Indeed, many
of the lesser nations favored this error, being proud to
claim identity with the brave and powerful people to
whose valor they had been forced to succumb. While
this state of things doubtless creates some confusion
by failing to show clearly the slight tribal differences
that existed, yet the difficulty is not a serious one,
from the fact that very many of these nations were
unquestionably of the same blood as the Aztecs, and
that all drew what civilization they possessed from
the same Nahua source. I may therefore continue to
speak of the Aztecs in their representative character,
including directly in this term all the nations permanently
subjected to the three ruling powers in Anáhuac,
due care being taken to point out such differences
as may have been noticed and recorded.


THE AZTECS THE NAHUA REPRE­SENTATIVES.


To fix the limits of the Aztec Empire with any approximation
to accuracy is exceedingly difficult, both
by reason of conflicting statements, and because the
94
boundaries were constantly changing as new tribes
were brought under Aztec rule, or by successful revolt
threw off the Mexican yoke. Clavigero, followed by
Prescott, gives to the empire the territory from 18°
to 21° on the Atlantic, and 14° to 19° on the Pacific,
exclusive, according to the latter author, of the possessions
of Tezcuco and Tlacopan. But this extent of
territory, estimated at nearly twice that of the state
of California, gives an exaggerated idea of Anáhuac,
even when that term is applied to the conquered territory
of the whole confederacy. The limits mentioned
are in reality the extreme points reached by
the allied armies in their successful wars, or rather,
raids, during the most palmy days of Aztec rule.
Within these bounds were several nations that were
never conquered, even temporarily, by the arms of
Anáhuac, as for example the Tlascaltecs, the Tarascos,
and the Chiapanecs. Many nations, indeed most
of those whose home was far from the central capitals,
were simply forced on different occasions by the presence
of a conquering army to pay tribute and allegiance
to the Aztec kings, an allegiance which they were
not slow to throw off as soon as the invaders had withdrawn.
Such were the nations of northern Guatemala
and Soconusco, whose conquest was in reality
but a successful raid for plunder and captives; such
the nations of Tehuantepec, such the Miztecs and Zapotecs
of Oajaca, the latter having completely regained
their independence and driven the Aztecs from their soil
before the coming of the Spaniards. Other nations
were conquered only in the years immediately preceding
the Spanish conquest; instance the Matlaltzincas just
west of Anáhuac, and the Huastecs and Totonacs of Vera
Cruz. By their successful raids among these latter
peoples, the Aztecs only sealed their own doom, making
inveterate foes of the coast nations, whose services
would have been most efficacious in resisting the fatal
progress of the Castilian arms. But other tribes less
warlike and powerful, or nearer the strongholds of
95
their conquerors, were, by means of frequent military
expeditions made to check outbreaking rebellion, kept
nominally subject to the Aztecs during fifty years,
more or less, preceding the coming of the Spaniards,
paying their annual tribute with some regularity.
Outside the rocky barriers of their valley, the Mexicans
maintained their supremacy only by constant
war; and even within the valley their sway was far
from undisputed, since several tribes, notably the Chalcas
on the southern lake, broke out in open rebellion
whenever the imperial armies were elsewhere occupied.


EXTENT OF THE AZTEC EMPIRE.


The Aztec empire proper, not restricting it to its
original seat in the valley of Mexico, nor including
within its limits all the nations which were by the
fortunes of war forced at one time or another to pay
tribute, may then be said to have extended from the
valley of Mexico and its immediate environs, over the
territories comprised in the present States of Mexico
(with its modern subdivisions of Hidalgo and Morelos),
Puebla, southern Vera Cruz, and Guerrero. Of
all the nations that occupied this territory, most of
them, as I have said, were of one blood and language
with their masters, and all, by their character and institutions,
possessed in greater or less degree the Nahua
culture. Of many of the multitudinous nations
occupying the vast territory surrounding the valley of
Mexico, nothing is known beyond their names and
their likeness, near or remote, to the Aztecs. For a
statement of their names and localities in detail, the
reader is referred to the Tribal Boundaries following
the chapter on the Central Mexicans in the first volume
of this work. Let it be understood, therefore,
that the description of Aztec institutions contained in
this volume applies to all the nations of the empire as
bounded above, except where special limitation is indicated;
besides which it has a general application to
a much wider region, in fact to the whole country
north of the isthmus of Tehuantepec.


THE NAHUAS IN ANÁHUAC.


In this connection, and before attempting a description
96
of the Mexican nations beyond the limits of the
empire, nations more or less independent of Aztec
sway, a glance at ancient Mexican history seems necessary,
as well to throw light on the mutual relations
of the peoples of Anáhuac, as to partially explain the
broad extent of the Nahua civilization and of the Aztec
idiom. The old-time story, how the Toltecs in
the sixth century appeared on the Mexican table-land,
how they were driven out and scattered in the eleventh
century, how after a brief interval the Chichimecs
followed their footsteps, and how these last were succeeded
by the Aztecs who were found in possession,—the
last two, and probably the first, migrating in immense
hordes from the far north-west,—all this is
sufficiently familiar to readers of Mexican history, and
is furthermore fully set forth in the fifth volume of
this work. It is probable, however, that this account,
accurate to a certain degree, has been by many writers
too literally construed; since the once popular theory
of wholesale national migrations of American peoples
within historic times, and particularly of such migrations
from the north-west, may now be regarded as
practically unfounded. The sixth century is the most
remote period to which we are carried in the annals of
Anáhuac by traditions sufficiently definite to be considered
in any proper sense as historic records. At
this period we find the Nahua civilization and institutions
established on the table-land, occupied then as
at every subsequent time by many tribes more or less
distinct from each other. And there this culture remained
without intermixture of essentially foreign elements
down to the sixteenth century; there the successive
phases of its development appeared, and there
the progressional spirit continued to ferment for a
period of ten centuries, which fermentation constitutes
the ancient Mexican history. During the course of
these ten centuries we may follow now definitely now
vaguely the social, religious, and political convulsions
through which these aboriginals were doomed to pass.
97
From small beginnings we see mighty political powers
evolved, and these overturned and thrown into obscurity
by other and rival unfoldings. Religious sects
in like manner we see succeed each other, coloring
their progress with frequent persecutions and reformations,
not unworthy of old-world mediæval fanaticism,
as partisans of rival deities shape the popular superstition
in conformity with their creeds. Wars, long and
bloody, are waged for plunder, for territory, and for
souls; now, to quell the insurrection of a tributary
prince, now to repel the invasion of outer barbarian
hordes. Leaders, political and religious, rising to
power with their nation, faction, city, or sect, are
driven at their fall into exile, and thereby forced to
seek their fortunes and introduce their culture among
distant tribes. Outside bands, more or less barbarous,
but brave and powerful, come to settle in Anáhuac,
and to receive, voluntarily or involuntarily, the benefits
of its arts and science.


I have no disposition unduly to magnify the New
World civilization, nor to under-rate old world culture,
but during these ten centuries of almost universal
mediæval gloom, the difference between the two civilizations
was less than most people imagine. On both
sides of the Dark Sea humanity lay floundering in besotted
ignorance; the respective qualities of that ignorance
it is hardly profitable to analyze. The history
of all these complicated changes, so far as it may be
traced, separates naturally into three chronologic periods,
corresponding with what are known as the Toltec,
the Chichimec, and the Aztec empires. Prior to
the sixth century doubtless there were other periods
of Nahua greatness, for there is little evidence to indicate
that this was the first appearance in Mexico of
this progressive people, but previous developments can
not be definitely followed, although affording occasional
glimpses which furnish interesting matter for
antiquarian speculation.


At the opening then, of the historic times, we find
98
the Toltecs in possession of Anáhuac and the surrounding
country. Though the civilization was old,
the name was new, derived probably, although not so
regarded by all, from Tollan, a capital city of the empire,
but afterward becoming synonymous with all that
is excellent in art and high culture. Tradition imputes
to the Toltecs a higher civilization than that
found among the Aztecs, who had degenerated with
the growth of the warlike spirit, and especially by the
introduction of more cruel and sanguinary religious
rites. But this superiority, in some respects not improbable,
rests on no very strong evidence, since this
people left no relics of that artistic skill which gave
them so great traditional fame; there is, however, much
reason to ascribe the construction of the pyramids at
Teotihuacan and Cholula to the Toltec or a still earlier
period. Among the civilized peoples of the sixteenth
century, however, and among their descendants down
to the present day, nearly every ancient relic of architecture
or sculpture is accredited to the Toltecs, from
whom all claim descent. In fact the term Toltec became
synonymous in later times with all that was
wonderful or mysterious in the past; and so confusing
has been the effect of this universal reference of
all traditional events to a Toltec source, that, while
we can not doubt the actual existence of this great
empire, the details of its history, into which the supernatural
so largely enters, must be regarded as to a
great extent mythical.


THE TOLTEC EMPIRE.


There are no data for fixing accurately the bounds
of the Toltec domain, particularly in the south.
There is very little, however, to indicate that it was
more extensive in this direction than that of the Aztecs
in later times, although it seems to have extended
somewhat farther northward. On the west there is
some evidence that it included the territory of Michoacan,
never subdued by the Aztecs; and it probably
stretched eastward to the Atlantic, including the Totonac
territory of Vera Cruz. Of the tribes or nations
99
that made up the empire none can be positively identified
by name with any of the later peoples found in
Anáhuac, though there can be little doubt that several
of the latter were descended directly from the Toltecs
and contemporary tribes; and indeed it is believed
with much reason that the semi-barbarous Otomís of
Anáhuac, and several nations beyond the limits of
the valley, may date their tribal history back to a period
even preceding the Toltec era. During the most
flourishing period of its traditional five centuries of
duration, the Toltec empire was ruled by a confederacy
similar in some respects to the alliance of later
date between Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan. The
capitals were Culhuacan, Otompan, and Tollan, the
two former corresponding somewhat in territory with
Mexico and Tezcuco, while the latter was just beyond
the limits of the valley toward the north-west. Each
of these capital cities became in turn the leading power
in the confederacy. Tollan reached the highest
eminence in culture, splendor, and fame, and Culhuacan
was the only one of the three to survive by name
the bloody convulsions by which the empire was at
last overthrown, and retain anything of her former
greatness.


Long-continued civil wars, arising chiefly from dissensions
between rival religious factions, resulting naturally
in pestilence and famine, which in the aboriginal
annals are attributed to the direct interposition of irate
deities, gradually undermine the imperial thrones.
Cities and nations previously held in subjection or
overshadowed by the splendor and power of Tollan,
take advantage of her civil troubles to enlarge their
respective domains and to establish independent powers.
Distant tribes, more or less barbarous, but strong
and warlike, come and establish themselves in desirable
localities within the limits of an empire whose
rulers are now powerless to repel invasion. So the
kings of Tollan, Culhuacan, and Otompan lose, year
by year, their prestige, and finally, in the middle of
100
the eleventh century, are completely overthrown, leaving
the Mexican table-land to be ruled by new combinations
of rising powers. Thus ends the Toltec period
of ancient Anáhuac history.


The popular account pictures the whole Toltec population,
or such part of it as had been spared by war,
pestilence, and famine, as migrating en masse southward,
and leaving Anáhuac desolate and unpeopled
for nearly a half century, to be settled anew by tribes
that crowded in from the north-west when they learned
that this fair land had been so strangely abandoned.
This account, like all other national migration-narratives
pertaining to the Americans, has little foundation
in fact or in probability.


The royal families and religious leaders of the Toltecs
were doubtless driven into perpetual exile, and
were accompanied by such of the nobility as preferred,
rather than content themselves with subordinate
positions at home, to try their fortunes in new
lands, some of which were perhaps included in the
southern parts of the empire concerning which so little
is known. That there was any essential or immediate
change in the population of the table-land beyond
the irruption of a few tribes, is highly improbable.
The exiled princes and priests, as I have
said, went southward, where doubtless they played
an important part in the subsequent history of the
Maya-Quiché nations of Central America, a history
less fully recorded than that of Anáhuac. That these
exiles were the founders of the Central American civilization,
a popular belief supported by many writers,
I cannot but regard as another phase of that tendency
above-mentioned to attribute all that is undefined
and ill-understood to the great and wonderful
Toltecs; nor do I believe that the evidence warrants
such an hypothesis. If the pioneer civilizers of the
south, the builders of Palenque, Copan, and other
cities of the more ancient type, were imbued with or
influenced by the Nahua culture, as is not improbable,
101
it certainly was not that culture as carried southward
in the eleventh century, but a development or
phase of it long preceding that which took the name
of Toltec on the Mexican plateaux. With the destruction
of the empire the term Toltec, as applied to
an existing people, disappeared. This disappearance
of the name while the institutions of the nation continued
to flourish, may indicate that the designation
of the people—or possibly of the ruling family—of
Tollan, was not applied contemporaneously to the
whole empire, and that in the traditions and records
of later times, it has incidentally acquired a fictitious
importance. Of the Toltec cities, Culhuacan, on the
lake border, recovered under the new political combinations
something of her old prominence; the name
Culhuas applied to its people appears much more
ancient than that of Toltecs, and indeed the Mexican
civilization as a whole might perhaps as appropriately
be termed Culhua as Nahua.


THE CHICHIMEC EMPIRE.


The new era succeeding the Toltec rule is that of
the Chichimec empire, which endured with some variations
down to the coming of Cortés. The ordinary
version of the early annals has it, that the Chichimecs,
a wild tribe living far in the north-west, learning that
the fertile regions of Central Mexico had been abandoned
by the Toltecs, came down in immense hordes
to occupy the land. Numerous other tribes came
after them at short intervals, were kindly received
and granted lands for settlement, and the more powerful
of the new comers, in confederation with the
original Chichimec settlers, developed into the so-called
empire. Now, although this occupation of the
central table-lands by successive migrations of foreign
tribes cannot be accepted by the sober historian, and
although we must conclude that very many of the so-called
new comers were tribes that had occupied the
country during the Toltec period,—their names now
coming into notice with their increasing importance
and power,—yet it is probable that some new tribes,
102
sufficiently powerful to exercise a great if not a controlling
influence in building up the new empire, did
at this time enter Anáhuac from the immediately
bordering regions, and play a prominent part, in conjunction
with the rising nations within the valley, in
the overthrow of the kings of Tollan. These in-coming
nations, by alliance with the original inhabitants,
infused fresh life and vigor into the worn-out monarchies,
furnishing the strength by which new powers
were built up on the ruins of the old, and receiving
on the other hand the advantages of the more perfect
Nahua culture.


If one, and the most powerful, of these new nations
was, as the annals state, called the Chichimec, nothing
whatever is known of its race or language. The
Chichimecs, their identity, their idiom, and their institutions,
if any such there were, their name even, as a
national appellation, were merged into those of the
Nahua nations that accompanied or followed them,
and were there lost. The ease and rapidity with
which this tribal fusion of tongue and culture is represented
to have been accomplished would indicate at
least that the Chichimecs, if a separate tribe, were of
the same race and language as the Toltecs; but however
this may be, it must be conceded that, while they
can not have been the wild cave-dwelling barbarians
painted by some of the historians, they did not introduce
into Anáhuac any new element of civilization.


NO SUCH NATION AS THE CHICHIMEC.


The name Chichimec at the time of the Spanish
conquest, and subsequently, was used with two significations,
first, as applied to the line of kings that
reigned at Tezcuco, and second, to all the wild hunting
tribes, particularly in the broad and little-known
regions of the north. Traditionally or historically the
name has been applied to nearly every people mentioned
in the ancient history of America. This has
caused the greatest confusion among writers on the
subject, a confusion which I believe can only be cleared
up by the supposition that the name Chichimec, like
103
that of Toltec, never was applied as a tribal or national
designation proper to any people, while such
people were living. It seems probable that among
the Nahua peoples that occupied the country from the
sixth to the eleventh centuries, a few of the leading
powers appropriated to themselves the title Toltecs,
which had been at first employed by the inhabitants
of Tollan, whose artistic excellence soon rendered it
a designation of honor. To the other Nahua peoples,
by whom these leading powers were surrounded,
whose institutions were identical but whose polish and
elegance of manner were deemed by these self-constituted
autocrats somewhat inferior, the term Chichimecs,
barbarians, etymologically 'dogs,' was applied.
After the convulsions that overthrew Tollan and reversed
the condition of the Nahua nations, the 'dogs'
in their turn assumed an air of superiority and retained
their designation Chichimecs as a title of honor
and nobility.


The names of the tribes represented as entering Anáhuac
after the Chichimecs, but respecting the order of
whose coming there is little agreement among authors,
are the following: Matlaltzincas, Tepanecs, Acolhuas,
Teo-Chichimecs (Tlascaltecs), Malinalcas, Cholultecs,
Xochimilcas, Chalcas, Huexotzincas, Cuitlahuacs, Cuicatecs,
Mizquicas, Tlahuicas, Cohuixcas, and Aztecs.
Some of these, as I have said, may have entered the
valley from the immediate north. Which these were
I shall not attempt to decide, but they were nearly
all of the same race and language, all lived under
Nahua institutions, and their descendants were found
living on and about the Aztec plateau in the sixteenth
century, speaking, with one or two exceptions,
the Aztec tongue.


In the new era of prosperity that now dawned on
Anáhuac, Culhuacan, where some remnants even of
the Toltec nobility remained, under Chichimec auspices
regained to a great extent its old position as a
centre of culture and power. Among the new nations
104
whose name now first appears in history, the
Acolhuas and Tepanecs soon rose to political prominence
in the valley. The Acolhuas were the Chichimecs
par excellence, or, as tradition has it, the
Chichimec nation was absorbed by them, giving up
its name, language, and institutions. The capitals
which ruled the destinies of Anáhuac down to the
fifteenth century, besides Culhuacan, were Tenayocan,
Xaltocan, Coatlychan, Tezcuco, and Azcapuzalco.
These capitals being governed for the most part by
branches of the same royal Chichimec family, the era
was one of civil intrigue for the balance of power and
for succession to the throne, rather than one of foreign
conquest. During the latter part of the period, Tezcuco,
the Acolhua capital under the Chichimec kings
proper, Azcapuzalco the capital of the Tepanecs, and
Culhuacan held the country under their sway, sometimes
allied to meet the forces of foreign foes, but
oftener plotting against each other, each, by alliance
with a second against the third, aiming at universal
dominion. At last in this series of political manœuvres
Culhuacan was permanently overthrown, and
the Chichimec ruler at Tezcuco was driven from his
possessions by the warlike chief of the Tepanecs,
who thus for a short time was absolute master of
Anáhuac.


But with the decadence of the Culhua power at
Culhuacan, another of the tribes that came into notice
in the valley after the fall of the Toltecs, had been
gradually gaining a position among the nations. This
rising power was the Aztecs, a people traditionally
from the far north-west, whose wanderings are described
in picture-writings shown in another part of
this volume. Their migration is more definitely described
than that of any other of the many who are
said to have come from the same direction, and has
been considered by different writers to be a migration
from California, New Mexico, or Asia. Later
researches indicate that the pictured annals are intended
105
simply as a record of the Aztec wanderings in
the valley of Mexico and its vicinity. Whatever their
origin, by their fierce and warlike nature and bloody
religious rites, from the first they made themselves the
pests of Anáhuac, and later its tyrants. For some centuries
they acquired no national influence, but were
often conquered, enslaved, and driven from place to
place, until early in the fourteenth century, when
Mexico or Tenochtitlan was founded, and under a line
of able warlike kings started forward in its career of
prosperity unequaled in the annals of aboriginal America.
At the fall of Culhuacan, Mexico ranked next to
Tezcuco and Azcapuzalco, and when the armies of the
latter prevailed against the former, Mexico was the
most powerful of all the nations that sprang to arms,
and pressed forward to humble the Tepanec tyrant,
to reïnstate the Acolhua monarch on his throne, and
to restore Tezcuco to her former commanding position.
The result was the utter defeat of the Tepanecs, and
the glory of Azcapuzalco departed forever.


THE AZTEC ERA.


Thus ended in the early part of the fifteenth century
the Chichimec empire,—that is, it nominally ended,
for the Chichimec kings proper lost nothing of their
power,—and, by the establishment of the confederacy
already described, the Aztec empire was inaugurated.
Under the new dispensation of affairs, Mexico, by
whose aid chiefly Azcapuzalco had been humbled,
received rank and dominion at least equal to that of
Tezcuco, while from motives of policy, and in order,
so far as possible, to conciliate the good will of a
strong though conquered people, Tlacopan, under a
branch of the Tepanecs, with a less extensive domain,
was admitted to the alliance. The terms of the confederacy
seem, as I have said, never to have been
openly violated; but in the first years of the sixteenth
century the Aztecs had not only excited the
hatred of the most powerful nations outside the
bounds of Anáhuac by their foreign raids, but by their
arrogant overbearing spirit had made themselves obnoxious
106
at home. Their aim at supreme power was
apparent, and both Tezcuco and the independent republic
of Tlascala began to tremble at the dangerous
progress of their mighty neighbor. A desperate struggle
was imminent, in which the Aztecs, pitted against
all central Mexico, by victory would have grasped the
coveted prize of imperial power, or crushed as were
the Tepanecs before them by a coalition of nations,
would have yielded their place in the confederacy to
some less dangerous rival. At this juncture Cortés
appeared. This renowned chieftain aided Montezuma's
foes to triumph, and in turn fastened the shackles
of European despotism on all alike, with a partial exception
in favor of brave Tlascala. The nations which
formed the Aztec empire proper, were the tribes for
the most part that have been named as springing into
existence or notice in Anáhuac early in the Chichimec
period, and the names of most of them have been
preserved in the names of modern localities. It will
be seen, in treating of the languages of the Pacific
States, that the Aztec tongue, in a pure state, in distinct
verbal or grammatical traces, and in names of
places, is spread over a much wider extent of territory
than can be supposed to have ever been brought under
subjection to Anáhuac during either the Toltec, Chichimec,
or Aztec phases of the Nahua domination.
To account for this we have the commercial connections
of the Aztecs, whose traders are known to have
pushed their mercantile ventures far beyond the regions
subjected by force of arms; colonies which, both
in Toltec and Aztec times, may be reasonably supposed
to have sought new homes; the exile of nobles
and priests at the fall of the Toltec empire, and other
probable migrations, voluntary and involuntary, of
princes and teachers; the large detachments of Aztecs
who accompanied the Spaniards in the expeditions by
which the continent was brought under subjection;
and finally, if all these are not sufficient, the unknown
107
history and migrations of the Nahua peoples during
the centuries preceding the Toltec era.


THE TARASCOS OF MICHOACAN.


I will now briefly notice the civilized nations beyond
the limits of Anáhuac, and more or less independent
of the Aztec rule, concerning whose institutions and
history comparatively little or nothing is known, except
what is drawn from the Aztec annals, with some
very general observations on their condition made by
their Spanish conquerors. Westward of the Mexican
valley was the flourishing independent kingdom of
Michoacan, in possession of the Tarascos, whose capital
was Tzintzuntzan on Lake Patzcuaro. Their
country, lying for the most part between the rivers
Mexcala and Tololotlan, is by its altitude chiefly in the
tierra templada, and enjoys all the advantages of a
tropical climate, soil, and vegetation. Topographically
it presents a surface of undulating plains, intersected
by frequent mountain chains and by the characteristic
ravines, and well watered by many streams and beautiful
lakes; hence the name Michoacan, which signifies
'land abounding in fish.' The lake region of Patzcuaro,
the seat of the Tarasco kings, is described as unsurpassed
in picturesque beauty, while in the variety
of its agricultural products and in its yield of mineral
wealth, Michoacan was equaled by few of the states of
New Spain.


If we may credit the general statements of early authors,
who give us but few details, in their institutions,
their manners, wealth, and power, the Tarascos were at
least fully the equals of the Aztecs, and in their physical
development were even superior. That they successfully
resisted and defeated the allied armies of
Anáhuac is sufficient proof of their military prowess,
although they yielded almost without a struggle to
the Spaniards after the fall of Mexico. With respect
to their civilization we must accept the statements of
their superiority as the probably correct impression of
those who came first in contact with this people, notwithstanding
which I find no architectural or artistic
108
relics of a high culture within their territory. All that
is known on the subject indicates that their civilization
was of the Nahua type, although the language is altogether
distinct from the Aztec, the representative
Nahua tongue. The history of Michoacan, in the
form of any but the vaguest traditions, does not reach
back farther than the thirteenth century; nevertheless,
as I have said, there is some reason to suppose that it
formed part of the Toltec empire. The theory has
even been advanced that the Tarascos, forming a part
of that empire, were not disturbed by its fall, and
were therefore the best representatives of the oldest
Nahua culture. Their reported physical superiority
might favor this view, but their distinct language on
the contrary would render it improbable. A careful
study of all that is known of this people convinces me
that they had long been settled in the lands where
they were found, but leaves on the mind no definite
idea of their earlier history. Their later annals are
made up of tales, partaking largely of the marvelous
and supernatural, of the doings of certain demi-gods
or priests, and of wars waged against the omnipresent
Chichimecs. Branches of the great and primitive
Otomí family are mentioned as having their homes in
the mountains, and there are traditions that fragments
of the Aztecs and other tribes which followed the Chichimecs
into Anáhuac, lingered on the route of their
migration and settled in the fertile valleys of Michoacan.
Between the Tarascos and the Aztecs, speaking
a language different from either but allied more
or less intimately with the former, were the Matlaltzincas,
whose capital was in the plateau valley of Toluca,
just outside the bounds of Anáhuac. This was
one of the tribes that have already been named as
coming traditionally from the north-west. For a long
time they maintained their independence, but in the
last quarter of the fifteenth century were forced to
yield to the victorious arms of Axayacatl, the Aztec
warrior king.
109


Immediately below the mouth of the Mexcala, on
the border of the Pacific, were the lands of the Cuitlatecs,
and also the province or kingdom of Zacatollan,
whose capital was the modern Zacatula. Of these two
peoples absolutely nothing is known, save that they
were tributary to the Aztec empire, the latter having
been added to the domain of Tezcuco in the very last
years of the fifteenth century.


The provinces that extended south-westward from
Anáhuac to the ocean, belonging chiefly to the modern
state of Guerrero and included in what I have described
as the Aztec empire proper, were those of the
Tlahuicas, whose capital was Cuernavaca, the Cohuixcas,
capital at Acapulco, the Yoppi on the coast south
of Acapulco, and the province of Mazatlan farther inland
or north-east. The name Tlapanecs is also rather
indefinitely applied to the people of a portion of this
territory in the south, including probably the Yoppi.
Of the names mentioned we have met those of the
Tlahuicas and Cohuixcas among the tribes newly
springing into notice at the beginning of the Chichimec
period. It is probable that nearly all were more
or less closely allied in race and language to their
Mexican masters, their political subjection to whom
dates from about the middle of the fifteenth century.


MIZTECS AND ZAPOTECS.


The western slope of the cordillera still farther
south-west, comprising in general terms the modern
state of Oajaca, was ruled and to a great extent inhabited
by the Miztecs and Zapotecs, two powerful
nations distinct in tongue from the Aztecs and from
each other. Western Oajaca, the home of the Miztecs,
was divided into Upper and Lower Miztecapan,
the latter toward the coast, and the former higher up
in the mountains, and sometimes termed Cohuaixtlahuacan.
The Zapotecs in eastern Oajaca, when first
definitely known to history, had extended their power
over nearly all the tribes of Tehuantepec, besides encroaching
somewhat on the Miztec boundaries. The
Miztecs, notwithstanding the foreign aid of Tlascaltecs
110
and other eastern foes of the Aztec king, were first
defeated by the allied forces of Anáhuac about 1458;
and from that date the conquerors succeeded in holding
their stronger towns and more commanding positions
down to the conquest, thus enforcing the payment
of tribute and controlling the commerce of the
southern coast, which was their primary object. Tehuantepec
and Soconusco yielded some years after to
the conquering Axayacatl, and Zapotecapan still later
to his successor Ahuitzotl; but in the closing years
of the fifteenth century the Zapotecs recovered their
country with Tehuantepec, leaving Socunusco, however,
permanently in Aztec possession. The history
of the two nations takes us no farther back than the
fourteenth century, when they first came into contact
with the peoples of Anáhuac; it gives a record of their
rulers and their deeds of valor in wars waged against
each other, against the neighboring tribes, and against
the Mexicans. Prior to that time we have a few traditions
of the vaguest character preserved by Burgoa,
the historian of Oajaca. These picture both Miztecs
and Zapotecs as originally wild, but civilized by the
influence of teachers, priests, or beings of supernatural
powers, who came among them, one from the south,
and others from the direction of Anáhuac. Their civilization,
however received, was surely Nahua, as is
shown by the resemblances which their institutions,
and particularly their religious rites, bear to those of
the Aztecs. Being of the Nahua type, its origin has
of course been referred to that inexhaustible source,
the dispersion of the Toltecs, or to proselyting teachers
sent southward by that wonderful people. Indeed,
the Miztec and Zapotec royal families claimed a direct
Toltec descent. It is very probable, however, that
the Nahua element here was at least contemporaneous
in its introduction with the same element known as
Toltec in Anáhuac, rather than implanted in Oajaca
by missionaries, voluntary or involuntary, from Tollan.
I have already remarked that the presence of
111
Nahua institutions in different regions is too often
attributed to the Toltec exiles, and too seldom to
historical events preceding the sixth century. The
Oajacan coast region or tierra caliente, if we may
credit the result of researches by the Abbé Brasseur
de Bourbourg, was sometimes known as Anáhuac Ayotlan,
as the opposite coast of Tabasco was called
Anáhuac Xicalanco. Both these Anáhuacs were inhabited
by enterprising commercial peoples, whose
flourishing centres of trade were located at short intervals
along the coast. Material relics of past excellence
in architecture and other arts of civilization
abound in Oajaca, chief among which stand the remarkable
structures at Mitla.


NATIONS OF TEHUANTEPEC.


Although Tehuantepec in the later aboriginal times
was subject to the kings of Zapotecapan, yet within
its limits, besides the Chontales,—a name resembling
in its uncertainty of application that of Chichimecs
farther north,—were the remnants of two old nations
that still preserved their independence. These were
the Mijes, living chiefly by the chase in the mountain
fastnesses of the north, and the Huaves, who held a
small territory on the coast and islands of the lagoons
just east of the city of Tehuantepec. The Mijes, so
far as the vague traditions of the country reveal anything
of their past, were once the possessors of Zapotecapan
and the isthmus of Tehuantepec, antedating the
Zapotecs and perhaps the Nahua culture in this region,
being affiliated, as some believe, in institutions and
possibly in language, with the Maya element of Central
America. While this connection must be regarded
as somewhat conjectural, we may nevertheless accept
as probably authentic the antiquity, civilization, and
power of this brave people. The Huaves were traditionally
of southern origin, having come to Tehuantepec
by sea from Nicaragua or a point still farther south.
In navigation and in commerce they were enterprising,
as were indeed all the tribes of this southern-coast
Anáhuac, and they took gradually from the Mijes,
112
whom they found in possession, a large extent of territory,
which as we have seen they were finally forced
to yield up to their Zapotec conquerors.


Crossing now to the Atlantic or Gulf shores we have
from the past nothing but a confused account of Olmecs,
Xicalancas, and Nonohualcas, who may have
been distinct peoples, or the same people under different
names at different epochs, and who at some time
inhabited the lowlands of Tehuantepec and Vera Cruz,
as well as those of Tabasco farther south. At the
time of the conquest we know that this region was
thickly inhabited by a people scarcely less advanced
than those of Anáhuac, and dotted with flourishing
towns devoted to commerce. But neither in the sixteenth
nor immediately preceding centuries can any
one civilized nation be definitely named as occupying
this Anáhuac Xicalanco. We know, however, that
this country north of the Goazacoalco River formed a
portion of the Aztec empire, and that its inhabitants
spoke for the most part the Aztec tongue. These
provinces, known as Cuetlachtlan and Goazacoalco,
were conquered, chiefly with a view to the extension
of the Aztec commerce, as early as the middle of the
fifteenth century, notwithstanding the assistance rendered
by the armies of Tlascala.


THE TLASCALTECS.


The plateau east of Anáhuac sometimes known as
Huitzilapan was found by the Spaniards in the possession
of the independent republics, or cities, of Tlascala,
Huexotzinco, and Cholula. The people who
occupied this part of the table-land were the Teo-Chichimecs,
of the same language and of the same traditional
north-western origin as the Aztecs, whom they
preceded in Anáhuac. Late in the thirteenth century
they left the valley of Mexico, and in several detachments
established themselves on the eastern plateau,
where they successfully maintained their independence
of all foreign powers. As allies of the Chichimec
king of Tezcuco they aided in overturning the Tepanec
tyrant of Azcapuzalco; but after the subsequent dangerous
113
development of Aztec ambition, the Tlascaltec
armies aided in nearly every attempt of other nations
to arrest the progress of the Mexicans toward universal
dominion. Their assistance, as we have seen,
was unavailing except in the final successful alliance
with the forces of Cortés; for, although secure in their
small domain against foreign invasion, their armies
were often defeated abroad. Tlascala has retained
very nearly its original bounds, and the details of its
history from the foundation of the city are, by the
writings of the native historian Camargo, more fully
known than those of most other nations outside of
Anáhuac. This author, however, gives us the annals
of his own and the surrounding peoples from a Tlascaltec
stand-point only. Before the Teo-Chichimec
invasion of Huitzilapan, Cholula had already acquired
great prominence as a Toltec city, and as the residence
of the great Nahua apostle Quetzalcoatl, of which era,
or a preceding one, the famous pyramid remains as a
memento. Outside of Cholula, however, the ancient
history of this region presents but a blank page, or one
vaguely filled with tales of giants, its first reputed inhabitants,
and of the mysterious Olmecs, from some
remaining fragments of which people the Tlascaltecs
are said to have won their new homes. These Olmecs
seem to have been a very ancient people who occupied
the whole eastern region, bordering on or mixed with
the Xicalancas in the south; or rather the name Olmec
seems to have been the designation of a phase or era
of the Nahua civilization preceding that known as
the Toltec. It is impossible to determine accurately
whether the Xicalancas should be classed with the
Nahua or Maya element, although probably with the
former.


The coast region east of Tlascala, comprising the
northern half of the state of Vera Cruz, was the home
of the Totonacs, whose capital was the famous Cempoala,
and who were conquered by the Aztecs at the
close of the fifteenth century. They were probably
114
one of the ancient pre-Toltec peoples like the Otomís
and Olmecs, and they claimed to have occupied in
former times Anáhuac and the adjoining territory,
where they erected the pyramids of the sun and moon
at Teotihuacan. Their institutions when first observed
by Europeans seem to have been essentially Nahua,
and the abundant architectural remains found in Totonac
territory, as at Papantla, Misantla, and Tusapan,
show no well-defined differences from Aztec constructions
proper. Whether this Nahua culture was that
originally possessed by them or was introduced at a
comparatively late period through the influence of the
Teo-Chichimecs, with whom they became largely consolidated,
is uncertain. The Totonac language is,
however, distinct from the Aztec, and is thought to
have some affinity with the Maya.


North of the Totonacs on the gulf coast, in the
present state of Tamaulipas, lived the Huastecs, concerning
whose early history nothing whatever is
known. Their language is allied to the Maya dialects.
They were a brave people, looked upon by the
Mexicans as semi-barbarous, but were defeated and
forced to pay tribute by the king of Tezcuco in the
middle of the fifteenth century.


NATIONS OF CENTRAL AMERICA.


The difficulties experienced in rendering to any degree
satisfactory a general view of the northern nations,
are very greatly augmented now that I come to
treat of the Central American tribes. The causes of
this increased difficulty are many. I have already
noticed the prominence of the Aztecs in most that has
been recorded of American civilization. During the
conquest of the central portions of the continent following
that of Mexico, the Spaniards found an advanced
culture, great cities, magnificent temples, a
complicated system of religious and political institutions;
but all these had been met before in the north,
and consequently mere mention in general terms of
these later wonders was deemed sufficient by the conquerors,
115
who were a class of men not disposed to make
minute observations or comparisons respecting what
seemed to them unimportant details. As to the
priests, their duty was clearly to destroy rather than
to closely investigate these institutions of the devil.
And in the years following the conquest, the association
between the natives and the conquerors was much
less intimate than in Anáhuac. These nations in many
instances fought until nearly annihilated, or after defeat
retired in national fragments to the inaccessible
fastnesses of the cordillera, retaining for several generations—some
of them permanently—their independence,
and affording the Spaniards little opportunity of
becoming acquainted with their aboriginal institutions.
In the south, as in Anáhuac, native writers, after their
language had been fitted to the Spanish alphabet,
wrote more or less fully of their national history; but
all such writings whose existence is known are in the
possession of one or two individuals, and, excepting
the Popol Vuh translated by Ximenes as well as
Brasseur de Bourbourg, and the Perez Maya manuscript,
their contents are only vaguely known to the
public through the writings of their owners. Another
difficulty respecting these writings is that their dependence
on any original authority more trustworthy
than that of orally transmitted traditions, is at least
doubtful. The key to the hieroglyphics engraved on
the stones of Palenque and Copan, and painted on the
pages of the very few ancient manuscripts preserved,
is now practically lost; that it was possessed by the
writers referred to is, although not impossible, still far
from proven. Again, chronology, so complicated and
uncertain in the annals of Anáhuac, is here, through
the absence of legible written records, almost entirely
wanting, so that it is in many cases absolutely impossible
to fix even an approximate date for historical
events of great importance. The attempts of authors
to attach some of these events, without sufficient data,
116
to the Nahua chronology, have done much to complicate
the matter still further.


The only author who has attempted to treat of the
subject of Central American civilization and antiquity
comprehensively as a whole is the Abbé Brasseur de
Bourbourg. The learned abbé, however, with all his
research and undoubted knowledge of the subject, and
with his well-known enthusiasm and tact in antiquarian
engineering, by which he is wont to level difficulties,
apparently insurmountable, to a grade which offers
no obstruction to his theoretical construction-trains,
has been forced to acknowledge at many points his
inability to construct a perfect whole from data so
meagre and conflicting. Such being the case, the futility
must be apparent of attempting here any outline
of history which may throw light on the institutions
of the sixteenth century. I must be content, for the
purposes of this chapter, with a mention of the civilized
nations found in possession of the country, and a
brief statement of such prominent points in their past
as seem well-authenticated and important.


THE ANCIENT MAYA EMPIRE.


Closely enveloped in the dense forests of Chiapas,
Guatemala, Yucatan, and Honduras, the ruins of several
ancient cities have been discovered, which are far
superior in extent and magnificence to any seen in Aztec
territory, and of which a detailed description may be
found in the fourth volume of this work. Most of these
cities were abandoned and more or less unknown at the
time of the conquest. They bear hieroglyphic inscriptions
apparently identical in character; in other respects
they resemble each other more than they resemble the
Aztec ruins—or even other and apparently later works
in Guatemala and Honduras. All these remains bear
evident marks of great antiquity. Their existence
and similarity, in the absence of any evidence to the
contrary, would indicate the occupation of the whole
country at some remote period by nations far advanced
in civilization, and closely allied in manners and customs,
if not in blood and language. Furthermore, the
117
traditions of several of the most advanced nations
point to a wide-spread civilization introduced among a
numerous and powerful people by Votan and Zamná,
who, or their successors, built the cities referred to,
and founded great allied empires in Chiapas, Yucatan
and Guatemala; and moreover, the tradition is confirmed
by the universality of one family of languages
or dialects spoken among the civilized nations, and
among their descendants to this day. I deem the
grounds sufficient, therefore, for accepting this Central
American civilization of the past as a fact, referring
it not to an extinct ancient race, but to the direct ancestors
of the peoples still occupying the country with
the Spaniards, and applying to it the name Maya as
that of the language which has claims as strong as
any to be considered the mother tongue of the linguistic
family mentioned. As I have said before, the
phenomena of civilization in North America may be
accounted for with tolerable consistency by the friction
and mixture of this Maya culture and people with the
Nahua element of the north; while that either, by
migrations northward or southward, can have been
the parent of the other within the traditionally historic
past, I regard as extremely improbable. That
the two elements were identical in their origin and
early development is by no means impossible; all that
we can safely presume is that within historic times
they have been practically distinct in their workings.


There are also some rather vague traditions of the
first appearance of the Nahua civilization in the regions
of Tabasco and Chiapas, of its growth, the gradual
establishment of a power rivalling that of the
people I call Mayas, and of a struggle by which the
Nahuas were scattered in different directions, chiefly
northward, to reappear in history some centuries later
as the Toltecs of Anáhuac. While the positive evidence
in favor of this migration from the south is very
meagre, it must be admitted that a southern origin of
the Nahua culture is far more consistent with fact and
118
tradition than was the north-western origin, so long
implicitly accepted. There are no data by which to
fix the period of the original Maya empire, or its
downfall or breaking-up into rival factions by civil
and foreign wars. The cities of Yucatan, as is clearly
shown by Mr Stephens, were, many of them, occupied
by the descendants of the builders down to the conquest,
and contain some remnants of wood-work still
in good preservation, although some of the structures
appear to be built on the ruins of others of a somewhat
different type. Palenque and Copan, on the
contrary, have no traces of wood or other perishable
material, and were uninhabited and probably unknown
in the sixteenth century. The loss of the key to what
must have been an advanced system of hieroglyphics,
while the spoken language survived, is also an indication
of great antiquity, confirmed by the fact that the
Quiché structures of Guatemala differed materially
from those of the more ancient epoch. It is not likely
that the Maya empire in its integrity continued later
than the third or fourth century, although its cities
may have been inhabited much later, and I should fix
the epoch of its highest power at a date preceding
rather than following the Christian era. A Maya
manuscript fixes the date of the first appearance in
Yucatan of the Tutul Xius at 171 A. D. The Abbé
Brasseur therefore makes this the date of the Nahua
dispersion, believing, on apparently very slight foundation,
the Tutul Xius to be one of the Nahua fragments.
With the breaking-up of this empire into
separate nations at an unknown date, the ancient history
of Central America as a whole ceases, and down
to a period closely preceding the conquest we have
only an occasional event preserved in the traditions of
two or three nations.


MAYA NATIONS OF YUCATAN.


Yucatan was occupied in the sixteenth century by
the Mayas proper, all speaking the same language,
and living under practically the same institutions, religious
and political. The chief divisions were the
119
Cocomes, Tutul Xius, Itzas, and Cheles, which seem
to have been originally the designations of royal or
priestly families, rather than tribal names proper of
the peoples over whom they held sway. Each of
these had their origin-traditions of immigrating tribes
or teachers who came in the distant past to seek new
homes, escape persecution, or introduce new religious
ideas, in the fertile Maya plains. Some of these
stranger apostles of new creeds are identified by authors
with Toltec missionaries or exiles from Anáhuac.
The evidence in favor of this identity in any particular
case is of course unsatisfactory, but that it was well-founded
in some cases is both probable,—commercial
intercourse having undoubtedly made the two peoples
mutually acquainted with each other,—and is supported
by the presence of Nahua names of rulers and
priests, and of Nahua elements in the Yucatec religion,
the same remark applying to all Central America. The
ancient history of Yucatan is an account of the struggles,
alliances, and successive domination of the factions
mentioned. To enumerate here, in outline even,
these successive changes so vaguely and confusedly recorded
would be useless, especially as their institutions,
so far as can be known, were but slightly affected by
political changes among people of the same blood,
language, and religion.


The Cocomes were traditionally the original Maya
rulers of the land, and the Tutul Xius first came into
notice in the second century, the Itzas and Cheles appearing
at a much later date. One of the most prosperous
eras in the later history of the peninsula of
Yucatan is represented to have followed the appearance
of Cuculcan, a mysterious stranger corresponding
closely in his teachings, as in the etymology of his
name, with the Toltec Quetzalcoatl. He became the
head of the Cocome dynasty at Mayapan, and ruled
the country as did his successors after him in alliance
with the Tutul Xius at Uxmal, the Itzas at Chichen
Itza, and the Cheles at Izamal. But later the Cocomes
120
were overthrown, and Mayapan destroyed by a revolution
of the allies. The Tutul Xius now became the
leading power, a position which they held down to
the time, not long before the conquest, when the country
was divided by war and civil dissensions into numerous
petty domains, each ruled by its chief and
independent of the rest, all in a weak and exhausted
condition compared with their former state, and unable
to resist by united effort the progress of the
Spanish invaders whom individually they fought most
bravely. Three other comparatively recent events
of some importance in Yucatec history may be noticed.
The Cocomes in the struggle preceding their
fall called in the aid of a large force of Xicalancas,
probably a Nahua people, from the Tabascan coast
region, who after their defeat were permitted by the
conquerors to settle in the country. A successful raid
by some foreign people, supposed with some reason to
be the Quichés from Guatemala, is reported to have
been made against the Mayas with, however, no important
permanent results. Finally a portion of the
Itzas migrated southward and settled in the region of
Lake Peten, establishing their capital city on an island
in the lake. Here they were found, a powerful and
advanced nation, by Hernan Cortés in the sixteenth
century, and traces of their cities still remain, although
it must be noted that another and older class of ruins
are found in the same region, dating back perhaps to
a time when the glory of the Maya empire had not
wholly departed.


CHIAPAS AND GUATEMALA.


Chiapas, politically a part of the Mexican Republic,
but belonging geographically to Central America, was
occupied by the Chiapanecs, Tzendales, and Quelenes.
The Tzendales lived in the region about Palenque, and
were presumably the direct descendants of its builders,
their language having nearly an equal claim with the
Maya to be considered the mother tongue. The Chiapanecs
of the interior were a warlike tribe, and had
before the coming of the Spaniards conquered the
121
other nations, forcing them to pay tribute, and successfully
resisting the attacks of the Aztec allies.
They also are a very old people, having been referred
even to the tribes that preceded the establishment of
Votan's empire. Statements concerning their history
are numerous and irreconcilable; they have some traditions
of having come from the south; their linguistic
affinity with the Mayas is at least very slight. The
Quelenes or Zotziles, whose past is equally mysterious,
inhabited the southern or Guatemalan frontier.


Guatemala and northern Honduras were found in
possession of the Mames in the north-west, the Pocomams
in the south-east, the Quichés in the interior,
and the Cakchiquels in the south. The two latter
were the most powerful and ruled the country from
their capitals of Utatlan and Patinamit, where they resisted
the Spaniards almost to the point of annihilation,
retiring for the most part after defeat to live by
the chase in the distant mountain gorges. Guatemalan
history from the Votan empire down to an indefinite
date not many centuries before the conquest is a
blank. It recommences with the first traditions of
the nations just mentioned. These traditions, as in
the case of every American people, begin with the
immigration of foreign tribes into the country as the
first in the series of events leading to the establishment
of the Quiché-Cakchiquel empire. Assuming
the Toltec dispersion from Anáhuac in the eleventh
century as a well-authenticated fact, most writers
have identified the Guatemalan nations, except perhaps
the Mames by some considered the descendants
of the original inhabitants, with the migrating Toltecs
who fled southward to found a new empire. I have
already made known my scepticism respecting national
American migrations in general, and the Toltec migration
southward in particular, and there is nothing in
the annals of Guatemala to modify the views previously
expressed. The Quiché traditions are vague and
without chronologic order, much less definite than
122
those relating to the mythical Aztec wanderings.
The sum and substance of the Quiché and Toltec
identity is the traditional statement that the former
people entered Guatemala at an unknown period in
the past, while the latter left Anáhuac in the eleventh
century. That the Toltecs should have migrated
en masse southward, taken possession of Guatemala,
established a mighty empire, and yet have
abandoned their language for dialects of the original
Maya tongue is in the highest degree improbable.
It is safer to suppose that the mass of the
Quichés and other nations of Guatemala, Chiapas,
and Honduras, were descended directly from the
Maya builders of Palenque, and from contemporary
peoples. Yet the differences between the Quiché-Cakchiquel
structures, and the older architectural remains
of the Maya empire indicate a new era of Maya
culture, originated not unlikely by the introduction of
foreign elements. Moreover, the apparent identity in
name and teachings between the early civilizers of the
Quiché tradition and the Nahua followers of Quetzalcoatl,
together with reported resemblances between
actual Quiché and Aztec institutions as observed by
Europeans, indicate farther that the new element was
engrafted on Maya civilization by contact with the
Nahuas, a contact of which the presence of the exiled
Toltec nobility may have been a prominent feature.
After the overthrow of the original empire we may
suppose the people to have been subdivided during the
course of centuries by civil wars and sectarian struggles
into petty states, the glory of their former greatness
vanished and partially forgotten, the spirit of
progress dormant, to be roused again by the presence
of the Nahua chiefs. These gathered and infused new
life into the scattered remnants; they introduced some
new institutions, and thus aided the ancient people to
rebuild their empire on the old foundations, retaining
the dialects of the original language.


NICARAGUANS AND PIPILES.


In addition to the peoples thus far mentioned, there
123
were undoubtedly in Nicaragua, and probably in Salvador,
nations of nearly pure Aztec blood and language.
The former are known among different authors as Nicaraguans,
Niquirans, or Cholutecs, and they occupied
the coast between lake Nicaragua and the ocean, with
the lake islands. Their institutions, political and religious,
were nearly the same as those of the Aztecs
of Anáhuac, and they have left abundant relics in the
form of idols and sepulchral deposits, but no architectural
remains. These relics are moreover hardly
less abundant in the territory of the adjoining tribes,
nor do they differ essentially in their nature; hence we
must conclude that some other Nicaraguan peoples,
either by Aztec or other influence, were considerably
advanced in civilization. The Nahua tribes of Salvador,
the ancient Cuscatlan, were known as Pipiles, and
their culture appears not to have been of a high order.
Both of these nations probably owe their existence to
a colony sent southward from Anáhuac; but whether
in Aztec or pre-Aztec times, the native traditions, like
their interpretation by writers on the subject, are inextricably
confused and at variance. For further details
on the location of Central American nations I
refer to the statement of tribal boundaries at the end
of Chapter VII., Volume I., of this work.


I here close this general view of the subject, and if
it is in some respects unsatisfactory, I cannot believe
that a different method of treatment would have rendered
it less so. To have gone more into detail would
have tended to confuse rather than elucidate the matter
in the reader's mind, unless with the support of
extensive quotations from ever-conflicting authorities,
which would have swollen this general view from a
chapter to a volume. As far as antiquity is concerned,
the most intricate element of the subject, I shall attempt
to present—if I cannot reconcile—all the important
variations of opinion in another division of
this work.
124


In the treatment of my subject, truth and accuracy
are the principal aim, and these are never
sacrificed to graphic style or glowing diction. As
much of interest is thrown into the recital as the authorities
justify, and no more. Often may be seen the
more striking characteristics of these nations dashed
off with a skill and brilliance equaled only by their
distance from the facts; disputed points and unpleasing
traits glossed over or thrown aside whenever they
interfere with style and effect. It is my sincere desire,
above all others, to present these people as they
were, not to make them as I would have them, nor to
romance at the expense of truth; nevertheless, it is
to be hoped that in the truth enough of interest will
remain to command the attention of the reader. My
treatment of the subject is essentially as follows: The
civilized peoples of North America naturally group
themselves in two great divisions, which for convenience
may be called the Nahuas and the Mayas respectively;
the first representing the Aztec civilization
of Mexico, and the second the Maya-Quiché civilization
of Central America. In describing their manners
and customs, five large divisions may be made
of each group. The first may be said to include the
systems of government, the order of succession, the
ceremonies of election, coronation, and anointment,
the magnificence, power, and manner of life of their
kings; court forms and observances; the royal palaces
and gardens. The second comprises the social
system; the classes of nobles, gentry, plebeians and
slaves; taxation, tenure, and distribution of lands;
vassalage and feudal service; the inner life of the
people; their family and private relations, such as
marriage, divorce, and education of youth; other
matters, such as their dress, food, games, feasts and
dances, knowledge of medicine, and manner of burial.
The third division includes their system of war, their
relations with foreign powers, their warriors and orders
of knighthood, their treatment of prisoners of war and
125
their weapons. The fourth division embraces their
system of trade and commerce, the community of
merchants, their sciences, arts, and manufactures.
The fifth and last considers their judiciary, law-courts,
and legal officials. I append as more appropriately
placed here than elsewhere, a note on the
etymological meaning and derivation, so far as known,
of the names of the Civilized Nations.


ETYMOLOGY OF NAMES.




Acolhuas;—Possibly from coloa, 'to bend,' meaning with the prefix
atl, 'water-colhuas,' or 'people at the bend of the water.' Not from acolli,
'shoulder,' nor from colli, 'grandfather.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 85, 89.
'Coloa, encoruar, o entortar algo, o rodear yendo camino.' 'Acolli, ombro.'
'Culhuia, lleuar a otro por rodeos a alguna parte.' Molina, Vocabulario.
Colli, 'grand-father,' plural colhuan. Colhuacan, or Culiacan, may then
mean 'the land of our ancestors.' Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact.,
vol. i., pp. 204-5. 'El nombre de aculhuas, ó segun la ortografía mexicana,
aculhuaque, en plural, y no aculhuacanes, ni aculhues.' Dicc. Univ.,
tom. i., p. 39. 'Col, chose courbe, faisant coloa, colua, ou culhua, nom appliqué
plus tard dans le sens d'ancêtre, parce que du Colhuacan primitif,
des îles de la Courbe, vinrent les émigrés qui civilisèrent les habitants de la
vallée d'Anahuac.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Quatre Lettres, p. 407. 'Colhua,
ou culhua, culua, de coltic, chose courbée. De là le nom de la cité de
Colhuacan, qu'on traduit indifféremment, ville de la courbe, de choses
recourbées (des serpents), et aussi des aïeux, de coltzin, aïeul.' Id., Popol
Vuh, p. xxix.


Aztecs;—From Aztlan, the name of their ancient home, from a root
Aztli, which is lost. It has no connection with azcatl, 'ant,' but may have
some reference to iztac, 'white.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 5-6. 'De
Aztlan se deriva el nacional Aztecatl.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 158.
'Az, primitif d'azcatl, fourmi, est le mot qui désigne, à la fois, d'une manière
générale, la vapeur, le gaz, ou toute chose légère, comme le vent ou
la pluie; c'est l'aile, aztli qui désigne aussi la vapeur, c'est le héron dans
aztatl. Il se retrouve, avec une légère variante, dans le mot nahuatl composé,
tem-az-calli, bain de vapeur, dans ez-tli, le sang ou la lave; dans les
vocables quichés atz, bouffée du fumée, épouvantail, feu-follet.... Ainsi les
fourmis de la tradition haïtienne, comme de la tradition mexicaine, sont
à la fois des images des feux intérieurs de la terre et de leurs exhalaisons,
comme du travail des mines et de l'agriculture. Du même primitif az vient
Aztlan "le Pays sur ou dans le gaz, az-tan, az-dan, la terre sèche, soulevée
par les gaz ou remplie de vapeurs."' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Quatre Lettres,
p. 311.


Chalcas;—'Il nome Chalcho vale, Nella gemma. Il P. Acosta dice, che
Chalco vuol dire, Nelle bocche.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii.,
p. 253. Buschmann believes Acosta's definition 'in the mouths' to be more
126
correct. Ortsnamen, p. 83. 'Chalca, Ce qui est le calcaire; c'est l'examen
de tous les vocables mexicains, commençant en chal, qui m'a fait découvrir
le sens exact de ce mot; il se trouve surtout dan chal-chi-huitl, le jade,
littéralement ce qui est sorti du fond du calcaire.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Quatre Lettres, pp. 403, 406.


Cheles;—'Le Chel dans la langue maya est une espèce d'oiseaux particuliers
à cette contrée.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii.,
p. 19.


Chiapanecs;—Chiapan, 'locality of the chia' (oil-seed). Buschmann,
Ortsnamen, p. 187. 'Chiapanèque, du nahuatl chiapanecatl, c'est-à-dire
homme de la rivière Chiapan (eau douce), n'est pas le nom véritable de ce
peuple; c'est celui que lui donnèrent les Mexicains.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 87.


Chichimecs;—'Chichi, perro, o perra.' Molina, Vocabulario. Chichi,
'dog'; perhaps as inhabitants of Chichimecan, 'place of dogs.' Mecatl may
mean 'line,' 'row,' 'race,' and Chichimecatl, therefore 'one of the race of
dogs.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 79, 81. 'Chichimèque veut dire, à proprement
parler, homme sauvage.... Ce mot désigne des hommes qui mangent
de la viande crue et sucent le sang des animaux; car chichiliztli veut
dire, en mexicain, sucer; chichinaliztli, la chose que l'on suce, et Chichihualli,
mamelle.... Toutes les autres nations les redoutaient et leur donnaient
le nom de Suceurs, en mexicain, Chichimecatechinani. ... Les Mexicains
nomment aussi les chiens chichime, parce qu'ils lèchent le sang des
animaux et le sucent.' Camargo, Hist. Tlaxcallan, in Nouvelles Annales des
Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 140. 'Teuchichimecas, que quiere decir del todo
barbados, que por otro nombre se decian Cacachimecas, ó sea hombres silvestres.'
Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 116. 'Chichimec ou chichimetl,
suceur de maguey, et de là les Chichimèques.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 171, 56. Other derivations are from Chichen, a city
of Yucatan, and from chichiltic 'red,' referring to the color of all Indians.
Id., Popol Vuh, p. lxiii. 'Chi ... selon Vetancourt, c'est une préposition,
exprimant ce qui est tout en bas, au plus profond, comme aco signifie ce
qui est au plus haut.... Chichi est un petit chien (chi-en), de ceux qu'on
appelle de Chihuahua, qui se creusent des tanières souterraines.... Chichi
énonce tout ce qui est amer, aigre ou âcre, tout ce qui fait tache: il a le
sens de sucer, d'absorber; c'est la salive, c'est le poumon et la mamelle. Si
maintenant ... j'ajoute me, primitif de metl, aloès, chose courbée, vous aurez
Chichime, choses courbes, tortueuses, suçantes, absorbantes, amères,
âcres ou acides, se cachant, comme les petits chiens terriers, sous le sol
où elles se concentrent, commes des poumons ou des mamelles.... Or, puisqu'il
est acquis, d'après ces peintures et ces explications, que tout cela doit
s'appliquer à une puissance tellurique, errante, d'ordinaire, comme les populations
nomades, auxquelles on attacha le nom de Chichimeca.' Id., Quatre
Lettres, pp. 111-12.


Cholultecs;—From choloa, meaning 'to spring,' 'to run,' 'to flee,' or
'place where water springs up,' 'place of flight,' or 'fugitives.' Buschmann,
Ortsnamen, p. 100. 'C'est du lieu d'où ils étaient sortis primitivement, ou
plutôt à cause de leur qualité actuelle d'exilés, qu'ils prirent ensuite le nom
127
de Cholutecas.' 'Cholutecas, mieux Cholultecas, c'est-à-dire, Exilés, et
aussi, Habitants de Cholullan.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. ii., p. 79.


Chontales;—'Chontalli, estrangero o forastero.' Molina, Vocabulario;
Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 21; Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 133; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 47.


Cocomes;—'Cocom signifie écouteur, croyant.' Landa, Rel. de las Cosas
de Yucatan, p. 39. 'Cocom est un nom d'origine nahuatl; il est le pluriel de
cohuatl, serpent.... Dans la langue maya, le mot cocom a la signification
d'écouteur, celui qui entend; cette étymologie nous paraît plus rationnelle
que la première.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 78.


Cohuixcas;—Ayala translates the name of their province Cuixca, 'tierra
de lagartijas.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 48.


Cuitlahuacs;—'Cuitlatl, excremento, y genéricamente cosa sucia.'
Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 47. 'Cuitlahuac, Dans celui qui a les Excréments,
de cuitlatl, excrément, déjection de l'homme ou de l'animal, mais
que le chroniste mexicain applique ici aux déjections du volcan voisin de
la Grande-Base ... de là le nom de teo-cuitlatl, excréments divins, donné
aux métaux précieux, l'or avec l'adjectif jaune, l'argent avec l'adjectif
blanc.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Quatre Lettres, p. 407. Cuitlatlan, 'locality
of dirt.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 15. 'Cuitlatl, mierda.' Molina,
Vocabulario. The name of the Cuitlatecs seems to have no separate etymological
meaning.


Culhuas;—See Acolhuas. The two people are not supposed to have
been the same, but it is probable that they are identical in the derivation
of their names.


Huastecs;—'Huaxtlan es una palabra mexicana que significa, "donde
hay, ó abunda el huaxi," fruto muy conocido en México con el nombre castellanizado
de guaje. Compónese aquella palabra de huaxin, perdiendo in por
contraccion, muy usada en mexicano al componerse las palabras, y de tlan,
partícula que significa "donde hay, ó abunda algo," y que sirve para formar
colectivos. De huaxtlan es de donde, segun parece, viene el nombre gentilicio
huaxtecatl, que los españoles convirtieron en huaxteca ó huaxteco.' Pimentel,
Cuadro, tom. i., pp. 5-6; Buschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 12-13. 'El
que es inhábil ó tosco, le llaman ... cuextecatl.' From the name of their
ruler, who took too much wine. 'Así por injuria, y como alocado, le llamaban
de Cuextecatl.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 134-5, 143-4.


Huexotzincas;—Diminutive of huexotla, 'willow-forest.' Buschmann,
Ortsnamen, p. 100.


Itzas;—From the name of Zamná, the first Yucatan civilizer. 'Le llamaban
tambien Ytzamná, y le adoraban por Dios.' Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan,
p. 196. 'Itzmat-ul, que quiere dezir el que recibe y posee la gracia,
ó rozio, ó sustancia del cielo.' 'Ytzen caan, ytzen muyal, que era dezir yo
soy el rozio ó sustancia del cielo y nubes.' Lizana, in Landa, Rel. de las
Cosas de Yucatan, p. 356. 'Suivant Ordoñez, le mot itza est composé de
itz, doux, et de hà, eau.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii.,
p. 15.


Malinalcas;—'Malina, nitla, torcer cordel encima del muslo.' 'Malinqui,
128
cosa torcida.' Molina, Vocabulario. 'Malinal est le nom commun
de la liane, ou des cordes tordues.' 'Malina, tordre, qui fait malinal, liane
ou corde. Ou bien plus littéralement de choses tournées, percée à jour, de
mal, primitif de mamali, percer, tarauder, et de nal, de part en part, tout
autour.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Quatre Lettres, pp. 407-8.


Mames;—'El verdadero nombre de la lengua y de la tribu es mem, que
quiere decir tartamudos porque los pueblos que primero les oyeron hablar,
encontraron semejanza entre los tardos para pronunciar, y la manera con
que aquellos decian su lengua.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 24. 'A esta
lengua llaman Mame, é indios mames á los de esta sierra, porque ordinariamente
hablan y responden con esta palabra man, que quiere decir padre.'
Reynoso, in Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., pp. 83-4. 'Mem veut dire bègue et
muet.' '"Mem", mal à propos défiguré dans Mame par les Espagnols, servit
depuis généralement à désigner les nations qui conservèrent leur ancienne
langue et demeurèrent plus ou moins indépendantes des envahisseurs étrangers.'
Mam 'veut dire ancien, vieillard.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. ii., p. 119. Mam sometimes means grand-son. Id., Popol Vuh,
p. 41.


Matlaltzincas;—'El nombre Matlalcincatl, tomóse de Matlatl que es
la red con la cual desgranaban el maiz, y hacian otras cosas.... Tambien se
llaman Matlatzincas de hondas que se dicen tlematlate, y así Matlatzincas
por otra interpretacion quiere decir, honderos ó fondibularios; porque los
dichos Matlatzincas cuando muchachos, usaban mucho traer las hondas, y
de ordinario las traían consigo, como los Chichimecas sus arcos, y siempre
andaban tirando con ellas. Tambien les llamaban del nombre de red por
otra razon que és la mas principal, porque cuando à su idolo sacrificaban
alguna persona, le echaban dentro en una red, y allí le retorcian y estrujaban
con la dicha red, hasta que le hacian echar los intestinos. La causa
de llamarse coatl (Ramirez) dice que "debe leerse cuaitl (cabeza). Coatl significa
culebra," cuando es uno, y qüaqüatas cuando son muchos és, porque
siempre traían la cabeza ceñida con la honda; por lo cual el vocablo se decia
qüa por abreviatura, que quiere decir quaitl que es la cabeza, yta que quiere
decir tamatlatl (Molina says 'Honda para tirar es tematlatl, tlatematlauiloni')
ques es la honda, y así quiere decir quatlatl hombre que trae la honda
en la cabeza por guirnalda: tambien se interpreta de otra manera, que
quiere decir hombre de cabeza de piedra.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii.,
lib. x., p. 128, and Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 29-30. 'Matlatzinia,
dar palmadas.' 'Matlatepito, red pequeña.' Molina, Vocabulario. From
matlatl, 'net', meaning therefore 'small place of nets'. Buschmann, Ortsnamen,
p. 13. 'De Matlatl, le filet, les mailles.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Quatre Lettres, p. 408. 'Matlatzinco es una palabra mexicana que significa
"lugarcito de las redes", pues se compone de matlat, red, y la partícula
tzinco que expresa diminucion. Fácilmente se comprende, pues, que matlatzinca
viene de matlatzinco, y que la etimología exige que estas palabras
se escriban con c (mejor k) y no con g como hacen algunos autores', Pimentel,
Cuadro, tom. i., p. 500.


Mayas;—'"Mai", une divinité ou un personnage des temps antiques, sans
doute celui à l'occasion duquel le pays fut appelé Maya.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,
129
in Landa, Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan, p. 42. 'Maya ou Maïa,
nom antique d'une partie du Yucatan, paraît signifier aussi la terre.' Id.,
p. lxx. 'Maayhà, non adest aqua, suivant Ordoñez, c'est-à-dire, Terre sans
eau.' Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 76. The terminations a and o of this
name are Spanish. Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 35.


Mizquicas;—'Mizquitl, arbol de goma para tinta.' Molina, Vocabulario.
Mizquitl, a tree yielding the pure gum arabic, a species of acacia. Buschmann,
Ortsnamen, p. 104.


Miztecs;—'La palabra mexicana Mixtecatl, es nombre nacional, derivado
de mixtlan, lugar de nubes ó nebuloso, compuesto de mixtli, nube, y de
la terminacion tlan.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 39. Mixtlan, 'place of
clouds.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 18. 'Mixtecapan ... pays des brouillards.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 146.


Nahuas;—'Todos los que hablan claro la lengua mexicana que les llaman
nahóas, son descendientes de los Tultecas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom.
iii., lib. x., p. 114. 'Nahoatl ó nahuatl, segun el diccionario de Molina, significa
cosa que suena bien, de modo que viene à ser un adjetivo que aplicado al
sustantivo idioma, creo que puede traducirse por armonioso.' Pimentel, Cuadro,
tom. i., p. 158. Something of fine, or clear, or loud sound; nahuatlato
means an interpreter; nahuati, to speak loud; nahuatia, to command.
The name has no connection whatever with Anáhuac. Buschmann, Ortsnamen,
pp. 7-8. 'Molina le traduit par Ladino, instruit, expert, civilisé, et
lui donne aussi un sens qui se rapporte aux sciences occultes. On n'en
trouve pas, toutefois, la racine dans le mexicain. La langue quichée en
donne une explication parfaite: il vient du verbe Nao ou Naw, connaître,
sentir, savoir, penser; Tin nao, je sais; Naoh, sagesse, intelligence. Il y a
encore le verbe radical Na, sentir, soupçonner. Le mot Nahual dans son
sens primitif et véritable, signifie donc littéralement "qui sait tout"; c'est
la même chose absolument que le mot anglais Know-all, avec lequel il a
tant d'identité. Le Quiché et le Cakchiquel l'emploient fréquemment aussi
dans le sens de mystérieux, extraordinaire, merveilleux.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 101-2, 194.


Nonohualcas;—The Tutul-Xius, chiefs of a Nahuatl house in Tulan,
seem to have borne the name of Nonoual, which may have given rise to
Nonohualco or Onohualco. 'Nonoual ne serait-il pas une altération de
Nanaual ou Nanahuatl?' Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Landa, Rel. de las
Cosas de Yucatan, p. 420.


Olmecs;—Olmecatl was the name of their first traditionary leader. Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 152. Olmecatl may mean an
inhabitant of the town of Olman; but as mecatl is also used for 'shoot',
'offspring', 'branch', the word probably comes from olli, and means 'people
of the gum'. Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 16.


Otomís;—'El vocablo Otomitl, que es el nombre de los Otomies, tomáronlo
de su caudillo, el cual se llamaba Oton.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii.,
lib. x., p. 122. Not a native word, but Mexican, derived perhaps from otli,
'road', and tomitl, 'animal hair', referring possibly to some peculiar mode
of wearing the hair. Buschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 18-19. 'Otho en la misma
lengua othomí quiere decir nada, y mi, quieto, ó sentado, de manera que
130
traducida literalmente la palabra, significa nada-quieto, cuya idea pudiéramos
expresar diciendo peregrino ó errante.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p.
118; Náxera, Disertacion, p. 4. 'Son étymologie mexicaine, Otomitl, signifie
la flèche d'Oton.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i.,
p. 158.


Pipiles;—A reduplication of pilli, which has two meanings, 'noble' and
'child', the latter being generally regarded as its meaning in the tribal
name. Buschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 137-8. So called because they spoke
the Mexican language with a childish pronunciation. Juarros' Hist. Guat.,
p. 224.


Pokomams;—'Pokom, dont la racine pok désigne une sorte de tuf blanc
et sablonneux.... La termination om est un participe présent. De Pokom
vient le nom de Pokomam et de Pokomchi, qui fut donné à ces tribus de la
qualité du sol où ils bâtirent leur ville.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. ii., p. 122.


Quichés;—'La palabra quiché, kiché, ó quitze, significa muchos árboles.'
Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 124. 'De quï beaucoup, plusieurs, et de che,
arbre, ou de queche, quechelah, qechelah, la forêt.' Ximenez, in Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. cclxv.


Tarascos;—'Tarasco viene de tarhascue, que en la lengua de Michoacan
significa suegro, ó yerno segun dice el P. Lagunas en su Gramática.' Pimentel,
Cuadro, tom. i., p. 273. 'Taras en la lengua mexicana se dice Mixcoatl,
que era el dios de los Chichimecas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p.
138. 'Á quienes dieron el nombre de tarascos, por el sonido que les hacian
las partes genitales en los muslos al andar.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom.
ii., p. 105; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. des Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 57.


Tepanecs;—Tepan, 'stony place', from tetl, or tecpan, 'royal palace'.
Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 92. 'Tecpantlan signifie auprès des palais.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. cx. 'Cailloux roulés sur la roche,
te-pa-ne-ca, littéralement ce qui est mêlé ensemble sur la pierre; ou bien te-pan-e-ca,
c'est-à-dire avec des petites pierres sur la roche ou le solide, e, pour
etl, le haricot, frijol, étant pris souvent dans le sens d'une petite pierre sur
une surface, etc.' Id., Quatre Lettres, p. 408.


Tlahuicas;—From tlahuitl, 'cinnabar', from this mineral being plentiful
in their country. Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 93. Tlahuilli, 'poudres
brillantes.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Quatre Lettres, p. 422. 'Tlauia, alumbrar
a otros con candela o hacha.' Molina, Vocabulario.


Tlapanecs;—'Y llámanlos tambien tlapanecas que quiere decir hombres
almagrados, porque se embijaban con color.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom.
iii., lib. x., p. 135. From tlalpantli, 'ground'; may also come from tlalli,
'land'. Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 162. Tlapallan, 'terre colorée'. Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. lxiii. Tla, 'feu'. Id., Quatre Lettres, p. 416.
'Tlapani, quebrarse algo, o el tintorero que tiñe paños.' Molina, Vocabulario.
Probably a synonym of Yoppi, q. v. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp.
26-7.


Tlascaltecs;—'Tlaxcalli, tortillas de mayz, o pan generalmente.' Molina,
Vocabulario. Tlaxcalli, 'place of bread or tortillas', the past participle
of ixca, 'to bake or broil'. Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 93.
131


Toltecs;—'Toltecayotl, maestria de arte mecanica. Toltecatl, official
de arte mecanica. Toltecauia, fabricar o hazer algo el maestro.' Molina,
Vocabulario. 'Los tultecas todos se nombraban chichimecas, y no tenian
otro nombre particular sino este que tomaron de la curiosidad, y primor
de las obras que hacian, que se llamaron obras tultecas ó sea como si digesemos,
oficiales pulidos y curiosos como ahora los de Flandes, y con razon,
porque eran sutiles y primorosos en cuanto ellos ponian la mano, que todo
era muy bueno.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 107. Toltecs, 'people
of Tollan'. Tollan, 'place of willows or reeds', from tolin, 'willow, reed.'
Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 76. 'Toltecatl était le titre qu'on donnait à un
artiste habile.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 194.
Tollan: 'Elle est frappante ... par l'identité qu'elle présente avec le nom
de Metztli ou le Croissant. En effet, ce qu'elle exprime, d'ordinaire, c'est
l'idée d'un "pays recourbé" ou incliné. Sa première syllabe tol, primitif
de toloa, "abaxar, inclinar la cabeça," dit Molina, "entortar, encorvar," dit-il
ailleurs, signifie donc baisser, incliner la tête, se tortuer, courber, ce qui,
avec la particule locale lan pour tlan ou tan, la terre, l'endroit, annonce
une terre ou un pays recourbé, sens exact du mot tollan. Du même verbe
vient tollin, le jonc, le roseau, dont la tête s'incline au moindre vent; de là,
le sens de Jonquière, de limné, que peut prendre tollan, dont le hiéroglyphe
représente précisément le son et la chose, et qui paraît exprimer doublement
l'idée de cette terre fameuse de la Courbe ou du Croissant, basse et marécageuse
en beaucoup d'endroits suivant la tradition.... Dans sa (the word toloa)
signification active, Molina le traduit par "tragar", avaler, engloutir, ce
qui donne alors pour tollan, le sens de terre engloutie, abîmée, qui, comme
vous le voyez, convient on ne peut mieux dans le cas présent. Mais si tollan
est la terre engloutie, si c'est en même temps le pays de la Courbe,
Metztli ou le Croissant, ces deux noms, remarquez-le, peuvent s'appliquer
aussi bien au lieu où il a été englouti, à l'eau qui se courbait le long des rivages
du Croissant, soit à l'intérieur des grandes golfes du nord et du midi,
soit au rivage convexe, tourné comme le genou de la jambe, vers l'Orient.
C'est ainsi qu'on retrouve l'identification continuelle de l'idée mâle avec
l'idée femelle, du contenu et du contenant, de tollan, le pays englouti, avec
tollan, l'océan engloutisseur, de l'eau qui est contenue et des continents qui
l'enserrent dans leurs limites. Ajoutons, pour compléter cette analyse, que
tol, dans la langue quichée, est un verbe, dont tolan est le passé, et qu'ainsi
que tulan il signifie l'abandon, la nudité, etc. De tol, faites tor, dans la même
langue, et vous aurez avec toran, ce qui est tourné ou retourné, comme en
mexicain, de même que dans turn (touran) vous trouverez ce qui a été renversé,
bouleversé de fond en comble, noyé sous les eaux, etc. Dans la langue
maya, tul signifie remplir, combler, et an, comme en quiché, est le passé
du verbe: mais si à tul on ajoute ha ou a, l'eau, nous avons Tuhla ou Tula,
rempli, submergé d'eau. En dernière analyse, tol ou tul paraît avoir pour
l'origine ol, ul, couler, venir, suivant le quiché encore; primitif d'olli, ou
bien d'ulli, en langue nahuatl, la gomme élastique liquide, la boule noire du
jeu de paume, qui devient le hiéroglyphe de l'eau, remplissant les deux
golfes. Le préfixe t pour ti serait une préposition; faisant to, il signifie
l'orbite de l'œil, en quiché, image de l'abîme que la boule noire remplit comme
132
sa prunelle, ce dont vous pouvez vous assurer dans la figure de la page
suivante; to est, en outre, l'aide, l'instrument, devenant tool; mais en mexicain,
to, primitif de ton, est la chaleur de l'eau bouillante. Tol, contracté de
to-ol, pourrait donc avoir signifié "le liquide bouillant", ou la venue de la
chaleur bouillante, de l'embrasement. Avec teca, étendre, le mot entier tolteca,
nous aurions donc, étendre le courbé, etc., et tol-tecatl, le toltèque,
serait ce qui étend le courbé ou l'englouti, on bien l'eau bouillante, etc. Ces
étymologies rentrent donc toutes dans la même idée qui, sous bien des rapports,
fait des Toltèques, une des puissances telluriques, destructrices de la
terre du Croissant.' Id., Quatre Lettres, pp. 118-20.


Totonacs;—From tototl and nacatl, 'bird-flesh'; or from tona, 'to be
warm'. Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 13. 'Totonaco significa á la letra, tres
corazones en un sentido, y tres panales en otro,' from toto, 'three', and naco,
'heart', in the Totonac language. Dominguez, in Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i.,
pp. 226-7. 'Totonal, el signo, en que alguno nasce, o el alma y espiritu.'
Molina, Vocabulario.


Tutul-Xius;—'Le nom des Tutul-Xiu paraît d'origine nahuatl; il serait
dérivé de totol, tototl, oiseau, et de xíuitl, ou xíhuitl, herbe.' Brasseur de
Bourbourg, in Landa, Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan, p. 47.


Xicalancas;—'Xicalli, vaso de calabaça.' Molina, Vocabulario. Xicalli,
'place of this species of calabash or drinking-shell.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen,
p. 17. 'Xicalanco, la Ville des courges ou des tasses faites de la
courge et appelée Xicalli dans ces contrées, et dont les Espagnols ont fait
Xicara.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 110.


Xochimilcas;—From xochitl, 'flower', and milli, 'piece of land', meaning
'place of flower-fields.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 94. 'Xochimicque
captiuos en guerra.' Molina, Vocabulario. 'Xochimilca, habitants de Xochimilco,
lieu où l'on sème tout en bas de la Base, nom de la terre végétale
et fertile où l'on ensemençait, m'il, qu'on retourne, d'où le mot mil ou
milli, champ, terre ensemencée, et sans doute aussi le latin milium, notre
míl et millet.' 'J'ajouterai seulement que ce nom signifie dans le langage
ordinaire, ceux qui cultivent de fleurs, de xochitl, fleur, littéralement, ce qui
vit sous la base.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Quatre Lettres, pp. 406-8.


Yoppi;—'Llámanles yopes porque su tierra se llama Yopinzinco.' Sahagun,
Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 135. 'Inferimos ... que yope, yopi, jope,
segun se encuentra escrita la palabra en varios lugares, es sinónimo de tlapaneca.'
Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 26-7. Yopaa, 'Land of Tombs.' Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 9.


Zapotecs;—'Tzapotl, cierta fruta conocida.' Molina, Vocabulario. Tzapotlan,
'place of the zapotes, trees or fruits.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 16.
'Derivado de la palabra mexicana tzapotlan, que significa "lugar de los zapotes",
nombre castellanizado de una fruta muy conocida.' Pimentel, Cuadro,
tom. i., p. 319. 'Zapotecapan est le nom que les Mexicains avaient donné
à cette contrée, à cause de la quantité et de la qualité supérieure de ses fruits.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 38.


Zotziles;—'Zotzil, murciélago.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. ii., p. 245.
Zotzilha 'signifie la ville des Chauves-Souris.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 88.




CHAPTER III.


GOVERNMENT OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.



133



System of Government—The Aztec Confederacy—Order of Succession—Election
of Kings among the Mexicans—Royal Prerogatives—Government
and Laws of Succession among the
Toltecs and in Michoacan, Tlascala, Cholula, Huexotzinco,
and Oajaca—Magnificence of the Nahua Monarchs—Ceremony
of Anointment—Ascent to the Temple—The Holy Unction—Address
of the High-Priest to the King—Penance And
Fasting in the House called Tlacatecco—Homage of the Nobles—General
Rejoicing throughout the Kingdom—Ceremony
of Coronation—The Procuring of Sacrifices—Description of
the Crown—Coronations, Feasts, and Entertainments—Hospitality
Extended to Enemies—Coronation-Speech of Nezahualpilli,
King of Tezcuco, to Montezuma II. of Mexico—Oration
of a Noble to a Newly Elected King.



The prevailing form of government among the civilized
nations of Mexico and Central America was
monarchical and nearly absolute, although some of the
smaller and less powerful states, as for instance, Tlascala,
affected an aristocratic republican system. The
three great confederated states of Mexico, Tezcuco, and
Tlacopan were each governed by a king, who had supreme
authority in his own dominion, and in matters
touching it alone. Where, however, the welfare of
the whole allied community was involved, no one king
could act without the concurrence of the others; nevertheless,
the judgment of one who was held to be
especially skilful and wise in any question under consideration,
134
was usually deferred to by his colleagues.
Thus in matters of war, or foreign relations, the opinion
of the king of Mexico had most weight, while in
the administration of home government, and in decisions
respecting the rights of persons, it was customary
during the reigns of the two royal sages of Tezcuco,
Nezahualcoyotl and Nezahualpilli, to respect their
counsel above all other.[1] The relative importance of
these three kingdoms must, however, have shown
greater disparity as fresh conquests were made, since
in the division of territory acquired by force of arms,
Tlacopan received only one fifth, and of the remainder,
judging by the relative power and extent of the states
when the Spaniards arrived, it is probable that Mexico
took the larger share.[2]


ELECTION OF KINGS.



ORDER OF SUCCESSION.


In Tezcuco and Tlacopan the order of succession
was lineal and hereditary, in Mexico it was collateral
and elective. In the two former kingdoms, however,
135
although the sons succeeded their fathers, it was not
according to birth, but according to rank; the sons
of the queen, or principal wife, who was generally a
daughter of the royal house of Mexico, being always
preferred to the rest.[3] In Mexico, the eldest
surviving brother of the deceased monarch was generally
elected to the throne, and when there were no
more brothers, then the nephews, commencing with
the eldest son of the first brother that had died; but
this order was not necessarily observed, since the electors,
though restricted in their choice to one family,
could set aside the claims of those whom they considered
incompetent to reign; and, indeed, it was
their particular duty to select from among the relatives
of the deceased king the one best fitted
to bear the dignity and responsibility of supreme
lord.[4] During the early days of the Mexican monarchy
136
the king was elected by vote of the whole people,
who were guided in their choice by their leaders;
even the women appear to have had a voice in the
137
matter at this period.[5] Afterwards, the duty of electing
the king of Mexico devolved upon four or five of
the chief men of the empire. The kings of Tezcuco
and Tlacopan were also electors, but with merely an
honorary rank; they ratified the decision of the others,
but probably took no direct part in the election, although
their influence and wishes doubtless carried
great weight with the council. As soon as the new
king had been chosen the body of electors was dissolved,
and others were appointed in their place, whose
duties also terminated with their first electoral vote.[6]



138


This plan of election was not without its advantages.
As the persons to whom the choice was entrusted were
great ministers or lords who lived at court, they had
better opportunities of observing the true character of
the future candidates for the throne than the common
people, who are ever too apt to judge, by pleasing exterior
rather than by real merit, those with whose
private life they can have no acquaintance. In the
next place, the high private rank of the Mexican
electors placed them beyond the ordinary influence of
bribery or threats; and thus the state was in a measure
free from that system of corruption which makes
the voice of the people a mockery in more democratic
communities, and which would have prevailed to a far
greater extent in a country where feudal relations existed
between lord and vassal. Then again, the freedom
of choice accorded to electors enabled them to
prevent imbeciles from assuming the responsibilities
of kingship, and thus the most conspicuous evil of an
hereditary monarchy was avoided.


POWER OF THE MEXICAN KINGS.


The almost absolute authority vested in the person
139
of the sovereign rendered great discrimination necessary
in his selection. It was essential that the ruler
of a people surrounded by enemies and continually
bent upon conquest, should be an approved and valiant
warrior; having the personal direction of state
affairs, it was necessary that he should be a deep and
subtle politician; the gross superstition and theocratic
tendencies of the governed required the governor to
be versed in religion, holding the gods in reverence;
and the records of the nation prove that he was generally
a man of culture, and a patron of art and science.


In its first stages the Mexican monarchy partook
rather of an aristocratic than of an absolute nature.
Though the king was ostensibly the supreme head of
the state, he was expected to confer with his council,
which was composed of the royal electors, and other
exalted personages, before deciding upon any important
step;[7] and though the legislative power rested
entirely in his hands, the executive government was
entrusted to regularly appointed officials and courts of
justice. As the empire, owing to the able administration
of a succession of conquering princes, increased in
greatness, the royal power gradually increased, although
I find nothing of constitutional amendments or
reconstructions until the time of Montezuma II., when
the authority of all tribunals was reduced almost to a
dead letter, if opposed to the desires or commands of
the king.


The neighboring independent and powerful kingdom
140
of Michoacan was governed by an absolute monarch,
who usually resided at his capital, on Lake
Patzcuaro. Over each province was placed a governor,
chosen from the first ranks of the nobility, who
ruled with great if not absolute authority, in the name
of the king, and maintained a court that was in almost
every respect a miniature of that of his sovereign.
The order of succession was hereditary and lineal, the
eldest son generally succeeding to the throne. The
selection of a successor, however, was left to the reigning
king, who, when he felt himself to be near his end,
was at liberty to choose from among his sons the one
whom he thought best fitted to govern. In order
to test his capability and accustom him to handling
the reigns of government, and that he might have the
old monarch's advice, the chosen heir immediately
began to exercise the functions of king. A custom
similar to this existed among the ancient Toltecs.
Their kings were only permitted to reign for a xiuhmolpilli,
that is to say an 'age,' which was fifty-two
years, after which time the eldest son was invested
with royal authority and commenced to reign.[8] When
the old Michoacan monarch fell sick, the son who
had been nominated as his successor immediately dispatched
messengers to all the grandees of the kingdom,
with orders to repair immediately to the capital.
None was exempt from being present, and a failure to
comply with the summons was held to be lèse-majesté.
Having assembled at the palace, if the invalid is able
to receive them, the nobles pass one by one through
his chamber and with words of condolence and encouragement
seek to comfort him. Before leaving
the palace each mourner deposits in the throne-room
certain presents, brought for the occasion as a more
substantial testimonial of his sorrow. If, however,
the physicians pronounce the royal patient beyond
hope of recovery, no one is allowed to see him.[9]



141


GOVERNMENT IN TLASCALA.



THE PONTIFF OF YOPAA.


He who reads the romantic story of the conquest,
feels his heart warm towards that staunch little nation
of warriors, the Tlascaltecs. There is that about the
men who ate their meat saltless for fifty years rather
than humble themselves before the mighty despots of
Mexico, that savors of the same material that defied
the Persian host at Thermopylæ. Had the Tlascaltecs
steadily opposed the Spaniards, Cortés never could
have gone forward to look upon the face of King Montezuma,
nor backward to King Charles as the conqueror
of New Spain; the warriors who routed their
allied enemies on the bloody plains of Poyauhtlan, assuredly
could have offered the hearts of the invaders
an acceptable sacrifice to the gods of Tlascala. The
state of Tlascala, though invariably spoken of as a
republic, was certainly not so in the modern acceptation
of the term. At the time of the conquest
it was governed by four supreme lords, each independent
in his own territory, and possessed of equal
authority with the others in matters concerning the
welfare of all.[10] A parliament or senate, composed of
these four lords and the rest of the nobility, settled
the affairs of government, especially those relating to
peace and war. The law of succession was much the
same as in Michoacan. The chief before his death
named the son whom he wished to succeed him, who,
however, did not, as in Michoacan, commence to govern
until after his father's death. The old chief's
choice was restricted in two ways: in the first place
the approval of his three colleagues was necessary;
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and secondly, legitimate sons, that is the sons of a
wife to whom he had been united according to certain
forms, must take precedence of his other children. In
default of sons, the brothers of the deceased chief succeeded.[11]
In any event the property of the late ruler
was inherited by his brothers, who also, according to
a custom which we shall find to be almost universal
among the civilized peoples of the New World, married
his widows.[12] Such information as I find upon
the subject ascribes the same form of government to
Cholula and Huexotzinco, that was found in Tlascala.[13]
The Miztecs and Zapotecs acknowledged one
supreme chief or king; the law of inheritance with
them was similar to that of Tlascala, except that in
default of sons a daughter could inherit.[14] The Zapotecs
appear, at least in the more ancient times, to
have been, if possible, even more priest-ridden than
their neighbors; the orders of priests existing among
them were, as will be seen elsewhere, numerous, and
seem to have possessed great power, secular as well as
sacerdotal. Yopaa, one of their principal cities, was
ruled absolutely by a pontiff, in whom the Zapotec
monarchs had a powerful rival. It is impossible to
overrate the reverence in which this spiritual king
was held. He was looked upon as a god, whom the
earth was not worthy to hold, nor the sun to shine
upon. He profaned his sanctity if he so much as
touched the ground with his foot. The officers who
bore his palanquin upon their shoulders were members
of the first Zapotec families; he scarcely deigned
to look upon anything about him. He never appeared
in public, except with the most extraordinary pomp,
143
and all who met him fell with their faces to the ground,
fearing that death would overtake them were they to
look upon the face of the holy Wiyatao, as he was
called. The most powerful lords never entered his
presence except with eyes lowered and feet bared,
and even the Zapotec princes of the blood must occupy
a seat before him lower than his own. Continence
was strictly imposed upon the Zapotec priests, and
especially was it incumbent upon the pontiff of Yopaa,
from the eminence of his position, to be a shining light
of chastity for the guidance of those who looked up
to him; yet was the pontifical dignity hereditary in
the family of the Wiyatao. The way in which this
paradox is explained is as follows: on certain days
in each year, which were generally celebrated with
feasts and dances, it was customary for the high-priest
to become drunk. While in this state, seeming
to belong neither to heaven nor to earth, one of the
most beautiful of the virgins consecrated to the service
of the gods was brought to him. If the result of
this holy debauch proved to be a male infant, the child
was brought up with great care as a prince of the
royal family. The eldest son of the reigning pontiff
inherited the throne of Yopaa, or in default of children,
the high-priest's nearest relative succeeded.
The younger children devoted themselves to the service
of the gods, or married and remained laymen,
according to their inclination or the paternal wish; in
either case the most honorable and important positions
usually fell to their lot.[15]


The pomp and circumstance which surrounded the
Aztec monarchs, and the magnificence of their every-day
life was most impressive. From the moment of
his coronation the Aztec sovereign lived in an atmosphere
of adulation unknown to the mightiest potentate
of the old world. Reverenced as a god, the
144
haughtiest nobles, sovereigns in their own land, humbled
themselves before him; absolute in power, the
fate of thousands depended upon a gesture of his
hand.


CEREMONY OF ANOINTMENT.


The ceremony of anointment, which preceded and
was entirely distinct from that of coronation, was an
occasion of much display. In Mexico, as soon as
the new king was elected, which was immediately
after the funeral of his predecessor, the kings of
Tezcuco and Tlacopan were sent for to be present
at the ceremony of anointment; all the great feudatory
lords, who had been present at the funeral of
the late king, were also invited to attend. When
all are assembled the procession sets out for the
temple of Huitzilopochtli, the god of war. The kings
of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, surrounded by all the most
powerful nobles of the realm, bearing their ensigns and
insignia of rank, lead the van. Next comes the king
elect, naked, excepting only the maxtli, or cloth about
the loins; following these are the lesser nobles, and
after them the common people. Silently the procession
wends its way along the streets; no beat of
drum nor shout of people is heard above the tramping.
The road in advance is as free from obstruction as a
corridor in the royal palace; no one moves among the
multitude that string along its edges, but all stand
with bended head and eyes downcast until the solemn
pageant has passed, when they close in with the jostling
and whispering crowd that follows. Arrived at
the temple the king and that part of the procession
which precedes him ascend to the summit. During
the ascent he is supported on either side by a great
lord, and such aid is not superfluous, for the staircases,
having in all one hundred and fourteen steps, each a
foot high, are so arranged that it is necessary to go
completely round the building several times before
reaching the top. On the summit the king is met by
the high-priest and his colleagues, the people meanwhile
waiting below. His first action upon reaching
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the summit is to pay reverence to the image of the god
of battles by touching the earth with his hand and then
carrying it to his mouth. The high-priest now anoints
the king throughout his entire body with a certain
black ointment, and sprinkles him with water which
has been blessed at the grand feast of Huitzilopochtli,
using for this purpose branches of cedar and willow
and leaves of maize;[16] at the same time he addresses
a few words of counsel to him. The newly anointed
monarch is next clothed with a mantle, on which are
represented skulls and bones, to remind him, we are
told, that even kings are mortal; his head is covered
with two cloths, or veils, one blue and the other black,
and decorated in a similar manner; about his neck is
tied a small gourd, containing a certain powder, which
is esteemed a strong preservative against disease, sorcery,
and treason. A censer containing live coals is
put into his right hand, and into his left a bag of copal,
and thus accoutred and provided he proceeds to incense
the god Huitzilopochtli.[17] This act of worship he performs
146
on his knees, amid the cheers of the people below,
and the playing of musical instruments. He has
concluded now, and the high-priest again addresses a
short speech to him. Consider well, Sire, he says, the
great honor which your subjects have conferred upon
you, and remember now that you are king, that it
is your duty to watch over your people with great care,
to look upon them as your children, to preserve them
from suffering, and to protect the weak from the oppression
of the strong. Behold before you the chiefs
of your kingdom together with all your subjects, to
whom you are both father and mother, for it is to you
they turn for protection. It is now your place to command
and to govern, and most especially is it your
duty to bestow great attention upon all matters relating
to war, to search out and punish criminals without regard
to rank, to put down rebellion, and to chastise
the seditious. Let not the strength of religion decline
during your reign, see that the temples are well cared
for, let there be ever an abundance of victims for sacrifice,
and so will you prosper in all your undertakings
and be beloved of the gods. Gomara affirms that the
high-priest imposed an oath upon the king that during
his reign he would maintain the religion of his ancestors,
and observe their laws; that he would give offence
to none, and be valiant in war; that he would make the
sun to shine, the clouds to give rain, the rivers to flow,
and the earth to bring forth fruits in abundance.[18] The
allied kings and the nobles next address him to the
same purpose; to which the king answers with thanks
and promises to exert himself to the utmost of his
power for the happiness of the state.


The speeches being ended the procession again winds
round the temple until, following terrace after terrace,
it finally reaches the ground in the same order that it
went up. The king now receives homage and gifts
147
from the rest of the nobility, amidst the loud acclaims
of the people. He is next conducted to a temple
called Tlacatecco, where during four days he remains
alone, doing penance and eating but once a day, with
the liberty, however, of choosing his own food. Twice
in each twenty-four hours he bathes, once at noon and
once at midnight, and after each bath he draws blood
from his ears and offers it, together with some burnt
copal, to Huitzilopochtli. The remainder of his time
during these four days he occupies in praying the gods
to endow him with the wisdom and prudence necessary
to the ruler of a mighty kingdom. On the fifth day
he is conducted in state to the royal palace, where the
feudatory lords come to renew the investiture of their
feifs. Then follow great public rejoicings, with games,
feasts, dances, and illuminations.


CORONATION CEREMONY.


The coronation was, as I have stated, a ceremony
distinct from the anointment. To prepare for it, it
was necessary that the newly elected king should go
out to war, to procure victims for the sacrifices necessary
on such an occasion. They were never without
enemies upon whom war might be made; either some
province of the kingdom had rebelled, or Mexican
merchants had been unjustly put to death, or insult
had been offered to the royal ambassadors, or, if none
of these excuses was at hand, the importance of the
occasion alone rendered war justifiable. Of the manner
in which war was waged, and of the triumphal return
of the victorious army, I shall speak in another
place. It appears that when a king of Mexico was
crowned, the diadem was placed upon his head by the
king of Tezcuco. The crown, which was called by the
Mexicans copilli, was in shape like a small mitre, the
fore part of which stood erect and terminated in a
point, while the hinder part hung down over the neck.
It was composed of different materials, according to
the pleasure of the wearer; sometimes it was of thin
plates of gold, sometimes it was woven of golden thread
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and adorned with beautiful feathers.[19] Accounts of the
particular ceremonies used at the coronation are wanting,
but all agree that they were of unparalleled splendor.
The new king entertained most sumptuously at
his own palace all the great nobles of his realm; honors
were conferred with a lavish hand, and gifts were made
in profusion both by and to the king. Splendid banquets
were given in which all the nobility of the kingdom
participated, and the lower classes were feasted
and entertained with the greatest liberality. The
fondness of the Aztecs for all kinds of public games
and festivals is evidenced in the frequency of their
feasts, and in no way could a newly elected monarch
better secure a place in the affections of his subjects
than by inaugurating his reign with a series of splendid
entertainments. The strange fascination which
this species of enjoyment possessed for them is shown
by the fact that strangers and foreigners came from
afar to witness the coronation feasts, and it is related
that members of hostile nations were frequently discovered
disguised among the crowd, and were not only
allowed by the clemency of the king to pass unmolested,
but were provided with seats, from which they
could obtain a good view of the proceedings and where
they would be secure from insult.[20] One of the principal
149
features of the day was the congratulatory speech
of one monarch to another, which was courteous and
flattering and filled with good advice; the following
address of Nezahualpilli, king of Tezcuco, to Montezuma
II., on the occasion of the accession of the latter
to the throne of Mexico, will illustrate.


ADDRESS TO THE KING.


The great good fortune, most mighty lord, which
has befallen this kingdom in deserving thee for its
monarch, is plainly shown by the unanimity with
which thou wast elected, and by the general rejoicing
of thy people thereat. And they have reason to rejoice;
for so great is the Mexican empire that none
possessed of less wisdom, prudence, and courage, than
thou, were fit to govern it. Truly is this people beloved
of the gods, in that they have given it light to
choose that which is best; for who can doubt that a
prince who, before he came to the throne, made the
nine heavens his study,[21] will, now that he is king,
obtain the good things of the earth for his people?
150
Who can doubt that his well-tried courage will be
even greater now that it is so much needed? Who
can believe that so mighty and powerful a prince will
be found wanting in charity toward the orphan and
the widow? Who can doubt that the Mexican people
are favored of the gods, in having for a king one to
whom the great Creator has imparted so much of
his own glory that by simply looking upon his face
we are made to partake of that glory? Rejoice, O
happy land! for the gods have given thee a prince
who will be a firm pillar for thy support, a father and
a refuge for thy succor, a more than brother in pity
and mercy toward his people. Verily thou hast a
king who will not avail himself of his high place to
give himself up to sloth and pleasure, but who, rather,
will lie sleepless through the night, pondering thy
welfare. Tell me, then, most fortunate land, have I
not reason for saying, Rejoice and be happy! And
thou most noble and puissant lord, be of good heart,
for as the high gods have appointed thee to this office,
so will they grant thee strength to fill it; and be well
assured that the gods who have been so gracious to
thee during these many years, will not now fail in
their goodness; by them hast thou been raised to thy
present exalted position; we pray that with their help
thou mayest continue to hold it during many happy
years to come.[22]


It is probable that the orations used upon those occasions
by the Aztecs were, like their prayers, not
spoken ex tempore, nor even prepared beforehand by
the speaker; most likely they were in the form of a
fixed ritual, each being prepared to suit a special occasion,
such as the coronation or burial of a monarch,
and repeated as often as such an occasion occurred.
Some orations must be delivered by particular persons;
others needed only an eloquent speaker. Sahagun
gives us a speech which was addressed to a
newly elected king. It could be delivered, he says,
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by one of the high-priests, or by a noble noted for his
eloquence, or by some delegate from the provinces who
was an eloquent speaker, or possibly by some learned
senator, or other person well versed in the art of
speech-making. The language is constrained and
quaint, and possibly tiresome, but as a specimen of
Aztec oratory I give it in full, adhering to the sense,
and as clearly as possible to the words of the original:


O king, most pitiful, most devout, and best beloved,
more worthy to be esteemed than precious stones or
choice feathers, thou art here by the will of the Lord
our God, who has appointed thee to rule over us in
the place of the kings thy ancestors, who, dying, have
let fall from their shoulders the burden of government
under which they labored, even as one who toils up a
hill heavy-laden. Perchance these dead ones still remember
and care for the land which they governed,
now, by the will of God, a desert, in darkness, and
desolate without a king; peradventure they look with
pity upon their country, which is become a place of
briars and barren, and upon their poor people who are
orphans, fatherless and motherless, knowing not nor
understanding those things which are best; who are
unable to speak for dumbness, who are as a body without
a head. He who has lately left us was strong
and valorous: for a few short days he was lent to us,
then like a vision he slipped from our midst, and his
passing was as a dream, for the Lord our God hath
called him to rest with the dead kings, his ancestors,
who are to-day in a manner shut from our sight in a
coffer. Thus was he gathered to his people, and is
even now with our father and mother, the God of
Hell, who is called Mictlantecutli. Will he, peradventure,
return from the place to which he is gone?
May it not be that he will come back to us? Gone
is he forever, and his kingdom has lost him. Never
again, through all coming time, may we see his face,
nor those who come after us. He is gone from our
sight forever. Our light is put out; we, whom he
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illumined, whom he carried, as it were, upon his shoulders,
are abandoned, and in darkness, and in great
peril of destruction. Behold he has left his people
and the throne and seat whereon our Lord God placed
him, and which he made it his constant aim to hold in
peace and quietness. He did not cover his hands and
feet with his mantle for laziness, but with diligence
did he work for the good of his people. In thee, O
most compassionate king, we have a great solace and
joy; in thee hath the Lord God given us a sun-like
glory and splendor. God points at thee with his
finger, he hath written down thy name in red letters.
It is fixed above and below, in heaven and in hell,
that thou shalt be king and possess the throne and
seat and dignity of this kingdom, the root of which
was deep planted long ago by thine ancestors, they
themselves being its first branches. To thee, Sire, is
entrusted the care of the seignory. Thou art the successor
of the lords, thy predecessors, and must bear
the burden they bore; upon thy back must thou place
the load of this kingdom; to the strength of thy
thighs and thine arms does the Lord God entrust the
government of the common people, who are capricious
and hard to please. For many years must thou support
and amuse them as though they were young children;
during all thy life must thou dandle them in
thine arms, nurse them on thy lap and soothe them to
sleep with a lullaby. O, our lord, most serene and
estimable, this thing was determined in heaven and
in hell; this matter was considered and thou wast
signaled out, upon thee fell the choice of the Lord
our God. Was it possible that thou couldst hide thyself
or escape this decision? In what esteem dost thou
hold the Lord God? With what respect dost thou
consider the kings and great nobles who have been
inspired by God to choose thee for our father and
mother, whose election is divine and irrevocable?


This being so, O our lord, see that thou girdest thyself
for thy task, that thou puttest thy shoulder to the
153
burden which has been imposed upon thee. Let the
will of God be obeyed. Perchance thou wilt carry this
load for a space, or it may be that death will cut thee off,
and thy election be as a dream. Take heed, therefore,
that thou art not ungrateful, setting small store by the
benefits of God. Be assured that he sees all secret
things, and that he will afflict thee in such manner as
may seem good to him. Peradventure he will send
thee into the mountains and waste places, or he will
cast thee upon dirt and filthiness, or some fearful and
ugly thing will happen to thee; perchance thou shalt
be defamed and covered with shame, or discord and
revolt shall arise in thy kingdom, so that thou shalt
fall into contempt and be cast down; perhaps other
kings, thine enemies, may rise up against thee and
conquer thee; or possibly the Lord may suffer famine
and want to desolate thy kingdom. What wilt thou
do if in thy time thy kingdom should be destroyed,
and the wrath of our God should visit thee in a pestilence?
Or if the light of thy splendor should be
turned into utter darkness, and thy dominions laid
waste? Or if death should come upon thee while
thou art yet young, or the Lord God should set his
foot upon thee before thou hast fully gathered up the
reins of government? What wilt thou do if God on
a sudden should send forth armies of enemies against
thee, from the wilderness or from the sea, from the
waste and barren places where men wage war and
shed blood that the thirst of the sun and the earth
may be slaked? Manifold are the punishments of
God for those that offend him. Wherefore, O our
king, it behoves thee with all thy strength to do
that which is right in the fulfilment of thine office,
taking care that this be done with tears and sighs,
and continual prayer to the Lord our God, the invisible,
the impalpable. Draw near to him, Sire, weeping,
and in all sincerity, that he may help thee to
govern in peace. Beware that thou receivest with
kindness and humility those that approach thee in
154
grief and despair. Neither speak nor act rashly, but
hear calmly and to the end all complaints brought before
thee; do not harshly interrupt the words of the
speaker, for thou art the image of the Lord God, in
thee is represented his person, thou art his reliance,
with thy mouth he speaks, with thine ear he listens.
Be no respecter of persons, Sire, but punish all alike,
and justly, for thou hast thy power of God, thy right
hand to punish is as the claws and teeth of God, for
thou art his judge and executioner. Do justice,
therefore, heeding the wrath of none; this is the command
of God, who hath given the doing of these
things into thine hand. Take care that in the high
places of the lords and judges there be nothing done
snatchingly nor in haste, that there be no hot words
nor deeds done in anger. Say not now in thine heart,
I am the lord, my will is law, but rather let this be
an occasion for the humbling of thy valor and the
lowering of thy self-esteem. Look to it that thy new
dignities be not the means of puffing thee up with
pride and haughtiness, but in place thereof ponder
often on thy former lowly estate, from which, without
desert, thou wast taken and placed where thou now
art. Say to thine heart, Who was I? Who am I?
Not by mine own deserts did I attain this high place,
but by the will of God; verily all this is a dream, and
not sober truth. Be watchful, Sire, that thou dost not
rest free from care, that thou dost not grow heedless
with pleasure, and become a glutton and wine-bibber,
spending in feasting and drunkenness that which is
earned by the sweat of thy subjects; let not the graciousness
which God has shown in electing thee king,
be repaid with profanity, folly, and disturbances.


O King and grandchild of ours, God watches over
those that govern his kingdoms, and when they do
wrong he laughs at them; he mocks and is silent;
for he is the Lord our God, he does what he pleases,
he scoffs at whom he pleases; we are the work of his
hand, in the hollow of his palm he tosses us to and fro
155
even as balls and playthings, he makes a mockery of us
as we stumble and fall, he uses us for his ends as we
roll from side to side. Strive hard, O king, to do
what thou hast to do little by little. Perchance the
number of our sins has rendered us unworthy, and thy
election will be to us a vision that passes; or perchance
it may be the will of the Lord that thou possess the
royal dignity for a time; perchance he will prove thee,
and put thee to the test, and, if thou art found wanting
will set up another in thy place. Are not the
friends of the Lord great in number? Art thou the
only one whom he holds dear? Many are the friends
of the Lord; many are those that call upon him;
many are those that lift up their voices before him;
many are those that weep before him; many are those
that tearfully pray to him; many are those that
sigh in his presence; verily all these are uncountable.
There are many generous and prudent men of great
ability and power, who pray to the Lord and cry aloud to
him; behold, therefore, there are not lacking others beside
thyself on whom to confer the dignity of king.
Peradventure as a thing that endures not, as a thing
seen in sleep, the Lord gives thee this great honor and
glory; peradventure he gives thee to smell of his tender
sweetness, and passes it quickly over thy lips. O
king, most fortunate, bow down and humble thyself;
weep with sadness and sigh; pray fervently and do the
will of the Lord by night as well as by day, during
the time he sees fit to spare thee. Act thy part with
calmness, continually praying on thy throne with kindness
and softness. Take heed that thou givest none
cause for pain or weariness or sorrow, that thou settest
thy foot upon none, that thou frightest none with angry
words or fierce looks. Refrain also, O our king,
from all lewd jests and converse, lest thou bring
thy person into contempt; levity and buffoonery are
not fit for one of thy dignity. Incline not thine ear
to ribaldry, even though it come from a near relative,
for though as a man thou art mortal, yet in respect
156
to thine office thou art as God. Though thou art our
fellow-creature and friend, our son and our brother, yet
are we not thine equals, nor do we look upon thee as
a man, in that thou now art the image of the Lord
God; he it is that speaks within thee, instructing us
and making himself heard through thy lips; thy mouth
is his mouth, thy tongue is his tongue, thy face is his
face. Already he has graced thee with his authority,
he has given thee teeth and claws that thou mayest be
feared and respected. See to it, Sire, that thy former
levity be now laid aside, that thou take to thyself
the heart of an old man, of one who is austere and
grave. Look closely to thine honor, to the decency of
thy person, and the majesty of thine office; let thy
words be few and serious, for thou art now another
being. Behold the place on which thou standest
is exceeding high, and the fall therefrom is perilous.
Consider that thou goest on a lofty ridge and
upon a narrow path having a fearful depth sheer
down on either side, so that it is impossible to
swerve to the right or to the left without falling
headlong into the abyss. It also behoves thee, Sire,
to guard thyself against being cross-grained and fierce
and dreaded as a wild beast by all. Combine moderation
with rigor, inclining rather to mercy than to pitilessness.
Never show all thy teeth nor put forth the
full length of thy claws. Never appear startled or in
fear, harsh or dangerous; conceal thy teeth and claws;
assemble thy chief men together, make thyself acceptable
to them with gifts and kind words. Provide also
for the entertainment of the common people according
to their quality and rank; adapt thyself to the different
classes of the people and ingratiate thyself with
them. Have a care and concern thyself about the
dances, and about the ornaments and instruments used
at them, for they are the means of infusing a warlike
spirit into men. Gladden the hearts of the common
people with games and amusements, for thus wilt thou
become famous and be beloved, and even after death
157
thy fame will live and the old men and women who
knew thee will shed tears of sorrow for thine absence.
O most fortunate and happy king, most precious treasure,
bear in mind that thou goest by a craggy and
dangerous road, whereon thou must step with firmness,
for in the path of kings and princes there are many
yawning gulfs, and slippery places, and steep, pathless
slopes, where the matted thorn-bushes and long grass
hide pitfalls having pointed stakes set upright in them.
Wherefore it behoves thee to call upon thy God with
moanings and lamentations, to watch constantly, and
to shun the harlot, who is a curse and a sickness to
man. Sleep not lightly in thy bed, Sire, but rather
lie and ponder the affairs of thy kingdom; even in thy
slumbers let thy dreams be of the good things in
thy charge, that thou mayest know how best to distribute
them among thy lords and courtiers, for there
are many who envy the king, and would fain eat as
he eats and drink as he drinks, wherefore is it said
that kings 'eat the bread of grief.' Think not, Sire,
that the royal throne is a soft and pleasant seat, for
there is nothing but trouble and penitence. O blessed
and most precious king, it is not my wish to cause pain
to thine heart nor to excite thy wrath and indignation;
it is sufficient for me that I have many times stumbled
and slipped, aye, and have even fallen, during this discourse
of mine; enough for me are the faults of the
speech which I have spoken, going, in a manner, with
jumps like a frog before our Lord God, the invisible,
the impalpable, who is here and listening to us, who
has heard distinctly the slightest of the words which
I have spoken stammeringly and with hesitation, in
bad order and with unapt gestures; but in doing this
I have complied with the custom which obliges the
aged men of the state to address a newly elected king.
In like manner have I done my duty to our God who
hears me, to whom I make an offering of this my
speech. Long mayest thou live and reign, O lord and
king. I have spoken.


CHAPTER IV.


PALACES AND HOUSEHOLDS OF THE NAHUA KINGS.



158



Extent and Interior of the Great Palace in Mexico—The Palace
of Nezahualcoyotl, King of Tezcuco—The Zoölogical
Collections of the Nahua Monarchs—Montezuma's Oratory—Royal
Gardens and Pleasure-Grounds—The Hill of Chapultepec—Nezahualcoyotl's
Country Residence at Tezcozinco—Toltec
Palaces—the Royal Guard—The King's Meals—An
Aztec Cuisine—The Audience Chamber—After-dinner Amusements—The
Royal Wardrobe—The King Among his People—Meeting
of Montezuma II. and Cortés—the King's Harem—Revenues
of the Royal Household—Policy of Aztec Kings.



RELIABILITY OF AUTHORITIES.


In the preceding chapter we have seen how the
monarchs were chosen, and anointed, and crowned,
and feasted, and lectured; now let us follow them to
their homes. And here I must confess I am somewhat
staggered by the recitals. It is written that as
soon as the new king was formally invested with the
right of sovereignty, he took possession of the royal
palaces and gardens, and that these abodes of royalty
were on a scale of magnificence almost unparalleled in
the annals of nations. How far we may rely on these
accounts it is difficult to say; how we are to determine
disputed questions is yet more difficult. In the testimony
before us, there are two classes of evidence: one
having as its base selfishness, superstition, and patriotism;
the other disaffection, jealousy, and hatred.
Between these contending evils, fortunately, we may
159
at least approximate to the truth. To illustrate: there
can be no doubt that much concerning the Aztec civilization
has been greatly exaggerated by the old
Spanish writers, and for obvious reasons. It was
manifestly to the advantage of some, both priests and
adventurers, to magnify the power and consequence of
the people conquered, and the cities demolished by
them, knowing full well that tales of mighty realms,
with countless man-eaters and fabulous riches, would
soonest rouse the zeal and cupidity of the Spaniards,
and best secure to them both honors and supplies.
Gathered from the lips of illiterate soldiers little
prone to diminish the glory of their achievements
in the narration, or from the manuscripts of native
historians whose patriotic statements regarding rival
states no longer in existence could with difficulty be
disproved, these accounts passed into the hands of
credulous writers of fertile imagination, who drank
in with avidity the marvels that were told them, and
wrote them down with superhuman discrimination—with
a discrimination which made every so-called fact
tally with the writings of the Fathers. These writers
possessed in an eminent degree the faculty called by
latter-day scholars the imaginative in history-writing.
Whatever was told them that was contrary to tradition
was certainly erroneous, a snare of the devil; if
any facts were wanting in the direction pointed out
by doctrines or dogmas, it was their righteous duty to
fill them in. Thus it was in certain instances. But
to the truth of the greater part of these relations,
testimony is borne by the unanimity of the authors,
though this is partly owing to their copying each from
the writings of the others, and, more conclusively, by
the architectural remains which survived the attacks
of the iconoclastic conquerors, and the golden and bejeweled
ornaments of such exquisite workmanship as
to equal if not surpass anything of the kind in Europe,
which ornaments were sent to Spain as proofs of the
richness of the country. At this distance of time it
160
is impossible to draw a definite line between the true
and the false; nor do I feel it my duty to dogmatize
in these matters, but rather to tell the tale as I find
it, at the same time laying every shade of evidence
before the reader.


ROYAL PALACE AT MEXICO.


The principal palace in the city of Mexico was
an irregular pile of low buildings, enormous in extent,
constructed of huge blocks of tetzontli, a kind of
porous stone common to that country, cemented
with mortar. The arrangement of the buildings was
such that they enclosed three great plazas or public
squares, in one of which a beautiful fountain incessantly
played. Twenty great doors opened on the
squares, and on the streets, and over these was
sculptured in stone the coat of arms of the kings of
Mexico,—an eagle gripping in his talons a jaguar.[23]
In the interior were many halls, each of immense size,
and one in particular is said by a writer who accompanied
Cortés, known as the Anonymous Conqueror,
to have been of sufficient extent to contain three thousand
men; while upon the terrace that formed its roof
thirty men on horseback could have gone through the
spear exercise.[24] In addition to these there were more
than one hundred smaller rooms, and the same number
of marble baths, which together with the fountains,
ponds, and basins in the gardens, were supplied with
water from the neighboring hill of Chapultepec.
There were also splendid suites of apartments retained
for the use of the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan,
and their attendants, when they visited Mexico,
161
and for the ministers and counselors, and the great
lords and their suites, who constantly resided at the
capital. Besides these, the private attendants of the
king—and their name was legion—had to be provided
for; so that when we consider the other extensive
buildings, such as the harem, in which, according to
some authorities, were nearly three thousand women;
the armory, the granaries, storehouses, menageries,
and aviaries, which either formed part or were in the
immediate vicinity of the palace buildings, we are
prepared somewhat to credit the Anonymous Conqueror
aforesaid when he affirms that, although he
four times wandered about the palace until he was
tired, with no other purpose than to view its interior,
yet he never succeeded in seeing the whole of it.[25]
The walls and floors of halls and apartments were
many of them faced with polished slabs of marble,
porphyry, jasper, obsidian, and white tecali;[26] lofty
columns of the same fine stones supported marble balconies
and porticoes, every niche and corner of which
was filled with wondrous ornamental carving, or held
a grinning grotesquely sculptured head. The beams
and casings were of cedar, cypress, and other valuable
woods, profusely carved and put together without
nails. The roofs of the palace buildings formed a
suite of immense terraces, from which a magnificent
view of the whole city could be obtained. Superb
mats of most exquisite finish were spread upon the
marble floors; the tapestry that draped the walls and
the curtains that hung before the windows were made
of a fabric most wonderful for its delicate texture, elegant
designs and brilliant colors; through the halls and
corridors a thousand golden censers, in which burned
precious spices and perfumes, diffused a subtle odor.[27]



162


The palace built by Nezahualcoyotl, king of Tezcuco,
even surpassed that of Montezuma in many
respects. The Tezcucan historian, Ixtlilxochitl, has
given a full description of it, which I partially
translate. The collection of buildings, which composed
not only the royal residence, but also the
public offices and courts of law, extended from east
to west twelve hundred and thirty-four and a half
yards, and from north to south, nine hundred and seventy-eight
yards. These were encompassed by a wall
made of adobes strongly cemented together, and standing
on a foundation of very hard mortar, six feet in
width at the base. On its southern and eastern sides
the wall was three times a man's stature in height; on
the western side, towards the lake, and on the northern
side it rose to the height of five times a man's
stature.[28] For one third of the distance from the base
to the top, the wall grew gradually thinner, while the
remainder was of one thickness.[29] Within this inclosure
were the royal dwelling, the council-chambers,
and other halls and apartments. There were also two
large plazas, the outer one of which served as the
public market-place. The inner court-yard was surrounded
by the various courts of justice, and other halls
where matters relative to science, art, and the army
were judicially and otherwise considered, all of which
will be described in their place, and also a hall where
the archives of the kingdom were preserved. In the
centre of the court-yard, which was also used as a
market-place, was a tennis-court; on the west side
were the apartments of the king, more than three
hundred in number, all admirably arranged; here
163
were also storehouses for tribute, and splendid suites
of apartments reserved for the use of the kings of
Mexico and Tlacopan when they visited Tezcuco.
These apartments led into the royal pleasure-gardens,
which were artistically laid out with labyrinthian
walks winding through the dark foliage, where often
the uninitiated would lose themselves; then there
were sparkling fountains, and inviting baths, and shady
groves of cedar and cypress, and ponds well stocked
with fish, and aviaries filled with birds of every hue
and species, besides extensive menageries.[30] The city
of Mexico, however, furnished the largest collection
of animals, or at all events it is more fully described
by the conquerors than others. The Aztec monarchs
took special pleasure in maintaining zoölogical collections
on an immense scale, which fancy was probably
more fully indulged by Montezuma II. than by
any other. That prince caused to be erected in the
city of Mexico an immense edifice, surrounded by
extensive gardens, which was used for no other purpose
than to keep and display all kinds of birds and
beasts.


MONTEZUMA'S MENAGERIE.


One portion of this building consisted of a large
open court, paved with stones of different colors, and
divided into several compartments, in which were
kept wild beasts, birds of prey, and reptiles. The
larger animals were confined in low wooden cages
made of massive beams. They were fed upon the intestines
of human sacrifices, and upon deer, rabbits,
and other animals. The birds of prey were distributed
according to their species, in subterranean chambers,
which were more than seven feet deep, and upwards
of seventeen feet in length and breadth. Half
of each chamber was roofed with slabs of stone, under
which perches were fixed in the wall, where the birds
might sleep and be protected from the rain; the other
half was covered only with a wooden grating, which
164
admitted air and sunlight. Five hundred turkeys
were daily killed for food for these birds. Alligators
were kept in ponds walled round to prevent their
escape, and serpents in long cages or vessels, large
enough to allow them to move about freely. These
reptiles were also fed on human blood and intestines.
Mr Prescott tells us that the whole of this menagerie
"was placed under the charge of numerous keepers,
who acquainted themselves with the habits of their
prisoners, and provided for their comfort and cleanliness."


Thomas Gage, the shrewd old English heretic, takes
another view. In his quaint though free and slashing
style he writes: "But what was wonderful to behold,
horrid to see, hideous to hear in this house, was the
Officers' daily occupations about these beasts, the floor
with blood like a gelly, stinking like a slaughter-house,
and the roaring of the Lions, the fearful hissing of the
Snakes and Adders, the doleful howling and barking
of the Wolves, the sorrowful yelling of the Ownzes
and Tigres, when they would have meat. And yet in
this place, which in the night season seemed a dungeon
of hell, and a dwelling place for the Devil, could a
heathen Prince pray unto his Gods and Idols; for
near unto this Hall was another of a hundred and fifty
foot long and thirty foot broad, where was a chappel
with a roof of silver and gold in leaf, wainscotted and
decked with great store of pearl and stone, as Agats,
Cornerines, Emeralds, Rubies, and divers other sorts;
and this was the Oratory where Montezuma prayed in
the night season, and in that chappel the Devil did
appear unto him, and gave him answer according to
his prayers, which as they were uttered among so many
ugly and deformed beasts, and with the noise of them
which represented Hell it self, were fitted for a Devil's
answer."[31]


ZOÖLOGICAL COLLECTION OF MONTEZUMA.


In another part of the building was an immense hall
which served as an aviary, in which were collected
165
specimens of all the birds in the empire, excepting
those of prey. They were of infinite variety and
splendid plumage; many specimens were so difficult
to obtain that their feathers brought almost fabulous
prices in the Mexican market; while some few, either
because of their extreme rarity or their inability to
live in confinement, did not appear even in the royal
aviary, except in imitation, for we are told that, both
in Mexico and Tezcuco, all kinds of birds and animals
that could not be obtained alive were represented
in gold and silver so skillfully that they are said
to have served the naturalist Hernandez for models.
But to attain this honor, a bird must indeed have been a
rara avis, a very phœnix, for it is related by Torquemada
and many others, on the authority of a Spanish
eye-witness, that the Emperor Montezuma II. happening
one day to see a sparrow-hawk soaring through
the air, and "taking a fancy to its beauty and mode
of flight," ordered his followers to catch it without delay
and bring it alive to his hand; and such were the
efforts made and care used, that in an incredibly short
space of time "they captured that fierce and haughty
hawk as though it had been but a gentle domestic
pigeon, and brought it to the king."[32]


Marble galleries, supported upon jasper pillars, all
of one piece, surrounded this building, and looked out
upon a large garden, wherein were groves of rare trees,
choice shrubbery and flowers, and fountains filled with
fish. But the prominent feature of the garden was
ten large ponds for the use of water-fowl, some of which
were filled with fresh and some with salt water, according
to the nature of the birds that frequented them.
Each pond was surrounded with tessellated marble
166
pavement and shaded by clumps of trees. As often
as the water began to stagnate it was drained off and
renewed. Montezuma is said to have passed much of
his time here, alone or with his women, seated in the
shade, amid the plashing of fountains and odor of flowers,
musing upon affairs of state or diverting his mind
from such cares by watching the motions of the strange
birds upon the water.


No less than three hundred persons were employed
in attending upon the water-fowl and the birds in the
aviary; feeding them and in the moulting season carefully
gathering the gorgeous plumes, which served as
material for the celebrated Aztec feather-work. The
habits of the birds were closely studied, and great care
was taken that every species should be supplied with
the food best suited to its taste, whether it consisted
of worms, insects, or seeds. The fish with which the
water-fowl were supplied amounted to one hundred
and fifty pounds daily. In another hall a collection
of human monstrosities was kept. As we shall presently
see, many of these unfortunate creatures were
trained to play the part of jesters at the royal table.
Yet another hall contained a number of albinos, or
white Indians, who were considered a great curiosity.


In addition to these city palaces the Aztec monarchs
had numerous equally splendid country residences, besides
whole tracts of country set apart as royal hunting-grounds.
In these parts timber was not allowed to be
cut nor game disturbed, which regulations were enforced
with great rigor.


THE HILL OF CHAPULTEPEC.


The principal country villa of Montezuma II., and
the only one of which any signs are yet visible, was
situated upon the hill of Chapultepec, which stood in
a westerly direction from the city of Mexico. In the
days of the Aztec kings, the lake of Tezcuco washed
the base of the hill, round which the royal grounds
stretched for miles in every direction. The gardens
were laid out in terraces, that wound down the hillside
amid dense groves of pepper-trees, myrtles, and cypresses,
167
innumerable fountains and artificial cascades.
Little of the ancient glory of either palace or gardens
is now left, except the natural beauty of the foliage
that clothes the hill, and the magnificent view to be
obtained from the summit. Two statues of Montezuma
II. and his father, cut in bas relief on the
porphyry rock, were still to be seen, Gama tells us, in
the middle of the last century, but these are now gone,
swept away by the same ruthless hands that laid waste
the hanging gardens and tore down halls and monuments
until the groves of gigantic cypresses are all
that is left standing in the gardens of Chapultepec
that ministered to the pleasure of the ancient owners.
Peter Martyr, describing the palace at Iztapalapan,
writes, in the language of an early translator: "That
house also hath orchardes, finely planted with diuers
trees, and herbes, and flourishing flowers, of a sweete
smell. There are also in the same, great standing
pooles of water with many kindes of fish, in the which
diuers kindes of all sortes of waterfoule are swimminge.
To the bottome of these lakes, a man may descend by
marble steppes brought farr of. They report strange
thinges of a walke inclosed with nettinges of Canes,
least any one should freely come within the voyde
plattes of grounde, or to the fruite of the trees. Those
hedges are made with a thousande pleasant deuises, as
it falleth out in those delicate purple crosse alleyes, of
mirtle, rosemary, or boxe, al very delightfull to behold."[33]


Nezahualcoyotl, the Tezcucan Solomon, was no whit
behind his royal brother of Mexico in the matter of
splendid country residences and gardens. Not content
with the royal pleasure-grounds called Huectecpan,
writes the Chichimec historian,[34] this great king made
others, such as the forest so famous in Tezcotzincan
history, and those called Cauchiacac, Tzinacamoztoc,
168
Cozcaquauhco, Cuetlachatitlan, or Tlateitec, and those
of the lake Acatelelco, and Tepetzinco; he likewise
marked out a large tract, where he might pass his
leisure moments in hunting. These gardens were
adorned with fountains, drains, sewers, ponds, and
labyrinths, and were planted with all kinds of flowers
and trees, both indigenous and foreign.


But Nezahualcoyotl was not one to overlook utility
in laying out his grounds. Five large patches of the
most fertile lands lying near the capital were brought
under cultivation and the products appropriated exclusively
to the use of the royal household.


Certain towns and provinces in the vicinity of the
court furnished attendants and laborers for the palaces,
gardens, and plantations. In return for such service
said towns and provinces were exempt from taxation
and enjoyed certain privileges. The manner of service
was divided; thus twenty-eight towns supplied those
who attended to the cleanliness and order of the royal
buildings and waited upon the king and his suite;
fourteen of these towns[35] did service during one half
of the year and the remainder[36] during the other half.
Five towns provided attendants for the king's chamber,[37]
and eight provinces,[38] with their dependent towns,
furnished, each in its turn, foresters, gardeners, and
agricultural laborers for the woods and gardens, ornamental
or otherwise.


SUMMER PALACE AT TEZCOZINCO.


King Nezahualcoyotl's favorite country residence,
169
some remains of which are still visible, was at Tezcozinco,
on a conical hill lying about two leagues from
Tezcuco. A broad road, running between high hedges,
and probably winding spirally round the hill, appears
to have led up to the summit,[39] which, however, could
be reached in a shorter time by means of a flight of
steps, many of which were cut into the living rock,
and the remainder made of pieces of stone firmly
cemented together. Dávila Padilla, who wrote in the
latter part of the sixteenth century, says that he
counted five hundred and twenty of these steps, without
reckoning those that had already crumbled to
pieces.[40] He furthermore adds that for the last twelve
steps in the ascent the staircase was tunneled through
the solid rock, and became so narrow that only one
person could pass at a time. Dávila Padilla inquired
the reason of this of the natives, and was told by them,
as they had heard it from their fathers, that this narrow
passage enabled the Tezcucan monarch to assert
his rank by taking precedence of his royal visitors
when they went in a body to worship the idol that
stood upon the summit; not a very polite proceeding
certainly.[41] Water was brought over hill and dale to
the top of the mountain by means of a solid stone
aqueduct. Here it was received in a large basin,
having in its centre a great rock, upon which were inscribed
in a circle the hieroglyphics representing the
years that had elapsed since Nezahualcoyotl's birth, with
a list of his most noteworthy achievements in each.[42]
Within this circle the royal coat of arms was sculptured,
170
the elaborate device of which it is almost impossible
to imagine from the clumsy description of it given by
Ixtlilxochitl. As nearly as I can make it out, certain
figures representing a deer's foot adorned with feathers
and having a precious stone tied to it, a hind supporting
an arm which grasps a bow and arrows, and a corseleted
warrior, wearing a helmet with its ear-pieces,
formed the centre; these were flanked by two houses,
one in flames and falling to pieces, the other whole and
highly ornamented; two tigers of the country, vomiting
fire and water, served as supporters; the whole
was surrounded by a border composed of twelve heads
of kings and great nobles. From this basin the water
was distributed through the gardens in two streams,
one of which meandered down the northern side of the
hill, and the other down the southern side. Dávila
Padilla relates that there also stood upon the summit
an image of a coyote, hewn from the living rock, which
represented a celebrated fasting Indian.[43] There were
likewise several towers or columns of stone, having
their capitals made in the shape of a pot, from which
protruded plumes of feathers, which signified the name
of the place. Lower down was the colossal figure of
a winged beast, called by Ixtlilxochitl a lion,[44] lying
down, with its face toward the east, and bearing in
its mouth a sculptured portrait of the king; this statue
was generally covered with a canopy adorned with
gold and feather-work.[45]


ORNAMENTAL GARDENS AT TEZCOZINCO.


A little lower yet were three basins of water, emblematic
of the great lake, and on the borders of the
middle one three female figures were sculptured on
the solid rock, representing the heads of the confederated
171
states of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan.[46] Upon
the northern side of the hill was another pond; and
here upon the rock was carved the coat of arms of the
city of Tollan, which was formerly the chief town of
the Toltecs; upon the southern slope of the hill was
yet another pond, bearing the coat of arms and the
name of the city of Tenayuca, which was formerly
the head town of the Chichimecs. From this basin a
stream of water flowed continually over the precipice,
and being dashed into spray upon the rocks, was scattered
like rain over a garden of odorous tropical
plants.[47] In the garden were two baths, dug out of
172
one large piece of porphyry,[48] and a flight of steps
also cut from the solid rock, worked and polished so
smooth that they looked like mirrors, and on the front
of the stairs were carved the year, month, day, and
hour in which information was brought to King Nezahualcoyotl
of the death of a certain lord of Huexotzinco,
whom he esteemed very highly, and who died
while the said staircase was being built.[49] The garden
is said to have been a perfect little paradise. The
gorgeous flowers were all transplanted from the distant
tierra caliente; marble pavilions, supported on
slender columns, with tesselated pavements and sparkling
fountains, nestled among the shady groves and
afforded a cool retreat during the long summer days.
At the end of the garden, almost hidden by the groups
of gigantic cedars and cypresses that surrounded it,
173
was the royal palace,[50] so situated that while its spacious
halls were filled with the sensuous odors of the
tropics, blown in from the gardens, it remained sheltered
from the heat.[51]


TOLTEC PALACES.


If the ancient traditions may be believed, the Toltec
monarchs built as magnificent palaces as their
Aztec successors. The sacred palace of that mysterious
Toltec priest-king, Quetzalcoatl, had four principal
halls, facing the four cardinal points. That on the
east was called the Hall of Gold, because its halls
were ornamented with plates of that metal, delicately
chased and finished; the apartment lying toward the
west was named the Hall of Emeralds and Turquoises,
and its walls were profusely adorned with all kinds of
precious stones; the hall facing the south was decorated
with plates of silver and with brilliant-colored
sea-shells, which were fitted together with great skill.
The walls of the fourth hall, which was on the north,
were red jasper, covered with carving and ornamented
with shells. Another of these palaces or temples, for
it is not clear which they were, had also four principal
174
halls decorated entirely with feather-work tapestry.
In the eastern division the feathers were yellow; in
the western they were blue, taken from a bird called
Xiuhtototl; in the southern hall the feathers were
white, and in that on the north they were red.[52]


The number of attendants attached to the royal
houses was very great. Every day from sunrise until
sunset the antechambers of Montezuma's palace in
Mexico were occupied by six hundred noblemen and
gentlemen, who passed the time lounging about and
discussing the gossip of the day in low tones, for it
was considered disrespectful to speak loudly or make
any noise within the palace limits. They were provided
with apartments in the palace,[53] and took their
meals from what remained of the superabundance of
the royal table, as did, after them, their own servants,
of whom each person of quality was entitled to from
one to thirty, according to his rank. These retainers,
numbering two or three thousand, filled several outer
courts during the day.


MONTEZUMA AT TABLE.


THE ROYAL WARDROBE.


The king took his meals alone, in one of the largest
halls of the palace. If the weather was cold, a fire
was kindled with a kind of charcoal made of the bark
of trees, which emitted no smoke, but threw out a delicious
perfume; and that his majesty might suffer no
inconvenience from the heat, a screen ornamented with
gold and carved with figures of the idols[54] was placed
between his person and the fire. He was seated upon
a low leather cushion, upon which were thrown various
soft skins, and his table was of a similar description,
except that it was larger and rather higher, and
was covered with white cotton cloths of the finest
texture. The dinner-service was of the finest ware of
Cholula, and many of the goblets were of gold and
175
silver, or fashioned of beautiful shells. He is said to
have possessed a complete service of solid gold, but as
it was considered below a king's dignity to use anything
at table twice, Montezuma with all his extravagance,
was obliged to keep this costly dinner-set in
the temple. The bill of fare comprised everything
edible of fish, flesh, and fowl, that could be procured
in the empire or imported from beyond it. Relays of
couriers were employed in bringing delicacies from
afar, and as the royal table was every day supplied
with fresh fish brought, without the modern aids of
ice and air-tight packing, from a sea-coast more than
two hundred miles distant, by a road passing chiefly
through a tropical climate, we can form some idea of
the speed with which these couriers traveled. There
were cunning cooks among the Aztecs, and at these
extravagant meals there was almost as much variety
in the cooking as in the matter cooked. Sahagun[55]
gives a most formidable list of roast, stewed, and boiled
dishes of meat, fish, and poultry, seasoned with many
kinds of herbs, of which, however, the most frequently
mentioned is chile.[56] He further describes many kinds
of bread, all bearing a more or less close resemblance
to the modern Mexican tortilla,[57] and all most tremendously
named; imagine, for instance, when one
wished for a piece of bread, having to ask one's neighbor
to be good enough to pass the totanquitlaxcallitlaquelpacholli;
then there were tamales of all kinds,[58]
176
and many other curious messes, such as frog-spawn,
and stewed ants cooked with chile, but more loathsome
to us than even such as these, and strangest
of all the strange compounds that went to make up
the royal carte, was one highly seasoned, and probably
savory-smelling dish, so exquisitely prepared that its
principal ingredient was completely disguised, yet that
ingredient was nothing else than human flesh.[59] Each
dish was kept warm by a chafing-dish placed under it.
Writers do not agree as to the exact quantity of food
served up at each meal, but it must have been immense,
since the lowest number of dishes given is
three hundred,[60] and the highest three thousand.[61]
They were brought into the hall by four hundred
pages of noble birth, who placed their burdens upon
the matted floor and retired noiselessly. The king
then pointed out such viands as he wished to partake
of, or left the selection to his steward, who doubtless
took pains to study the likes and dislikes of the royal
palate. This steward was a functionary of the highest
rank and importance; he alone was privileged to place
the designated delicacies before the king upon the
177
table; he appears to have done duty both as royal
carver and cup-bearer, and, according to Torquemada,
to have done it barefooted and on his knees.[62] Everything
being in readiness, a number of the most beautiful
of the king's women[63] entered, bearing water in
round vessels called xicales, for the king to wash his
hands in, and towels that he might dry them, other
vessels being placed upon the ground to catch the drippings.
Two other women at the same time brought
him some small loaves of a very delicate kind of bread
made of the finest maize-flour, beaten up with eggs.
This done, a wooden screen, carved and gilt, was
placed before him, that no one might see him while
eating.[64] There were always present five or six aged
lords, who stood near the royal chair barefooted, and
with bowed heads. To these, as a special mark of
favor, the king occasionally sent a choice morsel from
his own plate. During the meal the monarch sometimes
amused himself by watching the performances
of his jugglers and tumblers, whose marvelous feats
of strength and dexterity I shall describe in another
place; at other times there was dancing, accompanied
by singing and music; there were also present dwarfs,
and professional jesters, who were allowed to speak,
a privilege denied all others under penalty of death,
and, after the manner of their kind, to tell sharp
truths in the shape of jests. The more solid food
was followed by pastry, sweetmeats, and a magnificent
dessert of fruit. The only beverage drank at the meal
was chocolate,[65] of which about fifty jars were provided;[66]
178
it was taken with a spoon, finely wrought of
gold or shell, from a goblet of the same material.
Having finished his dinner, the king again washed
his hands in water brought to him, as before, by
the women. After this, several painted and gilt
pipes were brought, from which he inhaled, through
his mouth or nose, as suited him best, the smoke
of a mixture of liquid-amber, and an herb called
tobacco.[67] His siesta over, he devoted himself to
business, and proceeded to give audience to foreign
ambassadors, deputations from cities in the empire,
and to such of his lords and ministers as had business
to transact with him. Before entering the presence-chamber,
all, no matter what their rank might be,
unless they were of the blood-royal, were obliged to
leave their sandals at the door, to cover their rich
dresses with a large coarse mantle, and to approach
the monarch, barefooted and with downcast eyes, for
it was death to the subject who should dare to look
his sovereign in the face.[68] The king usually answered
through his secretaries,[69] or when he deigned to speak
179
directly to the person who addressed him, it was in
such a low tone as scarcely to be heard;[70] at the same
time he listened very attentively to all that was communicated
to him, and encouraged those who, from
embarrassment, found difficulty in speaking. Each
applicant, when dismissed, retired backward, keeping
his face always toward the royal seat. The time set
apart for business having elapsed, he again gave himself
up to pleasure, and usually passed the time in
familiar badinage with his jesters, or in listening to
ballad-singers who sang of war and the glorious deeds
of his ancestors, or he amused himself by looking on
at the feats of strength and legerdemain of his jugglers
and acrobats; or, sometimes, at this hour, he
would retire to the softer pleasures of the harem.
He changed his dress four times each day, and a dress
once worn could never be used again. Concerning
this custom, Peter Martyr, translated into the quaintest
of English, writes: "Arising from his bed, he is
cloathed after one maner, as he commeth forth to bee
seene, and returning backe into his chamber after he
hath dined, he changeth his garments: and when he
commeth forthe againe to supper, hee taketh another,
and returning backe againe the fourth which he weareth
vntill he goe to bed. But concerning 3. garments,
which he changeth euery day, many of them that returned
haue reported the same vnto me, with their
owne mouth: but howsoeuer it be, all agree in the
changing of garmentes, that being once taken into the
wardrope, they are there piled vp on heaps, not likely
to see the face of Muteczuma any more: but what
manner of garmentes they be, we will elswhere declare,
for they are very light. These things being
180
obserued, it wil not be wōdred at, that we made mention
before concerning so many garments presented.
For accounting the yeares, and the dayes of the yeares,
especially, wherein Muteczuma hath inioyed peace &
howe often he changeth his garments euery daye, all
admiration will cease. But the readers will demand,
why he heapeth vp so great a pile of garments, & that
iustly. Let them knowe that Muteczuma vsed to
giue a certeine portion of garments to his familiar
friends, or well deseruing soldiers, in steed of a beneuolence,
or stipend, when they go to the wars, or returne
from ye victory, as Augustus Cæsar lord of the
world, a mightier Prince than Muteczuma, commāded
only a poore reward of bread to be giuen ouer & aboue
to such as performed any notable exployt, while being
by Maro admonished, that so smal a larges of bread
was an argumēt yt he was a bakers son: then although
it be recorded in writīg that Cæsar liked ye
mery cōceit, yet it is to be beleued yt he blushed at
that diuinatiō, because he promised Virgil to alter
his dispositiō & that hereafter he would bestow gifts
worthy a great king, & not a bakers son."[71]


THE KING OUT OF DOORS.


The kings did not often appear among their people,[72]
though we are told that they would sometimes
go forth in disguise to see that no part of the religious
feasts and ceremonies was omitted, to make sure that
the laws were observed, and probably, as is usual in
such cases, to ascertain the true state of public opinion
with regard to themselves.[73] Whenever they did appear
abroad, however, it was with a parade that corresponded
with their other observances. Upon these
occasions the king was seated in a magnificent litter,
overshadowed by a canopy of feather-work, the whole
being adorned with gold and precious stones, and carried
upon the shoulders of four noblemen. He was
181
attended by a vast multitude of courtiers of all ranks,
who walked without speaking, and with their eyes
bent upon the ground. The procession was headed
by an official carrying three wands, whose duty it was
to give warning of the king's approach, and by others
who cleared the road of all obstructions.[74] All who
chanced to meet the royal party, instantly stopped,
and remained motionless with heads bent down, like
friars chanting the Gloria Patri, says Father Motolinia,
until the procession had passed. When the monarch
alighted, a carpet was spread upon the ground
for him to step on. The meeting of Montezuma II.
and Cortés, as described by Bernal Diaz, will show
the manner in which the Aztec kings were attended
when out of doors:


"When we arrived at a spot where another narrow
causeway led towards Cuyoacan, we were met by a
number of caciques and distinguished personages, all
splendidly dressed. They had been sent by Montezuma
to meet us and welcome us in his name; and as
a sign of peace each touched the earth with his hand
and then kissed it.[75] While we were thus detained,
the lords of Tezcuco, Iztapalapa, Tacuba, and Cuyoacan,
advanced to meet the mighty Montezuma, who
was approaching seated on a splendid litter, and escorted
by a number of powerful nobles. When we
arrived at a place not far from the capital, where were
certain fortifications, Montezuma, descending from his
litter, came forward leaning on the arms of some of
the attendant lords, while others held over him a canopy
of rich feather-work ornamented with silver and
gold, having an embroidered border from which hung
pearls and chalchihuis stones.[76] Montezuma was very
sumptuously dressed, according to his custom, and
182
had on his feet a kind of sandals, with soles of gold,
the upper part being studded with precious stones.
The four grandees[77] who supported him were also very
richly attired, and it seemed to us that the clothes
they now wore must have been held in readiness for
them somewhere upon the road, for they were not
thus dressed when they first came out to meet us.
And besides these great lords there were many others,
some of whom held the canopy over the king's head,
while others went in advance, sweeping the ground
over which he was to walk, and spreading down cotton
cloths that his feet might not touch the earth. Excepting
only the four nobles upon whose arms he
leaned, and who were his near relatives, none of all
his followers presumed to look in the king's face, but
all kept their eyes lowered to the ground in token of
respect."[78]


THE ROYAL HAREM.


Besides the host of retainers already mentioned
there were innumerable other officers attached to the
royal household, such as butlers, stewards, and cooks
of all grades, treasurers, secretaries, scribes, military
officers, superintendents of the royal granaries and arsenals,
and those employed under them. A great number
of artisans were constantly kept busy repairing old
buildings and erecting new ones, and a little army of
jewelers and workers in precious metals resided permanently
at the palace for the purpose of supplying the
king and court with the costly ornaments that were
eventually such a windfall for the conquerors, and over
the description of which they one and all so lovingly
linger. Nor was the softer sex unrepresented at court.
The Aztec sovereigns were notorious for their uxoriousness.
Montezuma II. had in his harem at least
one thousand women, and this number is increased by
most of the historians to three thousand, including
the female attendants and slaves. Of these we are
183
told on good authority that he had one hundred and
fifty pregnant at one time, all of whom killed their
offspring in the womb;[79] yet notwithstanding this
wholesale abortion, he had more than fifty sons and
daughters. His father had one hundred and fifty
children, of whom Montezuma II. killed all his brothers
and forced his sisters to marry whom he pleased;—at
least such is the import of Oviedo's statement.[80]
Nezahualpilli, of Tezcuco, had between seventy and one
hundred children.[81] Camargo tells us that Xicotencatl,
one of the chiefs of Tlascala had a great number of sons
by more than fifty wives or concubines.[82] These women
were the daughters of the nobles, who thought themselves
honored by having a child in the royal harem.
Occasionally the monarch presented one of his concubines
to some great lord or renowned warrior, a mark of
favor which thenceforth distinguished the recipient as
a man whom the king delighted to honor. The seraglio
was presided over by a number of noble matrons,
who kept close watch and ward over the conduct of
their charges and made daily reports to the king, who
invariably caused the slightest indiscretion to be severely
punished. Whether eunuchs were employed
in the Aztec harems is uncertain; this, however, we
read in Motolinia: "Moteuczomatzin had in his palace
dwarfs and little hunchbacks, who when children were
with great ingenuity made crook-backed, ruptured,[83]
and disjointed, because the lords in this country made
the same use of them as at the present day the Grand
Turk does of eunuchs."[84]



184


The enormous expenditure incurred in the maintenance
of such a household as this, was defrayed by the
people, who, as we shall see in a future chapter, were
sorely oppressed by over-taxation. The management
of the whole was entrusted to a head steward or majordomo,
who, with the help of his secretaries, kept
minute hieroglyphic accounts of the royal revenue.
Bernal Diaz tells us that a whole apartment was filled
with these account-books.[85] In Tezcuco, writes Ixtlilxochitl,
the food consumed by the court was supplied
by certain districts of the kingdom, in each of which
was a gatherer of taxes, who besides collecting the
regular tributes, was obliged to furnish the royal
household, in his turn, with a certain quantity of specified
articles, for a greater or less number of days,
according to the wealth and extent of his department.
The daily supply amounted to thirty-one and a quarter
bushels of grain; nearly three bushels and three quarters
of beans;[86] four hundred thousand ready-made
tortillas; four xiquipiles[87] of cocoa, making in all
thirty-two thousand cocoa-beans;[88] one hundred cocks
of the country;[89] twenty loaves of salt; twenty great
baskets of large chiles, and twenty of small chiles; ten
baskets of tomatoes; and ten of seed.[90] All this was
furnished daily for seventy days by the city of Tezcuco
and its suburbs, and by the districts of Atenco, and
Tepepulco; for sixty-five days by the district of Quauhtlatzinco;
and for forty-five days by the districts of
Azapocho and Ahuatepec.[91]


AZTEC KINGS AND THEIR SUBJECTS.


Such, as full in detail as it is handed down to us, was
185
the manner in which the Aztec monarchs lived. The
policy they pursued toward their subjects was to enforce
obedience and submission by enacting laws that
were calculated rather to excite awe and dread than to
inspire love and reverence. To this end they kept the
people at a distance by surrounding themselves with
an impassable barrier of pomp and courtly etiquette,
and enforced obedience by enacting laws that made
death the penalty of the most trivial offenses. There
was little in common between king and people; as is
ever the case between a despot and his subjects. The
good that the kings did by their liberality and love of
justice, and the success they nearly all achieved by
their courage and generalship, merited the admiration
of their subjects. On the other hand, the oppression
which they made their vassals feel, the heavy burdens
they imposed upon them, their own pride and arrogance,
and their excessive severity in punishments,
engendered what we should now call a debasing fear,
but which is none the less an essential element of
progress at certain stages.[92]


CHAPTER V.


THE PRIVILEGED CLASSES AMONG THE NAHUAS.


186



Titles of the Nobility and Gentry—The Power of the Nobles—The
Aristocracy of Tezcuco—The Policy of King Techotlalatzin—Privileges
of the Nobles—Montezuma's Policy—Rivalry
between Nobles and Commons—The Knightly Order of
Tecuhtli—Ceremony of Initiation—Origin of the Order—The
Nahua Priesthood—The Priests of Mexico—Dedication of
Children—Priestesses—Priesthood of Miztecapan—The Pontiff
of Yopaa—Tradition of Wixipecocha—The Cave of Yopaa—The
Zapotec Priests—Toltec Priests—Totonac Priests—Priests
of Michoacan, Puebla, and Tlascala.



THE AZTEC ARISTOCRACY.


Descending in due order the social scale of the Aztecs,
we now come to the nobility, or, more properly
speaking, the privileged classes. The nobles of Mexico,
and of the other Nahua nations, were divided into
several classes, each having its own peculiar privileges
and badges of rank. The distinctions that existed between
the various grades, and their titles, are not,
however, clearly defined. The title of Tlatoani was
the highest and most respected; it signified an absolute
and sovereign power, an hereditary and divine
right to govern. The kings, and the great feudatory
lords who were governors of provinces, and could
prove their princely descent and the ancient independence
of their families, belonged to this order. The
title of Tlatopilzintli was given to the eldest son of
the king, and that of Tlatoque to all the princes in
187
general. Tlacahua signified a lord without sovereignty,
but who had vassals under his orders, and was,
to a certain extent, master of his people. The appellation
of Pilli was given to all who were noble, without
regard to rank. Axcahua, was a rich man, a
proprietor of wealth in general, and Tlaquihua, a
landed proprietor, or almost the same thing as an
English country gentleman.


The title of Tlatoani was invariably hereditary, but
many of the others were conferred only for life, as a
reward for important military or other services to the
state. Of the tenure by which they held their lands
I shall have occasion to speak hereafter.


The power of the nobles, as a body, was very great;
according to some accounts there were, in Montezuma's
realms, thirty great lords who each controlled
one hundred thousand vassals, and three thousand
other lords also very powerful. A number of nobles
possessing such formidable power as this, would, if
permitted to live on their estates, some of which were
a long distance from the capital, have been a constantly
threatening source of danger to the crown; at
any moment an Aztec Runnimede might have been
expected. To guard against any such catastrophe,
the more powerful nobles were required to reside in
the capital, at least during the greater part of each
year; and permission to return to their homes for a
short time, could only be obtained on condition that
they left a son or brother as a guarantee of good faith
during their absence.[93]


In the kingdom of Tezcuco were twenty-six great
fiefs,[94] each independent of the rest and having several
fiefs of less importance subjected to it. The greater
part of these great chiefs bore the sovereign title of
Tlatoani, or a similar one. They recognized no prerogative
of the king except his right to preside at
188
their grand assemblies, to receive their homage upon
his accession to the throne, to levy certain tributes in
their provinces, and to call upon them to appear in
the field with a contingent of troops in case of war.
For the rest, each Tlatoani was perfectly independent
in his own domain, which he governed with the same
omnipotence as the king of Tezcuco himself. Notwithstanding
the precautions taken, it frequently happened
that one of these great feudatories would feel
himself strong enough to set the authority of the king
at defiance, but as their private feuds generally prevented
any number of the Tlatoanis from uniting their
forces against the crown, the rebels were in most instances
speedily reduced to subjection; in which event
the leaders either suffered death or were degraded
from their rank.


They were an unruly family, these overgrown vassals,
and the Aztec monarchs were often at their wit's
end in endeavors to conciliate and keep them within
bounds. Torquemada tells us that Techotlalatzin,
king of Tezcuco, was sorely harassed by the powerful
nobles of his realm. He accordingly set about remedying
the evil with great prudence and perseverance.
His first step was to unite, by strong bonds of interest,
the less important nobles to the crown. To this end
he heaped favors upon all. The vanity of some he
flattered by conferring the dignity and title of Tlatoani
upon them, to others he gave wealth and lands.
By this means he weakened the individual power of
the great vassals by increasing their number, a policy
the efficiency of which has been frequently proved in
the old world as well as in the new. Techotlalatzin
next proceeded to summon them one after another to
court, and then under pretense of being in constant
need of their advice, he formed twenty-six of their
number into a council of state, obliging them by this
means to reside constantly in the capital. With this
council he conferred upon all grave and difficult questions,
whatever might be their nature. It was the
189
duty of its members to draw up and issue ordinances,
both for the general government and for the administration
of affairs in particular provinces; and to
enact laws for enforcing good order in towns and
villages, as well as those relating to agriculture,
science and art, military discipline, and the tribunals
of justice.


ORDERS OF NOBILITY.


At the same time Techotlalatzin created a large
number of new offices and honorary trusts, which were
dependent on the crown. Four of the most powerful
nobles were invested with the highest dignities. The
first, with the title Tetlahto, was made commander-in-chief
of the army, and president of the military council.
The second was entitled Yolqui; his office was
that of grand master of ceremonies; it was his duty
to receive and introduce the ambassadors and ministers
of foreign princes, to conduct them to court, to
lodge them and provide for their comfort, and to offer
them the presents appointed by the king. The third
lord received the title of Tlami or Calpixcontli; he
was master of the royal household, and minister of
finance, and was assisted in his functions by a council
of other nobles. It was the duty of this body to keep
strict account of all taxes paid by the people; its
members were required to be well informed as to
the exact condition of each town and province, with
the nature of its produce, and the fertility of its soil;
they had also to distribute the taxes with equality
and justice, and in proportion to the resources of the
people. The care and management of the interior of
the palace was also intrusted to them, and it was their
place to provide all the food for the consumption of
the royal household. The fourth great officer was
styled Amechichi; he acted as grand chamberlain,
and attended to the king's private apartments. Like
the Tlami, he was assisted by other nobles. A fifth
officer was afterward appointed, who bore the title of
Cohuatl, and superintended the workers in precious
metals, jewels, and feathers, who were employed by
190
the court. At first sight it may appear that such
duties as these would be below the dignity of a
haughty Aztec grandee, yet we find the nobles of
Europe during the middle ages not only filling the
same positions, but jealous of their right to do so,
and complaining loudly if deprived of them. Sismondi
tells us that the count of Anjou, under Louis
VI., claimed the office of grand seneschal of France;
that is, to carry dishes to the king's table on state
days. The court of Charlemagne was crowded with
officers of every rank, some of the most eminent of
whom exercised functions about the royal person
which would have been thought fit only for slaves in
the palace of Augustus or Antonine. The free-born
Franks saw nothing menial in the titles of cup-bearer,
steward, marshal, and master of the horse, which are
still borne by some of the noblest families in many
parts of Europe.


As soon as habits of submission and an appreciation
of the honors showered upon them had taken root
among his great vassals, Techotlalatzin subdivided
the twenty-six provinces of his kingdom into sixty-five
departments. The ancient lords were not by this
measure despoiled of all their authority, nor of those
estates which were their private property; but the
jurisdiction they exercised in person or through their
officials was greatly diminished by the nomination of
thirty-five new governors, chosen by the king, and of
whose fidelity he was well assured. This was a mortal
blow to the great aristocrats, and a preliminary step
toward the total abolition of feudal power. But the
master-stroke was yet to come. The inhabitants of
each province were carefully counted and divided into
sections. They were then changed about from place
to place, in numbers proportioned to the size and population
of the territory. For example, from a division
containing six thousand people, two thousand were
taken and transported into the territory of another
lord, from the number of whose vassals two thousand
191
were also taken and placed upon the vacated land in
the first lord's possessions; each noble, however, retained
his authority over that portion of his vassals
which had been removed. By this means, although
the number of each lord's subjects remained the same,
yet as a large portion of each territory was occupied
by the vassals of another, a revolt would be difficult.
Nor could two nobles unite their forces against the
crown, as care was taken that the interchange of dependents
should not be effected between two estates
adjoining each other.


These measures, despotic as they were, were nevertheless
executed without opposition from either nobles
or people,—such was the awe in which the sovereign
was held and his complete ascendancy over his subjects.[95]


PRIVILEGES OF THE NOBLES.


The privileges of the nobles were numerous. They
alone were allowed to wear ornaments of gold and
gems upon their clothes, and, indeed, in their entire
dress, as we shall presently see, they were distinguished
from the lower classes. The exact limits of
the power they possessed over their vassals is not
known, but it was doubtless nearly absolute. Fuenleal,
bishop of Santo Domingo, writes to Charles V.
of the lower orders, that "they were, and still are, so
submissive that they allow themselves to be killed or
sold into slavery without complaining."[96] In Mexico
their power and privileges were greatly augmented by
Montezuma II., who we are told ousted every plebeian
that held a position of high rank, and would allow
none who were not of noble birth to be employed in
his palace or about his person. At the time of this
monarch's accession there were many members of the
royal council who were men of low extraction; all
192
these he dismissed and supplied their places with
creatures of his own.


It is related that an old man who had formerly been
his guardian or tutor had the boldness to remonstrate
with him against such a course; telling him with firmness
that he acted contrary to his own interests, and
advising him to weigh well the consequences of the
measures he was adopting. To banish the plebeians
from the palace, added the old man, was to estrange
them forever from the king; and the time would come
when the common people would no longer either wish
or dare to look upon him. Montezuma haughtily
made answer, that this was precisely what he wished;
it was a burning shame, he said, that the low and
common people should be allowed to mix with the
nobles in the royal service; he was astonished and indignant
that his royal predecessors had so long suffered
such a state of things to be.[97]


By these measures the services of many brave soldiers,
promoted, as a reward for their gallantry, from
the ranks of the people, were lost to the crown; nor
were such men likely to be slow to show their discontent.
The new policy, incited by a proud aristocracy,
struck exactly those men who had the best right to a
share in the government. It was the officers promoted
for their merits from the ranks who had contributed
most to the success of the Mexican arms;
it was the great merchants who, by their extended
commerce, had made the wealth of the country. A
spirit of rivalry had long existed between the poor
well-born nobles, and the wealthy base-born merchants.
During many successive reigns the importance
of the latter class had been steadily increasing,
owing to the valuable services they had rendered the
state. From the earliest times they were permitted a
certain degree of familiarity with the kings, who took
great delight in hearing them recount the wonderful
adventures they had met with while on their long
193
expeditions into strange parts. Doubtless the royal
ear did not always meet the truth unembellished, any
more than did that of Haroun Alraschid upon similar
occasions, but probably the monarchs learned many
little secrets in this way that they could never know
by other means. Afterward these merchants were
admitted to the royal councils, and during the latter
years of the reign of Ahuitzotl we find them enjoying
many of the exclusive privileges hitherto reserved to
the warrior aristocracy.


CLASS CONFLICTS.


The merchants appear to have partly brought upon
themselves the misfortunes which subsequently overtook
them, by aggravating the envious feelings with
which they were already regarded. Not content with
being admitted to equal privileges with the nobles,
and vexed at not being able to vie with them in brilliant
titles and long lines of illustrious ancestry, they
did their utmost to surpass them in the magnificence of
their houses, and in the pomp which they displayed upon
every occasion. At the public feasts and ceremonies
these parvenus outshone the proudest nobles by the
profuseness of their expenditure; they strove for and
obtained honors and exalted positions which the aristocracy
could not accept for lack of wealth; they were
sparing of money in no place where it could be used
for their own advancement. It is easy to conceive
the effect such a state of things had on the proud and
overbearing nobles of Mexico. On several occasions
they complained to their kings that their order was losing
its prestige by being obliged to mix on equal terms
with the plebeians; but the services that the great
commercial body rendered every day to the crown
were too material to allow the kings to listen patiently
to such complaints. During the reign of Ahuitzotl,
the pride of the merchants had reached its zenith;
it is not therefore surprising that the leaders of the
aristocratic party, when that monarch was dead, elected
as his successor Montezuma II., a prince well
known for his partiality for the higher classes. His
194
policy, as events proved, was a far less wise one than
that of Techotlalatzin of Tezcuco, of which we have
already spoken. By not restraining his overweening
pride he prepared the way for disaffection and revolt;
he furnished his enemies with weapons which they
were not slow to use; he alienated the affections of
his subjects, so that when aid was most needed there
was none to help him, and when, fettered and a prisoner
in the hand of the Spaniards, he called upon his
people, the only replies were hoots and missiles.


The generals of the army and military officers of
the higher ranks, must of course be included among
the privileged classes; usually, indeed, they were
noble by birth as well as influential by position, and
in Mexico, from the time of Montezuma's innovations
this was always the case. There were several military
orders and titles which were bestowed upon distinguished
soldiers for services in the field or the council.
Of those which were purely the reward of merit,
and such as could be attained by a plebeian, I shall
speak in a future chapter. There was one, however,
the membership of which was confined to the nobility;
this was the celebrated and knightly order of the Tecuhtli.


To obtain this rank it was necessary to be of noble
birth, to have given proof in several battles of the
utmost courage, to have arrived at a certain age, and
to have sufficient wealth to support the enormous expenses
incurred by members of the order.


CEREMONY OF INITIATING A TECUHTLI.


For three years before he was admitted, the candidate
and his parents busied themselves about making
ready for the grand ceremony, and collecting rich garments,
jewels, and golden ornaments, for presents to
the guests. When the time approached, the auguries
were consulted, and a lucky day having been fixed
upon, the relations and friends of the candidate, as
well as all the great nobles and Tecuhtlis that could
be brought together, were invited to a sumptuous
banquet. On the morning of the all-important day
195
the company set out in a body for the temple of Camaxtli,[98]
followed by a multitude of curious spectators,
chiefly of the lower orders, intent upon seeing all there
is to see. Arrived at the summit of the pyramid consecrated
to Camaxtli, the aspirant to knightly honors
bows down reverently before the altar of the god. The
high-priest now approaches him, and with a pointed
tiger's bone or an eagle's claw perforates the cartilage
of his nose in two places, inserting into the holes thus
made small pieces of jet or obsidian,[99] which remain
there until the year of probation is passed, when they
are exchanged for beads of gold and precious stones.
This piercing the nose with an eagle's claw or a tiger's
bone, signifies, says Torquemada, that he who aspires
to the dignity of Tecuhtli must be as swift to overtake
an enemy as the eagle, as strong in fight as the
tiger. The high-priest, speaking in a loud voice, now
begins to heap insults and injurious epithets upon
the man standing meekly before him. His voice
grows louder and louder; he brandishes his arms
aloft, he waxes furious. The assistant priests are
catching his mood; they gather closer about the object
of the pontiff's wrath; they jostle him, they
point their fingers sneeringly at him, and call him
coward. For a moment the dark eyes of the victim
gleam savagely, his hands close involuntarily, he
seems about to spring upon his tormentors; then with
an effort he calms himself and is passive as ever.
That look made the taunters draw back, but it was
only for a moment; they are upon him again; they
know now that he is strong to endure, and they will
prove him to the uttermost. Screaming insults in his
ears, they tear his garments piece by piece from his
body until nothing but the maxtli is left, and the man
196
stands bruised and naked in their midst. But all is
useless, their victim is immovable, so at length they
leave him in peace. He has passed safely through
one of the severest ordeals of the day, but that fierce
look a while ago was a narrow escape; had he lifted a
finger in resistance, he must have gone down from the
temple to be scorned and jeered at by the crowd below
as one who had aspired to the dignity of Tecuhtli, yet
who could restrain his temper no better than a woman.
The long months of careful preparation would have
been all in vain, his parents would have spat upon
him for vexation and shame, perchance he would have
been punished for sacrilege. But he is by no means
a member of the coveted order yet. He is next conducted
to another hall of the temple,[100] where he commences
his noviciate, which is to last from one to two
years, by four days of penance, prayer, and fasting.
As soon as he is conducted to this hall the banquet
which has been prepared for the guests commences,
and after a few hours of conviviality each returns to
his home.


During these first four days the candidate's powers of
endurance are sorely taxed. The only articles of furniture
allowed him are a coarse mat and a low stool; his
garments are of the coarsest description. When night
comes, the priests bring him a black preparation, with
which to besmear his face, some spines of the maguey-plant
to draw blood from his body with, a censer and
some incense. His only companions are three veteran
warriors, who instruct him in his duties and keep him
awake, for during the four days he is only allowed to
sleep for a few minutes at a time, and then it must be
sitting upon his stool. If, overcome by drowsiness, he
exceed this time, his guardians thrust the maguey-thorns
197
into his flesh, crying: Awake, awake! learn to
be vigilant and watchful; keep your eyes open that
you may look to the interests of your vassals. At
midnight he goes to burn incense before the idol, and
to draw blood from different parts of his body as a
sacrifice. He then walks round the temple, and as he
goes he burns paper and copal in four holes in the
ground, which he makes at the four sides of the building,
facing the cardinal points; upon each of these
fires he lets fall a few drops of blood drawn from his
body. These ceremonies he repeats at dawn and sunset.
He breaks his fast only once in twenty-four
hours, at midnight: and then his repast consists merely
of four little dumplings of maize-meal, each about the
size of a nut, and a small quantity of water; but even
this he leaves untasted if he wishes to evince extraordinary
powers of endurance. The four days having
elapsed, he obtains permission from the high-priest to
complete his time of probation in some temple of his
own district or parish; but he is not allowed to go
home, nor, if married, to see his wife during this
period.


FINAL CEREMONIES.


For two or three months preceding his formal admission
into the order, the home of the postulant is
in a bustle of preparation for the coming ceremony.
A grand display is made of rich stuffs and dresses, and
costly jewels, for the use of the new knight when he
shall cast off his present chrysalis-husk of coarse
nequen and emerge a full-blown Tecuhtli. A great
number of presents are provided for the guests; a
sumptuous banquet is prepared, and the whole house
is decorated for the occasion. The oracles are again
consulted, and upon the lucky day appointed the company
assemble once more at the house of the candidate,
in the same manner as at the commencement of
his noviciate. In the morning the new knight is conducted
to a bath, and after having undergone a good
scrubbing, he is again carried, in the midst of music
and dancing, to the temple of Camaxtli. Accompanied
198
by his brother Tecuhtlis he ascends the steps of
the teocalli. After he has respectfully saluted the
idol, the mean garments he has worn so long are taken
off, and his hair is bound up in a knot on the top of
his head with a red cord, from the ends of which hang
some fine feathers; he is next clad in garments of rich
and fine materials, the principal of which is a kind of
tunic, ornamented with a delicately embroidered device,
which is the insignia of his new rank; in his
right hand he receives some arrows and in his left a
bow. The high-priest completes the ceremony with a
discourse, in which he instructs the new knight in his
duties, tells him the names which he is to add to his
own, as a member of the order; describes to him the
signs and devices which he must emblazon on his
escutcheon, and impresses upon his memory the advantages
of being liberal and just, of loving his country
and his gods. As soon as the newly made
Tecuhtli has descended into the court of the temple,
the music and dancing recommence, and are kept up
until it is time to begin the banquet. This is served
with great magnificence and liberality, and, to the
guests at least, is probably the most interesting feature
of the day. In front of each person at table are
placed the presents intended for him, consisting of
costly stuffs and ornaments in such quantity that each
bundle was carried with difficulty by two slaves; each
guest is also given a new garment, which he wears at
table.


The value of the gifts was proportioned to the rank
of the receiver, and such distinctions must be made
with great care, for the Aztec nobility were very jealous
of their rights of precedence. The places of such
nobles as had been invited to the feast but were from
illness or other cause unable to attend were left vacant,
and their share of presents and food was placed upon
the table exactly as if they had been present; Torquemada
tells us, moreover, that the same courtesy
was extended to the empty seat as to the actual
199
guest.[101] Upon these occasions the absent noble generally
sent a substitute, whose seat was placed next to
that of the person he represented. On the following
day the servants and followers of the guests were
feasted and presented with gifts, according to the
means and liberality of the donor.


The privileges of the Tecuhtlis were important and
numerous. In council they took the first places, and
their votes outweighed all others; in the same manner
at all feasts and ceremonies, in peace or in war,
they were always granted preëminence. As before
remarked, the vast expenses entailed upon a Tecuhtli
debarred the honor from many who were really worthy
of it. In some instances, however, when a noble had
greatly distinguished himself in war, but was too poor
to bear the expenses of initiation, these were defrayed
by the governor of his province, or by the other Tecuhtlis.[102]


ORIGIN OF THE ORDER.


The origin of the order of Tecuhtli is not known.
Both the Toltecs and the Tlascaltecs claim to have
established it. Veytia, however, asserts that this was
not the case, but that it was first instituted by Xolotl,
king of the Chichimecs.[103] M. l'Abbé Brasseur de
Bourbourg infers from ancient Toltec history that the
ceremony of initiation and the probation of the candidate
derive their origin from the mysterious rites of
which traces are still found among the nations of
Mexico and Central America. The traditions relating
to Votan and Quetzalcoatl, or Gucumatz, evidently
allude to it. The birth of Ceacatl-Quetzalcoatl is celebrated
by his father, Mixcohua-Camaxtli, at Culhuacan,
with great rejoicings and the creation of a great
200
number of knights; it is these same knights who are
afterwards sent to avenge his death upon his assassins
at Cuitlahuac, a town which appears, since that time,
to have been always the principal place of residence of
the order. After the separation of Cholula from the
rest of the Toltec empire by Ceacatl-Quetzalcoatl, that
town, together with Huexotzinco and Tlascala, appears
to have had special privileges in this particular. It is
in these places that after the conquest of the Aztec
plateau by the Teo-Chichimecs, we find most of their
chiefs bearing the title of Tecuhtli; it may be that the
priests were forced into confirming their warlike conquerors
in the honor, or it may be that they did so
voluntarily, hoping by this means to submit the warriors
to their spiritual power. This, however, is certain,
that the rank of Tecuhtli remained to the last
the highest honor that a prince or soldier could acquire
in the states of Tlascala, Cholula, and Huexotzinco.[104]


THE MEXICAN PRIESTHOOD.


The priesthood filled a very important place among
the privileged classes, but as a succeeding volume has
been set apart for all matters relating to religion, I
will confine myself here to such an outline of the
sacerdotal system as is necessary to make our view of
Aztec social distinctions complete. The learned Abbé,
M. Brasseur de Bourbourg, gives us a very correct
and concise account of the Mexican priesthood, a partial
translation of which will answer the present purpose.


Among the nations of Mexico and Central America,
whose civilization is identical, the priesthood always
occupied a high rank in the state, and up to the last
moment its members continued to exercise a powerful
influence in both public and private affairs. In Anáhuac
the priestly offices do not appear to have been
appropriated exclusively by an hereditary caste; all
had an equal right to fill them, with the exception of
the offices about the temple of Huitzilopochtli, at
Mexico, which were granted to some families dwelling
201
in certain quarters of that city.[105] The ministers of
the various temples, to be fitted for an ecclesiastical
career, must be graduates of the Calmecac, colleges or
seminaries to which they had been sent by their
parents in their infancy. The dignities of their order
were conferred by vote; but it is evident that the
priests of noble birth obtained almost invariably the
highest honors. The quarrels between the priest and
warrior classes, which, in former times, had brought
so much harm to the Mexican nation, had taught the
kings to do their best to effect a balance of power between
the rival bodies; to this end they appropriated
to themselves the privilege of electing priests, and
placed at the head of the clergy a priest or a warrior
of high rank, as they saw fit; this could be all the
more easily done, as both classes received the same
education in the same schools.


The august title of Topiltzin, which in ancient times
expressed the supreme military and priestly power,
came to mean, in after years, a purely ecclesiastical
authority. In Tezcuco and Tlacopan, where the crown
was inherited in a direct line by one of the sons of
the deceased monarch, the supreme pontiff was usually
selected from among the members of the royal family;
but in Mexico, where it involved, almost always, the
duties of Tlacochcalcatl, or commander-in-chief of the
army, and, eventually, succession to the throne, the
office of high-priest, like that of king, was elective.
The election of the spiritual king, for so we may call
him, generally followed close upon that of the temporal
monarch, and such was the honor in which the
former was held, that he was consecrated with the
same sacred unguent with which the king was anointed.
In this manner Axayacatl, Montezuma II., and Quauhtemoc,
were each made pontiff before the royal
crown was placed upon their head. The title of him
who held this dignity was Mexicatl-Teohuatzin, that
is to say, the 'Mexican lord of sacred things;' he
202
added also, besides a great number of other titles, that
of Teotecuhtli, or 'divine master,' and he was, by
right, high-priest of Huitzilopochtli; he was the 'head
of the church,' and of all its branches, not only at
Mexico, but in all the provinces of the Mexican empire;
he had absolute authority over all priests, of
whatever rank, and the colleges and monasteries of
every class were under his control. He was elected
by the two dignitaries ranking next to himself in the
aboriginal hierarchy. The Mexicatl-Teohuatzin was
looked upon as the right arm of the king, particularly
in all matters of war and religion, and it rarely happened
that any important enterprise was set on foot
without his advice. At the same time it is evident
that the high-priest was, after all, only the vicar and
lieutenant of the king, for on certain solemn occasions
the monarch himself performed the functions of grand
sacrificer.


The Quetzalcoatl, that is, the high-priest of the god
of that name, was almost equal in rank to the Mexicatl-Teohuatzin;
but his political influence was far
inferior. The ordinary title of the priests was Teopixqui,
or 'sacred guardian;' those who were clothed
with a higher dignity were called Huey-Teopixqui, or
'great sacred guardian.' The Huitznahuac-Teohuatzin
and the Tepan-Teohuatzin followed, in priestly
rank, the high-priest of Huitzilopochtli; they were
his vicars, and superintended the colleges and monasteries
in every part of his kingdom. The Tlaquimilol-Tecuhtli,
or 'grand master of relics,'[106] took charge
of the ornaments, furniture, and other articles specially
relating to worship. The Tlillancalcatl, or 'chief of
the house of Tlillan,' exercised the functions of principal
sacristan; he took care of the robes and utensils
used by the high-priest. The choristers were under
the orders of the Ometochtli, the high-priest of the
god so named, who had, as director of the singing-schools,
203
an assistant styled Tlapitzcatzin; it was this
latter officer's duty to instruct his pupils in the hymns
which were chanted at the principal solemnities. The
Tlamacazcatlotl, or 'divine minister' overlooked the
studies in the schools; another priest discharged the
duties of grand master of the pontifical ceremonies;
another was archdeacon and judge of the ecclesiastical
courts; the latter had power to employ and discharge
the attendants in the temples; besides these
there was a crowd of other dignitaries, following each
other rank below rank in perfect order.


SACERDOTAL OFFICES.


In Mexico and the other towns of the empire, there
were as many complete sets of priests as there were
temples. Besides the seventy-eight sanctuaries dedicated
to Huitzilopochtli, which were in part directed
by the priests we have already enumerated, the capital
contained many others. Each had jurisdiction
in its own section, which corresponded to our parish;
the priests and their pupils dwelling in a school or college
which adjoined the temple.


It was the province of the priests to attend to all
matters relating to religion and the instruction of
youth. Some took charge of the sacrifices, others
were skilled in the art of divination; certain of them
were entrusted with the arrangement of the festivals
and the care of the temple and sacred vessels, others
applied themselves to the composition of hymns and
attended to the singing and music. The priests who
were learned in science superintended the schools and
colleges, made the calculations for the annual calendar,
and fixed the feast-days; those who possessed literary
talent compiled the historical works, and collected material
for the libraries. To each temple was attached
a monastery, or we might call it a chapter, the members
of which enjoyed privileges similar to those of
our canons.


The Tlamacazqui, 'deacons' or 'ministers' and the
Quaquacuiltin, 'herb-eaters,' were those who dedicated
themselves to the service of the gods for life.
204
They led a very ascetic life; continence was strictly
imposed upon them, and they mortified the flesh by
deeds of penance in imitation of Quetzalcoatl, who
was their patron deity. The name of Tlamacazcayotl,
signifying 'government of the religious,' was given
to these orders, and they had monasteries for the reception
of both sexes. The high-priest of the god Quetzalcoatl
was their supreme lord; he was a man of
great authority, and never deigned to put his foot out
of doors unless it was to confer with the king. When
a father of a family wished to dedicate one of his children
to the service of Quetzalcoatl, he with great
humility advised the high-priest of his intention.
That dignitary deputed a Tlamacazqui to represent
him at the feast which was given in his honor, and to
bring away the child. If at this time the infant
was under four years of age, a slight incision was
made on his chest, and a few drops of blood were
drawn as a token of his future position. Four years
was the age requisite for admission into the monastery.
Some remained there until they were of an age to
enter the world, some dedicated their whole lives to
the service of the gods; others vowed themselves
to perpetual continence. All were poorly clothed,
wore their hair long, lived upon coarse and scanty
fare, and did all kinds of work. At midnight they
arose and went to the bath; after washing, they drew
blood from their bodies with spines of the maguey-plant;
then they watched and chanted praises of the
gods until two in the morning. Notwithstanding this
austerity, however, these monks could betake themselves
alone to the woods, or wander through the
mountains and deserts, there in solitude to spend the
time in holy contemplation.


MEXICAN PRIESTESSES.


Females were consecrated to the service of the gods
in several ways. When a girl was forty days old, the
father carried her to the neighboring temple; he
placed in her little hands a broom and a censer, and
thus presented her to the Teopixqui, or priest; who by
205
accepting these symbols of his future state, bound himself
to perform his part of the engagement. As soon
as the little one was able to do so in person, she carried
a broom and a censer to the temple, with some presents
for the priest; at the required age she entered
the monastery. Some of the girls took an oath of
perpetual continence; others, on account of some vow
which they had made during sickness, or that the
gods might send them a good husband, entered the
monastery for one, two, three, or four years. They
were called Cihuatlamacasque, 'deaconesses,' or Cihuaquaquilli,
'eaters of vegetables.' They were under
the surveillance of a number of staid matrons of good
character; upon entering the monastery each girl had
her hair cut short.[107] They all slept in one dormitory,
and were not allowed to disrobe before retiring to rest,
in order that they might always be ready when the
signal was given to rise. They occupied themselves
with the usual labors of their sex; weaving and embroidering
the tapestry and ornamental work for the
temple. Three times during the night they rose to
renew the incense in the braziers, at ten o'clock, at
midnight, and at dawn.[108] On these occasions a matron
led the procession; with eyes modestly bent upon the
ground, and without daring to cast a glance to one
side or the other, the maidens filed up one side of the
temple, while the priests did the same on the other,
so that all met before the altar. In returning to the
dormitory the same order was observed. They spent
part of the morning in preparing bread and confectionery,
which they placed, while warm, in the temple,
where the priests partook of it after sacrifice.[109]
206
The young women, for their part, fasted strictly; they
first broke their fast at noon, and with the exception
of a scanty meal in the evening, this was all they ate
during the twenty-four hours. On feast-days they
were permitted to taste meat, but at all other times
their diet was extremely meagre. While sweeping
the temple they took great care never to turn their
back to the idol, lest the god should be insulted.


If one of these young women unhappily violated
her vows of chastity she redoubled her fasting and
severity, in the fear that her flesh would rot, and in
order to appease the gods and induce them to conceal
her crime, for death was the punishment inflicted on
the Mexican vestal who was convicted of such a trespass.
The maiden who entered the service of the
gods for a certain period only, and not for life, did not
usually leave the monastery until she was about to be
married. At that time the parents, having chosen a
husband for the girl, and gotten everything in readiness,
repaired to the monastery, taking care first to
provide themselves with quails, copal, hollow canes
filled with perfume, which Torquemada says they
called poquietl, a brassier for incense, and some flowers.
The girl was then clothed in a new dress, and the
party went up to the temple; the altar was covered
with a cloth, upon which were placed the presents
they had brought with them, accompanied by sundry
dishes of meats and pastry. A complimentary speech
was next made by the parents to the Tequaquilli, or
chief priest of the temple, and when this was concluded
the girl was taken away to her father's house.
But of those young men and maidens who stayed in
the temple-schools for a time only, and received a
regular course of instruction at the hands of the
priests, it is my intention to speak further when treating
of the education of the Mexican youth. The
207
original accounts are rather confused on this point, so
that it is difficult to separate with accuracy those who
entered with the intention of becoming permanent
priests from those who were merely temporary scholars.


DRESS OF THE MEXICAN PRIESTS.


The ordinary dress of the Mexican priests differed
little from that of other citizens; the only distinctive
feature being a black cotton mantle, which they wore
in the manner of a veil thrown back upon the head.
Those, however, who professed a more austere life,
such as the Quaquaquiltin and Tlamacazqui before
mentioned, wore long black robes; many among them
never cut their hair, but allowed it to grow as long as
it would; it was twisted with thick cotton cords, and
bedaubed with unctuous matter, the whole forming a
weighty mass, as inconvenient to carry as it was disgusting
to look at. The high-priest usually wore, as
a badge of his rank, a kind of fringe which hung
down over his breast, called Xicolli; on feast-days he
was clothed in a long robe, over which he wore a sort
of chasuble or cope, which varied in color, shape, and
ornamentation, according to the sacrifices he made and
the divinity to which he offered them.[110]


Among the Miztecs and Zapotecs the priests had as
much or even more influence than among the Mexicans.
In briefly reviewing the sacerdotal system of
these nations, let us once more take M. Brasseur de
Bourbourg for our guide.


The kingdom of Tilantongo, which comprised upper
Miztecapan, was spiritually governed by the high-priest
of Achiuhtla; he had the title of Taysacaa,[111]
208
and his power equalled, if it did not surpass, that of
the sovereign. This office, it appears, was reserved
for the royal family, and was transmitted from male
to male; a member of any free family could, however,
become a sacaa, or simple priest. All, even to the
successor of the Taysacaa, had to submit to a vigorous
noviciate of one year's duration, and to this rule
no exceptions were made. Up to the time of commencing
his noviciate, and for four years after it was
ended, the candidate for the priesthood was supposed
to have led a perfectly chaste life, otherwise he was
judged unworthy to be admitted into the order. His
only food during the year of probation was herbs,
wild honey, and roasted maize; his life was passed in
silence and retirement, and the monotony of his existence
was only relieved by waiting on the priests, taking
care of the altars, sweeping the temple, and
gathering wood for the fires.


When four years after his admission to the priesthood
had elapsed, during which time he seems to have
served a sort of apprenticeship, he was permitted to
marry if he saw fit, and at the same time to perform
his priestly functions. If he did not marry he entered
one of the monasteries which were dependent on the
temples, and while performing his regular duties, increased
the austerity of his life. Those priests who
were entrusted with the higher and more important
offices, such as the instruction of youth or a seat in
the royal council, were selected from the latter class.
The king, or the nobles, each in his own state, provided
for their wants, and certain women, sworn to
chastity, prepared their food. They never left the
monastery except on special occasions, to assist at
some feast, to play at ball in the court of their sovereign
lord, to go on a pilgrimage for the accomplishment
of a vow made by the king or by themselves, or
to take their place at the head of the army, which, on
209
certain occasions, they commanded. If one of these
monks fell sick, he was well cared for in the monastery;
if he died he was interred in the court of the
building. If one of them violated his vow of chastity,
he was bastinadoed to death.


THE PONTIFF OF YOPAA.



THE CAVE OF YOPAA.


In Zapotecapan the supreme pontiff was called the
Wiyatao;[112] his residence was in the city of Yopaa,[113]
and there he was from time immemorial spiritual and
temporal lord, though, indeed, he made his temporal
power felt more or less throughout the whole kingdom;
and he appears in the earliest history of this
country as master and lord of both the princes and the
people of those nations who acknowledged him as the
supreme head of their religion. The origin of the
city of Yopaa is not known; it was situated on the
slope of Mount Teutitlan,[114] which in this place formed
a valley, shut in by overshadowing rocks, and watered
by a stream which lower down flowed into the river
Xalatlaco. The original inhabitants of this region
were the disciples and followers of a mysterious,
white-skinned personage named Wixipecocha. What
race he belonged to, or from what land he came when
he presented himself to the Zapotecs, is not known;
a certain vague tradition relates that he came by sea
from the south, bearing a cross in his hand, and debarked
in the neighborhood of Tehuantepec;[115] a
statue representing him is still to be seen, on a high
rock near the village of Magdalena. He is described
as a man of a venerable aspect, having a bushy,
white beard, dressed in a long robe and a cloak, and
wearing a covering upon his head resembling a monk's
210
cowl. The statue represents him seated in a pensive
attitude, apparently occupied in hearing the confession
of a woman who kneels by his side.[116] His voice, to
accord with his appearance, must have been of remarkable
sweetness. Wixipecocha taught his disciples to
deny themselves the vanities of this world, to mortify
the flesh with penance and fasting, and to abstain
from all sensual pleasures. Adding example to precept,
he utterly abjured female society, and suffered
no woman to approach him except in the act of auricular
confession, which formed part of his doctrine.[117]
This extraordinary conduct caused him to be much
respected; especially as it was an unheard-of thing
among these people for a man to devote his life to
celibacy. Nevertheless, he was frequently persecuted
by those whose vices and superstitions he attacked.
Passing through one province after another he at
length arrived in the Zapotec valley, a large portion
of which was at that time occupied by a lake named
Rualo. Afterwards, being entered into the country
of the Miztecs, to labor for their conversion, the people
sought to take his life. Those who were sent to
take him prisoner, overtook him at the foot of Cempoaltepec,
the most lofty peak in the country; but at
the moment they thought to lay hands upon him, he
disappeared suddenly from their sight, and soon afterwards,
adds the tradition, his figure was seen standing
on the summit of the highest peak of the mountain.
Filled with astonishment, his persecutors hastened to
scale the rocky height. When after great labor they
arrived at the point where they had seen the figure,
Wixipecocha appeared to them again for a few instants,
then as suddenly vanished, leaving no traces
of his presence save the imprints of his feet deeply
impressed upon the rock where he had stood.[118] Since
211
then we do not know that Wixipecocha reappeared in
the ordinary world, though tradition relates that he
afterwards showed himself in the enchanted island of
Monapostiac, near Tehuantepec, whither he probably
went for the purpose of obtaining new proselytes. In
spite of the silence which history maintains concerning
the time of his advent and the disciples which he
left behind him, there can be no doubt that the priests
of Yopaa did not continue to promulgate his doctrines,
or that the Wiyatao, the supreme pontiff in Zapotecapan,
was not there as the vicar and successor of the
prophet of Monapostiac. Like the ancient Brahmans
of Hindustan, the first disciples of Wixipecocha celebrated
the rites of their religion in a deep cave, which
M. de Bourbourg thinks was most probably hollowed
out in the side of the mountain by the waters of the
flood. This was afterwards used as a place of worship
by the Wiyataos, who, as the number of their
proselytes increased, brought art to the aid of nature,
and under the hands of able architects the cave of
Yopaa was soon turned into a temple, having halls,
galleries, and numerous apartments all cut in the
solid rock. It was into the gloomy recesses of this
temple that the priests descended on solemn feast-days
to assist at those mysterious sacrifices which
were sacred from the profane gaze of the vulgar, or
to take part in the burial rites at the death of a king.[119]


The classes of religious men were as numerous and
their names and duties as varied among the Zapotecs
as elsewhere. A certain order of priests who made
the interpreting of dreams their special province were
called Colanii Cobee Pécala. Each form of divination
was made a special study. Some professed to
foretell the future by the aid of stars, earth, wind, fire,
or water; others, by the flight of birds, the entrails of
sacrificial victims, or by magic signs and circles.
Among other divinities a species of parroquet, with
212
flaming plumage, called the ara,[120] was worshiped in
some districts. In this bird a god was incarnate, who
was said to have descended from the sky like a meteor.
There were among the Zapotecs hermits or fakirs,
who passed their entire lives in religious Ecstasy and
meditation, shut up in dark caves, or rude huts, with
no other companion but an ara, which they fed respectfully
upon a species of altar; in honor of the bird
they lacerated their flesh and drew blood from their
bodies; upon their knees they kissed it morning and
evening, and offered it with their prayers sacrifices of
flowers and copal.


ZAPOTEC PRIESTS.


Priests of a lower order were styled Wiyana and
Wizaechi, and the monks Copapitas. The influence
which they were supposed to have with the gods, and
the care which they took to keep their number constantly
recruited with scions of the most illustrious
families, gained them great authority among the people.
No noble was so great but he would be honored
by having a son in the temple. They added, also, to
the credit of their profession by the strict propriety
of their manners, and the excessive rigor with which
they guarded their chastity. Parents who wished to
consecrate one of their children to the service of the
gods, led him, while still an infant, to the chief priest
of the district, who after carefully catechizing the little
one, delivered him over to the charge of the master
of the novices. Besides the care of the sanctuary,
which fell to their lot, these children were taught
singing, the history of their country, and such sciences
as were within their comprehension.


These religious bodies were looked upon with much
respect. Their members were taught to bear themselves
properly at home and in the street, and to preserve
a modest and humble demeanor. The least
infraction of the rules was severely punished; a glance
or a sign which might be construed into a carnal desire,
213
was punished as criminal, and those who showed
by their actions a strong disposition to violate their
vow of chastity were relentlessly castrated.


The Wiyanas were divided into several orders, but
all were ruled in the most absolute manner by the
pontiff of Yopaa. I have already spoken of the veneration
in which this spiritual monarch was held, and
of the manner in which he surmounted the difficulty
of having children to inherit the pontifical chair, when
continence was strictly imposed upon him.[121]


The ordinary dress of the Zapotec priests was a full
white robe, with openings to pass the arms through,
but no sleeves; this was girt at the waist with a colored
cord. During the ceremony of sacrifice, and on
feast-days, the Wiyatao wore, over all, a kind of
tunic, with full sleeves, adorned with tassels and embroidered
in various colors with representations of
birds and animals. On his head he wore a mitre of
feather-work, ornamented with a very rich crown of
gold; his neck, arms, and wrists were laden with
costly necklaces and bracelets; upon his feet were
golden sandals, bound to his legs with cords of gold
and bright-colored thread.[122]


PRIESTS OF MICHOACAN.


The Toltec sacerdotal system so closely resembled
the Mexican already described that it needs no further
description in this volume. Their priests wore a long
214
black robe reaching to the ground; their heads were
covered with a hood, and their hair fell down over their
shoulders and was braided. They rarely put sandals
on their feet, except when about to start on a long
journey.[123] Among the Totonacs six great ecclesiastics
were elected, one as high-priest, one next to him
in rank, and so on with the other four. When
the high-priest died, the second priest succeeded him.
He was anointed and consecrated with great ceremony;
the unction used upon the occasion was a
mixture of a fluid called in the Totonac tongue ole,
and blood drawn at the circumcision of children.[124]
There existed also among these people an order of
monks devoted to their goddess Centeotl. They lived
a very austere and retired life, and their character,
according to the Totonac standard, was irreproachable.
None but men above sixty years of age, who were
widowers of virtuous life and estranged from the society
of women, were admitted into this order. Their
number was fixed, and when one of them died another
was received in his stead. They were so much respected
that they were not only consulted by the
common people, but likewise by the great nobles and
the high-priest. They listened to those who consulted
them, sitting upon their heels, with their eyes fixed
upon the ground, and their answers were received as
oracles even by the kings of Mexico. They were employed
in making historical paintings, which they gave
to the high-priest that he might exhibit them to the
people. The common Totonac priests wore long black
cotton robes with hoods; their hair was braided like
the other common priests of Mexico, and anointed
with the blood of human sacrifices, but those who
served the goddess Centeotl were always dressed in
the skins of foxes or coyotes.[125] At Izacapu, in Michoacan,
215
there was a pontiff named Curinacanery, who
was looked upon with such deep veneration that the
king himself visited him once a year to offer him the
first-fruits of the season, which he did upon his knees,
having first respectfully kissed his hand. The common
priests of Michoacan wore their hair loose and
disheveled; a leathern band encircled their foreheads;
their robes were white, embroidered with black, and
in their hands they carried feather fans.[126] In Puebla
they also wore white robes, with sleeves, and fringed
on the edges.[127] The papas, or sacrificing priests of
Tlascala, allowed their hair to grow long and anointed
it with the blood of their victims.[128] Much more might
be written concerning the priests of these countries,
but as it does not strictly come within the province of
this volume, it is omitted here.[129]


CHAPTER VI.


PLEBEIANS, SLAVES, TENURE OF LANDS, AND TAXATION.


216



Influence of the Commoners—Oppression by Nobles—Deprived
of Office by Montezuma II.—Classes of Slaves—Penal Slaves—Voluntary
Slavery—Slave Market at Azcapuzalco—Punishment
and Privileges of Slaves—Division of Lands—Crown
Lands—Lands of the Nobles—Municipal Property—Property
of the Temples—Tenure of Lands in Zapotecapan, Miztecapan,
Michoacan, Tlascala, Cholula, and Huexotzinco—Similarity
to Feudal System of Europe—System of Taxation—Municipal
Taxes—Lice Tribute—Tribute from Conquered
Provinces—Revenue Officers—Injustice of Montezuma II.


PLEBEIANS AND SLAVES.


No writer seems to have thought it worth while to
define the exact condition of the lower orders of free
citizens among the Aztecs. In Mexico, under the
earlier kings, they appear to have enjoyed considerable
privileges. They were represented in the royal councils,
they held high offices at court and about the
king's person, their wishes were consulted in all affairs
of moment, and they were generally recognized as an
important part of the community. Gradually, however,
their power lessened as that of the nobles
increased, until, in the time of Montezuma II., they
were, as we have seen, deprived of all offices that were
not absolutely menial, and driven from the palace.
Still, there is no doubt that from the earliest times
the plebeians were always much oppressed by the
nobles, or that, as the Bishop of Santo Domingo,
217
before quoted,[130] remarks, "they were, and still are, so
submissive that they allow themselves to be killed or
sold into slavery without complaining." Father Acosta,
also, writes that "so great is the authority which the
caciques have assumed over their vassals that these
latter dare not open their lips to complain of any order
given them, no matter how difficult or disagreeable it
may be to fulfill; indeed, they would rather die and
perish than incur the wrath of their lord; for this reason
the nobles frequently abuse their power, and are
often guilty of extortion, robbery, and violence towards
their vassals."[131] Camargo tells us that the plebeians
were content to work without pay for the nobles, if
they could only insure their protection by so doing.[132]


Of those who stood below the macehuales, as the
plebeians were called, and lowest of all in the social
scale, the slaves, we have more definite information.
Slavery was enforced and recognized by law and usage
throughout the entire country inhabited by the Nahua
nations. There were in ancient Mexico three classes
of slaves; namely, prisoners of war, persons condemned
for crime to lose their freedom, and those who
sold themselves, or children sold by their parents.
The captor of a prisoner of war had an undisputed
right to doom his prize to be sacrificed to the gods;
this power he almost invariably exerted, and it was
held a punishable crime for another to deprive him of
it by rescuing the prisoner or setting him free.[133] Sahagun
tells us that the captor could, if he chose,
either sell or hold his prisoners as slaves; and if
among them any man or woman showed unusual
ability in music, embroidering, weaving, or other domestic
occupation, he or she was frequently purchased
by the king or some noble or wealthy man, and employed
218
in his house, and thus saved from the sacrifice.[134]
The offences which the Aztecs punished with slavery
were the following: firstly, failure on the part of any
relation of a person convicted of high treason, to give
timely information of the plot to the proper authorities,
provided he or she had knowledge of it, the
wives and children of the traitor being also enslaved;
secondly, the unauthorized sale of a free man or
woman or of a free child kidnapped or found astray,
the kidnapper fraudulently asserting such person to
be a slave, or such child to be his own; thirdly, the
sale or disposal, by a tenant or depositary, of another's
property, without the permission of the owner or his
representative, or of a proper legal authority; fourthly,
hindering a collared slave from reaching the asylum
of the sovereign's palace, provided it was the act of
one who was not the owner or the owner's son; fifthly,
stealing things of value, or being an inveterate thief;
sixthly, stealing from a field a certain number of ears
of corn or of useful plants, exception being made to
this law when the act was committed by a child under
ten years of age, or when the stolen property was
paid for; seventhly, the impregnating, by a free man,
of another's female slave, if the woman died during
her pregnancy, or in consequence of it. This latter
statement is contradicted by Torquemada, upon the
strength of information given him, as he alleges, by
Aztecs well acquainted with the laws of their country.[135]
219
Gomara asserts, though he allows that others deny it,
that when a man died insolvent, his son or his wife became
the property of his creditors.[136] Torquemada
affirms that it was customary for a creditor to look for
payment of his claim to the estate, real or personal, if
any there was, but no member of the debtor's family
was awarded to him to cancel the debt.[137] It sometimes
happened that persons too poor to pay their taxes
were put up for sale, but this mostly occurred in conquered
provinces. Penal slaves did not become the
property of the king or the state, but were publicly
sold to private persons, or assigned to the parties
whom they had injured; nor were such offenders held
to be slaves, or their punishment considered to have
commenced until they had been formally delivered to
the new owner.


PENAL AND VOLUNTARY SLAVERY.


Among those who voluntarily surrendered their
freedom for a consideration, besides such as were driven
by extreme poverty to do so, were the indolent who
would not trust to their own exertions for a livelihood,
gamesters, to obtain the wherewithal to satisfy their
passion for gambling,[138] and harlots, to provide themselves
with showy clothing and finery. The two latter
classes were not obliged to go into service until
after the expiration of a year from the time of receiving
the consideration for which they sold themselves.


Slaves were continually offered for sale in the public
market-place of every town, but the principal
slave-mart in the Mexican empire seems to have been
the town of Azcapuzalco, which was situated about
two leagues from the city of Mexico; it occupied the
site of the ancient capital of the Tepanec kingdom,
which was destroyed by King Nezahualcoyotl of Tezcuco.
Great numbers of slaves were brought to
Azcapuzalco from all the provinces; and it is said that
220
the merchants who traded in them had to adopt great
precautions to prevent their property from being stolen
or rescued on the journey. With a view to advantageous
sales the slaves thus exposed in the public
markets were kept well clothed and fed, and were
forced to dance and look cheerful.


Parents could pawn, or sell a son as a slave, but
were allowed to take him back on surrendering another
son to serve in his stead; on such occasions the master
was wont to show his generosity by allowing an
extra compensation for the new servant. There was
yet another kind of slavery, called by the Mexicans
huehuetlatlacolli, meaning 'ancient servitude.' When
one or more families were entirely destitute and famine-stricken,
they sold a son to some noble, and bound
themselves to always 'keep that slave alive,' that is
to say, to supply another to fill his place if he died or
became incapacitated. This obligation was binding
upon each member of the families making the contract,
but was null and void if the man who was
actually serving died in his master's house, or if his
employer took from him anything that he had lawfully
acquired; therefore, to prevent this forfeiture of
ownership, the master neither took from his slave anything
but personal service, nor allowed him to dwell
in his house. It frequently happened that as many
as four or five families were bound in this manner to
supply a noble and his heirs with a slave. But in
1505 or 1506, a year of famine in the country, Nezahualpilli
of Tezcuco, foreseeing the evils that this system
of perpetual contract would entail upon his
subjects if the scarcity of food continued long, repealed
the law, and declared all families exempt from its obligations;
it is recorded that Montezuma II. soon
after followed his example.[139]


CONDITION AND TREATMENT OF SLAVES.


Slavery in Mexico was, according to all accounts,
221
a moderate subjection, consisting merely of an obligation
to render personal service, nor could that be
exacted without allowing the slave a certain amount
of time to labor for his own advantage. Slaves were
kindly treated and were allowed far greater privileges
than any in the old world; they could marry and
bring up families, hold property, including other slaves
to serve them, and their children were invariably born
free. There is, however, some obscurity on this point,
as Sahagun tells us that in the year Ce Tochtli, which
came round every fifty-two years, there was generally
a great famine in the land, and at that time many
persons, driven to it by hunger, sold not only themselves
as slaves, but also their children and descendants
for countless generations.[140] Very young or poor
slaves lived at the home of their master, and were
treated almost as members of the family; the other
slaves lived independently, either on their owner's
land, or upon their own. It frequently happened that
a master succumbed to the charms of one of his female
slaves and made her his wife, or that a comely bondman
found favor in the sight of his mistress, and
became her lord; nor was this so strange as it may
at first appear, there being no difference of race or
color to make such alliances repugnant or shameful.
Feelings of affection and respect existed, as a rule,
between master and servant. A slave who had served
long and faithfully was often entrusted with the stewardship
of his owner's household and property, and,
on the other hand, if the master through misfortune
should become poor, his bondmen would cheerfully
labor for his support. No well-behaved slave could
222
be sold without his consent unless his owner could
prove that poverty or debt made such sale unavoidable;
nor could such faults as laziness, disobedience, or
running away, be punished without due warning,
which the master for his own justification usually gave
in the presence of respectable witnesses. If after this
had occurred two or three times the slave continued
refractory, a wooden collar was placed on his neck, and
then his master was authorized to transfer him against
his will. Purchasers of a collared slave always inquired
how many times he had been so disposed of
before, and if after two or three such sales he
continued incorrigible, he could be sold for the sacrifice.
But even yet he has one chance left; if he
can escape from his master's premises and gain the
courtyard of the royal palace, he not only avoids
punishment, but he is from that day forth a free
man; moreover, no person, save his owner or his
owner's sons, is allowed in any manner to prevent him
from reaching the asylum, under penalty of being
made the slave of him whom he attempts to deprive
of his chance for freedom.


The sale of a slave was conducted with much
formality, and must be made in the presence of at
least four respectable witnesses; in cases of self-sale
the witnesses acted as conscientious arbitrators to
secure the highest price and most favorable conditions
for him who sold himself. The usual price for an
average slave was twenty mantles, equivalent to one
load of cotton cloth; some were worth less, while
others brought as many as forty mantles.


Slavery among the Nahua nations appears, then, to
have been only a partial deprivation of a freeman's
rights. As a slave was permitted to possess property
and even other slaves of his own, and as his children
were born free and he had complete control of his own
family, we can scarcely say he lost his citizenship,
although it is true he was not eligible for public office.
It was a common practice for a master during his
223
lifetime, or on his death-bed, to emancipate his slaves,
but if no such provision were made they went to the
heirs with the rest of the property. Murder of a
slave, even by his master, was a capital offence.


Yet in spite of all this testimony in favor of the
mildness of slavery among the Nahua nations, there
is still room for some reasonable doubt concerning the
patriarchal character of the system; inasmuch as we
are told that many slaves, not mentioned as being
prisoners of war or criminals, as well as servants,
dwarfs, or deformed persons, and purchased children,
were put to death at religious feasts and royal
funerals.[141]


TENURE OF LANDS.


The lands were divided between the crown, the
nobility, the various tribes or clans of the people, and
the temples. The division, however, was by no means
equal, by far the greater portion being appropriated
224
by the king and the aristocracy.[142] All landed property
was duly surveyed, and each estate was accurately
marked out on maps, or paintings, kept on file by a
competent officer in the district where they were situated.
The crown lands were painted in purple,
those of the nobility in scarlet, and those of the calpullis,
or wards, in light yellow. Certain portions
of the crown property called tecpantlalli, or 'lands
of the palace,' were granted to nobles of the rank of
Tecuhtli, who were called tecpanpouhque or tecpantlaca,
'people of the palace.' They had the free
use and enjoyment of such lands, and in return certain
services were expected of them. It was their
duty to attend to the repairs and proper arrangement
of the royal residences, and to cultivate and keep in
order the royal gardens, for all of which they had to
provide the necessary number of workmen; besides
this they were obliged to wait on the king and accompany
him whenever he appeared in public. Although
in consideration of these services the 'people of the
palace' paid no rent, yet the eminent domain of their
lands was vested in the sovereign. When one of them
died his eldest son inherited his privileges, subject to
the same obligations, but if he changed his residence
to another part of the country, or died without male
issue, the usufruct was forfeited and the land reverted
to the sovereign, who transferred it to another usufructuary,
or left the choice of one to the community in
whose district the property was situated.[143] The produce
of other lands belonging to the crown was set
apart for the support of the royal household, and for
benevolent purposes.


LANDED PROPERTY OF THE NOBLES.


In conquered provinces, the habits and customs and
established form of government of the vanquished
were usually respected. The sovereigns of Anáhuac
retained the native princes in power, and allowed the
225
people to keep their property; but they invariably
set apart a certain part of the territory, proportioned
to the conquest, which became the property of the
conquering monarch. These lands, called yaotlalli,
which means 'war lands,' were cultivated by the conquered
people for the benefit of their conqueror. If
they belonged to Mexico their name was mexica-tlalli;
if to Acolhuacan, acolhua-tlalli, and so on.[144]


INHERITANCE OF ESTATES.


The lands of the nobility were called pillalli, and
were either ancient possessions of the nobles transmitted
by inheritance from father to son, or were
rewards of valor granted by the king. They were
held by various tenures; some of them could be alienated
at the will of the owner, subject only to the
restriction that they should not pass into the hands of
a plebeian; others were entailed upon the eldest male
issue and could not be otherwise disposed of. Many
of the Aztec estates were of very ancient origin.
After the Chichimecs obtained undisputed possession
of the valley of Mexico, their chief or sovereign
Xolotl made grants of land to his own people, and to
others who acknowledged him as their supreme lord,
under the condition that the grantees should render
service to the crown with their persons, vassals, and
estates, whenever he should require it of them, and
the same policy was adopted by his successors.[145] Sons
generally inherited their father's estates by right of
primogeniture, but if the eldest son was judged incapable
of taking proper care of the property, the father
left it to whichever son he pleased, stipulating, however,
that the heir should insure a competency to him
he had supplanted.[146] In the republic of Tlascala
226
daughters could not inherit an estate, the object being
to prevent landed property from going into the hands
of strangers. In the kingdoms of Mexico, Tezcuco,
and Tlacopan it is probable that the law was the same
in this respect, but the authorities give us no information
concerning the matter.[147] These feudatories paid
no rent for their lands, but were bound to assist their
suzerain, the king, with their persons, vassals, and
fortunes in all cases of foreign or civil war. Each
king, on his accession, confirmed the investiture of
estates derived from the crown.[148] The lands of the
people were called calpulli, and every city was divided
into as many of these as there were wards in it, and
the whole number of calpulli being collectively named
altepatlalli. The calpulli, as well as the tlaxicalli, or
streets, were all measured out and their boundaries
marked, so that the inhabitants of one ward or street
could not invade the possessions of another. Each of
these divisions belonged to its respective community,
and was of greater or less extent and importance
according to the partition which had been made by the
first settlers in Anáhuac. The owners of a calpulli
were all members of the same clan or tribe, and their
district bore their name. The right of tenure was
perpetual and inalienable, and was the common property
of the community and not of individuals. Any
member of the community not possessed of any land,
had the right to ask for a portion suitable to his position
and requirements, which was granted him. This
portion he was entitled to hold as long as he cultivated
and improved it, and he could transmit it to his
227
heirs; he had no authority to sell his portion, but he
could let it to another for a number of years. If he
neglected to cultivate it for two years the head man
of the calpulli remonstrated with him; if he paid no
heed to this warning he was ousted the following year
in favor of some other person; a reasonable excuse for
such neglect was, however, always accepted. If the
land assigned to anyone proved unfruitful and barren,
he was at liberty to abandon it and another portion
was granted him. Under no pretext whatever could
any person settle upon the land lawfully occupied by
another, nor could the authorities of the calpulli deprive
the latter of his right. If a land-owner died
without heirs, his portion was considered vacant and
assigned to the first applicant for it. If a calpulli was
in great need the authorities were allowed to lease its
lands, but under no circumstances were the inhabitants
permitted to work on the lands of another district. The
elders of the tribe formed the council of the calpulli;
this body elected a principal, called calpullec, whose
duty it was to watch over the interests of the community;
he acted only with the advice and consent of
the council. Each city set apart a piece of land in
the suburbs wherefrom to supply the needs of the
army in time of war. These portions were called
milchimalli, or cacalomilli, according to the kind
of grain they produced, and were cultivated jointly
by all the calpullis. It was not unusual for the kings
to make a life-grant of a portion of the people's property
to some favorite noble, for though there is no
doubt that the calpulli lands of right belonged to the
people, yet in this respect as in others, the kings were
wont to usurp a power not their own.[149] Every temple,
228
great and insignificant, had its own lands and
country estates, the produce of which was applied to
the support of the priests and of public worship; the
tenants who occupied these lands were looked upon as
vassals of the temples. The chief priests, who, on
the temple lands, exercised a power similar to that of
the royal governors, frequently visited these estates
to inspect their condition and to administer justice to
their tenants. The temple of Huitzilopochtli was
considered the wealthiest in Mexico. Torquemada
says that in Tezcuco fifteen large cities furnished the
temples of that kingdom with wood, provisions, and
other necessaries.[150] Clavigero makes the number of
towns twenty-nine.[151]


Throughout Zapotecapan and Miztecapan landed
property was invariably transmitted from male to
male, females being excluded from the succession. No
one had the right to sell his land in perpetuity; the
law forbade its transfer out of a family either by marriage
or otherwise; and if a proprietor was compelled
by the force of necessity to dispose of his real estate,
it returned after the lapse of some years to his son
or his nearest relative, who paid to the holder the
consideration for which it had been pledged or its
equivalent.[152] In Miztecapan the first-born son, before
taking possession of his inheritance, had to do penance
for a year; he was confined in a religious house,
clothed in rags, daubed with India-rubber juice, and
229
his face and body rubbed with fetid herbs; during that
time he had to draw blood repeatedly from his body
and limbs, and was subjected to hard labor and privation.
At the expiration of the year he was washed
with odorous water by four girls, and then conducted
by friends to his house with great pomp and festivity.[153]


ESTATES IN MICHOACAN.


Early writers say nothing about the tenure of lands
among the Tarascos of Michoacan, but merely state
in general terms that the sovereign's power over the
lives and property of his subjects was unlimited.[154]


The tenure of lands in the republic of Tlascala
had its origin in the division made at the time when
the country was first settled; which was as follows:
Any Tecuhtli who established an entail, called teccalli,
or pilcalli, took for his own use the best and largest
part of the lands that fell to his lot or were awarded
to him in the partition, including woods, springs,
rivers, and lakes; of the remainder a fair division was
made among his servitors and vassals, or, in other
words, his soldiers, friends, and kinsmen. All were
bound to keep the manor-house in repair and to supply
their lord with game, flowers, and other comforts,
and he in his turn, was expected to entertain, protect,
and feed them in his house. To these kinsmen,
friends, and servitors, was given the name of teixhuihuan,
meaning the 'grand-children of the manor-house.'
In this manner all the nobles divided their
land. All were greatly respected by their vassals.
They derived their income from the taxes that their
tenants paid them out of what they obtained from
the chase, from the soil, and by raising domestic animals.[155]


No information has reached us respecting the provisions
under which land was held in Cholula and
230
Huexotzinco, or among the Totonacs. In the province
of Pánuco, the eldest son was the sole inheritor of
land and, therefore, the only one that paid tribute; the
other sons had to rent land from those who were in
possession of it.[156]


There can be no doubt that in all this there is, as
so many writers have observed, a strong resemblance
to the feudal systems of Europe. The obligation of
military service, and other relations of lord and vassal
smack strongly of the institutions of the Middle
Ages, but, as Mr Prescott says, the minor points
of resemblance "fall far short of that harmonious
system of reciprocal service and protection, which
embraced, in nice gradation, every order of a feudal
monarchy. The kingdoms of Anáhuac were, in their
nature, despotic, attended, indeed, with many mitigating
circumstances, unknown to the despotisms of the
East; but it is chimerical to look for much in common—beyond
a few accidental forms and ceremonies—with
those aristocratic institutions of the Middle
Ages, which made the court of every petty baron the
precise image in miniature of that of his sovereign."
I have no inclination to draw analogies, believing
them, at least in a work of this kind, to be futile; and
were I disposed to do so, space would not permit it.
Nations in their infancy are almost as much alike as
are human beings in their earlier years, and in studying
these people I am struck at every turn by the
similarity between certain of their customs and institutions
and those of other nations; comparisons might
be happily drawn between the division of lands in
Anáhuac and that made by Lycurgus and Numa in
Laconia and Rome, or between the relations of Aztec
master and slave and those of Roman patron and
client, for the former were nearly as mild as the latter;
but the list of such comparisons would never be complete,
and I am fain to leave them to the reader.
231


SYSTEM OF TAXATION.


The people of Anáhuac and of the surrounding
countries paid taxes to the crown and to the temples,
either with personal service or with the productions
or results of their labor; in short, with everything
useful. We have seen that in the kingdom of
Tezcuco twenty-nine cities were appointed to provide
the king's household with everything requisite of
food, furniture, and so forth, and were, consequently,
exempt from all other taxes. Fourteen of these cities
served in this manner during one half of the year, and
fifteen during the other half. They likewise furnished
the workingmen and laborers, such as water-carriers,
sweepers, tillers of the palace lands, and gardeners.
Boys who were too young to do men's work were required
to provide annually four hundred armfuls of
wood for the fires which were kept up day and night in
the principal rooms of the palace. The young men of
Tollantzinco, either themselves or through their servants
supplied fine rushes for mats, stools, or seats,
called icpalli, pine-wood splinters for lighting fires,
other wood for torches, acayetl, or pipes with tobacco,
various kinds of dyes, liquid amber both in cakes and
in vessels, copal incense in their golden cylinders, and
a large quantity of other articles, which it is unnecessary
to specify.[157] Manufacturers paid their taxes with
the objects produced by their industry. Journeymen
mechanics, such as carpenters, masons, workers in
feathers and precious metals, and musicians, were,
according to Oviedo, exempt from such tax, and in
lieu thereof rendered personal service to the sovereign
without remuneration.[158] Merchants paid their taxes
with such articles as they traded in. The last class of
tribute-payers were the tlamaitl, tenants attached to a
nobleman's land, who tilled the same for their own
benefit. They were obliged to do a certain amount of
work every year for the landlord, and to render military
232
service when it was required of them by the
sovereign. Brasseur says that these tenants paid no
tribute to the king, but his statement is contradicted
by Clavigero.[159] Taxes paid in fruit and grain were
collected immediately after harvest; other tributes
were collected at different times through the year. In
each town there was a magazine for storing the revenues,
from which supplies were drawn as required.
In the vicinity of Mexico it was customary to convey
the agricultural produce into the capital, in order that
the inhabitants, who, being surrounded with the waters
of the lake, had no land of their own to cultivate,
might be regularly supplied with food. There was no
uniform system of collecting taxes from the merchants
and manufacturers. Payments were made by them in
accordance with their circumstances and the nature of
the articles they contributed. There were about three
hundred and seventy tributary towns in the Mexican
empire, some of which paid their taxes every twenty
days, and some every four days, while others only did
so once in six months, or even only once a year. The
people of Tlatelulco, says Purchas,[160] "were charged for
tribute, alwayes to repaire the Church called Huiznahuac.
Item, fortie great Baskets (of the bignesse of
half a Bushell) of cacao ground, with the Meale of
Maiz (which they called Chianpinoli,) and euery Basket
had sixteene hundred Almonds of Cacao. Item,
other fortie Baskets of Chianpinoli. Item, eight hundred
burthens of great Mantels. Item, eightie pieces
of Armour, of slight Feathers, and as many Targets
of the same Feathers, of the deuices & colours as
they are pictured. All the which tribute, except the
said armes and targets they gaue euery 24. dayes,[161]
and the said armes and targets they gaue for tribute
233
but once in the whole yeere. The said tribute had
his beginning since the time of Quauhtlatoa and Moquihuix,
which were Lords of Tlatilulco. The Lords
of Mexico, which first enioyned to those of Tlatilulco,
to pay tribute, and to acknowledge their subiection,
were Yzcoatçi and Axiacaçi." Sometimes merchants'
guilds or individuals did not pay their taxes at the
regular assessment of the town in which they lived,
but did so according to prior arrangement made with
the revenue officers.


TAXES PAID BY CITIES.



TAXES PAID IN VERMIN.


In addition to the taxes levied upon private individuals,
each town contributed a large number of cotton
garments, with a certain quantity of breadstuffs
and feathers and such other productions as were a
specialty of the province in which it was situated.
Mazatlan, Xoconocho, Huehuetlan, and other towns on
the Pacific coast, paid, besides the cotton garments,
four thousand bundles of fine feathers of divers colors,
two hundred sacks of cocoa, forty tiger-skins, and one
hundred and sixty birds of a certain species. Coyolapan,
Atlacuechahuaxan, Huaxyacac, and other towns
of the Zapotecs, forty pieces of gold of a specified size,
and twenty sacks of cochineal. Tlachquiauhco, Ayotlan,
and Teotzapotlan, twenty vessels of a fixed size
filled with gold dust. Tochtepec, Otlatitlan, Cozamalloapan,
Michapan and other places on the gulf of
Mexico, besides cotton garments, cocoa, and gold, paid
twenty-four thousand bundles of exquisite feathers of
various qualities and colors, six necklaces, two of
which were of the finest emerald, and four of the commoner
description, twenty ear-rings of amber set in
gold, and an equal number made of crystal rock, one
hundred pots of liquid amber, and sixteen thousand
loads of India-rubber. Tepeyacac, Quecholac, Tecamachalco,
Acatzinco and other towns of that region
of country, each contributed four thousand sacks of
lime, four thousand loads of solid reed for building
purposes, with as many of smaller reed for making
darts, and eight thousand loads of reeds filled with
234
aromatic substances. Malinaltepec, Tlalcozauhtitlan,
Olinallan, Ichcatlan, Qualac, and other southern towns
situated in the warm region, paid each six hundred
measures of honey, forty large jars of yellow ochre
for paint, one hundred and sixty copper shields, forty
round plates of gold of fixed dimensions, ten small
measures of fine turquoises, and one load of smaller
turquoises. Quauhnahuac, Panchimalco, Atlacholoayan,
Xiuhtepec, Huitzilac, and other towns of the
Tlahuicas, paid each sixteen thousand large leaves
of paper, and four thousand xicalli, or gourds, of different
sizes. Quauhtitlan, Tehuilloyocan, and other
neighboring towns, each gave eight thousand mats
and eight thousand icpalli, or stools. Some cities paid
their taxes with fire-wood, stone, and beams for building;
others with copal-gum; others sent to the royal
houses and forests a certain number of birds and
animals, such as Xilotepec, Michmaloyan, and other
cities of the Otomís, which were each compelled to
furnish yearly forty live eagles to the king. After
the Matlaltzincas were made subject to the Mexican
crown by King Axayacatl, they were required not only
to pay a heavy tax in kind, but also to keep under
cultivation a field of seven hundred toesas[162] by three
hundred and fifty, for the benefit of the army. As
the Saxon king imposed a tax of wolves' heads upon
his subjects for the purpose of ridding his kingdom of
those ravenous animals, so did the Mexican monarchs
exact from those who were too poor to pay the regular
taxes a certain quantity of snakes, scorpions, centipedes
and other obnoxious creatures. Lice, especially,
were contributed in large numbers in Mexico.[163] It is
related that soon after Cortés arrived in the city of
Mexico, certain cavaliers of his force, among whom
235
were Alonso de Ojeda and Alonso de Mata, were
roaming through the royal palace, admiring its great
extent and all its wonders, doubtless with an eye
to plunder, when they came across some bags, filled
with some soft, fine, and weighty material; never
doubting but that it must be valuable, they hastened
to untie the mouth of one of the sacks, when to their
disgust and disappointment they found its contents to
consist of nothing but lice, which, as they afterwards
ascertained, had been paid as tribute by the poor.[164]
Duties were levied upon property, manufactures, and
articles exposed for sale in the market-places, in proportion
to the wealth of the person taxed or the value
of the merchandise sold. Produce and merchandise
of every description, carried into the city of Mexico,
was subject to toll duties, which were paid into the
royal treasury.


The proportion in which taxes were paid is stated
at from thirty to thirty-three per cent., or about one
third of everything made and produced. Oviedo affirms
that each taxpayer, in addition to one third of his
property, delivered one out of every three of his children,
or in lieu thereof a slave, for the sacrifice; if he
failed to do this he forfeited his own life.[165]


The government had in the head town of each
province large warehouses for the storage of breadstuffs
and merchandise received by the tax-gatherers;
236
also auditing offices to which the calpixques, or stewards
of the revenue, were required to render a very
strict account of their collections, and such as were
convicted of embezzlement, were immediately put to
death and their property confiscated.[166] In the royal
treasury were paintings by which were recorded the
tributary towns, and the quantity and kind of tribute
paid by each. In the Codex Mendoza may be seen
thirty-six such paintings, each one of which represents
the principal towns of one or of several provinces of
the empire, together with the quantity and quality of
the taxes and the time when they were paid.[167]


The personal and ordinary service consisted in providing
every day the water and wood needed at the
chiefs' houses; this was distributed from day to day
among the towns or wards, and thus each individual
was occupied in rendering such service once or twice
in the year at the utmost. Residents in the vicinity
were the only ones so subjected, and then, in consideration
of such service, were exempted from paying a
portion of the imposts. Other labor was mostly done
by slaves, of whom there were large numbers.
Foreign provinces subjected by the empire without
having made any resistance, were not required to pay
a fixed tribute, but sent several times in the year
whatever they thought proper, as a present to the
king, who showed himself more or less gracious according
to the value of the presents. No calpixques or
tax-gatherers were placed in such provinces by the
Mexican sovereign, but they continued under the rule
of their own chiefs. Such countries as were reduced
by war, had to submit to the rigorous conditions imposed
by the conqueror, and bore the name of tequitin
tlacotl, which means 'paying tribute like slaves.' Over
them were stationed stewards and calpixques, who had
authority even over the lords of the country, and who
237
besides recovering the tributes forced men to cultivate
land, and women to spin, weave, and embroider for
their private benefit; indeed, so great was their
tyranny, that whatever they coveted they were sure
to obtain by fair means or foul. The kings of Tezcuco
and Tlacopan, and other sovereign lords, allies of the
king of Mexico, shared these tributes if they aided in
the conquest.[168]


TAXATION UNDER MONTEZUMA II.


The sovereigns selected the calpixques from among
the Aztec pilli, or nobles of inferior rank. They were
under the supervision of the chief treasurers or hueycalpixques,
who resided at the several capitals, and
it was their duty to gather the tributes or taxes, and
to see that the lands belonging to the municipalities or
to private persons were kept under cultivation. The
duties of these calpixques were not very arduous at
first, as the people generally hastened to pay their
taxes before being called upon; but during the reign
of Montezuma II. the taxes increased so enormously,
owing to the great extravagance of the court, that this
commendable zeal cooled down very considerably. The
bulk of the immense wealth which the conquerors saw
with so much admiration at Montezuma's court was
the result of this excessive taxation, and it was one
of the main causes of that alienation of the people
from their sovereign which rendered the conquest a
possible achievement. Notwithstanding the easy disposition
of the taxpayers, they could not submit
patiently to a yoke so onerous. The merchants,
whose trading expeditions had been so useful to the
state in former times, were no less overwhelmed by
the taxes than the inhabitants of conquered provinces
by the tributes. It was among that powerful
class that the first symptoms of defection were noticed.
To the main grievance was added the tyranny and
harshness exhibited by the revenue officers in collecting
the taxes. They carried a small rod in one hand
238
and a feather fan in the other, and, accompanied by a
large retinue of understrappers, went through cities
and fields, unmercifully maltreating the unfortunate
beings who could not promptly comply with their
demands, and even selling them into slavery; at least
it is certain that such sales occurred in conquered
provinces.


SELFISHNESS OF MONTEZUMA II.


From the first years of his reign Montezuma II.
began to oppress the merchants with heavy taxation,
even upon the most trifling things. The greatest sufferers
were the retail dealers, who had to pay excessive
duties upon the merchandise they introduced into
the principal tianguez, or market-place, from which
such merchandise was taken to the lesser market-places.
But the king and his creatures finding that this did
not directly injure the wholesale traders, among whom
were the judges of the mercantile court,—that is to
say, the consuls and syndics, so to name them, of the
company of Tlatelulco,—witnesses were soon found to
trump up charges of high treason against them, which
ended in their being put to death, and their goods
and chattels confiscated and distributed among the
people of the royal household. A very large portion
of the taxes and tributes was expended in supporting
the army, the public employees, the poor and
destitute, such as widows, orphans, and the aged, and
also in providing food for the people in times of great
scarcity, but almost as large a portion was appropriated
by the king to his own uses.[169] It was by such
239
acts as these that Montezuma II. undid the work of
his fathers, and spoiled the harmony of his realm by
caring only for his own glory and that of his court.



CHAPTER VII.


EDUCATION, MARRIAGE, CONCUBINAGE, CHILDBIRTH, AND
BAPTISM.


240



Education of the Nahua Youth—Manner of Punishment—Marriage
Preliminaries—Nuptial Ceremony—Observance after
Marriage—Mazatec, Otomí, Chichimec, and Toltec Marriages—Divorce—Concubinage—Ceremonies
Preliminary to Childbirth—Treatment
of Pregnant Woman—Proceedings of Midwife—Superstitions
with regard to Women who Died in
Childbed—Abortion—Baptism—Speeches of Midwife—Naming
of Children—Baptism among the Tlascaltecs, Miztecs, and
Zapotecs—Circumcision and Scarification of Infants.



In examining the domestic customs of the Nahua
nations it will be as well to first inquire how their
children were reared and instructed. The education
of a child was commenced by its parents as soon as it
was able to walk, and was finished by the priests.
Aside from the superstitious and idolatrous flavor with
which everything Aztec was more or less tainted, the
care taken to mold aright the minds of the youth of
both sexes is worthy of admiration. Both parents
and priests strenuously endeavored to inspire their
pupils with a horror of vice and a love of truth. Respect
for their elders and modesty in their actions was
one of their first lessons, and lying was severely punished.


EDUCATION OF YOUTH.


In a series of ancient Aztec paintings, which give
a hieroglyphical history of the Aztecs, are represented
241
the manner in which children were brought up, the
portion of food allowed them, the labors they were
employed in, and the punishments resorted to by
parents for purposes of correction. Purchas relates
that the book containing this picture-history with interpretations
made by natives, was obtained by the
Spanish governor, who intended it for a present to the
emperor Charles V. The ship on which it was carried
was captured by a French man-of-war, and the book
fell into the hands of the French king's geographer,
Andrew Thevet. At his death it was purchased for
twenty French crowns by Richard Hakluyt, then
chaplain to the English ambassador at the French
court, and was left by him in his last will and testament
to Samuel Purchas, who had woodcut copies
made from the original and published them, with
explanatory text, for the benefit of science and
learning. In that part of the work which relates
to the bringing up and education of children,—a
specimen page of which is given in the chapter of
this volume which treats of hieroglyphics,—a boy
and girl with their father and mother are depicted;
three small circles, each of which represents one
year, show that the children are three years of age,
while the good counsel they are receiving issues visibly
from the father's lips; half an oval divided in
its breadth shows that at this age they were allowed
half a cake of bread at each meal. During their
fourth and fifth years the boys are accustomed to light
bodily labor, such as carrying light burdens, while the
girl is shown a distaff by her mother, and instructed
in its use. At this age their ration of bread is a
whole cake. During their sixth and seventh years the
pictures show how the parents begin to make their
children useful. The boy follows his father to the
market-place, carrying a light load, and while there
occupies himself in gathering up grains of corn or
other trifles that happen to be spilt about the stalls.
The girl is represented as spinning, under the close
242
surveillance of her mother, who lectures and directs
her at the same time. The allowance of bread is now
a cake and a half, and continues to be so until the
children have reached their thirteenth year. We
are next shown the various modes of punishing unruly
children. When eight years old they are merely
shown the instruments of punishment as a warning.
At ten, boys who were disobedient or rebellious were
bound hand and foot and pricked in different parts of
the body with thorns of the maguey; girls were only
pricked in the hands and wrists; if this did not suffice
they were beaten with sticks. If they were unruly
when eleven years old they were held over a pile of
burning chile, and forced to inhale the smoke, which
caused great pain.[170] At twelve years of age a bad
boy was bound hand and foot and exposed naked in a
damp place during an entire day; the naughty girl of
the same age was obliged to rise in the night and
sweep the whole house.[171] From the age of thirteen
years the allowance of bread was increased to two
cakes. Between the ages of thirteen and fifteen the
boys were employed in bringing wood from the mountains
by land or in canoes, or in catching fish; the girls
spent their time in grinding corn, cooking, and weaving.
At fifteen, the boys were delivered to the priests
to receive religious instruction, or were educated as
soldiers by an officer called Achcauhtli.[172]


SCHOOLS FOR YOUTH.


The schools and seminaries were annexed to the
temples, and the instruction of the young of both
243
sexes was a monopoly in the hands of the priests. In
general boys were sent to the colleges between the
ages of six and nine years; they were dressed in
black, their hair was left uncut,[173] and they were placed
under the charge of priests specially appointed for
that purpose, who instructed them in the branches
most suitable to their future calling. All were instructed
in religion and particular attention was given
to good behavior and morals. No women were permitted
to enter the college, nor could the youths on
any account have communication with the other sex.
At certain seasons they were required to abstain from
various kinds of food.


The schools, or colleges, were of two distinct classes.
Those attended by the common people were called
telpochcalli, or 'houses of the youths;' there was one
of these in each quarter of the city, after the manner
of our public schools, and the parents of the district
were required to enter their children at the age of four
or five years. The telpochtlato, or 'chief of youth,'
instructed them how to sweep the sanctuary, to replenish
the fire in the sacred censers, to clean the schoolhouse,
to do penance, more or less severe according to
their age, and to go in parties to the forest to gather
wood for the temple. Each pupil took his meals at
the house of his parents, but all were obliged to sleep
in the seminary. At nightfall all assembled in the
cuicacalco, or 'house of song,' and were there taught
the arts of singing and dancing, which formed part of
a Mexican education; they were also exercised here
244
in the use of arms.[174] At the age of fifteen or sixteen,
or sometimes earlier, it was customary for the parents
to withdraw their children from the telpochcalli that
they might follow a trade or profession, but this was
never done without first making a present to the telpochtlato.
The schools at which the sons of the
nobility and those destined to be priests were educated,
were called calmecac, which means a college, or monastery.
The pupils did not do as much manual labor
as those educated in the telpochcalli, nor did they
take their meals at home, but in the building. They
were under the supervision of priests of the Tlamacazqui
order, who instructed them in all that the plebeians
learned, besides many of the arts and sciences,
such as the study of heroic songs and sacred hymns,
which they had to learn by heart, history, religion,
philosophy, law, astronomy, astrology, and the writing
and interpreting of hieroglyphics. If not quick and
diligent, they were given less food and more work;
they were admonished to be virtuous and chaste, and
were not allowed to leave the temple, until with their
father's permission they went out from it to be married,
or, in the case of a youth of strength and courage,
to go to the wars; those who showed qualities fitted
for a military life were exercised in gymnastics and
trained to the use of weapons, to shoot with the bow,
manage the shield, and to cast darts at a mark. Their
courage, strength, and endurance underwent severe
tests; they were early afforded opportunities of realizing
the hardships of camp life, and, while boys, were
sent to carry provisions to the soldiers, upon which
occasions their behavior was closely watched, and a
display of courage met with suitable promotion and
reward.[175]



245


FEMALE SEMINARIES.


Annexed to the temples were large buildings used
as seminaries for girls. The maidens who were educated
in them were principally the daughters of lords
and princes. They were presided over by matrons or
vestal priestesses, brought up in the temple, who
watched over those committed to their care with
great vigilance. Day and night the exterior of the
building was strictly guarded by old men, to prevent
any intercourse between the sexes from taking place;
the maidens could not even leave their apartments
without a guard; if any one broke this rule and went
out alone, her feet were pricked with thorns till the
blood flowed. When they went out, it was together
and accompanied by the matrons; upon such occasions
they were not allowed to raise their eyes, or in any
way take notice of anyone; any infringement of these
rules was visited with severe punishment. The maidens
had to sweep those precincts of the temple occupied
by them, and attend to the sacred fire; they were
taught the tenets of their religion and shown how to
draw blood from their bodies when offering sacrifice
to the gods. They also learned how to make feather-work,
and to spin, and weave mantles; particular attention
was given to their personal cleanliness; they
were obliged to bathe frequently, and to be skilful
and diligent in all household affairs. They were
taught to speak with reverence, and to humble themselves
in the presence of their elders, and to observe
a modest and bashful demeanor at all times. They
rose at day-break, and whenever they showed themselves
idle or rude, punishment was inflicted. At
night the pupils slept in large rooms in sight of the
matrons, who watched them closely. The daughters
of nobles, who entered the seminaries at an early age,
remained there until taken away by their parents to
be married.[176]



246


Children brought up in the house of their parents
were taught the worship of the gods, and were frequently
conducted to the temple in order that they
might witness the religious performances. Military
men instructed their sons in the use of weapons and
the art of war, and lost no opportunity of inuring
them to danger, always endeavoring to inspire courage
and daring. Laborers and artisans usually taught
their children their own trade. The sons of the
nobles who were placed in the seminaries were never
permitted to go out unless accompanied by one of
the superiors of the temple; their food was brought
to them by their parents. The punishments inflicted
were excessively severe. Liars had thorns thrust into
their lips; and sometimes, if the fault was frequent,
their lips were slightly split. Those who were negligent
or disobedient were bound hand and foot, and
pricked with thorns or badly pinched. A girl who
was detected looking at or speaking to a man was
severely punished; and if addicted to walking the
streets, her feet were tied together, and pricked
with sharp thorns.[177]


There was in Tezcuco, during the reign of Nezahualcoyotl,
a large seminary, built upon the west side
of the temple, which consisted of several spacious
halls and rooms, with a courtyard, and was called
the tlacoteo. Here the king's sons were brought up
and instructed. The guardians and tutors who had
charge of them took much pains to instruct them in
247
everything becoming their high estate. Besides the
use of arms, they were taught all the arts and sciences
as far as then known, and were made fully acquainted
with the practical working of precious metals and
stones. Separate rooms were devoted to the use of
the king's daughters, where they were given an education
fitting their station. In accordance with a law
of the realm, the king, his children and relatives, with
their guardians and masters, and the grandees of the
kingdom, came together every eighty days, in a large
hall of the tlacoteo; all were seated according to
rank; the males on one side, and the females on the
other. All the men, even those of royal blood, were
dressed in coarse garments of nequen, or maguey-fibre.
An orator ascended a sort of pulpit and commenced
a discourse, in which he censured those who had done
badly during the last eighty days, and praised those
who had done well; this he did without favor, not
even hesitating to blame the king if he saw fit. The
discourse was delivered with such eloquence and feeling
as generally to move the audience to tears.[178]


A PARENT'S DISCOURSE TO HIS SONS.


Sahagun, Motolinia, Mendieta, and other early writers,
who were well acquainted with the Mexican
language, give us specimens of the exhortations delivered
by parents to their children. I select one from
the first-mentioned author, as an example: "Give ear
unto me and hearken, O my sons," says the Mexican
parent, "because I am your father; and I, though
unworthy, am chosen by the gods to rule and govern
this city. Thou who art my first-born and the eldest
of thy brothers; and thou the second, and thou the
third, and thou the last and least—know that I am
anxious and concerned, lest some of you should prove
worthless in after life; lest, peradventure, not one
among you should prove worthy to bear my dignities
and honors after me; perhaps it is the will of the gods
that the house which I have with so great labor built
248
up, shall fall to the ground and remain a ruin and a
dung-hill; that my name shall be no more remembered
among men; that after my death no man shall speak
well of me. Hear now the words that I shall speak
unto you, that you may learn how to be of use in the
world, and how to draw near unto the gods that they
may show favor to you; for this I say unto you, that
those who weep and are grieved; those who sigh, pray
and ponder; those who are watchful at night, and
wakeful in the morning; those who diligently keep
the temples cleanly and in order; those who are reverent
and prayerful—all these find favor with the
gods; to all such the gods give riches, honor, and
prosperity, even as they give them to those who are
strong in battle. It is by such deeds the gods know
their friends, and to such they give high rank and
military distinctions; success in battle, and an honorable
place in the hall of justice; making them parents
of the sun, that they may give meat and drink
not only to the gods of heaven, but also to the gods
of hell; and such as are thus honored are revered by
all brave men and warriors: all men look on them as
their parents, because the gods have shown them favor;
and have rendered them fit to hold high offices and
dignities and to govern with justice; they are placed
near the god of fire, the father of all the gods, whose
dwelling is in the water surrounded by turreted walls
of flowers, and who is called Ayamictlan and Xiuhtecutli;
or they are made lords of the rank of Tlacatecutli
or Tlacochtecutli, or they are given some
lower post of honor. Perchance they are given some
such office as I now hold, not through any merit of my
own, but because the gods know not my unworthiness.
I am not what I am by my own asking; never did I say,
I wish to be so and so, I desire this or that honor; the
gods have done me this honor of their own will, for
surely all is theirs, and all that is given comes from
their hand; nor shall any one say, I desire this or that
honor, for the gods give as they please and to whom
249
they please, and stand in need of counsel from none.
Harken, my sons, to another sorrow that afflicts me
when I arise at midnight to pray and do penance.
Then I ponder many things, and my heart rises and
sinks even as one who goes up and down mountains,
for I am satisfied with no one of you. Thou, my eldest
son, dost not give any sign of improvement, I see
in thee nothing manly, thou remainest ever a boy, thy
conduct does not become an elder brother. And thou,
my second son, and thou, my third, I see in you no
discretion or manliness; peradventure it is because
you are second and third that you have become careless.
What will become of you in the world? Lo,
now, are you not the children of noble parents? Your
parents are not tillers of the soil or wood-cutters.
What, I say again, will become of you? Do you
wish to be nothing but merchants, to carry a staff
in your hands and a load on your backs? Will
you become laborers and work with your hands?
Harken, my sons, and give heed unto my words, and
I will point out to you those things which you shall
do. See to the proper observance of the dances, and
the music, and the singing, for thus will you please
both the people and the gods; for with music and
singing are favors and riches gained. Endeavor to
learn some honorable trade or profession, such as working
in feathers or precious metals; for by such means
bread can be obtained in time of necessity. Pay attention
to every branch of agriculture, for the earth desires
not food or drink, but only to bring forth and produce.
Your fathers sought to understand these things, for
though they were gentlemen and nobles they took
care that their estate should be properly cultivated.
If you think only of your high rank and are unmindful
of these things, how will you support your family,
in no part of the world does anyone support himself by
his gentility only. But above all study well to provide
all those things which are necessary for the sustenance
of the body, for these are the very foundation
250
of our being, and rightly are they called tonacaiutltomio,
that is to say our flesh and bones, because it is
by them that we work, live, and are strong. There
is no man in the world but what eats, for each one has
a stomach and intestines. The greatest lords need
food, the most valiant warrior must carry a bag of
victuals. By the sustenance of the body life is upheld,
by it the world is peopled. See, therefore, my
sons, that you be careful to plant the corn and the
magueys, for do we not know that fruit is the delight
of children; truly it cools and quenches the thirst of
the little ones. And you, boys, do you not like fruit?
But how will you get it if you do not plant and grow
it. Give heed, my sons, to the conclusion of my discourse,
and let it be written upon your hearts. Many
more things could I say, but my task would never be
ended. A few more words only will I add that have
been handed down to us from our forefathers.
Firstly, I counsel you to propitiate the gods, who are
invisible and impalpable, giving them your whole soul
and body. Look to it that you are not puffed up with
pride, that you are neither obstinate, nor of a weak,
vacillating mind, but take heed to be meek and humble
and to put your trust in the gods, lest they visit
your transgressions upon you, for from them nothing
can be hidden, they punish how and whom they
please. Secondly, my sons, endeavor to live at peace
with your fellow-men. Treat all with deference and
respect; if any speak ill of you answer them not
again; be kind and affable to all, yet converse not too
freely with any; slander no man; be patient, returning
good for evil, and the gods will amply avenge your
wrongs. Lastly, my children, be not wasteful of
your goods nor of your time, for both are precious; at
all seasons pray to the gods and take counsel with
them; be diligent about those things which are useful.
I have spoken enough, my duty is done. Peradventure
you will forget or take no heed of my words. As
251
you will. I have done my duty, let him profit by my
discourse who chooses."[179]


MARRIAGE.


The customary marrying-age for young men was
from twenty to twenty-two, and for girls from eleven
to eighteen.[180] Marriages between blood relations or
those descended from a common ancestor were not
allowed. A brother could, and was enjoined to, marry
his deceased brother's wife, but this was only considered
a duty if the widow had offspring by the first
marriage, in order that the children might not be
fatherless.[181] When a youth reached a marriageable
age, he or his parents asked permission of his teacher.
He seldom was allowed any choice of his own, but
was expected to abide by the selection of his parents.
It rarely happened that a marriage took place without
the sanction of parents or relatives, and he who presumed
to choose his own wife, or married without
such consent, had to undergo penance, and was
looked upon as ungrateful, ill-bred, and apostate.
In some parts the high priest commanded them to
marry when they arrived at the proper age, and he
who refused to comply was obliged to remain continent
through life, and dedicate the remainder of his
days to the service of the gods. Should he afterward
repent and desire to marry, he was despised by all
his friends and publicly denounced as infamous, inasmuch
as he had shown himself to be devoid of firmness,
and unable to keep the vow of chastity to which
he had voluntarily bound himself; nor would any respectable
woman afterward accept him as a husband.
In Tlascala, if any one carelessly allowed the time to
pass by without taking a wife, or deciding upon a life
252
of chastity, his hair was cut short and he was driven
out from the company of the youths with whom he
was educated.


Cutting the hair formed a part of the marriage ceremony,
but the mode of cutting was different from
that of the penalty.[182] When the time came for the
parents to choose a wife for their son, all the relations
were called together and informed by the father that
the youth had now reached an age when he should be
provided with a wife; for that he was now a man, and
must learn how to perform the duties of a man, and
refrain from boyish tricks and promiscuous intercourse
with women. The youth was then summoned before
his parents, and his father addressed him, saying:
"My son, thou art now a man, and it seems to us
proper to search among the maidens for a wife for
thee. Ask thy tutors for permission to separate thyself
from thy friends, the youths with whom thou
hast been educated. Make known our wishes to
those called Telpuchtlatoque, who have the charge
of thee." The youth in answer expressed his willingness
and desire to enter into their plans. The parents
then set about preparing a quantity of food, such as
tamales, chocolate, and other dishes; and also provided
a small axe, which was to bear a part in the next proceeding.
The repast being prepared, an invitation
was sent to the priests who were instructors of the
youth, accompanied with presents of food and pipes
of tobacco; all the relations were also invited. When
the meal was finished, the relations, and guardians of
the ward in which the parents of the pair lived, seated
themselves. Then one of the youth's relations, addressing
the priestly instructors of the youth said:
253
"Here, in the presence of all, we beg of you not to be
troubled because this lad, our son, desires to withdraw
from your company, and to take a wife; behold this
axe, it is a sign that he is anxious to separate from
you; according to our Mexican custom, take it, and leave
us the youth." Then the priest answered: "I, and
the young men with whom your son has been educated
have heard how that you have determined to marry
him and that from henceforward, forever, he will be
parted from us; let everything be done as you wish."
The tutor of the youth next addressed him, entreating
him to persevere in the paths of virtue, not to forget
the teachings he has received, and to continue to
be a zealous servant of the gods; he advised him that
as he was now about to take a wife he must be careful
to provide for her support, and to bring up and instruct
his children in the same manner as he had been educated.
He adjured him to be courageous in battle, to
honor and obey his parents, to show respect to his
seniors and all aged persons; and so the speaker ambled
morally along at some length, but I spare the
reader the remainder of the discourse.[183] The priests
then took their leave, bearing the axe with them, and
the young man remained in his father's house.


PRELIMINARIES TO MARRIAGE CEREMONY.


Soon after this the parents called the relations
together once more to consult upon the selection of a
maiden suitable to be the wife of their son. Their
first act, and one that was of paramount importance,
was to ascertain the day and sign of his birth. If
they were unable to remember or calculate the sign
they called in the aid of astrologers, or soothsayers,
who by certain reckonings and ceremonies interpreted
all they sought to know. The birthday and sign of
the damsel were in like manner ascertained. If the
horoscope of both was favorable, the astrologers predicted
a happy union with prosperity and good fortune
to both, but if the signs did not agree they foretold
254
adversity and evil fortune, and it became necessary to
choose another maiden. Once assured of a favorable
combination according to the auguries, steps were
taken to obtain the consent of the girl's parents. For
this purpose the parents and relatives of the youth
commissioned two old women, chosen from among the
most discreet and virtuous of the district, who were
to act as negotiators in the affair; these were called
cihuatlanque. They went on the part of the bridegroom
and conveyed the message to the parents or
nearest relatives of the young girl. Their first visit
was made shortly after midnight or upon the following
morning, upon which occasion they took with them
some presents to offer to the girl's parents. Upon
their arrival they commenced a suitable address, in
which they formally solicited the hand of the girl in
marriage. The first overture was invariably rejected
and some frivolous excuse given, even though the
girl's relatives might be more desirous of the match
than those who solicited it. The embassy was told
that the girl was not yet of an age to marry, or that
she was not worthy of the honor offered her. After
some few more such compliments had been paid, the
matrons returned to those who had sent them. A
few days having elapsed, the old women were sent
back bearing more presents, and with instructions to
again solicit the alliance, and to define clearly the
position of the suitor, his qualifications and riches.
Upon this second interview the negotiations assumed
a more business-like aspect; the conversation turned
upon the portion that each would bring to the other,
and finally the relatives of the girl consented to consider
the affair; yet they still maintained a semblance
of reluctance, insisting that the girl was not worthy
to become the wife of so estimable a young man; but
adding that, as the matter was urged with so much
importunity, they would on the morrow assemble all
the relations of the young woman, that they might
consult together about the affair; they then closed
255
the conference by inviting their visitors to be present
on that occasion and receive their final decision.


MARRIAGE CEREMONIES.


The next day the parents of the girl called a meeting
of all her relatives, at which the proposed alliance was
discussed with due deliberation; and the girl being
called before them, much good advice was given her;
her duties as a wife were defined, she was charged to
serve and please her husband, and not bring disgrace
upon her parents. Information of their decision was
then sent to the parents of the young man, and preparations
for a fitting celebration of the wedding commenced.
The augurs were consulted and requested
to name a lucky day for the ceremony; the signs
Acatl, Ozomatli, Cipactli, Quauhtli, or Calli, were
deemed most favorable, and one or other of them was
generally selected for the celebration of the nuptials.
Several ensuing days were spent by both families in
preparing for the marriage celebration, and in issuing
invitations to friends and relations. The ceremony
was always performed at the house of the bridegroom's
parents, where the best room was put in
order for the occasion; the roof and walls were festooned
with green branches and garlands of flowers,
disposed with great taste, and the floor was strewn
with the same. In the centre stood a brazier containing
fire. When all the arrangements were completed,
certain of the bridegroom's friends and relatives
went to the house of his intended to conduct her to
the room. If the distance was great, or the bride
the daughter of a lord or great personage, she was
borne upon a litter, otherwise she was carried on the
back of the bride's-woman, or sponsor, accompanied by
a large concourse of people, disposed in two rows and
bearing torches. The bride occupied the centre of
the procession, and immediately about her walked her
nearest relatives. As the procession passed, many of
the lookers-on profited by the occasion, to point her
out to their own daughters as an example worthy of
emulation.
256


CONSUMMATION OF MARRIAGE.



DANCING THE CHEMISE.


The bridegroom met his betrothed at the entrance
of his house, preceded by four women bearing lighted
torches; in his hands he carried a censer with burning
incense, and another was given to the bride; with
these they at once perfumed each other, and the
groom, taking her by the hand, led her into the room
prepared for the ceremony. They were then seated
upon an ornamented and painted mat spread close to
the fireplace, the woman being placed on the left of
the man.[184] The bridegroom's mother then came forward
with presents for her daughter-in-law, and
dressed her in a huipil, or short chemise, at the same
time laying at her feet a cuatli, or skirt, richly embroidered
and worked. Next the bride's mother gave
presents to the bridegroom; she covered him with a
mantle, which she fastened at the shoulder, and placed
a maxtli or breech-clout at his feet. The most important
part in the ceremony was next performed by
the priest, who made a long address to the betrothed
couple, in which he defined the duties of the married
state, and pointed out to them the obedience a wife
should observe towards her husband, and the care and
attention the latter should give to her, how that he
was bound to maintain and support her, and the children
they might have. He was enjoined to bring up
and educate his children near him, teaching all according
to their abilities, to make them useful members of
society, and to instruct them in habits of industry.
A wife's duties, he said, were to labor and aid her
husband in obtaining sustenance for their family.
257
Both were exhorted to be faithful to one another, to
maintain peace and harmony between themselves, to
overlook each other's failings, and to help one another,
ever bearing in mind that they were united for life by
a tie which only death could sever. The rites of
marriage were always conducted with much solemnity,
and during the ceremony nothing was said or
done contrary to the rules of modesty and decorum.
At the conclusion of the address the couple stood up,
and the priest tied the end of the man's mantle to the
dress of the woman; they then walked seven times
round the fire, casting therein copal and incense, and
giving presents to each other, while their friends and
relatives threw chains of flowers about their necks
and crowned them with garlands.[185] The mother-in-law
of the bride now brought some food, and gave
four mouthfuls to the bride to eat and afterwards gave
the same quantity to the bridegroom. They then
received the congratulations of their friends, while at
the same time a dance was performed to the sound of
musical instruments. Accompanied by the dancers
and musicians, the newly wedded pair was conducted
to the temple, at the door of which the tlamacaxques,
or priests, appeared to receive them. While the company
remained below, the wedded couple with their
sponsors and parents ascended the steps of the temple.
The priest wore his robes of ceremony, and carried in
his hand an incensory filled with incense, with which
258
he proceeded to perfume them. He then placed himself
between the two, with the man on his right and
the woman on his left, and taking them by the hands
led them to the altar of the idol, muttering prayers
as he went. The altar reached, he placed upon each
of the parties a very fine and showy shawl woven and
variegated with many colors, in the centre of which
was painted a skeleton, as a symbol that death only
could now separate them from each other. He then
perfumed them again with the incensory, and led them
back to the door of the temple, where they were received
by the assemblage and accompanied to their
home with dancing and music. The marriage ceremonies
being finished, the relatives and friends partook
of a banquet, and amidst much rejoicing congratulated
each other on the new relations they had acquired.
In the feasting, drinking, and dancing the bridal pair
took no part; they had now to enter upon a season of
fasting and penance, which lasted four days, in the
strict retirement of their room, where they were
closely guarded by old women; on no account were
they permitted to leave their room except for the
necessary calls of nature, or to offer sacrifice to the
gods; the time was to be passed in prayer, and on no
account were they to allow their passions to get the
better of them or indulge in carnal intercourse. Such
weakness on their part would, they believed, bring
discord or death or some other dire misfortune between
them. The close confinement, the watchful guard and
imposed penances were intended to calm their passions
and purify their minds, whereby they would be more
fitted to undertake the duties before them, and not be
led astray by unruly desires. What small supply of
sustenance they received in the four days of their
retirement was carried to them by the old women who
had charge of them, and during this time they neither
washed nor bathed themselves; they were dressed in
new garments and wore certain charms and regalia
pertaining to their patron idol. At midnight they
259
came forth to offer sacrifice and burn incense on the
altar in their house, in front of which they also left
food offerings for their god; this they did during the
four days of abstinence, while their friends and relatives
continued their rejoicings, festivities, and dancing.[186]
Upon the fourth night, when the marriage was
to be consummated, two priests of the temple prepared
a couch of two mats, between which were placed
some feathers and a stone somewhat the color of an
emerald, called chalchiuite; underneath they put a
piece of tiger-skin, and on top of all they spread some
cotton cloths. At the four corners of the bed were
placed green reeds perfumed, and thorns of the maguey
with which the pair were to draw blood from their
tongues and ears when they sacrificed to the gods.[187]
The following morning the bridal pair took the bed
on which they had lain, with the cloths, reeds, and
food they had offered to their god during the four days
of penance, to the temple and left them as a thanksgiving
offering.[188] If any charcoal or ashes were found
260
in the bridal chamber they considered it an evil omen,
but if, on the other hand, a grain of corn or other
seed was found, they considered it a sign of a long and
prosperous life and a happy union. A baptismal
ceremony was next performed, the wedded pair being
placed on green reed mats, while the priests poured
water over them. Nobles received four ablutions with
water in honor of Chalchihuitlicue, the goddess of
waters, and four of wine, in reverence to Tezcatzoncatl,
the god of wine. After the bath they were dressed
in new vestments, the bride's head was adorned with
white feathers and her hands and feet with red. To
her husband was given a thurible, filled with incense
wherewith to perfume his household gods. At the
conclusion of these ceremonies a further distribution
of dresses and presents was made, and the company
partook of food and wine, while the scene was enlivened
with songs and dances. Some more good advice,
of which the Aztecs seem to have had a never-failing
store, was then given to the wedded pair by the
mothers-in-law or nearest relatives, and thus ended
the nuptial ceremonies, which were conducted in
accordance with the means of the principal parties
concerned.[189] In some places, proof of the maiden's
virginity was required on the morning following the
consummation of the marriage. In such case the
sponsors entered the room where the wedded pair had
passed the night and demanded the bride's chemise;
if they found it stained with blood they brought it
out, placed it on a stick, and exhibited it to all present
as an evidence that the bride was a virgin; then a
dance was formed and the procession went through all
the place, carrying the chemise on a stick, dancing and
261
expressing their joy, and this was called 'dancing the
chemise.' If it happened that the chemise was unstained,
tears and lamentations took the place of rejoicing,
abuse and insults were heaped upon the bride,
and her husband was at liberty to repudiate her.[190] In
the kingdom of Miztecapan, before the ceremony of
tying their mantles together was performed it was
customary to cut a lock of hair from the bridegroom's
head and from the bride's, after which they took each
other by the hand and their dresses were tied by the
ends. The man then took the girl on his back and
carried her a short distance; which proceeding terminated
the nuptials.


In Ixcatlan, he who desired to get married presented
himself before the priests, and they took him
to the temple, where in presence of the idols he worshiped
they cut off some of his hair, and showing it
to the people, shouted "This man wishes to get married."
From thence he was obliged to descend and
take the first unmarried woman he met, in the belief
that she was especially destined for him by the gods.
They were then married according to the customary
Mexican rites. The Mazatec bridegroom abstained
for the first fifteen days of his wedded life from carnal
knowledge of his wife, and both spent the time in
fasting and penance. Among the Otomís it was
not considered an offence for an unmarried man to deflour
a single woman. The husband was permitted
to repudiate the woman the day following his marriage
if she did not please him; but if he remained
satisfied upon that occasion he was not afterwards
allowed to send her away. They had then to undergo
a period of penance and abstinence and remain secluded
for twenty or thirty days, during which time
they were to abstain from all sexual intercourse, to
draw blood from themselves as a sacrifice, and to bathe
frequently. The Chichimecs, although they contracted
marriage at a very early age, could not have legitimate
262
connection with their wives until the woman was forty
years old. After their intercourse with the Toltecs
this custom began to be abolished, although the
princes and nobles observed it rigorously for some
time longer. Marriage with near relatives was never
permitted among them, and polygamy was strictly
prohibited.[191]


DIVORCE AND DIVISION OF PROPERTY.


Among the Mexicans divorce was permitted, but as
a general rule was discouraged. In the event of discord
arising between man and wife so that they could
not live together peacefully, or where one or other of
the parties had just cause of complaint, they applied
to a judge for permission to separate. Such permission
was not granted unless good and sufficient cause
was shown in support of the application. The judge
investigated the case with much care and attention,
closely examining the parties in reference to their
marital relations; whether they had been married with
the consent of their parents, and if all the ceremonies
of marriage had been fully observed. If the answers
proved that the parties had not been married according
to the usual rites and ceremonies, or if they had been
living together in a state of fornication, the judge
refused to interfere between them; but if he found
they had properly complied with the regulations governing
marriage, he used his best efforts to reconcile
them; he reminded them of the solemn obligations
263
appertaining to the marriage contract, and warned
them not to bring disgrace upon themselves and their
parents by breaking the bonds by which they were
united, thereby creating a scandal in the community.
If his endeavors to effect a reconciliation were of no
avail, and he found that one or other of the parties
had just cause of complaint, a license to separate could
be issued, but more frequently the judge refused to
interfere in the matter, and dismissed them with a
stern reproval. Marriage was looked upon as a solemn
and binding tie only to be dissolved by death,
and any attempt or desire to annul the contract was
deemed a disgrace and a bad example. Under these
circumstances divorce was always discouraged both by
the magistrates and the community. A judge was
generally unwilling to sanction with the authority of
the law the annulment of so binding an engagement;
therefore only a tacit consent was given by the court,
by which the whole onus of the disgrace attending a
separation was thrown upon the parties themselves.
When a dissolution took place between man and wife,
they could not again under any circumstances be
united; the divorce once effected, no subsequent condonation
could authorize their living together.[192]


We have no information how or on what terms a
division of property was made in the event of a dissolution
of marriage, or to which of the parties the
custody of the children belonged. The ancient historians
throw no light upon the subject. As much
264
deference and respect was shown to old age, it is
probable that the decision of such matters was left to
the influence and wisdom of the friends and relatives,
and that through their intervention equitable arrangements
were made.


CONCUBINES IN MEXICO.


Concubinage, of which there were three classes, was
permitted throughout the Mexican empire. The first
class was the union of young men with unmarried
women, before they arrived at the age when they were
expected to marry. All young men, with the exception
of those who were consecrated to a perpetual
chastity, were allowed to have concubines. The youth
usually asked his parents to select a girl for him, and
the one upon whom their choice fell cohabited with
him. Such women were called tlacacavili. No contract
was made nor any ceremony performed; the
connection was a simple private arrangement of the
relatives on both sides. When a girl lived with an
unmarried man as his concubine without the consent
of her parents she was called temecauh, which had a
more general signification. It does not appear, however,
that concubinage among the unmarried men was
common; on the contrary, the manner in which parents
are reputed to have brought up their children, and the
care taken by the priests in their education would
seem to show that such a practice was discouraged,
or rather tolerated than allowed, and it is probable
the custom was chiefly confined to the sons of nobles
and wealthy men. When a young man arrived at the
age when he should marry, he was expected to dispense
with his concubine that he might marry the girl
selected by his parents to be his lawful wife. He
could, however, legitimatize the connection between
his concubine and himself by notifying his parents of
his wishes and having the usual marriage ceremonies
performed; she then became his lawful wife and was
called ciuatlantli. If while they lived together in
concubinage the woman had a child, her parents then
required that he should at once restore her to them,
265
or make her his wife, as they considered it proper that
having a child she should also have a husband as a
legal protector. Young women were not dishonored
by living in a state of concubinage, nor were their
chances of contracting advantageous marriages in any
degree lessened.


The second order of concubines might rather be
termed, perhaps, the less legitimate wives of married
men; with them the tying of garments constituted
the entire marriage ceremony; the husband could not
repudiate them without just cause and the sanction
of the courts, but neither they nor their children could
inherit property; in this respect they were treated as
concubines, but nevertheless they were called Ciuatlantli,
which corresponds with the latin word uxor,
and was the title borne by the first and legitimate wife.


The third class of concubines were merely kept
mistresses; with them no marriage rite of any kind
was performed. They were kept usually by the
nobles and chief men who could afford to maintain
large establishments; they occupied a third rank in
the domestic circle after the principal wife and less
legitimate ones, and were called ciuanemactli, or tlaciuantli,
if their master had obtained them from their
parents; those whom he took without such permission
were called tlaciuaantin.[193]


The Toltec kings could only marry one woman, and
in case of her death could not marry again or live in
concubinage with any woman; the same rule held
266
good with their queens in the event of the king dying
first. Prostitution among the Mexicans was tolerated,
but at the same time was restrained within certain
bounds; that is, the law took cognizance of the practice
as regarded the women engaged in such traffic.
It was looked upon as a necessary evil, and the law
did not interfere with men who consorted with prostitutes;
but the latter, if they plied their traffic too
openly, or with too great frequency, so as to create a
public scandal and become a nuisance, were punished
according to the extent of the offence.[194]


We may suppose that, the marriage ceremonies
being concluded, the young couple were left in peace,
and that for a time there was a truce to the speech-making
and ever-ready advice of anxious parents and
meddling relatives. But this respite was generally
of brief duration. As soon as the woman found
herself to be pregnant, all her friends and relations
were immediately upon the tiptoe of expectation and
interest again. The parents were at once informed of
the interesting event, and a feast was prepared, of
which all who had been present at the wedding partook.
After the repast the inevitable speeches commenced.
An old man, squatting on his hams, first
spoke in behalf of the husband, referring to the precious
burden carried by the pregnant woman and to
the future prospects of the child; after a while
another relieved the speaker and pursued the subject
in the same strain; the man and his wife then responded,
dwelling upon the pleasure in store for them,
and expressing their hopes that, with the favor of the
gods, it might be realized. The parents of the pair
were next addressed directly by one of the guests
upon the same theme and made a reply. Certain
267
elderly relatives then seized the opportunity to admonish
and instruct the young woman, to which she
made a suitable answer, thanking them for their solicitude
on her behalf.[195]


PREGNANCY AND CHILDBIRTH.


During the months of her pregnancy the mother
was very careful to insure the safety and health of the
child, though many of the rules observed for this purpose
were of a partly superstitious nature. Thus,
sleeping in the day-time would contort the child's face;
approaching too near the fire or standing in the hot
sun would parch the fœtus; hard and continued work,
lifting weights, running, mental excitement, such as
grief, anger, or alarm, were particularly avoided; in
case of an earthquake all the pots in the house were
covered up or broken to stop the shaking; eating
tzictli, or chicle, was thought to harden the palate of
the unborn child, and to make its gums thick so that it
would be unable to suck, and also to communicate to it
a disease called netentzzoponiztli; neither must the edible
earth, of which, as we shall see in a future chapter,
the Mexicans were very fond, be eaten by the mother,
lest the child should prove weak and sickly; but
everything else the woman fancied was to be given
her, because any interference with her caprices might
be hurtful to her offspring.[196] Moderation in sexual
connection with her husband was recommended to a
woman from one to three months advanced in pregnancy,
but total abstinence in this respect was thought
to be injurious to the unborn child; during the later
stages of the woman's pregnancy, however, the husband
abstained entirely from having intercourse with
her.[197] When the time for the confinement drew near
268
another feast was prepared and the usual invitations
were issued. When all were gathered an old man was
the first to speak, on behalf of the married couple.
By virtue of his long experience in these matters he
recommended that the pregnant woman be placed in
the xuchicalli, or bath, under the protection of Xuchicaltzin,
the god of the bath, and of Yoalticitl, goddess
of the bath and of childbirth. He further advised the
parents to select a competent ticitl, or midwife. This
functionary having been named, a female relative of
the husband addressed her, asking her to accept the
trust, praising her qualifications, and exhorting her to
exert her utmost skill and care. The mother and
relatives of the wife also made brief speeches to the
same purpose. The midwife-elect then expressed her
wish and intention to do all in her power.[198] Wealthy
people frequently employed several midwives, who for
some days prior to the birth busied themselves in
waiting on their patient and putting everything in
readiness for the important hour. Zuazo states that
some of these acted merely as witnesses to the fact of
the birth.[199]


The 'hour of death,' as the time of confinement
was named, having arrived, the patient was carried
to a room previously set in order for the purpose;
here her hair was soaped and she was placed in
a bath to be washed. Care was taken that the water
should not be too hot, lest the fœtus should be scalded;
in some cases the woman was beaten on the back with
maize leaves which had been boiled in the water used
for the bath. The midwife next proceeded to rub and
press the abdomen of the patient in order to set the
child in place. If the pain grew worse, soothing
remedies were administered. A decoction of cihoapatli
269
herbs was given to promote the delivery; should this not
prove effective, however, a small piece, about an inch
and a half long, of the tail of the tlaquatzin, or tlaquatl,
was given, which is a very powerful emetic. If
after all the woman got no ease, it was concluded that
she would die. In cases of great danger prayers were
addressed to Cioacoatl, Quilaztli, Yoalticitl, and other
deities. Should the child die in the womb it was
removed piecemeal, unless the parents objected, in
which case the mother was left to die.


GHASTLY TALISMANS.


Mocioaquezqui, 'brave woman,' was the name
given to her who died in childbed. After death the
body was washed, dressed in good, new clothes, and
buried with great ceremony in the courtyard of the
temple dedicated to the 'celestial women.'[200] Talismanic
virtues were supposed to reside in the corpse;
thus, the middle fingers of the left hand, and the hair,
were thought to make their possessor irresistible in
battle; soldiers, therefore, sought by every means,
fair or foul, to procure them. Thieves believed that
the left hand and arm of the corpse would strike terror
into their victims, and they therefore engaged sorcerers
to procure it. The birth of twins was believed
to foretell the death of one of the parents at the
hands of their child; to prevent this, one of the infants
was killed.[201] Abortion was not unusual, and
was procured by taking a decoction of certain herbs;
the crime was nevertheless punished with death.[202] If
everything went well, and the woman was easily delivered,
the midwife gave a loud cry of triumph. She
next addressed some words of counsel to the child, and
270
then proceeded to wash it. Turning to the water, she
addressed the goddess of waters, Chalchihuitlicue, asking
her favor and protection for the child. Then
taking some water, the midwife breathed upon it, gave
some to the infant to taste, and then touched its head
and chest therewith, saying: "Come, my son (or
daughter) to Chalchihuitlicue; it is for her to bear you
on the back and in her arms throughout this life!"
Then, placing the infant in the water, she continued:
Enter thou into the water called metlalac and tuspalac;
may it wash thee, and may the Omnipotent cleanse
from thee all ill that is inherent in thee from the beginning
of the world and from before the beginning.
Begone, all evil imparted to thee by thy father and
thy mother.[203] Having washed the child, the midwife
clothed it, addressing it meanwhile in whispers of
welcome and admonition. Then, raising her voice,
she complimented the mother on her bravery and endurance.[204]
A female relative next praised the fortitude
of the patient, who in her response dilated on the
trouble and pain she had gone through, and expressed
her joy at the treasure vouchsafed her by the gods.
The midwife then closed the ceremony by congratulating
the grandparents and assembled friends. A few
days after the confinement the mother took a bath in
the temazcalli, and indulged in rich food and wine; on
this occasion a feast was also tendered to invited
friends, who partook of it near the spot where the
woman bathed.


All these elaborate preparations and midwife ceremonies
at birth could, however, only have been in
vogue among the well-to-do classes, for the Mexican
women, were, as a rule, little affected by the troubles
of child-bearing; their training and manner of life
271
were not calculated to make them delicate. Motolinia,
and many with him, say, for instance, that the
Tlascaltec women delivered themselves, the mother
applying to a neighbor only at the birth of her first
child.[205]


CASTING THE NATIVITY OF INFANTS.


It was now time to cast the nativity of the infant.
For this purpose the services of a tonalpouhqui, or
horoscopist, were engaged. These tonalpouhquis were
a highly respected class, and were therefore approached
with much respect and liberally fed with mantles,
food, and other articles. Having been told the hour
of birth, the horoscoper consulted his book for the
sign of the day on which the infant was born.[206] If
the birth had taken place exactly at midnight, the
signs for the closing and breaking day were combined.
Comparing the birthday sign with the other twelve
signs, as well as with the principal sign of the group,
he deduced the required fortune, and, if the augury
was favorable, dwelt on the honors and happiness in
store for the infant. Should the augury prove unfavorable,
as well as the sign for the fifth day after
birth, which was the occasion of the second bath, or
baptism, this ceremony was postponed to another day,
generally the most favorable of the thirteen, in order
272
to moderate, if possible, the threatened misfortune.
The fortune-teller dilated upon the troubles in store
for the infant and the vices it would develop, but
'hedged' his oracle by adding that the adjoining signs
contained certain redeeming features which might have
power to counterbalance the evil import of the birthday
sign.[207]


BAPTISM OF INFANTS.


Preparations are now made for the baptism. The
portals of the dwelling are decorated with green
branches, flowers, and sweet-smelling herbs are scattered
over the floors and courtyard, and the approaches
to the house are carefully swept; tamales are cooked,
maize and cacao ground, and delicacies of every description
prepared for the table, not forgetting the
liquors; for any shortcoming in this respect would
reflect severely on the hospitality of the host.[208] The
relatives of the family assemble before sunrise, and
other friends drop in as the day advances; each, as he
congratulates the host, presents a gift of clothing for
the infant, and receives in his turn a present of mantles,
flowers, and choice food.[209] In the course of the
morning the midwife carries the infant to the courtyard,
and places it upon a heap of leaves, beside which
are set a new apaxtle, or earthenware vessel, filled
with clear water, and several miniature implements,
insignia of the father's trade or profession. If he is
a noble or a warrior, the articles consist of a small
shield, and a bow with arrows of a corresponding size,
placed with their heads directed toward the four cardinal
points. Another set of arms made from dough
of amaranth-seed, and bound together with the dried
navel-string of the child, is also prepared. If the
child is a girl, there are placed beside it, instead of the
273
little weapons, a spindle and distaff, and some articles
of girl's clothing. When the sun rises the midwife
sets her face and the face of the child toward the west,
and addressing the infant, says: "O eagle, O tiger, O
brave little man and grandson of mine, thou hast been
brought into the world by thy father and mother, the
great lord and the great lady. Thou wast created in
that house which is the abode of the supreme gods
that are above the nine heavens. Thou art a gift from
our son Quetzalcoatl, the omnipresent; be joined to
thy mother, Chalchihuitlicue, the goddess of water."
Then placing her dripping fingers on the lips of the
child, she continues: "Take this, for upon it thou hast
to live, to wax strong, and flourish; by it we obtain all
necessary things; take it!" Then touching the child
on the breast with her moistened fingers, she says:
"Take this holy and pure water that thine heart may
be cleansed." Then the midwife pours water on the
child's head, saying: "Receive, O my son, the water
of the Lord of the World, which is our life, with
which we wash and are clean; may this celestial light-blue
water enter into thy body, and there remain;
may it destroy and remove from thee all evil and adverse
things that were given thee before the beginning
of the world; behold, all of us are in the hands of
Chalchihuitlicue, our mother." She now washes the
body of the child, exclaiming: "Evil, wheresoever
thou art, begone, avaunt; for the child liveth anew
and is born again; once more it is purified; a second
time is it renewed of our mother, Chalchihuitlicue."
Then lifting up the little one toward heaven, she addresses
Ometochtli and Omecioatl:[210] "Behold, O Lord,
the creature which thou hast sent to this place of sorrow,
affliction, and anguish, to this world; give it, O
Lord, of thy gifts and inspiration, for thou art the
great god and the great goddess." Then stooping as
if to set the child down, she raises it a second time,
274
crying upon the goddess of the waters:[211] "O lady
goddess, mother of the gods, inspire this child with
thy virtue." A third time she stoops and raising
the child toward heaven, addresses the gods: "O lords
celestial, and gods who dwell in heaven, behold this
creature whom ye have sent among men, fill it with
your spirit and mercy, that it may live." A fourth
time she sets down and raises the babe, and calling
now upon the sun and the earth she says:[212] "O our
Lord, Sun, father of all, and thou, O Earth, our
mother, take ye this child for your own, and, as it
is born for war,[213] so let it die defending the cause of
the gods, and be permitted to enjoy the delights prepared
in heaven for the brave."


The midwife now takes the implements and prays
to the patron deity of the trade or profession they
represent on behalf of the child; then she places the
mantle upon the shoulders of the infant, girds on the
little maxtli, and asks the boys present to give the
child a name. This was, however, merely a matter of
form; the parents really had the choosing of the
name and told it to the boys. It was usually taken
either from the sign of the day, or from a bird or animal,
in the case of a boy; the girls were named from
flowers, and this rule was especially observed by the
Toltecs and Miztecs. Sometimes a child took its
name from some important event which occurred at
the time of its birth; as when the Tlascaltec chief Citlalpopoca,
'smoking star,' was so named because at his
birth a flaming comet was seen in the sky. Sometimes
children were named after the feast held at the time
of their nativity; thus, boys born during the festival
of the renewal of the sacred fire, called toxilmolpilia,
275
were named molpilli, 'a tied object,' and girls xiuhnenetl,
'little doll of the year of fire.' Occasionally a
child was named after some renowned ancestor. A
second name could be acquired by valiant deeds in
battle. Motolinia adds that sons of prominent men
took a surname from the dignity or office held by the
father, either in youth or manhood; or they inherited
it with the estate at the death of the parent. Children
born during the last five days of the year, called
nemontemi, 'unlucky days,' were considered unfortunate;
boys born under such circumstances were often
named nemoquichtli, 'unlucky man,' and girls nencihuatl,
'unlucky woman.'[214]


The midwife, having baptized the child, now calls
upon it three times by its new name; admonishing it to
make good use of the implements or weapons placed
in its hands.[215] It is thereupon carried into the house,
preceded by torch-bearers, and placed in the cradle,
before which the midwife offers prayers to Yoalticitl,
'goddess of the cradle,' commending the child to her
care, and beseeching her to nourish and protect it;
then, turning to the cradle, she adds: "O thou, the
mother of the child, receive this babe with gentleness,
taking heed not to injure it." Then she places the
child in the cradle, the parents meanwhile calling upon
Yoalticitl to protect it, and upon Yoaltecutli, 'the
god of night,' to lull it to sleep. During this ceremony,
276
which is termed tlacoculaquilo, or 'the act of
placing the child in the cradle,' the boys of the village,
dressed to imitate soldiers, enter the house, seize certain
food previously prepared for them, called the
'child's navel,' scatter the rest, and rush forth, munching
and shouting the child's name and future destinies.
The lights, called ocote, which have been used
during the ceremonies, must be left to burn out, and
the fire that was lighted on the birthday must be
kept brightly burning until after the baptizing, nor
is any one allowed to borrow from its flame, for that
would injure the prospects of the child. The umbilical
cord is buried with the mimic weapons in a
place where a battle may be expected to take place
on a future day. The girl's instruments and navel-string
are buried under a metate. The afterbirth is
interred in a corner of the house. After the cradling
ceremony the guests proceed to the banqueting-room,
where they seat themselves according to age and rank.


The festivities lasted twenty days,[216] or even longer,
if the father was wealthy, during which time the
house was kept open to all comers. Each visitor presented
his gifts and made a speech to the infant on
the duties, honors, and happiness in store for it, and
adorning his discourse according to the rank of the
parents, or his own courtesy. He next congratulated
the mother, then the midwife, urging her further care
of the infant, and lastly the father, referring to his
character and services, and wishing him joy. If the
father was a lord, the neighboring princes sent an embassy,
preceded by numerous presents, and a chosen
orator delivered a congratulatory address before the
father and those present, to which an old man responded
on behalf of all, commenting upon the good
wishes of the neighboring nobles. The orator of the
embassy then begged that the shortcomings of his former
speech might be excused, and was answered by the
oldest or most respected person present, on the parent's
277
behalf. The female friends who came to inspect the
infant, rubbed the joints of the body, especially the
knees, with ashes, thinking that this would strengthen
them and prevent the bones from becoming loose.
The same was done to the children who accompanied
them.[217] In some parts the baptismal ceremony consisted
in putting some quicklime upon the child's
knee, and saying to it: "O thou little one, that hast
come into the world to suffer, suffer and be silent.
Thou livest, but thou shalt die; much pain and
anguish shall come upon thee; thou shalt become dust,
even as this lime, which was once stone."[218] If a boy,
an arrow or dart was then placed in the child's left
hand, to indicate that he must be brave and defend
his country; if a girl, she was given a distaff, as a
sign that she must become industrious in all womanly
pursuits.[219] In Tlascala and Miztecapan the infant was
bathed in a sacred spring, which, it was thought,
would avert misfortune. Mendieta says that the midwife
merely sprinkled the child a certain number of
times, first with wine and then with water.[220] Among
the Zapotecs both mother and child were washed in a
river, and invocations were addressed to all land and
aquatic animals, entreating their favor and deprecating
their anger;[221] it was also customary to assign some
animal or bird to a child, as its nagual, or tutelary
genius, and with the fortune of such creature its
fate was supposed to be so intimately connected, that
the death of one involved the death of the other.[222]
Burgoa adds further that this was assigned by lot, but
it is stated elsewhere, and with greater probability if
we may judge by similar superstitions in the old
world, that the first bird or beast that appeared after
278
the birth of the child was appointed its spiritual protector.[223]


CIRCUMCISION AND SCARIFICATION.


Whether the custom of circumcision, which has
been the great prop of argument in favor of the Jewish
origin of the Aztecs, really obtained among these
people, has been doubted by numerous authors. Although
circumcision was certainly not by any means
general, yet sufficient proof exists to show that it was
in use in some form among certain tribes. Las Casas
and Mendieta state that the Aztecs and Totonacs
practiced it, and Brasseur de Bourbourg has discovered
traces of it among the Mijes. Las Casas affirms
that the child was carried to the temple on the twenty-eighth
or twenty-ninth day after birth; there the
high-priest and his assistant placed it upon a stone,
and cut off the prepuce at the root; the part amputated
they afterward burned to ashes. Girls of the
279
same age were defloured by the finger of the priest,
who ordered the mother to repeat the operation at the
sixth year. Zuazo adds that these rites were only
performed upon the children of great men, and that
there was no compulsion in the matter, the parents
having the option of having their children defloured
or circumcised at any time within five years.[224]


In the fifth month, at Huitzilopochtli's festival, all
children born during the year were scarified on the
breast, stomach, or arms, and by this means received
as followers of their god.[225] At the festival in honor
of Teteionan or Toci, 'mother of the gods,' in the eleventh
month, the women delivered during the year
underwent purification and presented their children.
In the evening a signal was sounded from the temple,
and the mothers, dressed in their best, accompanied
by friends, and preceded by torch-bearers and servants
carrying the babes, made the tour of the town or
quarter; a halt was made at every temple to leave an
offering and a lighted torch for the presiding goddess.
At the temple of Toci extra offerings were made, including
tzocoyotl, cakes of flour and honey; and here
the priest performed the ceremony of purification by
pronouncing certain prayers over the women.[226] In
280
the eighteenth month of every fourth year, the children
born since the last corresponding feast, were
taken to the temple, where their ears were pierced
with a sharp bone, and macaw-feathers, tlachcayotl, inserted;
the god-father and god-mother, or, as they
are termed, uncles and aunts, whose duty it was to
initiate the children into the service of the gods,
holding them during the operation.[227]


An offering of flour of the chian seed was made,
and the god-father was presented with a red robe,
the god-mother with a huipil. Each child was then
passed through the flames of a fire prepared for the
purpose; the priest next took its head between his
hands, and in that manner lifted it bodily from the
ground. Everyone thereupon went home to feast,
but at noon the god-father and god-mother returned
to the temple and executed a dance, holding the
children on their backs, and giving them pulque to
drink, in very small cups. This went on till dusk,
when they retired to their houses to continue the
dancing and drinking. This feast and month, Itzcalli,
'growth,' obtained its name from the ceremony of
squeezing the heads of children, which, it was thought,
would make them grow; but it was also called the
'feast of the intoxication of boys and girls.'[228]


HEAD-FLATTENING.


Among the Miztecs, the mother took hot baths for
twenty days after delivery, at the end of which time
a feast was held in honor of the goddess of the bath,
the child sharing in the honors of the occasion.[229]
281
They also gave the child a feast on its first birthday.
Great care was exercised to make children hardy and
strong, and no mother, however high in rank, allowed
her child to be given to a nurse, unless her own health
demanded such a step. The test of a wet nurse was
to press out a drop of milk upon the nail, when if it
did not run the milk was considered good.[230] No food
was given to the child the first day, in order to create
an appetite.[231] It was suckled for three years, in some
places much longer;[232] and, during this time the mother
adhered to a diet that would keep up the quality of
the milk; many abstained from intercourse with their
husbands for the same period, to prevent the possibility
of another child interfering with the proper nurture
of the first one. Another feast was given at the
weaning of the child. Gomara mentions that a kind
of head-flattening was practiced; he says that the infants
were so placed in the cradle as not to allow the
occiput to grow, for such a development was considered
ugly.[233] Humboldt, however, says that the Aztecs
never flattened the head. That it was practiced to a
considerable extent in remote times by people inhabiting
the country, seems to be shown by the deformed
skulls found in their graves, and by the sculptured
figures upon the ruins. Klemm states that the cradle
consisted of a hard board to which the infant was
bound in such a manner as to cause the malformation.
The cradle among the poor Aztecs was generally of
light cane, and could be tied to the back of the
mother.[234]







CHAPTER VIII.


NAHUA FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS.


283



Excessive Fondness for Feasts—Manner of Giving Feasts—Serving
the Meal—Professional Jesters—Parting Presents to
Guests—Royal Banquets—Tobacco Smoking—Public Dances—Manner
of Singing and Dancing—The Neteteliztli—The
Drama among the Nahuas—Music and Musical Instruments—Nahua
Poetry—Acrobatic Feats—The Netololiztli, or 'Bird
Dance'—Professional Runners—The Game of Tlactli—Games
of Chance—The Patoliztli, or 'Bean Game'—Totoloque, Montezuma's
Favorite Game.



FEASTS AND ENTERTAINMENTS.


The excessive fondness of the Aztecs for feasts and
amusements of every kind seems to have extended
through all ranks of society. Every man feasted his
neighbor and was himself in turn feasted. Birthdays,
victories, house-warmings, successful voyages or speculations,
and other events too numerous to enumerate
were celebrated with feasts. Every man, from king to
peasant, considered it incumbent upon him to be second
to none among his equals in the giving of banquets and
entertainments, and as these involved the distribution
of costly presents among his guests, it often happened
that the host ruined himself by his hospitality; indeed,
it is said that many sold themselves into
slavery that they might be able to prepare at least one
feast that would immortalize their memory.[235] Moreover
284
the priests, with the subtle policy characteristic
of their class, took advantage of this disposition to
ordain long and frequent celebrations in honor of innumerable
gods; in short, it is difficult to conceive
what part of the year could have been saved for business
from what seems to have been a continual round
of merry-making.


The grandeur of the feast depended, of course, upon
the wealth of the host, the rank of the guests, and
the importance of the event celebrated. For many
days before a noble or wealthy man entertained his
friends, an army of servants were employed in sweeping
the approaches to the house, decorating the halls
and courts with branches and garlands, erecting chinamas,
or arbors, and strewing the floors with flowers
and sweet herbs; others prepared the table service,
killed and dressed dogs, plucked fowls, cooked tamales,
baked bread, ground cacao, brewed drinks, and
manufactured perfumed cigarettes. Invitations were
in the meantime sent to the guests. These on their
arrival were presented with flowers as a token of
welcome. Those of a superior condition to the host
were saluted after the Aztec fashion by touching the
hand to the earth and then carrying it to the lips.
On some occasions garlands were placed upon the
heads of the guests and strings of roses about their
necks, while copal was burnt before those whom the
host delighted specially to honor. While waiting for
the meal the guests employed their time in walking
freely about the place, complimenting their host on the
tasteful manner in which the house was decorated, or admiring
the fine shrubbery, green grass plats, well-kept
flower-beds, and sparkling fountains in the gardens.


Dinner being announced, all took their seats, according
to rank and age, upon mats or icpalli, stools,
ranged close along the walls.[236] Servants then entered
285
with water and towels, with which each guest washed
his hands and mouth. Smoking-canes were next presented
on molcaxetes, or plates, to stimulate the appetite.
The viands, kept warm by chafing dishes, were
then brought in upon artistically worked plates of gold,
silver, tortoise-shell, or earthenware. Each person
before beginning to eat threw a small piece of food
into a lighted brazier, in honor of Xiuhtecutli, the
god of fire,[237] probably by way of grace. The numerous
highly seasoned dishes of meat and fish having
been duly discussed, the servants cleared the tables
and feasted upon the remains of the banquet in company
with the attendants of the guests.[238] Vessels
called teutecomatls, filled with chocolate, each provided
with a spoon to stir the fluid with, were then brought
on, together with water for washing the hands and
rinsing the mouth. The women who were present on
these occasions, although they sat apart from the men,
received a kind of spiced gruel instead of cacao. The
old people, however, were plied with octli, a very potent
beverage, until they became drunk, and this was held
to be an indispensable part of the ceremony.


The smoking-canes were now once more produced,
and while the guests reclined luxuriously upon their
mats enjoying the grateful influence of the fragrant
leaf which we are told by Bernal Diaz they called
'tobacco,' and sipping their drinks, the music suddenly
struck up, and the young folks, or perhaps some professionals,
executed a dance, singing at the same time
an ode prepared for the occasion, as well as other songs.
Dwarfs, deformed beings, and curious objects were
286
also introduced to vary the entertainment; but the
professional jesters were the favorites, and the jokes
made by them raised many a laugh, though this was
rather forced perhaps by those at whose expense said
jokes were cracked, for these fools were fully as privileged
as their contemporary European brothers of
motley, and sometimes spoke very biting truths in the
shape of a jest; in some cases they were disguised in
the costume of a foreign nation, whose dialect and
peculiarities they imitated; at other times they would
mimic old women, well-known eccentric individuals,
and so forth.


The nobles kept a number of these jesters for their
own amusement, and often sent them to a neighboring
brother-noble to propound riddles; taking care to provide
them with means to pay forfeit should the riddle
be solved.[239]


These private banquets generally lasted till midnight,
when the party broke up. Each guest received
at parting presents of dresses, gourds, cacao-beans,
flowers, or articles of food. Should any accident or
shortcoming have marred the pleasure of the party,
the host would sooner repeat the entertainment than
have any slur rest upon his great social venture. In
any case it was doubtless difficult for the good man to
escape censure either for extravagance or stinginess.


At the royal feasts given when the great vassals
came to the capital to render homage to their sovereign,
the people flocked in from the provinces in
great numbers to see the sights, which consisted of
theatrical representations, gladiatorial combats, fights
between wild beasts, athletic sports, musical performances,
and poetical recitations in honor of kings, gods,
and heroes. The nobles, in addition to this, partook
daily of banquets at the palace, and were presented by
the monarch with costly gifts.[240]



287


TOBACCO IN THE NEW WORLD.


To the tobacco-loving reader it will be interesting to
learn how the weed was smoked in the New World
before it was introduced into the Old by the immortal
Jean Nicot, whose name be forever blessed. The habit
of smoking did not possess among the Nahuas the
peculiar character attached to it by the North American
natives, as an indispensable accessory to treaties,
the cementing of friendship, and so forth, but was indulged
in chiefly by the sick, as a pastime and for its
stimulating effect. The origin of the custom among
the Nahuas may be traced to the use of reed-grass,
filled with aromatic herbs, which was lighted and
given to guests that they might diffuse the perfume
about them; gradually they came to puff the reeds
and swallow the smoke, pretending to find therein a
remedy against headache, fatigue, phlegm, sleeplessness,
etc. Three kinds of tobacco were used, the yetl,
signifying tobacco in general, obtained from a large
leaved plant, the picyetl, from a small but stronger
species, and quauyetl, a less esteemed kind known later
on as wild tobacco. Clavigero asserts that the picyetl
and quauyetl were the only species known among the
Mexicans. It was generally smoked after dinner in
the form of paper, reed, or maize-leaf cigarettes, called
pocyetl, 'smoking tobacco,' or acayetl, 'tobacco-reed,'
the leaf being mixed in a paste, says Veytia, with
xochiocotzotl, liquid amber, aromatic herbs, and pulverized
charcoal, so as to keep smouldering when once
lighted, and shed a perfume. The picyetl tobacco was
smoked later in the day, without admixture, and somewhat
in the shape of cigars. The smoke was inhaled,
and the nose closed, in order that none of the grateful
qualities should be lost. Wooden, metal, or bamboo
tubes were sometimes used instead of cigarettes. Snuffing
288
the pulverized leaf is an ancient custom which we
owe to them.[241]


Dancing was the favorite Aztec amusement, and the
fanciful arrangement of their dances, as well as the
peculiar grace of their motions, is highly praised by
all the old chroniclers. Dancing, and especially religious
dances, formed an important part of an Aztec
youth's education, and much trouble was taken by the
priests to instruct them in it.


THE MITOTE AND RIBBON DANCE.


The preparations for the great public dances, when
the performers numbered thousands,[242] were on an immense
scale. The choirs and bands attached to the
service of the various temples were placed under the
supervision of a leader, usually a priest, who composed
the ode of the day, set it to music, instructed the musicians,
appointed the leaders of the dance, perfected
the arrangements generally, observed that all did their
duty, and caused every fault or negligence to be severely
punished.[243] The Neteteliztli dance took place
either in the plaza or in the courtyard of the temple, in
the centre of which mats were spread for the musicians.
The nobles and aged men formed a circle nearest to the
drums, the people of less importance formed another
circle a little distance behind, and the young people
composed the third ring. Two leading dancers directed
the movements, and whatever steps they made were
imitated by the performers. When all was ready, a
whistle gave the signal and the drums were beaten
lightly to a well-known tune started by the leaders
and taken up by the dancers, who at the same time
began to move their feet, arms, heads and bodies in
perfect accord. Each verse or couplet was repeated
289
three or four times, the dancers keeping time with
their ayacachtli, or rattles. Each must keep his relative
position in the circle, and complete the circuit at
the same time; the inner circle, therefore, moved at a
slow, dignified pace, suited to the rank and age of the
men composing it; the second proceeded somewhat
faster, while the dancers in the outer circle approached
a run as the dance became livelier. The motions were
varied; at one time the dancers held one another by
the hand, at another, round the waist; now they took
the left hand neighbor for partner, now the right,
sometimes facing one way, sometimes another. The
first song ended, which referred to the event of the
day, a popular ode, treating of their gods, kings, or
heroes, was taken up and sung in a higher scale and
to a livelier measure, the dance meanwhile constantly
increasing in animation. This was the case with all
the succeeding songs, each one becoming higher and
shriller as it proceeded; flutes, trumpets, and sharp
whistles were sometimes added to the band to increase
the effect. When one set of dancers became tired,
another took its place, and so the dance continued
through the whole day, each song taking about an
hour. Jesters and clowns in various disguises circulated
between the lines, cutting capers, cracking jokes,
and serving refreshments. Herrera states that the
solemn mitote was danced by twos in the outer circle.[244]
At private dances, two parallel lines were usually
formed, the dancers turning in various directions,
changing partners, and crossing from line to line.[245]
Sometimes one stepped from each line, and performed
a pas de deux while the others looked on. The 'ribbon
dance,' resembled the English may-pole dance to a
certain extent. A pole, fifteen to twenty feet high,
was erected on a smooth piece of ground, and twenty
or more persons, each seizing the end of a colored ribbon
attached to its summit, began to dance about the
290
mast, crossing each other and winding in apparent confusion,
until the pole was covered with a motley texture
of a certain design. When the band became too
short, the plaiting was unwound by reversing the order
of the dance. They had a number of other mitotes,
or dances, varying chiefly in the colors worn by the
dancers, the finery, painting, and disguises, and conforming
to the text of the songs, such as the huexotzincaiutl,
anaoacaiutl, cuextecaiutl, tocotin, and others
to be described under religious festivals.[246] Children
from four to eight years of age, the sons of nobles,
took part in some dances and sang the soprano,
and the priests joined in the solemn performances.
Certain dances, as the netecuitotoli,[247] could only be
performed by the king and nobles,[248] a space being
always set apart for the sovereign when he danced.
Women joined the men in some dances, but generally
danced apart. Certain dancing-houses of bad repute
termed cuicoyan, 'great joy of women,' were open to
females at night, and were then scenes of unmitigated
debauch.[249] Great pains was taken to appear as fine as
possible at the dances; noted warriors appeared magnificently
dressed, and occasionally bearing shields set
with feathers; nobles in court dress of rich mantles
knotted at the shoulders, fanciful maxtlis round the
loins, tassels of feathers and gold in the hair, lip-ornaments
of gold and precious stones, gold rings in
the ears, bracelets of the same metal set with plumes,
or strings of chalchiuites and turquoises round the
wrists and other parts of the arms, and some had gold
bells attached to the ankles; the gaily colored dresses
of the lower class were decorated with feathers and
embroidery; garlands and flowers encircled the head,
necklaces of shells and beans hung about the neck,
291
bracelets clasped the arms and legs, and all carried
nosegays. The women also shone in huipiles, gaily
colored, fancifully embroidered, and set with fringes.[250]


THE ABORIGINAL DRAMA.


The drama scarcely equaled in excellence the choral
dance, yet in this respect, as in others, the Nahuas
showed considerable advancement. Thalia presided
more frequently than Melpomene over the play, which
generally took the character of a burlesque. The performers
mostly wore masks of wood, or were disguised
as animals. No special building was devoted to the
drama, but the lower porch of a temple usually served
as the stage; some large towns, however, boasted of a
permanent stage, erected in the centre of the plaza.
The principal of these was at Tlatelulco, and consisted
of a terrace of stone and lime, thirteen feet high, by
thirty in breadth. When in use it was decorated with
foliage, and mats of various colors, whereon was emblazoned
the coat of arms of the city, were hung all round
it. At Cholula the porch of the temple of Quetzalcoatl
served as a stage; this was whitewashed and adorned
with arches of branches, feathers, and flowers, from
which hung birds, rabbits, and other curious objects.
Here the people congregated after dinner on gala-days
to witness the performance, in which deaf, lame, blind,
deformed, or sick people, or, sometimes, merchants,
mechanics, or prominent citizens, were mimicked, burlesqued,
and made fun of. Each actor endeavored to
represent his rôle in the most grotesque manner possible.
He who was for the moment deaf gave nonsensical
292
answers to questions put to him; the sick man
depicted the effects of pain, and so forth. When these
had exhausted their stock of jokes, others entered as
beetles, frogs, or lizards, croaking, whistling, and skipping
about the stage after the manner of the creatures
they represented. The boys from the temples also
appeared as birds and butterflies, and flocked into the
trees in the courtyard. Each performer rehearsed his
part before appearing in public, and great care was
taken that no blunder should mar the beauty of the
plot. The priests added to the fun by blowing mud-balls
at the actors through wooden tubes, and praising
or censuring the performance in a jocular manner.
The entertainment concluded with a ball, which was
attended by all the actors.[251]


Some authors have spoken very favorably of the
dramatic skill of the Nahuas. Clavigero is not inclined
to indorse this opinion, although he thinks a
great advance would have been made in this direction
had the Mexican Empire survived another century; a
very natural conclusion, certainly. The ceremonies at
the religious festivals often partook of a dramatic
character, as will be seen presently.[252]


Music, a principal attraction at our theatrical entertainments,
did not play an important part on the
Nahua stage, and, though we hear of singers appearing,
instrumental concert is not mentioned. Aside
from this, the high importance attached to music is
evident from the myth of its origin. According to
this myth no less a personage than Tezcatlipoca[253]
brought, or sent for, music from the sun, and constructed
a bridge of whales and turtles, symbols of
strength, by which to convey it to the earth.


MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.


Drums, horns, shells, trumpets, and shrill whistles
293
made from cleft bones were the instruments most used.
The drum was the favorite, and the beating of several
in nice accord sufficed alone for an accompaniment to
the song and the dance. Two kinds of drum are mentioned;
of these, the huehuetl[254] was a hollow cylinder of
wood, about three feet high, and a foot and a half in
diameter, curiously carved and painted, and having its
upper end covered with a dressed deer-skin, tightened
or loosened in tuning, and played upon with the hands.
The other kind of drum was called the teponaztli,
'wing of the stone-vapor;' this was entirely of wood,
and had no opening but two parallel slits in one side,
the enclosed piece being divided in the centre so as to
form two tongues, each of which increased in thickness
towards its extremity; the drum was placed in a horizontal
position and the sound was produced by beating
the tongues with sticks tipped with rubber balls. This
drum varied in length from a toy of a few inches to
five feet. Sometimes it was carved in the shape of a
man, woman, or animal, and lay lengthways on trestles.
The huehuetl gave forth a dull sound resembling
that of the East Indian tom-tom. These drums,
when of the largest size, could be heard at a distance
of two miles.[255] The teponaztli produced a melancholy
sound, which is considered by Brasseur de Bourbourg
to have been a symbol of the hollow warning
noise preceding the annihilation of Earth, which was
symbolized by the instrument itself.[256] The tetzilacatl
was a kind of gong made of copper and struck with a
hammer of the same material. The ayacachtli was a
rattle of copper, perforated and filled with pebbles,
used by dancers.


The ancient writers unite in praising the perfect
unison and good time observed by the singers, both in
solo and quartette, with chorus and responses, and
they mention particularly the little boys of from four
294
to eight years of age, who rendered the soprano in a
manner that reflected great credit on the training of
their priestly tutors. Each temple, and many noblemen
kept choirs and bands of professional musicians,
usually led by a priest, who composed odes appropriate
to every occasion, and set them to music. Bass
singers were rare, and were prized in proportion to
their rarity. They had a great number of popular
songs or ballads, which were well known in all classes.
Young people were obliged to learn by heart long epics,
in which were recounted the glorious deeds of heroes
in battle and the chase; or didactic pieces, pointing
some moral and inculcating a useful lesson; or hymns
of praise and appeal for sacred festivals. Clavigero,
Pimentel, and other authors extol the aboriginal muse
highly, and describe the language used as pure, brilliant,
figurative, and interwoven with allusions to the
beauties of nature; unmeaning interjections scattered
here and there to assist the metre, evince a lack of
finish, however, and the long, compound words, a single
one of which often formed a whole verse, certainly
did not add to the harmony, yet they observed good
metre and cadence.[257]


The art of music was under royal protection, and
singers as well as musicians were exempt from taxation.
Nezahualcoyotl, the great Tezcucan patron of
art, himself composed a number of odes and elegies,
and founded an academy of sciences and music, where
the allied kings of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan
presided, and distributed prizes to the successful competitors.
Toltec songs are highly praised for their
beauty and variety. The Totonacs and Tepanecs are
said to have been as far advanced in music and singing
as the Aztecs;[258] but concerning these arts I shall
speak more at length in a future chapter.



295


GYMNASTIC PERFORMANCES.


The acrobatic feats performed by the Nahuas excited
the surprise and admiration of the conquerors,
and the court of Spain, before which some of these
athletes were introduced, was no less astounded at the
grace, daring, and strength displayed by them.


Some of these gymnastic performances have only of
late become known to us; thus, the so-called Chinese
foot-balancing trick, in which a man lying on his back
spins a heavy pole on the soles of his raised feet,
throws it up, catches it, and twirls it in every direction,
was a common feat with the Nahua acrobat, who,
indeed, excelled the circus-man of to-day, in that he
twirled the pole while a man sat at each end of it.
Another feat was performed by three. One having
braced himself firmly, another mounted on his shoulders,
while the third climbed up and stood upon the
head of the second. In this position the human column
moved slowly about, the man on the top performing
a kind of dance at the same time. Again, a man
would dance on the top of a beam, the lower end of
which was forked and rested upon the shoulders of
two other dancers. Some raised a stick from the
ground while a man balanced at the end of it; others
leaped upon a stick set upright in the ground, or danced
upon the tight-rope. Another game involving an
equal display of grace and daring was the netotoliztli,
or 'bird dance,' known to the Spaniards as the 'flying-game,'
and performed especially during the laymen's
feast. In the centre of an open place, generally a
public square, a lofty pole was erected. On the top
of this pole was placed a wooden, moveable cap, resembling
an inverted mortar; to this were fastened
296
four stout ropes which supported a wooden frame
about twelve feet square. Four other, longer ropes
were carefully wound thirteen times about the pole
just below the cap, and were thence passed through
holes made one in each of the four sides of the frame.
The ends of these ropes, while wound about the pole,
hung several feet below the frame. Four gymnasts,
who had practiced some time previously, and were
disguised as birds of different form, ascended by means
of loops of cord tied about the pole, and each having
fastened one of the ropes round his waist, they
started on their circular flight with spread wings.
The impulse of the start and the weight of the men
set the frame in motion, and the rope unwound quicker
and quicker, enabling the flyers to describe larger and
larger circles. A number of other men, all richly
dressed, sat perched upon the frame, whence they
ascended in turn to the top of the revolving cap, and
there danced and beat a drum, or waved a flag, each
man endeavoring to surpass his predecessor in daring
and skill.[259] As the flyers neared the ground, and the
ropes were almost untwisted, the men on the frame
glided down the ropes so as to gain the ground at the
same time, sometimes passing from one rope to the
other in their descent and performing other tricks.
The thirteen turns of the rope, with the four flyers,
represented the cycle with its four divisions of thirteen
years.


Running was practiced, not only for exercise, but
as a profession; as the government employed a large
number of couriers to run with messages, who were
trained for the purpose from early childhood. To
these I shall have occasion to refer again. Races
were held at the chief temple in Mexico under the
auspices of the priests,[260] at which prizes were awarded
297
to the four competitors who succeeded in first gaining
the topmost of the one hundred and twenty steps.
The Nahuas must have been able swimmers, too, for
it is said that travelers usually took to the water when
crossing rivers, leaving the bridges to those who carried
burdens. There were also sham fights and public
reviews, both for the exercise of the army and the
delectation of the masses. At these times the soldiers
competed for prizes in shooting with the arrow or
throwing the dart.[261] On grand occasions, such as the
coronation of a king, soldiers fought with wild beasts,
or wrestled with one another, and animals were pitted
against each other in fenced enclosures.[262]


THE TLACHTLI, OR NATIONAL GAME.



Letter H



The national game of the Nahuas was the tlachtli,
which strongly resembled in many points our game of
football, and was quite as lively and full of scuffle.
It was common among all the nations whose cult was
similar to the Toltec, and was under special divine
protection, though what original religious significance
it had is not clear. Indeed, for that matter, nearly
every game enjoyed divine patronage, and Ometochtli,
'two rabbits,' the god of games, according to Duran,
was generally invoked by athletes as well as gamblers,
in conjunction with some special god. Instruments of
play, and natural objects were also conjured to grant
good luck to the applicant. As an instance of the
popularity of the game of tlachtli,[263] it may be mentioned
that a certain number of towns contributed
annually sixteen thousand balls in taxes, that each
town of any size had a special play-ground devoted to
the game, and that kings kept professionals to play
before them, occasionally challenging each other to a
game besides. The ground in which it was played,
called the tlachco,[264] was an alley whose shape is shown
298
in the cut; one hundred feet long[265] and half
as wide, except at each end where there were
rectangular nooks, which doubtless served as
resting-places for the players. The whole was enclosed
by smooth whitewashed walls, from nine to twelve feet
high on the sides, and somewhat lower at the ends,
with battlements and turrets, and decreasing in thickness
toward the top.[266] At midnight, previous to the
day fixed for the game, which was always fixed favorably
by the augurs, the priests with much ceremony
placed two idols—one representing the god of play,
the other the god of the tlachtli[267]—upon the side
walls, blessed the edifice, and consecrated the game by
throwing the ball four times round the ground, muttering
the while a formula. The owner of the tlachco,
usually the lord of the place, also performed certain
ceremonies and presented offerings, before opening the
game. The balls, called ullamaloni, were of solid
India-rubber, three to four inches in diameter. The
players were simply attired in the maxtli, or breech-clout,
and sometimes wore a skin to protect the parts
coming in contact with the ball, and gloves; they
played in parties, usually two or three on each side.
The rule was to hit the ball only with knee, elbow,
shoulder, or buttock, as agreed upon, the latter was
however the favorite way, and to touch the wall of
the opposite side with the ball, or to send it over,
either of which counted a point. He who struck the
ball with his hand or foot, or with any part of his
body not previously agreed upon, lost a point; to settle
such matters without dispute a priest acted as
referee. On each side-wall, equidistant from the ends,
299
was a large stone, carved with images of idols, pierced
through the centre with a hole large enough to just
admit the passage of the ball;[268] the player who by
chance or skill drove the ball through one of these
openings not only won the game for his side, but was
entitled to the cloaks of all present, and the haste
with which the spectators scrambled off in order to
save their garments is said to have been the most
amusing part of the entertainment. A feat so difficult
was, of course, rarely accomplished, save by
chance, and the successful player was made as much
of as a prize-winner at the Olympic games, nor did
he omit to present thank offerings to the god of the
game for the good fortune vouchsafed him.


The possession of much property depended upon the
issue of the game; the rich staked their gold and jewels,
the poor their dresses, their food, or even their
liberty.[269]


BALL-PLAYING AND GAMBLING.


Gambling, the lowest yet most infatuating of amusements,
was a passion with the Nahuas, and property
of all kinds, from ears of corn or cacao-beans, to costly
jewelry and personal liberty, were betted upon the
issue of the various games. Professional gamesters
300
went from house to house with dice and play-mats,
seeking fresh victims. All gambling tools were formally
charmed, and this charm was renewed and
strengthened at intervals by presenting the instruments
in the temple, with prayers that the blessing of
the idol might descend upon them.


POPULAR AMUSEMENTS.


Patoliztli, which somewhat resembled our backgammon,
appears to have been the most popular game of
chance. Patolli, or large beans marked with dots,
like dice, were shaken in the hand and thrown upon a
mat, upon which was traced a square marked with
certain transverse and diagonal lines. The thrower of
the beans marked his points on these lines according
to the number of spots which fell upward. He who
first gained a certain score won the game. The
players were usually surrounded by a crowd of interested
spectators, who betted heavily on the result, and
called loudly for the favor of Macuilxochitl, the
patron deity of the game. Golden and jewelled dice
were often used instead of beans by the rich.[270] They
had another game in which reeds took the place of
dice. Two players, each with ten pebbles by his side,
shot split reeds in turn towards small holes made in
the ground, by bending them between the fingers; if
a reed fell over a hole a marker was placed on a
square; this continued until the markers were all exhausted
by the winner.[271] Montezuma's favorite game
301
was called totoloque, and consisted in throwing small
golden balls at pieces of the same metal set up as targets
at a certain distance. Five points won the stakes.
Peter Martyr jumps at the conclusion that chess must
have been known to the Nahuas, because they possessed
checkered mats.[272]


CHAPTER IX.


PUBLIC FESTIVALS.


302



Frequent Occurrence of Religious Feasts—Human Sacrifices—Feasts
of the Fourth Year—Monthly Festivals—Sacrifice
of Children—Feast of Xipe—Manner of Sacrifice—Feasts
of Camaxtli, of the Flower-Dealers, of Centeotl, of Tezcatlipoca,
and of Huitzilopochtli—Festival of the Salt-Makers—The
Sacrifice by Fire—Feast of the Dead—The
Coming of the Gods—The Footprints on the Mat—Hunting
Feast—The Month of Love—Hard Times—Nahua Lupercalia—Feasts
of the Sun, of the Winter Solstice—Harvest and
Eight-Year Festivals—The Binding of the Sheaf.



RELIGIOUS FESTIVALS.


The amusements described in the preceding chapter
were chiefly indulged in during the great religious
festivals, when the people flocked together from all
quarters to propitiate or offer up thanks to some particular
god.


These festivals were of very frequent occurrence.
The Nahuas were close observers of nature; but like
other nations in a similar or even more advanced stage
of culture, the Greeks and Northmen for example,
they entirely misunderstood the laws which govern
the phenomena of nature, and looked upon every natural
occurrence as the direct act of some particular
divinity. The coming of the rains was held to be the
coming of the rain-gods, with their heralds the
thunder and lightning; the varying condition of the
crops was ascribed to their Ceres; drought, storms,
303
eclipses, all were considered the acts of special deities.


The religious machinery required to propitiate the
anger, humor the whims, and beseech the favor of
such a vast number of capricious divinities, was as
intricate as it was ponderous. Besides the daily services
held in the various temples, prayers were
offered several times during each day in that of the
sun, special rites attended every undertaking, from
the departure of a private traveler to the setting forth
of an army for war, and fixed as well as movable
feasts were held, the number of which was continually
increased as opportunity offered. The priests observed
fasts among themselves, attended with penance, scarifications,
and mutilations sometimes so severe as to
result fatally. Thus, at the festival in honor of Camaxtli,
the priests fasted one hundred and sixty days,
and passed several hundred sticks, varying in thickness
from half an inch to an inch and a half through
a hole freshly made in the tongue.[273] The people imitated
these penances in a less degree, and scarified
the members of their bodies that had been the means
of committing a sin. Blood was drawn from the
ears for inattention, or for conveying evil utterances
to the mind; from the tongue for giving expression to
bad words; the eyes, the arms, the legs, all suffered
for any reprehensible act or neglect. The people of
each province, says Las Casas, had a manner of drawing
blood peculiar to themselves.[274]


At the public festivals each private person brought
such offering to the god as his means allowed. The
poor had often nothing to give but a flower, a cake,
304
or personal service, but the wealthy gave rich robes,
jewels, gold, and slaves. But no great feast seems to
have been complete without human sacrifice. This
was always the great event of the day, to which the
people looked eagerly forward, and for which victims
were carefully preserved. Most of these miserable
beings were captives taken in war, and it was rarely
that the supply failed to be sufficient to the occasion,
especially among the Mexicans, since, as I have before
said, there was nearly always trouble in some
part of the empire, if not, a lack of victims for sacrifice
was held good cause for picking a quarrel with a
neighboring nation; besides, if the number of war prisoners
was not sufficient there were never wanting refractory
slaves to swell the number. We have it upon
good authority that upon almost every monthly feast,
and upon numerous other grand celebrations, several
hundred human hearts were torn hot from living
breasts as an acceptable offering to the Nahua gods
and a pleasant sight to the people.[275]


The grandest festivals were celebrated during the
fourth year, called Teoxihuitl, or 'divine year,' and at
the commencement of every thirteenth year. On
these occasions a greater number of victims bled and
the penances were more severe than at other times.
The Nahuas also observed a grand festival every
month in the year; but, as these feasts were closely
connected with their religion, and therefore will be
necessarily described at length in the next volume, I
will confine myself here to such an outline description
of them as will suffice to give the reader an idea of
what they were.[276]



305


RELIGIOUS FEASTS.


The Aztec feast that is mentioned first by the old
writers, namely that of the month Atlcahualco,
'the diminishing of the waters,' or, as it was called in
some parts, Quahuitlehua, 'burning of the trees or
mountains,' was celebrated in honor of the Tlalocs,
gods of rains and waters. At this feast a great number
of sucking infants were sacrificed, some upon certain
high mountains, others in a whirlpool in the lake of
Mexico. The little ones were mostly bought from their
mothers, though sometimes they were voluntarily presented
by parents who wished to gain the particular
favor of the god. Those only who had two curls on
the head, and who had been born under a lucky sign
were thought acceptable to the gods. The sacrifices
were not all made in one place, but upon six several
mountains and in the lake. These were visited one
after another by a great procession of priests attended
by the music of flutes and trumpets, and followed by
a vast multitude of people thirsting for the sight of
blood; nay, more, literally hungering for the flesh of
the babes, if we may credit the assertion of some
authors, that the bodies were actually brought back
and the flesh eaten as a choice delicacy by the priests
and chief men. But of cannibalism more anon.


The little ones were carried to their death upon
gorgeous litters adorned with plumes and jewels, and
were themselves dressed in a splendid manner in embroidered
and jeweled mantles and sandals, and colored
paper wings. Their faces were stained with oil of
India-rubber, and upon each cheek was painted a round
white spot. No wonder that, as the old chroniclers
say, the people wept as the doomed babes passed by;
surely there was good cause for weeping in such a
sight. Gladiatorial combats and sacrifice of prisoners
of war at the temple completed this feast.[277]



306


The next feast, that in the month of Tlacaxipehualiztli,
'the flaying of men,' was held in honor of Xipe,
who was especially the patron deity of the goldsmiths.[278]
This god was thought to inflict sore eyes,
itch, and other diseases upon those who offended him,
and they were therefore careful to observe his feast
with all due regularity and honor. On this occasion
thieves convicted for the second time of stealing gold
or jewels[279] were sacrificed, besides the usual number of
prisoners of war. The vigil of the feast, on the last
day of the preceding month, began with solemn
dances. At midnight the victims were taken from
the chapel, where they had been compelled to watch,
and brought before the sacred fire. Here the hair
was shaven from the top of their heads, the captors
at the same time drawing blood from their own ears
in honor of the idol; the severed topknot of each war
prisoner was afterwards hung up at the house of his
captor as a token and memorial of the father's bravery.
Towards daybreak some of the prisoners were taken
up to the great temple to be sacrificed. But before
we proceed farther it will be necessary to see how
these human offerings were made.


SACRIFICIAL RITES.


Sacrifices varied in number, place, and manner,
according to the circumstances of the festival. In
general the victims suffered death by having the
breast opened, and the heart torn out; but others
were drowned, others were shut up in caves and
starved to death, others fell in the gladiatorial sacrifice,
which will be described elsewhere. The customary
307
place was the temple, on the topmost platform
of which stood the altar used for ordinary sacrifices.
The altar of the great temple at Mexico, says
Clavigero, was a green stone, probably jasper, convex
above, and about three feet high and as many broad,
and more than five feet long. The usual ministers of
the sacrifice were six priests, the chief of whom was
the Topiltzin, whose dignity was preëminent and
hereditary; but at every sacrifice he assumed the
name of that god to whom it was made. When sacrificing
he was clothed in a red habit, similar in shape
to a modern scapulary, fringed with cotton; on his
head he wore a crown of green and yellow feathers,
from his ears hung golden ear-ornaments and green
jewels, and from his under lip a pendant of turquoise.
His five assistants were dressed in white habits of the
same make, but embroidered with black; their hair
was plaited and bound with leather thongs, upon their
foreheads were little patches of various-colored paper;
their entire bodies were dyed black. The victim was
carried naked up to the temple, where the assisting
priests seized him and threw him prostrate on his back
upon the altar, two holding his legs, two his feet, and
the fifth his head; the high-priest then approached,
and with a heavy knife of obsidian cut open the miserable
man's breast; then with a dexterity acquired
by long practice the sacrificer tore forth the yet
palpitating heart, which he first offered to the sun
and then threw at the foot of the idol; taking it up
he again offered it to the god and afterwards burned
it, preserving the ashes with great care and veneration.
Sometimes the heart was placed in the mouth
of the idol with a golden spoon. It was customary
also to anoint the lips of the image and the cornices
of the door with the victim's blood. If he was a
prisoner of war, as soon as he was sacrificed they cut
off his head to preserve the skull, and threw the body
down the temple steps, whence it was carried to the
house of the warrior by whom the victim had been
308
taken captive, and cooked and eaten at a feast given
by him to his friends; the body of a slave purchased
for sacrifice was carried off by the former proprietor
for the same purpose. This is Clavigero's account.
The same writer asserts that the Otomís having killed
the victim, tore the body in pieces, which they sold at
market. The Zapotecs sacrificed men to their gods,
women to their goddesses, and children to some other
diminutive deities. At the festival of Teteionan the
woman who represented this goddess was beheaded
on the shoulders of another woman. At the feast
celebrating the arrival of the gods, the victims were
burned to death. We have seen that they drowned
children at one feast in honor of Tlaloc; at another
feast of the same god several little boys were shut up
in a cavern, and left to die of fear and hunger.[280]


SACRIFICES IN HONOR OF XIPE.


Let us now proceed with the feast of Xipe. We
left a part of the doomed captives on their way to
death. Arrived at the summit of the temple each
one is led in turn to the altar of sacrifice seized by
the grim, merciless priests, and thrown upon the
stone; the high priest draws near, the knife is lifted,
there is one great cry of agony, a shuffle of feet as
the assistants are swayed to and fro by the death
struggles of their victim, then all is silent save the
309
muttering of the high-priest as high in air he holds
the smoking heart, while from far down beneath comes
a low hum of admiration from the thousands of upturned
faces.


The still quivering bodies were cast down the temple
steps, as at other times, but on this occasion they
were not taken away until they had been flayed, for
which reason these victims were called xipeme,
'flayed,' or tototecti, 'one who dies in honor of Totec.'
The remains were then delivered over to the captor
by certain priests, at the chapel where he had made
his vow of offering, a vow which involved a fast of
twenty days previous to the festival. A thigh was
sent to the king's table, and the remainder was cooked
with maize and served up at the banquet given by
the captors, to which their friends were invited. This
dish was called tlacatlaolli; the giver of the feast,
says Sahagun, did not taste the flesh of his own captive,
who was held, in a manner, to be his son, but ate
of others.


GHASTLY BEGGARS.



THE FEAST OF CAMAXTLI.


The next day another batch of prisoners, called
oavanti, whose top hair had also been shaved, were
brought out for sacrifice. In the meantime a number
of young men also termed tototecti, began a gladiatorial
game, a burlesque on the real combat to follow;
dressing themselves in the skins of the flayed victims,
they were teased to fight by a number of their comrades;
these they pursued and put to flight, and thereupon
turned against one another, dragging the vanquished
to the guard-house, whence they were not
discharged until a fine had been paid. A number of
priests, each representing a god, now descended from
the summit of the temple, and directed their steps to
the stone of sacrifice, which stood below and must
not be confounded with the altar, and seated themselves
upon stools round about it, the high-priest
taking the place of honor. After them came four
braves, two disguised as eagles, and two as tigers, who
performed fencing tactics as they advanced, and were
310
destined to fight the captives. A band of singers and
musicians, who were seated behind the priests, and
bore streamers of white feathers mounted on long poles
which were strapped to their shoulders, now began
to sound flutes, shells, and trumpets, to whistle and
to sing, while others approached, each dragging his
own captive along by the hair. A cup of pulque was
given to each of these poor wretches, which he presented
toward the four quarters of the earth, and then
sucked up the fluid by means of a tube. A priest
thereupon took a quail, cut off its head before the
captive, and taking the shield which he carried from
him he raised it upwards, at the same time throwing
the quail behind him—a symbol, perhaps, of his fate.
Another priest arrayed in a bear-skin, who stood as
god-father to the doomed men, now proceeded to tie
one of the captives to a ring fixed in the elevated flat
stone upon which the combat took place; he then
handed him a sword edged with feathers instead of
flint, and four pine sticks wherewith to defend himself
against the four braves who were appointed to
fight with him, one by one. These advanced against
him with shield and sword raised toward the sky, and
executing all manner of capers; if the captive proved
too strong for them, a fifth man who fought both with
the right and left hand was called in.[281] Those who
were too faint-hearted to attempt this hopeless combat,
had their hearts torn out at once, whilst the others
were sacrificed only after having been subdued by the
braves. The bleeding and quivering heart was held up
to the sun and then thrown into a bowl, prepared for
its reception. An assistant priest sucked the blood
from the gash in the chest through a hollow cane, the
end of which he elevated towards the sun, and then
discharged its contents into a plume-bordered cup held
by the captor of the prisoner just slain. This cup
was carried round to all the idols in the temples and
311
chapels, before whom another blood-filled tube was
held up as if to give them a taste of the contents;
this ceremony performed, the cup was left at the palace.
The corpse was taken to the chapel where the
captive had watched, and there flayed, the flesh being
consumed at a banquet as before.[282] The skin was
given to certain priests, or college youths, who went
from house to house dressed in the ghastly garb, with
the arms swinging, singing, dancing, and asking for
contributions; those who refused to give anything
received a stroke in the face from the dangling arm.
The money collected was at the disposal of the captor,
who gave it to the performers, and, no doubt, it
eventually found its way to the temple or school
treasury.[283] After the sacrifice, the priests, chiefs, and
owners of the captives commenced to dance the motzontecomaitotia,
circling round the stone of combat,
weeping and lamenting as if going to their death, the
captors holding the heads of the dead men by the
hair in their right hands, and the priests swinging the
cords which had held them toward the four quarters of
the compass, amid many ceremonies. The next morning
solemn dances were held everywhere, beginning at
the royal palaces, at which everybody appeared in
his best finery, holding tamales or cakes in his
hands in lieu of flowers, and wearing dry maize, instead
of garlands, as appropriate to the season. They
also carried imitations of amaranths made of feathers
and maize-stalks with the ears. At noon the priests
retired from the dance, whereupon the lords and nobles
312
arranged themselves in front of the palace by
threes, with the king at their head, holding the lord
of Tezcuco by the right hand and the lord of Tlacopan
by the left, and danced solemnly till sunset.
Other dances by warriors, and women, chiefly prostitutes,
followed at the temple and lasted till midnight,
the motions consisting of swinging of arms and interwinding.
The festivities were varied by military
reviews, sports, and concerts, and extended over the
whole month. It was held incumbent upon everyone
at this time to eat a kind of uncooked cake called
huilocpalli. The Tlascaltecs called this month Cohuailhuitl,
'feast of the snake,' a name which truly indicates
rejoicings, such as carnivals, sports, and banquets,
participated in by all classes. Celebrations in honor
of Camaxtli were also held at this time here as well
as in Huexotzinco and many other places, for which
the priests prepared themselves by a severe fast. The
ceremonies when they took place in the fourth year,
called 'God's year,' were especially imposing. When
the time came for the long fast which preceded the
feast to begin, those of the priests who had sufficient
courage to undergo the severe penance then exacted
from the devout were called upon to assemble at the
temple. Here the eldest arose and exhorted them to
be faithful to their vows, giving notice to those who
were faint-hearted to leave the company of penance-doers
within five days, for, if they failed, after that time
by the rules of the fast they would be disgraced and
deprived of their estates. On the fifth day they
again met to the number of two or three hundred,
although many had already deserted, fearing the
severity of the rules, and repaired to Mount Matlalcueje,
stopping half-way up to pray, while the
high-priest ascended alone to the top, where stood a
temple devoted to the divinity of this name. Here
he offered chalchiuite-stones and quetzal-feathers,
paper and incense, praying to Matlalcueje and Camaxtli
to give his servants strength and courage to
313
keep the fast. Other priests belonging to various temples
in the meantime gathered loads of sticks, two
feet long and as thick as the wrist, which they piled
up in the chief temple of Camaxtli. These were fashioned
to the required form and size and polished by
carpenters who had undergone a five days' fast, and
were, in return for their services, fed outside the temple.
Flint-cutters, who had also undergone a fast to
ensure the success of their work, were now summoned
to prepare knives, which were placed upon clean cloths,
exposed to the sun and perfumed; a broken blade was
held as a sign of bad fasting, and the one who broke it
was reprimanded. At sunset, on the day of the great
penance, the achcauhtli, 'eldest brothers,' began chanting
in a solemn tone and playing upon their drums.[284]
On the termination of the last hymn, which was of a
very lugubrious character and delivered without
accompaniment, the self-torture commenced. Certain
penance-doers seized each a knife and cut a hole in the
tongue of each man, through which the prepared
sticks were inserted, the smaller first and then the
stouter, the number varying according to the piety and
endurance of the penitent. The chief set the example
by passing four hundred and fifty through his tongue,[285]
singing a hymn at the same time in spite of all. This
was repeated every twenty days during the fast, the
sticks decreasing in size and number as the time for
the feast drew near. The sticks which had been used
were thrown as an offering to the idol within a circle
formed in the courtyard of the temple with a number
of poles, six fathoms in height, and were afterwards
burnt. After the lapse of eighty days, a branch was
placed in the temple-yard, as a sign that all the people
had to join in the fast for the remaining eighty
314
days, during which nothing but maize-cakes, without
chile—a severe infliction, indeed, for this people—were
to be eaten, no baths taken and no communion
with women indulged in.[286] Fires were to be kept
alight the whole time, and so strict was this rule that
the life of the slaves in great houses depended upon
the proper attention paid to it. The chief achcauhtli
went once more to the Matlalcueje mountain[287] escorted
by four others, where, alone and at night, he offered
copal, paper, and quails; he also made a tour round
the province, carrying a green branch in his hand, and
exhorting all to observe the fast. The devout seized
this opportunity to make him presents of clothes and
other valuables. Shortly before the end of the fast
all the temples were repaired and adorned, and three
days previous to the festival the achcauhtlis painted
themselves with figures of animals in various colors,
and danced solemnly the whole day in the temple-yard.
Afterwards they adorned the image of Camaxtli,
which stood about seventeen feet high, and
dressed the small idol by his side in the raiments of
the god Quetzalcoatl, who was held to be the son of
Camaxtli. This idol was said to have been brought
to the country by the first settlers. The raiment was
borrowed from the Cholultecs, who asked the same
favor when they celebrated Camaxtli's feast. Camaxtli
was adorned with a mask of turquoise mosaic,[288]
green and red plumes waved upon his head, a shield
of gold and rich feathers was fastened to his left arm,
and in his right hand he held a dart of fine workmanship
pointed with flint. He was dressed in several
315
robes and a tecucxicolli, like a priest's vestment, open
in front and finely bordered with cotton and rabbit-hair,
which was spun and dyed like silk. A number
of birds, reptiles, and insects were killed before him,
and flowers offered. At midnight, a priest dressed in
the vestments of the idol lighted a new fire, which
was consecrated with the blood of the principal captive,
called the Son of the Sun. All the other temples
were supplied from this flame. A great number
of captives were thereupon sacrificed to Camaxtli as
well as to other gods, and the bodies consumed at the
banquets that followed. The number killed in the
various towns of the province amounted to over one
thousand, a number greatly increased by the numerous
sacrifices offered at the same time in other places
where Camaxtli was worshiped.[289]


FEAST OF THE FLOWER-DEALERS.


The next feast, which was that of the month called
Tozoztontli, or 'short vigil,' was characterized by a
constant night watch observed by the priests in the
various temples, where they kept fires burning and
sounded the gongs to prevent napping. More of the
children bought in the first month were now sacrificed,
and offerings of fruit and flowers were made to induce
the Tlalocs to send rain.[290] The chief event, however,
of this month, was a fast given in honor of Cohuatlicue,
or Coatlantona, by the xochimanques, or flower-dealers,
of Mexico. The celebration took place in the temple
of Yopico, which was under the special care and protection
of the people of Xochimilco and Quauhnahuac,
whose lands were renowned for the beauty and abundance
of their flowers. Here were offered the first flowers
of the season, of which hitherto none might inhale
the perfume, and here the people sat down and chanted
hymns of praise to the goddess. Cakes made of wild
316
amaranth or savory, called tzatzapaltamale, were also
offered. In this temple of Yopico was a grotto in
which the skins of the victims sacrificed at the feast
of the preceding month were now deposited by the
priests who had worn them continuously until this
time. These marched in solemn procession to the
grotto, accompanied by a number of people whom
the angered Xipe had smitten with itch, or eye diseases;
this act of devotion would, it was thought,
induce the god to relent and remove the curse. The
owners of the captives to whom the skins had
belonged, and their families, of whom none was permitted
to wash his head during the month, in token
of sorrow for the slain, followed the procession. The
priests doffed their strange and filthy attire and deposited
it in the grotto; they were then washed in water
mixed with flour, their bodies at the same time being
belabored and slapped with the moist hands of their
assistants, to bring out the unhealthy matter left by
the rotting skins. This was followed by a lustration in
pure water. The diseased underwent the same washing
and slapping. On returning home feasting and amusements
broke out anew. Among other sports the owners
of the late prisoners gave the paper ornaments which
had been worn by them to certain young men, who,
having put them on, took each a shield in one hand
and a bludgeon in the other; thus armed they ran
about threatening to maltreat those whom they met.
Everybody fled before them, calling out "here comes
the tetzonpac." Those who were caught forfeited their
mantles, which were taken to the house of the warrior,
to be redeemed, perhaps, after the conclusion of
the game. The paper ornaments were afterwards
wrapped in a mat and placed upon a tripod in front of
the wearer's house. By the side of the tripod a
wooden pillar was erected, to which the thigh-bone of
a victim, adorned with gaudy papers, was attached
amid many ceremonies, and in the presence of the
captor's friends. Both these trophies commemorated
317
the bravery of the owner. This lasted six days.
About this time, says Duran, certain old diviners
went about provided with talismans, generally small
idols, which they hung round the necks of boys by
means of colored thread, as a security against evil,
and for this service received presents from the
parents.[291]


FEAST OF CENTEOTL.


The following month, which was called Huey-Tozoztli,
'great vigil,'[292] a feast was celebrated in honor of
Centeotl, the god of cereals, and Chicomecoatl, goddess
of provisions. At this time both people and
priest fasted four days. Offerings of various kinds
were made to the gods of the feast, and afterwards a
procession of virgins strangely and gaudily attired
carried ears of corn to be used as seed, to the temple
to be blessed.[293]


The first half of the succeeding month, called
Toxcatl, was, among the Mexicans, taken up with
a continuous series of festivals in honor of Tezcatlipoca;
the latter half of the month was devoted to
the worship of his brother-god Huitzilopochtli. Ten
days before the feast began, a priest, arrayed in the
vestments of Tezcatlipoca, and holding a nosegay in
one hand and a clay flute in the other, came out
from the temple, and turning first to the east and then
to the other three quarters, blew a shrill note on his
instrument; then, stooping, he gathered some dust on
318
his finger and swallowed it, in token of humility and
submission. On hearing the whistle all the people
knelt, ate dust, and implored the clemency and favor
of the god. On the eve of the festival the nobles
brought to the temple a present of a new set of robes,
in which the priests clothed the idol, adorning it besides
with its proper ornaments of gold and feathers;
the old dress was deposited in the temple coffers as a
relic. The sanctuary was then thrown open to the
multitude. In the evening certain fancifully attired
priests carried the idol on a litter round the courtyard
of the temple, which was strewn with flowers
for the occasion. Here the young men and maidens
devoted to the service of the temple formed a circle
round the procession, bearing between them a long
string of withered maize as a symbol of drought.
Some decked the idol with garlands, others strewed
the ground with maguey-thorns, that the devout might
step upon them and draw blood in honor of the god.
The girls wore rich dresses, and their arms and cheeks
were dyed; the boys were clothed in a kind of net-work,
and all were adorned with strings of withered
maize. Two priests marched beside the idol, swinging
their lighted censers now towards the image, now
towards the sun, and praying that their appeals might
rise to heaven, even as the smoke of the burning
copal; and as the people heard and saw they knelt
and beat their backs with knotted cords.


As soon as the idol was replaced, offerings poured
in of gold, jewels, flowers, and feathers, as well as
toasted quails, corn, and other articles of food prepared
by women who had solicited and obtained the
privilege. This food was afterwards divided among
the priests, who, in fact, seem to have really reaped
the benefit on most religious occasions. It was carried
to them by a procession of virgins who served in
the temple. At the head of the procession marched
a priest strangely attired in a white-bordered surplice,
reaching to the knee, and a sleeveless jacket of red
319
skin, with a pair of wings attached, to which hung a
number of ribbons, suspending a gourd filled with
charms. The food was set down at the temple stairway,
whence it was carried to the priests by attendant
boys. After a fast of five days these divine viands
were doubtless doubly welcome.


FEAST OF TEZCATLIPOCA.


Among the captives brought out for sacrifice at the
same festival a year before, the one who possessed the
finest form, the most agreeable disposition, and the
highest culture, had been selected to be the mortal
representative of the god till this day. It was absolutely
necessary, however, that he should be of spotless
physique, and, to render him still more worthy of
the divine one whom he personated, the calpixques,
under whose care he was placed, taught him all the
accomplishments that distinguished the higher class.
He was regaled upon the fat of the land, but was
obliged to take doses of salted water to counteract
any tendency toward obesity; he was allowed to go
out into the town day and night, escorted by eight
pages of rank dressed in the royal livery, and received
the adoration of the people as he passed along. His
dress corresponded with his high position; a rich and
curiously bordered mantle, like a fine net, and a maxtli
with wide, embroidered margin, covered his body;
white cock-feathers, fastened with gum, and a garland
of izquixuchitl flowers, encircled the helmet of sea-shells
which covered his head; strings of flowers
crossed his breast; gold rings hung from his ears, and
from a necklace of precious stones about his neck dangled
a valuable stone; upon his shoulders were pouch-like
ornaments of white linen with fringes and tassels;
golden bracelets encircled the upper part of his arms,
while the lower part was almost covered with others
of precious stones, called macuextli; upon his ankles
golden bells jingled as he walked, and prettily painted
slippers covered his feet.


Twenty days before the feast he was bathed, and his
dress changed; the hair being cut in the style used by
320
captains, and tied with a curious fringe which formed a
tassel falling from the top of the head, from which two
other tassels, made of feathers, gold, and tochomitl, and
called aztaxelli, were suspended. He was then married
to four accomplished damsels, to whom the names of
four goddesses, Xochiquetzal, Xilonen, Atlatonan,
and Huixtocioatl were given, and these remained with
him until his death, endeavoring to render him as
happy as possible. The last five days the divine honors
paid to him became still more imposing, and celebrations
were held in his honor, the first day in the Tecanman
district, the second in the ward where the image of
Tezcatlipoca stood, the third in the woods of the ward
of Tepetzinco, and the fourth in the woods of Tepepulco;
the lords and nobles gave, besides, solemn banquets
followed by recreations of all kinds. At the
end of the fourth feast, the victim was placed with
his wives in one of the finest awning-covered canoes
belonging to the king, and sent from Tepepulco to
Tlapitzaoayan, where he was left alone with the
eight pages who attended him during the year. These
conducted him to the Tlacochcalco, a small and plain
temple standing near the road, about a league from
Mexico,[294] which he ascended, breaking a flute against
every step of the staircase. At the summit he was
received by the sacrificing ministers, who served him
after their manner, and held up his heart exultingly
to the sun; the body was carried down to the courtyard
on the arms of priests, and the head having been
cut off was spitted at the Tzompantli, or 'place of
skulls;' the legs and arms were set apart as sacred
food for the lords and people of the temple. This
321
end, so terrible, signified that riches and pleasures
may turn into poverty and sorrow; a pretty moral,
truly, to adorn so gentle a tale.


After the sacrifice, the college youths, nobles, and
priests commenced a grand ball for which the older
priests supplied the music; and at sunset the virgins
brought another offering of bread made with
honey. This was placed upon clay plates, covered
with skulls and dead men's bones, carried in procession
to the altar of Tezcatlipoca, and destined for
the winners in the race up the temple steps, who
were dressed in robes of honor, and, after undergoing
a lustration, were invited to a banquet by the
temple dignitaries. The feast was closed by giving
an opportunity to boys and girls in the college, of a
suitable age, to marry. Their remaining comrades
took advantage of this to joke and make sport of
them, pelting them with soft balls and reproving
them for leaving the service of the god for the pleasures
of matrimony.[295] Tezcatlipoca's representative
was the only victim sacrificed at this festival, but
every leap-year the blood flowed in torrents.


FEAST OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.



INCENSING OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.


After this celebration commenced the festival in
honor of the younger brother of Tezcatlipoca, Huitzilopochtli,
the Mexican god of war. The priests of
the god prepared a life-size statue like his original
image, the bones of which were composed of mezquite-wood,
the flesh of tzoalli, a dough made from
amaranth and other seeds. This they dressed in the
raiments of the idol, viz: a coat decorated with
human bones, and a net-like mantle of cotton and nequen,
covered by another mantle, the tlaquaquallo,
adorned with feather-work, and bearing a gold plate
upon its front; its wide folds were painted with
the bones and members of a human being, and fell
over a number of men's bones made of dough, which
322
represented his power over death. A paper crown,
very wide at the top and set with plumes, covered
this head, and attached to its feather-covered summit
was a bloody flint-knife, signifying his fury in battle.
The image was placed upon a stage of logs, formed to
resemble four snakes whose heads and tails protruded
at the four corners, and borne by four of the principal
warriors[296] to the temple of Huitznahuac, attended by
a vast number of people, who sang and danced along
the road. A sheet of maguey-paper, twenty fathoms
in length, one in breadth, and one finger in thickness,
upon which were depicted the glorious deeds of the
god, was carried before the procession on the points of
darts ornamented with feathers, the bearers singing
the praises of the deity to the sound of music.[297] At
sunset the stage was raised to the summit of the temple
by means of ropes attached to the four corners,
and placed in position. The paper painting was then
rolled up in front of it, and the darts made into a
bundle. After a presentation of offerings consisting
of tamales and other food, the idol was left in charge
of its priests. At dawn the next morning similar
offerings, accompanied with incense, were made to the
family image of the god at every house. That day
the king himself appeared in the sacerdotal character.
Taking four quails, he wrenched their heads off one
after another, and threw the quivering bodies before
the idol; the priests did the same, and then the people.
Some of the birds were prepared and eaten by
the king, priest, and principal men at the feast, the
rest were preserved for another occasion. Each minister
then placed coals and chapopotli incense[298] in his
323
tlemaitl,[299] and wafted the disagreeable odor towards
the idol. The ashes were then emptied from the censers
into an immense brazier, called the tlexictli, or
'fire-navel.' This ceremony gave the name to the
festival, which was known as the 'incensing of Huitzilopochtli.'
The girls devoted to the service of the
temple now appeared, having their arms and legs
decorated with red feathers, their faces painted, and
garlands of toasted maize on their heads; in their
hands they held split canes, upon which were flags of
paper or cloth painted with vertical black bars. Linking
hands they joined the priests in the grand dance
called toxcachocholoa. Upon the large brazier, round
which the dancers whirled, stood two shield-bearers
with blackened faces, who directed the motions.
These men had cages of candlewood tied to their
backs after the manner of women. The priests who
joined in the dance wore paper rosettes upon their
foreheads, yellow and white plumes on their heads,
and had their lips and their blackened faces smeared
with honey. They also wore undergarments of paper,
called amasmaxtli, and each held a palm wand in his
hand, the upper part of which was adorned with flowers,
while the lower end was tipped with a ball, both
balls and flowers being made of black feathers; the
part of the wand grasped in the hand was rolled in
strips of black-striped paper. When dancing, they
touched the ground with their wands as if to support
themselves. The musicians were hidden from view
in the temple. The courtiers and warriors danced in
another part of the courtyard, apart from the priests,
with girls attired somewhat like those already described.


At the same time that the representative of Tezcatlipoca
324
was chosen, the year before, another youth
was appointed to represent Huitzilopochtli, to whom
was given the name of Ixteocale, that is, 'eyes of the
lord of the divine house.'[300] He always associated
with the other doomed one of Tezcatlipoca, and shared
his enjoyments; but, as the representative of a less
esteemed god, he was paid no divine honors. His
dress was characteristic of the deity for whom he
was fated to die. Papers painted with black circles
covered his body, a mitre of eagle-feathers, with waving
plumes and a flint knife in the centre adorned his
head, and a fine piece of cloth, a hand square, with a
bag called patoxin above it, was tied to his breast;
on one of his arms he had an ornament made of the
hair of wild beasts, like a maniple, called imatacax,
and golden bells jingled about his ankles. Thus arrayed
he led the dance of the plebeians,[301] like the
god conducting his warriors to battle. This youth
had the privilege of choosing the hour of his death,
but any delay involved the loss to him of a proportionate
amount of glory and happiness in the other
world. When he delivered himself up to the sacrificers,
they raised him on their arms, tore out his
heart, beheaded him, and spitted the head at the place
of skulls. After him several other captives were immolated,
and then the priests started another dance,
the atepocaxixilihua, which lasted the remainder of
the day, certain intervals being devoted to incensing
the idol. On this day the male and female children
born during the year were taken to the temple and
scarified on the chest, stomach, and arms, to mark
them as followers of the god.


The feast in honor of Quetzalcoatl, as it was celebrated
during this month in Cholula, and the feast of
the following month, called Etzalqualiztli, dedicated
325
to the Tlalocs, or rain gods, the reader will find fully
described in the next volume.[302]


SMALL FEAST OF THE LORDS.


The next month was one of general rejoicing among
the Nahuas, and was for this reason called Tecuilhuitzintli,
or Tecuilhuitontli, 'small feast of the lords.'
The nobles and warriors exercised with arms to prepare
for coming wars; hunting parties, open-air sports,
and theatricals divided the time with banquets and indoor
parties; and there was much interchanging of
roses out of compliment. Yet the amusements this
month were mostly confined to the lower classes, the
more imposing celebrations of the nobility taking place
in the following month. The religious celebrations
were in honor of Huixtocihuatl, the goddess of salt,
said to have been a sister to the rain gods, who quarreled
with her, and drove her into the salt water,
where she invented the art of making salt. Her
chief devotees were, of course, the salt-makers, mostly
females, who held a ten-days' festival in her temple,
singing and dancing every evening from dusk till
midnight in company with the doomed captives.
They were all adorned with garlands of a sweet-smelling
herb called iztauhiatl, and danced in a ring formed
by cords of flowers, led by some of their own sex; the
music was furnished by two old men. The female
who represented the goddess and was to die in her
honor danced with them, generally in the centre of
the circle, and accompanied by an old man holding a
beautiful plume, called huixtopetlacotl; if very nervous
she was supported by old women.[303] She was dressed
in the yellow robes of the goddess, and wore on her
head a mitre surmounted by a number of green
plumes; her huipil and skirt with net covering were
worked in wavy outlines, and bordered with chalchiuites;
ear-rings of gold in imitation of flowers hung
from her ears; golden bells and white shells held by
326
straps of tiger-skin, jingled and clattered about her
ankles; her sandals were fastened with buttons and
cords of cotton. On her arm she bore a shield painted
with broad leaves, from which hung bits of parrot-feathers,
tipped with flowers formed of eagle-plumage;
it was also fringed with bright quetzal-feathers.
In her hand she held a round bludgeon, one or two
hands broad at the end, adorned with rubber-stained
paper, and three flowers, at equal distances apart,
filled with incense and set with quetzal-feathers; this
shield she flourished as she danced. The priests
who performed the sacrifice were dressed in an appropriate
costume; on the great day, the priests performed
another and solemn dance, devoting intervals
to the sacrifice of captives, who were called Huixtoti
in honor of the deity. Finally, towards evening, the
female victim was thrown upon the stone by five young
men, who held her while the priests cut open her
breast, pressing a stick or a swordfish-bone against her
throat to prevent her from screaming. The heart was
held up to the sun and then thrown into a bowl. The
music struck up and the people went home to feast.[304]


GREAT FEAST OF THE LORDS.


The feast of the following month, Hueytecuilhuitl,
or 'great feast of the lords,' occurred at the time of
the year when food was most scarce, the grain from
the preceding harvest being nearly exhausted and the
new crop not yet ripe for cutting. The nobles at this
time gave great and solemn banquets among themselves,
and provided at their personal expense feasts
for the poor and needy. On the eleventh day a religious
celebration took place in honor of Centeotl,
under the name of Xilonen, derived from xilotl, which
means a tender maize-ear, for this goddess changed
her name according to the state of the grain. On
this occasion, a woman who represented the goddess
327
and was dressed in a similar manner, was sacrificed.
The day before her death a number of women took
her with them to offer incense in four places, which
were sacred to the four characters of the divisions of
the cycle, the reed, the flint, the house, and the rabbit.
The night was spent in singing, dancing, and
praying before the temple of the goddess.[305] On the
day of sacrifice certain priestesses and lay women
whirled in a ring about the victim, and a number of
priests and principal men who danced before her. The
priests blew their shells and horns, shook their rattles
and scattered incense as they danced, the nobles held
stalks of maize in their hands which they extended
toward the woman. The priest who acted as executioner
wore a bunch of feathers on his shoulders, held
by the claws of an eagle inserted in an artificial leg.
Towards the close of the dance this priest stopped at
the foot of the temple, shook the rattle-board before the
victim, scattered more incense, and turned to lead the
way to the summit. This reached, another priest
seized the woman, twisted her shoulders against his,
and stooped over, so that her breast lay exposed. On
this living altar she was beheaded and her heart torn
out. After the sacrifice there was more dancing, in
which the women, old and young, took part by themselves,
their arms and legs decorated with red macaw-feathers,
and their faces painted yellow and dusted
with marcasite. The whole pleasantly finished with
a feast. Offerings were also presented to the household
gods. This festival inaugurated the eating of
corn.[306]


During the next month, which was called Tlaxochimaco,
328
or 'the distribution of flowers,'[307] gifts of flowers
were presented to the gods and mutually interchanged
among friends. At noon on the day of the
great feast, the signal sounded and a pompous dance
was begun in the courtyard of the temple of Huitzilopochtli,
to whom the honors of the day were paid,
in which the performers consisted of various orders of
warriors led by the bravest among them. Public
women joined these dances, one woman going hand in
hand with two men, and the contrary, or with their
hands resting on each other's shoulders, or thrown
round the waist.[308] The musicians were stationed at
a round altar, called momuztli. The motions consisted
of a mere interwinding walk, to the time of a slow
song. At sunset, after the usual sacrifices, the people
went home to perform the same dance before their
household idol; the old indulging in liquor as usual.
The festival in honor of Iyacacoliuhqui, the god of
commerce, was, however, the event of the month,
owing to the number and solemnity of the sacrifices of
slaves, brought from all quarters by the wealthy merchants
for the purpose, and the splendor of the attendant
banquets. The Tlascaltecs called this month
Miccailhuitzintli, 'the small festival of the dead,' and
gathered in the temples to sing sorrowful odes to the
dead, the priests, dressed in black mantles, making
offerings of food to the spirit of the departed. This
seems to have been a commemoration of the ordinary
class only, for the departed heroes and great men were
honored in the following month. Duran and others
assert, however, that the festival was devoted to the
memory of the little ones who had died, and adds that
the mothers performed thousands of superstitious ceremonies
with their children, placing talismans upon
them and the like, to prevent their death.[309]



329


FEAST OF THE FALL OF FRUIT.


The feast of the next month, called Xocotlhuetzin,
'fall, or maturity of fruit,' was dedicated to Xiuhtecutli,
the god of fire. At the beginning of the month
certain priests went out into the mountains and
selected the tallest and straightest tree they could
find. This was cut down and trimmed of all except
its top branches.[310] It was then moved carefully into
the town upon rollers, and set up firmly in the courtyard
of the temple, where it stood for twenty days.
On the eve of the feast-day the tree was gently lowered
to the ground; early the next morning carpenters
dressed it perfectly smooth, and fastened a cross-yard
five fathoms long, near the top, where the
branches had been left. The priests now adorned the
pole with colored papers, and placed upon the summit
a statue of the god of fire, made of dough of amaranth-seeds,
and curiously dressed in a maxtli, sashes,
and strips of paper. Three rods were stuck into its
head, upon each of which was spitted a tamale, or
native pie. The pole was then again hoisted into an
erect position.


Those who had captives to offer now appeared,
dancing side by side with the victims, and most grotesquely
dressed and painted. At sunset the dance
ceased, and the doomed men were shut up in the temple,
while their captors kept guard outside, and sang
hymns to the god. About midnight every owner
brought out his captive and shaved off his top hair,
which he carefully kept as a token of his valor. At
dawn the human offerings were taken to the Tzompantli,
where the skulls of the sacrificed were spitted,
and there stripped by the priests of their dress and
ornaments. At a certain signal each owner seized his
captive by the hair and dragged or led him to the
330
foot of the temple-steps. Thereupon those priests
who were appointed to execute the fearful sacrifice
descended from the temple, each bearing in his hand
a bag filled with certain stupefying powder extracted
from the yiauhtli plant, which they threw into the
faces of the victims to deaden somewhat the agony
before them. Each naked and bound captive was
then borne upon the shoulders of a priest up to the
summit of the temple, where smoldered a great heap
of glowing coal. Into this the bearers cast their living
burdens, and when the cloud of dust was blown
off the dull red mass could be seen to heave, human
forms could be seen writhing and twisting in agony,
the crackling of flesh could be distinctly heard.[311] But
the victims were not to die by fire; in a few moments,
and before life was extinct, the blackened and blistered
wretches were raked out by the watching priests, cast
one after another upon the stone of sacrifice, and in a
few moments all that remained upon the summit of
the temple was a heap of human hearts smoking
at the feet of the god of fire.


These bloody rites over, the people came together
and danced and sang in the courtyard of the temple.
Presently all adjourned to the place where the pole
before mentioned stood. At a given signal the
youths made a grand scramble for the pole, and he
who first reached the summit and scattered the
image and its accoutrements among the applauding
crowd below, was reckoned the hero of the day. With
this the festival ended, and the pole was dragged
down by the multitude amid much rejoicing.


FEASTS OF TEPANECS AND TLASCALTECS.


The Tepanecs, according to Duran, had a very similar
ceremony. A huge tree was carried to the entrance
of the town, and to it offerings and incense
were presented every day during the month preceding
the festival. Then it was raised with many ceremonies,
and a bird of dough placed at the top. Food
331
and wine were offered, and then the warriors and
women, dressed in the finest garments and holding
small dough idols in their hands, danced round the
pole, while the youths struggled wildly to reach and
knock down the bird image. Lastly, the pole was
overthrown.[312]


The Tlascaltecs called the same month Hueymiccailhuitl,
'the great festival of the dead,' and commemorated
the event with much solemnity, painting their
bodies black and making much lamentation. Both
here and in other parts of Mexico the priests and nobles
passed several days in the temple, weeping for
their ancestors and singing their heroic deeds. The
families of lately deceased persons assembled upon the
terraces of their houses, and prayed with their faces
turned towards the north, where the dead were supposed
to sojourn. Heroes who had fallen in battle, or
died in captivity, defunct princes, and other persons
of merit were, in a manner, canonized, and their statues
placed among the images of the gods, whom,
it was believed, they had joined to live in eternal
bliss.[313]


The festival of the next month, called Ochpaniztli,
was held in honor of Centeotl, the mother-goddess.
Fifteen days before the festival began those who were
to take part in it commenced a dance, which they
repeated every afternoon for eight days. At the expiration
of this time the medical women and midwives
brought forth the woman who was to die on this occasion,
and dividing themselves into two parties,
fought a sham battle by pelting each other with
leaves. The doomed woman, who was called 'the
image of the mother of the gods,' placed herself at
the head of one party of the combatants, supported
332
by three old women who guarded and attended upon
her continually. This was repeated during four successive
days. On the fifth day the unfortunate creature
was conducted by her guardians and the medical
women through the market-place. As she walked
she scattered maize, and at the end of her journey
she was received by the priests, who delivered her
again to the women that they might console her (for
it was necessary that she should be in a good humor,
say the old chroniclers) and adorn her with the ornaments
of the mother-goddess. At midnight she was
carried to the summit of the temple, caught up upon
the shoulders of a priest, and in this position beheaded.
The body while yet warm was flayed, and the skin
used in certain religious ceremonies which will be described
at length elsewhere.[314] In this month the temples
and idols underwent a thorough cleansing and
repairing, a sacred work in which everyone was eager
to share according to his means and ability, believing
that divine blessings would ensue. To this commendable
custom is no doubt to be attributed the good condition
in which the religious edifices were found by
the Conquerors. Roads, public buildings, and private
houses also shared in this renovation, and special
prayers were offered up to the gods for the preservation
of health and property.


The festival of the succeeding month, called Teotleco,
'coming of the gods,' was sacred to all the deities,
though the principal honors were paid to Tezcatlipoca
as the supreme head. Fifteen days of the month
being passed, the college-boys prepared for the great
event by decorating the altars in the temples, oratories,
and public buildings, with green branches tied in
bunches of three. In the same manner they decked
the idols in private houses, receiving from the inmates,
as their reward, baskets containing from two to four
ears of maize; this gift was called cacalotl.



333


FOOTSTEPS OF THE GODS.


Tezcatlipoca, being younger and stronger than the
other gods, and therefore able to travel faster, was
expected to arrive during the night of the eighteenth.
A mat, sprinkled with flour, was therefore placed on
the threshold of his temple, and a priest set to watch
for the footprints which would indicate the august
arrival.[315] He did not, however, remain constantly
close to the mat; had he done so he would probably
never have seen the longed-for marks, but he approached
the spot from time to time, and immediately
on perceiving the tracks he shouted: "His majesty
has arrived;" whereupon the other priests arose in
haste, and soon their shells and trumpets resounded
through all the temples, proclaiming the joyful tidings
to the expectant people. These now flocked in with
their offerings, each person bringing four balls made of
roasted and ground amaranth-seed kneaded with
water; they then returned to their homes to feast and
drink pulque. Others beside the old people appear
to have been permitted to indulge in libations on this
occasion, which they euphoniously called 'washing the
feet of the god' after his long journey. On the following
day other deities arrived, and so they kept coming
until the last divine laggard had left his footprints
on the mat. Every evening the people danced, feasted,
'washed the feet of the gods,' and made a sacrifice of
slaves, who were thrown alive upon a great bed of
live coal which glowed on the tecalco.[316] At the head
of the steps leading up to the place of sacrifice stood
two young men, one of whom wore long, false hair,
and a crown adorned with rich plumes; his face was
painted black, with white curved stripes drawn from
ear to forehead, and from the inner corner of the eye
334
to the cheek; down his back hung a long feather, with
a dried rabbit attached to it. The other man was
dressed to resemble an immense bat, and held rattles
like poppy-heads in his hands. Whenever a victim
was cast into the fire these weird figures danced and
leaped, the one whistling with his fingers and mouth,
the other shaking his rattles.[317]


After the sacrificing was ended, the priests placed
themselves in order, dressed in paper stoles which
crossed the chest from shoulder to armpit, and
ascended the steps of the small edifice devoted to fire
sacrifices; hand in hand they walked round, and then
rushed suddenly down the steps, releasing each other
in such a manner as to cause many to tumble. This
game, which certainly was not very dignified for
priests to play at, was called mamatlavicoa, and gave
rise to much merriment, especially if any of the reverend
players should lose his temper, or limp, or make
a wry face after a fall. The festival closed with a
general dance, which lasted from noon till night. At
this season all males, young and old, wore feathers of
various colors gummed to the arms and body, as talismans
to avert evil.[318]


The festival of the next month, called Tepeilhuitl,
was sacred to the Tlalocs, and is fully described elsewhere.[319]
The Mexican Bacchus, Centzontotochtin,
was also especially honored during this month, according
to Torquemada, and slaves were sacrificed to him.
A captive was also sacrificed by night to a deity
named Nappatecutli.[320]


FESTIVAL OF THE MONTH QUECHOLLI.


The festivals of the ensuing month, which was
335
called Quecholli,[321] were devoted to various deities,
though Mixcoatl, god of the chase, seems to have carried
the honors in most parts of Mexico. The first
five days of the month were passed in repose, so far
as religious celebrations were concerned, but on the
sixth day the authorities of the city wards ordered
canes to be gathered and carried to the temple of Huitzilopochtli;
there young and old assembled during
the four days following, to share in the sacred work
of making arrows. The arrows, which were all of
uniform length, were then formed into bundles of
twenty, carried in procession to the temple of Huitzilopochtli,
and piled up in front of the idol. The
four days were, moreover, devoted to fasting and
penance, involving abstinence from strong liquors, and
separation of husbands from wives. On the second
day of the fast, the boys were summoned to the temple,
where, having first blown upon shells and trumpets,
their faces were smeared with blood drawn from
their ears. This sacrifice, called momacaico, was made
to the deer which they proposed to hunt. The rest of
the people drew blood from their own ears, and if any
one omitted this act he was deprived of his mantle by
the overseers.


On the second day following, darts were made to
be used in games and exercises, and shooting matches
were held at which maguey-leaves served for targets.
The next day was devoted to ceremonies in honor of
the dead by rich and poor. The day after, a great
quantity of hay was brought from the hills to the
temple of Mixcoatl. Upon this certain old priestesses
seated themselves, while mothers brought their children
before them, accompanied by five sweet tamales.
On this day were also ceremonies in honor of the god
of wine, to whom sacrifices of male and female slaves
were made by the pulque-dealers.


On the tenth day of the month a number of hunters
set out for mount Cacatepec, near Tacubaya, to
336
celebrate the hunting festival of Mixcoatl, god of the
chase. On the first day they erected straw huts, in
which they passed the night. The next morning,
having broken their fast, they formed themselves into
a great circle, and all advancing toward a common
centre, the game was hemmed in and killed with ease.
The spirits of the children sacrificed to the rain-gods,
whose dwelling was upon the high mountains, were
supposed to descend upon the hunters and make them
strong and fortunate. Having secured their game,
the hunters started for home in grand procession, singing
songs of triumph, and hymns to the mighty Mixcoatl.
After a solemn sacrifice of a portion of the
game to the god, each took his share home and feasted
upon it.[322] The Tlascaltecs sacrificed to the god at the
place where the hunt took place, which was upon a
neighboring hill. The way leading to the spot was
strewn with leaves, over which the idol was carried
with great pomp and ceremony.[323] Towards the close
of the month male and female slaves were sacrificed
before Mixcoatl.[324]


In Tlascala and the neighboring republics this was
the 'month of love,' and great numbers of young girls
were sacrificed to Xochiquetzal, Xochitecatl, and Tlazolteotl,
goddesses of sensual delights. Among the
victims were many courtesans, who voluntarily offered
themselves, some to die in the temple, others on the
battle-field, where they rushed in recklessly among the
enemy. As no particular disgrace attended a life of
prostitution, it seems improbable that remorse or repentance
could have prompted this self-sacrifice; it
must therefore be attributed to pure religious fervor.
337
As a recompense for their devotion, these women before
they went to their death had the privilege of
insulting with impunity their chaster sisters. It is
further said that a certain class of young men addicted
to unnatural lusts, were allowed at this period to
solicit custom on the public streets. At Quauhtitlan,
every fourth year, during this month, a festival was
celebrated in honor of Mitl, when a slave was bound
to a cross and shot to death with arrows.[325]


The feast of the next month, called Panquetzaliztli,
was dedicated to Huitzilopochtli, god of war; that
of the following month, called Atemoztli, was sacred
to the Tlalocs. Both these festivals will be described
elsewhere.[326]


FEAST OF THE MONTH OF HARD TIMES.


The ensuing month was named Tititl, or the month
of 'hard times,' owing to the inclement weather. The
celebrations of this period were chiefly in honor of an
aged goddess, named Ilamatecutli, to whom a female
slave was sacrificed. This woman represented the
goddess and was dressed in white garments decorated
with dangling shells and sandals of the same color;
upon her head was a crown of feathers; the lower
part of her face was painted black, the upper, yellow;
in one hand she carried a white shield ornamented
with feathers of the eagle and the night-heron, in the
other she held a knitting stick. Before going to her
death she performed a dance, and was permitted, contrary
to usual custom, to express her grief and fear in
loud lamentations. In the afternoon she was conducted
to the temple of Huitzilopochtli, accompanied
by a procession of priests, among whom was one
dressed after the manner of the goddess Ilamatecutli.
After the heart of the victim had been torn from her
breast, her head was cut off and given to this personage,
who immediately placed himself at the head of
the other priests and led them in a dance round the
338
temple, brandishing the head by the hair the while.
As soon as the performers of the vecula, as this dance
was named, had left the summit of the temple, a priest
curiously attired descended, and, proceeding to a spot
where stood a cage made of candlewood adorned with
papers, set fire to it. Immediately upon seeing the
flames the other priests, who stood waiting, rushed
one and all up again to the temple-top; here lay a
flower, which was secured by the first who could put
hands upon it, carried back to the fire, and there
burned. On the following day a game was played
which resembled in some respects the Roman Lupercalia.
The players were armed with little bags filled
with paper, leaves, or flour, and attached to cords
three feet long. With these they struck each other,
and any girl or woman who chanced to come in their
way was attacked by the boys, who, approaching
quietly with their bags hidden, fell suddenly upon her,
crying out: "This is the sack of the game." It sometimes
happened, however, that the woman had provided
herself with a stick, and used it freely, to the
great discomfiture and utter rout of the urchins.[327] A
captive was sacrificed during this month to Mictlantecutli,
the Mexican Pluto, and the traders celebrated
a grand feast in honor of Yacatecutli.[328] During the
last Aztec month, which was called Itzcalli, imposing
rites were observed throughout Mexico in honor of
Xiuhtecutli, god of fire;[329] in the surrounding states,
such as Tlacopan, Coyuhuacan, Azcapuzalco,[330] Quauhtitlan,[331]
and Tlascala,[332] ceremonies more or less similar
339
were gone through, accompanied by much roasting and
flaying of men and women.


MISCELLANEOUS FEASTS.


Besides these monthly festivals there were many
others devoted to the patron deities of particular
trades, to whom the priests and people interested in
their worship made offerings, and, in some cases,
human sacrifices. There were also many movable
feasts, held in honor of the celestial bodies, at harvest
time, and on other like occasions. These sometimes
happened to fall on the same day as a fixed festival,
in which case the less important was either set aside
or postponed. It is related of the Culhuas that on
one occasion when a movable feast in honor of Tezcatlipoca
chanced to fall upon the day fixed for the celebration
of Huitzilopochtli, they postponed the former,
and thereby so offended the god that he predicted the
destruction of the monarchy and the subjugation of
the people by a strange nation who would introduce a
monotheistic worship.[333]


One of the most solemn of the movable feasts was
that given to the sun, which took place at intervals
of two or three hundred days, and was called Netonatiuhqualo,
or 'the sun eclipsed.' Another festival
took place when the sun appeared in the sign called
Nahui Ollin Tonatiuh,[334] a sign much respected by
kings and princes, and regarded as concerning them
especially.


At the great festival of the winter solstice, which
took place either in the month of Atemoztli or in that
of Tititl, all the people watched and fasted four days,
and a number of captives were sacrificed, two of whom
represented the sun and moon.[335] About the same
340
time a series of celebrations were held in honor of
Iztacacenteotl, goddess of white maize; the victims
sacrificed on this occasion were lepers and others suffering
from contagious diseases.[336] Whenever the sign
of Ce Miquiztli, or One Death, occurred, Mictlantecutli,
god of hades, was fêted, and honors were paid to the
dead.[337] Of the heavenly bodies, they esteemed next
to the sun a certain star, into which Quetzalcoatl was
supposed to have converted himself on leaving the
earth. It was visible during about two hundred and
sixty days of the year, and on the day of its first appearance
above the horizon, the king gave a slave to
be sacrificed, and many other ceremonies were performed.
The priests, also, offered incense to this star
every day, and drew blood from their bodies in its
honor, acts which many of the devout imitated.[338]


At harvest-time the first-fruits of the season were
offered to the sun. The sacrifice on this occasion was
called Tetlimonamiquian, 'the meeting of the stones.'
The victim, who was the most atrocious criminal to
be found in the jails, was placed between two immense
stones, balanced opposite each other; these
were then allowed to fall together. After the remains
had been buried, the principal men took part in a
dance; the people also danced and feasted during the
day and night.[339]


Every eight years a grand festival took place, called
341
Atamalqualiztli, 'the fast of bread and water,' the
principal feature of which was a mask ball, at which
people appeared disguised as various animals whose
actions and cries they imitated with great skill.[340]


THE BINDING OF THE YEARS.


The most solemn of all the Mexican festivals was
that called Xiuhmolpilli, that is to say, 'the binding-up
of the years.' Every fifty-two years was called a
'sheaf of years,' and it was universally believed that at
the end of some 'sheaf' the world would be destroyed.
The renewal of the cycle was therefore hailed with
great rejoicing and many ceremonies.[341]


CHAPTER X.


FOOD OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.


342



Origin of Agriculture—Floating Gardens—Agricultural Products—Manner
of Preparing the Soil—Description of Agricultural
Implements—Irrigation—Granaries—Gardens—the
Harvest Feast—Manner of Hunting—Fishing—Methods
of Procuring Salt—Nahua Cookery—Various Kinds of Bread—Beans—Pepper—Fruit—Tamales—Miscellaneous
Articles of Food—Eating of Human Flesh—Manufacture of Pulque—Preparation
of Chocolatl—Other Beverages—Intoxicating
Drinks—Drunkenness—Time and Manner of Taking
Meals.



AGRICULTURE AND CIVILIZATION.


Hunting, fishing, and agriculture furnished the
Nahua nations with means of subsistence, besides
which they had, in common with their uncivilized
brethren of the sierras and forests, the uncultivated
edible products of the soil. Among the coast nations,
the dwellers on the banks of large streams, and the
inhabitants of the lake regions of Anáhuac and Michoacan,
fish constituted an important article of food.
But agriculture, here as elsewhere, distinguished savagism
from civilization, and of the lands of the so-called
civilized nations few fertile tracts were found
uncultivated at the coming of the Spaniards. Cultivation
of the soil was doubtless the first tangible step
in the progressive development of these nations, and
this is indicated in their traditionary annals, which
point, more or less vaguely, to a remote period when
343
the Quinames, or giants, occupied the land as yet untilled;
which means that the inhabitants were savages,
whose progress had not yet exhibited any change sufficiently
marked to leave its imprint on tradition. At
a time still more remote, however, the invention of
bows and arrows is traditionally referred to.[342]


The gradual discovery and introduction of agricultural
arts according to the laws of development, were
of course unintelligible to the aboriginal mind; consequently
their traditions tell us wondrous tales of
divine intervention and instruction. Nevertheless,
the introduction of agriculture was doubtless of very
ancient date. The Olmecs and Xicalancas, traditionally
the oldest civilized peoples in Mexico, were farmers
back to the limit of traditional history, as were
the lineal ancestors of all the nations which form the
subject of this volume. Indeed, as the Nahua nations
were living when the Spaniards found them, so
had they probably been living for at least ten centuries,
and not improbably for a much longer period.


It was, however, according to tradition, during the
Toltec period of Nahua culture that husbandry and
all the arts pertaining to the production and preparation
of food, were brought to the highest degree of
perfection. Many traditions even attribute to the
Toltecs the invention or first introduction of agriculture.[343]



344


But even during this Toltec period hunting tribes,
both of Nahua and other blood, were pursuing their
game in the forests and mountains, especially in the
northern region. Despised by their more civilized,
corn-eating brethren, they were known as barbarians,
dogs, Chichimecs, 'suckers of blood,' from the custom
attributed to them of drinking blood and eating raw
flesh. Many tribes, indeed, although very far from
being savages, were known to the aristocratic Toltecs
as Chichimecs, by reason of some real or imaginary inferiority.
By the revolutions of the tenth century,
some of these Chichimec nations, probably of the
Nahua blood and tillers of the soil, although at the
same time bold hunters and valiant warriors, gained
the ascendancy in Anáhuac. Hence the absurd versions
of native traditions which represent the Valley
of Mexico as occupied during the Chichimec period
by a people who, until taught better by the Acolhuas,
lived in caverns and subsisted on wild fruits and raw
meat, while at the same time they were ruled by emperors,
and possessed a most complicated and advanced
system of government and laws. Their barbarism
probably consisted for the most part in resisting for a
time the enervating influences of Toltec luxury, especially
in the pleasures of the table.[344]



345


CHINAMPAS, OR FLOATING GARDENS.


The Aztecs were traditionally corn-eaters from the
first, but while shut up for long years on an island in
the lake, they had little opportunity for agricultural
pursuits. During this period of their history, the fish,
birds, insects, plants, and mud of the lake supplied
them with food, until floating gardens were invented
and subsequent conquests on the main land afforded
them broad fields for tillage. As a rule no details are
preserved concerning the pre-Aztec peoples; where
such details are known they will be introduced in
their proper place as illustrative of later Nahua food-customs.


The chinampas, or floating gardens, cultivated by
the Aztecs on the surface of the lakes in Anáhuac,
were a most extraordinary source of food. Driven in
the days of their national weakness to the lake islands,
too small for the tillage which on the main had supported
them, these ingenious people devised the chinampa.
They observed small portions of the shore,
detached by the high water and held together by
fibrous roots, floating about on the surface of the
water. Acting on the suggestion, they constructed
rafts of light wood, covered with smaller sticks,
rushes, and reeds, bound together with fibrous aquatic
plants, and on this foundation they heaped two or
three feet of black mud from the bottom of the lake.
Thus the broad surface around their island home was
dotted with fertile gardens, self-irrigating and independent
of rains, easily moved from place to place
according to the fancy of the proprietor. They usually
took the form of parallelograms and were often over a
hundred feet long. All the agricultural products of
the country, particularly maize, chile, and beans were
soon produced in abundance on the chinampas, while
the larger ones even bore fruit and shade trees of considerable
size, and a hut for the convenience of the
346
owner, or gardener. The floating gardens have remained
in use down to modern times, but since the
waters of the lakes receded so much from their former
limits, they have been generally attached to the
shore, being separated by narrow canals navigated
by the canoes which bear their produce to the markets.
In later times, however, only flowers and garden
vegetables have been raised in this manner.[345]


On the mainland throughout the Nahua territory
few fertile spots were left uncultivated. The land
was densely populated, and agriculture was an honorable
profession in which all, except the king, the
nobility, and soldiers in time of actual war, were
more or less engaged.[346]


ABORIGINAL AGRICULTURE.


Agricultural products in the shape of food were
not a prominent feature among articles of export and
import, excepting, of course, luxuries for the tables of
the kings and nobles. Each province, as a rule, raised
only sufficient supplies for its own ordinary necessities;
consequently, when by reason of drought or
347
other cause, a famine desolated one province, it was
with the greatest difficulty that food could be obtained
from abroad. The Mexicans were an improvident
people, and want was no stranger to them.[347]


The chief products of Nahua tillage were maize,
beans, magueyes, cacao, chian, chile, and various native
fruits.[348] The maize, or Indian corn, the dried
ears of which were called by the Aztecs centli, and
the dried kernels separated from the cob, tlaolli,[349] was
the standard and universal Nahua food. Indigenous
to America, in the development of whose civilization,
traditionally at least, it played an important part, it
has since been introduced to the world. It is the subject
of the New World traditions respecting the introduction
of agriculture among men. Tortillas, of maize,
accompanied by the inevitable frijoles, or beans, seasoned
with chile, or pepper, and washed down with
drinks prepared from the maguey and cacao, were
then, as now, the all-sustaining diet, and we are told
that corn grew so strong and high in the fields that
348
covered the surface of the country in some parts, as
to seriously embarrass the conqueror Cortés in his
movements against the natives hidden in these natural
labyrinths.[350]


CORNFIELDS AND GRANARIES.


Respecting the particular methods of cultivation
practiced by the Nahuas, except in the raising of corn,
early observers have left no definite information.[351]
The valleys were of course the favorite localities for
cornfields, but the highlands were also cultivated.
In the latter case the trees and bushes were cut
down, the land burned over, and the seed put in
among the ashes. Such lands were allowed to rest
several years—Torquemada says five or six—after
each crop, until the surface was covered with grass
and bushes for a new burning. No other fertilizer
than ashes, so far as known, was ever employed.
Fields were enclosed by stone walls and hedges of
maguey, which were carefully repaired each year in
the month of Panquetzaliztli. They had no laboring
animals, and their farming implements were exceedingly
few and rude. Three of these only are mentioned.
The huictli was a kind of oaken shovel or
spade, in handling which both hands and feet were
used. The coatl, or coa (serpent), so called probably
from its shape, was a copper implement with a
wooden handle, used somewhat as a hoe is used by
modern farmers in breaking the surface of the soil.
Another copper instrument, shaped like a sickle, with
a wooden handle, was used for pruning fruit-trees. A
simple sharp stick, the point of which was hardened
in the fire, or more rarely tipped with copper, was the
implement in most common use. To plant corn, the
farmer dropped a few kernels into a hole made with
this stick, and covered them with his foot, taking the
349
greatest pains to make the rows perfectly straight and
parallel; the intervals between the hills were always
uniform, though the space was regulated according
to the nature and fertility of the soil. The field was
kept carefully weeded, and at a certain age the stalks
were supported by heaping up the soil round them.
At maturity the stalks were often broken two thirds
up, that the husks might protect the hanging ear
from rain. During the growth and ripening of the
maize, a watchman or boy was kept constantly on
guard in a sheltered station commanding the field,
whose duty it was to drive away, with stones and
shouts, the flocks of feathered robbers which abounded
in the country. Women and children aided the
men in the lighter farm labors, such as dropping the
seeds, weeding the plants, and husking and cleaning
the grain. To irrigate the fields the water of rivers
and of mountain streams was utilized by means of
canals, dams, and ditches. The network of canals by
which the cacao plantations of the tierra caliente in
Tabasco were watered, offered to Cortés' army even
more serious obstructions than the dense growth of
the maizales, or cornfields.


Granaries for storing maize were built of oyametl,
or oxametl, a tree whose long branches were regular,
tough, and flexible. The sticks were laid in log-house
fashion, one above another, and close together, so as
to form a tight square room, which was covered with a
water-tight roof, and had only two openings or windows,
one at the top and another at the bottom. Many
of these granaries had a capacity of several thousand
bushels, and in them corn was preserved for several,
or, as Brasseur says, for fifteen or twenty, years.
Besides the regular and extensive plantations of staple
products, gardens were common, tastefully laid
out and devoted to the cultivation of fruits, vegetables,
medicinal herbs, and particularly flowers, of
which the Mexicans were very fond, and which were
in demand for temple decorations and bouquets. The
350
gardens connected with the palaces of kings and nobles,
particularly those of Tezcuco, Iztapalapan, and
Huaxtepec, excited great wonder and admiration in
the minds of the first European visitors, but these
have been already mentioned in a preceding chapter.[352]


We shall find the planting and growth of maize not
without influence in the development of the Nahua
calendars, and that it was closely connected with the
worship of the gods and with religious ideas and ceremonies.
Father Burgoa relates that in Oajaca, the
cultivation of this grain, the people's chief support,
was attended by some peculiar ceremonies. At harvest-time
the priests of the maize god in Quegolani,
ceremonially visited the cornfields followed by a procession
of the people, and sought diligently the fairest
and best-filled ear. This they bore to the village,
placed it on an altar decked for the occasion with flowers
and precious chalchiuites, sang and danced before
it, and wrapped it with care in a white cotton cloth,
in which it was preserved until the next seed-time.
Then with renewed processions and solemn rites the
magic ear with its white covering was wrapped in a
deer-skin and buried in the midst of the cornfields in
a small hole lined with stones. When another harvest
came, if it were a fruitful one, the precious offering
to the earth was dug up and its decayed remains
distributed in small parcels to the happy populace as
talismans against all kinds of evil.[353]


THE CHASE IN ANÁHUAC.


The game most abundant was deer, hare, rabbits,
wild hogs, wolves, foxes, jaguars, or tigers, Mexican
lions, coyotes, pigeons, partridges, quails, and
many aquatic birds. The usual weapon was the bow
351
and arrow, to the invention of which tradition ascribes
the origin of the chase; but spears, snares, and nets
were also employed, and the sarbacan, a tube through
which pellets or darts were blown, was an effective
bird-killer. Game in the royal forests was protected
by law, and many hunters were employed in taking
animals and birds alive for the king's collections.
Among the peculiar devices employed for taking
water-birds was that already mentioned in connection
with the Wild Tribes; the hunter floating in the
water, with only his head, covered with a gourd, above
the surface, and thus approaching his prey unsuspected.
Young monkeys were caught by putting in
a concealed fire a peculiar black stone which exploded
when heated. Corn was scattered about as a bait,
and when the old monkeys brought their young to
feed they were frightened by the explosion and ran
away, leaving the young ones an easy prey. The native
hunters are represented as particularly skillful in
following an indistinct trail. According to Sahagun,
a superstition prevailed that only four arrows might be
shot at a tiger, but to secure success a leaf was
attached to one of the arrows, which, making a peculiar
whizzing sound, fell short and attracted the beast's
attention while the hunter took deliberate aim. Crocodiles
were taken with a noose round the neck and
also, by the boldest hunters, by inserting a stick sharpened
and barbed at both ends in the animal's open
mouth. It is probable that, while a small portion of
the common people in certain parts of the country
sought game for food alone, the chase among the Nahuas
was for the most part a diversion of the nobles
and soldiers. There were also certain hunts established
by law or custom at certain periods of the year,
the products of which were devoted to sacrificial purposes,
although most likely eaten eventually.


In the month Quecholli a day's hunt was celebrated
by the warriors in honor of Mixcoatl. A large
forest—that of Zacatepec, near Mexico, being a favorite
352
resort—was surrounded by a line of hunters many
miles in extent. In the centre of the forest various
snares and traps were set. When all was ready, the
living circle began to contract, and the hunters with
shouts pressed forward toward the centre. To aid in
the work, the grass was sometimes fired. The various
animals were driven from their retreats into the snares
prepared for them, or fell victims to the huntsmen's
arrows. Immense quantities of game were thus secured
and borne to the city and to the neighboring
towns, the inhabitants of which had assisted in the
hunt, as an offering to the god. Each hunter carried
to his own home the heads of such animals as he had
killed, and a prize was awarded to the most successful.
In the month Tecuilhuitontli also, while the warriors
practiced in sham fights for actual war, the common
people gave their attention to the chase. Large numbers
of birds were taken in nets spread on poles like
spear-shafts. In earlier times, when the chase was
more depended on for food, the first game taken was
offered to the gods; or, by the Chichimecs and Xochimilcas,
to the sun, as Ixtlilxochitl informs us.[354]


FISHERIES AND SALT.


Fish was much more universally used for food than
game. Torquemada tells us that the Aztecs first invented
the art of fishing prompted by the mother of
invention when forced by their enemies to live on the
lake islands; and it was the smell of roasted fish,
wafted to the shore, that revealed their presence.
This tradition is somewhat absurd, and it is difficult
to believe that the art was entirely unknown during
the preceding Toltec and Olmec periods of Nahua
civilization. Besides the supply in lake and river,
353
artificial ponds in the royal gardens were also stocked
with fish, and we have seen that fresh fish from the
ocean were brought to Mexico for the king's table.
Respecting the particular methods employed by the
Nahua fishermen, save that they used both nets and
hooks, the authorities say nothing. The Tarascos
had such an abundance of food in their lakes that
their country was named Michoacan, 'land of fish';
and the rivers of Huastecapan are also mentioned as
richly stocked with finny food.[355]


The Nahuas had, as I have said, no herds or flocks,
but besides the royal collections of animals, which included
nearly every known variety of quadrupeds,
birds, and reptiles, the common people kept and bred
techichi (a native animal resembling a dog), turkeys,
quails, geese, ducks, and many other birds. The nobles
also kept deer, hares, and rabbits.[356]


Next to chile, salt, or iztatl, was the condiment
most used, and most of the supply came from the Valley
of Mexico. The best was made by boiling the
water from the salt lake in large pots, and was preserved
in white cakes or balls. It was oftener, however,
led by trenches into shallow pools and evaporated
354
by the sun. The work would seem to have been done
by women, since Sahagun speaks of the women and
girls employed in this industry as dancing at the feast
in honor of the goddess of salt in the month Tecuilhuitontli.
A poor quality of salt, tequizquitl, brick-colored
and strongly impregnated with saltpetre, was
scraped up on the flats around the lakes, and largely
used in salting meats. Las Casas mentions salt springs
in the bed of fresh-water streams, the water of which
was pumped out through hollow canes, and yielded on
evaporation a fine white salt; but it is not certain what
part of the country he refers to. The Aztec kings
practically monopolized the salt market and refused
to sell it to any except tributary nations. In consequence
of this disposition, republican Tlascala, one of
the few nations that maintained its independence, was
forced for many years to eat its food unsalted; and
so habituated did the people become to this diet, that
in later times, if we may credit Camargo, very little
salt was consumed.[357]


THE NAHUA CUISINE.


We now come to the methods adopted by the Nahuas
in preparing and cooking food. Maize, when
in the milk, was eaten boiled, and called elotl; when
dry it was often prepared for food by simply parching
or roasting, and then named mumuehitl. But it usually
came to the Aztec table in the shape of tlaxcalli,
the Spanish tortillas, the standard bread, then as now,
in all Spanish America. It would be difficult to
name a book in any way treating of Mexico in which
tortillas are not fully described. The aborigines boiled
the corn in water, to which lime, or sometimes nitre,
was added. When sufficiently soft and free from
hulls it was crushed on the metlatl, or metate, with a
stone roller, and the dough, after being kneaded also
355
on the metate, was formed by the hands of the women
into very thin round cakes which were quickly baked
on earthen pans, or comalli, and piled up one on
another that they might retain their warmth, for
when cold they lost their savor. Peter Martyr speaks
of these tortillas as "bread made of Maizium." They
were sometimes, but rarely, flavored with different
native plants and flowers. There was, however, some
variety in their preparation, according to which they
bore different names. For example totanquitlaxcallitlaquelpacholli
were very white, being folded and covered
with napkins; huietlaxcalli were large, thin, and
soft; quauhtlaqualli were thick and rough; tlaxcalpacholli,
grayish; and tlacepoallitlaxcalli presented a
blistered surface. There were many other kinds. In
addition to the tlaxcalli, thicker corn-bread in the form
of long cakes and balls were made. Atolli varied in
consistency from porridge, or gruel, to mush, and may
consequently be classed either as a drink or as food.
To make it, the hulled corn was mashed, mixed with
water, and boiled down to the required consistency;
it was variously sweetened and seasoned, and eaten
both hot and cold. According to its condition and
seasoning it received about seventeen names; thus
totonquiatolli was eaten hot, nequatolli was sweetened
with honey, chilnequatolli was seasoned with chile,
and quauhnexatolli with saltpetre.


Beans, the etl of the Aztecs, the frijoles of the
Spaniards, were while yet green boiled in the pod,
and were then called exotl; when dry they were also
generally boiled; but Ixtlilxochitl mentions flour made
from beans.


Chilli, chile, or pepper, was eaten both green and
dry, whole and ground. A sauce was also made
from it into which hot tortillas were dipped, and which
formed a part of the seasoning in nearly every Nahua
dish. "It is the principal sauce and the only spice
of the Indias," as Acosta tells us.


Flesh, fowl, and fish, both fresh and salted, were
356
stewed, boiled, and roasted, with the fat of the
techichi, and seasoned with chile, tomatl (since called
tomatoes), etc. The larger roasted game preserved for
eating from the sacrifices in the month of Itzcalli is
termed calpuleque by Sahagun. Pipian was a stew
of fowl with chile, tomatoes, and ground pumpkin-seeds.
Deer and rabbits were barbecued. Peter Martyr
speaks of "rost and sodden meates of foule."


Fruits, for the most part, were eaten as with us,
raw, but some, as the plantain and banana, were
roasted and stewed.


So much for the plain Nahua cookery. Into the
labyrinthine mysteries of the mixed dishes I shall
not penetrate far. It is easier for the writer, and
not less satisfactory to the reader, to dismiss the subject
with the remark that all the articles of food that
have been mentioned, fish, flesh, and fowl, were mixed
and cooked in every conceivable proportion, the product
taking a different name with each change in the
ingredients. The two principal classes of these mixed
dishes were the pot-stews, or cazuelas, of various
meats with multitudinous seasonings; and the tamalli,
or tamales, meat pies, to make which meats were boiled,
chopped fine, and seasoned, then mixed with maize-dough,
coated with the same, wrapped in a corn-husk,
and boiled again. These also took different names
according to the ingredients and seasoning. The tamale
is still a favorite dish, like tortillas and frijoles.


Miscellaneous articles of food, not already spoken
of, were axayacatl, flies of the Mexican lakes, dried,
ground, boiled, and eaten in the form of cakes; ahuauhtli,
the eggs of the same fly, a kind of native
caviar; many kinds of insects, ants, maguey-worms,
and even lice; tecuitlatl, 'excrement of stone,' a slime
that was gathered on the surface of the lakes, and
dried till it resembled cheese; eggs of turkeys, iguanas,
and turtles, roasted, boiled, and in omelettes; various
reptiles, frogs, and frog-spawn; shrimps, sardines,
and crabs; corn-silk, wild-amaranth seeds, cherry-stones,
357
tule-roots, and very many other articles inexpressible;
yucca flour, potoyucca, tunas; honey from
maize, from bees, and from the maguey; and roasted
portions of the maguey stalks and leaves.


The women did all the work in preparing and cooking
food; in Tlascala, however, the men felt that an
apology was due for allowing this work to be done by
women, and claimed, as Sahagun says, that the smoke
of cooking would impair their eye-sight and make
them less successful in the hunt. All these articles
of food, both cooked and uncooked, were offered for
sale in the market-places of each large town, of which
I shall speak further when I come to treat of commerce.
Eating-houses were also generally found near
the markets, where all the substantials and delicacies
of the Nahua cuisine might be obtained.[358]


EATING OF HUMAN FLESH.


One article of Nahua food demands special mention—human
flesh. That they ate the arms and legs
of the victims sacrificed to their gods, there is no room
for doubt. This religious cannibalism—perhaps human
sacrifice itself—was probably not practiced before the
cruel-minded Aztec devotees of Huitzilopochtli came into
power, or at least was of rare occurrence; but during
the Aztec dominion, the custom of eating the flesh of
sacrificed enemies became almost universal. That cannibalism,
as a source of food, unconnected with religious
358
rites, was ever practiced, there is little evidence. The
Anonymous Conqueror tells us that they esteemed
the flesh of men above all other food, and risked their
lives in battle solely to obtain it. Bernal Diaz says
that they sold it at retail in the markets; and Veytia
also states that this was true of the Otomís. Father
Gand assures us that there were many priests that
ate and drank nothing but the flesh and blood of children.
But these ogreish tales are probably exaggerations,
since those who knew most of the natives,
Sahagun, Motolinia, and Las Casas, regard the cannibalism
of the Nahuas rather as an abhorrent feature
of their religion than as the result of an unnatural appetite.
That by long usage they became fond of this
food, may well be believed; but that their prejudice
was strong against eating the flesh of any but their
sacrificed foes, is proven, as Gomara says, by the fact
that multitudes died of starvation during the siege
of Mexico by Cortés. Even the victims of sacrifice
seem only to have been eaten in banquets, more or
less public, accompanied with ceremonial rites. A
number of infants sacrificed to the Tlalocs were eaten
each year, and the blood of these and of other victims
was employed in mixing certain cakes, some of which
were at one time sent as a propitiatory offering to
Cortés.[359]



359


DRINKS AND DRUNKENNESS.


The most popular Nahua beverages were those since
known as pulque and chocolate. The former, called
by the natives octli—pulque, or pulcre, being a South
American aboriginal term applied to the liquor in
some unaccountable way by the Spaniards—was the
fermented juice of the maguey. One plant is said to
yield about one hundred pounds in a month. A cavity
is cut at the base of the larger leaves, and allowed
to fill with juice, which is removed to a vessel of
earthen ware or of skin, where it ferments rapidly
and is ready for use. In a pure state it is of a
light color, wholesome, and somewhat less intoxicating
than grape wine; but the aborigines mixed
with it various herbs, some to merely change its color
or flavor, and others to increase its intoxicating properties.
This national drink was honored with a special
divinity, Ometochtli, one of the numerous Nahua
gods of wine. According to some traditions the
Quinames, or giants, knew how to prepare it, but its
invention is oftener attributed to the Toltecs, its first
recorded use having been to aid in the seduction of
a mighty monarch from his royal duties.[360]


Chocolatl—the foundation of our chocolate—was
made by pounding cacao to a powder, adding an equal
quantity of a seed called pochotl, also powdered, and
stirring or beating the mixture briskly in a dish of
water. The oily foam which rose to the surface was
360
then separated, a small quantity of maize flour was
added, and the liquid which was set before the fire.
The oily portion was finally restored and the beverage
was drunk lukewarm, sweetened with honey and often
seasoned with vanilla. This drink was nutritious,
refreshing, and cooling, and was especially a favorite
with those called upon to perform fatiguing labor with
scant food.[361]


Miscellaneous drinks were water, plantain-juice,
the various kinds of porridge known as atolli, already
mentioned, the juice of maize-stalks, those prepared
from chian and other seeds by boiling, and fermented
water in which corn had been boiled—a favorite Tarasco
drink. Among the ingredients used to make
their drinks more intoxicating the most powerful was
the teonanacatl, 'flesh of god,' a kind of mushroom
which excited the passions and caused the partaker
to see snakes and divers other visions.[362]


The Aztec laws against drunkenness were very severe,
yet nearly all the authors represent the people
as delighting in all manner of intoxication, and as
giving way on every opportunity to the vice when
the power of their rulers over them was destroyed
by the coming of the Spaniards. Drinking to excess
361
seems to have been with them a social vice,
confined mostly to public feasts and private banquets.
It may have been chiefly against intemperance
among the working classes, and officials when on duty,
that the stringent laws were directed. Mendieta
speaks of the people as very temperate, using pulque
only under the direction of the chiefs and judges for
medicinal purposes chiefly. The nobles made it a
point of honor not to drink to excess, and all feared
punishment. But Motolinia and other good authorities
take an opposite view of the native character in
this respect.[363]


MEALS OF THE COMMON PEOPLE.


Concerning the manner of serving the king's meals,
as well as the banquets and feasts of nobles and the
richer classes, enough has been already said. Of the
daily meals among the masses little is known. The
Nahuas seem to have confined their indulgence in rich
and varied viands to the oft-recurring feasts, while at
their homes they were content with plain fare. This
is a peculiarity that is still observable in the country,
both among the descendants of the Nahuas and of
their conquerors. The poorer people had in each
house a metate for grinding maize, and a few earthen
dishes for cooking tortillas and frijoles. They ate
three meals a day, morning, noon, and night, using
the ground for table, table-cloth, napkins, and chairs,
conveying their tlaxcalli and chile to the mouth with
the fingers, and washing down their simple food with
water or atole. The richer Nahuas were served with
a greater variety on palm-mats often richly decorated,
362
around which low seats were placed for their convenience;
napkins were also furnished.[364]


CHAPTER XI.


DRESS OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.


363



Progress in Dress—Dress of the Pre-Aztec Nations—Garments
of the Chichimecs and Toltecs—Introduction of Cotton—The
Maxtli—The Tilmatli—Dress of the Acolhuas—Origin
of the Tarascan Costume—Dress of the Zapotecs and Tabascans—Dress
of Women—The Huipil and Cueitl—Sandals—Manner
of Wearing the Hair—Painting and Tattooing—Ornaments
Used by the Nahuas—Gorgeous Dress of the Nobles—Dress
of the Royal Attendants—Names of the Various
Mantles—The Royal Diadem—The Royal Wardrobe—Costly
Decorations.



With but few exceptions the dress of all the civilized
nations of Mexico appears to have been the same.
The earliest people, the historians inform us, went entirely
naked or covered only the lower portion of the
body with the skins of wild animals. Afterwards, as
by degrees civilization advanced, this scanty covering
grew into a regular costume, though still, at first,
made only of skins. From this we can note a farther
advance to garments manufactured first out of tanned
and prepared skins, later of maguey and palm-tree
fibres, and lastly of cotton. From the latter no further
progress was made, excepting in the various modes of
ornamenting and enriching the garments with feather-work,
painting, embroidery, gold-work, and jewelry.
The common people were obliged to content themselves
with plain clothing, but the dress of the richer
364
classes, nobles, princes, and sovereigns, was of finer
texture and richer ornamentation.[365]


The descriptions of the dresses of the nations which
occupied the Valley of Mexico before the Aztecs
vary according to different authors. While some describe
them as gorgeously decked out in painted and
embroidered garments of cotton and nequen, others
say, that they went either wholly naked or were only
partially covered with skins. Thus Sahagun and
Brasseur de Bourbourg describe the Toltecs as dressed
in undergarments and mantles on which blue scorpions
were painted,[366] while the latter author in another
place says that they went entirely naked.[367] Veytia
goes even farther than Sahagun, affirming that they
knew well how to manufacture clothing of cotton, that
a great difference existed between the dress of the
nobles and that of the plebeians, and that they even
varied their clothing with the seasons. He describes
them as wearing in summer a kind of breech-cloth or
drawers and a square mantle tied across the breast
and descending to the ankles, while in winter in addition
to the above they clothed themselves in a kind of
sack, which reached down as far as the thighs, without
sleeves but with a hole for the head and two
others for the arms.[368]


DRESS OF THE AZTECS, TARASCOS, AND HUASTECS.


The Chichimecs, generally mentioned as the successors
of the Toltecs, are mostly described as going
naked, or only partly dressed in skins.[369] This appears,
365
however, only to relate to the people spoken of as
wild Chichimecs; those who inhabited Tezcuco and
others in that neighborhood as civilized as the Aztecs,
dressed probably in a similar fashion to theirs; at
least, as we shall presently see, this was the case with
their sovereigns and nobles. All the Nahuas, with the
exception of the Tarascos and Huastecs, made use of
the breech-cloth, or maxtli.[370] This with the Mexicans
in very early times is said to have been a kind of mat,
woven of the roots of a plant which grew in the Lake
of Mexico, and was called amoxtli.[371] Later, the fibre
of the palm-tree and the maguey furnished the material
for their clothing, and it was only during the reign
of King Huitzilihuitl that cotton was introduced.[372]



366


The maxtli was about twenty-four feet long and
nine inches wide, and was generally more or less ornamented
at the ends with colored fringes and tassels,
the latter sometimes nine inches long. The manner
of wearing it was to pass the middle between the
legs and to wind it about the hips, leaving the ends
hanging one in front and the other at the back, as
is done at this day by the Malays and other East
Indian natives. It was at the ends usually that the
greatest display of embroidery, fancy fringes, and tassels
was made.[373]


GARMENTS OF THE TARASCOS.


As a further covering the men wore the tilmatli, or
ayatl, a mantle, which was nothing more than a square
piece of cloth about four feet long. If worn over
both shoulders, the two upper ends were tied in a knot
across the breast, but more frequently it was only
thrown over one shoulder and knotted under one of
the arms. Sometimes two or three of these mantles
were worn at one time. This, however, was only done
by the better classes. The older Spanish writers generally
compare this mantle to the Moorish albornoz.
It was usually colored or painted, frequently richly
embroidered or ornamented with feathers and furs.
367
The edges were scalloped or fringed with tufts of cotton
and sometimes with gold. Rich people had, besides
these, mantles made of rabbit or other skins, or of
beautiful feathers, and others of fine cotton into which
was woven rabbit-hair, which latter were used in cold
weather.[374]


In only one instance garments with sleeves are
mentioned. Ixtlilxochitl, in describing the dress of
the Acolhuas, says that they wore a kind of long
coat reaching to the heels with long sleeves.[375]


The dress of the Tarascos differed considerably
from that of the other Nahua nations. This difference
368
is said to have originated in ancient times, when they
together with other tribes, as the legend relates, immigrated
into Mexico. While on their wanderings being
obliged to cross a river, and having no ropes with
which to construct rafts, they used for this purpose
their maxtlis and mantles. Not being able to procure
other clothing immediately, they were under the necessity
of putting on the huipiles, or chemises, of the
women, leaving to the latter only their naguas, or
petticoats. In commemoration of this event, they
later adopted this as their national costume, discarding
the maxtli and wearing the huipil and a mantle.[376]
The tilmatli, or ayatl, was by the Tarascos called
tlanatzi. It was worn over one shoulder and was
knotted under the other arm. They frequently trimmed
it with hare-skins and painted it gaudily. The young
wore it considerably shorter than old people. The
manufacture of feather garments seems to have been
a specialty of the Tarascos.[377]


The Zapotecs chiefly dressed in skins, while others
in Oajaca are said to have worn small jackets, and
Cortés reports these people to have been better dressed
than any he had previously seen.[378] In Tabasco but
little covering was used, the greater part of the population
going almost naked.[379]


DRESS OF WOMEN.


There was no difference in the dress of the women
throughout Anáhuac. The huipil and cueitl were
the chief articles, and were universally used. Besides
these, mantles of various shapes and materials
were worn. The huipil was a kind of chemise, with
369
either no sleeves at all or very short ones; it covered
the upper part of the body to a little below
the thighs. The lower part of the body was covered
by the cueitl, a petticoat, reaching to about half-way
between the knees and ankles, and often nicely embroidered
and ornamented. Skins, ixcotl, or palm-fibre,
nequen, and cotton were the materials used for
these garments. Out of doors they frequently put
on another over-dress similar to the huipil, only
longer and with more ornamental fringes and tassels.
Sometimes they wore two or three of these at the
same time, one over the other, but in that case they
were of different lengths, the longest one being worn
underneath. A mantle similar in size and shape to
that used by the men, white and painted in various
designs on the outside, was also used by the females.
To the upper edge of this, on that portion which was
at the back of the neck, a capuchin, like that worn
by the Dominican and other monks, was fastened,
with which they covered their head.[380]


To protect their feet they used sandals, by the Aztecs
called cactli, which were made of deer or other
skins, and frequently also of nequen and cotton. The
strings or straps used to fasten them were of the same
material.[381] I do not find any description of the manner
in which they were fastened, but in an old Mexican
manuscript on maguey paper, in which some of the
370
natives are painted in various colors, I find that the
sandals were fastened in three places; first by a strap
running across the foot immediately behind the toes,
then another over the instep and running toward the
heel, and lastly by a strap from the heel round the
ankle.


HAIR-DRESSING AND PAINTING.


As a general thing Mexicans wore the hair long,
and in many parts of the empire it was considered
a disgrace to cut the hair of a free man or woman.[382]
Unlike most of the American natives they wore moustaches,
but in other parts of the body they eradicated
all hair very carefully.[383] There were public
barber-shops and baths in all the principal cities.[384]
The Aztecs had various ways of dressing the hair,
differing according to rank and office. Generally it
was left hanging loose down the back. The women also
frequently wore it in this way, but oftener had it done
up or trimmed after various fashions; thus some
wore it long on the temples and had the rest of the
head shaved, others twisted it with dark cotton
thread, others again had almost the whole head
shaved. Among them it was also fashionable to dye
the hair with a species of black clay, or with an herb
called xiuhquilitl, the latter giving it a violet shade.
Unmarried girls wore the hair always loose; they considered
it as especially graceful to wear the hair low[385]
371
on the forehead. The virgins who served in the temples
had their hair cut short.[386]


The Otomís shaved the fore part of the heads of
children, leaving only a tuft behind, which they called
piochtli, while the men wore the hair cut short as far
as the middle of the back of the head, but left it to
grow long behind; and these long locks they called
piocheque. Girls did not have their hair cut until
after marriage, when it was worn in the same style as
by the men.[387] The Tarascos, or as they were also
called Quaochpanme, derived this last name from an
old fashion of having their heads shaved, both men
and women.[388] Later they wore the hair long, the
common people simply letting it hang down the back,
while the rich braided it with cotton threads of various
colors.[389] The Miztecs wore the hair braided, and
ornamented with many feathers.[390]


The Nahua women used paint freely to beautify
their person, and among some nations they also
tattooed. Among the Aztecs they painted their
faces with a red, yellow, or black color, made,
as Sahagun tells us, of burnt incense mixed with
dye. They also dyed their feet black with the same
mixture. Their teeth they cleaned and painted with
cochineal; hands, neck, and breast were also painted.[391]
Among the Tlascaltecs the men painted their faces
with a dye made of the xagua and bixa.[392] The Otomís
tattooed their breasts and arms by making incisions
with a knife and rubbing a blue powder
therein. They also covered the body with a species
372
of pitch called teocahuitl, and over this again
they applied some other color. Their teeth they
dyed black.[393]


The Nahuas, like all semi-barbarous people, had a
passion for loading themselves with ornaments. Those
worn by the kings, nobles, and rich persons, were of
gold or silver, set with precious stones; those of the
poorer classes were of copper, stone, or bone, set with
imitations in crystal of the rarer jewels. These ornaments
took the shape of bracelets, armlets, anklets,
and rings for the nose, ears, and fingers. The lower
lip was also pierced, and precious stones, or crystals,
inserted. The richer classes used principally for this
purpose the chalchiuite, which is generally designated
as an emerald. There existed very stringent
laws regarding the class of ornaments which the different
classes of people were allowed to wear, and it
was prohibited, on pain of death, for a subject to use
the same dress or ornaments as the king. Duran relates
that to certain very brave but low-born warriors
permission was accorded to wear a cheap garland or
crown on the head, but on no account might it be
made of gold.[394] Gomara tells us that the claws and
beaks of the eagle and also fish-bones were worn as
ornaments in the ears, nose, and lips.[395]


The Otomís used ear-ornaments made of burned
clay, nicely browned, and others of cane.[396] The Tarascos
chiefly relied on feathers for their personal
adornment.[397] Of the natives encountered by Cortés
373
when he landed at Vera Cruz, Peter Martyr tells us
that in the "hole of the lippes, they weare a broad
plate within fastened to another on the outside of the
lippe, and the iewell they hang thereat is as great as
a siluer Caroline doller and as thicke as a mans
finger."[398]


In Oajaca more ornaments were worn than in any
other part of the country, owing, perhaps, as the Abbé
Brasseur de Bourbourg remarks, to the plentiful supply
of precious metals in that state.[399]


DRESS OF THE NOBLES.


The dress of the nobles and members of the royal
household differed from that of the lower classes only
in fineness of material and profusion of ornaments.
The kings appear to have worn garments of the same
shape as those of their subjects, but, in other respects,
a particular style of dress was reserved for royalty,
and he who presumed to imitate it was put to death.
On occasions, however, when the monarch wished to
bestow a special mark of favor upon a brave soldier or
distinguished statesman, he would graciously bestow
upon him one of his garments, which, even though
the recipient were a great noble, was received with
joy, and the wearer respected as a man whom the
king delighted to honor.[400] In Tlascala differences of
rank among the nobles were easily recognized by the
style of dress. The common people were strictly forbidden
to wear cotton clothes with fringes or other
trimmings, unless with special permission, granted in
consideration of services rendered.[401]


The court laws of etiquette prescribed the dress to
be worn by the royal attendants, who could only appear
without sandals, barefooted, and in coarse mantles
374
before the king, and even the apparel of the sovereign
was in like manner fixed by custom, if not by law.
The different kinds of tilmatlis, or mantles, had each
its appropriate name, and varied in material as well
as in ornament and color. The cotton mantles are
described as being of exceeding fineness of texture, so
much so that it required an expert to determine
whether they were cotton or silk.[402] The mantle worn
as every-day dress in the palace was white and blue
and called the xiuhtilmatli.[403] There were many other
kinds of mantles, of which the following are the
principal: A yellowish, heavily fringed mantle, on
which monstrous heads were painted, was called
coazayacaiotilmatli; another, blue, ornamented with
red shells, with three borders, one light, another
dark blue, and a third of white feather-work, and
fringed with the same kind of shells, was named
tecuciciotilmatli; another, dark yellow, with alternate
black and white circles painted on it, and a border
representing eyes, was the temalcacaiotilmatlitenisio;
a similar one, differing only in the figures and shape
of the ornaments, was the itzcayotilmatli; a very
gaudy one, worked in many colors, was the umetechtecomaiotilmatli;
another, with a yellow ground, on
which were butterflies made of feathers, and with
scalloped edges, was called papaloiotilmatlitenisio; the
xaoalquauhiotilmatlitenisio, was embroidered with designs
representing the flower called ecacazcatl, and
further ornamented with white feather-work and feather
edges; the ocelotentlapalliyiticycacocelotl was an
imitation of a tiger-skin, also ornamented with an
edge of white feathers; the ixnextlacuilolli was
worked in many colors, and had a sun painted on it.[404]
Other mantles, differing mainly in their style of ornamentation,
375
were the coaxacayo and tlacalhuaztilmatli,
the latter worn when the king went into his gardens
or to the chase. In the same manner there are also
various kinds of maxtlis mentioned, such as the ynyaomaxaliuhqui,
ytzahuazalmaxtlatl and yacahualiuqui.[405]
In fact there appears to have been a different dress
for every occasion. We are told, for instance, that
when going to the temple the king wore a white
mantle, another when going to preside at the court
of justice, and here he again changed his dress, according
as the case before the court was a civil or
criminal suit.[406] The sandals of the kings were always
richly ornamented with precious stones, and had golden
soles.[407]


DRESS OF THE KINGS.


Whenever the sovereign appeared in public he
wore the royal crown, called copilli, which was of
376
solid gold, and is described by most writers as having
been shaped like a bishop's mitre; but in the hieroglyphical
paintings, in which the Mexican kings are
represented, it is simply a golden band, wider in front
than at the back, the front running up to a point; on
some occasions it was ornamented with long feathers.[408]
The following description of ornaments, worn by the
Mexican kings and nobles, I extract from Sahagun:—


ABORIGINAL DRESS.


The quetzalalpitoai consisted of two tassels of fine
feathers garnished with gold, which they wore bound
to the hair on the crown of the head, and hanging
down to the temples. The tlauhquecholtzontli was a
handsome garment of feathers worn on the shoulders.
On the arms they placed gold rings; on the wrists a
thick black strap made soft with balsam, and upon it
a large chalchiuite or other precious stone. They
also had a barbote, or chin-piece, of chalchiuite or other
precious stone, set in gold, inserted in the chin.
These chin-ornaments were made long, of crystal,
with some blue feathers in the centre, which made
them look like sapphire. The lip had a hole bored in
it, from which precious stones or gold crescents were
suspended. The great lords likewise had holes in
their nose, and placed therein very fine turquoises or
other precious stones, one on each side of the nose.
On their necks they wore strings of precious stones, or
a medal suspended by a gold chain, with pearl pendants
hanging from its edge, and a flat jewel in the
centre of it. They used bracelets of mosaic work
377
made with turquoises. On their legs they wore, from
the knee down, greaves of very thin gold. They carried
in the right hand a little golden flag with a tuft
of gaudy feathers on the top. Upon their heads they
wore a bird made of rich feathers, with its head and
beak resting on the forehead, its tail toward the back
of the head, its wings falling over the temples.[409]


CHAPTER XII.


COMMERCE OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.


378



The Main Features of Nahua Commerce—Commerce in Pre-Aztec
Times—Outrages Committed by Aztec Merchants—Privileges
of the Merchants of Tlatelulco—Jealousy between Merchants
and Nobles—Articles used as Currency—the Markets
of Anáhuac—Arrangement and Regulations of the
Market-Places—Number of Buyers and Sellers—Transportation
of Wares—Traveling Merchants—Commercial Routes—Setting
out on a Journey—Caravans of Traders—The
Return—Customs and Feasts of the Merchants—Nahua
Boats and Navigation.



COMMERCE IN PRE-AZTEC TIMES.


Traditional history tells us but little respecting
American commerce previous to the formation of the
great Aztec alliance, or empire, but the faint light
thrown on the subject would indicate little or no
change in the system within the limits of Nahua history.
The main features of the commercial system in
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, were: markets
in one or more of the public squares of every town,
where eatables and other articles of immediate necessity
were daily sold—shops proper being unknown;
frequently recurring fairs in each of the large towns,
where the products of agriculture, manufacture, and
art in the surrounding country were displayed before
consumers and merchants from home and from abroad;
similar fairs but on a grander scale in the great commercial
centres, where home products were exchanged
379
for foreign merchandise, or sold for export to merchants
from distant nations who attended these fairs
in large numbers; itinerant traders continually traversing
the country in companies, or caravans; and the
existence of a separate class exclusively devoted to
commerce.


From the earliest times the two southern Anáhuacs
of Ayotlan and Xicalanco, corresponding to what are
now the southern coast of Oajaca and the tierra caliente
of Tabasco and southern Vera Cruz, were inhabited
by commercial peoples, and were noted for their fairs
and the rich wares therein exposed for sale. These
nations, the Xicalancas, Mijes, Huaves, and Zapotecs
even engaged to some extent in a maritime coasting
trade, mostly confined, however, as it would appear,
to the coasts of their own territories and those immediately
adjacent; and in this branch of commerce little
or no advance had been made at the time when the
Spaniards came.[410]


The Toltecs are reported to have excelled in commerce
as in all other respects, and the markets of
Tollan and Cholula are pictured in glowing colors; but
all traditions on this subject are exceedingly vague.[411]
In the new era of prosperity that followed the Toltec
disasters Cholula seems to have held the first place
as a commercial centre, her fairs were the most famous,
and her merchants controlled the trade of the southern
coasts on either ocean. After the coming of the
Teo-Chichimec hordes to the eastern plateau, Tlascala
became in her turn the commercial metropolis of the
north, a position which she retained until forced to
yield it to the merchants of the Mexican valley, who
were supported by the warlike hordes of the Aztec
confederacy. Before the Aztec supremacy, trade
seems to have been conducted with some show of fairness,
and commerce and politics were kept to a great
380
extent separate. But the Aztecs introduced a new
order of things. Their merchants, instead of peaceful,
industrious, unassuming travelers, became insolent
and overbearing, meddling without scruple in the public
affairs of the nations through whose territory they
had to pass, and trusting to the dread of the armies
of Mexico for their own safety; caravans became little
less than armed bodies of robbers. The confederate
kings were ever ready to extend by war the field of
their commerce, and to avenge by the hands of their
warriors any insult, real or imaginary, offered to their
merchants. The traveling bands of traders were instructed
to prepare maps of countries traversed, to
observe carefully their condition for defence, and their
resources. If any province was reported rich and desirable,
its people were easily aggravated to commit
some act of insolence which served as a pretext to lay
waste their lands, and make them tributary to the
kings of Anáhuac. Within the provinces that were
permanently and submissively tributary to Mexico,
Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, traffic may be supposed to have
been as a rule fairly conducted. The merchants had
in turn to pay into the royal treasury a large percentage
of their gains, but this, under the circumstances,
they could well afford.


Tlatelulco while an independent city was noted for
her commerce, as was Tenochtitlan for the prowess of
her warriors, and when mercantile enterprise was
forced to yield to the power of arms, Tlatelulco, as a
part of Mexico, retained her former preëminence in
trade, and became the commercial centre of Anáhuac.
Her merchants, who were a separate class of the
population, were highly honored, and, so far as the
higher grades were concerned, the merchant princes,
the pochtecas, dwellers in the aristocratic quarter of
Pochtlan, had privileges fully equal to those of the
nobles. They had tribunals of their own, to which
alone they were responsible, for the regulation of all
matters of trade. They formed indeed, to all intents
381
and purposes, a commercial corporation controlling the
whole trade of the country, of which all the leading
merchants of other cities were in a sense subordinate
members. Jealousy between this honored class of
merchants and the nobility proper, brought about the
many complications during the last years of the Aztec
empire, to which I have referred in a preceding
chapter. Throughout the Nahua dominion commerce
was in the hands of a distinct class, educated for their
calling, and everywhere honored both by people and
by kings; in many regions the highest nobles thought
it no disgrace to engage in commercial pursuits.


THE TLATELULCAN COMPANY.


Besides the pochtecas, two other classes of merchants
are mentioned in Tlatelulco, the nahualoztomecas,
those who made a specialty of visiting the lands
of enemies in disguise, and the teyaohualohuani or
traders in slaves.[412] The merchants were exempt from
military and other public service, and had the right
not only to make laws for the regulation of trade, but
to punish even those who were not of their class for
offenses against such laws. Sahagun gives an account
of the gradual development and history of the Tlatelulcan
company, stating the names of the leading
merchants under the successive kings, with details
respecting the various articles dealt in at different
periods, all of which is not deemed of sufficient interest
to be reproduced in these pages.


Nahua trade was as a rule carried on by means of
barter, one article of merchandise being exchanged
for another of equivalent value. Still, regular purchase
and sale were not uncommon, particularly in the
business of retailing the various commodities to consumers.
Although no regular coined money was
used, yet several more or less convenient substitutes
furnished a medium of circulation. Chief among
these were nibs, or grains, of the cacao, of a species
somewhat different from that employed in making the
favorite drink, chocolate. This money, known as patlachté,
382
passed current anywhere, and payments of it
were made by count up to eight thousand, which constituted
a xiquipilli. In large transactions sacks
containing three xiquipilli were used to save labor in
counting. Patolquachtli were small pieces of cotton
cloth used as money in the purchase of articles of immediate
necessity or of little value. Another circulating
medium was gold-dust kept in translucent
quills, that the quantity might be readily seen. Copper
was also cut into small pieces shaped like a T,
which constituted perhaps the nearest approach to
coined money. Cortés, in search of materials for the
manufacture of artillery, found that in several provinces
pieces of tin circulated as money, and that a
mine of that metal was worked in Taxco. Sahagun
says the Mexican king gave to the merchant-soldiers,
dispatched on one of their politico-commercial expeditions,
sixteen hundred quauhtli, or eagles, to trade
with. Bustamante, Sahagun's editor, supposes these
to have been the copper pieces already mentioned, but
Brasseur believes, from the small value of the copper
and the large amount of rich fabrics purchased with
the eagles, that they were of gold. The same authority
believes that the golden quoits with which
Montezuma paid his losses at gambling also served as
money.[413]


THE MARKETS OF ANÁHUAC.


The Nahuas bought and sold their merchandise by
count and by measures both of length and capacity,
but not by weight; at least, such is the general opinion
383
of the authorities. Sahagun, however, says of the
skillful merchant that he knows "the value of gold
and silver, according to the weight and fineness, is
diligent and solicitous in his duty, and defrauds not in
weighing, but rather gives overweight," and this too
in the "time of their infidelity." Native words also
appear in several vocabularies for weights and scales.
Brasseur de Bourbourg regards this as ample proof
that scales were used. Clavigero thinks weights may
have been employed and mention of the fact omitted
in the narratives.[414] The market, tianquiztli, of Tlatelulco
was the grandest in the country and may be
taken as a representative of all. Its grandeur consisted,
however, in the abundance and variety of the
merchandise offered for sale and in the crowd of buyers
and sellers, not in the magnificence of the buildings
connected with it; for the market-place was simply an
open plaza, surrounded as all the authorities say with
'porticoes' where merchandise was exhibited. What
these porticoes were we are left to conjecture. Probably
they were nothing more than simple booths
arranged in streets and covering the whole plaza,
where merchants and their wares were sheltered from
the rays of a tropical sun. Whatever may have been
the nature and arrangement of these shelters, we know
that the space was systematically apportioned among
the different industries represented. Fishermen, hunters,
farmers, and artists, each had their allotted space
for the transaction of business. Hither, as Torquemada
tells us, came the potters and jewelers from
Cholula, the workers in gold from Azcapuzalco, the
painters from Tezcuco, the shoe-makers from Tenayocan,
the huntsmen from Xilotepec, the fishermen from
Cuitlahuac, the fruit-growers of the tierra caliente, the
384
mat-makers of Quauhtitlan, the flower-dealers of Xochimilco,
and yet so great was the market that to each
of these was afforded an opportunity to display his
wares.


All kinds of food, animal and vegetable, cooked and
uncooked, were arranged in the most attractive manner;
eating-houses were also attached to the tianquiztli
and much patronized by the poorer classes.
Here were to be found all the native cloths and fabrics,
in the piece and made up into garments coarse
and fine, plain and elaborately embroidered, to suit the
taste and means of purchasers; precious stones, and
ornaments of metal, feathers, or shells; implements
and weapons of metal, stone, and wood; building material,
lime, stone, wood, and brick; articles of household
furniture; matting of various degrees of fineness;
medicinal herbs and prepared medicines; wood and
coal; incense and censers; cotton and cochineal; tanned
skins; numerous beverages; and an infinite variety of
pottery; but to enumerate all the articles noticed in
the market-place by the conquerors would make a very
long list, and would involve, beside, the repetition of
many names which have been or will be mentioned
elsewhere.


Cortés speaks of this market as being twice as large
as that of Salamanca, and all the conquistadores are enthusiastic
in their expressions of wonder not only at
the variety of products offered for sale, but at the perfect
order and system which prevailed, notwithstanding
the crowd of buyers and sellers. The judges of
the commercial tribunal, twelve in number according
to Torquemada, four, according to Zuazo, held their
court in connection with the market buildings, where
they regulated prices and measures, and settled disputes.
Watchmen acting under their authority, constantly
patrolled the tianquiztli to prevent disorder.
Any attempt at extortionate charges, or at passing off
injured or inferior goods, or any infringement on another's
rights was immediately reported and severely punished.
385
The judges had even the right to enforce the
death penalty. Other markets in the Nahua regions
were on a similar plan, those of Tlascala and Tezcuco
coming next to that of Tlatelulco in importance.[415]


BUYERS AND SELLERS.


Trade was carried on daily in the tianquiztli, chiefly
for the convenience of the inhabitants of the city, but
every fifth day was set apart as a special market-day,
on which a fair was held, crowded not only by local
customers, but by buyers and sellers from all the
country round, and from foreign lands. In Tlatelulco
these special market-days were those that fell under
the signs calli, tochtli, acatl, and tecpatl. In other
large cities, days with other signs were chosen, in
order that the fairs might not occur on the same day
in neighboring towns. Las Casas says that each of
the two market-places in the city of Mexico would
contain 200,000 persons, 100,000 being present each
fifth day; and Cortés tells us that more than 60,000
persons assembled daily in the Tlatelulco market.
According to the same authority 30,000 was the
number of daily visitors to the market of Tlascala.
Perhaps, however, he refers to the fair-days, on which
occasion at Tlatelulco, the Anonymous Conqueror puts
the number at 50,000, limiting the daily concourse to
about 25,000.[416] Considering the population of the
cities and surrounding country, together with the
limited facilities for transportation, these accounts of
the daily attendance at the markets, as also of the
abundance and variety of the merchandise, need not
be regarded as exaggerations.



386


On the lakes about the city of Mexico merchandise
of all kinds was transported to and from the markets
by boats, 50,000 of which, as Zuazo tells us, were
employed daily in bringing provisions to the city.[417]
The heavier or more bulky articles of trade, such as
building material, were often offered for sale in the
boats to save the labor of repeated handling. Boats
were also used for transportation on the southern
coasts, to some extent on navigable rivers, and also
by traveling merchants in crossing such streams as
could not conveniently be bridged. The only other
means of transportation known in the country was
that afforded by the carriers. Large numbers of these
carriers, or porters, were in attendance at the markets
to move goods to and from the boats, or to carry parcels
to the houses of consumers. For transportation
from town to town, or to distant lands, merchandise
was packed in bales, wrapped in skins and mats, or in
bamboo cases covered with skin, known as petlacalli.
Cases, or cages, for the transportation of the more
fragile wares were called cacaxtli. The tlamama, or
regular carriers, were trained to their work of carrying
burdens from childhood, seventy or eighty pounds was
the usual burden carried, placed on the back and supported
by the mecapalli, a strap passing round the forehead;
twelve or fifteen miles was the ordinary day's
journey. The tlamama, clad in a maxtli, carried on
long trips, besides his bale of merchandise, a sort of
palm-leaf umbrella, a bag of provisions, and a blanket.


TRAVELING MERCHANTS.


Expeditions to distant provinces were undertaken
by the company of Tlatelulco for purposes of commercial
gain; or by order of the king, when political
gains were the object in view, and the traders in
reality armed soldiers; or more rarely by individual
merchants on their own private account. For protection
large numbers usually traveled in company,
387
choosing some one of the company to act as leader.
Previous to departure they gave a banquet to the old
merchants of the town, who by reason of their age
had ceased to travel; at this feast they made known
their plans, and spoke of the places they intended to
visit and roads by which they would travel. The old
merchants applauded the spirit and enterprise of
those who were going on the expedition, and, if they
were young and inexperienced, encouraged them
and spoke of the fame they would gain for having
left their homes to undertake a dangerous journey and
suffer privations and hardships. They reminded them
of the wealth and honored name acquired by their
fathers in similar expeditions, and gave them advice
as to the best manner of conducting themselves on
the road.[418]


On the route the carriers marched in single file, and
at every camping-place the strictest watch was kept
against enemies, and especially against robbers, who
then as now infested the dangerous passes to lie in
wait for the richly laden caravans. Rulers of the
different friendly provinces, mindful of the benefits
resulting from such expeditions, constructed roads and
kept them in repair; furnished bridges or boats for
crossing unfordable streams; and at certain points,
remote from towns, placed houses for the travelers'
accommodation. Expeditions in hostile provinces
were undertaken by the nahualoztomecas, who disguised
themselves in the dress of the province visited,
and endeavored to imitate the manners and to speak
the language of its people, with which it was a qualification
of their profession to make themselves acquainted.
Extraordinary pains was taken to guard
against robbers on the return to Mexico, and it is also
said to have been customary for the merchants on
nearing the city, to dress in rags, affecting poverty,
388
and an unsuccessful trip. The motive for this latter
proceeding is not very apparent, nor for the invariable
introduction of goods into the city by night; they
had not even the hope of evading the payment of
taxes which in later times prompts men to similar
conduct, since merchandise could only be sold in the
public market, where it could not be offered without
paying the royal percentage of duties.


The usual route of commercial expeditions was
south-eastward to Tochtepec near the banks of the
Rio Alvarado, whence the caravans took separate
roads according as their destination was the coast region
of Goazacoalco, the Miztec and Zapotec towns
on the Pacific, or the still more distant regions across
the isthmus of Tehuantepec. The southern limit
reached by the traders of the Aztec empire, it is impossible
accurately to determine. The merchants of
Xicalanco furnished Cortés, when about to undertake
the conquest of Honduras, tolerably correct maps of
the whole region as far south as the isthmus of Panamá;[419]
the raiders from Anáhuac are known to have
penetrated to Chiapa, Soconusco, and Guatemala; it
is by no means improbable that her merchants reached
on more than one occasion the Isthmus.[420]


The preceding pages contain all that has been preserved
concerning Nahua trade and traders except
what may be termed the mythology of commerce, a
branch of the subject not without importance, embracing
the ceremonies, sacrifices, and superstitions
connected with the setting-out, journey, and return of
the Tlatelulcan caravans. Commerce, like every other
389
feature of Nahua civilization, was under the care of a
special deity, and no merchant dared to set out on an
expedition in quest of gain, without fully complying
with all the requirements of the god as interpreted
by the priesthood. The particular divinity of the
traders was Iyacatecutli, or Iyacacoliuhqui, 'lord with
the aquiline nose'—that nasal type being, as the Abbé
Brasseur thinks, symbolic of mercantile cunning and
skill. Services in his honor were held regularly in the
month of Tlaxochimaco; but the ceremonies performed
by traveling merchants, seem to have been mostly devoted
to the god of fire and the god of the roads.


SETTING-OUT OF THE MERCHANTS.


First a day was selected for the start whose sign
was deemed favorable—Ce Cohuatl, 'one serpent,'
was a favorite. The day before they departed the
hair was cropped close, and the head soaped; during
all their absence, even should it last for years, these
operations must not be repeated, nor might they wash
more than the neck, face, and hands, bathing the body
being strictly prohibited. At midnight they cut flag-shaped
papers for Xiuhtecutli, the god of fire, fastened
them to sticks painted with vermilion, and marked on
them the face of the god with drops of melted ulli,
or India-rubber. Other papers also marked with ulli,
were cut in honor of Tlaltecutli, to be worn on the
breast. Others, for the god of the merchants, were
used to cover a bamboo stick, which they worshiped
and carried with them. The gods of the roads, Zacatzontli
and Tlacotzontli, also had their papers ornamented
with ulli-drops and painted butterflies; while
the papers for Cecoatlutlimelaoatl, one of the signs
of the divining art, were decorated with snake-like
figures. When all the papers were ready, those of the
fire-god were placed before the fire in the house, the
others being arranged in systematic order in the courtyard.
Then the merchants, standing before the fire,
offered to it some quails which they first beheaded,
and forthwith, drawing blood from their own ears and
tongue, they repeated some mystic word and sprinkled
390
the blood four times on the fire. Blood was then
sprinkled in turn on the papers in the house, towards
the heavens and cardinal points, and finally on the
papers in the courtyard. The fire-god's papers, after
a few appropriate words to the deity, were burned in
a brazier with pure white copal. If they burned with
a clear flame, it was a good omen; otherwise ill fortune
and disaster were betokened. The papers left
outside were burned together—save those of the merchants'
god—in a fire which was kindled in the court,
and the ashes were carefully buried there.


All this at midnight. At early dawn the principal
merchants of the city or of the neighborhood, or
simply friends and relatives of the party about to set
out on the journey, according to the wealth of the
party, with youths and old women, were invited to
assemble and, after a washing of mouths and hands,
to partake of food. After the repast, concluded by
another washing and by smoking of pipes and drinking
of chocolate, the host spoke a few words of welcome
to the guests, and explained his plans. To this
some one of the chief merchants briefly responded
with wishes for the success of the expedition, advice
respecting the route to be followed and behavior while
abroad, applause for the spirit and enterprise shown,
and words of encouragement to those about to undertake
their first commercial journey, picturing to them
in vivid colors both the hardships and the honors that
were before them. Then the merchandise and provisions
for the trip were made ready in bales and
placed in the canoes, if the start was to be made by
water, under the direction of the leader who, after
attending to this matter, made a farewell address of
thanks for advice and good wishes, recommending to
the care of those that remained behind their wives
and children. The friends again replied briefly and
all was ready for the departure. A fire was built in
the courtyard and a vase of copal was placed near it.
As a final parting ceremony each of the departing
391
merchants took a portion of the copal and threw it
on the fire, stepping at once toward his canoe. Not
another word of farewell must be spoken, nor a parting
glance be directed backward to friends behind.
To look back or speak would be a most unpropitious
augury.


CARAVANS OF TRADERS.


Thus they set out, generally at night, as Sahagun
implies. On the journey each merchant carried continually
in his hand a smooth black stick representing
his god Iyacatecutli—probably the same sticks that
have been mentioned as being covered with papers in
honor of this god the night before the departure from
home. When they halted for the night the sticks of
the company were bound together in a bundle, forming
a kind of combination divinity to whose protecting
care the encampment was piously entrusted. To
this god offerings of ulli and paper were made by the
leaders, and to the gods of the roads as well. Blood
must also be drawn and mingled with the offering,
else it were of no avail; and, a most inconvenient rule
for poor weak humanity, the sacrificial offering had to
be repeated twice again each night, so that one or
another of the chiefs must be continually on the watch.
The caravans, when their destination was a friendly
province, usually bore some presents from the sovereigns
of Mexico as tokens of their good will, and
they were received by the authorities of such provinces
with some public ceremonies not definitely described.


When the merchants returned home, after consultation
with a tonalpouhqui, they awaited a favorable sign,
such as Ce Calli, or Chicome Calli, 'one, or seven house,'
and then entered the city under shade of night.
They repaired immediately to the house of the leading
merchant of the corporation, or to that of the
merchant under whose direction their trip had been
made, formally announcing their safe arrival, and also
their intention to invite all the merchants on the following
day to partake of "a little chocolate in their
392
poor house," that is, to be present at a most sumptuous
banquet. Papers were then cut and at midnight
offered with ulli, much after the manner already described,
to the gods as a thank-offering for their protection.
The feast that took place next day, when all
the guests were assembled, was accompanied by additional
offerings to the gods of fire and trade, and, of
course, by speeches of the returned travelers and their
guests, but presented no particularly noticeable contrasts
with the many feasts that have been described.


Not only was the traveler obliged, according to the
Nahua superstition, to abstain from baths during his
absence, but even his family during the same period,
while allowed to bathe the body, must not wash the
head or face oftener than once in eighty days; thus
were the gods propitiated to watch kindly over their
absent relative wandering in distant lands. If a merchant
died while on a journey, his body, at least if
he belonged to the highest rank, was neither buried
nor burned, but, clad in fine apparel, and decorated
with certain mystical papers and painted devices, it
was put in a wooden cage, or cacaxtli, and secured to
a tree on the top of a high mountain. Advice of the
death was forwarded to the old merchants, who in
turn informed the family of the deceased, and regular
funeral ceremonies were performed either immediately
or on the return of the caravan. If the deceased
met his death at the hands of an enemy, a wooden
image was prepared, dressed in the clothing of the
dead merchant, and made the subject of the usual
funeral rites.


FEASTS OF THE MERCHANTS.


Besides the regular feasts attending the departure
and return of caravans, many others took place under
the auspices of the mercantile class. We have noticed
the fondness of the Nahua people for entertainments
of this kind, and it is natural that the merchants, as
the richest class in the community, should have been
foremost in contributing to this popular taste. Each
merchant, when he had acquired great wealth by
393
good fortune in his trading ventures, deemed it, as
Sahagun tells us, a most disgraceful thing "to die
without having made some splendid expenditure" by
entertaining his friends and fellow-merchants in a
banquet, which should be remembered as the event
of his career. A long time was devoted to making
ready for the feast, to the purchase of provisions and
decorations, and to engaging dancers and singers, that
no item might be neglected, nor any oversight be
allowed to mar the perfect enjoyment of the invited
guests. All being ready, a propitious sign was selected,
and invitations issued. The object of the display
of hospitality being not only the entertainment
of friends, but a thanksgiving to the gods for favors
shown to the host, the first ceremonies were naturally
in honor of the deities. These began in the night
preceding the feast-day, with offerings of flowers in
the shrine of Huitzilopochtli, in the chapels of other
gods, and finally in the courtyard of the host, where
were placed drums and two plates, on which perfumed
canes were burning. Those officiating whistled in a
peculiar manner, and all, stooping, put some earth in
their mouth, crying "our lord has sounded." Then
all burned perfumed copal, and a priest beheaded a
quail before the drum, throwing it on the ground and
watching in what direction it might flutter. If northward,
it was a bad omen, foretelling sickness, or perhaps
death. But the west and south were fortunate
directions, indicating a peaceful and friendly disposition
on the part of the gods. Incense was burned
toward the cardinal points, the burning coals were
thrown from the censer into the fire, and then the
performers engaged for the areito, including, it would
seem, soldiers of several classes, led by the tlacatecatl,
began to dance and sing. Neither the host nor merchant
guests joined in the dance, but remained in the
house to receive the company and present them with
bouquets of flowers. At midnight ulli-marked paper
was offered to the gods, and its ashes buried to promote
394
the prosperity of future generations. Before
the light of day chocolate was drunk and the nanacatl,
or intoxicating mushroom, was eaten, which caused
some to dance, others to sing, and yet others to sit pensive
in their rooms dreaming dreams and seeing visions
of horrid import, whose narration at a later hour, when
the effects of the drug had passed away, formed a
prominent feature of the entertainment. At the appearance
of the morning star all the ashes of the
sacrifices, the flowers, the burning canes, and all the
implements used in the foregoing ceremonies, were
buried, that they might not be seen by any visitor
polluted by any kind of vice or uncleanness. The
rising sun was greeted with songs, dancing, and beating
of the teponaztli. The day was passed in feasting
and music, and at the close of the day's banquet
food was distributed to the common people. The
banquet was often continued more than one day, and
if after the first day's feast the provision of food was
exhausted, it was regarded by the guests as a bad
sign—a very sensible superstition truly.


SACRIFICE OF SLAVES.


There was another merchant's feast in the month of
Panquetzaliztli, in which a number of slaves were killed
and eaten. The victims were purchased sometime beforehand
at the slave mart in Azcapuzalco, kept clean,—being
therefore called tlaaltilzin, 'washed'—and fattened
for the occasion. The male slaves meantime
had no work but to dance daily on the housetop, but
the women had to spin. The articles collected for
this feast embraced large numbers of rich mantles,
maxtlis, and huipiles, which were to be presented to
guests. Not only the residents of Mexico were invited
but members of the Tlatelulcan company who
lived in other towns. The giver of the feast went
personally to many towns, especially to Tochtepec, to
issue invitations and distribute gifts. On his arrival
he went first to the shrine of Iyacatecutli, before whose
image he performed certain ceremonies and left some
offerings. Then he went to the house of the Tlatelulcan
395
company, prepared a feast and summoned the
rich traders, who came at midnight. Washing of the
hands and mouth preceded and followed the eating,
presents were made, chocolate drunk, pipes smoked,
quails offered in the courtyard, and incense burned.
One of the best speakers then announced the purpose
of their visitor to kill a few slaves in honor of Huitzilopochtli,
and in his name invited the company to
be present at the pleasing spectacle, and partake of
the human flesh and other choice viands. Another
speaker responded in a speech of acceptance, and the
feast-giver directed his steps homeward to Mexico.
After resting awhile the merchant ceremonially invited
those of his own city to be present at the feast,
and the latter, after many precautions, including an
inspection by the older merchants to satisfy themselves
that food enough had been provided and that
the affair could not be a failure, deigned to accept,
although they warned the would-be host of the fearful
responsibility he would incur should the feast be
in any respect improperly managed, through his unwillingness
to spend money enough. Ce Calli, Ome
Xochitl, and Ome Ozomatli, were good signs for this
feast.


On the first day the male slaves, richly attired and
decorated, were made to dance and perform the areito,
carrying garlands of flowers and also pipes from which
they were continually puffing smoke. The females,
in equally rich attire were stationed with plenty of
food in one of the rooms where all could readily see
them. The eating, drinking, and distribution of gifts
were kept up all night. The following day's feast
was a repetition of the first, and was called tlaixnexia;
that of the third day was called tetevaltia, and on this
day they made many changes in the dress of the slaves,
putting on wigs of many-colored feathers, painted ear-flaps,
stone nose-ornaments like butterflies, jackets
with fringed borders and death's heads for decoration,
hawks' wings, tlomaitl, on the shoulders, rings, matacaxtli,
396
on the arms, stained sandals, and girdles called
xiuhtlalpilli. From this time forward strict guard was
kept over them day and night until their death.


On yet a fourth occasion, apparently some days, or
perhaps weeks, later, the merchant assembled his
guests, and then just before sunset the victims were
made drunk with teuvetli, and carried to Huitzilopochtli's
temple, where they were made to dance and
sing, and kept awake all night. At midnight they
were placed on a mat before the fire, and the master
of the banquet, dressed much like the slaves themselves,
put out the fire, and in the darkness gave to
each four mouthfuls of a dough moistened with honey,
called tzoalli. Then a man dancing before them
played upon an instrument called chichtli, hairs were
pulled out of the top of each slave's head and put in
a plate, quacaxitl, held by the dancer, and the master
threw incense toward the east, west, north, and south.
The slaves were offered food, but could not be induced
to eat, expecting each moment the messenger
of death. They were first taken to the ward of Coatlan,
and in the courtyard of the temple of Huitzcalco
were forced to fight against certain persons, the
most valiant of whom were called tlaamaviques. If
by force of arms these persons captured any of the
slaves, they were entitled to receive their full value
from the owner, or in default of such payment to
take the bodies after the sacrifice and eat the same.
After the contest the victims were sacrificed on the
shrine of Huitzilopochtli, the complicated details of
the ceremonies which followed differing only very
slightly from those of similar sacrifices already several
times described. The bodies were thrown down the
steps as usual, carried home by the owner, cooked
with maize, seasoned with salt without chile, and
were finally eaten by the guests. With this horrible
repast the great feast of the month of Panquetzaliztli
ended; but he who had given it carefully preserved
the clothing, and other relics of the slaughtered slaves,
397
guarding them in a basket as most precious and pleasant
souvenirs all the days of his life; and after his
death the basket and its contents were burned at his
obsequies.


Acosta tells us that in Cholula the merchants, especially
those that dealt in slaves, furnished each year
a slave of fine physique to represent their god Quetzalcoatl,
in whose honor he was sacrificed, with appropriate
and complicated ceremonies, his flesh being
afterwards eaten in a banquet.[421]


BOATS AND NAVIGATION.


The little to be said of Nahua watercraft may be
as appropriately inserted here as elsewhere. I have
already referred to the important use made of canoes
in the transportation of merchandise upon the lakes
of Anáhuac. In the art of navigation, however, no
progress was made by the Nahuas at all in proportion
to their advancement in other respects. As navigators
they were altogether inferior to their savage
brethren of the Columbian and Hyperborean groups
on the north-west coasts, whose skill in the manufacture
and management of boats has been described
in a preceding volume of this work. The reason is
obvious: their progress in agriculture enabled them
to obtain a food supply without risking their lives
habitually on the sea; their sunny clime obviated the
necessity of whale-blubber and seal-skins. In the
earlier stages of civilization men make progress only
when impelled by some actual necessity; consequently
among the Nahuas, when means were supplied of
crossing streams, and of transporting goods on the
lakes and for short distances along the coast at the
mouth of large rivers, progress in this direction ceased.


Clavigero's investigations led him to believe that
the use of sails was unknown, and although Brasseur
398
de Bourbourg in one place speaks of such aids to navigation,
yet he gives no authority for his statement.[422]


Rafts and 'dug-out' canoes were the vessels employed;
the former were used for the most part in
crossing streams and were of various material and
construction. Those of the ruder kind were simply a
number of poles tied together with strings.[423] Those
called by the Spaniards balsas were of superior construction,
made of otlatl reeds, or tules, and rushes of
different kinds in bundles. The best balsas were
about five feet square, made of bamboos and supported
by hollow gourds closed by a water and air tight covering.
The rafts were propelled by swimmers, one in
front and another behind.[424]


The canoes—acalli, 'water-houses' among the Aztecs,
called also tahucup in Tabasco—were hollowed
out from the trunk of a single tree, were generally
flat-bottomed and without keel, somewhat narrower
at the bow than at the stern as Las Casas says, and
would carry from two to sixty persons. As to the instruments
employed in hollowing out and finishing
the acalli we have no information, neither do we know
whether fire was one of the agents made use of.[425]



399


BOATS USED IN WAR.


The use of boats was not altogether confined to
traffic, but extended to war and the transportation of
troops. Fierce conflicts on the waters of the lakes
are recorded in the ancient annals of Anáhuac; canoe
fleets of armed natives came out to meet the Spaniards
at various points along the coast; and we read
of the vain efforts to defend the approaches to the
Aztec capital, by thousands of boats which could offer
little resistance to the advance of Cortés' brigantines.[426]


These fleets, so inefficient against Spanish vessels
and arms, must have been of great service to the Aztecs
in maintaining their domination over the many
towns on the lake shores. To increase the efficiency
of boats and boatmen, races and sham fights were established,
which, besides affording useful training to
paddlers and warriors, furnished an additional means
of entertainment to the people who gathered in crowds
to watch the struggles of the competitors, applaud
the ducking of each vanquished boat's crew, and to
reward the victors with honors and prizes.[427]


CHAPTER XIII.


WAR CUSTOMS OF THE NAHUAS.


400



Importance of the Military Profession—Indications of Rank—Education
of Warriors—Rewards for Valor—Military Orders
and their Dress—Gorgeous War-Dresses of Montezuma
and the Aztec Nobility—Dress of the Common Soldiers—Armor
and Defensive Weapons—Offensive Weapons—Standards—Ambassadors
and Couriers—Fortifications—The Military
Council—Articles of War—Declaration of War—Spies—Order
of March and Battle—War Customs of the Tlascaltecs
and Tarascos—Return of the Conquering Army—Celebration
of Feats of Arms.



THE MILITARY PROFESSION.


As might be expected from a people so warlike and
ambitious as the Nahuas, the profession of arms
ranked high above all other callings, save that of the
priests. This was especially the case in the later
days, under the Aztec kings, whose unscrupulous ambition
and passion for conquest could only be gratified
by their warriors. Huitzilopochtli, god of war, protector
of the empire, was glorified and honored above
all other gods; his altars must be red with blood, for
blood alone could extort his favor, and wars were
frequently waged solely for his propitiation; valor
was the loftiest virtue, the highest honors were paid
to those who distinguished themselves in battle; no
dignities, positions, or decorations, under the government,
were given to any but approved soldiers. Children
were taught by parent and priest the chivalrous
401
deeds of their ancestors, whom they were urged to
emulate in daring; titles, rewards, and posts of honor
were offered to stimulate the ambition of the young
men. The king might not receive his crown until
with his own hand he had taken captives to be sacrificed
at the feast of his coronation. The priests were
the foremost inciters to war and carnage. All wars
were religious crusades. The highest earthly rewards
were in store for the victor, while the soul of him that
fell in battle took immediate flight to heaven. Only
defeat and cowardice were to be dreaded.


The Nahua warrior's services were rewarded only
by promotion, since no paid troops were employed.
But promotion was sure to follow brilliant exploits
performed by even the humblest soldier, while without
such daring deeds the sons of the highest nobles
could hope for no advancement. Dress and ornaments
were the indications of rank, and were changed
in some detail for every new achievement. To escape
from the coarse nequen garments of the common
soldier, and to put on successively the decorative
mantles of the higher grades, was deemed a sufficient
reward and incentive. The costume of each warrior
indicated the exact number of prisoners captured by
the wearer.


Especial care was taken, however, with the sons of
lords intended for the profession of arms. At an early
age their heads were shaved, except a tuft on the back
of the head called mocuexpaltia, a designation changed
to cuexpatchicuepul when the boy was fifteen years old.
At this age he was sent to war in charge of veteran
warriors, and if with their aid he took a prisoner, the
tuft was cut off and another given to be worn over
the ear with feather plumes; on his return he was
addressed after the following manner by his grandparents
or uncles: "My child, the Sun and the
Earth have washed and renewed thy face, because
thou didst dare to attempt the capture of an enemy
in company with others. Lo, now it were better to
402
abandon thee to the mercies of the enemy than that
thou shouldst again take a prisoner with the aid of
others, because, should it so happen, they will place
another tuft over thine other ear and thou wilt appear
like a girl; truly, it were better thou shouldst die than
that this should happen to thee." If after a fair trial
the youth failed to take a captive, he was disgraced,
and ceased to be a warrior in the eyes of his comrades:
but if, unaided, he was successful, he was
called a warlike youth, telpuchtlitaquitlamani, and
was presented to the king, whose stewards dyed his
face red, his temples and body yellow, and bestowed
upon him mantles and maxtlis of the colors and designs
which his achievements gave him the right to
wear. If he took two captives, the honors were of
course greater; three entitled him to a command over
others; four made him a captain who might wear long
lip-ornaments, leathern ear-rings, and gaudy tassels.
With five prisoners the young man became a quauhiacatl,
'eagle that guides,' with corresponding insignia,
a head-plume with silver threads, the mantle called
cuechintli, another called chicoapalnacazminqui of
two colors, and still another decorated with straps.
The prisoners must, however, be from nations of acknowledged
prowess, such as those of Atlixco, the
Huexotzincas, or Tlascaltecs; double or triple the
number of Cuextecas or Tenimes must be captured,
and no number of these could entitle a youth to the
highest honors.[428]


In the Mexican picture-writings are delineated the
successive grades by which a graduate from the temple
school advanced, with the costumes and defensive
armor he was permitted to wear. First we see him
leaving for the war, carrying the impedimenta of the
chief priest, who goes into the field to embolden the
troops, enforce orders, and perform other duties. The
pictures that follow portray the devices on the shields,
manner of painting, armor, head-dresses, and ornaments
403
they were allowed to assume, according to the
number of captives each had taken. The warrior-priests
were rewarded, in like manner, with accoutrements
and insignia of peculiar designs, and with
important commands in the army.[429]


THREE MILITARY ORDERS.


Three military orders were established by the Aztec
monarchs, the members of which were granted certain
privileges, and entitled to wear badges of distinction;
they also had apartments allotted to them in the
royal palace and formed the royal guard. Promotion
to the order was open to all, but could only be won by
some notable feat of arms. The members of the first
of these three orders were called Achcauhtin, or Princes,
of the second, Quauhtin, or Eagles, of the third, Ocelome,
or Tigers. The distinctive mark of the Princes
was their manner of dressing the hair, which was tied
on the crown of the head with a red thong, and worked
into as many braids, each terminating in a cotton tassel,
as were the deeds of valor performed by the
wearer; the Eagles wore a kind of casque, in the form
of an eagle's head; the Tigers wore a particular armor,
spotted like the skin of the animal whose name they
bore. These insignia were only used in war; at court
all military officers wore the tlachquauhyo, a dress of
many colors. The members of these three military
orders had the privilege of wearing garments of much
finer texture than the common people, as well as such
feathers and jewels as they could afford to buy. An
inferior order of knighthood appears also to have existed,
the members of which had their hair cropped
close about their ears, and wore skull-caps and split
collars; these were only armed for defence from the
girdle upwards, whereas their superiors fought in complete
404
armor. All these privileged warriors were permitted
to use painted and gilt vessels, but the common
soldiers might use none but plain earthen ones.[430]


Montezuma, who was a member of the order of
Princes, when he went in person against the enemy,
wore upon his legs greaves of gold, and upon his arms
thin plates of the same metal, as well as bracelets;
about his neck were a collar and chains of gold and
precious stones; from his ears and lower lip hung ornaments
of gold set with precious chalchiuites; and
from the back of his head to his waist was suspended
the glittering decoration of royalty, only worn by
kings, the quachictli. This was an ornament of exquisite
workmanship, wrought with great labor of
costly feathers and jewels, and shaped somewhat like
a butterfly. In addition to this he was distinguished
from his retinue by a shield upon which was displayed
the royal coat of arms in feather-work; and he carried
also a small drum, upon which he beat the signal
for battle.[431]


MILITARY DRESS AND ORNAMENTS.


On the occasion when the sovereigns and nobility
of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan came out to receive
Cortés, there was little, so far as dress was concerned,
by which king might be distinguished from subject;
the only difference was that the monarchs wore crowns
405
of gold and precious stones, bejeweled sandals with
golden soles, and tassels at the end of the ribbon with
which their hair was bound.[432] A prince of the blood-royal,
on his début upon the battle-field, was clad in
plain white; his behavior was closely watched, and
after the action such insignia and colors as he had
merited by his conduct were bestowed upon him.


Sahagun gives an extended description of the gorgeous
war-costumes of the noble Aztec warriors, with
the native name for each fraction of the equipments.
Here are described head-dresses composed of rich
feathers, prominent among which were the quetzal;
corselets of red and green feathers, worked with gold
thread; head-dresses of green feathers set in gold
bands, or of tiger-skin; helmets of silver; a garment
called tocivitl reaching to the knees, made of yellow
macaw-feathers, embroidered with gold, and worn with
a golden casque plumed with quetzal-feathers; and
other equally gorgeous attire. As a means of directing
their men some officers bore small drums, painted
and ornamented with feathers so as to correspond with
their dress, in a net at their backs; others carried little
flags made of feathers held together with bands
of gold or silver. Many noble warriors had their
armorial bearings, devils, monsters, and what not,
painted or embroidered upon their backs. Truly such
spolia opima were worthy of a hero's toil.[433]


The rank and file of the Aztec army wore no clothing
but the maxtli in battle, but by painting their
faces and bodies in grotesque patterns with brilliant
colors, and covering their heads with raw cotton, they
presented a sufficiently fierce and gaudy appearance.[434]


The Tlascaltec leaders wore a quilted cotton tunic
two fingers in thickness that fitted closely to the body
406
and also protected the shoulders and thighs; the
wealthier class wore over the tunic a cuirass of thin
gold or silver plates, and over all they threw a rich
mantle of feather-work elegantly embroidered; to protect
their legs they put on leathern boots or wooden
greaves ornamented with gold. On their heads they
wore a morion made of hide or wood representing the
head of some animal, bird, or serpent. From the
crown waved a magnificent tuft of richly variegated
plumes, a conspicuous mark, that served to denote the
warrior's rank.


ARMOR AND DEFENSIVE WEAPONS.


The armor and defensive weapons of the Nahua
knights, though of little service against the firearms
and swordsmanship of the Spaniards, yet were admirably
suited for protection from the weapons in use
among themselves. The chimalli, or Mexican shield,
was made of various materials and in divers forms;
sometimes it was round, sometimes oval, sometimes
rounded only on the lower side; it was commonly
constructed of flexible bamboo canes, bound firmly
together, and covered with hide. The face of the
shield was ornamented according to the rank and taste
of the bearer; that of a noble was generally covered
with thin plates of gold, with a heavy boss in the
centre. In Tabasco, and along the coast, tortoise-shells,
inlaid with gold, silver, or copper, were commonly
used as shields. Reed-grass, hides, or nequen-cloth,
coated with India-rubber, served to protect
an Aztec common soldier. Some shields were of
an ordinary size, others were intended to cover the
entire body, and were so constructed that when not in
use they could be folded up and carried under the
arm. The body-armor of the nobles and higher grades
of warriors consisted of a breast-piece made of quilted
cotton, one or two fingers in thickness, called ichcahuepilli;
over this was a thick cotton coat, which
covered part of the arms and thighs, made in one
piece, fastened behind, and decorated with feathers of
whatever colors the uniform of the company to which
407
the wearer belonged might be. This cotton armor
was completely arrow-proof, and was of great service
to the Spanish Conquerors, who lost no time in adopting
it in place of their heavy steel armor. Arm and
leg guards made of wood covered with leather or gold
plates and trimmed with feathers, and morions of the
same material shaped and painted to represent the
head of a tiger, serpent, or monster, with mouth open
and teeth bared, complete the defensive equipment.
Over a cuirass of gold and silver plates some lords
wore a garment of feathers which is said to have been
proof against arrows and javelins. Nobles and officers
also wore lofty plumes so as to present the appearance
of increased stature.[435]


The shields used by the Toltecs were made of skins
ornamented with feathers of various colors; on their
heads they wore helmets of gold, silver, or skins.
The body-armor worn by the principal warriors was
made of double cloth padded with cotton; it differed
from that of the Aztecs inasmuch as it reached down
to the ankles and was worn over a thin white tunic.
The private soldiers, like those of the Aztec army, also
painted the upper part of the body to represent armor,
but from the waist to the thighs they wore short
drawers and over them, fastened round the waist, a
kind of kilt that reached to the knees and availed
them somewhat for defence. Across the body was a
sash made of feathers that passed from the right
shoulder to the left side of the waist. They wore
sandals on their feet and had feather-ornaments upon
their heads, more or less rich according to the quality
of the warrior. When going to battle they adorned
their necks, breasts, arms, and legs with their most
valuable trinkets of gold or precious stones.[436] Tezozomoc
mentions that the Tarascos wore steel helmets,
but, as I have already stated, none of these nations
408
were acquainted with the use of iron in any shape.[437]
Some of the armor in use among the Tabascans must
have been exceedingly rich, judging by that which
was presented to Juan de Grijalva by the cacique of
that province. It consisted of greaves for the knees
and legs made of wood and covered with sheets of
gold, head-pieces covered with gold plates and precious
stones, among which was a visor, of which the
upper half was of jewels linked together, and the
lower half of gold plates; then there were cuirasses of
solid gold, besides a quantity of armor-plates sufficient
to cover the whole body.[438]


OFFENSIVE WEAPONS.


The offensive weapons of the Aztecs consisted of
bows and arrows, slings, clubs, spears, light javelins,
and swords; and in the use of all of these the soldiers
were well skilled. The bows were made of tough,
elastic wood, and were about five feet in length; for
strings they used the sinews of animals or stags'
hair twisted. The arrows were light canes, with
about six inches of oak or other hard wood inserted
in the end; at the extremity a piece of iztli was fastened
with twisted nequen-fibre, and further secured
by a paste of resin or other adhesive substance. Sometimes
instead of iztli they used the bones of animals
or fish; the bone of a fish called libisa is said to have
caused by its venomous properties[439] a wound very difficult
to heal. It is well known that none of the
Nahua nations used poisoned arrows; such weapons
409
would have defeated the object for which they often
engaged in war, namely that of taking their enemies
alive for the purpose of immolating them upon the
altars of their gods. It is reasonable to believe that
many of them attained to great accuracy in shooting
with the bow, but there is room to doubt the assertion
that some of them were able to shoot with three
or four arrows at a time; or to throw an ear of corn
into the air and pierce every kernel before it reached
the ground; or to throw up a coin of the size of half
a dollar, and keep it in the air as long as they pleased
with their arrows.[440] The sling was a braid of pita-thread
or other fibre, broader in the middle than at
the ends, with which stones were thrown with much
force and accuracy; the missiles were carried in a
pouch filled with stones and suspended from the waist
in front. The maza was a club similar to the Roman
clava, tapering from the handle towards the end and
terminating in a knotty head, filled with points of
iztli or tempered copper.[441] The macana, or macuahuitl,
called by the Spaniards espada, a sword, was
made of tough wood, about three and a half feet long,
with a flat blade four fingers in width armed upon
both sides with sharp pieces of iztli about three
fingers long by three wide, which were inserted into
the grooved edge at intervals, and cemented with
some adhesive compound.[442] This weapon, when not
410
in immediate use, was carried slung to the arm with
a cord. Many of these swords were two-handed and
very heavy, and it is asserted that with them the
Aztec warrior could at one blow cut a man in two or
sever a horse's head. The one with which the famous
Tlascaltec commander Tlahuicol fought was so
weighty that a man of ordinary strength could hardly
raise it from the ground.[443] The Mexican spears were
very strong, and were pointed with iztli or copper.
Spears were the principal weapon used by the Zapotecs
and other tribes of Oajaca. The tlacochtli, or
Mexican javelin, was like a long arrow made of otlatl
or bamboo; the point was usually hardened in the fire
or armed with iztli, copper, or bone; many had three
points, thus inflicting a very severe wound; they were
hurled with great force, and had a cord attached, so
that when thrown they could be recovered for another
cast. Some writers mention a ballista as being used
with which to launch the javelin, but I do not find
any description of its form or of the manner of using
it;[444] certainly the javelin was projected with great velocity,
411
if it be true, as asserted, that they would pass
through a man's body; they were much dreaded by
the Spanish Conquerors.


THE BLOW-PIPE AND STANDARDS.


When the Chichimecs first settled in the valley of
Anáhuac the only weapons were the bow and arrow
and blow-pipe, in the use of which they were very expert.
The blow-pipe was a long hollow tube through
which clay pellets were projected, and it is affirmed
that with them the Chichimecs could kill a man or
wild beast at a moderate distance; afterwards this
weapon came to be generally used by other nations,
but was only employed for shooting small birds.
Among other things, Cortés was presented by Montezuma
with a dozen blow-pipes beautifully ornamented
and painted with figures of birds and animals;
the mouth-piece of each was made of gold, five or six
inches long; they were also ornamented in the centre
with gold, and accompanying them were gold net-work
pouches to carry the pellets.[445] The Matlaltzincas and
Tabascans used weapons similar to those of the nations
of the Anáhuac valley; the former were especially
dexterous in their practice with the sling, which, when
not in actual use, was carried wound about the head.[446]
The fighting men among the Jaliscans were similarly
armed, but the lords and captains carried only long
staves with which to urge their men to fight and punish
any who were disorderly or showed symptoms of
cowardice.[447]


Each nation had its own particular standard on
which were painted or embroidered the armorial
bearings of the state. That of the Mexican empire,
as we have seen, bore an eagle in the act of seizing a
tiger, or jaguar. That of the republic of Tlascala,
a bird with its wings spread as in the act of flying,
which some authors call an eagle, others a white
bird or crane. Each of the four lordships of the republic
412
had also its appropriate ensign; Tizatlan had a
crane upon a rock, Tepeticpac a wolf with a bunch of
arrows in his paws, Ocotelulco a green bird upon a
rock, and Quiahuiztlan a parasol made of green feathers.[448]
Each company or command had also a distinct
standard, the colors of which corresponded to that of
the armor and plumes of the chief. The great standard
of the Tlascaltec army was carried by the general
commanding, and the smaller banners of the companies
by their respective captains; they were carried on
the back and were so firmly tied there that they could
not be detached without great difficulty.[449] When
upon a march and not in presence of the enemy the
standard of the Tlascaltecs was carried in the van, but
in action it was always placed in the rear. The Mexican
standard was borne in the centre of the army.
Instruments of music, consisting of drums, horns, and
large sea-shells, were sounded while fighting to encourage
and animate the men.


AMBASSADORS AND COURIERS.


The office of ambassador was one of much consequence,
and persons of the highest rank, selected for
their courteous manners and oratorical powers, were
appointed to the position. Their persons were held
sacred and they were usually received by those to
413
whom they were sent with honor and respect, perfumed
with incense, presented with flowers, and well
lodged and entertained; in case any insult or indignity
was offered them, it constituted a sufficient cause
of war. Such an instance occurred when the Tepanecs,
during the reign of their king Maxtlaton, invited
the Mexican monarch Itzcoatl and his chiefs to
visit their province and partake of their hospitality.
Itzcoatl declined at the advice of his chiefs, but the
latter went, carrying presents. They were accepted
by the Tepanecs and the chiefs sent back in women's
apparel, which they were compelled to wear; the
indignity brought about a war between the two nations.
The proper courtesy and protection due to
their position was, however, only accorded them when
on the high road that led to their destination; if they
deviated from it they lost their rights and privileges
as ambassadors. When on duty they wore a special
garb that denoted their office; it consisted of a green
habit resembling a scapulary, or small cloak; handsome
feathers were twisted in the hair with tufts of divers
colors; in the right hand they carried an arrow with
the point towards the ground, and in the left a shield;
a small net containing provisions hung from the left
arm.


A complete courier-system was established throughout
the empire; these couriers were employed to carry
messages in peace and war, and fresh provisions for the
king's table; as we have seen in a former chapter, it is
asserted that Montezuma had fresh fish brought to his
palace daily from the gulf coast. They were exceedingly
swift runners, being exercised from childhood and
encouraged by rewards to excel in speed. Stations were
fixed at distances of about six miles apart, where
small towers were built, in which dwelt one or more
couriers ready at all times to set out with dispatches.
As soon as a courier arrived at one of these towers,
one of those waiting received from him the message
he bore, usually expressed in paintings, and at once
414
started for the next stage, and thus the tidings were
conveyed to the capital in an incredibly short time.
When the dispatches were of an important nature,
the courier wore some badge or was dressed in a manner
indicative of the intelligence entrusted to him.
For instance, if it related to a defeat in battle, he
traveled with hair dishevelled, preserving a strict
silence until the message was delivered to the person
to whom it was directed; on the other hand, if he
brought news of a victory, his hair was neatly tied
with a colored string, about his body was wrapped a
white cotton cloth, on his left arm he carried a shield
and in his right hand a sword which he brandished as
if in combat, singing at the same time the glorious
deeds of the victors.[450]


NAHUA FORTIFICATIONS.


The Mexicans and other Nahua nations, favored by
the general features of the country, adopted a system
of fortifications and entrenchments admirably adapted
to secure them from the attacks of internal enemies,
though insufficient as a defense against the superior
tactics and indomitable perseverance of Cortés. The
position of the city of Tenochtitlan, or Mexico, gave it
all the advantages of a fortified town. There was no
avenue of approach to it but the causeways, which
were defended by towers and ditches spanned by
draw-bridges; it was the untimely raising of one of
these draw-bridges that caused such destruction to the
Spaniards and their allies on the 'noche triste.' Besides
this, the inhabitants prepared themselves to
defend their city by means of boats, and were frequently
exercised in sham naval engagements. The
temples of Mexico served all the purposes of citadels,
especially the great temple built by the Emperor
Tizoc. It occupied the centre of the city and was
415
surrounded by a stone wall eight feet high and very
thick, having turrets and stone figures upon it; the
wall was pierced by four principal entrances, over each
of which were fortified apartments, well stocked with
weapons, offensive and defensive, ready for immediate
service; here, in case of a revolt or sudden alarm,
the garrison went and armed themselves.[451] One of
the royal palaces also contained a large armory where
great quantities of arms were kept and armorers employed
in their manufacture. The peculiar architecture
of the temple rendered the ascent to its top
very slow and difficult; during the battles of the
Mexicans with Cortés' troops after Montezuma's
death, five hundred Mexican nobles took possession
of this summit, whence they hurled darts, arrows, and
stones against the Spaniards, many of whom lost their
lives during the assault before the position was taken
by Cortés in person. In his dispatch to the Emperor
Charles the Fifth he says: "so arduous was the attempt
to take this tower that if God had not broken
their spirits, twenty of them would have been sufficient
to resist the ascent of a thousand men, although
they fought with the greatest valor even unto
death."[452]


Besides the arsenal and general rendezvous there
were many turreted towers and strong buildings
throughout the city, from the top of which men could
shoot their arrows and hurl darts and stones with
great effect. The lofty teocalli served as watch-towers,
whence the movements of the enemy could be
observed. Naturally impregnable localities, such as
the vicinity of impassable rivers or ravines were selected
as sites for cities, which they further strengthened
416
with forts or surrounded with stone walls.
The city of Guacachula, taken by Cortés shortly
after his retreat from Mexico on the 'noche triste,'
is thus described by him in his letter to Charles
the Fifth: "This city of Guacachula is situated
upon a plain bounded upon one side by some very
lofty and craggy hills; encircling the plain, on the
other sides, about two cross-bow shots apart, are
two rivers that run through large and deep ravines.
There are but few means of entrance to the city,
and those extremely difficult both in the ascent and
descent so that they can hardly be passed on horseback.
The whole city is surrounded by a very strong
wall of stone and lime about twenty-two feet high on
the outside and almost level with the ground upon
the inside. Around the whole wall runs a battlement,
half the height of a man, as a protection when
fighting; it has four entrances of sufficient width to
admit a man on horseback, and in each entrance are
three or four curves in the wall that lap one over the
other and in the course of the curves, on the top of
the wall are parapets for fighting. In the whole circuit
of the wall is a large quantity of stones large
and small and of different shapes for use in action."
Four leagues distant from Guacachula was another
city called Izucan, also strongly fortified with breastworks,
towers, and a deep river that encircled a great
part of the city.[453]


One of the most celebrated structures built for defence
was the stone wall erected by the Tlascaltecs to
secure themselves from the incursions of the Mexicans.
This wall was six miles long, extending across a valley
from one mountain to another; it was nearly nine
feet high and twenty feet thick, surmounted along its
whole length by a breastwork that enabled its defenders
to fight in comparative security from the top.
There was only one entrance, about ten paces wide,
where one part of the wall overlapped the other in
417
curvilinear form in the manner of a ravelin for a distance
of forty paces. Bernal Diaz and Cortés differ
as to the materials of which the wall was built. The
former affirms that it was built of stones cemented
together with lime and a bitumen so strongly that it
was necessary to use pick-axes to separate them, while
the latter says it was built of dry stone.


Cortés, describing the residence of the cacique of
Iztacmaxtitlan, a garrison of the Mexicans, says it
was situated on a lofty eminence, with a better fortress
than there was in half Spain, defended by a wall,
barbican, and moats.[454] In many other parts of the
country were stone fortifications, wooden stockades
and intrenchments. A short distance from the village
of Molcaxac stood a strong fortress built on the
top of a mountain; it was surrounded by four walls,
erected at certain intervals between the base of the
mountain and the top. Twenty-five miles from Córdova
was the fortress of Quauhtochco, now Guatusco,
encircled by high stone walls in which were no entrance
gates; the interior could only be gained by
means of steep narrow steps, a method commonly
adopted in the country.[455] The nations of Michoacan
and Jalisco employed heavy tree-trunks in fortifying
their positions against the Spanish invaders, or cut
deep intrenchments in which they fixed sharpened
stakes. Previous to an attack led by Pedro Alvarado
against the inhabitants of Jalisco, the latter took up
a strong position on a hill which they fortified by
placing large stones in such a manner, that upon cutting
the cords that held them they would be precipitated
upon the assailants; in the assault many Spaniards
were killed and Alvarado was thrown from his
418
horse with such violence that he died two days afterwards.[456]




Under the tripartite treaty made by the kingdoms
of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, a military council
was established consisting of a president and twenty-one
members. During the reign of the emperor Nezahualcoyotl
their deliberations were held in a hall of
his palace in Tezcuco. The president belonged to the
highest rank of the nobility and commanders of the
army, the other members were composed of six of the
principal men of Tezcuco, three nobles and three commoners,
and fifteen selected from the other chief provinces.
All were veteran officers of recognized courage
and good conduct. To this court were referred all matters
relating to war. The council assembled when required,
to discuss and decide all affairs of the service,
whether for the punishment of offenses subversive of
military discipline, or to transact the business relative
to a declaration of war against other powers. In the
latter case the consultation always took place in presence
of the sovereign, or of the three heads of the
empire. All ambassadors and soldiers were subject
to this tribunal, which meted out reward as well as
punishment. The following were the articles of war:


ARTICLES OF WAR.


First: any general or other military officer who,
accompanying the king on a campaign, should forsake
him, or leave him in the power of the enemy, thereby
failing in his duty, which was to bring back his sovereign
dead or alive, suffered death by decapitation.


Second: any officer who formed the prince's guard
and deserted his trust, suffered death by decapitation.


Third: any soldier who disobeyed his superior officer,
or abandoned his post, or turned his back upon
the enemy, or showed them favor, suffered death by
decapitation.
419


Fourth: any officer or soldier who usurped the
captive or spoil of another, or who ceded to another
the prisoner he himself had taken, suffered death by
hanging.


Fifth: any soldier who in war caused injury to the
enemy without permission of his officer, or who attacked
before the signal was given, or who abandoned
the standard or headquarters, or broke or violated any
order issued by his captain, suffered death by decapitation.


Sixth: the traitor who revealed to the enemy the
secrets of the army or orders communicated for the
success thereof, suffered death by being torn to pieces;
his property was forfeited to the crown and all his
children and relations were made slaves in perpetuity.


Seventh: any person who protected or concealed
an enemy in time of war, whether noble or plebeian,
suffered death by being torn to pieces in the middle of
the public square, and his limbs were given to the
populace to be treated as objects of derision and contempt.


Eighth: any noble or person of distinction who, in
action, or at any dance or festival, exhibited the insignia
or badges of the kings of Mexico, Tezcuco, or
Tlacopan, suffered death and forfeiture of property.


Ninth: any nobleman who, being captured by the
enemy fled from prison and returned to his country
suffered death by decapitation; but, if he fought and
vanquished seven soldiers in gladiatorial combat previous
to return, he was free and was rewarded as a
brave man. The private soldier who fled from an
enemy's prison and returned to his country was well
received.


Tenth: any ambassador who failed to discharge his
trust in accordance with the orders and instructions
given to him or who returned without an answer, suffered
death by decapitation.[457]



420


As I have already stated, the primary object of
most wars was to procure victims for sacrifices to
Huitzilopochtli and other gods, and the Mexicans
were never at a loss for an excuse to pick a quarrel.
The refusal of a neighboring power to receive in its
temple one of the Mexican gods, neglect to pay tribute
demanded, insults offered to ambassadors or traveling
merchants, or symptoms of rebellion in a city
or a province, furnished sufficient pretext to take up
arms. The rulers of Mexico, however, always endeavored
to justify their conduct before they made
war, and never commenced hostilities without sending
due notice of their intention to the adversary.
Before an actual challenge was sent or war declared
against any nation, the council met in presence of the
three heads of the empire, and gravely discussed the
equity of the case. If the difficulty lay with a province
subject to the empire, secret emissaries were sent
to inquire whether the fault originated solely with
the governor or if he was sustained by his subjects.
If it appeared that the whole blame rested with the
governor, a force was sent to arrest him, and he was
publicly punished, together with all others implicated;
but if the rising was with the consent of the people,
they were summoned to submit and place themselves
in obedience to the king whose vassals they were, and
a fine, proportionate to the magnitude of the case,
was imposed. It was customary for the rulers of
Mexico or Tezcuco to send messengers to distant
provinces with a demand that they should receive one
or more of their gods and worship them in their temples.
If the messenger was killed or the proposed
god rejected, a war ensued.


DECLARATION OF WAR.


As I have said, it was a breach of international
etiquette to proceed to war without giving due notice
to the enemy, and military law prescribed that three
embassies should be despatched before commencing
421
hostilities. The number of ambassadors varied according
to the circumstances and rank of the princes
against whom war was to be made, for the higher his
rank the fewer in number were the envoys. If he
was a great king only one was sent, and he was
generally of the blood-royal or a famous general.
Sometimes the ambassadors were instructed to deliver
their message directly to the hostile prince, at
other times to the people of the province. In the
first case upon entering into the prince's presence
they paid their respects with reverence, and having
seated themselves in the centre of the audience-hall,
waited till permission was given them to speak.
The signal made, the principal among them delivered
his message in a low tone of voice and with a
studied address, the audience preserving a decorous
silence, and listening attentively. As a general thing,
in all embassies an interchange of presents was made,
and if the message was from one friendly power to
another, a refusal of such gifts was a serious affront.
If, however, it was to an enemy, the ambassador could
not receive a present without express orders from his
master. When the three powers of Mexico, Tezcuco,
and Tlacopan acted in unison, in the event of a difficulty
with another nation, the first ambassadors sent
were of the Mexican nation and were called quaquauhnochtzin.
Upon arriving at the capital of the kingdom
or province they proceeded at once to the public
square and summoned before them the ministers and
aged men, to whom they made known the several circumstances
of the case, warning them that, in case
their lord refused to accede to their propositions, upon
them and their families would fall the evils and hardships
produced by war, and exhorting them to counsel
and persuade their lord to maintain the good will and
protection of the empire; for this purpose they granted
twenty days, within which time they would expect
an answer, and in order that there might be no complaint
of being surprised and taken unprepared they
422
left a supply of weapons and then retired outside
the town to await the answer. If within the twenty
days it was decided to accept the terms of the ambassadors,
the ministers went to the place where they
were in waiting and conducted them into the city,
where they were received with every mark of respect,
and in a short time were sent back to their own country,
accompanied by other ambassadors, bearing costly
presents in token of friendship and esteem. If, however,
twenty days passed without a satisfactory adjustment
of the difficulty, a second set of ambassadors,
held in readiness for the occasion, who had to be
of the kingdom of Tezcuco and were called achcacauhtzin,
were sent into the city. These carried with
them a quantity of arms, some feathers of a bird
called tecpilotl, and a small earthenware jar containing
a certain balsamic and aromatic ointment,
compounded of various herbs and gums. They went
directly to the palace of the prince and in presence of
the gentlemen of his court delivered their message.
They then represented to him the miseries of war,
and warned him, that if within the space of twenty
days he did not agree to their terms, in the event of
his being taken captive during the war which would
ensue he would be put to death under the penalty of
the law, which sentenced him to have his head
smashed with a club, and that his vassals would be
chastised in proportion to the offence each had committed.
If the refractory prince or noble refused
immediate compliance, the ambassadors anointed his
right arm and his head with the ointment brought
with them, telling him to be strong and of good
courage and to fight bravely against the troops of
the empire, whose valor in war they greatly extolled.
They then tied the tecpilotl-plumes at the back of
his head with red strings, handed him the weapons
they had brought with them, and retired to the
place where the first ambassadors were, to await the
expiration of the twenty days. If he surrendered
423
within the time, he was required to pay a stipulated
annual tribute of small amount, but if he refused to
surrender, there came a third set of ambassadors, who
were of the kingdom of Tlacopan; they appeared before
the lord in the presence of his ministers and
court, and delivered their message with stronger
threats and warnings, to the effect that if he did not
surrender at the expiration of a further twenty days,
the army of the empire would march against his
territory and punish the inhabitants regardless of
age or sex, and that although they might implore its
clemency they would not be heard; they then gave
them a larger supply of arms than on the preceding
occasions, telling them to avail themselves of
them and not to say at a future time that they had
been assailed unprepared. If the lord of the province
surrendered within the last twenty days, he was
punished according to the pleasure of the three powers,
but not with death nor with the confiscation of
his rank or property; he was usually condemned to
pay an extraordinary tribute out of his own revenues;
should he continue rebellious, war broke out, and the
army of the empire, already prepared on the frontiers,
commenced its operations.[458]


It was usual to send a formal challenge or declaration
of war, accompanied by some presents, either of
arms, clothing, or food, as it was held to be a discreditable
act to attack any unarmed or defenseless people.
A notable instance of this spirit was shown by the
Tlascaltecs when they confronted the army of Cortés;
424
their general is reported to have exclaimed: "Who
are these presumptuous men, so few in number that
they attempt to enter our country in spite of us? Lest
they think we want to take them by hunger rather
than by force of arms, let us send them food, that we
may find them savory after the sacrifice, for they come
starved and worn out." Before the battle they sent
three hundred turkeys and two hundred baskets of
centli or tamales, each basket weighing about twenty-five
pounds, a gift most acceptable to the Castilians.[459]


When war against another nation was decided upon,
the first care of the Mexicans was to investigate the
character and resources of the region they were about
to invade. Certain spies called quimichtin, who were
selected for their knowledge of the language and
customs of the enemy's country, were sent thither,
dressed after the manner of the inhabitants. These
spies were directed to prepare maps of the districts
they passed through, showing the plains, rivers, mountains,
and dangerous passes as well as the most practicable
routes, and were to take notice of all means of
defense possessed by the enemy. The sketches and
information thus obtained were given to the chiefs of
the army to guide them in their march and enable
them to make the best disposition of their forces.
Such spies as brought valuable news were rewarded
with the grant of a piece of land, and if one
came over from the enemy's side and gave advice of
their preparations and force, he was well paid and
given presents of mantles.[460] When a war was to be
conducted jointly by the three allied powers, proclamation
was made by heralds in the public thoroughfares
of the capital cities. Commissariat officers
called calpixques collected the necessary stores and
provisions for the campaign, and distributed weapons
425
and coarse mantles of nequen to the army. The
troops then went to the temple and performed the
ceremony of scarifying their bodies, while the customary
sacrifices were offered by the priests to Huitzilopochtli.


ORDER OF MARCH AND BATTLE.


If the expedition was an important one and the
army large, it was composed of several divisions,
called xiquipilli, each consisting of eight thousand
men under their respective commanders. When all
was in readiness the order of march was thus formed:
the priests with their idols started one day's march in
advance; next came the captains and flower of the
army, followed by the soldiers of Mexico; after them
the Tezcucans, and then those of Tlacopan, the rear
being closed by the troops of other provinces; one
day's march separated each division. Perfect order
was maintained on the route, and when near the enemy's
country the chiefs traced out the camping-ground
each division should occupy, and directed all to entrench
and fortify their positions.[461]


The battle was sometimes fought on a piece of
neutral ground lying between the confines of two territories.
Such a place was known by the name yauhtlalli,
and was especially reserved for the purpose,
and always left uncultivated.[462] Before the action
commenced each soldier received from the royal magazine
a handful of pinole and a kind of cake called
tlaxcaltotopochtli; afterwards the high-priest or chief
addressed the troops, reminding them of the glory to
be gained by victory, and the eternal bliss in store for
those who fell, and concluded by counseling them to
place their trust in Huitzilopochtli and fight valiantly.
If the king was present on the field the signal for
426
attack was given by him. The Mexican monarch
issued his orders to commence the action by sounding
on a large shell making a noise like a trumpet; the
lords of Tezcuco beat upon a small drum, and lords of
other provinces struck two bones together. The signals
for retreat were given upon similar instruments.
When the battle commenced, the shrieking of musical
instruments, the clashing of swords against bucklers,
and shouting of the combatants made a noise so great
as to strike terror into those unused to it. While
fighting the warriors shouted the names of their respective
towns or districts to enable them to recognize
each other and prevent confusion.[463]


In fighting there appears to have been no special
tactics; the commanders of divisions and the captains
used every effort to keep their men together, and were
very careful to protect the standard, as, if that was
taken, the battle was considered lost and all fled.
They observed the wise policy of keeping a number
of men in reserve to replace any who were wearied or
had exhausted their weapons. The archers, slingers,
and javelin men commenced the action at a distance
and gradually drew nearer, until they came to close
quarters, when they took to their swords and spears.
All movements, both in advance and retreat, were
rapidly executed; sometimes a retreat was feigned in
order to draw the enemy into an ambuscade which
had been prepared beforehand. The chief object was
to take prisoners and not to slay; when an enemy refused
to surrender, they endeavored to wound them
in the foot or leg so as to prevent escape, but they
never accepted a ransom for a prisoner. Certain men
were attached to the army whose duty it was to remove
the killed and wounded during the action, so
that the enemy might not know the losses and take
fresh heart.[464]



427


TLASCALTECS AND TARASCOS.


The Tlascaltecs formed their army into battalions,
each having its appointed chief, the whole being under
the command of a general-in-chief, who was elected
from among those of the four seigniories into which
the republic was divided. Their mode of fighting
differed little from that of the Mexicans, with the exception
of a certain practice which they observed
upon first coming in contact with the enemy. This
consisted in carrying with them two darts which they
believed would presage victory or defeat according to
the result of their delivery into the hostile ranks.
According to Motolinia the tradition among them in
regard to this belief was, that their ancestors came
from the north-west, and that in order to reach the
land they navigated eight or ten days; from the
oldest among them they then received two darts
which they guarded as precious relics, and regarded
as an infallible augury by which to know whether
they would gain a victory or ought to retreat in time.[465]
When a victory was won the great standard was
brought to the front and placed upon a rising ground
or in some conspicuous position, and all were obliged
to assemble around it; he who neglected to do so was
punished.


The Tarascos fought with great courage to the
sound of numerous horns and sea-shells, and carried
to battle banners made of feathers of many colors.
Their skill and valor is best proven by the fact that
the Mexicans were never able to subdue them. They
showed especial strategy in luring the foe into ambush.
Like the Mexicans their chief object in battle was to
take prisoners to sacrifice to their gods.[466]



428


Among the Mexicans, when the battle was over,
the first prisoners taken were given to the priests to
be sacrificed before the idols they carried with them.
An account was taken of the losses sustained and of
the number of prisoners and other booty gained. Rewards
were distributed to all who had distinguished
themselves and punishment inflicted on any who had
misbehaved. All disputes relative to the capture of
prisoners were inquired into and adjusted. If a case
arose where neither of the disputants could prove
their title, the prisoner was taken from them and
given to the priests to be sacrificed. Those inhabitants
of the conquered province who could prove that
they had taken no active part in the war were punished
at the discretion of their conqueror; usually
they were condemned to pay a certain annual tribute,
or to construct public works; meantime, the vanquished
province was supplied with a governor and
officers, appointed from among the conquerors.[467]


When the king or a feudatory lord captured a prisoner
for the first time, his success was made the occasion
of much rejoicing. The captive, dressed in showy
apparel and mounted on a litter, was borne to the
town in great triumph, accompanied by a host of warriors
shouting and singing; at the outskirts of the
city the procession was met by the inhabitants, some
playing on musical instruments, others dancing and
singing songs composed for the occasion. The prisoner
was saluted with mimic honors, and his captor
greatly extolled and congratulated. Numbers of people
arrived from the adjoining towns and villages to
assist in the general hilarity, bringing with them
presents of gold, jewels, and rich dresses. Upon the
day appointed for the sacrifice a grand festival was
held, previous to and after which the lord fasted and
performed certain prescribed ceremonies. The victim
was usually dressed for the occasion in the robes of
429
the god of the sun, and sacrificed in the usual manner.
With some of the blood that flowed, the priest
sprinkled the four sides of the temple; the remainder
was collected in a vessel and sent to the noble
captor, who with it sprinkled all the gods in the
court yard of the temple as a thank-offering for the
victory he had gained. After the heart was taken
out the body was rolled down the steps and received
below; the head was then cut off and placed upon a
high pole, afterwards the body was flayed, and the
skin stuffed with cotton and hung up in the captor's
house as a memento of his prowess.[468]


GLADIATORIAL COMBAT.


When a renowned captain or noble was made prisoner,
the right of fighting for his liberty was granted
him—an honor not permitted to warriors of an inferior
rank. Near the temple was an open space capable of
containing a large multitude; in the middle was a circular
mound built of stone and mortar, about eight
feet high, with steps leading to the top, where was
fixed a large round stone, three feet high, smooth, and
adorned with figures. This stone was called the temalacatl;
upon it the prisoner was placed, tied at the
ankle with a cord, which passed through a hole in the
centre of the stone. His weapons consisted of a
shield and macana.[469] He who had taken him prisoner
then mounted the stone, better armed, to combat
with him. Both the combatants were animated with
the strongest motives to fight desperately. The prisoner
fought for his life and liberty, and his adversary
to sustain his reputation. If the former was conquered,
430
a priest, called chalchiuhtepehua, immediately
seized him, hurried him dead or alive to the
sacrificial stone and tore out his heart. The victor
was then publicly congratulated and rewarded with
military honors. If, however, the prisoner vanquished
his first opponent and six others, by whom, in
succession, he was attacked, he was granted his freedom,
all spoil taken from him in battle was restored
to him, and he returned to his country covered with
glory. A notable violation of this law is recorded of
the Huexotzincas. In a battle between them and
the Cholultecs, the leader of the latter nation became
separated from his own people during the heat of
battle, and was, after a gallant resistance, made prisoner
and conducted to the capital. Being placed on
the gladiatorial stone he conquered the seven adversaries
that were brought against him, but the Huexotzincas,
dreading to liberate so famous a warrior,
contrary to their universal law, put him to death, and
thereby covered themselves with ignominy.[470]


PRISONERS OF WAR.


If the prisoner was a person of very high rank, he
was taken before the king, who ordered that he should
be sumptuously fed and lodged for forty days. At
the end of that time he was accorded the right of
combat, and if conquered, after the usual sacrificial
ceremonies the body was cut into small pieces; these
were sent to the relations and friends of the deceased,
who received them as relics of great value and acknowledged
the favor by returning gold, jewels, and
rich plumes.[471] If we are to believe Gomara and
others, the number of victims, chiefly prisoners of
war, sacrificed at some of the festivals, was enormous.
The historians relate that in front of the
principal gate of the temple there was a mound
built of stone and lime with innumerable skulls
of prisoners inserted between the stones. At the
431
head and foot of the mound were two towers built
entirely of skulls and lime; on the top of the mound
were seventy or more upright poles, each with many
other sticks fastened crossways to it, at intervals,
from top to bottom; on the points of each cross stick
were five skulls. They go on to say that two soldiers
of Cortés counted these skulls and found them to
amount to one hundred and thirty-six thousand.
Those that composed the towers they could not count.[472]


The nations contiguous to the Mexicans imitated to
a great extent their manner of disposing of prisoners
of war, and kept them to be sacrificed at their
festivals. The first prisoner taken in battle by the
Tlascaltecs was flayed alive and he who captured
him dressed himself in the horrid trophy, and so covered
served the god of battles during a certain number
of days. He paraded from one temple to another
followed by a crowd that shrieked for joy; but had,
however, to run from his pursuers, for if they caught
him they beat him till he was nearly dead. This ceremony
was called exquinan, and was sometimes observed
by two or three at the same time.[473] At one of their
festivals they bound their prisoners to high crosses and
shot them to death with arrows; at other times they
killed them with the bastinado. They had also solemn
banquets, at which they ate the flesh of their prisoners.
At the taking of Mexico, the Tlascaltec soldiery
feasted upon the bodies of the slain Mexicans, and
Cortés, although shocked at the revolting practice,
was unable to prevent it.[474]


The Mexicans, Tlascaltecs, and neighboring nations
432
always made the return of a successful army the occasion
of great festivity and rejoicing; the loud sound
of drums and musical instruments greeted the entry
of the victorious troops into the capital; triumphal
arches were erected in the streets and the houses
decorated with flowers; an abundance of copal was
burned and sumptuous banquets were prepared; all
were dressed in their gayest attire, and the warriors put
on all the insignia of their rank; gifts were distributed
to those who had performed any deed of gallantry,
and minstrels sung or recited poems in their praise.
Many went to the temples to observe especial acts of
devotion to the gods, and numbers of the prisoners
were then sacrificed. All these ceremonies tended to
inspire the youths with courage and make them ambitious
to gain distinction in war.[475]


CHAPTER XIV.


NAHUA LAWS AND LAW COURTS.


433



General Remarks—the Cihuacoatl, or Supreme Judge—the Court
of the Tlacatecatl—Jurisdiction of the Tecuhtlis—the Centectlapixques
and Topillis—Law Courts and Judges of Tezcuco—Eighty-Day
Council—Tribunal of the King—Court
Proceedings—Lawyers—Witnesses—Remuneration of Judges—Justice
of King Nezahualpilli—He orders his Son's Execution—Montezuma
and the Farmer—Jails—Laws against
Theft, Murder, Treason, Kidnapping, Drunkenness, Witchcraft,
Adultery, Incest, Sodomy, Fornication, and other
Crimes—Story of Nezahualcoyotl and the Boy.



It has already been stated that among the Nahuas
the supreme legislative power belonged to the king;
the lawful share that he took in the administration of
justice we shall see as we examine the system of jurisprudence
adopted by them.


When treating of the Nahua judiciary the majority
of historians have preferred to discuss almost exclusively
the system in vogue at Tezcuco, partly, perhaps,
because it presents a nicer gradation of legal
tribunals, and consequently a closer resemblance to
European institutions than did the more simple routine
of the Mexicans, but mainly because the materials
of information were more accessible and abundant.
Many writers, however, have not followed this rule,
but throwing all the information they could obtain
into a general fund, they have applied the whole indiscriminately
434
to the 'Mexicans,' by which term they
mean all the inhabitants of the regions conquered by
Cortés. Las Casas, speaking of the allied kingdoms
of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, says that "their
government and laws scarcely differed, so that whatever
may be said of those parts concerning which the
most information can be obtained, may be understood,
and perhaps it is best to say it, as applying to all."[476]
Although the number and jurisdiction of the law-courts
of Mexico and Tezcuco differed, there is reason
to believe that the laws themselves and the penalties
inflicted were the same, or nearly so.


THE CIHUACOATL, SUPREME JUDGE.


In Mexico, and in each of the principal cities of the
empire, there was a supreme judge, called cihuacoatl,[477]
who was considered second only to the king in rank
and authority. He heard appeals in criminal cases
from the court immediately below him, and from his
decision no appeal was allowed, not even to the king.[478]
435
Whether or not the cihuacoatl pronounced judgment
in civil cases is uncertain. According to Clavigero
he did;[479] Prescott,[480] Brasseur de Bourbourg,[481] and Carbajal
Espinosa[482] agree with Clavigero, and Leon Carbajal[483]
cites Torquemada as an authority for this statement,
but the fact is Torquemada distinctly affirms
the contrary,[484] as does Las Casas,[485] from whom Torquemada
takes his information. It appears, however,
reasonable to suppose that in some exceptional cases,
as, for instance, where the title to large possessions
was involved, or when the litigants were powerful nobles,
the supreme judge may have taken cognizance
of civil affairs. Whether the jurisdiction of the cihuacoatl
was ever original, as well as final, as Prescott[486]
asserts it to have been, I do not find stated by
the earlier authorities, although this may have happened
exceptionally, but in that case there could have
been but one hearing, for the king, who was the only
superior of the supreme judge, had no authority to
reverse the decisions of the latter. The cihuacoatl
was appointed by the king, and he in turn appointed
436
the inferior judges. He held his office for life, and
in addition to his regular judicial duties had charge of
the most important affairs of government, and of the
royal revenues. He was without a colleague, and
must administer justice in person. Such was the
respect paid to this exalted personage, that whoever
had the audacity to usurp his power or insignia suffered
death, his property was confiscated and his
family enslaved.[487]


The next court was supreme in civil matters and
could only be appealed from to the cihuacoatl in cases
of a criminal nature. It was presided over by three
judges, the chief of whom was styled tlacatecatl, and
from him the court took its name; his colleagues were
called quauhnochtli and tlanotlac.[488] Each of these
had his deputies and assistants. Affairs of importance
were laid in the first instance before this tribunal,
but appeals from the inferior courts were also
heard. Sentence was pronounced by a crier entitled
tecpoyotl in the name of the tlacatecatl, and was
carried into execution by the quauhnochtli with his
own hands. The office of tecpoyotl was considered
437
one of high honor because he declared the will of the
king as represented by his judges.


THE TECUHTLI AND CENTECTLAPIXQUE.


In each ward of the city there was a magistrate
called tecuhtli who was annually elected by the inhabitants
of his district; he judged minor cases in
the first instance only, and probably the office somewhat
resembled that of our police judge. Appeal
lay from him to the tlacatecatl.[489] It was the duty
of the tecuhtlis to give a daily report of affairs that
had been submitted to them, and of the judgments
they had rendered thereon, to the tlacatecatl, who
reviewed their proceedings. Whether the tlacatecatl
could reverse the decision of a tecuhtli when no
appeal had been made, is uncertain, but it appears
improbable, inasmuch as a failure to exercise the
right of appeal would imply recognition of justice in
the judgment passed by the lower tribunal. In each
ward, and elected in the same manner as the tecuhtlis,
were officers whose title was centectlapixque,
whose province it was to watch over the behavior and
welfare of a certain number of families committed to
their charge, and to acquaint the magistrates with
everything that passed. Although the centectlapixques
could not exercise judicial authority, yet it
is probable that petty disputes were often submitted
to them for arbitration, and that their arbitrament
was abided by. In case the parties could not be
brought to any friendly settlement, however, the
centectlapixque immediately reported the matter to
the tecuhtli of his district, and a regular trial ensued.


The tecuhtlis had their bailiffs, who carried their
messages and served summonses. In addition to
these there were constables styled topilli, who arrested
prisoners and enforced order.[490]



438


THE EIGHTY-DAY COUNCIL.


In Tezcuco, although the kingdom was divided into
many provinces,[491] the higher courts of justice were
placed in six of the principal cities only.[492] Each of
these tribunals was presided over by two judges, who
were very high magnates and usually relatives of the
king, and from these an appeal lay to two supreme
judges who resided at the capital.[493] These twelve
judges were assisted by twelve sheriffs,[494] whose duty
it was to arrest prisoners of exalted rank in their
own district, or to go in search of offenders in other
provinces. The peculiar badge of these officers
was a certain ornamented mantle; wherever they
went they were held in great awe and respect,
as representatives of the king, and seldom encountered
resistance in the exercise of their functions.
There were also constables in attendance on the
courts, who acted with great diligence in carrying
messages or making arrests. Every ten or twelve
days all the judges met in council with the king,[495]
439
when cases of importance were discussed, and either
finally settled, or laid over for decision at a grand
council which convened every four Mexican months,
making in all eighty days. On these occasions all
the judges, without exception, met together, the king
presiding in person. All being seated according to
their order of precedence, an orator opened the proceedings
with a speech, in which he praised virtue
and severely reprimanded vice; he reviewed all the
events of the past eighty days, and commented very
severely even upon the acts of the king himself. In
this council all suits were terminated, the sentences
being carried out on the spot,[496] and affairs of state and
policy were discussed and transacted; it generally sat
during eight or ten days.[497] In addition to these
judges there were magistrates of a lower order in all
the provinces, who took cognizance of cases of minor
importance, and who also heard and considered those
of greater consequence preparatory to laying them
before the Eighty-Day Council.[498] The historian Ixtlilxochitl
440
gives a somewhat different account of the
Tezcucan tribunals, which, as it contains the only description
given by the ancient writers of the halls in
which the judges sat, I translate in full.


In the palace were two principal courtyards, the
larger of which served as the market-place. The
second courtyard was smaller than the first, and was
situated more in the interior of the palace; in the centre
of it a fire was kept continually burning. Here
were the two most important tribunals in the kingdom.
To the right of this courtyard, writes Ixtlilxochitl,
was the supreme tribunal, which was called
teohicpalpan, meaning, Tribunal of God. Here was
a throne of gold, set with turquoises and other precious
stones; before the throne stood a stool, upon
which were a shield, a macana, and a bow with its
quiver of arrows; upon these was placed a skull, surmounted
by an emerald of a pyramidal shape, in the
apex of which was fixed a plume of feathers and precious
stones; at the sides, serving as carpets, were the
skins of tigers and lions (tigres y leones), and mats
(mantas) made of the feathers of the royal eagle,
where a quantity of bracelets and anklets (grevas) of
gold were likewise placed in regular order.[499] The
walls were tapestried with cloth of all colors, made of
rabbits' hair, adorned with figures of divers birds,
animals, and flowers.[500] Attached to the throne was
441
a canopy of rich plumage, in the centre of which was
a glittering ornament of gold and precious stones.


THE TRIBUNAL OF THE KING.


The other tribunal was called that of the king; it
also had a throne, which was lower than that of the
Tribunal of God, and a canopy adorned with the royal
coat of arms. Here the kings transacted ordinary
business and gave public audience; but when they
rendered decisions upon grave and important cases, or
pronounced sentence of death, they removed to the
Tribunal of God, placing the right hand upon the
skull, and holding in the left the golden arrow which
served as a sceptre, and on these occasions they put
on the tiara (tiara) which they used, which resembled
a half mitre. There were on the same stool three of
these tiaras; one was of precious stones set in gold,
another of feathers, and the third woven of cotton
and rabbit-hair, of a blue color. This tribunal was
composed of fourteen grandees of the kingdom, who
sat in three divisions of the hall, according to their
rank and seniority. In the first division was the
king; in the second division were seated six grandees;
the first of these six, on the right hand, was the lord
of Teotihuacan, the second the lord of Acolman, the
third the lord of Tepetlaoztoc; on the left side sat,
first, the lord of Huexotla, second, the lord of Coatlichan,
third, he of Chimalhuacan. In the third division
of the hall, which was the exterior one, sat
eight other lords, according to their rank and seniority;
on the right side the first was the lord of Otompan,
the second was the lord of Tollantzinco, the third
the lord of Quauhchinanco, the fourth the lord of Xicotepec,
and on the left side were, first, the lord of Tepechpan,
second, the lord of Chiauhtla, third, the
lord of Chiuhnauhtla, and fourth, he of Teiotocan.
442


There followed, also, another hall, which adjoined
this on the eastern side, and was divided into two
parts; in the inner and principal division, were eight
judges, who were nobles and gentlemen, and four others
who were of the citizen class;[501] these were followed
by fifteen provincial judges, natives of all the cities
and chief towns of Tezcuco; the latter took cognizance
of all suits, civil or criminal, which were embraced
in the eighty laws that Nezahualcoyotl
established; the duration of the most important of
these cases was never more than eighty days. In
the other, or exterior, division of the hall, was a tribunal
composed of four supreme judges, who were
presidents of the councils; and there was a wicket,
through which they entered and went out to communicate
with the king.[502]


COURT PROCEEDINGS.


Besides these various tribunals for the general administration
of justice, there were others that had
jurisdiction in cases of a peculiar nature only. There
was a court of divorce, and another which dealt only
with military matters; by it military men were tried
and punished, and it had also the power to confer
rewards and honors upon the deserving; the especial
jurisdiction of another tribunal extended over matters
pertaining to art and science, while a fourth court
had charge of the royal exchequer, of taxes and tributes,
and of those employed in collecting them. Of
some of these institutions I have already had occasion
to speak. The mode of procedure, or daily
routine, in the law courts of Mexico and Tezcuco
was strict and formal. At sunrise, or as some say,
443
at daybreak, the judges took their places in court,
squatting upon mats spread for the purpose, usually
upon an elevated platform. Here they administered
justice until noon, when they partook of a meal
supplied from the royal kitchen. When this was over
and they had rested for a short space, business was
resumed, and carried on during the greater part
of the afternoon. Punctuality on the part of the
judges was strictly enforced, and he who absented
himself from court without good cause, such as illness,
or royal permission, was severely punished.
This order was observed every day, except when the
presence of the judges was required at the public
sacrifices or solemn festivities, at which time the
courts of justice remained closed.[503]


EXAMINATION OF WITNESSES.


Minor cases were conducted verbally, the parties
producing their witnesses, who testified under oath
for the complaint or the defence. The testimony,
under oath, of the principals was also admitted as
evidence; and one writer even asserts that the defendant
could clear himself by his oath;[504] but it is
plain that if such were the case conviction would be
very rare. In cases of greater importance, especially
in civil suits where the possession of real estate was
involved, paintings, in which the property in dispute
was represented, were produced as authentic documents,
and the whole of the proceedings, such as the
object of the claim, the evidence, the names of
the parties and their respective witnesses, as well as
the decision or sentence, were recorded in court by
notaries, or clerks, appointed for that purpose.[505] A
444
witness in an Aztec court of law occupied a serious
position. In the first place the judges are by all
writers said to have been particularly skillful in cross-examination.
They seem to have made it an especial
study to harass witnesses with pertinent questions
and minute details; in the next place the punishment
for perjury was death, and perjury among these people
consisted in making a false statement when under
oath, without the possibility of being saved by a legal
quibble; in addition to this, superstition attached
great weight to the oath which every witness was
obliged to take, and which consisted in touching the
forefinger to the earth and then to the tongue, as if to
say, as Las Casas expresses it: By the goddess Earth,
who supports and affords me sustenance, I swear to
speak truth. This oath was considered to be very
sacred and binding, and is said to have been rarely
violated. Whether counsel or advocates were employed
is a disputed point, some writers asserting distinctly
that they were, and others that they were
not.[506] Veytia states that the complainant and defendant
445
were sometimes confronted with each other,
and compelled to argue the case before the court, no
other person being allowed to speak the while. The
judges heard and passed sentence by a majority of
votes,[507] each giving his decision aloud. If the trial
took place in an inferior court, a disagreement sent
the matter on appeal to a higher court; if it took
place in the first instance before a superior tribunal,
it was appealed to the great council of the emperor.
The same writer also says that where a serious public
offense had been committed, the witnesses were examined,
and sentence was immediately passed without
giving the accused time to defend himself.[508] We
have already seen that the duration of suits was limited
to eighty days, and generally they terminated
much sooner than this, all possible expedition being
always used. The better to avoid bribery and corruption,
it was expressly forbidden for a judge to
receive presents, no matter how trifling, and he who
violated this rule was deposed from office, and otherwise
punished with exceeding rigor.


The way in which the judges were paid for their services
was peculiar. A certain portion of land was set
apart for their exclusive benefit, which was cultivated
and harvested by tenants, who doubtless were allowed
to retain a part of the produce in return for their labor.
These lands were not inherited by the son on the
death of the father, but passed to the judge appointed
446
in the place of the latter.[509] Veytia does not mention
these lands; he says that the judges had no fixed
salary, but were paid according to the king's pleasure,
more or less, in proportion to the size of their families,
besides which the king made valuable presents when
the Eighty-Day Council met, to those who had performed
their duty to his satisfaction.[510] The allowance
was in all cases made amply sufficient, that there
might be no excuse on the ground of poverty for a
judge receiving presents or bribes. They held their
office for life, and were selected from the higher
classes, especially the superior judges, who were generally
relatives of the king, or even members of the
royal family. None were eligible for the office who
were not sober, upright men, brought up in the temples,
and who were well acquainted with court life and
manners. A judge who became drunk, or received a
bribe, was three times severely reprimanded by his
fellow-judges; if the offense was repeated, his head
was shaved publicly, a great disgrace among the Aztecs,
and he was deprived of his office with ignominy.
A judge making a false report to the king, or convicted
of receiving a large bribe, or of rendering a
manifestly unjust decision, was punished with death.[511]
All this machinery of the law was dispensed with in
Tlascala, where all disputes and difficulties were
promptly settled by certain old men appointed for
that purpose.[512]


ANECDOTES OF NEZAHUALPILLI.


A love of impartial justice seems to have characterized
all the Aztec monarchs, and, as we have seen,
the laws they enacted to ensure this to their subjects
447
were severe in the extreme. No favoritism was allowed;
all, from the highest to the lowest were held
amenable to the law. A story, illustrating this, is
repeated by nearly all the old writers. In the reign
of Nezahualpilli, the son of Nezahualcoyotl, who were
accounted the two wisest kings of Tezcuco, a suit
sprang up between a rich and powerful noble and a
poor man of the people. The judge decided against
the poor man, who thereby lost what little he had,
and was in danger of having to sell himself as a slave
to procure subsistence for his family. But suspicion
of foul play having been aroused, the king ordered
the matter to be thoroughly investigated, when it
transpired that the judge had been guilty of collusion
with the rich man; so the king commanded that the
unjust judge should be hanged at once, and that the
poor man's property should be restored to him.


Neither were the rulers themselves, nor their families,
exempt from observance of the law, and instances
are not wanting where fathers have, Brutus-like, condemned
their children to death, rather than allow the
law to be violated, and the offender to go unpunished.
Nezahualcoyotl caused four of his own sons to be publicly
executed because they had sinned with their
step-mothers, the wives of their father.[513] A very
touching incident is narrated by Torquemada, showing
to what an extent this love of impartial justice
was carried by a Tezcucan sovereign.


Nezahualpilli, king of Tezcuco, had married two
sisters, whom he dearly loved, and especially did he
dote upon the younger, whose name was Xocotzincatzin.
By her he had several children, the eldest being
a son, named Huexotzincatzin, who was beloved by
all who knew him, on account of his amiable disposition
and noble qualities, and who was besides a very
valiant young man and a great warrior. No wonder
that he was the king's pride, and beloved even more
448
than his brothers and sisters, for his own and his
mother's sake. So much had Huexotzincatzin distinguished
himself, that, although he was but a young
man, his father determined to bestow upon him the
office and title of tlacatecatl, which was a post of the
highest honor and importance.[514] For this purpose the
king one day ordered that the prince be sent for and
brought into his presence. With a light heart, and
much elated, Huexotzincatzin, accompanied by his
suite, and the nobles who were his tutors, set out for
the royal palace. As he was about to enter, the prince
met one of his father's concubines, attended by her
ladies. This concubine was a very beautiful and
proud woman, yet withal of a free and easy carriage,
that encouraged Huexotzincatzin, who perhaps did
not know who she was, to address her in a familiar
and disrespectful manner. The woman, who, the historian
remarks, could not have been possessed of much
sense, either because she felt offended at his conduct
towards her, or because she dreaded the consequence
if the king should discover what had happened, turned
from the prince without a word, and entered the palace.
The king's concubines, as we have seen in a former
chapter, were always accompanied by certain
elderly women, whose duty it was to instruct them in
discreet behavior and to watch continually over their
actions. One of these women, who had been with the
concubine at the time of her meeting with Huexotzincatzin,
and had overheard the prince's remarks,
went straightway to the king, and informed him of all
that had happened. The king immediately sent for
his concubine, and inquired of her if the prince had
spoken lewdly to her publicly and in the presence of
the ladies and courtiers, or if he had intended his
449
words to reach her ear alone; for Nezahualpilli would
fain have discovered some excuse for his son, the punishment
for speaking lewdly in public to the king's
concubines being, according to law, death; but the
frightened woman replied that Huexotzincatzin had
spoken openly to her, before all that were present.
Then the king dismissed the concubine, and retired,
mourning, into certain apartments which were called
the 'rooms of sorrow.'


PUNISHMENT OF THE KING'S SON.


When these things came to the ears of the friends
and tutors of the prince, they were much troubled on
his account, because the severity of the king, and his
strict adherence to the law were as a proverb among
the people, and their apprehensions increased when,
upon arriving at the royal apartments, the prince was
denied admission, although his attendants were ordered
to appear at once before the king. There they
were closely questioned by him, and although they
would willingly have saved the prince from the consequences
of his folly, yet they dared not speak anything
but truth, for he who was convicted of wilfully deceiving
the king, suffered death. All they could do was to
make excuses for the prince, and ask pardon for his
crime, and this they did with many prayers and entreaties,
advancing, as extenuating circumstances, his
youth, his previous good conduct, and his possible ignorance
of the fact that the lady was his father's
concubine. The king listened patiently to the end,
answering nothing, and then he commanded that Huexotzincatzin
be forthwith arrested and placed in confinement.
Later in that same day he pronounced
sentence of death against his son. When it became
known that Huexotzincatzin was to die, all the powerful
nobles who were at court went in a body to the
king and earnestly conjured him not to insist upon
carrying out his sentence, telling him that it was barbarous
and unnatural, and that future generations
would hold in horror and hatred the memory of the
man who had condemned his own son to death. Their
450
prayers and arguments seemed, however, to render the
old king only the more implacable, and he dismissed
them, saying that if the law forbade such things, and
if that law was inviolably observed throughout the
kingdom, how could he justify his conduct to his subjects,
were he to allow the same to be infringed upon
in his own palace, and the offender to remain unpunished
merely because he was his son; that it should
never be said of him that he made laws for his subjects
which did not apply to his own family.


When Xocotzincatzin, the prince's mother, heard
that he was condemned to death, she gathered the
rest of her sons about her, and coming suddenly before
her husband, she fell on her knees and besought
him with many tears, to spare the life of her darling
son, the first pledge of love that she, his favorite wife
had given him. Finding all her entreaties fruitless,
she then implored him for the sake of the love he had
once borne her, to slay her and her other sons with
Huexotzincatzin, since life without her first-born was
unbearable. But the stern old king still sat to all appearance
unmoved and immovable, and coldly directed
the attendant ladies to convey the wretched mother to
her apartments.


The execution of the prince was delayed in every
possible manner by those who had charge of it, in the
hope that the king might even yet relent; but Nezahualpilli
having been informed of this, immediately
ordered that the sentence should be carried out without
further delay. So Huexotzincatzin died. As soon
as the news of his son's death was carried to the king,
he shut himself up in certain apartments called the
'rooms of sorrow,' and there remained forty days,
mourning for his first-born and seeing no one. The
house of the late prince was then walled up, and
none were allowed to enter it, and so all tokens of
the unhappy young man were destroyed.[515]



451


MONTEZUMA AND THE FARMER.


Another anecdote, which is written in execrable
Spanish by the native historian, Tezozomoc, may not
be out of place here. It is told of the emperor Montezuma
of Mexico, and the reader will at once recognize
a resemblance between this and many other anecdotes
with which he is familiar, where a bold and
merited rebuke from a subject to his sovereign is
received with respect and even favor.


It happened one summer, that the king, being
wearied with the cares of government, went for rest
and recreation to his country palace at Tacubaya.
One day, when out shooting birds, he came to an orchard,
and having told his attendants to remain outside,
he entered alone. He succeeded in killing a
bird, and as he was returning, bearing his game in his
hand, he turned aside into a field where a remarkably
fine crop of corn was growing. Having plucked a
few ears, he went towards the house of the owner of
the field, which stood hard by, for the purpose of showing
him the ears that he had plucked, and of praising
his crop, but as by law it was death to look upon the
king's face, the occupants of the house had fled, and
there was no one therein. Now the owner of the
field had seen the king pluck the corn from afar off,
and, notwithstanding it was against the law, he ventured
to approach the monarch in such a way as to
make the meeting appear accidental. Making a deep
obeisance, he thus addressed the king: "How is it,
most high and mighty prince, that thou hast thus
stolen my corn? Didst thou not thyself establish
a law that he who should steal one ear of corn, or
its value, should suffer death?" And Montezuma answered:
"Truly I did make such a law." Then said
the farmer: "How is it then, that thou breakest thine
own law?" And the king replied: "Here is thy corn,
take back that which I have stolen from thee." But
the owner of the field began to be alarmed at his own
boldness, and tried to excuse himself, saying that he
had spoken merely in jest, for, said he: "Are not my
452
fields, and myself, and my wife, and my children, all
thine, to do with as thou wilt;" and he refused to take
back the ears of corn. Then the king took off his
mantle of net-work and precious stones, which was
called xiuhayatl and was worth a whole city, and
offered it to the farmer, who at first was afraid to accept
so precious a gift, but Montezuma insisted, so he
took the mantle, promising to preserve it with great
care as a remembrance of the king. When Montezuma
returned to his attendants, the precious mantle
was at once missed, and they began to inquire what
had become of it; which the king perceiving, he told
them that he had been set upon by robbers, when
alone, who had robbed him of his mantle, at the same
time he ordered them, upon pain of death, to say
nothing more about the matter. The next day, having
arrived at his royal palace in Mexico, when all his
great nobles were about him, he ordered one of his
captains to repair to Tacubaya, and inquire for a certain
Xochitlacotzin, whom they should at once bring
to his presence, but under penalty of death they should
not injure or abuse him in any way. When the king's
messengers told Xochitlacotzin their errand, he was
greatly alarmed, and tried to escape, but they caught
him, and telling him to fear nothing, for that the king
was kindly disposed towards him, they brought him
before Montezuma. The king, having bidden him welcome,
asked him what had become of his mantle. At
this the nobles who were present became much excited,
but Montezuma quieted them, saying: "This
poor man has more courage and boldness than any of
you who are here, for he dared to speak the truth and
tell me that I had broken my laws. Of such men
have I greater need, than of those who speak only
with honeyed words to me." Then having inquired
what principal offices were vacant, he ordered his attendant
lords to shelter and take care of Xochitlacotzin,
who was henceforth his relative and one of the
chief men of the realm. Afterwards he who had so
453
lately been a poor farmer was given a principal house
of Olac for his own, and it was long the boast of his
descendants that they were relatives of Montezuma.[516]


PUNISHMENT OF CRIMES.


The Aztecs adopted numerous ways of punishing
offenders against the law, as we shall see presently,
but I do not think that imprisonment was largely resorted
to. They had prisons, it is true, and very cruel
ones, according to all accounts, but it appears that
they were more for the purpose of confining prisoners
previous to their trial, or between their condemnation
and execution, than permanently, for punishment.
These jails were of two classes, one called teilpiloyan
for those imprisoned on a civil charge, another called
quauhcalco,[517] for prisoners condemned to death. The
cells were made like cages, and the prison was so constructed
as to admit very little light or air;[518] the food
was scanty and of a bad quality, so that, as Las Casas
expresses it, the prisoners soon became thin and yellow,
and commenced at the prison to suffer the death
that was afterwards adjudged them. Clavigero, however,
asserts that those condemned to the sacrificial
stone were well fed in order that they might appear
in good flesh at the sacrifice.[519] A very close watch
was kept upon the captives, so much so, indeed, that
if through the negligence of the guard a prisoner of
war escaped from the cage, the community of the
district, whose duty it was to supply the prisoners
with guards, was obliged to pay to the owner of the
fugitive, a female slave, a load of cotton garments,
and a shield.[520] Mendieta says that these prisons were
only used for persons awaiting trial on very grave
454
charges; for, he writes, in the case of one held to
answer on an ordinary charge, "it was sufficient for
the minister of justice to place the prisoner in a corner
with a few light sticks before him; indeed, I believe
that to have merely drawn a line and told him
not to pass it would have sufficed, even though he
might have reason to believe that there was a heavy
punishment in store for him, because to flee from
justice, and escape, was an impossibility. At all
events, I with my own eyes have seen a prisoner
standing entirely unguarded save for the before-mentioned
sticks."[521]


Like most semi-barbarous nations, the Aztecs
were more prone to punish crime than to recompense
virtue, and even when merit was rewarded,
it was of the coarser and more material kind, such
as valor in war or successful statesmanship. The
greater part of their code might, like Dracon's, have
been written in blood—so severe were the penalties
inflicted for crimes that were comparatively slight,
and so brutal and bloody were the ways of carrying
those punishments into execution. In the strongest
sense of the phrase the Aztecs were ruled with a rod
of iron; but that such severity was necessary I have
no doubt, inasmuch as whatever form of government
exists, be it good or bad, that form of government is
the necessary one, or it could have no existence. All
young states must adopt harsh laws to secure the
peace and well-being of the community, while as yet
the laws of habit and usage are unestablished; and as
that community progresses and improves, it will of
itself mold its system of government to fit itself.
The code of Dracon was superseded by that of Solon
when the improved state of the Athenian community
warranted a mitigation of the severity of the former,
and in like manner the laws of Montezuma and Nezahualcoyotl
would have given place to others less
harsh had Aztec civilization been allowed to progress.
455


CODE OF LAWS.


The laws of the several Aztec kingdoms were essentially
the same; some slight differences existed, however,
and in these instances the code of Tezcuco proves
the most rigid and severe, while more of lenience is
exhibited in that of Mexico. I have before remarked
that the majority of writers treat of the legislation of
Tezcuco, but, as in other matters, many authorities
who should be reliable surmount the difficulty of distinguishing
that which belongs to one system of jurisprudence
from that which belongs to another, by
speaking generally of the code that existed in Nueva
España, or among 'these people.' Most of the subjected
provinces adopted the laws of the state to which
they became subject. But this was by no means
obligatory, because as conquered nations were not
compelled to speak the language of their conquerors,
neither were they forced to make use of their laws.[522]
Let us now see what these laws were.


PUNISHMENT OF THEFT.


Theft was punished in various ways, and, it appears,
not at all in proportion to the magnitude of
the crime. Thus he who stole a certain number of
ears of corn,[523] suffered death, while he who broke
into the temples and stole therefrom, was enslaved
for the first offence and hanged for the second, and
it is distinctly stated[524] that in order to merit either
of these punishments the theft must be an extensive
456
one. In cases not specially provided for, it
appears that a petty thief became the slave of the
person from whom he had stolen; according to Ortega,
however, the injured party had the privilege
of refusing to accept the thief as a slave, in which
case the latter was sold by the judges, and with the
proceeds of the sale the complainant was reimbursed.
The same writer states that in some cases a compromise
could be effected by the offended party agreeing
to be indemnified by the thief, in which case the latter
paid into the treasury a sum equal to the amount
stolen. This statement is somewhat obscure, inasmuch
as it would be but poor satisfaction to the party robbed
to see the equivalent of that robbery paid into the
public treasury; but I understand the writer to mean
that the loser had his loss made good, and that for
the satisfaction of justice an equal amount was imposed
as a fine upon the prisoner.[525] Theft of a large
amount was almost invariably punished with death,
which was inflicted in various ways. Usually the
culprit was dragged ignominiously through the streets
and then hanged;[526] sometimes he was stoned to
death.[527] He who robbed on the highway was killed
by having his head smashed with a club;[528] he who
was caught in the act of pilfering in the market-place,
no matter how trivial the theft, was beaten to death
with sticks on the spot by the assembled multitude,
for this was considered a most heinous sin; but notwithstanding
the fearful risk incurred, it is asserted
that many were so light-fingered that it was only
necessary for a market woman to turn her head away,
and her stall would be robbed in a trice. There was
457
a regular judicial tribunal established for the settling
of disputes in the general government of the market-place,
of which I have had occasion to speak before;
but this tribunal does not appear to have troubled
itself much with persons who were caught in the act
of stealing, as it seems to have been tacitly allowed
to the people assembled in the market-place to exercise
lynch law upon the culprit.[529]


Besides these general laws for the prevention of
theft, there were others which prescribed special penalties
for those who stole certain particular articles.
For instance, Ortega tells us that the thief of silver
or gold was skinned alive and sacrificed to Xipe, the
tutelary divinity of the workers in precious metals,
such a theft being considered a direct insult to the
god.[530] In some of these cases fines were imposed.
Among a collection of laws given by Las Casas, for
the authenticity of which he does not vouch, "because,"
he says, "they were taken out of a little Indian
book of no authority," we find the following relating
to theft: If any one stole the plants, called maguey,
from which they manufactured more than twenty
articles, and which were used for making syrup, he
was compelled to pay as a fine as many cotton cloths
as the judges might decree, and if he was unable to
pay the fine imposed, or if he had stolen more than
twenty plants, he was enslaved. Whoever stole a
fishing-net or a canoe was punished in the same manner.
Whoever stole corn to the amount of twenty
ears or upward, died for it, and if he took a less
quantity, he paid that which he was sentenced to pay.
He that plucked the corn before it had formed seed,
458
suffered death. Whoever stole a tecomatl, "which is
a little gourd tied at the top with strips of red hide,
and having feather tassels at the end, used by the
lords for carrying a green powder, from which they
take in smoke through the mouth, the powder being
called in the island of Española 'tabacos'—whoever
stole one of these died for it." He that stole precious
stones, and more especially the stone called chalchiuite,
no matter from whence he took it, was stoned to
death in the market-place, because no man of the
lower orders was allowed to possess this stone.[531]


In Mexico, a distinction seems to have been made
between the thief who reaped the benefit of his crime
and him who did not; in other words, if the stolen
property was recovered intact from the thief he was
only enslaved, but if he had already disposed of his
plunder he suffered death.[532] Whether the ultimate
recovery of the property after it had passed from the
thief's hands, would answer the same end, we are not
told, but if not, then it would appear that according
to Aztec jurisprudence the culprit was punished not
so much in proportion to the actual injury he inflicted
upon others, as in accordance with the actual extent
of the crime he committed. In Michoacan, the first
theft was not severely punished, but for the second
offence the thief was thrown down a precipice and his
carcass left to the birds of prey.[533]


The murderer suffered death even though he should
be a noble and his victim but a slave.[534] In Michoacan,
459
we are told by Herrera,[535] that there was no punishment
for murder, since, through fear, the crime was
never committed. Beaumont allows that for a time
there were no murders, but says that afterwards they
became frequent, and then the criminal was dragged
along the ground until he died.[536] He who administered
poison to another, thereby causing death, died
for it, and the same punishment was awarded to him
who furnished the poison.[537]


THE FATE OF TRAITORS AND CONSPIRATORS.


Traitors, conspirators, and those who stirred up sedition
among the people or created ill feeling between
nations, were broken to pieces at the joints, their
houses razed to the ground, their property confiscated,
and their children and relations made slaves to the
fourth generation. The lord of vassals who rebelled,
unless taken captive in battle, was killed by having
his head smashed with a club; the common rebel was
tied to an oaken spit and roasted alive.[538]


In Tezcuco, he who kidnapped a child and sold it into
slavery, was hanged; in Mexico, the kidnapper was
himself sold as a slave, and of the price he brought
one half was given to the stolen child, or its parents,
460
and the other half became the property of the purchaser;
if several persons were implicated in the
crime, they were all sold as slaves.[539]


LAWS AGAINST INTOXICATION.


Drunkenness was punished with excessive rigor;
indeed, intoxicating liquor was not allowed to be
drunk, except by express permission from the judges,
and this license was only granted to invalids and persons
over fifty years of age, who, it was considered,
needed strong drink in order to warm their blood; and
even they were only permitted to partake of a limited
quantity, at each meal,[540] though according to the explanation
of Mendoza's collection old men of seventy
years were allowed to drink as much as they pleased.[541]
Moderate conviviality at weddings and public feasts,
was not forbidden, and upon these occasions the young
people were allowed to partake of the wine-cup sparingly;[542]
the same license was granted to those whose
daily occupation necessitated great bodily exertion,
such as masons, carpenters, and the like.[543] Women
in childbed were allowed to use strong drink as a
461
stimulant, but only during the first days of their confinement.
With these exceptions, the law against
drinking was strictly enforced. The young man who
became drunk was conveyed to the jail, and there
beaten to death with clubs; the young woman was
stoned to death. In some parts, if the drunkard was
a plebeian, he was sold for a slave for the first offence,
and suffered death for the second; at other times the
offender's hair was cut off in the public market-place,
he was then lashed through the principal streets, and
finally his house was razed to the ground, because,
they said, one who would give up his reason to the
influence of strong drink, was unworthy to possess a
house, and be numbered among respectable citizens.
Cutting off the hair was, as we shall see, a mode of
punishment frequently resorted to by these people,
and so deep was the degradation supposed to be attached
to it, that it was dreaded almost equally with
death itself. Should a military man, who had gained
distinction in the wars, become drunk, he was deprived
of his rank and honors, and considered thenceforth as
infamous. Conviction of this crime rendered the culprit
ineligible for all future emoluments, and especially
was he debarred from holding any public office. A
noble was invariably hanged for the first offence, his
body being afterwards dragged without the limits of
the town and cast into a stream used for that purpose
only. But a mightier influence than mere fear of the
penal law restrained the Aztec nobility and gentry
from drinking to excess; this influence was social law.
It was considered degrading for a person of quality to
touch wine at all, even in seasons of festivity when,
as I have said, it was customary and lawful for the
lower classes to indulge to a certain extent. Wine-bibbing
was looked upon as a coarse pleasure, peculiar
exclusively to the common people, and a member of
the higher orders, who was suspected of practicing
the habit, would have forfeited his social position,
even though the law had suffered him to remain unpunished.[544]
462
These heathens, however, seem to have
recognized the natural incongruity existing between
precept and practice, fully as much as the most advanced
Christian.[545]


He who employed witchcraft, charms, or incantations
for the purpose of doing injury to the community
or to individuals, was sacrificed to the gods, by
having his breast opened and his heart torn out.[546]


MISCELLANEOUS LAWS.


Whoever made use of the royal insignia or ensigns,
suffered death, and his property was confiscated.[547]
The reader will recollect that the same penalty was
inflicted upon him who should usurp the insignia or
office of the Mexican cihuacoatl, or supreme judge.
Whoever maltreated an ambassador, minister, or courier,
belonging to the king, suffered death; but ambassadors
and couriers were on their part forbidden to
leave the high road, under pain of losing their privileges.[548]
He who by force took possession of land not
belonging to him, suffered death.[549] He who sold the
land of another, or that which he held in trust, without
judicial authority, or permission from such as had
power to grant it to him, was enslaved.[550] If a piece
of land was fraudulently sold twice over, the first purchaser
held it, and the vendor was punished.[551] He
who squandered his patrimony suffered death.[552] The
463
son that raised his hand against his father or mother,
suffered death, and his children were prevented from
inheriting the property of their grand-parents. In
the same manner a father could disinherit a son
who was cowardly or cruel.[553] He who removed
boundary-marks, died for it.[554] Those who disturbed
the peace by engaging in petty fights and squabbles,
without using weapons, were confined in jail for a few
days, and obliged to make good whatever damage they
had done; for, says Las Casas, they generally revenged
themselves by breaking something. If any
one was wounded in a brawl, he who made the assault
had to defray all the expenses of curing the injured
party. But those who fought in the market-place,
were dealt with far more severely.[555] Slanderers were
treated with great severity. In Mexico, he who wilfully
calumniated another, thereby seriously injuring
his reputation, was condemned to have his lips cut off,
and sometimes his ears also. In Tezcuco, the slanderer
suffered death. The false witness had the same
penalty adjudged to him that would have been awarded
to the accused, if convicted. So great a lover of truth
was king Nezahualcoyotl, that he is said to have made
a law prescribing the death penalty to historians who
should record fictitious events.[556] Whoever obtained
464
goods on credit and did not pay for them, was enslaved,
and the delinquent taxpayer met with the
same punishment.[557]


PENALTY FOR ADULTERY.


Concerning the way in which adulterers were
treated scarcely two of the ancient writers agree,[558]
and it is probable that the law on this point
differed more or less in various parts of the Aztec
kingdoms; indeed, we have Clavigero's testimony
that in some parts of the Mexican empire
the crime of adultery was punished with greater severity
than in others, and Las Casas and Mendieta
both speak of several penalties attaching to the offence
in different localities. According to what can
be gathered on this point, it appears that adulterers
taken in flagrante delicto, or under circumstances
which made their guilt a moral certainty, were stoned
to death. A species of trial was granted to the culprits,
but if, as some writers assert, confession of guilt
was extorted by torture,[559] this trial must have been as
much a mockery of justice as were the proceedings of
most European courts of law at that period. The
amount of evidence necessary to convict is uncertain.
Veytia says that accusation by the husband was in
itself sufficient proof.[560] Las Casas and Torquemada,
however, who are both far older authorities, tell us
that no man or woman was punished for adultery upon
465
the unsupported testimony of the husband, but that
other witnesses, and the confession of the defendants
were necessary to procure their conviction.[561] Usually
if the condemned adulterers were of the lower orders,
they were taken out into a public place and there
stoned to death by the assembled multitude, and few
of the old writers omit to remark that this manner of
death was almost painless, since no sooner was the
first stone thrown than the poor wretch was immediately
covered with a pile of missiles, so great was the
number of his executioners, and so eager was each to
take a hand in the killing. Another common mode
of execution consisted in placing the head of the condemned
upon a stone, and smashing his skull by letting
another stone fall upon it.[562] The noble convicted
of the same crime was not killed in this public manner,
but was strangled in jail; and as a mark of respect
to his rank, his head, after death, was adorned
with plumes of green feathers, and the body was then
burned. Adulterers who were found guilty merely
upon circumstantial evidence also suffered death by
strangulation. It was strictly forbidden for a husband
to take the law into his own hands, and he who should
seek to avenge his honor by slaying his wife or her
paramour, even though he took them in the act of
adultery, suffered death; in the same manner should
the criminal endeavor to save himself by killing the
injured husband, his fate was to be roasted alive before
a slow fire, his body being basted with salt and water
that death might not come to his relief too soon.[563]
An adulterer could not escape the law on the plea of
drunkenness,[564] and, indeed, had such an excuse been
466
held admissible, little would have been gained by exchanging
the fate of the adulterer for that of the
drunkard. The trespass of a married man with a free
unmarried woman was not considered to constitute
adultery, nor punished as such, so that the husband
was not bound to so much fidelity as was exacted
from the wife. I have before remarked that although
the crime of adultery was punished in all parts of the
Aztec empire, yet the penalty inflicted differed in point
of severity and in manner of execution. Thus, in the
province of Ixcatlan, if we may believe Clavigero, a
woman accused of this crime was summoned before
the judges, and if the proofs of her guilt were satisfactory,
she was there and then torn to pieces, and her
limbs were divided among the witnesses, while in
Itztepec the guilty woman's husband cut off her ears
and nose, thus branding her as infamous for life.[565] In
some parts of the empire the husband who cohabited
with his wife after it had been proved that she had
violated her fidelity, was severely punished.[566]


UNNATURAL CRIMES.


Carnal connection with mother, sister, step-mother
or step-sister, was punished by hanging; Torquemada
says the same penalty was incurred by him who had
connection with his mother-in-law, because they considered
it a sin for a man to have access to both mother
and daughter. Intercourse between brother-in-law
and sister-in-law was, however, not criminal, and, indeed,
it was customary for a man to raise up seed to
his deceased brother by marrying his widow.[567] He
who attempted to ravish a maiden, whether in the
field, or in her father's house, suffered death.[568] In
Michoacan, the ravisher's mouth was split from ear
467
to ear with a flint knife, and he was afterwards impaled.[569]
In Mexico, those who committed sodomy were
hanged; in Tezcuco, the punishment for unnatural
crime was characteristically brutal. The active
agent was bound to a stake, completely covered
with ashes and so left to die; the entrails of the passive
agent were drawn out through his anus, he also
was then covered with ashes, and, wood being added,
the pile was ignited.[570] In Tlascala, the sodomite was
not punished by law, but was scouted by society, and
treated with scorn and contempt by all who knew
him.[571] From the extreme severity of the laws enacted
by the later sovereigns for the suppression of
this revolting vice, and from the fact that persons
were especially appointed by the judicial authorities
to search the provinces for offenders of this class, it is
evident that unnatural love had attained a frightful
popularity among the Aztecs. Father Pierre de
Gand, or, as he is sometimes known, de Mura, bears
terrible testimony to this; he writes: "Un certain
nombre de prêtres n'avaient point de femmes, sed
eorum loco pueros quibus abutebantur. Ce péché était
si commun dans ce pays, que, jeunes ou vieux, tous en
étaient infectés; ils y étaient si adonnés, que mêmes
des enfants de six ans s'y livraient."[572]


Las Casas relates that in several of the more remote
provinces of Mexico unnatural vice was tolerated, if
not actually permitted,[573] and it is not improbable that
468
in earlier times this was the case in the entire empire.
Inexpressibly revolting as the sin must appear to a
modern mind, yet we know that pederasty has obtained
among peoples possessed of a more advanced
civilization than the Aztecs. In ancient Greece this
unnatural passion prevailed to such an extent that it
was regarded as heroic to resist it. Plutarch, in his
Life of Agesilaus, cannot praise too highly the self-control
manifested by that great man in refraining
from gratifying a passion he had conceived for a boy
named Megabates, which Maximus Tyrius says deserves
greater praise than the heroism of Leonidas;
Diogenes Laertius, in his Life of Zeno, the founder
of stoicism, the most austere of all ancient sects,
praises that philosopher for being but little addicted
to this vice; Sophocles, the Tragic Homer, and the
Attic Bee, is said by Athenæus to have been especially
addicted to it. Moralists were known to praise
it as the bond of friendship, and it was spoken of as
inspiring the enthusiasm of the heroic legion of
Epaminondas. The defeat of the Romans by Hannibal
at Cannæ was said to be caused by the jealousy
of Juno, because a beautiful boy had been introduced
into the temple of Jupiter. Las Casas tells us that
pederasty was tolerated because they believed that
their gods practiced it.[574] In precisely the same manner
469
did the ancient Greeks make the popular religion
bend to the new vice, and, by substituting Ganymede
for Hebe as heavenly cup-bearer, make the head of all
Olympus set an example of unnatural love.


LAWS RESPECTING CHASTITY.


The priest who violated his vow of chastity was
banished; his house was demolished and his property
confiscated.[575] Pimps were publicly disgraced in
the market-place, by having their hair burnt off so
close to the head that the drops of resin falling from
the burning pitch-pine chips fell upon and seared the
scalp; if the persons for whom the panderage was
committed were of high rank, a greater penalty was
inflicted upon the pander.[576] This was the law in
Mexico; in Tezcuco, according to the historian of the
Chichimecs, the pimp suffered death in all cases.[577]


Simple fornication was not punished, unless it was
committed by a noble lady, or with a maiden consecrated
to the service of the gods, in which cases it
was death. Fornication with the concubine of another
also went unpunished, unless they had been
living a long time together, and were in consequence,
according to custom, considered man and wife. If
any one had connection with a slave, and the woman
died during her pregnancy, or in giving birth to the
child, then the offender became a slave; but if she
was safely delivered, the child was free and was taken
care of by the father.[578] The woman who took any
drug to procure an abortion, and she who furnished
470
the drug, both suffered death.[579] If one woman sinned
carnally with another, both died for it.[580] The man
who went about the streets dressed as a woman, or
the woman who dressed as a man, was slain.[581]


In this account are comprised nearly all the special
laws of the Aztecs which have been preserved, with
the exception of those relating to military matters,
marriage, divorce, and slavery, all of which I have
already had occasion to consider.


That the Aztec code was a severe and brutal one
there can be no denial, but that it was more severe
and brutal than was necessary, is, as I have before
remarked, doubtful. We have already seen that a
horrible death was the inevitable fate of those detected
stealing in the market-place, yet we are told
that did the owner of a stall but turn away his head
for a moment, his wares would be pilfered. A people
accustomed almost daily to see human blood poured
out like water in sacrifice to their gods, must of
necessity have been hardened to the sight of suffering,
and upon such none but an execution of the
most revolting description could create an impression
of awe or fear. It appears remarkable that punishments
involving only disgrace should have been
adopted by such a people, yet it is doubtful whether
slavery was not considered a lighter punishment
than having the hair burned off in the public market.
Some of the Aztec monarchs evinced a desire to be
as lenient as the stubborn nature of their subjects
would allow, but the yoke upon the people, if it were
in any degree to control them, must at best be a heavy
one; in short, despotism of the harshest was necessary
and indispensable to them in their stage of civilization.
471


NEZAHUALCOYOTL AND THE BOY.


Nezahualcoyotl, king of Tezcuco, was especially
merciful and considerate towards his subjects. For
instance, he ordered that corn should be planted, at
the expense of government, by the roadside, in order
that none who were guilty of stealing from the fields,
might excuse themselves on the ground of hunger.[582]
It is related that this monarch went frequently among
his people in disguise, for the purpose of discovering
their grievances and general condition, and some of
the adventures he met with on these occasions are as
entertaining as any told by Sheherezade of the Good
Caliph. I select one, not because it is the best, but
because it points more particularly to Nezahualcoyotl's
benevolence and love of justice. During the
reign of this monarch, owing to the immense consumption
of wood, the use of oil and tallow being
then unknown, the forests began to grow thin, and
the king foreseeing that unless some precautions were
taken, there would soon be a scarcity of wood in the
kingdom, ordered that within certain limits no wood
should be touched. Now it happened one day, when
the king was abroad in disguise, and accompanied
only by his brother Quauhtlehuanitzin, that they
passed by the skirts of a forest wherein it was prohibited
to cut or gather wood. Here they found a
boy who was engaged in picking up the light chips
and twigs that had been carried by the wind outside
of the enclosure, because in this locality the inhabitants
were very numerous, and had exhausted all the
timber that was not reserved by law. Nezahualcoyotl,
seeing that under the trees of the forest there lay
a great quantity of fallen wood, asked the boy why
he contented himself with dry leaves and scattered
twigs when so great an abundance of fuel lay close at
hand. The boy answered that the king had forbidden
the people to gather wood in the forest, and
472
therefore he was obliged to take whatever he could
get. The king told him to go, nevertheless, into the
forest and help himself to fuel, and none would be
the wiser, for that he and his companion would say
nothing of the matter. But the boy rebuked them,
saying that they must be traitors to the king who
would persuade him to do this thing, or that they
sought to avenge themselves upon his parents by
bringing misfortune upon their son, and he refused to
enter the forbidden ground. Then was the king
much pleased with the boy's loyalty, and seeing the
distress to which the people were reduced by the
severity of the forest laws, he afterwards had them
altered.[583]


CHAPTER XV.


NAHUA ARTS AND MANUFACTURES.



473



Metals Used and Manner of Obtaining Them—Working of Gold
and Silver—Wonderful Skill in Imitating—Gilding and Plating—Working
in Stone—Lapidary Work—Wood Carving—Manufacture
of Pottery—Various Kinds of Cloth—Manufacture
of Paper and Leather—Preparation of Dyes and
Paints—The Art of Painting—Feather Mosaic Work—Leaf-Mats—Manner
of Kindling Fire—Torches—Soap—Council of
Arts in Tezcuco—Oratory and Poetry—Nezahualcoyotl's
Odes on the Mutability of Life and the Tyrant Tezozomoc—Aztec
Arithmetical System.



Gold, silver, copper, tin, and lead were the metals
known to and used by the Nahuas. The latter, however,
is merely mentioned, and nothing is known about
where it was obtained or for what purposes it was employed.
We have only very slight information respecting
the processes by which any of the metals were
obtained. Gold came to the cities of Anáhuac chiefly
from the southern Nahua provinces, through the
agency of traders and tax-gatherers; silver and tin
were taken from the mines of Taxco and Tzompanco;
copper was obtained from the mountains of Zacatollan,
the province of the Cohuixcas, and from Michoacan.
Nuggets of gold and masses of native copper
were found on the surface of the ground in certain
regions; gold was chiefly obtained, however, from the
sand in the bed of rivers by divers. It was kept, in
474
the form of dust, in small tubes or quills, or was
melted in small pots, by the aid of hollow bamboo
blow-pipes used instead of bellows, and cast in small
bars. Prescott tells us that these metals were also
mined from veins in the solid rock, extensive galleries
being opened for the purpose. Quicksilver, sulphur,
alum, ochre, and other minerals were collected
to a certain extent and employed by the natives in the
preparation of colors and for other purposes.[584] The
use of iron, though that metal was abundant in the
country, was unknown. Such metals as they had they
were most skillful in working, chiefly by melting and
casting, and by carving, but also to some extent by
the use of the hammer. We have no details of the
means employed to melt the harder metals, besides
the rude blow-pipe and furnace mentioned in connection
with gold.


For cutting implements copper was the only metal
used, but it was hardened with an alloy of tin until
it sufficed to cut the hardest substances nearly as
well as steel.[585] The pure and softer metal was used
to make kettles and other vessels. Copper tools
were, however, rare compared with those of stone,
and seem to have been used chiefly in working wood
where a sharp and enduring edge was required.
Such tools usually took the form of axes and chisels.
475
Sticks for working the ground, the nearest Nahua
approach to the plow, were also often tipped with
copper, as we have seen. Metal was not much used
in making weapons, not being found in swords or
arrow-heads, but employed with obsidian in spearheads
and on the maza, or club. Both copper and
tin dishes and plates are mentioned but were not
in common use. In the manufacture of implements
of copper and tin these metals were wrought by means
of stone hammers and not cast.[586]


GOLD AND SILVER SMITHS.


No branch of Nahua art was carried to a higher degree
of perfection than the ornamental working of
gold and silver. The conquerors were struck with
admiration on beholding the work of the native goldsmiths;
they even in some cases frankly acknowledge
that they admired the work more than the material,
and saved the most beautiful specimens from the melting
furnace, the greatest compliment these gold-greedy
adventurers could pay to native art. Many of the
finer articles were sent as presents and curiosities to
European princes, who added their testimony to that
of the conquerors, pronouncing the jewelry in many
instances superior to the work of old-world artists.
Azcapuzalco was the headquarters of the workers in
gold and silver.[587] The imitation of natural objects,
476
particularly animals, birds, and fishes, was a favorite
field for the display of this branch of Nahua talent.
The conqueror Cortés tells us that Montezuma had in
his collection a counterfeit in gold, silver, stones, or
feathers, of every object under heaven in his dominions,
so skillfully made, so far as the work in metal
was concerned, that no smith in the world could excel
them. This statement is repeated by every writer on
the subject. Dr Hernandez, the naturalist, in preparing
a treatise on Mexican zoology for Philip II., is
said to have supplied his want of real specimens of
certain rare species by a resort to these imitations.[588]
The native artists are said to have fashioned animals
and birds with movable heads, legs, wings, and tongues,
an ape with a spindle in its hands in the act of spinning
and in certain comic attitudes; and what particularly
interested and surprised the Spaniards was the
art—spoken of by them as a lost art—of casting the
parts of an object of different metals each distinct
from the rest but all forming a complete whole, and
this, as the authorities say, without soldering. Thus
a fish was molded with alternate scales of gold and
silver, plates were cast in sections of the same metal,
and loose handles were attached to different vessels.[589]



477


GILDING AND PLATING.


After the Spaniards came, the native artisans had
a new and wide field for the display of their skill, in
imitating the numerous products of European art.
A slight examination, often obtained by stealthily
looking into the shop windows, enabled them to reproduce
and not unfrequently to improve upon the
finest articles of jewelry and plate.[590]


Clavigero says that vessels of copper or other inferior
metal were gilded, by employing an unknown
process in which certain herbs were used, and which
would have made the fortune of a goldsmith in Spain
and Italy. Oviedo also tells us that various ornamental
articles were covered with thin gold plate.[591]
To enumerate the articles manufactured by the Nahua
gold and silver smiths, and included in the long
lists of presents made by Montezuma and other chieftains
to their conquerors is impracticable; they included
finely modeled goblets, pitchers, and other
vessels for the tables of the kings and nobility; frames
for stone mirrors and rich settings for various precious
stones; personal ornaments for the wealthy, and especially
for warriors, including rings, bracelets, eardrops,
beads, helmets and various other portions
of armor; small figures in human form worn as
charms or venerated as idols; and finally the most
gorgeous and complicated decorations for the larger
idols, and their temples and altars.[592]



478


Little is known of the methods or implements by
which the workers in gold accomplished such marvelous
results. The authors tell us that they excelled
particularly in working the precious metals by means
of fire; and the furnaces already mentioned are pictured
in several of the Aztec picture-writings as
simple vessels, perhaps of earthen ware, various in
form, heaped with lumps of metal, and possibly with
wood and coal, from which the tongues of flame protrude,
as the workman sits by his furnace with his
bamboo blow-pipe. How they cast or molded the
molten gold into numerous graceful and ornamental
forms is absolutely unknown. The process by which
these patient workers carved or engraved ornamental
figures on gold and silver vessels by means of their
implements of stone and hardened copper, although
not explained, may in a general way be easily imagined.
They worked also to some extent with the
hammer, but as gold-beaters they were regarded as
inferior workmen, using only stone implements. The
art of working in the precious metals was derived
traditionally from the Toltecs, and the gold and silversmiths
formed in Mexico a kind of corporation under
the divine guidance of the god Xipe.[593]



479


WORKING IN STONE.


Stone was the material of most Nahua implements.
For this purpose all the harder kinds found in the
country were worked, flint, porphyry, basalt, but especially
obsidian, the native iztli. Of this hard material,
extensively quarried some distance north of Mexico,
nearly all the sharp-edged tools were made. These
tools, such as knives, razors, lancets, spear and arrow
heads, were simply flakes from an obsidian block.
The knives were double-edged and the best of them
slightly curved at the point. The maker held a round
block of iztli between his bare feet, pressed with his
chest and hands on a long wooden instrument, one end
of which was applied near the edge of the block, and
thus split off knife after knife with great rapidity,
which required only to be fitted to a wooden handle to
be ready for use. The edge thus produced was at first
as sharp as one of steel, but became blunted by slight
use, when the instrument must be thrown away.
Thus Las Casas tells us that ten or fifteen obsidian
razors were required to shave one man's beard. Stone
knives seem rarely if ever to have been sharpened by
grinding.[594] Of obsidian were made the knives used
in the sacrifice of human victims, and the lancets used
in bleeding for medicinal purposes and in drawing
blood in the service of the gods. For bleeding, similar
480
knives are said to be still used in Mexico.[595] The
use of stone in the manufacture of weapons has been
mentioned in another chapter. Masks and even rings
and cups were sometimes worked from obsidian and
other kinds of stone. Axes were of flint, jade, or
basalt, and were bound with cords to a handle of hard
wood, the end of which was split to receive it.[596] Torquemada
says that agricultural implements were made
of stone.[597] Mirrors were of obsidian, or of margajita,—spoken
of by some as a metal, by others as a
stone,—often double-faced, and richly set in gold.[598]


The quarrying of stone for building and sculpture
was done by means of wooden and stone implements,
by methods unknown but adequate to the working of
the hardest material. Stone implements alone seem
to have been used for the sculpture of idols, statues,
and architectural decorations. A better idea of the
excellence of the Nahuas in the art of stone-carving
may be formed from the consideration of antiquarian
relics in another volume than from the remarks of the
early chroniclers. Most of the sculptured designs
were executed in soft material, in working which flint
instruments would be almost as effective as those of
steel; but some of the preserved specimens are carved
in the hardest stone, and must have taxed the sculptor's
patience to the utmost even with hard copper
chisels. The idols and hieroglyphics on which the
native art was chiefly exercised, present purposely distorted
481
figures and are a poor test of the artists' skill;
according to traditional history portrait-statues of the
kings were made, and although none of these are
known to have survived, yet a few specimens in the
various collections indicate that the human face and
form in true proportions were not beyond the scope of
American art; and the native sculptors were, moreover,
extremely successful in the modeling of animals
in stone.[599]


WORKING OF PRECIOUS STONES.


The Nahuas were no less skillful in working precious
stones than gold and silver. Their Toltec ancestors
possessed the same skill and used to search for
the stones at sunrise, being directed to the hidden
treasure by the vapor which rose from the place that
concealed it. All the stones found in the country
were used for ornamental purposes, but emeralds,
amethysts, and turquoises were most abundant. The
jewels were cut with copper tools with the aid of a
silicious sand. Single stones were carved in various
forms, often those of animals, and set in gold, or sometimes
formed into small cups or boxes. Pearls, mother
of pearl, and bright-colored shells were used with
the precious stones in the formation of necklaces,
bracelets, ear-rings, and other decorations for the
nobles or for the idols. Various articles of dress or
armor were completely studded with gems tastefully
482
arranged, and a kind of mosaic, with which wooden
masks for the idols were often covered, attracted
much attention among the Spaniards. Mirrors of
rock crystal, obsidian, and other stones, brightly polished
and encased in rich frames, were said to reflect
the human face as clearly as the best of European
manufacture.[600]


Trees were felled with copper hatchets, hewn with
the same instruments into beams, and dragged by
slaves over rollers to the place where they were
needed for building. Some of the chief idols, as for
instance that of Huitzilopochtli, according to Acosta,
were of wood, but wood-carving was not apparently
carried to a high degree of perfection. Some boxes,
furnished with lids and hinges, also tables and chairs,
were made of wood, which was the chief material of
weapons and agricultural implements. The authorities
devote but few words to the workers in wood,
who, however, after the conquest seem to have become
quite skillful under Spanish instruction, and
with the aid of European tools. Fire-wood was sold
483
in the markets; and Las Casas also tells us that charcoal
was burned.[601]


MANUFACTURE OF POTTERY.


At Cholula the best pottery was made, but
throughout the whole country nearly all the dishes
used were of clay. Pots, kettles, vases, plates for
domestic use, as well as censers and other utensils for
the temple service, also idols, beads, and various ornaments
were modeled from this material. The early
Spaniards were enthusiastic in praising the native
potters' skill, but beyond the statement that vessels
of earthen ware were glazed and often tastefully decorated,
they give no definite information respecting
this branch of manufactures. Many small earthen
trumpets, or flageolets, capable of producing various
sounds, and of imitating the cries of different birds,
have been found in different parts of the Mexican
Republic. Fortunately relics of pottery in every form
are of frequent occurrence in the museums, and from
the description of such relics in another volume the
excellence of Aztec pottery may be estimated. Besides
the earthen dishes, and vessels of metal and
carved wood, some baskets were made, and drinking-cups
or bowls of different sizes and shapes were
484
formed from the hollow shells of gourds. These were
known as xicalli, later jicaras, and tecomatl.[602] Seashells
were also used as dishes to some extent.[603]


The finer kinds of cloth were made of cotton, of
rabbit-hair, of the two mixed, or of cotton mixed with
feathers. The rabbit-hair fabrics were pronounced
equal in finish and texture to silk, and cotton cloths
were also fine and white. Fabrics of this better class
were used for articles of dress by the rich, nobles, and
priests; they were both woven and dyed in variegated
colors. The cloths in the manufacture of which feathers
were employed often served for carpets, tapestry,
and bed-coverings. Maguey-fibre, and that of the
palm-leaves icxotl and izhuatl were woven into coarse
cloths, the maguey-cloth being known as nequen.
This nequen and the coarser kinds of cotton were
the materials with which the poorer classes clothed
themselves. The palm and maguey fibres were prepared
for use in the same manner as flax in other
countries, being soaked in water, pounded, and dried.
The same material served also for cords, ropes, and
mats. A coarser kind of matting was, however,
made of different varieties of reeds. All the work of
spinning and weaving was performed by the women,
485
forming indeed their chief employment. The spindle
used in spinning, shown in many of the Aztec
manuscripts, was like a top, which was set whirling in
a shallow dish, the fibre being applied to its pointed
upper extremity until the impetus was exhausted.
All we know of the native process of weaving is derived
from the native paintings, a sample of which
from the Mendoza Collection, showing a woman engaged
in weaving, may be seen in chapter xvii. of this
volume.[604]


MAKING OF CLOTH AND PAPER.


Paper, in Aztec amatl, used chiefly as a material on
which to paint the hieroglyphic records to be described
in a future chapter, was made for the most part of
maguey-fibre, although the other fibres used in the
manufacture of cloth were occasionally mixed with
those of this plant. The material must have been
pressed together when wet, and the product was generally
very thick, more like a soft paste-board than
our paper. The surface was smooth and well adapted
to the painting which it was to bear. Certain gums
are said to have been used for the more perfect coherence
of the fibre, and the amatl was made in long
narrow sheets suitable for rolling or folding. Humboldt
describes certain bags of oval form, the work of
a species of caterpillars, on the trees in Michoacan.
They are white and may be separated into thin layers,
which, as the author states, were used by the ancient
486
inhabitants in the manufacture of a superior kind
of paper.[605]


The skins of animals killed by the Nahua hunters
were tanned both with and without the hair, by a process
of which the authorities say nothing, although
universally praising its results. The leather was
used in some cases as a sort of parchment for hieroglyphic
writings, but oftener for articles of dress,
ornament, or armor.[606]


DYEING AND PAINTING.


In the preparation of dyes and paints, both mineral,
animal, and vegetable colors were employed, the
latter extracted from woods, barks, leaves, flowers,
and fruits. In the art of dyeing they probably excelled
the Europeans, and many of their dyes have
since the conquest been introduced throughout the
world. Chief among these was the cochineal, nochiztli,
an insect fed by the Nahuas on the leaves of the
nopal, from which they obtained beautiful and permanent
red and purple colors for their cotton fabrics.
The flower of the matlalxihuitl supplied blue shades;
indigo was the sediment of water in which branches
of the xiuhquilipitzahuac had been soaked; seeds of
the achiotl boiled in water yielded a red, the French
487
roucou; ochre, or tecozahuitl, furnished yellow, as did
also the plant xochipalli, the latter being changed to
orange by the use of nitre; other shades were produced
by the use of alum; the stones chimaltizatl and
tizatlalli being calcined, produced something like
Spanish white; black was obtained from a stinking
mineral, tlaliac, or from the soot of a pine called
ocotl. In mixing paints they used chian-oil, or sometimes
the glutinous juice of the tzauhtli. The numerous
dye-woods of the tierra caliente, now the chief
exports from that region, were all employed by the
native dyers. It is probable that many of the secrets
of this branch of Nahua art were never learned by
the Spaniards.[607]


The Nahua paintings showed no great artistic
merit, being chiefly noticeable for the excellence of
the colors. Very few specimens have been preserved
for modern examination, except the hieroglyphic
paintings in which most of the figures are hideously
and, as it is supposed, purposely distorted, and consequently
no criterion of the artist's skill. It is not
known that the Nahuas ever attempted to paint
natural scenery, except that they prepared maps of
sections of their territory on which they rudely represented
the mountains, rivers, and forests, indicating
the lands of different owners or lords by the use of
different colors. They sometimes made portraits of
the kings and nobles, but the Spanish chroniclers
admit that they exhibited much less skill in picturing
the human form and face than in drawing animals,
birds, trees, and flowers. Some modern critics of
lively imagination have, however, detected indications
of great artistic genius in the awkward figures of the
488
picture-writings. Native painters, when Cortés arrived
on the coast, painted his ships, men, horses,
cannon, in fact everything new and strange in the
white men's equipment, and hurried with the canvas
to Montezuma at the capital. Very little is known
of ornamental painting on the walls of private dwellings,
but that on the temples naturally partook to a
great extent of a hieroglyphic character. The durability
of the paintings on cloth and paper, especially
when rubbed occasionally with oil, was remarked by
many observers, as was also the skill displayed by the
natives later under Spanish instruction.[608]


FEATHER-MOSAIC.


The mixture of feathers with cotton and other fibres
in the manufacture of clothing, tapestry, carpets, and
bed-coverings has already been mentioned. For such
fabrics plain colors from ducks and other aquatic birds
were generally employed, brighter hues being occasionally
introduced for ornamental purposes. Feathers
also played an important part in the decoration of
warriors' armor, the tail-feathers of the bright-hued
quetzal being the favorites. These were formed into
brilliant plumes, often tipped with gold and set in
precious stones. Beautiful fans were made of the
same material. But the art which of all those practiced
by the Nahuas most delighted and astonished
the Europeans, was the use of feathers in the making
of what has been called feather-mosaic. The myriads
489
of tropical birds in which the forests of the tierra
caliente abounded, chief among which were the quetzal,
many varieties of the parrot kind, and the huitzilin,
or humming-bird, supplied feathers, fine and
coarse, of every desired color and shade. It was for
this use chiefly that the royal and other collections of
birds, already described, were so carefully kept. These
captive birds were plucked each year at the proper
season, and their plumage sorted according to color
and quality. Some shades only to be obtained from
the rarest birds, were for ordinary feather-work artificially
produced by dyeing the white plumage of more
common birds.


To prepare for work the amanteca, or artist, arranged
his colors in small earthen dishes within easy
reach of his hand, stretched a piece of cloth on a board
before him, and provided himself with a pot of glue—called
by Clavigero tzauhtli,—and a pair of very
delicate pincers. The design he wished to execute
was first sketched roughly on the cloth, and then with
the aid of the pincers feather after feather was taken
from its dish and glued to the canvas. The Spanish
writers marvel at the care with which this work was
done; sometimes, they say, a whole day was consumed
in properly choosing and adjusting one delicate feather,
the artist patiently experimenting until the hue and
position of the feather, viewed from different points
and under different lights, became satisfactory to his
eye. When a large piece was to be done, many workmen
assembled, a part of the work was given to each,
and so skillfully was the task performed that the parts
rarely failed at the end to blend into an harmonious
whole; but if the effect of any part was unsatisfactory
it must be commenced anew. By this method a
great variety of graceful patterns were wrought, either
fanciful, or taken from natural objects, flowers, animals,
and even the human face, which latter the native
artists are said to have successfully portrayed.
Las Casas tells us they made these feather-fabrics so
490
skillfully that they appeared of different colors according
to the direction from which they were viewed.
The Spaniards declare that the feather-pictures were
fully equal to the best works of European painters,
and are at a loss for words to express their admiration
of this wonderful Nahua invention; specimens of great
beauty have also been preserved and are to be seen in
the museums. Besides mantles and other garments,
tapestry, bed-coverings, and other ornamental fabrics
for the use of the noble and wealthy classes, to which
this art was applied, the feather-mosaic was a favorite
covering for the shields and armor of noted warriors.
By the same process masks were made representing
in a manner true to nature the faces of fierce
animals; and even the whole bodies of such animals
were sometimes counterfeited, as Zuazo says, so faithfully
as to deceive the ignorant observer. The Tarascos
of Michoacan were reputed to be the most skillful
in feather-work.[609]


The feather-workers were called amantecas from
Amantla, the name of the ward of Mexico in which
491
they chiefly lived. This ward adjoined that of Pochtlan,
where lived the chief merchants called pochtecas,
and the shrine of the amantecas' god Ciotliahuatl,
was also joined to that of the merchants' god Iyacatecutli.
The feather-workers and merchants were closely
united, there was great similarity in all their idolatrous
rites, and they often sat together at the same
banquet.[610]


Another art, similar in its nature to that of the
feather-mosaics, was that of pasting leaves and flowers
upon mats so as to form attractive designs for temporary
use on the occasion of special festivals. The
natives made great use of these flower-pictures after
the conquest in the decoration of the churches for
Catholic holidays.[611]


The Nahuas kindled a fire like their more savage
brethren by friction between two pieces of wood,
achiotl being the kind of wood preferred for this purpose.
Boturini, followed by later writers, states that
the use of the flint was also known. Once kindled,
the flames were fanned by the use of a blow-pipe.
For lights, torches of resinous wood were employed,
especially the ocotl, which emitted a pleasing odor.
The use of wicks with oil or wax was apparently unknown
until after the coming of Europeans. Substitutes
for soap were found in the fruit of the copalxocotl
and root of the amolli.


THE COUNCIL OF ARTS IN TEZCUCO.


All the branches of art among the Nahuas were
placed under the control of a council or academy
which was instituted to favor the development of poetry,
oratory, history, painting, and also to some extent
of sculpture and work in gold, precious stones, and
feathers. Tezcuco was the centre of all high art and
refinement during the palmy days of the Chichimec
empire, and retained its preëminence to a great extent
down to the coming of the Spaniards; consequently
492
its school of arts is better known than others that
probably existed in other cities. It was called the
Council of Music, although taking cognizance of other
arts and sciences, chiefly by controlling the education
of the young, since no teacher of arts could exercise
his profession without a certificate of his qualifications
from the council. Before the same body all pupils
must be brought for examination. The greatest care
was taken that no defective work of lapidary, goldsmith,
or worker in feathers should be exposed for
sale in the markets, and that no imperfectly instructed
artists should be allowed to vitiate the public taste.
But it was above all with literary arts, poetry, oratory,
and historical paintings, that this tribunal, composed
of the best talent and culture of the kingdom, had to
do, and every literary work was subject to its revision.
The members, nominated by the emperor of Tezcuco,
held daily meetings, and seats of honor were reserved
for the kings of the three allied kingdoms, although a
presiding officer was elected from the nobility with
reference to his literary acquirements. At certain
sessions of the council, poems and historical essays
were read by their authors, and new inventions were
exhibited for inspection, rich prizes being awarded for
excellence in any branch of learning.[612]


ORATORY AND POESY.


Speech-making is a prominent feature in the life
of most aboriginal tribes, and in their fondness for
oratory the Nahuas were no exceptions to the rule.
Many and long addresses accompanied the installation
of kings and all public officers; all diplomatic
correspondence between different nations was carried
on by orators; prayers to the gods were in aboriginal
as in modern times elaborate elocutionary efforts; the
departing and returning traveler was dismissed and
welcomed with a speech; condolence for misfortune
and congratulation for success were expressed in public
493
and private by the friends most skillful in the art
of speaking; social intercourse in feasts and banquets
was but a succession of speeches; and parents even
employed long discourses to impart to their children
instruction and advice. Consequently children were
instructed at an early age in the art of public speaking;
some were even specially educated as orators.
They were obliged to commit to memory, and taught
to repeat as declamations, the speeches of their most
famous ancestors, handed down from father to son for
many generations. Specimens of the orations delivered
by Nahua speakers on different occasions are
so numerous in this and the following volume, that
the reader may judge for himself respecting their
merit. It is impossible, however, to decide how far
these compositions have been modified in passing
through Spanish hands, although it is probable, according
to the judgment of the best critics, that they
retain much of the original spirit of their reputed
authors.[613]


Poets, if somewhat less numerous, were no less
honored than orators. Their compositions were also
recited, or sung, before the Council of Music in Tezcuco,
and the most talented bards were honored with
prizes. The heroic deeds of warlike ancestors, national
annals and traditions, praise of the gods, moral lessons
drawn from actual events, allegorical productions
with illustrations drawn from the beauties of
nature, and even love and the charms of woman were
the common themes. The emperor Nezahualcoyotl,
the protector and promoter of all the arts and sciences,
was himself a poet of great renown. Several
494
of his compositions, or fragments of such, have been
preserved; that is, the poems were written from memory
in Aztec with Roman letters after the conquest,
and translated into Spanish by Ixtlilxochitl, a lineal
descendant of the royal poet. They have also been
translated into other languages by various authors.
The following will serve as specimens.[614]


NEZAHUALCOYOTL'S ODES.



SONG OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL, KING OF TEZCUCO; ON THE MUTABILITY
OF LIFE.








Now will I sing for a moment,


Since time and occasion offer,


And I trust to be heard with favor


If my effort proveth deserving;


Wherefore thus I begin my singing,


Or rather my lamentation.






O thou, my friend, and beloved,


Enjoy the sweet flowers I bring thee;


Let us be joyful together


And banish each care and each sorrow;


For although life's pleasures are fleeting,


Life's bitterness also must leave us.






I will strike, to help me in singing,


The instrument deep and sonorous;


Dance thou, while enjoying these flowers,


Before the great Lord who is mighty;


Let us grasp the sweet things of the present,


For the life of a man is soon over.






Fair Acolhuacán thou hast chosen


As thy dwelling-place and thy palace;


Thou hast set up thy royal throne there,


With thine own hand hast thou enriched it;


Wherefore it seems to be certain


That thy kingdom shall prosper and flourish.




495




And thou, O wise Prince Oyoyotzin,


Mighty monarch, and King without equal,


Rejoice in the beauty of spring-time,


Be happy while spring abides with thee,


For the day creepeth nearer and nearer


When thou shalt seek joy and not find it.






A day when dark Fate, the destroyer,


Shall tear from thine hand the proud sceptre,


When the moon of thy glory shall lessen,


Thy pride and thy strength be diminished,


The spoil from thy servants be taken,


Thy kingdom and honor go from thee.






Ah, then in this day of great sorrow


The lords of thy line will be mournful,


The princes of might will be downcast,


The pride of high birth will avail not;


When thou, their great Head, hast been smitten


The pains of grim Want will assail them.






Then with bitterness will they remember


The glory and fame of thy greatness,


Thy triumphs so worthy of envy,


Until, while comparing the present


With years that are gone now forever,


Their tears shall be more than the ocean.






The vassals that cluster about thee


And are as a crown to thy kingdom,


When thine arm doth no longer uphold them,


Will suffer the fate of the exile;


In strange lands their pride will be humbled,


Their rank and their name be forgotten.






The fame of the race that is mighty,


And worthy a thousand fair kingdoms,


Will not in the future be heeded;


The nations will only remember


The justice with which they were governed


In the years when the kingdom was threefold.






In Mexico, proudest of cities,


Reigned the mighty and brave Montezuma,


Nezahualcoyotl, the just one


Of blest Culhuacán was the monarch,


To strong Totoquíl fell the portion


Of Acatlapán, the third kingdom.






But yet thou shalt not be forgotten,


Nor the good thou hast ever accomplished;


For, is not the throne that thou fillest


The gift of the god without equal,


The mighty Creator of all things,


The maker of Kings and of Princes!


496






Nezahualcoyotl, be happy


With the pleasant things that thou knowest,


Rejoice in the beautiful garden,


Wreathe thy front with a garland of flowers,


Give heed to my song and my music,


For I care but to pleasure thy fancy.






The sweet things of life are but shadows;


The triumphs, the honors, what are they


But dreams that are idle and last not


Though clothed in a semblance of being?


And so great is the truth that I utter,


I pray thee to answer this question.






Cihuapán, the valiant, where is he,


And Quauhtzintecomtzin, the mighty,


The great Cohuahuatzin, where are they?


They are dead, and have left us no token,


Save their names, and the fame of their valor;


They are gone from this world to another.






I would that those living in friendship,


Whom the thread of strong love doth encircle,


Could see the sharp sword of the Death-god.


For, verily, pleasure is fleeting,


All sweetness must change in the future,


The good things of life are inconstant.





ODE ON THE TYRANT TEZOZOMOC BY NEZAHUALCOYOTL THE KING.




Give ear unto the lamentation which I, Nezahualcoyotl the King, make
within myself for the fate of the Empire, and set forth for an example unto
others.


O King, unstable and restless, when thou art dead then shall thy people
be overthrown and confounded; thy place shall be no more; the Creator,
the All-powerful shall reign.


Who could have thought, having seen the palaces and the court, the
glory and the power of the old King Tezozomoc, that these things could
have an end? Yet have they withered and perished. Verily, life giveth
naught but disappointment and vexation; all that is, weareth out and passeth
away.


Who will not be sorrowful at the remembrance of the ancient splendor
of this tyrant, this withered old man; who, like a thirsty willow, nourished
by the moisture of his ambition and avarice, lorded it over the lowly meadows
and flowery fields while spring-time lasted, but at length, dried up and
decayed, the storms of winter tore him up by the roots and scattered him
in pieces upon the ground.


But now, with this mournful song, I bring to mind the things that flourish
for an hour, and present, in the fate of Tezozomoc, an example of the
brevity of human greatness. Who, that listens to me, can refrain from
weeping? Verily, the enjoyments and pleasures of life are as a bouquet of
flowers, that is passed from hand to hand until it fades, withers, and is dead.


Hearken unto me, ye sons of kings and of princes, take good heed and
ponder the theme of my mournful song, the things that flourish for an hour,
and the end of the King Tezozomoc. Who is he, I say again, that can hear
me and not weep? Verily, the enjoyments and pleasures of life are as a
handful of flowers, blooming for a space, but soon withered and dead.
497


Let the joyous birds sing on and rejoice in the beauty of spring, and the
butterflies enjoy the honey and perfume of the flowers, for life is as a tender
plant that is plucked and withereth away.




Granados tells us that Nezahualcoyotl's poems were
all in iambic verse, resembling in style the works of
Manilius, Seneca, Pomponius, Euripides, and Lilius.
In one of his songs he compared the shortness of life
and of its pleasures with the fleeting bloom of a
flower, so pathetically as to draw tears from the audience,
as Clavigero relates. Ixtlilxochitl narrates
that a prisoner condemned to death obtained pardon
by reciting a poem before the king. There is not
much evidence that verses were ever written in rhyme,
but the authors say that due attention was paid to
cadence and metre, and that some unmeaning syllables
were added to certain lines to accommodate the measure.
By their system of combination a single word
often sufficed for a line in the longest measure.
Many of their poetical compositions were intended for
the dramatic representations which have been spoken
of elsewhere.[615]


AZTEC ARITHMETICAL SYSTEM.


The Nahua system of numeration was very simple
and comprehensive, there being no limit to the numbers
that could be expressed by it. The following
table will give a clear idea of the method as employed
by the Aztecs:




One, ce, or cen.


Two, ome.


Three, yey, or ei.


Four, nahui.



Five, macuilli,—signifying the 'clenched hand,' one finger having been
  originally doubled, as is supposed, for each unit in
  counting from one to five.
498



Six, chico a ce.



Seven, chic ome.



Eight, chico ey.



Nine, chico nahui,—These names from six to nine are simply those
  from one to four, with a prefix whose meaning is not
  altogether clear, but which is said to be composed of
  chico, 'at one side,' and ihuan or huan, meaning
  'near another,' 'with,' or simply 'and.' These names
  may consequently be interpreted perhaps, 'one side
  (or hand) with one,' 'one hand with two,' etc., or one
  two, etc., 'with the other side.'



Ten, matlactli—that is the upper part of the body, or all the fingers of
  the hands.



Eleven, matlactli oc ce, ten and one.



Twelve, matlactli om ome, ten and two.



Thirteen, matlactli om ey, ten and three.



Fourteen, matlactli o nahui, ten and four.
  In these names oc, om, o, or on as Molina gives it,
  seems to be used as a connective particle, equivalent
  to 'and,' but I am not acquainted with its derivation.



Fifteen, caxtolli, a word to which the authorities give no derivative meaning.



Sixteen, caxtolli oc ce, fifteen and one, etc.



Twenty, cem pohualli, once twenty.
  The word pohualli means 'a count,' the number
  twenty being in a sense the foundation of the whole
  numerical system.



Twenty-one, cem pohualli oc ce, once twenty and one, etc.



Thirty, cem pohualli, ihuan (or om as Molina has it) matlactli, once twenty
  and ten.



Thirty-five, cem pohualli ihuan (or on) caxtolli, once twenty and fifteen,
  etc.



Forty, ome pohualli, twice twenty, etc.



One hundred, macuil pohualli, five times twenty.



Two hundred, matlactli pohualli, ten times twenty.



Four hundred, cen tzontli, once four hundred, 'the hair of the head.'



Eight hundred, ome tzontli, twice four hundred.



One thousand, ome tzontli ihuan matlactli pohualli, twice four hundred
  and ten times twenty.



Eight thousand, xiquipilli, a purse or sack, already mentioned as containing
  eight thousand cacao-nibs.



Sixteen thousand, ome xiquipilli, twice eight thousand.




It will be seen from the table that the only numbers
having simple names are one, two, three, four,
five, ten, fifteen, twenty, four hundred, and eight
thousand; all the rest are compounds of these constructed
on the principle that when the smaller number
follows the larger the sum of the two is expressed,
but when the smaller precedes the larger, their product
is indicated. Molina and Leon y Gama are the
chief authorities on the Nahua arithmetical system.
All the writers agree perfectly respecting its details,
but differ considerably in orthography. Molina writes
499
each compound name together as a single word, while
Gama often separates a word into its parts as I have
done in every case, following his spelling.


SYSTEM OF NUMERATION.


The manner in which the numbers were written
was as simple as the system itself. A point or small
circle indicated a unit, and these points sufficed for
the numbers from one to nineteen. Twenty was indicated
by a flag, four hundred by a feather, and eight
thousand by a purse. One character placed above
another indicated that the product was to be taken;
for instance, 160,000 might be expressed either by
twenty purses, or by a flag over a purse. To avoid
the excessive use of the unit points in writing large
and fractional numbers, each flag, feather, and purse
was divided into four quarters, and only those quarters
which were colored were to be counted. Thus
five might be expressed by five points or by a flag
with but one quarter colored; three hundred and
fifty-six would be indicated by a feather with three
quarters colored, two complete flags, three quarters
of another flag, and one point.


We have seen that twenties were used, much as
dozens are by us, as the foundation of all numeration,
but strangely enough these twenties took different
names in counting different classes of articles. The
regular name, as given in the table, is pohualli; in
counting sheets of paper, tortillas, small skins, and
other thin objects capable of being packed one above
another in small parcels, each twenty was called pilli;
in counting cloths and other articles usually formed
into large rolls, quimilli was the name applied to
twenty; and in counting persons, lines, walls, and
other things ranged in order, the term tecpantli was
sometimes employed. In reckoning birds, eggs, fruits,
seeds, and round or plump objects, generally tetl, 'a
stone,' was affixed to each one of the numerals in the
table; pantli was in the same way added for objects
arranged in regular order, and also for surface measurements;
tlamantli likewise was joined to the numerals
500
for articles sold in pairs or sets, as shoes,
dishes, etc.; while ears of corn, cacao in bunches, and
other bulky articles required the termination olotl.


Among all the Nahua nations, so far as known,
the arithmetical system was practically the same, and
was essentially decimal. Nearly all gave great prominence
to the number twenty; the Huastec language
had simple names for the numbers from one to
ten, twenty, and one thousand; the Otomí approached
still nearer our modern system by making one hundred
also one of its fundamental numbers with an
uncompounded name as well as a compounded one.[616]


Astrology, soothsaying, the interpretation of dreams,
and of auguries such as the flight or song of birds,
the sudden meeting of wild animals, or the occurrence
of other unlooked-for events, were regarded by the
Nahuas as of the greatest importance, and the practice
of such arts was entrusted to the tonalpouhqui,
'those who count by the sun,' a class of men held in
high esteem, to whom was attributed a perfect knowledge
of future events. We have seen that no undertaking,
public or private, of any importance, could be
engaged in except under a suitable and propitious sign,
and to determine this sign the tonalpouhqui was appealed
to. The science of astrology was written down
in books kept with great secrecy and mystery, altogether
unintelligible to the common crowd, whose
good or bad fortune was therein supposed to be painted.
The details of the methods employed in the mysterious
rites of divination are nowhere recorded, and the continual
mention of the seer's services throughout the
chapters of this and the following volume render this
paragraph on the subject sufficient here.


AUTHORITIES ON NAHUA ARTS.


In addition to the miscellaneous arts described in
the preceding pages, separate chapters will be devoted
501
to the Nahua calendar, hieroglyphics, architecture,
and medicine.[617]


CHAPTER XVI.


THE AZTEC CALENDAR.


502



Astronomical Knowledge of the Aztecs—Contradictions of Authors
respecting the Calendar—Value of the Researches of
Various Writers—The First Regular Calendar—The Mexican
Cycle—The Civil Year—The Aztec Months—Names of the
Days and their Signification—The Commencement of the Aztec
Year—The Ritual Calendar—Gama's Arrangement of
the Months—The Calendar-Stone—The Four Destructions
of the World—The Calendar of Michoacan—Reckoning of
the Zapotecs.



Perhaps the strongest proof of the advanced civilization
of the Nahuas was their method of computing time,
which, for ingenuity and correctness, equaled,
if it did not surpass, the systems adopted by contemporaneous
European and Asiatic nations.


The Nahuas were well acquainted with the movements
of the sun and moon, and even of some of the
planets, while celestial phenomena, such as eclipses,
although attributed to unnatural causes, were nevertheless
carefully observed and recorded. They had,
moreover, an accurate system of dividing the day into
fixed periods, corresponding somewhat to our hours;
indeed, as the learned Sr Leon y Gama has shown,
the Aztec calendar-stone which was found in the
plaza of the city of Mexico, was used not only as a
durable register, but also as a sun-dial.
503


THE AZTEC CALENDAR.


Although the system of the Aztec calendar as a
whole is clear and easily understood, yet it is extremely
difficult to describe with certainty many of
its details, owing to the contradictory statements of
nearly all the earlier writers, who visited Mexico and
there in different localities picked up scraps of what
they afterwards described as being the 'calendar of
the Mexicans,' not taking into consideration that the
many and distinct kingdoms surrounding the Aztec
territory, although using essentially the same system,
differed on many important points, such as the
names of years, months, days, the season of beginning
the year, etc. This difficulty increases when we
attempt to make Mexican dates agree with our own.
Even Boturini, who gathered his information in Mexico,
makes many mistakes; and Veytia, although we
must accord him the credit of having thoroughly
studied the subject, and of having reduced it to a
clear system, is at fault in many points. Of the older
writers, such as Sahagun, Las Casas, Duran, Motolinia,
and others, no one is explicit enough on all
points to enable us to follow him; and such details
as they unite in giving are mostly contradictory.
Torquemada, who draws a great portion of his material
from Motolinia, contradicts himself too frequently
to be reliable. Leon y Gama, although he
spent much labor in trying to clearly expound the
system, has also fallen into some errors, attributable,
perhaps, to his not having the valuable aid of Sahagun's
writings, and to his having placed too much trust
in the writings of Torquemada and the manuscript of
the Indian Cristóbal del Castillo, as is shown in the
review of Gama's work by Sr José Antonio Alzate in
the Gacetas de Literatura. Baron von Humboldt's
description, valuable as it is on account of the extended
comparisons which he draws between the
Mexican, Asiatic and Egyptian calendars, is on that
account too intricate to be easily understood. From
all these descriptions Gallatin, McCulloh, and Müller,
504
with perhaps a few others, have each given us a very
good résumé, but without attempting to reconcile all
the contradictions.


The first notice we have of any regular calendar is
given by Ixtlilxochitl, who states that in the year
5097 from the creation of the world, an assembly of
learned men met at the city of Huehuetlapallan, and
determined the reckoning of the years, days, and
months, leap years and intercalary days, in the order
in which they were found at the time of the conquest.[618]
Previous to this time it is said that the only
reckoning kept was regulated by the yearly growth
of the fresh grass and herbs from which the name of
the Mexican year xihuitl, 'new grass,' is derived. It
is also said that a rough computation of time was
made by the moon, from its appearance to its disappearance,
and that this period called metztli, 'the
moon,' was divided into two equal parts, named respectively
mextozolitzli, the time when the moon was
awake or visible, and mecochiliztli, the sleep of the
moon, or the time when it was invisible.[619] Of the
larger divisions of time, accounts are very conflicting.
Two, three, four, and five ages are said by various
writers to have existed, at the end of each of which
the world was said to have been destroyed, and recreated
at the beginning of the age next following.
The common aboriginal belief was, however, that at
the time of the conquest, the world had passed
through three ages, and was then in the fourth. The
first age, or 'sun,' as it is also called, was the Sun of
Water, atonatiuh; the second, the Sun of Earth, tlalchitonatiuh;
the third, the Sun of Air, ehecatonatiuh.[620]
505
This is about all we know of any division of time,
before the assembly at Huehuetlapallan which is said
to have introduced the regular calendar.





The Aztec Cycle.




THE MEXICAN CYCLE.


The Mexican calendar contains the following divisions
of time: The 'age,' consisting of two periods of
fifty-two years each, was called huehuetiliztli; the
'cycle,' consisting of four periods of thirteen years each,
was named xiuhmolpilli, xiuhmolpia or xiuhtlalpilli,
meaning the 'binding up of the years.' Each period
of thirteen years or, as it was called by the Spanish
historians, 'indiccion,' was known as a tlalpilli, or 'knot,'
and, as stated above, each single year was named xihuitl,
or 'new grass,' The age was not used in the
regular reckoning, and is only rarely mentioned to
designate a long space of time. The numeral prefixed
to the name of any year in the cycle, or xiuhmolpilli,
never exceeded four, and to carry out this
plan, four signs, respectively named tochtli, 'rabbit,'
calli, 'house,' tecpatl, 'flint,' and acatl, 'cane,' were
used. Thus the Aztecs commenced to count the
first year of their first cycle with the name or hieroglyphic
Ce Tochtli, meaning 'one (with the sign of)
rabbit;' and the second year was Ome Acatl, 'two,
cane;' the third, Yey Tecpatl, 'three, flint;' the fourth,
Nahui Calli, 'four, house;' the fifth, Macuilli Tochtli,
'five, rabbit;' the sixth, Chicoace Acatl, 'six, cane;'
506
the seventh, Chicome Tecpatl, 'seven, flint;' the eighth,
Chico ey Calli, 'eight, house;' the ninth, Chico nahui
Tochtli, 'nine, rabbit;' the tenth, Matlactli Acatl, 'ten,
cane;' the eleventh, Matlactli occe Tecpatl, 'eleven,
flint;' the twelfth, Matlactli omome Calli, 'twelve,
house;' and the thirteenth, Matlactli omey Tochtli,
'thirteen, rabbit.' This numeration continued in the
same manner, the second tlalpilli commencing again
with 'one, cane,' the third tlalpilli with 'one, flint,'
the fourth with 'one, house,' and so on to the end
of the cycle of fifty-two years. It will easily be seen
that during the fifty-two years none of these four
signs could be accompanied by the same number
twice, and therefore no confusion could arise. Instead,
therefore, of saying an event happened in the year
1850, as we do in our reckoning, they spoke of it as
happening, for instance, in the year of 'three, rabbit'
in the twelfth cycle.[621] Still, some confusion has been
caused among different writers by the fact that the
different nations of Anáhuac did not all commence
their cycles with the same hieroglyphic sign. Thus
the Toltecs commenced with the sign tecpatl, 'flint;'
and the Mexicans, or Aztecs, with tochtli, 'rabbit;'
while some again used acatl, 'cane;' and others calli,
'house,' as their first name.[622] A cycle was represented
in their paintings by the figures of tochtli, acatl, tecpatl,
and calli, repeated each thirteen times and placed
in a circle, round which was painted a snake holding
its tail in its mouth, and making at each of the four
cardinal points a kink with its own body, as shown in
the plate on the opposite page, which served to divide
507
the cycle into four tlalpillis.[623] These four signs, rabbit,
cane, flint, and house were also, according to Boturini,
used to designate the four seasons of the year,
the four cardinal points, and lastly, the four elements.
Thus, for instance, tecpatl also signified south; calli,
east; tochtli, north; and acatl, west. In the same
508
manner tecpatl was used to designate fire; calli,
earth; tochtli, air; and acatl, water.[624]


The civil year was again divided into eighteen
months and five days. Each month had its particular
name, but the five extra days were only designated
as nemontemi or 'unlucky days,' and children born at
this time, or enterprises undertaken, were considered
unlucky. In hieroglyphical paintings these months
were also placed in a circle, in the middle of which a
face, representing either the sun or moon, was painted.
This circle was called a xiuhtlapohualli, or 'count
of the year.' Concerning the order in which these
months followed one another, and the name of the
first month, hardly two authors agree; in the same
manner we find three or four various names given to
many of the months. It would appear reasonable to
suppose that the month immediately following the nemontemi,
which were always added at the end of the
year, would be the first, and the only difficulty here
is to know which way the Aztecs wrote; whether
from right to left or from left to right. On the circle
of the month given by Veytia, and supposed to have
been copied from an original, these five days are inserted
between the months Panquetzaliztli and Atemoztli,
and counting from left to right, this would
make Atemoztli the first month, which would agree
with Veytia's statement. But Gama and others decidedly
dissent from this opinion, and name other
months as the first. I reserve further consideration
of this subject for another place in this chapter, where
in connection with other matters it can be more clearly
discussed, and content myself with simply inserting
here a table of the names of the months as enumerated
by the principal authors, in order to show at a
glance the many variations. I also append to it the
different dates given for the first day of the year, in
which there are as many contradictions as in the
names and position of the months.


NAMES OF MEXICAN MONTHS ACCORDING TO VARIOUS AUTHORS.





AUTHORS.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.




Sahagun.
Atlacahualco, or Quavitleloa.
Tlacaxipeoaliztli.
Tozoztontli.
Veytocoztli.
Toxcatl.




Motolinia.
 
 
 
 
 




Acosta.
 
 
 
 
 




Gomara.
Tlacaxipeualiztli.
Tozçuztli.
Hueitozçuztli.
Toxcatl, or Tepupochuiliztli
Eçalcoaliztli.




Martin de Leon.[625] 
Atlcahualo.
Tlacaxipehualiztli.
Toçoztontli.
Hueitoçoztontli.
Tochcatl.




Duran.
Xuchitzitzquilo, or Quauitlehua, or Atlmotzacuaga, or Xilomaniztly.
Tlacaxipehualiztli.
Tozoztontly.
Ochpaniztly, or Cueytozoztly.
Toxcatl.




Codex Vaticanus.
Atlcaualo.
Tlacaxipeualiztli.
Tocozintli.
Veitozcoztli.
Toxcatl.




Torquemada.
Atlacahualco, or Quahuitlehua.
Tlacaxipehualiztli.
Toçoztontli.
Hueytoçoztli.
Toxcatl.




Vetancvrt.
Atlachualco, or Quahuilchua.
Tlacaxipehualiztli.
Tocoztontli.
Hueytocoztli.
Teoxcalt.




Vetancvrt (Tlascaltec names).
Xilomatihuitztli.
Coylhuitl.
 
 
 




Gemelli Carreri.
Tlacaxipehualitztli.
Tozoztli.
Hueytozoztli.
Toxcatl.
Etzalcualiztli.




Laet.
Tlacaxipenaliztli.
Toxcactli.
Hueitozcuztli.
Toxcatl, or Tepupochuiliztli.
Ezalioalixtli.




Veytia.
Atemoztli.
Tititl.
Itzcalli.
Xilomaniztli.
Cohuailhuitl.




Lorenzana.
Atemoztli.
Tititl.
Yzcalli.
Xilomanizte.
Cohuailhuitl.




Clavigero.
Atlacahualco.
Tlacaxipehualiztli.
Tozoztontli.
Hueitozoztli.
Toxcatl.




Gama.[626]
Tititl, or Itzcalli.
Itzcalli, or Xochilhuitl.
Xilomanalixtli, or Atlcahualco, or Quahuitlehua, or Cihuailhuitl.
Tlacaxipehualiztli, or Cohuailhuitl.
Tozoztontli.




Klemm.
Acahualco.
Tlacaxipehualitztli.
Tozozontli.
Hueitozoptli.
Texcatl.




Mueller.
Tlacaxipehualiztli, or Cohuailhuitl.
Tozoztontli.
Huey Tozoztli.
Toxcatl, or Tepopochuiliztli.
Etzalqualiztli.




Brasseur de Bourbourg.
Atlacahualco.
Tlacaxipehualiztli.
Tozoztontli.
Huey-Tozoztli.
Toxcatl.




Carbajal Espinosa.
Atlacahualco.
Tlacaxipehualiztli.
Tozoztontli.
Hueitozoztli.
Toxcatl, or Coxcatl.




Codex Telleriano-Remensis.
 
 
 
 
 








AUTHORS.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.




Sahagun.
Etzacualiztli.
Tecuilhuitontli.
Veytecuilhuitl.
Tlaxochimaco.
Xocohuetzl.




Motolinia.
 
 
 
 
 




Acosta.
 
 
 
 
 




Gomara.
Tecuilhuicintli.
Hueitecuilhuitl.
Miccailhuicintli.
Veymiccailhuitl.
Vchpaniztli, or Tenauatiliztli.




Martin de Leon.[625] 
Etzalcualiztli.
Tecuilhuitontli.
Hueiteucyilhuitl.
Tlaxochimanco.
Xocotlhuetzi.




Duran.
Etzalcualiztly.
Tecuiluitontly, or Tlaxochimaco.
Hueytecuilhuitl.
Miccailhuitontly.
Tocotluetz.




Codex Vaticanus.
Hetzalqualiztl.
Tecuilvitontl.
Veitecuiluitl.
Miccailhuitl.
Veymiccailhuitl.




Torquemada.
Etzalqualiztli.
Tecuhilhuitontli.
Hueytecuhilhuitl.
Tlaxuchimaco, or Hueymiccaylhuitl.
Xocotlhuetzi.




Vetancvrt.
Etzaqualiztli.
Tecuylhuitontli.
Hueytecuyilhuitl.
Tlaxochimaco.
Xocotlhuetzi.




Vetancvrt (Tlascaltec names).
 
 
 
Micaylhuitzintli.
Hueymicaylhuitl.




Gemelli Carreri.
Ticuyilhuitl.
Hueytecuilhuitl.
Micaylhuitl.
Hueymicailhuitl.
Ochpaniztli.




Laet.
Tecuilhuicintli.
Huehtecuilhuitl.
Miccathuicintli.
Veimiccailhuitl.
Vchpaniztli, or Tenavatiliztli.




Veytia.
Tozcotzintli.
Hueytozcoztli.
Toxcatl.
Exolqualiztli.
Tecuilhuitzintli.




Lorenzana.
Tozcotzintli.
Huey Tozcoztli.
Toxcatl.
Ezalqualliztli.
Tecuilhuitzintli.




Clavigero.
Etzalcualiztli.
Tecuilhuitontli.
Hueitecuilhuitl.
Tlaxochimaco.
Xocohuetzi.




Gama.
Huey Tozoztli.
Toxcatl, or Tepopochuiliztli.
Etzalqualiztli.
Tecuilhuitzintli.
Hueytecuilhuitl.




Klemm.
Etzalqualitztli.
 
 
 
 




Mueller.
Tecuilhuitzintli.
Hueytecuilhuitl.
Miccailhuitzintly, or Tlalxochimaco.
Hueymiccailhuitl, or Xolotlhuetzin.
Ochpaniztli, or Tenahuatiliztli.




Brasseur de Bourbourg.
Etzacualiztli.
Tecuilhuitontli.
Huey Tecuilhuitl.
Tlaxochimaco.
Xocohuetzi.




Carbajal Espinosa.
Etzalcualiztli.
Teucuilhuitontli.
Hueituecuilhuitl.
Tlaxochimaco.
Xocotlhuetzi.




Codex Telleriano-Remensis.
 
Tecuiluitontl.
Veytecuiluitl.
Michaylhuitl.
Hueymiccaylhuitl.








AUTHORS.
11.
12.
13.
14.




Sahagun.
Ochpaniztli.
Teotleco.
Tepeilhuitl.
Quecholli.




Motolinea.
 
 
 
Panquetzaliztli.




Acosta.
 
 
 
 




Gomara.
Pachtli, or Heçoztli.
Hueipachtli, or Pachtli.
Quecholli.
Panqueçaliztli.




Martin de Leon.[625] 
Ochpaniztli.
Teotlèco.
Tepeilhuitl.
Quechulli.




Duran.
Ochpaniztly.
Pachtontly.
Veypachtly, or Coailhuitl.
Quecholli.




Codex Vaticanus.
Ochpaniztl.
Pachtontl.
Veipachtli.
Quecholi.




Torquemada.
Uchpaniztli.
Teutleco.
Tepeilhuitl.
Quecholli.




Vetancvrt.
Ochpaniztli.
Teotleco.
Tepeylhuitl.
Quecholli.




Vetancvrt (Tlascaltec names).
 
 
Pachtzintli.
 




Gemelli Carreri.
Pachtli.
Hueypachtli.
Checiogli.
Panchetzaliztli.




Laet.
Pachtli, or Hecoztli.
Hueipachtli.
Quecholli.
Panquecaliztli.




Veytia.
Hueytecuilhuitl.
Micailhuitzintli. 
Hueymicailhuitl.
Huepaniztli.




Lorenzana.
Huey Tecuilhuitl.
Mictailhutlzintli.
Hueymictailhuitl.
Ochpaniztli.




Clavigero.
Ochpaniztli.
Teotleco.
Tepeilhuitl.
Quecholli.




Gama.
Miccailhuitzintli, or Tlaxochimaco.
Hueymiccailhuitl, or Xocotlhuetzi.
Ochpaniztli, or Tenahuatiliztli.
Pachtli, or Ezoztli, or Teotleco.




Klemm.
Ochpanitztli.
Pachtli.
 
Tepeilhuitl.




Mueller.
Pachtli, or Ezoztli, or Teotleco.
Hueypachtli, or Pachtli, or Tepeilhuitl.
Quecholli.
Panquetzaliztli.




Brasseur de Bourbourg.
Ochpaniztli.
Teotleco.
Tepeilhuitl.
Quecholli.




Carbajal Espinosa.
Tlachpanaliztli.
Teotleco.
Tepeilhuitl.
Quecholli.




Codex Telleriano-Remensis.
Ochpaniztli.
Pactontly.
Veypactli.
Quecholi.








AUTHORS.
15.
16.
17.
18.
Commencement of the Mexican year, according to our  reckoning.




Sahagun.
Panquetzaliztli.
Atemoztli.
Tititl.
Yzcalli.
2d February.




Motolinia.
 
 
 
 
Commencement of March.




Acosta.
 
 
 
 
26th February.




Gomara.
Hatemuztli.
Tititlh.
Izcalli.
Coauitleuac, or Ciuailhuilt.
 




Martin de Leon.[625] 
Panquetzaliztli.
Atemuztli.
Tititl.
Ytzcali.
2d February.




Duran.
Panquetzaliztly.
Atemoztli.
Tititl.
Yzcalli, or Xilomaniztly, or Queuitleua.
1st March.




Codex Vaticanus.
Panquetzaliztli.
Atemoztli.
Tititl.
Yzcalli.
24th February.




Torquemada.
Panquetzaliztli.
Atemuztli.
Tititl.
Izcalli.
1st February.




Vetancvrt.
Panquetzaliztli.
Atemoztlique.
Titzotl.
Izcalli.
February.




Vetancvrt (Tlascaltec names).
 
 
 
 
 




Gemelli Carreri.
Atemoztli.
Tititl.
Izcagli.
Atlacoalo.
First year of century, 10th April.




Laet.
Hatemuztli.
Tititl.
Izcalli.
Coavitlevac.
March, or 26th of February.




Veytia.
Pachtzintli.
Hueypachtli.
Quecholli.
Panquetzaliztli.
2d February.




Lorenzana.
Pachtlizintli.
Hueypachtli.
Quecholli.
Panquetzalliztli.
 




Clavigero.
Panquetzaliztli.
Atemoztli.
Tititl.
Izcalli.
First year of century, 26th February.




Gama.
Hueypachtli, or Pachtli, or Tepeilhuitl.
Quecholli.
Panquetzaliztli.
Atemoztli.
9th January.




Klemm.
 
 
Tititl.
Izcalli.
26th February.




Mueller.
Atemoztli.
Tititl, or Itzcalli.
Itzcalli, or Xochilhuitl.
Xilomanaliztli, or Atlcahualco, or Quahuitlehua, or Cihuailhuitl.
20th March.




Brasseur de Bourbourg.
Panquetzaliztli.
Atemoztli.
Tititl.
Izcalli.
 




Carbajal Espinosa.
Panquetzaliztli.
Atemoztli.
Tititl.
Izcalli.
First year of century, 26th February.




Codex Telleriano-Remensis.
Panquetzaliztli.
Atemoztli.
Tititl.
Yzcatli.
24th February.





509


NAMES OF THE AZTEC MONTH.


Each month, as before stated, was represented by
its proper hieroglyph, having a certain meaning, and
generally referring to some feast or natural event,
such as the ripening of fruit, or falling of rain, happening
during the month, although in this case also
there are many differences between authors regarding
the meaning of the names.





The Aztec Year.




Tititl, which according to Gama was the first month,
is translated by Boturini as 'our mother,' or 'mother
of the gods,' while Cabrera calls it 'fire.'[627] Itzcalli,
according to Boturini, means 'regeneration;' the Codex
Vaticanus translates it 'skill;' and Veytia, 'the
sprouting of the grass.'[628] Atlcahualco means the
'abating of the waters.' The Tlascaltec name of this
month, Xilomanaliztli, signifies the 'offering of green
maize.' In other localities this month was also known
by the name of Quahuitlehua, the 'burning of the
mountains,' or rather of the trees on the mountains,
previous to sowing.[629] Tlacaxipehualiztli means the
'flaying of the people;' the other name of this month,
Cohuailhuitl, is the 'feast of the snake.' Tozoztontli,
Tozcotzintli, and Hueytozoztli are respectively the
small and great fast or vigil; while some translate
these words by 'pricking of veins,' 'shedding of blood,'
or 'great and small penance.'[630] Toxcatl is a 'collar'
or 'necklace.'[631] Etzalqualiztli is translated by Boturini
'bean stew,' or 'the eating of beans,' while Veytia
calls it 'the eating of maize gruel.' Tecuilhuitzintli
510
and Hueytecuilhuitl mean respectively the
small and great 'feast of the Lord.' Miccailhuitzintli
is explained both as 'the feast of dead children,' and
'the small feast of the dead;' another name for this
month is Tlaxochimaco, meaning 'distribution of flowers.'
Hueymiccailhuitl is either 'the feast of dead
adults,' or 'the great feast of the dead.' Xocotlhuetzin,
another name for this month, means 'the ripening
of the fruit.' Ochpaniztli is 'the cleaning of streets.'
Teotleco, or 'the arrival of the gods,' was the next
511
month, and was also named Pachtli, or Pachtontli, the
latter being translated by 'humiliation,' and the former
by 'moss hanging from trees.' Hueypachtli was 'the
great feast of humiliation,' also called Tepeilhuitl, or
'feast of the mountains.' Quecholli means 'peacock,'
but the interpreter of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis
calls it the 'serpent of the clouds.' Panquetzaliztli is
'the raising of flags and banners.' Atemoztli, the
last month, means the 'drying up of the waters.'[632]
The plate on the preceding page shows the order of the
months and the pictures by which they were represented.





The Aztec Month.




NAMES OF THE AZTEC DAYS.


Each month contained twenty days, which were
divided into four groups or weeks, as we may for convenience
call them; and at the end of each group a
public market or fair was held. There is no difference
of opinion as to the names of the days or the
order in which they follow one another, but it is very
difficult, and in many cases impossible, to reconcile
one with another the different hieroglyphic signs
denoting these days given in the codices or in the
various representations of the calendar. The names
of the days are: Cipactli, a name of which it is almost
impossible to give the correct meaning, it being
variously represented as an animal's head with
open mouth armed with long tusks, as a fish with a
number of flint knives on its back, as a kind of lizard
with a very long tail curled up over its back, and
in many other monstrous shapes. It is called the
'sea-animal,' the 'sword-fish,' the 'serpent armed with
harpoons,' and other names. Ehecatl is 'wind;' Calli,
'house;' Cuetzpalin, 'lizard;' Coatl, 'snake;' Miquiztli,
'death;' Mazatl, 'deer;' Tochtli, 'rabbit;' Atl,
512
'water;' Itzcuintli, 'dog;' Ozomatli, 'monkey;' Malinalli,
'brushwood,' or 'tangled grass;' Acatl, 'cane;'
Ocelotl, 'tiger;' Quauhtli, 'eagle;' Cozcaquauhtli, a
species of vulture, known in Mexico as 'rey de los
zopilotes;' Ollin, 'movement;' Tecpatl, 'flint;' Quiahuitl,
'rain;' and Xochitl, 'flower.' It will be seen
that the days having the names or signs of the years,—namely:
Tochtli, Calli, Tecpatl, and Acatl—stand
first in each week. The five nemontemi had no
particular name. The cut given above shows the
513
method by which the Aztecs represented their month,
with the hieroglyphic names of each day.[633]


INTERCALARY DAYS.


As three hundred and sixty-five days do not make
the year complete, the Mexicans added the missing
thirteen days at the end of the cycle of fifty-two
years. But Gama asserts that they came still nearer
to our more correct calculations, and added only twelve
days and a half.[634] It has been frequently attempted
514
to fix accurately the time when the Mexican year
commenced according to our dates, but there is no
agreement on this point between the old historians, as
will be seen from the table given, and although many
elaborate calculations have been made for the purpose
515
of verifying the one or the other statement, the result
is in no two cases the same. Gama calculated, and
Humboldt and Gallatin confirmed his statement, that
the first year of a Mexican cycle commenced on the
31st day of December, old style, or on the 9th day
of January, new style, with the month Tititl and the
day Cipactli.[635]


THE RITUAL CALENDAR.


We come now to another mode of reckoning known
as the ritual calendar, which, as its name implies,
was used for adjusting all religious feasts and rites
and everything pertaining thereto. The previously
described reckoning was solar, while that of the ritual
calendar was lunar. The periods into which it was
divided were of thirteen days each, thus representing
about half the time that the moon was visible. The
year contained as many days as the solar calendar,
but they were divided into entirely different periods.
Thus, in reality there were no months at all, but only
twenty weeks of thirteen days each; and these not
constituting a full year, the same kind of reckoning
was continued for one hundred and five days more, and
at the end of a tlalpilli thirteen days were intercalated
to make up for the lost days. The names of the days
were the same as in the solar calendar but they were
counted as follows. To the first day the number one
was prefixed, to the second, two, to the third, three,
and so on to thirteen; when the fourteenth name was
again called one, the fifteenth, two, and so on to thirteen
again, after which the same count was continued
to the end of the year. But as in this reckoning it
naturally happens that one name has the same number
twice, accompanying signs were added to the
regular names, which were called quecholli, 'lords or
rulers of the night.' Of these there were nine,
516
xiuhtecutli, tletl, 'lord of the year, fire;' tecpatl,
'flint;' xochitl, 'flower;' centeotl, 'goddess of maize;'
miquiztli, 'death;' atl, 'water,' represented by the
goddess Chalchihuitlicue; tlazolteotl, 'goddess of love;'
tepeyollotli, a deity supposed to inhabit the centre
of the mountains; quiahuitl, 'rain,' represented by
the god Tlaloc.[636] As stated above, one of these signs
was understood to accompany the regular name of each
day, commencing with the first day of the year; but
they were never written or mentioned with the first
two hundred and sixty days, but only with the last
one hundred and five days, to distinguish them from
the former.[637] For the purpose of making this system
more comprehensible, I insert a few months of
the Mexican calendar, showing the solar and lunar
system together, as arranged by Gama.





Months and days of our era
Months and days of the Mexican civil or solar calendar.
Days and weeks of the Mexican ritual, or lunar, calendar.
Accompanying signs, or 'lords of the night.'




January
9
Tititl
1
1
Cipactli
Tletl
1




 
10
 
2
2
Ehecatl
Tecpatl
2




 
11
 
3
3
Calli
Xochitl
3




 
12
 
4
4
Cuetzpalin
Centeotl
4




 
13
 
5
5
Coatl
Miquiztli
5




 
14
 
6
6
Miquiztli
Atl
6




 
15
 
7
7
Mazatl
Tlazolteotl
7




 
16
 
8
8
Tochtli
Tepeyollotli
8




 
17
 
9
9
Atl
Quiahuitl
9




 
18
 
10
10
Itzcuintli
Tletl
1




 
19
 
11
11
Ozomatli
Tecpatl
2




 
20
 
12
12
Malinalli
Xochitl
3




 
21
 
13
13
Acatl
Centeotl
4




 
22
 
14
1
Ocelotl
Miquiztli
5




 
23
 
15
2
Quauhtli
Atl
6




 
24
 
16
3
Cozcaquauhtli
Tlazolteotl
7




 
25
 
17
4
Ollin
Tepeyollotli
8




 
26
 
18
5
Tecpatl
Quiahuitl
9




 
27
 
19
6
Quiahuitl
Tletl
1




 
28
 
20
7
Xochitl
Tecpatl
2




 
29
Itzcalli
1
8
Cipactli
Xochitl
3




 
30
 
2
9
Ehecatl
Centeotl
4




 
31
 
3
10
Calli
Miquiztli
5
517




February
1
 
4
11
Cuetzpalin
Atl
6




 
2
 
5
12
Coatl
Tlazolteotl
7




 
3
 
6
13
Miquiztli
Tepeyollotli
8




 
4
 
7
1
Mazatl
Quiahuitl
9




 
5
 
8
2
Tochtli
Tletl
1




 
6
 
9
3
Atl
Tecpatl
2




 
7
 
10
4
Itzcuintli
Xochitl
3




 
8
 
11
5
Ozomatli
Centeotl
4




 
9
 
12
6
Malinalli
Miquiztli
5




 
10
 
13
7
Acatl
Atl
6




 
11
 
14
8
Ocelotl
Tlazolteotl
7




 
12
 
15
9
Quauhtli
Tepeyollotli
8




 
13
 
16
10
Cozcaquauhtli
Quiahuitl
9




 
14
 
17
11
Ollin
Tletl
1




 
15
 
18
12
Tecpatl
Tecpatl
2




 
16
 
19
13
Quiahuitl
Xochitl
3




 
17
 
20
1
Xochitl
Centeotl
4




 
18
Atlcahualco
1
2
Cipactli
Miquiztli
5




 
19
 
2
3
Ehecatl
Atl
6




 
20
 
3
4
Calli
Tlazolteotl
7




 
21
 
4
5
Cuetzpalin
Tepeyollotli
8




 
22
 
5
6
Coatl
Quiahuitl
9




 
23
 
6
7
Miquiztli
Tletl
1




 
24
 
7
8
Mazatl
Tecpatl
2




 
25
 
8
9
Tochtli
Xochitl
3




 
26
 
9
10
Atl
Centeotl
4




 
27
 
10
11
Itzcuintli
Miquiztli
5




 
28
 
11
12
Ozomatli
Atl
6




March
1
 
12
13
Malinalli
Tlazolteotl
7




 
2
 
13
1
Acatl
Tepeyollotli
8




 
3
 
14
2
Ocelotl
Quiahuitl
9




 
4
 
15
3
Quauhtli
Tletl
1




 
5
 
16
4
Cozcaquauhtli
Tecpatl
2




 
6
 
17
5
Ollin
Xochitl
3




 
7
 
18
6
Tecpatl
Centeotl
4




 
8
 
19
7
Quiahuitl
Miquiztli
5




 
9
 
20
8
Xochitl
Atl
6




 
10
Tlacaxipehualiztli
1
9
Cipactli
Tlazolteotl
7




 
11
 
2
10
Ehecatl
Tepeyollotli
8




 
12
 
3
11
Calli
Quiahuitl
9




 
13
 
4
12
Cuetzpalin
Tletl
1




 
14
 
5
13
Coatl
Tecpatl
2




 
15
 
6
1
Miquiztli
Xochitl
3




 
16
 
7
2
Mazatl
Centeotl
4




 
17
 
8
3
Tochtli
Miquiztli
5




 
18
 
9
4
Atl
Atl
6




 
19
 
10
5
Itzcuintli
Tlazolteotl
7




 
20
 
11
6
Ozomatli
Tepeyollotli
8




 
21
 
12
7
Malinalli
Quiahuitl
9




 
22
 
13
8
Acatl
Tletl
1




 
23
 
14
9
Ocelotl
Tecpatl
2




 
24
 
15
10
Quauhtli
Xochitl
3




 
25
 
16
11
Cozcaquauhtli
Centeotl
4




 
26
 
17
12
Ollin
Miquiztli
5




 
27
 
18
13
Tecpatl
Atl
6




 
28
 
19
1
Quiahuitl
Tlazolteotl
7




 
29
 
20
2
Xochitl
Tepeyollotli
8




 
30
Tozoztontli
1
3
Cipactli
Quiahuitl
9




 
31
 
2
4
Ehecatl
Tletl
1





518


The five nemontemi were counted in this calendar
as other days, that is, they received the names which
came in the regular order, but, nevertheless, they
were believed to be unlucky days and had no accompanying
signs.





The Calendar-Stone.




THE AZTEC CALENDAR-STONE.


Besides the preceding cuts of the Mexican calendar
systems, as they were represented by Gemelli
Careri, Veytia, and others, the calendar-stone is the
most reliable source by which the extent of the astronomical
science of the Aztecs can be shown. Gama,
and after him Gallatin, give very accurate descriptions
of this stone; I insert here a résumé from the latter
author. On this stone there is engraved in high-relief
a circle, in which are represented by certain hieroglyphics
the sun and its several motions, the twenty
days of the month, some principal fast-days, and other
matters. The central figure represents the sun as it
is usually painted by the Mexicans. Around it, outside
of a small circle, are four parallelograms with the
signs of the days, Nahui Ocelotl, Nahui Ehecatl, Nahui
Quiahuitl, and Nahui Atl. Between the two upper
and lower parallelograms are two figures, which Gama
explains as being two claws, which are the hieroglyphics
representing two eminent astrologers, man and wife.
Gama further explains these four signs of the days in
this place, as having reference to the four epochs of
nature, of which the Aztec traditions speak. The
first destruction of the sun is said to have taken place
in the year Ce Acatl and on the day Nahui Ocelotl.
The second sun was supposed to have died in the year
Ce Tecpatl and on the day Nahui Ehecatl; the third
destruction occurred also in the year Ce Tecpatl and
on the day Nahui Quiahuitl; and lastly, the fourth destruction
took place in the year Ce Calli, on the day
Nahui Atl. But Mr Gallatin thinks that these four
parallelograms had yet some other purpose; for on the
twenty-second of May and on the twenty-sixth of
July, which days are Nahui Ocelotl and Nahui Quiahuitl,
if we accept the thirty-first of December as the
519
first day of the Mexican cycle, the sun passed the meridian
of the city of Mexico. But in this case the
other two days, Nahui Ehecatl and Nahui Atl cannot
be explained in connection with any other astronomical
event. Between the lower parallelograms are two
small squares, in each of which are five oblong marks,
signifiying the number ten; and as the central figure
is the ollin tonatiuh, or sun, the number ten in these
two squares is supposed to mean the day Matlactli
Ollin. Below this again are the hieroglyphics Ce
Quiahuitl, and Ome Ozomatli. The day Matlactli
Ollin in the first year of the cycle is the twenty-second
of September; Ce Quiahuitl in the year Matlactli
omey Acatl, which year is inscribed at the head
of the stone, is our twenty-second of March; and
Ome Ozomatli in the same year would be our twenty-second
of June. Here are therefore designated three
of the principal phenomena as they happened in the
first year of the cycle, viz: two transits of the sun by
the zenith and the autumnal equinox. In the year
designated on the stone Matlactli omey Acatl, there
are given the spring equinox and summer solstice.
In a circle surrounding these figures are represented
the twenty days of the months. From the central
figure of the sun there runs upward, as far as the circle
of days, a triangle, the upper and smallest angle of
which points between the days Cipactli and Xochitl,
thus confirming the idea that Cipactli was always
the first day of the month. Gama, Gallatin, Humboldt,
Dupaix, and others have given correct pictures
of the stone as is proved by recent photographs; but
in my cut the figures are reversed. It is a copy from
Charnay, whose photographs were in 1875 the best
authority accessible; and I failed to notice that this,
unlike Charnay's other plates, was a photo-lithograph
reversed in printing. Not only did I fall into this
error, but in my earlier editions charged other writers
with having made a similar one. The cut does not
otherwise mislead, but it must be noted that instead
520
of running from left to right, the days really run from
right to left. From the circle of days, four triangles,
or rays, project, exactly dividing the stone into four
quarters, each of which has ten visible squares, and, as
the rays cover twelve more, there would be fifty-two in
all. In each square are five oblong marks, which multiplied
by fifty-two, give two hundred and sixty, or
the first period of the Mexican ritual year. Outside of
the circle of these squares the four quarters are each
again divided by a smaller ray, and, as stated before,
at the head of the stone, over the principal triangle is
the sign of the year Matlactli omey Acatl. Round
the outer edge are a number of other figures and hieroglyphics,
521
which have not yet been deciphered, or
whose interpretations by different writers present so
many contradictions that they would have no value
here.[638]


CALENDAR OF THE TARASCOS.


The only information we have of the calendar used
in Michoacan is furnished by Veytia, and this is only
fragmentary. Enough is known, however, to show
that their system was the same as that of the Aztecs.
Instead of the four principal signs of the Aztecs, tecpatl,
calli, tochtli, and acatl, in Mechoacan the names
inodon, inbani, inchon, and intihui were used. Of
the eighteen months only fourteen are mentioned by
name. These are: Intacaci, Indehuni, Intecamoni,
Interunihi, Intamohui, Inizcatolohui, Imatatohui,
Itzbachaa, Intoxihui, Intaxihui, Intechaqui, Intechotahui,
Inteyabchitzin, Intaxitohui. The five intercalary
522
days were named intasiabire.[639] The days
of the month, divided into four equal parts by the
above-mentioned four principal signs, were called:
Inodon, Inicebi, Inettuni, Inbeari, Inethaati, Inbani,
Inxichari, Inchini, Inrini, Inpari, Inchon, Inthahui,
Intzini, Intzoniabi, Intzimbi, Inthihui, Inixotzini,
Inichini, Iniabi, Intaniri.[640]


The Zapotecs in Oajaca, according to the description
of Burgoa, used the same calendar as the Aztecs,
with this difference, that the year always commenced
on the twelfth day of March, and that the bissextile
year was corrected every fourth year, by adding, instead
of five, six intercalary days.[641]


CHAPTER XVII.


THE AZTEC PICTURE-WRITING.


523



Hieroglyphic Records—The Native Books—Authorities—Destruction
of the Native Archives by Zumárraga and his
Confrères—Picture-writings used after the Conquest for
Confession and Law-Suits—Value of the Records—Documents
sent to Spain in the Sixteenth Century—European
Collections—Lord Kingsborough's Work—Picture-writings
retained in Mexico—Collections of Ixtlilxochitl, Siguënza,
Gemelli Careri, Boturini, Veytia, Leon y Gama, Pichardo,
Aubin, and the National Museum of Mexico—Process of
Hieroglyphic Development—Representative, Symbolic, and
Phonetic Picture-writing—Origin of Modern Alphabets—The
Aztec System—Specimen from the Codex Mendoza—Specimen
from Gemelli Careri—Specimen from the Boturini
Collection—Probable future success of Interpreters—The
Nepohualtzitzin.



The Nahua nations possessed an original hieroglyphic
system by which they were able to record all
that they deemed worthy of preservation. The art
of picture-writing was one of those most highly
prized and most zealously cultivated and protected,
being entrusted to a class of men educated for the
purpose and much honored. The written records
included national, historic, and traditional annals,
names and genealogical tables of kings and nobles,
lists and tribute-rolls of provinces and cities, land-titles,
law codes, court records, the calendar and
succession of feasts, religious ceremonies of the temple
524
service, names and attributes of the gods, the
mysteries of augury and soothsaying, with some description
of social customs, mechanical employments,
and educational processes. The preparation and
guardianship of records of the higher class, such as
historical annals and ecclesiastical mysteries, were
under the control of the highest ranks of the priesthood,
and such records, comparatively few in number,
were carefully guarded in the temple archives of a
few of the larger cities. These writings were a sealed
book to the masses, and even to the educated classes,
who looked with superstitious reverence on the priestly
writers and their magic scrolls. It is probable
that the art as applied to names of persons and places
or to ordinary records was understood by all educated
persons, although by no means a popular art, and
looked upon as a great mystery by the common
people. The hieroglyphics were painted in bright
colors on long strips of cotton cloth, prepared skins,
or maguey-paper—generally the latter—rolled up or,
preferably, folded fan-like into convenient books called
amatl, and furnished often with thin wooden covers.
The same characters were also carved on the stones
of public buildings, and probably also in some cases
on natural cliffs. The early authorities are unanimous
in crediting these people with the possession of a hieroglyphic
system sufficiently perfect to meet all their
requirements.[642]



525


DESTRUCTION OF ABORIGINAL RECORDS.


Unfortunately the picture-writings, particularly
those in the hands of priests—those most highly
prized by the native scholar, those which would, if
preserved, have been of priceless value to the students
of later times—while in common with the products of
other arts they excited the admiration of the foreign
invaders, at the same time they aroused the pious
fears of the European priesthood. The nature of the
writings was little understood. Their contents were
deemed to be for the most part religious mysteries,
painted devices of the devil, the strongest band that
held the people to their aboriginal faith, and the most
formidable obstacle in the way of their conversion to
the true faith. The destruction of the pagan scrolls
was deemed essential to the progress of the Church,
and was consequently ordered and most successfully
carried out under the direction of the bishops and
their subordinates, the most famous of these fanatical
destroyers of a new world's literature being Juan de
Zumárraga, who made a public bonfire of the native
archives. The fact already noticed, that the national
526
annals were preserved together in a few of the larger
cities, made the task of Zumárraga and his confrères
comparatively an easy one, and all the more important
records, with very few probable exceptions, were blotted
from existence. The priests, however, sent some
specimens, either originals or copies, home to Europe,
where they attracted momentary curiosity and were
then lost and forgotten. Many of the tribute-rolls
and other paintings of the more ordinary class, with
perhaps a few of the historical writings, were hidden
by the natives and thus saved from destruction. Of
these I shall speak hereafter.[643]


After the zeal of the priests had somewhat abated,
or rather when the harmless nature of the paintings
was better understood, the natives were permitted to
use their hieroglyphics again. Among other things
they wrote down in this way their sins when the
priests were too busy to hear their verbal confessions.
The native writing was also extensively employed in
the many lawsuits between Aztecs and Spaniards
during the sixteenth century, as it had been employed
in the courts before the conquest. Thus the early
part of the century produced many hieroglyphic documents,
not a few of which have been preserved, and
several of which I have in my library. During the
same period some fragments that had survived the
general destruction were copied and supplied with explanations
527
written with European letters in Aztec, or
dictated to the priests who wrote in Spanish. The
documents, copies, and explanations of this time are
of course strongly tinctured with Catholic ideas wherever
any question of religion is involved, but otherwise
there is no reason to doubt their authenticity.[644]


VALUE OF THE NATIVE RECORDS.


To discuss the historical value of such Aztec writings
as have been preserved, or even of those that
were destroyed by the Spaniards, or the accuracy of
the various interpretations that have been given to the
former, forms no part of my purpose in this chapter.
Here I shall give a brief account of the preserved
documents, with plates representing a few of them as
specimens, and as clear an idea as possible of the system
according to which they were painted. Respecting
the theory, supported by a few writers, that the
Aztecs had no system of writing except the habit
common to all savage tribes of drawing rude pictures
on the rocks and trees, that the statements of the conquerors
on the subject are unfounded fabrications, the
specimens handed down to us mere inventions of the
priests, and their interpretations consequently purely
imaginary, it is well to remark that all this is a manifest
absurdity. On the use of hieroglyphics the authorities,
as we have seen, all agree; on their destruction
by the bishops they are no less unanimous; even
the destroyers themselves mention the act in their
correspondence, glorying in it as a most meritorious
528
deed. The burning was moreover perfectly consistent
with the policy of the Church at that time, and its
success does not seem extraordinary when we consider
the success of the priests in destroying monuments of
solid stone. The use of the aboriginal records in the
Spanish courts for a long period is undeniable. The
priests had neither the motive nor the ability to invent
and teach such a system. Respecting the historical
value of the destroyed documents, it is safe to
believe that they contained all that the Aztecs knew
of their past. Having once conceived the idea of
recording their annals, and having a system of writing
adequate to the purpose, it is inconceivable that they
failed to record all they knew. The Aztecs derived
their system traditionally from the Toltecs, whose
written annals they also inherited; but none of the
latter were ever seen by any European, and, according
to tradition, they were destroyed by a warlike Aztec
king, who wished the glory of his own kingdom to
overshadow that of all others, past, present, or future.
If the hieroglyphics of the Nahua nations beyond the
limits of Anáhuac differed in any respect from those
of the Aztecs, such differences have not been recorded.[645]



529


EUROPEAN COLLECTIONS.


I have said that many hieroglyphic manuscripts,
saved from the fires kindled by Zumárraga's bigotry,
or copied by ecclesiastical permission before serving as
food for their purifying flames, were sent to Spain by
the conquerors. After lying forgotten for a few centuries,
attention was again directed to these relics
of an extinct civilization, and their importance
began to be appreciated; search was made throughout
Europe, and such scattered remnants as survived their
long neglect were gathered and deposited in public
and private libraries. Eight or ten such collections
were formed and their contents were for the most part
published by Lord Kingsborough.


The Codex Mendoza was sent by the viceroy Mendoza
to Charles V., and is now in the Bodleian Library
at Oxford. It is a copy on European paper, coarsely
done with a pen, and rolled instead of folded. Another
manuscript in the Escurial Library is thought by
Prescott to be the original of this codex, but Humboldt
calls it also a copy. An explanation of the
codex in Aztec and Spanish accompanies it, added by
natives at the order of Mendoza. It has been several
times published, and is divided in three parts, the
first being historical, the second composed of tribute-rolls,
and the third illustrative of domestic life and
manners.[646]


The Codex Vaticanus (No. 3738) is preserved at
Rome in the Vatican Library, and nothing is known
of its origin further than that it was copied by Pedro
de los Rios, who was in Mexico in 1566. It is divided
530
into two parts, mythological and historical, and
has a partial explanation in Italian. Another manuscript,
(No. 3776) preserved in the same library, is
written on skin, has been interpreted to some extent
by Humboldt, and is supposed to pertain to religious
rites. The Codex Telleriano-Remensis, formerly in
the possession of M. Le Tellier, and now in the
Royal Library at Paris, is nearly identical with the
Codex Vaticanus (No. 3738), having only one figure
not found in that codex, but itself lacking many. It
has, however, an explanation in Aztec and Spanish.[647]


The Codex Borgian was deposited in the College
of the Propaganda at Rome by Cardinal Borgia, who
found it used as a plaything by the children in the
Gustiniani family. It is written on skin, and appears
to be a ritual and astrologic almanac very similar to
the Vatican manuscript (No. 3776). It is accompanied
by an interpretation or commentary by Fabrega.
The Codex Bologna, preserved in the library of the
Scientific Institute, was presented in 1665 to the
Marquis de Caspi, by Count Valerio Zani. It is written
on badly prepared skin, and appears to treat of
astrology. A copy exists in the Museum of Cardinal
Borgia at Veletri. Of the Codex Vienna nothing is
known except that it was given in 1677 to the Emperor
Leopold by the Duke of Saxe-Eisenach, and
that its resemblance to the manuscripts at Rome and
Veletri would indicate a common origin. Four additional
manuscripts from the Bodleian Library at
Oxford, and one belonging to M. de Fejérvary in
Hungary, are published by Kingsborough. Nothing
is known of the origin of these, nor has any interpretation
been attempted, although the last-named seems
to be historical or chronological in its nature.[648]



531


PICTURE-WRITINGS PRESERVED IN MEXICO.


I have said that many manuscripts, mostly copies,
but probably some originals, were preserved from destruction,
and retained in Mexico. Material is not
accessible for a complete detailed history of these
documents, nor does it seem desirable to attempt here
to disentangle the numerous contradictory statements
on the subject. The surviving remnants of the Tezcucan
archives, with additions from various sources,
were inherited by Ixtlilxochitl, the lineal descendant
of Tezcuco's last king, who used them extensively if
not always judiciously in his voluminous historical
writings. The collection of which these documents
formed a nucleus may be traced more or less clearly
to the successive possession of Sigüenza, the College
of San Pedro y San Pablo, Boturini Benaduci, the
Vice-regal Palace, Veytia, Ortega, Leon y Gama,
Pichardo, Sanchez, and at last to the National Museum
of the University of Mexico, its present and
appropriate resting-place. Frequent interventions of
government and private law-suits interrupted this
line of succession, and the collection by no means
passed down the line intact. Under the care of several
of the owners large portions of the accumulation
were scattered; but on the other hand, several by
personal research greatly enlarged their store of aboriginal
literature. While in Sigüenza's possession
the documents were examined by the Italian traveler
Gemelli Careri, through whose published work one of
the most important of the pictured records was made
known to the world. This latter has been often republished
and will be given as a specimen in this
chapter.[649] Clavigero studied the manuscripts in the
Jesuit College of San Pedro y San Pablo in 1759.[650]
532
Boturini was a most indefatigable collector, his accumulation
in eight years amounting to over five hundred
specimens, some of them probably antedating
the Spanish conquest. He published a catalogue of
his treasures, which were for the most part confiscated
by the government and deposited in the palace of the
viceroy, where many of the documents are said to
have been destroyed or damaged by dampness and
want of care. Those retained by the collector were
even more unfortunate, since the vessel on which they
were sent to Europe was taken by an English pirate,
and the papers have never since been heard of. Only
a few fragments from the Boturini collection have
ever been published, the most important of which, a
history of the Aztec migration, has been often reproduced,
and will be given in this chapter. The
original was seen by Humboldt in the palace of the
viceroy, and is now in the Mexican Museum.[651]


The confiscated documents passed by order of the
Spanish government into the hands of Veytia, or at
least he was permitted to use them in the preparation
of his history,[652] and after his death and the completion
of his work by Ortega, they passed, not without
a lawsuit, into the possession of Leon y Gama, the
astronomer.[653] On the death of Gama a part of his
manuscripts were sold to Humboldt to form the Berlin
collection published by Kingsborough;[654] the rest
533
came into the hands of Pichardo, Gama's executor,
who spent his private fortune in improving his collection,
described by Humboldt as the richest in Mexico.
Many of Pichardo's papers were scattered during the
revolution, and the remainder descended through his
executor Sanchez to the Museum.[655] It is not unlikely
either that the French intervention in later years was
also the means of sending some picture-writings to
Europe. Of the documents removed from the Mexican
collections on different occasions and under different
pretexts, M. Aubin claims to have secured the
larger part, which are now in his collection in Paris,
with copies of such manuscripts as he has been unable
to obtain in the original form.[656]


HIEROGLYPHIC DEVELOPMENT.


In order to form a clear idea of the Aztec system
of picture-writing, it will be well to consider first the
general principles of hieroglyphic development, which
are remarkably uniform and simple, and which may
best be illustrated by our own language, supposing it,
for convenience, to be only a spoken tongue.


It is evident that the first attempt at expressing
ideas with the brush, pencil, or knife, would be the
representation of visible objects by pictures as accurately
drawn as possible; a house, man, bird, or flower
are drawn true to the life in all their details. But
very soon, if a frequent repetition of the pictures were
needed, a desire to save labor would prompt the artist
to simplify his drawing, making only the lines necessary
to show that a house, man, etc., were meant,—a
retrograde movement artistically considered, but intellectually
the first step towards an alphabet. The
representation of actions and conditions, such as a
house on fire, a dead man, a flying bird, or a red flower
would naturally follow.
534


The three grades of development mentioned belong
to what may be termed representative picture-writing.
It is to be noted that this writing has no relation to
language; that is, the signs represent only visible objects
and actions without reference to the words by
which the objects are named or the actions expressed
in our language. The pictures would have the same
meaning to a Frenchman or German as to the painter.


The next higher phase of the art is known as symbolic
picture-writing. It springs from the need that
would soon be experienced of some method by which
to express abstract qualities or invisible objects. The
symbolic system is closely analogous in its earlier
stages to the representative, as when the act of swimming
is symbolized by a fish, a journey by a succession
of footprints, night by a black square, light by
an eye, power by a hand, the connection between the
picture and the idea to be expressed being more or less
obvious. Such a connection, real or imaginary, must
always be supposed to have existed originally, since it
is not likely that purely arbitrary symbols would be
adopted, but nearly all the symbols would be practically
arbitrary and meaningless to a would-be interpreter
ignorant of the circumstances which originated
their signification.


We have seen that the symbolic and representative
stages of development are in many respects very like
one to the other, and there are many hieroglyphic
methods between the two, which it is very difficult to
assign altogether to either. For instance, when a
large painted heart expresses the name of a chief
'Big Heart;' or when a peculiarly formed nose is
painted to represent the man to whom it belongs; or
when the outlines of the house, man, bird, or flower
already mentioned are so very much simplified as to
lose all their apparent resemblance to the objects
represented. It is also to be noted that the symbolic
writing, as well as the representative, is entirely independent
of language.
535


REPRESENTATIVE AND SYMBOLIC WRITING.


Picture-writing of the two classes described has been
practiced more or less, probably, by every savage
tribe. By its aid records of events, such as tribal
migrations, and the warlike achievements of noted
chiefs, may be and doubtless have been made intelligible
to those for whose perusal they were intended.
But the key to such hieroglyphics is the actual acquaintance
of the nation with each character and
symbol, and it cannot long survive the practice of the
art. In only two ways can the meaning of such
records be preserved,—the study of the art while
actually in use by a people of superior culture, or its
development into a hieroglyphic system of a higher
grade. Neither of these conditions were fulfilled in
the case of our Wild Tribes, but both were so to some
extent, as we shall see, in the case of the Civilized
Nations. Throughout the Pacific States rock-carvings
and painted devices will be noted in a subsequent volume
of this work; most of them doubtless had a meaning
to their authors, although many may be attributed
to the characteristic common to savages and children
of whiling away time by tracing unmeaning sketches
from fancy. All are meaningless now and must ever
remain so. Full of meaning to the generation whose
work they were, they served to keep alive in the following
generation the memory of some distinguished
warrior, or some element of aboriginal worship, but
to the third generation they became nothing but objects
of superstitious wonder. Even after coming
into contact with Europeans the savage often indicates
by an arrow and other figures carved on a forest-tree
the number of an enemy and the direction they have
taken, or leaves some other equally simple representative
record.


The next and most important step in hieroglyphic
development is taken when a phonetic element is introduced;
when the pictures come into a relation, not
before attained, with sounds or spoken language;
when a picture of the human form signifies man,
536
not homme or hombre; a painted house, house, not
casa or maison. Of this phonetic picture-writing
in its simplest form, the illustrated rebuses—children's
hieroglyphics—present a familiar example; as
when charity is written by drawing in succession a
chair, an eye, and a chest of tea, 'chair-eye-tea.' In
pronouncing the whole word thus written, the sounds
of the words represented by the pictures are used
without the slightest reference to their meaning. To
the Frenchman the same pictures 'chaise-œil-thé'
would have no meaning.


In the example given the whole name of each word
pictured is pronounced, but the number of words that
could be produced by such combinations is limited,
and the first improvement of the system would perhaps
be to pronounce only the leading syllable or
sound of the pictured word, and then charity might
be painted 'cha (pel)-ri (ng)-tee (th).' By this system
the same word might be written in a great many
ways, and the next natural improvement would be
the conventional adoption of certain easily pictured
words to represent certain sounds, as 'hat,' 'hand,' or
'ham,' for the sound ha, or simply the aspirated h.
The next development would be effected by simplifying
the outlines of the numerous pictures employed,
which have now become too complicated and bulky
for rapid writing. For a time this process of simplification
would still leave a rude resemblance to the
original picture; but at last the resemblance would
become very faint, or only imaginary, and perhaps
some arbitrary signs would be added—in other words,
a phonetic alphabet would be invented, the highest
degree of perfection yet achieved in this direction.


To recapitulate briefly: picture-writing may be divided,
according to the successive stages of its development,
into three classes, representative, symbolic,
and phonetic, no one of which except the last in its
highest or alphabetic, and the first in its rudest, state,
would be used alone by any people, but rather all
537
would be employed together. In the representative
stage a Hand pointing up
might express a human hand, or as the
system is perfected, a large, small, closed, black, or
red hand; and finally 'Big Hand,' an Indian chief;
and all this would be equally intelligible to American
or Asiatic, savage or civilized, without respect to
language.


HIEROGLYPHIC WRITING.


Symbolic picture-writing indicates invisible or abstract
objects, actions, or conditions, by the use of
pictures supposed to be suggestive of them; the symbols
are originally in a manner representative, and
rarely, if ever, arbitrarily adopted. As a symbol the
Hand pointing up
might express power, a blow, murder, the number
one or five. These symbols are also independent of
language.


Phonetic picture-writing represents not objects, but
sounds by the picture of objects in whose names the
sound occurs; first words, then syllables, then elementary
sounds, and last—by modification of the
pictures or the substitution of simpler ones—letters
and an alphabet. According to this system the Hand pointing up
signifies successively the word 'hand,' the syllable
'hand' in handsome, the sound 'ha' in happy, the
aspiration 'h' in head, and finally, by simplifying its
form or writing it rapidly, the
Hand pointing up
becomes Simplified Hand, and then
the 'h' of the alphabet.


The process of development which I have attempted
to explain by imaginary examples and illustrations in
our own language, is probably applicable to a greater
or less extent to all hieroglyphic systems; yet such
hieroglyphics as have been preserved are of a mixed
class, uniting in one word, or sentence, or document,
all the forms, representative, symbolic, and phonetic;
the Egyptians first spelled a word phonetically and
then, to make the meaning clear, represented the
word by a picture or symbol; the Chinese characters
were originally pictures of visible objects, though
they would not now be recognized as such, if the
originals were not in existence. What proportion of
538
the letters in modern alphabets are simplified pictures,
or representative characters, and what arbitrary, it is
of course impossible to determine; many of them,
however, are known to be of the former class.[657]


In the Aztec picture-writings all the grades or
classes of pictures are found, except the last and highest—the
alphabet. A very large part of the characters
employed were representative; many conventional
symbols are known; and the Aztecs undoubtedly employed
phonetic paintings, though perhaps not very
extensively in the higher grades of development.


SPECIMEN FROM CODEX MENDOZA.


The plate on the opposite page is a reproduction of
a part of the Codex Mendoza from Kingsborough's
work. Its four groups describe the education of the
Aztec child under the care of its parents. In the first
group the father (fig. 3) is punishing his son by holding
him over the fumes of burning chile (fig. 5); while
the mother threatens her daughter with the same
punishment. Figures 2 and 8 represent, like 11, 16,
20, 24, 30 and 34 in the other groups, the child's allowance
of tortillas at each meal. In the second
group the son is punished by being stretched naked
on the wet ground, having his hands tied, while the
girl is forced to sweep, or, as she has no tear in her
eye, perhaps is merely being taught to sweep instead
of being punished. In the third group the father employs
his boys in bringing wood (fig. 21) or reeds
either on the back or in a canoe; and the mother
teaches her daughter to make tortillas (fig. 27) and
the use of the metate and other household utensils
(figs. 23, 25, 26, 28). In the last group the son learns
the art of fishing, and the daughter that of weaving.
539





Education of Aztec Children.

View larger image.




Thus far all the pictures are purely representative;
the remainder are more or less symbolic. The small
circles (fig. 1, 10, 19, 29) are numerals, as explained
in a preceding chapter, and indicate the age of the
540
children, eleven, twelve, thirteen, and fourteen years
respectively; the character issuing from the mouth of
the parents is the symbol of speech, and indicates that
the person to whom it is attached is speaking; the
tears in the children's eyes, are symbols of the weeping
naturally caused by the punishment inflicted; and
figure 14 is interpreted to be a symbol of night, indicating
that the child was forced to sweep at night.[658]


Many of the Aztec symbols are of clearly representative
origin, as foot-prints, symbols of traveling;
tongues, of speech; a man sitting on the ground, of
an earthquake; painted drops, of water; and other signs
for day, night, air, movement, etc., which are more or
less clear. But of others, as the serpent, symbol of
time, the origin is not affirmed. To define the extent
to which the symbolic writing prevailed is very difficult,
because many of the characters which were, originally
at least, representative, would appear to the uninitiated
purely arbitrary; and it is not improbable that
many signs may have had a double meaning according
to the connection in which they were employed. The
system is capable of indefinite expansion in the hands
of the priesthood for purposes of religious mystification;
and the fact that the religious and astrologic
documents seem to contain but few of the representative
and phonetic signs by which other paintings are
interpreted, lends some probability to the theory that
the priests had a partially distinct symbolic system of
their own. The Abbé Brasseur goes so far as to say
that all the historical documents had a double meaning,
one for the initiated, another for the masses.
The use of symbols doubtless accounts for the difficulty
experienced in the interpretation of the picture-writings
which have been preserved, and for the
variety of extravagant theories that have been founded
on them.


The intermediate method already mentioned as
541
coming between the purely representative and the
symbolic, was very extensively employed by the Aztecs
in writing the names of places and persons,
nearly all of which were derived from natural objects.
Examples of this method are: Itzcoatl, 'stone (or obsidian)
serpent;' Chapultepec, 'hill of the grasshopper;'
Tzompanco, 'place of skulls;' Chimalpopoca,
'smoking shield;' Acamapitzin, 'hand holding reeds;'
Macuilxochitl, 'five flowers;' Quauhtinchan, 'house of
the eagle;' all written by the simple pictures of the
objects named. The picture expressing a person's
name was attached by a fine line to his head.


AZTEC PHONETIC WRITING.


The use of the phonetic element by the Aztecs was
first noticed by the early missionaries in their efforts
to teach Church forms. The natives, eager or obliged
to learn the words so essential to their salvation but
so new to their ear, aided their memory by writing
phonetically in a rude way the strange words. Amen
was expressed by the symbol of water, atl, joined to
a maguey, metl, forming the sounds atl-metl or a-mĕ,
sufficiently accurate for their purpose. Pater noster
was likewise written with a flag, pantli, and a prickly
pear, nochtli; or sometimes a stone, tetl, was introduced
before and after the prickly pear, the whole
reading pa(ntli)-te(tl)-noch(tli)-te(tl). Here it
will be observed that the sound only of the objects
employed is considered, with no reference to their
meaning. The name Teocaltitlan is an excellent
specimen of the syllabic-phonetic writing. It is
written in one of the manuscripts of the Boturini
collection by a pictured pair of lips, tentli, for the
syllable te; footsteps, symbolic of a road, otli, for o; a
house, calli, for cal; and teeth, tlantli, for tlan, ti being
a common connective syllable. The termination coatl
is a very frequent one in Aztec words, and is often
written phonetically by a 'pot,' comitl, surmounted by
the symbol of water, atl, co-atl; but coatl means
'serpent' and is also written representatively by a
simple picture of that reptile. Matlatlan 'net-place,'
542
is written by pictured teeth, tlantli, phonetic, and a
net, matla, representative. Mixcoatl, 'cloudy serpent,'
is expressed by the representative sign of a
cloud, mixtli, and by the word coatl phonetically written
as before explained. These examples suffice to
illustrate the system. There is no evidence that the
Aztecs ever reached the highest or alphabetic stage
of hieroglyphics, and so far as is known they only
used the syllabic method in writing names, and foreign
words after the coming of the Spaniards. Still
there is some reason to suspect that the phonetic element
was much more in use than has been supposed,
and that many characters which, hitherto considered
by students as representative and symbolic signs, have
yielded no meaning, may yet prove to be phonetic,
and may throw much light on a complex and mysterious
subject.[659]



543


RECORD OF AN AZTEC MIGRATION.


On the two following pages is a copy of the painting
already referred to as having been published by
Gemelli Careri, Humboldt, Kingsborough, Prescott,
and others, and which I take from the work of Ramirez
as being probably the most reliable source.[660]
This painting, preserved in the National Museum, is
about twenty by twenty-seven inches, on maguey
paper of the finest quality, now mounted on linen.
I do not propose to attempt in this chapter any interpretation
of the painting, to discuss the interpretations
of others, or to investigate its historical importance.
I simply present the document as an illustration
of the Aztec picture-writing, with interpretations
of some of the figures as given by Señor Ramirez,
leaving to another volume all consideration of the old
absurd theory that a part of the painting (fig. 1-6)
pictures the flood, the preservation of Coxcox, the Aztec
Noah, and the confusion of tongues.






The Aztec Migration.

View larger image (left).

View larger image (right).




PICTURE-WRITING FROM GEMELLI CARERI.


The winding parallel lines, with frequent foot-prints,
by which the different groups of figures are united,
are symbols of a journey, and there is little doubt
that the whole painting describes the migrations or
wanderings of the Aztec people. The square at the
right represents the place from which they started.
Fig. 1, 2, perhaps express phonetically its name, but
their interpretation is doubtful. It was evidently a
watery region, probably a lake island in the valley of
Mexico. Fig. 3 is a xiuhmolpilli, 'bundle of grass,'
symbol of the Aztec cycle of fifty-two years; fig. 4
is a 'curved mountain,' or the city of Culhuacan, on
the borders of the lake; fig. 5 is a bird speaking to
the people (fig. 6), the tongues issuing from its mouth
being, as I have said, the usual symbols of speech.
It was a popular tradition among the Aztecs that the
voice of a bird started them on their wanderings.
The fifteen human forms (fig. 7, 12,) are the chiefs of
the migrating tribes, whose names are hieroglyphically


546
expressed by the figures connected with their heads.
At their first stopping-place they completed another
'sheaf' of fifty-two years (fig. 8), and perhaps built a
temple (fig. 11). The stay at Cincotlan (fig. 15) was
ten years as indicated by the ten circles; fig. 17 is
interpreted by Gemelli Careri Tocolco, 'humiliation,'
and fig. 18, Oztotlan, 'place of caves.' At the next
stopping-place fig. 20 represents a body wrapped in
the Mexican manner for burial; his name as shown by
the character over his head is that of the central
figure in the group shown in fig. 7. As this name
does not appear again, the meaning is perhaps that
one of the tribes here became extinct. Fig. 25 is
Tetzapotlan, 'place of the tree tetzapotl.' The generic
name of the tree is tzapotl (modern zapote), but a
particular species is tetzapotl, and the prefix te is phonetically
expressed by the stone, tetl, at the base of
the tree. Fig. 28 is Tzompanco, 'place of skulls,'
representing supposably a skull impaled on a stick;
fig. 29 is Apazco, 'earthen vase;' fig. 31, Quauhtitlan
'place of the eagle,' and here one of the chiefs of
tribes, the right hand figure of group 7, separates
from the rest to form a settlement at fig. 33. The
time of stopping at each place and the completion of
each fifty-two years are clearly indicated and need not
be mentioned here. Fig. 34 is Azcapuzalco, 'the anthill;'
fig. 83 is Chalco, 'the chalchiuite-stone;' fig. 36,
Tlecohuatl, tletl-cohuatl, or 'fire-serpent;' fig. 39, Chicomoztoc,
chicome-oztotl, 'seven caves;' the lower
part of fig. 47 is the symbol of water; fig. 48, Teozomaco,
'the monkey of stone.' Fig. 50 is Chapultepec,
'hill of the locust or grasshopper.' After the arrival
at Chapultepec a great variety of events, most of
which can be identified with traditional occurrences in
the early history of the Aztecs, are pictured. I shall
not attempt to follow them. The route seems to continue
towards fig. 80, Tlatelolco; but five tribes (fig.
53), all but one identical with those of the group in fig.
7, 12, return as fugitives or prisoners (fig. 51) to Culhuacan
547
(fig. 54), the original starting-point. Fig. 61,
and one of the characters of fig. 65, are the symbols
of combat or war. Fig. 67 is Inixiuhcan, 'birth-place,'
the picture representing a woman who has just
given birth to a child. Fig. 74 is Tenochtitlan, 'place
of tenochtli,' the tenochtli being a species of nopal
represented in the figure, and being also the sign of
the name of Tenoch, one of the original chiefs of the
group in fig. 12, and also seen in the group in fig. 81.
Six of the original tribes seem to have reached Tenochtitlan,
afterwards Mexico, with the tribe that
joined them at Chapultepec; nine having perished or
been scattered on the way, which agrees with the historical
tradition. The preceding brief sketch will give
an idea of a document whose full description and interpretation,
even if possible, would require much
space and would not be appropriately included here.


CHRONOLOGIC RECORD.


The picture-writing shown on the following pages
is the one already mentioned as having formed part
of the Boturini collection, is equally important with
the one already described, and is preserved like the
former in the National Museum. This painting, like
the other, describes a migration, indicated by the line
of foot-prints. Starting from an island, a passage by
boat is indicated to Culhuacan, 'the curved mountain,'
on the mainland. In this painting we have not only
the number of years spent in the migration, and at
each stopping-place, but the years are named according
to the system described in the last chapter, and
the migration began in the year Ce Tecpatl. The
character within that of Culhuacan is the name of
Huitzilopochtli, the great Aztec god. Next we
have in a vertical line the names of the eight tribes,
hieroglyphically written, who started on the migration,
the Chalcas, Matlaltzincas, Tepanecs, etc.,
agreeing with the tradition, except three which cannot
be accurately interpreted. The first stopping-place
after Culhuacan was Coatlicamac, the first figure
in the lower column of the first page. Here


550
they remained twenty-eight years from Ome Calli to
Yey Tecpatl as indicated by the squares connected by
a line. The last but one of these years completed the
cycle and is represented by a picture showing the
process of kindling fire by friction, instead of the
bundle of grass as before. Between the groups of
small squares are the hieroglyphic names of the stopping-places,
which are in the following order, beginning
with the second column of the first page, Coatlicamac,
Tollan, Atlicalaquiam, Tlemaco, Atotonilco,
Apazco, Tzompanco, Xaltocan, Acolhuacan, Ehecatepec,
Tolpetlac, Coatitlan (where they first cultivated
the maguey), Huixachtitlan (where they made pulque
from the maguey), Tecpayocan, Pantitlan, 'place of
the flag,' Amalinalpan, Azcapuzalco, Pantitlan, Acolnahuac,
Popotla, ——, Atlacuihuayan (Tacubaya),
Chapultepec, Acocolco, and Culhuacan (as prisoners).
The migration is not brought down to the arrival in
Tenochtitlan, but the chronology is perfectly recorded.
Several of the names of places are indicated by the
same hieroglyphic signs as in the other painting. It
will be observed that there is nothing to locate the
starting-place in the north-west. It was probably
either on the lakes of Anáhuac, or in the south beyond
what is now the isthmus of Tehuantepec. Both
of these paintings will be noticed in the historical investigations
to be given in volume V. of this work.




Picture-Record, continued

PICTURE-RECORD OF THE AZTEC MIGRATION.

FROM THE BOTURINI COLLECTION.




The hieroglyphic paintings afford no test of the
Aztec painter's skill; in an artistic point of view the
picture-writing had probably been nearly stationary
for a long time before the conquest. The pictures
were in most cases conventionally distorted; indeed,
to permit different painters to exercise their skill and
fancy in depicting the various objects required would
have destroyed the value of the paintings as records.
The first progressional steps had taught the native
scribes to paint only so much of representative and
symbolic objects as was necessary to their being understood;
convenience and custom would naturally
551
tend to fix the forms at an early period. Bold outlines,
and bright contrasted colors were the desiderata;
elegance was not aimed at. Hence no argument respecting
the Aztec civilization can be drawn from the
rude mechanical execution of these painted characters.


The American hieroglyphics contain no element to
prove their foreign origin, and there is no reason to
look upon them as other than the result of original
native development. Whether enough of the painted
records have been preserved to throw much additional
light on aboriginal history, may well be doubted; but
it is certain that great progress will be made in the
art of interpreting such as have been saved, when able
men shall devote their lives to a faithful study of this
indigenous American literature as they have to the
study of old-world hieroglyphics.[661]


THE NEPOHUAL­TZITZIN.


I will in conclusion call attention to Boturini's
statement that knotted cords, similar to the aboriginal
Peruvian quipus, but called in Aztec nepohualtzitzin,
were also employed to record events in early times,
but had gone out of use probably before the Aztec
supremacy. This author even claims to have found
one of these knotted records in a very dilapidated condition
in Tlascala. His statement is repeated by
many writers; if any information on the subject is
552
contained in the old authorities, it has escaped my
notice.[662]


CHAPTER XVIII.


ARCHITECTURE AND DWELLINGS OF THE NAHUAS.


553



Architecture of the Ancient Nations—General Features of
Nahua Architecture—The Arch—Exterior and Interior
Decorations—Method of Building—Inclined Planes—Scaffolds—The
use of the Plummet—Building-Materials—Position
and Fortification of Towns—Mexico Tenochtitlan—The
Great Causeways—Quarters and Wards of Mexico—The
Market-Place—Fountains and Aqueducts—Light-houses
and Street-work—City of Tezcuco—Dwellings—Aztec Gardens—Temple
of Huitzilopochtli—Temple of Mexico—Other
Temples—Teocalli at Cholula and Tezcuco.



I shall describe in this chapter the cities, towns,
temples, palaces, dwellings, roads, bridges, aqueducts,
and other products of Nahua architectural and constructive
art, as they were found and described by the
Spaniards in the sixteenth century. Monuments of
this branch of Nahua art chiefly in the form of ruined
temples, or teocallis, are still standing and have been
examined in detail by modern travelers. The results
of these later observations will be given in Volume IV.
of this work, and I have therefore thought it best to
omit them altogether here. In order to fully comprehend
the subject the reader will find it advantageous
to study and compare the two views taken from
different standpoints. It is for a general and doubtless
exaggerated account of the grandeur and extent
of the Nahua structures, rather than any details of
554
their construction that we must look to the Spanish
chronicles; and it is also to be noted that the descriptions
by the conquerors are confined almost entirely to
the lake region of Anáhuac, the buildings of other
regions being dismissed with a mere mention. In
this connection, therefore, the supplementary view in
another volume will be of great value, since the grandest
relics of Nahua antiquity have been found outside
of Anáhuac proper, while the oft-mentioned magnificent
temples and palaces of the lake cities have left
no traces of their original splendor.


The Olmecs, Totonacs, and others of the earlier
Nahua nations are credited by tradition with the erection
of grand edifices, but the Toltecs, in this as in all
other arts, far surpassed their predecessors, and even
the nations that succeeded them. I have in a preceding
chapter sufficiently explained the process by which
this ancient people has been credited with all that is
wonderful in the past, and it will be readily understood
how a magnifying veneration for past glories,
handed down from father to son with ever accumulating
exaggeration, has transformed the Toltec buildings
into the most exquisite fairy structures, incomparably
superior to anything that met the Spanish
gaze. With architectural as with other traditions,
however, I have little or nothing to do in this chapter,
but pass on to a consideration of this branch of art in
later times.


Respect for the gods made it necessary that the
temples should be raised above the ordinary buildings,
besides which their height made them more
conspicuous to the immense multitudes which frequently
gathered about them on feast-days, rendering
them also more secure from desecration and
easier of defence when used as citadels of refuge,
as they often were. But as the primitive ideas of
engineering possessed by the Aztecs and their insufficient
tools did not permit them to combine strength
with slightness, the only way the required elevation
555
could be attained was by placing the building proper
upon a raised, solid, pyramidal substructure. The
prevalence of earthquakes may also have had something
to do with this solid form of construction. In
the vicinity of the lake of Mexico, the swampy nature
of the soil called for a broad, secure foundation;
here, then, the substructure was not confined to the
temples, but was used in building public edifices,
palaces, and private dwellings.


NAHUA ARCHITECTURE.


Another general feature of Nahua architecture was
the small elevation of the buildings proper, compared
with their extent and solidity. These rarely exceeded
one story in height, except some of the chapels, which
had two or even three stories, but in these cases the
upper floors were invariably of wood.


Whether the Aztecs were acquainted with our arch,
with a vertical key-stone, is a mooted point. Clavigero
gives plates of a semi-spherical estufa constructed
in this manner, and asserts, further, that an arch of
this description was found among the Tezcucan ruins,
but I find no authority for either picture or assertion.
The relics that have been examined in modern times,
moreover, seem to show conclusively that key-stone
arches were unknown in America before the advent
of the Europeans, though arches made of overlapping
stones were often cut in such a manner as to resemble
them. The chaplain Diaz, who accompanied
Grijalva, mentions an 'arc antique' on the east coast,
but gives no description of it. Nevertheless, as the
'antique' would in this connection imply a peculiar, if
not a primitive, construction, it is not probable that
the arch he saw had a key-stone.[663]


As decorations, we find balconies and galleries supported
by square or round pillars, which were often
monoliths; but as they were adorned with neither capital
nor base the effect must have been rather bare.
556
Battlements and turrets, doubtless first used as means
of defense, became later incorporated with decorative
art. The bareness of the walls was relieved by cornices
and stucco-work of various designs, the favorite figures
being coiled snakes, executed in low relief, which
probably had a religious meaning. Sometimes they
were placed in groups, as upon the temple walls at
Mexico, at other times one serpent twined and twisted
round every door and window of an apartment until
head and tail met. Carved lintels and door-posts were
common, and statues frequently adorned the court and
approaches. Glossy surfaces seem to have had a special
attraction for the Nahuas, and they made floors,
walls, and even streets, extremely smooth. The walls
and floors were first coated with lime, gypsum, or
ochre, and then polished.


No clear accounts are given of the method of
erecting houses. Brasseur de Bourbourg thinks that
because the natives of Vera Paz were seen by him
to use scaffolds like ours, that these were also
employed in Mexico in former times, and that stones
were raised on inclined beams passing from scaffold
to scaffold, which is not very satisfactory reasoning.[664]


However this may be, we are told by Torquemada
that the Aztecs used derricks to hoist heavy
timbers with.[665] Others, again, say that walls were
erected by piling earth on both sides, which served
both as scaffolds and as inclined planes up which
heavy masses might be drawn or rolled,[666] but although
this was undoubtedly the method adopted by
the Miztecs, it was too laborious and primitive to have
been general,[667] and certainly could not have been employed
557
in building the three-story chapels upon Huitzilopochtli's
pyramid. The perfectly straight walls
built by the Nahuas would seem to indicate the use
of the plummet, and we are told that the line was
used in making roads.[668] Trees were felled with copper
and flint axes, and drawn upon rollers to their destination,[669]
a mode of transport used, no doubt, with other
cumbrous material. The implements used to cut
stone blocks seem to have been entirely of flint.[670]


BUILDING MATERIAL.


The wood for roofs, turrets, and posts, was either
white or yellow cedar, palm, pine, cypress, or oyametl,
of which beams and fine boards were made. Nails
they had none; the smaller pieces must therefore have
been secured by notches, lapping, or pressure.[671] The
different kinds of stone used in building were granite,
alabaster, jasper, porphyry, certain 'black, shining
stones,' and a red, light, porous, yet hard stone, of
which rich quarries were discovered near Mexico in
Ahuitzotl's reign.[672] After the overflow of the lake,
which happened at this time, the king gave orders
that this should be used ever after for buildings in
the city.[673] Tecali, a transparent stone resembling
alabaster, was sometimes used in the temples for window-glass.[674]
Adobes, or sun-dried bricks, were chiefly
used in the dwellings of the poorer classes, but burnt
bricks and tiles are mentioned as being sold in the
558
markets.[675] Roofs were covered with clay, straw, and
palm-leaves. Lime was used for mortar, which was
so skillfully used, say the old writers, that the joints
were scarcely perceptible,[676] but probably this was
partly owing to the fact that the walls were almost
always either whitewashed, or covered with ochre,
gypsum, or other substances.


Frequent wars and the generally unsettled state
of the country, made it desirable that the towns
should be situated near enough each other to afford
mutual protection, which accounts for the great number
of towns scattered over the plateau. The same
causes made a defensible position the primary object
in the choice of a site. Thus we find them situated
on rocks accessible only by a difficult and narrow
pathway, raised on piles over the water, or surrounded
by strong walls, palisades, earth-works and
ditches.[677] Although they fully understood the necessity
of settling near lakes and rivers to facilitate intercourse,
yet the towns on the sea-coast were usually
a league or two from the shore, and, as they had no
maritime trade, harbors were not sought for.[678]


The towns extended over a comparatively large surface,
owing to the houses being low and detached, and
each provided with a court and garden. The larger
cities seem to have been layed out on a regular plan,
especially in the centre, but the streets were narrow,
indeed there was no need of wider ones as all transportation
559
was done by carriers, and there were no vehicles.
At intervals a market-place with a fountain
in the centre, a square filled with temples, or a line of
shady trees relieved the monotony of the long rows
of low houses.


MEXICO TENOCHTITLAN.


The largest and most celebrated of the Nahua cities
was Mexico Tenochtitlan.[679] It seems that about the
year 1325 the Aztecs, weary of their unsettled condition
and hard pressed by the Culhuas, sought the
marshy western shore of the lake of Mexico. Here,
on the swamp of Tlalcocomocco, they came upon a
stone, upon which it was said a Mexican priest had
forty years before sacrificed a certain prince Copil.
From this stone had sprung a nopal, upon which, at
the time it was seen by the Mexican advance guard,
sat an eagle, holding in his beak a serpent. Impelled
by a divine power, a priest dived into a pool near the
560
stone, and there had an interview with Tlaloc, god of
waters,[680] who gave his permission to the people to settle
on the spot.[681] Another legend relates that Huitzilopochtli
appeared to a priest in a dream, and told
him to search for a nopal growing out of a stone in
the lake with an eagle and serpent upon it, and there
found a city.[682]


The temple, at first a mere hut, was the first building
erected, and by trading fish and fowl for stone,
they were soon enabled to form a considerable town
about it. Piles were driven into the soft bottom of
the lake, and the intermediate spaces filled with stones,
branches, and earth, to serve as a foundation for
houses.[683]


Each succeeding ruler took pains to extend and
beautify the city. Later on, Tlatelulco,[684] which had
early separated from Mexico Tenochtitlan, was reunited
to it by king Axayacatl, which greatly increased
the size of the latter city. Tezcuco is said to have
exceeded it in size and in the culture of its people,
but from its important position, imposing architecture,
and general renown, Mexico Tenochtitlan stood preëminent.
A number of surrounding towns and villages
formed the suburbs of the city, as Aztacalco,
Acatlan, Malcuitlapilco, Atenco, Iztacalco, Zancopinco,
Huitznahuac, Xocotitlan or Xocotlan, Coltonco,
Necatitlan, Huitzitlan, etc.[685] The circumference of
the city has been estimated at about twelve miles, and
the number of houses at sixty thousand, which would
561
give a population of three hundred thousand.[686] It
was situated in the salty part of the lake of Mexico,
fifteen miles west of its celebrated rival Tezcuco,
about one mile from the eastern shore, and close to the
channel through which the volumes of the sweet water
lake pour into the briny waters of the lake of Mexico,
washing, in their outward flow, the southern and
western parts of the city. The waters have, however,
evaporated considerably since the time of the Aztecs,
and left the modern Mexico some distance from the
beach.[687]


CITIES OF ANÁHUAC.


Fifty other towns, many of them consisting of over
three thousand dwellings, were scattered on and
around the lake, the shallow waters of which were
skimmed by two hundred thousand canoes.[688] Four
grand avenues, paved with a smooth, hard crust of
cement,[689] ran east, west, north, and south, crosswise,
forming the boundary lines of four quarters; at the
meeting-point of these was the grand temple-court.
Three of these roads connected in a straight line with
large causeways leading from the city to the lake
shores; constructed by driving in piles, filling up the
intervening spaces with earth, branches, and stones,
and covering the surface with stone secured by mortar.
562
They were broad enough to allow ten horsemen
to ride abreast with ease, and were defended by
drawbridges and breastworks.[690]


The southern road, two leagues in length, commenced
half a league from Iztapalapan, and was
bordered on one side by Mexicaltzinco, a town of
about four thousand houses, and on the other, first by
Coyuhuacan with six thousand, and further on by
Huitzilopochco with five thousand dwellings. Half
a league before reaching the city this causeway was
joined by the Xoloc road, coming from Xochimilco,
the point of junction being defended by a fort named
Acachinanco, which consisted of two turrets surrounded
by a battlemented wall, eleven or twelve feet
high, and was provided with two gates, through which
the road passed.[691] The northern road led from Tepeyacac,
about a league off; the western, from Tlacopan,
half a league distant; this road was bordered with
houses as far as the shore.[692] A fourth causeway from
563
Chapultepec served to support the aqueduct which
supplied the city with water.[693]


QUARTERS AND WARDS OF MEXICO.


The names of the four quarters of the city, which
were thus disposed according to divine command, were
Tlaquechiuhcan, Cuecopan, or Quepopan, now Santa
María, lying between the northern and western avenues;
Atzacualco, now San Sebastian, between the
eastern and northern; Teopan, now San Pablo, between
the eastern and southern; and Moyotlan, or
Mayotla, now San Juan, between the western and
southern; these, again, were divided into a number
of wards.[694] Owing to the position of the city in
the midst of the lake, traffic was chiefly conducted
by means of canals, which led into almost every
ward, and had on one or both sides quays for the
reception and landing of goods and passengers. Many
of these were provided with basins and locks to
retain the water within them;[695] while at the mouth
were small buildings which served as offices for the
custom-house officials. Bridges, many of which were
upwards of thirty feet wide, and could be drawn up
so as to cut off communication between the different
parts, connected the numerous cross-streets and lanes,
some of which were mere dry and paved canals.[696]



564


The chief resort of the people was the levee which
stretched in a semi-circle round the southern part of
the city, forming a harbor from half to three quarters
of a league in breadth. Here during the day the
merchants bustled about the cargoes and the custom-houses,
while at night the promenaders resorted
there to enjoy the fresh breezes from the lake. The
construction of this embankment was owing to an inundation
which did serious harm during the reign of
Montezuma I. This energetic monarch at once took
steps to prevent a recurrence of the catastrophe, and
called upon the neighboring towns to assist with people
and material in the construction of an outer wall,
to check and turn aside the waters of the fresh lake,
which, after the heavy rains of winter, rushed in volumes
upon the city as they sought the lower salt lake.
The length of the levee was about three leagues, and
its breadth thirty feet. In 1498, fifty-two years after
its construction, it was further strengthened and enlarged.[697]


Although the Spaniards met with no very imposing
edifices as they passed along to the central part of
the city where the temple stood, yet they must have
found enough to admire in the fine smooth streets,
the neat though low stone buildings surmounted by
parapets which but half concealed the flowers behind
them, the elegantly arranged gardens, gorgeous with
the flora of the tropics, the broad squares, the lofty
temples, and the canals teeming with canoes.


Among the public edifices, the markets are especially
worthy of note. The largest, in Mexico Tenochtitlan,
565
was twice as large as the square of Salamanca,
says Cortés, and was surrounded by porticoes, in and
about which from sixty thousand to one hundred
thousand buyers and sellers found room.[698] The market-place
at Tlatelulco was still larger, and in the
midst of it was a square stone terrace, fifteen feet
high and thirty feet long, which served as a theatre.[699]


FOUNTAINS AND AQUEDUCTS.


The numerous fountains which adorned the city
were fed by the aqueduct which brought water from
the hill of Chapultepec, about two miles off, and was
constructed upon a causeway of solid masonry five feet
high and five feet broad, running parallel to the Tlacopan
road.[700] This aqueduct consisted of two pipes
of masonry, each carrying a volume of water equal
in bulk to a man's body,[701] which was conducted by
branch pipes to different parts of the town to supply
fountains, tanks, ponds, and baths. At the different
canal-bridges there were reservoirs, into which the
pipes emptied on their course, and here the boatmen
who made it a business to supply the inhabitants
with water received their cargoes on the payment of
a fixed price. A vigilant police watched over the
distribution of the water and the care of the pipes,
only one of which was in use at a time, while the
other was cleansed.[702] The supply was obtained from
566
a fine spring on the summit of Mount Chapultepec,
which was guarded by two figures cut in the solid
stone, representing Montezuma and his father, armed
with lances and shields.[703] The present aqueduct was
partly reconstructed by Montezuma II. on the old
one erected by the first king of that name. Its inauguration
was attended by imposing ceremonies,
offerings of quails, and burning of incense.[704]


During Ahuitzotl's reign, an attempt was made to
bring water into the city from an immense spring at
Coyuhuacan. The lord of that place consented, as
became a loyal vassal, to let the water go, but predicted
disastrous consequences to the city from the
overflow which would be sure to follow if the water
were taken there. This warning, however, so enraged
the king that he ordered the execution of the noble,
and immediately levied men and material from the
neighboring towns to build the aqueduct. The masons
and laborers swarmed like ants and soon finished
the work. When everything was ready, a grand procession
of priests, princes, nobles, and plebeians
marched forth to open the gates of the aqueduct and
receive the waters into the city. Speeches were made,
slaves and children were sacrificed, the wealthy cast
precious articles into the rolling waters with words of
thanks and welcome. But the hour of sorrow was at
hand. The prediction of the dead lord was fulfilled;
the waters, once loosed, could not be fettered again;
a great part of the city was inundated and much damage
was done. Then the distracted king called once
more upon the neighboring towns to furnish men, but
this time to tear down instead of to build up.[705]


LIGHTHOUSES AND STREET-WORK.


Among the arrangements for the convenience of
the public may be mentioned lighthouses to guide the
567
canoes which brought supplies to the great metropolis.
These were erected at different points upon towers
and heights; the principal one seems to have been on
Mount Tocitlan, where a wooden turret was erected
to hold the flaming beacon.[706] The streets were also
lighted by burning braziers placed at convenient intervals,
which were tended by the night patrol. A force
of over a thousand men kept the canals in order, swept
the streets and sprinkled them several times a day.[707]
Public closets were placed at distances along the
canals.[708] The care of buildings also received the attention
of the government, and every eleventh month
was devoted to repairing and cleaning the temples,
public edifices, and roads generally.[709] A number of
towns on the lake were built on piles, in imitation of
Mexico, chiefly for the sake of security. Thus, Iztapalapan
stood half on land, half over the water, and
568
Ayotzinco was founded entirely on piles, and had
canals instead of streets.[710]


Other towns had recourse to strong walls and deep
ditches to secure their protection. Tlascala especially
was well defended from its ancient Aztec enemy, by
a wall of stone and mortar[711] which stretched for six
miles across a valley, from mountain to mountain,
and formed the boundary line of the republic. This
wall was nine feet high, twenty feet broad,[712] and surmounted
by a breastwork a foot and a half in thickness,
behind which the defenders could stand while
fighting. The only entrance was in the centre, where
the walls did not meet, but described a semi-circle,
one overlapping the other, with a space ten paces
wide and forty long between them.[713] The other side
also was defended by breastworks and ditches.[714] The
city itself stood upon four hills, and was crossed by
narrow streets,[715] the houses being scattered in irregular
groups. In size it was even larger than Granada,
says Cortés, which is not unlikely, for the market had
accommodation for thirty thousand people, and in one
of the temples four hundred Spaniards with their attendants
found ample room.[716] At Huejutla there
was a curious wall of masonry, the outside of which
was faced with small blocks of tetzontli, each about
nine inches in diameter on the face, which was rounded;
the end of each block was pointed, and inserted in
the wall.[717]



569


THE CITY OF TEZCUCO.


The city next in fame and rank to Mexico Tenochtitlan
was Tezcuco,[718] which Torquemada affirms
contained one hundred and forty thousand houses
within a circumference of from three to four leagues.[719]
It was divided into six divisions, and crossed by a
series of fine straight streets lined with elegant buildings.
The old palace stood on the border of the lake
upon a triple terrace, guarding the town, as it were;
the newer structure, in the construction of which
two hundred thousand men had been employed, stood
at the northern end; it was a magnificent building
and contained three hundred rooms. This city was
the seat of refinement and elegance, and occupied
relatively the same position in Mexico as Paris does
in Europe.[720]


DWELLINGS OF THE RICHER CLASSES.


The style of architecture for houses did not exhibit
much variety; the difference between one house and
another being chiefly in extent and material.[721] The
570
dwellings of the nobles were situated upon terraces
of various heights, which in swampy places like
Mexico, rested upon tiers of heavy piles.[722] They were
usually a group of buildings in the form of a parallelogram,
built of stone or in Mexico of tetzontli,
joined with fine cement, and finely polished and whitewashed.[723]
Every house stood by itself, separated from
its neighbor by narrow lanes, and enclosed one or
more courts which extended over a large space of
ground.[724] One story was the most common form, and
there are no accounts of any palaces or private houses
exceeding two stories.[725] Broad steps led up the terrace
to two gates which gave entrance to the courts;
one opening upon the main street, the other upon the
back lane, or canal, that often lay beneath it. The
terrace platform of the houses of chiefs often had a
wide walk round it and was especially spacious in front,
where there was occasionally a small oratorio facing
the entrance. This style was particularly noticed on
the east coast.[726] The court was surrounded by numerous
571
porticoes decorated with porphyry, jasper, and alabaster
ornaments, which, again, led to various chambers,
and halls, lighted by large windows. Two great halls
and several reception-rooms were situated in front; the
sleeping-chambers, kitchen, baths, and store-rooms
were in the rear, forming at times quite a complicated
labyrinth.[727] The court was paved with flags of stone,
tessellated marble, or hard cement, polished with ochre
or gypsum,[728] and usually contained a sparkling fountain;
occasionally there was a flower-garden, in which
a pyramidal altar gave an air of sanctity to the place.[729]
The stairway which led to the second story or to the
roof, was often on the outside of the house, and by its
grand proportions and graceful form contributed not a
little to the good appearance of the house.[730] The roof
was a flat terrace of beams, with a slight slope towards
the back,[731] covered with a coat of cement or clay,[732] and
surrounded by a battlemented parapet, surmounted at
times by small turrets.[733] There were generally flowers
in pots upon the roofs, or even a small garden;
and here the members of the household assembled in
572
the cool of the evening to enjoy the fresh air and
charming prospect.[734] Some houses had galleries,
which, like most work added to the main structure,
were of wood,[735] though supported upon columns of
marble, porphyry, or alabaster. These pillars were
either round or square, and were generally monoliths;
they were without base or capital, though ornamented
with figures cut in low relief. Buildings were further
adorned with elegant cornices and stucco designs of
flowers and animals, which were often painted with
brilliant colors. Prominent among these figures was
the coiling serpent before mentioned. Lintels and
door-posts were also elaborately carved.[736]


The interior displayed the same rude magnificence.
The floors were covered with hard, smooth cement
like the courtyard and streets, rubbed with ochre or
gypsum, and polished.[737] The glossy walls were
painted and hung with cotton or feather tapestry, to
which Las Casas adds silver plating and jewels. The
furniture was scanty. It consisted chiefly of soft
mats and cushions of palm-leaves or fur, low tables,
and small stools with palm-leaf backs. The beds
were mats piled one upon another, with a block or a
palm-leaf or cotton cushion for a pillow; occasionally
they were furnished with coverlets and canopies of
573
cotton or feather-work.[738] Vases filled with smoldering
incense diffused their perfume through the chambers.
The rooms which were used in winter were
provided with hearths and fire-screens, and were
lighted by torches.[739] There were no doors, properly
called such, to the houses, but where privacy was required,
a bamboo or wicker-work screen was suspended
across the entrance, and secured at night with
a bar. To this was attached a string of shells, which
the visitor rattled to call the host or his attendants to
the entrance. The interior rooms were separated by
hangings, which probably also served to cover the
windows of ordinary dwellings,[740] although the transparent
tecali stone, as before stated, answered the
purpose of window-glass in certain parts of some of
the temples.[741]


HOUSES OF THE LOWER CLASSES.


The houses of the poorer classes were built of
adobe, wood, cane, or reeds and stones, mixed with
mud, well plastered and polished,[742] and, in Mexico,
raised on stone foundations, to prevent dampness,[743]
though the elevation was less than that of the houses
of the richer people. They were generally of an
oblong shape, were divided into several apartments,
and occasionally had a gallery in front. They could
not afford a central court, but had instead a flower or
vegetable garden wherever space permitted. Terrace
roofs were not uncommon in the towns, but more
generally the houses of the poorer people were
574
thatched with a kind of long thick grass, or with
overlapping maguey-leaves.[744]


Besides the oratory and storehouse with which
most houses were provided, a temazcalli, or bath, was
generally added to the dwelling. This, according to
Clavigero, consisted of a hemisphere of adobe, having
a slightly convex paved floor sunk a little below the
level of the surrounding ground. The entrance was
a small hole just large enough to admit a man. On
the outside of the bath-house, and on the opposite side
to the entrance, was a furnace made of stone or brick,
separated from the interior by a thin slab of tetzontli,
or other porous stone, through which the heat was
communicated. On entering, the door was closed,
and the suffocating vapors were allowed to escape
slowly through a small opening in the top. The
largest bath-houses were eight feet in diameter, and
six feet in height. Some were mere square chambers
without a furnace, and were doubtless heated and the
fire raked out before the bather entered.[745]


The storehouses and granaries which were attached
to farms, temples, and palaces, were usually square
buildings of oxametl-wood, with thatched roofs. The
logs had notches near the ends to give them a secure
hold. Two windows, or doors, one above the other,
gave access to the interior, which was often large
enough to contain many thousand bushels of grain.[746]



575


AZTEC GARDENS.


Love of flowers was a passion with the Aztecs, and
they bestowed great care upon the cultivation of gardens.
The finest and largest of these were at Iztapalapan
and Huastepec. The garden at Iztapalapan
was divided into four squares, each traversed by
shaded walks, meandering among fruit-trees, blossoming
hedges, and borders of sweet herbs.[747] In the centre
of the garden was an immense reservoir of hewn
stone, four hundred paces square, and fed by navigable
canals. A tiled pavement,[748] wide enough for four
persons walking abreast, surrounded the reservoir, and
at intervals steps led down to the water, upon the
surface of which innumerable water-fowl sported. A
large pavilion, with halls and corridors, overlooked
the grounds.[749]


The Huastepec garden was two leagues in circuit,
and was situated on a stream; it contained an immense
variety of plants and trees, to which additions
were continually made.[750] The chinampas, or floating
gardens, have been described elsewhere.[751]


The Mexicans required no solid roads for heavy
traffic, since goods were carried upon the shoulders of
slaves, but a number of pathways crossed the country
in various directions, which underwent repair every
year on the cessation of the rains. Here and there
576
country roads crossed streams by means of suspension-bridges,
or fixed structures mostly of wood, but
sometimes of stone, with small spans. The suspension-bridges
were made of ropes, twisted canes, or
tough branches, attached to trees and connected by
a netting. The Spaniards were rather fearful of crossing
them, on account of their swinging motion when
stepped upon and the gaping rents in them.[752]


Almost the only specimen of Nahua architecture
which has withstood the ravages of time until our
day is the temple structure, teocalli, 'house of God,'
or teopan, 'place of God,' of which Torquemada asserts
there were at least forty thousand in Mexico. Clavigero
regards this as a good deal below the real number,
and if we consider the extremely religious character
of the people, and accept the statements of the
early chroniclers, who say that at distances of from a
quarter to half a league, in every town and village,
were open places containing one or more temples,[753]
and on every isolated rock or hill, along the country
roads, even in the fields, were substantial structures
devoted to some idol, then Clavigero's assertion may
be correct.[754]


The larger temples were usually built upon pyramidal
parallelograms, square, or oblong, and consisted of
a series of superimposed terraces with perpendicular
or sloping sides.[755] The celebrated temple at Mexico
577
forms a fair type of the latter kind and its detailed
description will give the best idea of this class of edifices.


TEMPLE OF HUITZILO­POCHTLI.



THE GREAT TEMPLE OF MEXICO.



THE SACRIFICIAL STONE.


When the Aztecs halted on the site of Mexico after
their long wanderings, the first care was to erect an
abode for their chief divinity Huitzilopochtli. The
spot chosen for the humble structure, which at first
consisted of a mere hut, was over the stone whereon
the sacred nochtli grew that had been pointed out by
the oracle. A building more worthy of the god was
soon erected, and, later on, Ahuitzotl constructed the
edifice from whose summit Cortés looked down upon
the scenes of his conquest. The labor bestowed upon
it was immense, and notwithstanding that the material
had to be brought from a distance of three or four
leagues—a serious matter to a people who were supplied
with no adequate means of transport—the temple
was completed in two years.[756] The inauguration
took place in 1486, in the presence of the chief princes
and an immense concourse of people from all quarters,
and 72,344 captives, arranged in two long files, were
sacrificed during the four days of its duration.[757] The
site of the building was indeed worthy of its character,
standing as it did in an immense square forming
the centre of the town, from which radiated the four
chief thoroughfares.[758] The idea of thus keeping the
god before the people at all times had, doubtless, as
much to do with this arrangement as that of giving
him the place of honor. A square wall[759] about four
578
thousand eight hundred feet in circumference, from
eight to nine feet in height and of great thickness,
with its sides facing the cardinal points, formed the
courtyard of the temple.[760] It was built of stone and
lime, plastered and polished,[761] crowned with battlements
in the form of snails, and turreted and adorned
with many stone serpents,—a very common ornament
on edifices in Egypt as well as Anáhuac—for which
reason it was called coatepantli, 'wall of snakes.'[762]
At the centre of each wall stood a large two-story
building, divided into a number of rooms, in which the
military stores and weapons were kept. These faced
the four chief thoroughfares of the town, and their
lower stories formed the portals of the gateways which
gave entrance to the courtyard.[763] This was partly
paved with large smooth flag-stones, partly with
579
cement, plastered and polished, and so slippery that
the horses of the Spaniards could scarcely keep their
footing.[764] In the centre stood the great temple, an
oblong, parallelogramic pyramid, about three hundred
and seventy-five feet long and three hundred feet
broad at the base, three hundred and twenty-five by
two hundred and fifty at the summit, and rising in
five superimposed, perpendicular terraces to the height
of eighty-six feet.[765] The terraces were of equal
580
height,[766] the lowest, according to Tezozomoc, having
a foundation a fathom or more in depth, and each receded
about six feet from the edge of the one beneath
it, leaving a flat ledge round its base.[767] At the
north-west corner the ledges were graded to form a
series of steps, one hundred and fourteen in all, and
each about nine inches high, which led from terrace to
terrace, so that it was necessary to walk completely
round the edifice to gain the succeeding flight.[768] This
style of building was probably devised for show as
well as for defence, for by this means the gorgeously
dressed procession of priests was obliged to pass in
sight of the entire multitude gathered on all sides of
the temple, winding at a solemn pace round each terrace.
The structure was composed of well-rammed
earth, stones, and clay, covered with a layer of large
581
square pieces of tetzontli, all of equal size, hewn
smooth and joined with a fine cement, which scarcely
left a mark to be seen; it was besides covered with a
polished coating of lime, or gypsum.[769] The steps
were of solid stone and the platform of the same slippery
character as the court.[770] At its eastern end
stood two three-story towers, fifty-six feet in height,[771]
separated from the edge by a walk barely wide enough
for one person. The lower story was of masonry with
the floor raised a few feet above the platform and an
entrance on the west; the two upper stories were of
wood, with windows, to which access was had by movable
ladders.[772] A wooden cupola well painted and
582
adorned formed the roof.[773] The sanctuaries were in
the lower story, the one on the right hand dedicated
to Huitzilopochtli with his partner and lieutenant, the
other to Tezcatlipoca.[774] The gigantic images of these
gods rested upon large stone altars three to four feet
high,[775] their monstrous grandeur shielded from the
vulgar gaze of the multitude by rich curtains hung
with tassels and golden pellets like bells, which rattled
as the hangings moved. Before the altar stood the
terrible stone of sacrifice, a green block about five feet
in length, and three in breadth and height, rising in
a ridge on the top so as to bend the body of the victim
upwards and allow the easy extraction of the
heart.[776] The walls and ceilings were painted with
monstrous figures, and ornamented with stucco and
583
carved wood-work, and, according to Las Casas, the
gold and jewel-decked interior exceeded even Thebe's
famed temple in beauty,[777] but the venerable bishop
was evidently led away by his well-known enthusiasm
for whatever concerned the natives, for Bernal Diaz
and others state that the floors and walls were steeped
with blood, diffusing a fetid odor which made the
visitors glad to escape to the fresh air.[778] The upper
stories were used as receptacles for the ashes of deceased
kings and lords,[779] and for the instruments connected
with the service of the temple, but Diaz also
noticed idols, half human, half monstrous in form, and
found the rooms blood-stained like the lower apartment.[780]
Before each chapel stood a stone hearth of
a man's height, and of the same shape as the piscina in
Catholic churches, upon which a fire was continually
kept burning by the virgins and priests, and great
misfortunes were apprehended if it became extinguished.[781]
Here was also the large drum covered
584
with snake-skins,[782] whose sombre notes resounded over
a distance of two miles on feast-days and other extraordinary
occasions—many a death-knell it struck for
the Spaniards before they became masters of it.
From this height the Spaniards gazed down upon between
seventy and eighty other edifices within the
enclosure, with their six hundred braziers of stone,
some round, some square, and from two to five feet
high,[783] whose bright fires flared in perpetual adoration
of their idols, and turned the night into day. About
forty of these were temples, each with its idols, scattered
round the court and facing the great pyramid as
if in adoration.[784] They were considerably smaller
than the central temple, and differed chiefly in the
form of the roof which was round, square, or pyramidal,
according to the character of the idol.[785] The
largest was that of Tlaloc, which stood nearest the
pyramid, and was ascended by fifty steps.[786] Quetzalcoatl's
was the most singular in form, being circular
585
and surmounted by a dome, symbolic of the abode
of the god of air; a snake's jaws with exposed fangs
formed the low entrance, and made the stranger shudder
as he stooped to pass in.[787] Among other notable
edifices were the tezcacalli, or 'house of mirrors,' so
called from the mirrors which covered its walls, and
the teccizcalli, 'house of shells,' to which the king retired
at certain times to perform penance. The high-priest
also had a house of retirement called poiauhtla,
and there were several others for the use of certain
other priests. Among these was a splendid
building, provided with baths, fountains, and every
comfort, in which notable strangers who visited the
temple or the court were entertained. The Ilhuicatitlan
temple, dedicated to the planet Venus, contained
a large column painted or sculptured with the image
of the star, before which captives were sacrificed on
the appearance of the planet. Another temple took
the form of a cage, in which the idols of conquered
nations were confined, to prevent them from assisting
their worshipers in regaining their liberty.[788] The
quauhxicalco was used as a receptacle for the bones
of victims sacrificed at various sanctuaries. The
skulls of those killed at the great temple were deposited
in the tzompantli,[789] which stood just outside the
court, near the western or main gate. This consisted
of an oblong sloping parallelogram of earth and masonry,
one hundred and fifty-four feet at the base,
ascended by thirty steps, on each of which were
skulls.[790] Round the summit were upwards of seventy
raised poles about four feet apart, connected by numerous
rows of cross-poles passed through holes in
the masts, on each of which five skulls were filed, the
586
sticks being passed through the temples.[791] In the
centre[792] stood two towers, or columns, made of skulls
and lime, the face of each skull being turned outwards,
and giving a horrible appearance to the whole. This
effect was heightened by leaving the heads of distinguished
captives in their natural state, with hair
and skin on. As the skulls decayed, or fell from the
towers or poles, they were replaced by others, so that
no vacant place was left. The Spaniards are said to
have counted one hundred and thirty-six thousand
skulls on the steps and poles alone, but this number
is, no doubt, greatly exaggerated.[793] In the court
was a large open space, which stretched to the foot of
the stairway of the great temple. Here the great
dances were held in which thousands took part,[794] and
here, in full view of the multitude gathered to join
in the festive ring, stood the gladiatorial stone, the
temalacatl, upon which the captives were placed to
fight with Aztec warriors, for their liberty as it was
termed, but rather for the delectation of the masses,
for their chance of victory, as we have seen, was very
small. It consisted of an immense flat circular stone,
three feet in height, very smooth, with sculptured
edge, placed upon a small pyramid eight feet in
height.[795] In another part of the court were three
large halls with flat roofs and plastered walls, painted
on the inside, which contained a number of low, dark
chambers, each the abode of an idol; the walls were
587
covered with blood, two fingers in thickness, and the
floors to the depth of a foot almost.[796] The court also
contained a grove in which birds were raised for sacrifices,
and whence the procession started on the day
devoted to the great hunt in honor of Mixcoatl; there
were also a number of gardens, where flowers and
herbs for offerings were grown. There were several
bathing-places, one of which, the tetzaapan, 'cleansing
water,'[797] was set apart for those who had made
vows of penance, and another, at Mixcoatl's temple,
filled with black water, for the priests. The toxpalatl
was a fine fountain, the waters of which were only
drunk at solemn festivals. It was supposed to have
been the identical spring in which the Aztec priest
had the interview with Tlaloc and obtained permission
for the nation to settle. The care of all the
temple buildings devolved upon a perfect army of
priests, monks, nuns, school children, and other people,
estimated at from five to ten thousand, who all
slept within the sacred precincts.[798] The passing and
repassing of such numbers must have made the place
teem with life, yet everything was in such perfect
order and kept so scrupulously clean, says Diaz, that
not a speck or a straw could he discover.[799]



588


Besides this there were several other temples and
public oratories in the city, situated either in groups
within a square, or scattered throughout the wards,
and attended to by their special priests and servants.
Torquemada thinks that their number equaled the
days in the Aztec year, namely, three hundred and
sixty, and Clavigero believes that there were two
thousand chapels besides.[800]


The temples in other towns were pretty much like
the foregoing, three being usually grouped around a
central pyramid in a square, each with its idol and one
or two braziers. Others were mounds of earth cased
with stone, with one broad stairway in the centre of
the western side, or with steps on three sides, sometimes
at each corner.[801] The chapels on the platform
were usually two or three stories in height, often provided
with balconies, the whole edifice being plastered
and polished.[802]


TEOCALLI AT CHOLULA AND TEZCUCO.


The pyramid at Mexico, large as it was, did not
equal that at Cholula, which Humboldt estimates at
five thousand seven hundred and sixty feet in circumference
and one hundred and seventy-seven feet in
589
height. It consisted of four square terraces facing
the cardinal points, which seem to have been composed
of alternate layers of adobe and clay, and was
surrounded by a double wall, according to Diaz. On
the top stood the semi-spherical chapel of Quetzalcoatl,
with its door made low so that all who entered
should bend in humility.[803] This city contained, besides,
a great number of smaller temples, the total
equaling the number of days in the Mexican year.[804]
The temple at Tezcuco was also several steps higher
than the Mexican pyramid.[805] King Nezahualcoyotl,
who is said to have believed in one supreme god,
erected in his honor a nine-story building, to indicate
the nine heavens, the roof of which was studded with
stars and surmounted by three pinnacles; the interior
was decorated with gold and feather-work and precious
stones. The upper floor was a receptacle for musical
instruments, from one of which, the chililitli,
the edifice was named.[806] The traditional temples of
early times, very fairy creations according to the accounts
of the natives, were far superior to the later
ones; but these relations are little more than supernatural
fables.[807]







CHAPTER XIX.


MEDICINE AND FUNERAL RITES AMONG THE NAHUAS.


591



Mexican Contributions to Medical Science—The Botanical
Gardens—Longevity—Prevalent Diseases—Introduction of
Small-pox and Syphilis—Medical Treatment—The Temazcalli—Aboriginal
Physicians—The Aztec Faculty—Standard
Remedies—Surgery—Superstitious Ceremonies in Healing—Funeral
Rites of Aztecs—Cremation—Royal Obsequies—Embalming—The
Funeral Pyre—Human Sacrifice—Disposal
of the Ashes and Ornaments—Mourners—Funeral Ceremonies
of the People—Certain Classes Buried—Rites for
the Slain in Battle—Burial among the Teo-Chichimecs and
Tabascans—Cremation Ceremonies in Michoacan—Burial by
the Miztecs in Oajaca.



Writers on Mexico have paid but slight attention
to aboriginal medical science, although the greatest
benefit which Europe derived from that part of the
New World came doubtless in the form of medicinal
substances. Most of the additions to the world's
stock of remedies since the sixteenth century were
indigenous to tropical America, and in few instances,
if any, were their curative properties unknown or
unfamiliar to the native doctors. Jalap, sarsaparilla,
tobacco, with numerous gums and balsams, were
among the simples of American origin. Dr Hernandez,
physician to Phillip II., was sent to Mexico by
his king to investigate the natural history of the
country. The results of his researches, in which he
592
was assisted by native experts, were published in a
large work, which contains long lists of plants with
their medicinal properties, and which has been much
used by later writers. I shall not, however, attempt
in this chapter to give any catalogue of medicinal
plants.[808] The healing art was protected by royalty,
and the numerous rare plants in the royal gardens,
collected at great expense from all parts of the
country, were placed at the disposal of the doctors in
the large cities, who were ordered to experiment with
each variety, that its curative or injurious properties
might be utilized or shunned. Thus the court physicians
derived from these constantly increasing collections
all the advantages of travel through distant
provinces.[809]


The Nahuas were a healthy race; naturally so with
their fine climate, their hardy training, active habits,
frequent bathing, and temperate diet. The extraordinary
statements respecting the great age attained by
their kings in the earlier periods of Nahua history are
of course absurdly exaggerated; but as centenarians
are often met with among their descendants at the
present day, there is no doubt that they were a long-lived
race, and that those who did not attain a hundred
years, succumbed for the most part to acute
diseases.[810] Indigestion and its accompanying ills were
unknown, and deformed people were so rare that
Montezuma kept a collection of them as a curiosity.
The diseases most prevalent were acute fevers, colds,
pleurisy, catarrh, diarrhea, and, in the coast districts,
593
intermittent fever, spasms, and consumption, aggravated
by exposure.[811]


EPIDEMICS AND THEIR RAVAGES.


Deadly epidemics swept the country at intervals,
the traditional accounts of which are so intermingled
with fable that we can form no idea of their nature.
One of the most fatal and wide-spread recorded was
that brought on by famine, war, and the anger of the
gods at the breaking-up of the Toltec empire.[812] The
matlazahuatl was a pestilence said to be confined entirely
in its ravages to the natives, and which made
great havoc even after the Spaniards came. It is
thought by some to have attacked the people periodically
in former times, and to have been similar in its
nature to the yellow fever. While the Aztecs were
shut up in their island home, a curious malady, consisting
of a swelling of the eyelids, followed by a violent
dysentery ending in death, or, as others say, by
a swelling of the throat and body, attacked the nations
on the main land, especially the Tepanecs. The
popular tradition was that the fumes of roasted fish
and insects wafted from the island to the shore, created
a powerful longing for this new and, to them,
unobtainable food, and that the pangs of an unsatisfied
appetite originated the pestilence.[813] Ixtlilxochitl relates
that a catarrhic scourge fell upon the people
during the unusually severe winter of 1450 and carried
off large numbers, especially of the aged.[814]


The vices introduced by the Spaniards, their oppression
of the natives, and the consequent disregard
of the ancient regulations respecting cleanliness and
594
the use of liquors, prepared the way for new maladies.
With the Spaniards came the small-pox,
measles, and as some believe, the syphilis. Small-pox
is said to have been introduced by a negro from one
of Narvaez' ships and spread with frightful rapidity
over the whole country, destroying whole households
who died and found no other graves than their houses.
Measles were introduced some ten or eleven years
later also from the Spanish ships. The yellow fever
has never prevailed to any great extent among the
natives.[815] Respecting syphilitic diseases and their origin
there has been much discussion. The first appearance
of the malady has been attributed to the old
world and the new, and to many localities in the former.
But naturally neither continent, nor any nation
has been willing to accept the so-regarded dishonor of
inflicting on the world this loathsome plague. The
discussion of the subject seems unprofitable and I
shall not reopen it here. The testimony in the matter
appears to me to prove that syphilis existed in Europe
long before the discovery of America; but there are
also some indications in the traditional history of the
Nahua peoples that the disease in some of its forms
was not unknown to the aboriginal Americans before
their intercourse with foreigners.[816]


ATTENTIONS TO THE SICK.


Accustomed to look on death in its most terrible
form in connection with their oft-recurring religious
festivals, the people seem to have become somewhat
callous to its dread presence, and to have met its
approach with less fear of the dark and unknown
hereafter than might have been expected from their
superstitious nature. An attack of illness did not
595
necessarily produce great anxiety, or an immediate
recourse to the doctor's services; but the common
people resorted for the most part to simple home
cures, which were the more effective as the curative
properties of herbs and their modes of application were
generally well known.[817] The unconcern with which
they regarded sickness did not result from want of
affection, for the Aztecs are said to have been very
attentive to their sick, and spent their wealth without
stint to save the life of friends. Yet the Tlascaltecs,
a hardier race, are reported by Motolinia to have
been less attentive, and some other Teo-Chichimec
tribes did not hesitate to kill a patient whose malady
did not soon yield to their treatment, under pretense
of putting him out of his misery, but really to get
him off their hands. This work of charity was performed
by thrusting an arrow down the throat of the
invalid, and old people were especially the recipients
of such favors.[818]


The favorite remedy for almost every ill of the
flesh was the vapor-bath, or temazcalli. No well-to-do
citizen's house was complete without conveniences
for indulging in these baths, and the poorer families
of each community owned one or more temazcalli in
common. The reader is already sufficiently familiar
with the general features of these baths, a confined
space with facilities for converting water into steam
being all that was required. Clavigero describes and
pictures a very graceful structure for this purpose, for
which, as it seems to involve the then-unknown principle
of the arch, he probably drew somewhat upon
his imagination. It is of adobes, semi-globular in
596
form, about eight feet in diameter, six feet high, with
a convex floor a little below the level of the ground.
On one side was an opening sufficiently large to admit
a man's body, on the opposite side a square furnace
separated from the interior by a slab of tetzontli, and
at the top an air-hole. Most of the bath-houses, however,
were simply square or oblong chambers with no
furnace attached, in which case the fire had of course
to be removed before the apartment was ready for use.
When the apparatus was properly heated a mat was
spread on the floor, and the patient entered, sometimes
accompanied by an assistant, bearing a dish of water
to be thrown on the floor and walls to produce steam,
and a bunch of maize-leaves with which his body,
and especially the part affected, was to be beaten. A
plunge into cold water after a profuse perspiration
was frequently but not always resorted to. As I
have said, there were scarcely any maladies for which
this treatment was not recommended, but it was regarded
as particularly efficacious in the case of fevers
brought on by costiveness, bites of venomous serpents
and insects, bruises, and unstrung nerves, and to relieve
the pains and purify the system of child-bearing
women. The steam-baths were also much used to
promote cleanliness and to refresh the weary bodies
of those in good health.[819]


The beneficial effects of a change of climate upon
invalids seem to have been appreciated, if we may
credit Herrera, who states that Michoacan was much
resorted to by the sick from all parts of the country.[820]
For severe cases, the expenses of treating which could
not be borne except by the wealthy classes, hospitals
were established by the government in all the larger
cities, endowed with ample revenues, where patients
from the surrounding country were cared for by experienced
597
doctors, surgeons, and nurses well versed in
all the native healing arts.[821] Medical practitioners
were numerous, who attended patients for a small
remuneration; the jealousy of Spanish physicians,
however, brought them into disrepute soon after the
conquest, and the healing art, like others, greatly degenerated.
It is related that a famous medicine-man
of Michoacan was summoned before the college of physicians
in Mexico on the charge of being a quack. In
reply to the accusation he asked his judges to smell a
certain herb, which produced a severe hemorrhage, and
then invited them to check the flow of blood. Seeing
that they were unable to do this promptly, he administered
a powder that immediately had the desired
effect. "These are my attainments," he exclaimed,
"and this the manner in which I cure the ailings of
my patients."[822]


THE NAHUA ESCULAPIUS.


The Esculapius of the Nahuas was embodied in the
persons of Oxomococipactonatl and Tlatecuinxochicaoaca,
who were traditionally the inventors of medicine
and the first herbalists among the Toltecs. Soon
after its invention the healing profession became one
of the most highly honored, and its followers constituted
a regular faculty, handing down their knowledge
and practice from generation to generation, according to
the Nahua caste-system, according to which the son
almost invariably adopted the profession of his father,
by whom he was educated. This system of education
from early childhood under the father's guidance, the
opportunities for practice in the public hospitals, free
access to the botanical gardens, and the numerous subjects
for anatomical dissection supplied by sacrificial
rites, certainly offered to the Nahua doctor abundant
opportunities of acquiring great knowledge and skill.
598
The profession was not altogether in the hands of the
sterner sex; for female physicians were in high repute,
especially on the eastern coast. In certain cases, as
of childbirth, we find the patient attended by none
but women, who administer medicines and baths and
render other necessary assistance, even going so far as
to cut out the infant in order to save the mother's
life.[823]


Medicines were given in all the usual forms of
draught, powder, injection, ointment, plaster, etc.; the
material for which was gathered from the three natural
kingdoms in great variety. Many of the herbs
were doubtless obtained from the gardens, but large
quantities were obtained in the forests of different
provinces by wandering collectors who brought their
herbs to the market-places for sale, or even peddled
them, it is said, from house to house. Each ailment
had its particular corrective, the knowledge of which
was not entrusted to the memory alone, but was also
recorded in painted books.[824] Doubtless many of the
vegetable and other medicines employed were mere
nostrums administered to give an exalted opinion of
the doctor's knowledge and skill rather than with any
hope of effecting a cure.


TREATMENT OF VARIOUS DISEASES.


Sahagun gives page after page of native recipes for
every ailment of the human body, which cannot be
reproduced here. Many of the remedies and methods
of application are as absurd as any of those which
599
have been noticed among the wild tribes. For diseases
of the scalp a wash of urine, an ointment of
soot, and an application of black clay were prescribed,
together with vegetable specifics too numerous to
mention. The white of an egg was much used in
mixing remedies for wounds and bruises; a certain
animal tapaiaxin was eaten for a swollen face; the
broth of a boiled fowl was recommended for convalescents.
Cataracts on the eye were rasped and
scraped with certain roots; for bloodshot eyes the
membrane was cut, raised with a thorn, and anointed
with woman's milk; clouded eyes were treated with
lizard's dung. Morning dew cured catarrh in newly
born children. Hoarseness was treated by drinking
honey, and an external application of India-rubber.
Wounds in the lips must be sewn up with a hair; a
certain insect pounded and hot pepper were among
the remedies for toothache, and great care of the
teeth was recommended. Stammering in children
was supposed to be caused by too long suckling.
Remedies for a cold were nearly as numerous as in
our day. Copper-filings were applied to bubos, which
may or may not have been syphilitic sores. For
looseness of the bowels in infants, the remedy was
given not only to the child but to the nurse. For a
severe blow on the chest, urine in which lizards had
been boiled must be drunk. The necessity of regulating
the bowels to sustain health was well understood,
and the doctor usually effected his purpose by
injecting a herbal decoction from his mouth through
the leg-bone of a heron. Purgatives in common use
were jalap, pine-cones, tacuache, amamaxtla, and
other roots; diuretics, axixpatli and axixtlacotl; emetics,
mexochitl and neixcotlapatli. Izticpatli, and chatalhuic,
are mentioned among the remedies for fevers.
Balsams were obtained from the huitziloxitl by distillation,
from the huaconex by soaking the bark in
water, and from the maripenda, by boiling the fruit
and tender stones. Oils were made from tlapatl,
600
chile, chian, ocotl (a kind of pine), and the India-rubber
tree. Octli, or wine, was often prescribed to
strengthen the system, and was also mixed with other
medicines to render them more palatable, for which
latter purpose cacao was also much used.


Several stones possessed medicinal properties: the
aztetl, held in the hand or applied to the neck,
stopped bleeding at the nose; the xiuhtomoltetl, taken
in the form of a powder, cured heartburn and internal
heat. This latter stone fell from the clouds in stormy
weather, sunk into the earth, and grew continually
larger and larger, a solitary tuft of grass alone indicating
to the collector its whereabouts. The bones of
giants dug up at the foot of the mountains, were collected
by their dwarfish successors, ground to powder,
mixed with cacao, and drunk as a cure for diarrhea
and dysentery. Persons suffering from fever, or wishing
to allay carnal desires, ate jaguar's flesh; while
the skin, bones, and excrement of the same animal,
burnt, powdered, and mixed with resin, formed an
antidote for insanity. Certain horny-skinned worms,
similarly powdered and mixed, were a specific for the
gout, decayed teeth, and divers other ailments.


SUPERSTITIOUS CURATIVE RITES.


Surgery was no less advanced than other branches
of the healing art, and Cortés himself had occasion
to acknowledge the skill and speed with which they
cured wounds. Snake-bites, common enough among
a barefooted people, were cured by sucking and scarifying
the wound, covering it with a thin transparent
pellicle from the maguey-plant. Rubbing with snuff,
together with heat, was another treatment, and the
coanenepilli and coapatli were also considered antidotes.
Fractures were treated with certain herbs
and gums, different kinds for different limbs, and
bound up with splints; if the healing did not progress
satisfactorily the bone was scraped before the
operation of resetting. For painful operations of
this nature it is possible that narcotics were administered,
for at certain of the sacrifices it is related
601
that the victims were sprinkled with yauhtli powder
to render them less sensitive to pain. Mendieta
states that a stupefying drink was given on similar
occasions; and Acosta mentions that oliliuhqui was
taken by persons who desired to see visions. This
latter was a seed, which was also an ingredient of the
teopatli, or divine medicine, composed besides of India-rubber
gum, ocotl-resin, tobacco, and sacred water.
This medicine could only be obtained from the priests.
Blood-letting was much in vogue for various ills, the
lancets used being iztli knives, porcupine-quills, or
maguey-thorns. Ulli-marked papers were burned by
the recovered patient as a thank-offering to the gods.
Veterinary surgeons are mentioned by Oviedo as having
been employed in the zoölogical gardens of Montezuma.[825]


The medicines, though prepared and applied by the
doctors themselves, were not deemed sufficient for the
patient; superstitious ceremonies were held to be indispensable
to effect a cure, and to enhance the value
of professional services. Evil beings and things had
to be exorcised, the gods must be invoked, especially
the patron deity, known chiefly by the name of Teteionan,
who was esteemed the inventor of many
valuable specifics, as the ocotl-oil and others, and confessions
were extorted to ease the conscience and appease
the offended deity. The affected parts were
rubbed and pressed amid mutterings and strange gestures,
and to work the more upon the simple-minded
602
patient, they pretended to extract a piece of coal, bone,
wood, or other object, the supposed cause of the ailment.
A favorite treatment in certain prostrating
cases was to form a figure of corn dough, which was
laid upon a prickly maguey-leaf and placed in the
road, with the view of letting the first passer-by carry
away the disease—a charitable hope that seems to
have afforded much relief to the afflicted. However
absurd this jugglery may appear, it no doubt gave a
powerful stimulus to the imagination, which must
have aided the working of the medicine. In critical
cases, chance was often consulted as to the fate of
the sufferer. A handful of the largest grains or beans
were thrown on the ground, and if any happened to
fall upright it was regarded as a sure sign that the
patient would die, and he received little or no attention
after that; otherwise prescriptions and encouraging
words were not spared. Sometimes a number of
cord rings were thrown in the same manner, and if
they fell in a heap, death was expected to result; but
if any fell apart, a change for the better was looked for.
To encounter a snake or lizard was held to be a sign
of death for the person himself or for his sick friend.
Although no curative process, probably, in the case of
a serious illness was altogether free from superstitious
rites, yet it is surprising that these played so unimportant
a rôle. Among a people so addicted on every
occasion to complicated ceremonies, the most complicated
might naturally be sought in their efforts to
combat disease; but it is just here that the least reliance
seems to have been placed in supernatural agencies.[826]



603


FUNERAL RITES OF KINGS.


The Aztecs were very particular about the disposal
of their dead, and conducted funeral rites with the
pomp that attended all their ceremonials. The obsequies
of kings were especially imposing, and their
description, embracing as it does nearly all the ceremonies
used on such occasions by these nations, will
present the most complete view of the proceedings.


PREPARATION FOR FUTURE EXISTENCE.


When the serious condition of the monarch became
apparent, a veil[827] was thrown over the face of the
patron god, to be removed on his death, and notice
was sent to all the friendly princes, the grandees and
nobles of the empire, to attend the obsequies; those
who were unable to attend in person sent representatives
to deliver their condolence and presents. As
soon as the king had breathed his last, certain masters
of ceremonies, generally old men whose business
it was to attend on these occasions, and who were
doubtless connected with the priesthood,[828] were summoned
to prepare the body for the funeral. The
corpse was washed with aromatic water, extracted
chiefly from trefoil,[829] and occasionally a process of
embalming was resorted to. The bowels were taken
604
out and replaced by aromatic substances, but the
method does not seem to have been very complete,
and may only have been intended to serve while the
body lay in state, for no remains of embalmed mummies
have been found. The art was an ancient one,
however, dating from the Toltecs as usual, yet generally
known and practiced throughout the whole
country. A curious mode of preserving bodies was
used by the lord of Chalco who captured two Tezcucan
princes, and, in order that he might feast his eyes
upon their hated forms, had them dried and placed as
light-holders in his ball-room.[830] When the invited
guests had arrived the body was dressed in many
mantles, often to the number of fifteen or twenty,
such as the king had worn on the most solemn occasions,
and consequently richly embroidered and glittering
with jewels.[831] While some were shrouding
the body, others cut papers of different colors into
strips of various forms, and adorned the corpse therewith.
Water was then poured upon its head with
these words: "This is the water which thou usedst
in this world;"[832] and a jug of water was placed among
the shrouds, the priest saying: "This is the water
wherewith thou art to perform the journey." More
papers were now delivered to the deceased in bunches,
the priest explaining the import of each, as he placed
it with the body. On delivering the first bunch he
said: "With these thou art to pass between two
mountains that confront each other." The second
bunch, he was told, would pass him safely over a
road guarded by a large snake; the third would conduct
him by a place held by an alligator, xochitonal;
605
the fourth would protect and aid him in traversing
the 'eight deserts;' other papers would facilitate the
passage of the 'eight hills,' and still others afford protection
against the cutting winds termed itzehecayan,
which were so strong as to tear out rocks and cut like
very razors; here the wearing-apparel buried with
him would also be of great service. A little red dog
was thereupon slain by thrusting an arrow down its
throat, and the body placed by the side of the deceased,
with a cotton string about its neck. The dog
was to perform the part of Charon, and carry the
king on his back across the deep stream called Chicunahuapan,
'nine waters,'[833] a name which points to the
nine heavens of the Mexicans.


It will thus be seen that the dead had a difficult
road to travel before reaching their future abode,
which was on the fifth day after the burial, and that
they needed the articles of comfort and necessity, as
food, dresses, and slaves, which affectionate friends
provided for their use. The ideas entertained by the
Nahuas respecting a future life belong to another
department of my work, and will only be alluded to
incidentally in this chapter. After the defunct had
received his passports, he was covered with a mantle
like that of the god which his condition and mode of
death rendered appropriate, and decorated with its
image. As most kings were warriors, he would be
dressed in a mantle of Huitzilopochtli, and would, in
addition, wear the mantle of his favorite god.[834] A
lock of hair was cut off and placed, with one that had
been cut at his birth, as well as small idols, in a
casket painted inside and out with the images of the
606
patron deity. The casket used for this purpose in
the case of some of the Chichimec kings is described
to have been of emerald or other fine stone, three
feet square, and covered by a gold lid set with
precious stones. A mask either painted, or of gold,
or of turquoise mosaic was placed over the face,[835] and
a chalchiuite, which was to serve for a heart, between
the lips. According to Tezozomoc and Duran a statue
was placed with the king, dressed in royal insignia by
the hands of princes. The chiefs of the senate redressed
it in other robes after painting it blue. It
was then honored with addresses and presents, and
again undressed, painted black, and arrayed in a robe
of Quetzalcoatl; a garland of heron-feathers was
placed upon its head, bracelets and jewelry about its
body, a small gilded shield by its side, and a stick in
the hand. This figure shared the honors given to the
body and was burned with it.[836]


ROYAL OBSEQUIES.


The arrayed corpse was either laid upon a litter
covered with rich cloths, or seated upon a throne, and
watched over by a guard of honor, while princes and
courtiers came to pay their last respects.[837] They approached
with great manifestations of grief, weeping,
lamenting, clapping their hands, bending the body or
exhibiting neglect of person, and addressed the defunct,
607
referring to his present happiness, the loss his
departure had caused, his goodness and bravery, and
begged his acceptance of the presents they had brought.
This performance was enacted by all, those of higher
rank taking precedence and leaving offerings of ten
slaves, a hundred robes, and other things, while others
brought gifts of less value. Then came the women,
and while they were leaving their presents of food,
the aged courtiers intoned the funeral chant, the miccacuicatl.
Addresses of condolence were also made to
the royal family or the senate. The human sacrifices
were inaugurated at this time by the immolation of
the sacerdotal slave under whose charge the household
idols stood.[838] On the fifth day, before daybreak,
a grand procession formed for the temple, preceded by
an enormous paper banner, four fathoms in length, and
richly adorned with feathers, on which the deeds of
the defunct were doubtless inscribed, and attended by
priests who wafted incense and chanted his glory,
though in mournful strains, and without instrumental
accompaniment.[839] The corpse was borne upon the
state litter by the most trusted of the noble servitors,
while at the sides walked the chief lords and princes
dressed in mourning, their attire consisting of long,
square mantles of dark color, trailing on the ground,
without any ornaments; some, however, were painted
with figures of skulls, bones, and skeletons. Behind
them came the ambassadors of absent princes, the
grandees and nobles from all parts of the country, each
carrying some insignia, weapons, or jewels to be offered
on the pyre.[840] In the procession were also a large
608
number of slaves, all newly attired in the royal livery,[841]
and carrying clothes, implements, and other
articles, according to the duties assigned them. On
reaching the courtyard of the temple, the priest who
directed the burning came to receive the procession,
and conducted it to the altar devoted to cremation, all
chanting the while a moral song, in which they reminded
the mourners that as they were now carrying
a senseless body to its last resting-place, so would they
be carried; they also reminded them that good deeds
alone would remain to keep their remembrance green,
and pictured the glories in store for the deserving.
These priests were called coacuiles, and their office
was held to be of such importance that they prepared
for it by fasting and confession. They appeared in
the same idol dress as the dead king, though with
more elaborate ornaments. We find them on one occasion
as demons with faces at different parts of their
dress, set with eyes of mirrors and gaping mouths;
and at another time with blackened or dyed bodies
and paper maxtlis, swinging the yellow sticks used to
stir the ashes. According to Ixtlilxochitl, the high-priest
of Cihuacoatl, who was supposed to gather the
dead, came out to receive the procession.[842]


CREMATION AND INTERMENT.


The opinions as to the introduction of cremation are
extremely varied, but it seems to have been practiced
in very ancient times by the migrating tribes, who
took this means to secure the remains of honored
chiefs from desecration; their ashes could thus be carried
along and serve as talismanic relics. Ixtlilxochitl
gives an instance of this in the case of a Chichimec
king who died in battle and whose body was
609
burned, so that the ashes might be carried home with
convenience and safety. Brasseur de Bourbourg also
holds that cremation was an ancient Toltec custom,
but the first recorded case is that of the last Toltec
king, Topiltzin.[843] Others assert that the Toltecs who
remained in the country after the destruction of their
empire adhered to interment, as did the early Chichimecs.
Veytia affirms that Ixtlilxochitl or Tezozomoc
was the first to be deposited according to the forms instituted
by Topiltzin and used by the Mexicans,
namely, burning; Torquemada distinctly states that
the Chichimecs used cremation, and Clavigero agrees
with him.[844] Veytia also thinks that the first Aztec
kings were buried, but this is contrary to all other
reliable accounts. The custom may not have been
very general, for Sahagun states that during Itzcoatl's
reign it was resolved by the chiefs that all should be
burned, indicating at the same time that cremation was
then already in use. The later established usage was
to burn all except those who died a violent death, or
of incurable diseases, and those under seventeen years
of age, who were all interred. The Tlascaltecs and
Tarascos practiced burning like the Aztecs.[845]


The altar devoted to the burning was doubtless one
attached to the temple consecrated to the deity to
whose abode the deceased was supposed to go. Chaves
610
describes it as three feet in height and the same
in width,[846] on which a heap of ocotl was piled. Upon
this pyre the body was laid in full array, together with
the dog, and, as the fire flared up, the mourners added
insignia, jewels, weapons, food, and other tributes.
Two of the demon-like coacuiles stirred the fire while
others stood by chanting appropriate songs and sprinkling
blessed water and incense upon the remains, as
well as upon the mourners. Now began the sacrifice
of those doomed to follow the deceased to the other
world and there administer to his wants and pleasure.
These were at first but few in number, but during the
bloody dominion of the Aztecs they increased to several
hundred, as at the funeral of Nezahualpilli, when
two hundred males and one hundred females were immolated;
they consisted chiefly of slaves and deformed
beings from the royal retinue, and such as had been
presented. Duran says that all slaves and deformed
persons belonging to the household were killed, and
Acosta goes so far as to state that the whole royal
household was dispatched, including the favorite
brother of the king; but this must be taken with a
grain of allowance, for, at this rate, the nobles, who
crowded the service of the monarch, even in menial
positions, would soon have been exterminated. Some
courtiers were, no doubt, expected to prove the sincerity
of their life-long adulations by either offering
themselves as victims, or submitting to a selection
made from their number. Sometimes a chief would
signify his preference for those among his concubines
whom he wished to have with him, a mark of favor
often received with great joy, for they would thus be
sure of entering into the supreme heaven, where the
warlike lords usually went, while they might otherwise
be doomed to dark Mictlan. Self-immolation
of wives was, accordingly, not uncommon, although
not prescribed by law as in India. Brasseur says
611
that captives were sacrificed, but Duran states that
they were not offered except to the gods. Persons born
during the last five days of the year—the unlucky
days—were, however, reserved for royal obsequies.[847]


DISPOSITION OF THE REMAINS.


This array of victims was harangued by a relative of
the deceased, who dilated on the happiness before
them in being allowed to join their master, and admonished
them to serve him as faithfully in the next
world as they had done here. They were then consigned
to the priests, who laid them upon a teponaztli,[848]
cut open the breast and tore out the heart, which
was thrown upon the pyre, while the bodies were cast
upon another blazing hearth near by.[849] Gomara and
others state that the bodies were interred, but as the
dog and the property were burned, it is not likely that
the more important and useful human servants were
buried.[850]


When the body had been thoroughly burned, the
fire was quenched, the blood collected from the victims
being used for this purpose, according to Duran,
and the ashes, sprinkled with holy water, were placed
with the charred bones, stones, and melted jewelry in
the urn, or casket, which contained also the hair of
the deceased. On the top of this was placed a statue
of wood or stone, attired in the royal habiliments,
and bearing the mask and insignia, and the casket
was deposited at the feet of the patron deity, in the
612
chapel.[851] On the return of the procession a grand
banquet was given to the guests, ending, as usual,
with a presentation of gifts. For four days the
mourners paid constant visits to the shrine to manifest
their sorrow and to present the offerings of food,
clothes, or jewels, termed quitonaltia, 'to give good
luck.' These were either placed by the urn or upon
the altar of the god, and removed by the priests, who
ate the food and sent the valuables to the temple
treasury. These ceremonies closed with the sacrifice
of ten to fifteen slaves, and then the casket was deposited
in that part of the temple appointed for its
permanent reception.[852] Among the Chichimecs the
royal casket often remained forty days on view in the
palace, whence it was carried in procession to its final
resting-place.[853]


NAHUA SEPULCHRES.


In cases of interment the deceased was deposited
in the grave, seated on a throne in full array, facing the
north,[854] with his property and victims around him.
In early times, when the practice of interment was
more general, the victims were few, if not dispensed
with entirely, and consisted usually of two favorite
concubines, placed one on each side of their master,
who, it is said, were entombed alive, though it is more
613
probable that they were stupefied by narcotic drinks,
or clubbed, as in Michoacan. This practice of burying
alive is ascribed to the Toltecs.[855] The graves were
usually large subterranean vaults of stone and lime, situated
in the temple court, palace, or some favorite spot
near the city, as Chapultepec. It is related that the
temple pyramid in Mexico was the superstructure of
royal graves, the remains being deposited on the summit,
and the successor to the crown erecting upon this
another platform. On destroying the temple, the
Spaniards found several vaults, one beneath the other,
with their valuable contents of jewelry.[856] The Toltecs
also buried their dead in and near the temples,
and, according to some authors, the mounds at Teotihuacan,
to the number of several hundred, which will
be described in Vol. IV. of this work, are the graves
of Toltec chiefs.[857] The Chichimec kings were usually
buried in round holes, five to six feet deep, situated in
caves beneath the palace or in the mountains; in later
times, however, they chose the temples.[858]


Twenty days after the burial further offerings were
made, together with a sacrifice of from four to
five slaves; on the fortieth day two or three more
died; on the sixtieth, one or two; while the final immolation
consisting of ten to twelve slaves took place
at the end of eighty days, and put an end to the
mourning. Motolinia adds, however, that testimonials
614
of sorrow accompanied by offerings continued
to be made every eightieth day for the space of a
year.[859]


PLEBEIAN FUNERAL RITES.


The obsequies of the subjects were, of course, on a
scale of much less grandeur, though the rich and nobles
ventured to exhibit a certain pomp. The common
man, after having been washed in aromatic waters,
was dressed in his best garments; a cheap stone called
the tentetl, 'mouth-stone,' was inserted between the
lips; the passport papers for the dark journey were
handed to him with the usual address; and by his side
were placed the water, the dog, the insignia of his
trade, as arms, spade, or the like—spindle or broom in
the case of a woman—with the dresses and other
things required for comfort. Lastly the mantle of the
god which his condition in life and manner of death
rendered appropriate, was placed upon him; thus, a
warrior would wear the mantle of Huitzilopochtli
with the image of the war god upon it; a merchant
the mantle of Iyacatecutli; the artisan that of the
patron deity of his trade. A drunkard would, in addition,
be covered with the robe of the god of wine; a
person who had died by drowning, with that of the
water gods; the man executed for adultery, with that
of the god of lasciviousness; and so on.[860] According
615
to Zuazo, the corpse was further decorated with feathers
of various colors, and seated in a chair to receive
the expressions of sorrow and respect of friends, and
their humble offerings of flowers, food, or dresses.
After a couple of hours a second set of shrouders
removed the garments, washed the body again, re-dressed
it in red mantles, with feathers of the same
color, and left it to be viewed for an hour or more, according
to the number of the visitors. A third time
the body was washed, by a fresh corps of attendants,
and arrayed, this time, in black garments, with feathers
of the same sombre color. These suits were either
given to the temple or buried with the body.[861] Nobles
had the large banner borne in their procession,
and seem to have been allowed the use of sacrifices.[862]
According to Chaves the common people were also
burned in their own premises or in the forest, a statement
which Acosta and others indirectly confirm by
saying that they had no regular burial-places, but
their ashes were deposited in the yards of their
houses, in the temple courts, in the mountains, or in
the field. Upon the graves were placed flags, ornaments,
and various offerings of food during the four
days of mourning. Visits of condolence with attendant
feasting extended over a period of several days,
however.[863] People who had died a violent death, by
lightning or other natural causes or of incurable diseases,
616
such as leprosy, tumors, itch, gout, or dropsy,
were not burned but interred in special graves. Branches
or shoots of amaranth were placed upon their cheeks,
the brow was rubbed with texutli, certain papers were
laid over the brain, and in one hand was placed a
wooden rod which was supposed to become green and
throw out branches in the other world. The bodies of
women who died in childbed were also buried; and
the burial was attended by great difficulty, since warriors
and sorcerers fought bravely to obtain possession
of some part of her body, as has been stated in a preceding
chapter.[864]


A trader of the rank of pochteca, who died on a
journey, was dressed in the garb of his class, with
eyes painted black, red circles round the mouth, and
with strips of paper all over his person. The body
was then deposited in a cacaxtli, or square basket,
well secured by cords, and carried to the top of a
mountain, where it was fixed to a tree, or pole driven
into the ground, and left to wither. The spirit was
supposed to have entered the abode of the sun.[865] On
the return of the caravan the death was reported to
the guild, who broke the news to the family of the
deceased. A puppet made of candlewood, and adorned
with the usual paper ornaments, was left at the temple
for a day, during which the friends mourned over
it as if the body was actually before them. At midnight
the puppet was burned in the quauhxicalco and
the ashes buried in the usual manner. Funeral ceremonies
were held for four days, after which the relatives
washed the faces, that had remained untouched
by water during the absence of the trader, and put
an end to the mourning. The practice of paying
honors to the dead in effigy was especially in vogue
among the warrior class.[866]



617


HONORS TO THE SLAIN IN BATTLE.


Besides funeral honors to individuals, ceremonies
for all those who died in a battle or war were of frequent
occurrence, as that ordered by the first Montezuma
in memory of the slain in the campaign
against Chalco. A procession of all the relatives and
friends of the dead, headed by the fathers bearing
decorated arms and armor, and terminated by the
children, marched through the streets, dancing and
chanting mournful songs in honor of those who had
fallen fighting for their country and their gods, and
for each other's mutual consolation. Towards evening
presents were distributed by the king's officials,
clothing to the common people, ornaments to the
chiefs, and food to all. An effigy was then prepared,
the details of whose dress and decoration are
minutely described, and before it, placed in the cihuacalli,
war songs were chanted, instruments were
played, women danced and cried for four days;
then the image was burned before the temple, the
ceremony being called quitlepanquetzin, 'burning the
dead of the last war.' Some of the ashes were scattered
upon the relatives, who fasted for eighty days,
the remaining ashes being in the meantime buried;
but after the eighty days had passed they were dug
up and carried to the hill of Yahualiuhcan, on the
boundaries of Chalco, where they were left. Five
days later a feast took place, during which the garments
of the dead warriors were burned, more offerings
were made, and as a final honor to the memory
of the departed all became intoxicated with pulque.
Very distinguished warriors were sometimes honored
with the funeral rites of royalty.[867]


The ceremonies during the period of mourning were
618
not the last honors paid to deceased friends. Every
year during the four years that the souls were supposed
to live in a preparatory state in the heavens,[868]
offerings of choice viands, wine, flowers, and reeds of
perfume were placed before the casket or upon the
grave; songs extolling the merits of the departed
were sung, accompanied by dances, the whole closing
with feasting and drinking. After this the dead were
left to oblivion.[869] These commemorations took place
in the months of Tlaxochimaco and Xocotlhuetzin.
The former was termed 'the small festival of the
dead,' and seems to have been devoted to the common
people and children, but at the celebration in the latter
month great demonstrations were observed by all;
and certain royal personages and warriors who had
died for their country were awarded divine honors,
their statues being placed among those of the gods,
to whose presence they had gone. While the priests
were burning incense and making other offerings to
the dead, the people stood with blackened bodies on
the roofs of their houses, and, facing north, prayed to
their dead relatives, calling on them to visit their
former homes.[870]


In the month of Quecholli another celebration took
place, which seems to have been chiefly intended for
warriors who had perished in battle. On the fifth
day certain small arrows from five to nine inches in
length, and torches, were tied in bundles of four each
and placed upon the graves, together with a pair of
sweet tamales. At sunset the bundles were set on
fire, and the ashes interred with the dead. The shield
of the dead, with arrow, mantle, and maxtli attached,
619
was afterwards fastened to a stalk of maize of nine
joints, mounted by two paper flags, one of which
reached the length of the stalk. On the small flag
was a cross, worked in red thread, and on the other
an ornamentation of red and white thread, from the
white part of which a dead humming-bird was suspended.
Bunches of white aztatl feathers, tied in
pairs, were also attached to the stalk by a thread
covered with white hen-feathers. This was burned
at the quauhxicalco.[871]


FUNERAL RITES OF THE TARASCOS.


Among the peoples whose funeral ceremonies differ
from those described, may be mentioned the Teo-Chichimecs,
who interred their dead, and danced and sang
for several days after.[872] In Tabasco interment seems
also to have prevailed, for Grijalva found a grave in
the sand, containing a boy and a girl wrapped in cotton
cloth and adorned with jewelry.[873] In Goazacoalco
it was the custom to place the bones in a basket,
as soon as the flesh was gone, and hang them up in a
tree, so that the spirit of the defunct might have no
trouble in finding them.[874]


CREMATION OF THE TARASCAN KINGS.


In Michoacan the funeral rites were of a very exacting
character. When the king lay on his death-bed
it was incumbent on all vassals and courtiers to
attend at the palace, and those who stayed away were
severely punished. While awaiting the final breath
they were royally entertained, but none could enter
the death-chamber. When the corpse was ready for
shrouding, the lords entered to dress it in festive robes,
each attending to a particular part of the attire; the
emerald brooch was put between the lips, and the
620
body was laid upon a litter covered with cloths of different
colors. On one side of the body were placed a
bow and quiver, on the other was a doll made up of fine
mantles and dressed exactly like the king.[875] While
the courtiers were giving vent to lamentations and
tendering their respects, the new king proceeded to
select those among the servitors, who, according to
the inviolable law of the country, were doomed to
follow the dead prince. Seven of these were noble
women, to whom various duties were assigned; one
was appointed to carry the precious lip-ornament, another
to keep the rest of the jewels, a third to be cup-bearer,
and the others to attend at table and to cook.
Among the male victims, who seem to have been
slaves for the most part, every trade and profession
was represented,[876] as valets, hair-dressers, perfumers,
fan-holders, chair-bearers, wood-cutters, boatmen,
sweepers, doorkeepers, and artisans; also clowns, and
some of the physicians who had failed to save the
life of the monarch. Occasionally some enthusiast
would offer to join his beloved master of his own accord,
but this seems to have been prohibited; besides,
the new king had, doubtless, selected all that were
obnoxious to him, and could not afford to lose good
servants. At midnight the litter was carried on the
shoulders of the chief men to the temple, followed by
vassals, warriors, and courtiers, some blowing trumpets,
others chanting the glories of the dead. In
the van of the procession were the victims, who had
been bathed in aromatic waters and adorned with
garlands stripped of their leaves and branches, and
with yellow streaks over the face, who marched in files,
621
sounding whistles, rattling bones, and beating tortoise-shell
drums. Torch-bearers attended the party,
and ahead went a number of men who swept the
road, singing at the same time: "Lord, here
thou hast to pass, see that thou dost not miss
the road!"[877] Four turns were made round the pyre
before depositing the corpse upon it. While the
flames shot up, and the funeral chants fell from the
lips of the mourners, the victims were stupefied with
drinks and clubbed; the bodies were thrown into
holes behind the temple, by threes or fours, together
with the ornaments and other belongings of the deceased.
The ashes and valuables were gathered from
the smoking pyre, and made into a figure, which was
dressed in royal habiliments, with a mask for its
face, a golden shield on its back, bows and arrows by
its side; this was set upon a throne facing the east,
the whole being placed in a large urn, which was
deposited upon a bed of golden shields and silver
articles in a grave with stone walls, lined with mats,
about twelve feet square, and equally deep, situated
at the foot of the temple. The urn was covered with
a number of valuable mantles, and around it were
placed various implements, food, drink, and boxes
filled with feather-work and ornaments; the grave was
finally bridged with varnished beams and boards,
and covered with a coating of earth and clay.
After the funeral, all who had taken an active
part in the ceremonies went to bathe, in order to
prevent any injury to their health,[878] and then
assembled at the palace to partake of a sumptuous
repast. At the close of the banquet a cotton cloth
was given to each guest wherewith to wipe his face,
but all remained seated for five days with lowered
622
heads, without uttering a word, except the grandees,
who went in turn by night to watch and mourn at the
grave. During this period the mourning was general,
no corn was ground, no fires lighted, no business
transacted; the streets were deserted, and all remained
at home, mourning and fasting. The obsequies
of the people bore a general resemblance to
the above, the ceremonies being regulated by the
rank and means of the deceased. The graves were
usually situated in the fields or on the slope of a
hill.[879]


SEPULCHRES IN OAJACA.


Among the Miztecs, in Oajaca, where cremation
does not seem to have obtained, compliments and addresses
were presented to the corpse of a chief, just as
if he were alive. A slave arrayed in the same splendid
garments worn by his master, with mask, mitre,
and other insignia, was placed before it; and while the
funeral procession accompanied the body to burial, he
represented the chief, and received the honors paid to
royalty. At midnight four priests carried the body to
the forest, where it was placed, in the presence of the
mourners, in a cave, with the feet to the east, and
surrounded with various weapons and implements.
Two male and three female slaves, who had in the
meantime been made drunk and strangled, were also
placed in the grave, together with idols to serve as
guides. Burgoa was told by the natives that devoted
servants used to follow their lord alive into the grave.
On the return of the funeral cortège, the slave who
represented the deceased was sacrificed and deposited
in a hole, which was left unclosed. The cave selected
for the grave of the chief was supposed to be the
gate to paradise. Burgoa found two of these resting-places.
One was situated in a hill and lighted by
loopholes from above. Along the sides were stone
623
benches, like troughs, upon which lay the bejeweled
skeletons, and here and there were niches occupied
by idols. Another was a stone vault, with plastered
walls, arranged like the former; a stone block closed
the entrance.[880] Some authors state that when the
flesh was consumed, the bones were taken out and
placed in graves in the houses or in the temples;
this may, however, only have applied to certain
chiefs, for Burgoa found skeletons, as we have seen,
in the caves which he explored. Every year, on the
anniversary of the birth of the last defunct lord, not
on that of his death, great ceremonies were held in his
honor.[881] Like the Aztecs, they believed that the soul
wandered about for a number of years before entering
into perfect bliss, and visited its friends on earth once
a year.[882] On the eve of that day the house was prepared
as if for a festive occasion, a quantity of choice
food was spread upon the table, and the inmates went
out with torches in their hands, bidding the spirits
enter. They then returned and squatted down round
the table with crossed hands and eyes lowered to the
ground, for it was thought that the spirits would be
offended if they were gazed upon. In this position
they remained till morning, praying their unseen visitors
to intercede with the gods in their favor, and
then arose, rejoiced at having observed due respect for
the departed. The food, which the spirits were supposed
to have rendered sacred by inhaling its virtue,
was distributed among the poor, or deposited in some
out-of-the-way place. During the day further ceremonies,
accompanied by offerings, were made at the
temples, and a table was spread for the priests.[883]



624


PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES.


The Nahuas were physically a fine race. They are
described by all the old writers as being tall,[884] well-formed,
and of an olive or light copper color; as having
thick, black, coarse, though soft and glossy hair,
regular teeth, low, narrow, retreating foreheads,[885] black
eyes, scant beards,[886] and very little hair on their
625
bodies. Their senses were very acute, especially that
of sight, which they enjoyed unimpaired to the most
advanced age.[887] Their bodies they kept in training
by constant exercise. They were wonderful runners
and leapers, and, as we have seen, some of their athletic
and acrobatic feats were looked upon by the conquerors
as nothing short of the work of the devil. It
was no unusual thing to meet with people who from
their color could scarcely be distinguished from Europeans.
The people of Michoacan enjoy the reputation
of having been the tallest and handsomest among
the Nahuas.[888] The women of Jalisco found great
favor in the eyes of the reverend Father Torquemada.
He was shown one there, he says, who might be considered
a miracle of beauty; indeed, so fair was her
skin, so well-proportioned her body, and so regular
her features, that the most skillful portrait-painter
would have been put to it to do her justice.[889] Deformed
people were very uncommon; indeed, as we
have seen, their rarity made them valuable as objects
of curiosity, and kings and princes kept collections
of them.[890]



626


CHARACTER OF THE NAHUAS.


The character of the Nahuas, although the statements
of the best authors are nearly unanimous concerning
it, is in itself strangely contradictory. We
are told that they were extremely frugal in their
habits, that wealth had no attractions for them, yet
we find them trafficking in the most shrewd and careful
manner, delighting in splendid pageants, gorgeous
dresses, and rich armor, and wasting their substance
in costly feasts; they were tender and kind to their
children, and solicitous for their welfare, yet the punishments
they inflicted upon their offspring were cruel
in the extreme;[891] they were mild with their slaves,
and ferocious with their captives; they were a joyous
race, fond of feasting, dancing, jesting, and innocent
amusements, yet they delighted in human sacrifices,
and were cannibals; they possessed a well-advanced
civilization, yet every action of their lives was influenced
by gross superstition, by a religion inconceivably
dark and bloody, and utterly without one redeeming
feature; they were brave warriors, and terrible in war,
yet servile and submissive to their superiors; they
had a strong imagination and, in some instances, good
taste, yet they represented their gods as monsters,
and their religious myths and historical legends are
absurd, disgusting, and puerile.


That the Nahuas were a most ingenious people is
abundantly proven by their work as well as by the
statements of those who knew them. It has been
627
said that they were not inventive, but this Clavigero
indignantly denies.[892] It is certain that their power of
imitation was very great,[893] and that they were very
quick to learn the new arts introduced among them by
the Spaniards.[894] They were generous and remarkably
free from avarice.[895] They are said to have been very
temperate in their habits,[896] but judging from the vast
number of dishes served up at the tables of the rich,
and the stringent laws which were necessary to prevent
drunkenness, this appears doubtful. Although
terrible to their enemies, and naturally warlike, they
were peaceable among themselves, and seldom quarreled.
Las Casas says that when a difficulty arose
between two of them, the disputants did not come at
once to blows, but contented themselves with such
personal abuse as: "Go to, thou hast bad eyes; thou
628
art toothless;" or they threw handfuls of dirt in each
other's faces and then separated and washed themselves.
On rare occasions they pushed and elbowed
each other, or even had a scuffle, in which hair was
pulled out, clothes were torn, and bloody noses received,
but deadly weapons were never used, nor even
worn except by soldiers on duty. The same writer
relates that two women were put to death by order of
the king of Tezcuco for fighting in the public market-place,
a scandalous outrage upon public decency, the
like of which had never been heard of before. He
says, further, that when two young men became enamored
of the same woman, or when one carried off
the other's mistress, the rivals were allowed to fight
a duel for the possession of the woman. The combat
did not take place, however, until the army went
forth to war, when upon the first engagement they
sought out each other, and fought with their weapons
until one was vanquished.[897] They seem to have been
very strict and jealous in all matters relating to their
women.[898]


The Tlascaltecs were great lovers of liberty, and
were always ready to fight for it; they were, besides,
quick to take offence, otherwise they are said to have
been of a peaceable, domestic disposition, content to
stay at home and listen to or tell stories in their own
629
families, an amusement of which they were very fond.
They are further described as truthful, just, frugal,
and industrious.[899]


The Cholultecs, so celebrated for their pottery, are
reported to have been very peaceful, industrious, and
shrewd traders, yet brave withal, and capable of defending
their rights.[900] The Zapotecs were a fierce
people, always at war with their neighbors.[901] The
Miztecs are said by Herrera to have been the bravest
people in all New Spain; the same writer asserts that
they were lazy and improvident, while Espinosa speaks
of them as an industrious race.[902] The natives of Vera
Cruz are spoken of as affable and shrewd.[903] The people
of Jalisco were witty and slothful, yet they willingly
carried burdens for the Spaniards, Herrera tells
us.[904] The Tarascos were exceedingly valorous, great
liars, and industrious.[905]


CHAPTER XX.


GOVERNMENT, SOCIAL CLASSES, PROPERTY, AND LAWS OF THE
MAYA NATIONS.


630



Introductory Remarks—Votan's Empire—Zamná's Reign—The
Royal Families of Yucatan; Cocomes, Tutul Xius, Itzas,
and Cheles—Titles and Order of Succession—Classes Of
Nobles—The Quiché-Cakchiquel Empire in Guatemala—The
Ahau Ahpop and Succession to the Throne—Privileged
Classes—Government of the Provinces—The Royal Council—The
Chiapanecs—The Pipiles—Nations of Nicaragua—The
Maya Priesthood—Plebeian Classes—Slaves—Tenure of
Lands—Inheritance of Property—Taxation—Debtors and
Creditors—Laws and the Administration of Justice.



My reasons for dividing the Civilized Nations of
our territory into two groups, the Nahuas and the
Mayas, whose institutions are separately described,
have been stated in the General View, to which a
preceding chapter has been devoted. In the same
place was given an outline sketch of the nations composing
each group, and their mutual relations,[906] which
may serve as an introduction to the remainder of this
volume. Without further preliminary remarks I may
therefore enter at once upon the subject-matter of
this second division of my topic, a description of
Maya institutions, or the manners and customs of the
civilized nations whose home was south of the isthmus
631
of Tehuantepec. It will be evident to the reader
from what has been said that this account must be
not only much briefer, but also less complete and satisfactory
than that of the Nahua nations. Concerning
the Aztecs and kindred peoples about the lakes
of the Mexican valley, as we have seen, a large
amount of information has been preserved; I have
consequently been able, in treating of the northern
peoples, to take these nations of the valley as a
nucleus, adding in their proper places such fragments
of knowledge as are extant respecting tribes outside
the limits of Anáhuac. In the south, fragmentary
information is all we have; there is no nucleus round
which to group it; the matter of the following chapters
will, therefore, be very similar in its nature to what that
of the preceding would have been, had I undertaken to
describe the Tarascos, Totonacs, Zapotecs, etc., without
the Aztecs. In this branch of my subject I shall
follow as nearly as possible the same order as in the
preceding, bringing together into one chapter, however,
the topics before treated in several. I shall
also include the civilized nations of Nicaragua in this
division, although one at least of them was of Nahua
blood and language. In the days of ancient Maya
glory when Votan and his successors reigned over
mighty and perhaps confederated empires in Chiapas,
Guatemala, and Yucatan, the kings played rôles to a
great extent mythical, being pictured by tradition as
combining the character and powers of legislators,
teachers, high-priests, and monarchs. Details of the
system by which they governed are altogether wanting,[907]
but after a long term of prosperity this government
in Guatemala and Chiapas became weakened
and at last practically destroyed; the country was
632
divided among petty chiefs, concerning whose rule
even less is known than of that of their predecessors,
but who not improbably based their forms of authority
on the ideas handed down from Votan. From
these governmental relics there sprung up in later
years, under new and perhaps foreign leaders, the
Quiché and Cakchiquel empires, of whose government
some details are known, since these nations
came into direct contact with the Spaniards at the
conquest. Leaving these nations for the present, I
will speak first of another branch of the primitive
Maya empire.


VOTAN'S MAYA EMPIRE.


Yucatan received its culture traditionally from
Zamná, who came from abroad, governed the Mayas
through a long life, and left the throne as an heritage
to his successors. He was doubtless a companion or
a descendant of Votan, and founded institutions similar
to those of the western kingdoms whence he
came. The government and institutions established
in Yucatan met to a certain extent the same fate as
those of Chiapas; that is, the country was finally split
up by civil wars into numerous petty independent
sovereignties; but this division was at a much later
date than that of Votan's western empire,—not long
preceding the Spanish conquest—and the government
of the independent chieftains was substantially that
of their ancestors, many of whom claimed to be of
the royal family founded by Zamná. Consequently
some scraps of information are extant respecting the
form of government, as well as other institutions, in
Yucatan; and from these we may form a faint idea of
the earlier institutions of Guatemala and Chiapas.


Zamná, like Votan, united in himself the qualities
of ruler, law-giver, educator, and priest; he founded
the city of Mayapan, and divided the whole country
among the chiefs of the leading families who came
with him, making them vassals of the king whom he
left on the throne at Mayapan. The nobles of the
royal family were of course the highest, a family
633
which was perhaps that known later as the Cocomes,
and which lasted to the coming of the Spaniards.
Each of the vassal princes had to live in the capital
during a certain part of every year; and Brasseur de
Bourbourg, following Ordoñez, thinks that Mayapan
may have formed a confederacy with Tulhá and Palenque
in Chiapas.[908]


THE ROYAL FAMILIES OF YUCATAN.


Another royal family, the Tutul Xius, sprung up
later and became very powerful as allies and vassals
of the king reigning in Mayapan; and still another
family, the Itzas, built up a strong government of
theocratic nature at Chichen Itza. Then came Cukulcan
with some new religious teachings—a famous
personage bearing a striking resemblance in his traditional
career and in the etymology of his name to
the Quetzalcoatl of the Nahuas. Being finally called
to the throne at Mayapan, he formed a confederacy,
making the princes of the Tutul Xius and Itzas his
associate monarchs, subordinate nominally in rank but
practically independent except where mutual assistance
was required. Cukulcan left the throne to the Cocomes,
seven of whom ruled during a period of great
prosperity, the succession being from father to son,
down to about the eleventh century. Afterward the
Cocomes, becoming tyrannical, were deposed from
their high position, Mayapan destroyed, and a new
confederacy established with the Tutul Xius at the
head, Uxmal being at first their capital, the Itzas
second, and the Cheles at Izamal third. The Tutul
Xiu rule was no less glorious than that of the Cocomes.
They rebuilt Mayapan and made it once more
the capital, but the unfortunate city was again sacked,
this time by foreigners—perhaps the Quichés—in the
thirteenth century; and was finally destroyed in the
middle of the fifteenth century by the vassal lords of
the realm, who revolted, overthrew the Tutul Xiu dynasty,
obtained their complete independence, and ruled
634
each his petty province with sovereign power. This
was their condition when the Spaniards came, but before
that time by civil war, and by famine and pestilence
also, as tradition tells us, the power of the rulers
and the population of the country had been greatly
diminished and the ancient Maya glory had departed
forever. Shortly before the final destruction of the
monarchy a portion of the Itzas had left Chichen and
migrated southward to found a small but powerful
nation in what is now the province of Peten, belonging
politically to Guatemala. It is from traditionary
accounts of the kingdom under the Tutul Xius, and
from the meagre observations of the Spaniards in the
sixteenth century that our slight knowledge of Maya
institutions in the peninsula is gained.


The highest title of the king at Mayapan was Ahtepal,
which signifies in the Maya tongue 'Majestic,'
or 'August.' His power was absolute, but he rarely
acted in matters of importance without consulting his
lords, and, in accordance with their advice and that of
the chief priests, he appointed all officials, secular and
religious, in the kingdom, possessing moreover the
right to organize all courts and to condemn to death
any of his subjects. The succession to the throne
was confined to the royal family, to the male line, and
to the sons of noble wives; the eldest son seems to
have been the acknowledged heir to the throne, and
Landa tells us that if the king died during the childhood
of his heir, then his eldest or most capable brother
ruled not only during the son's minority but during all
his own life; and in case there were no brothers the
priests and nobles chose a suitable person to reign.[909]
635
One author speaks of the king as having the right
to appoint a council which should name his successor,
and Remesal mentions that in the province of Campeche,
a woman who came in the direct line of succession
received high honors, but the most capable
of her male relatives ruled the state.[910]


COURT ETIQUETTE IN YUCATAN.


Whenever the king appeared in public, he was always
attended by a large company and wore a long
white flowing robe decorated with ornaments of gold
and precious stones, bracelets, a magnificent collar,
and sandals of gold. His crown was a plain golden
circle somewhat wider on the forehead than behind,
and surmounted with a plume of quetzal-feathers.
This bird was reserved for the king and highest nobles,
death being the penalty, according to Ordoñez,
for one of lower rank who should capture the bird or
wear its plumage. The monarch was borne on the
shoulders of his nobles reclining in a palanquin, shaded
by a feather canopy, and constantly fanned by attendants
of high rank. Any person who came into the
presence of the king or other high official, was expected
to bring some gift proportioned to his means,
and Herrera informs us that the highest mark of respect
was to place the right hand, anointed with spittle,
on the ground and then to rub it over the heart.
Villagutierre mentions without description a kind of
small throne among the Itzas, and states that the king
of this southern realm bore the title of Canek, the name
of the leader of their migration. Our only knowledge
of the royal palaces of Yucatan is derived from their
examination, when more or less in ruins, by modern
explorers; consequently I refer the reader to the chapter
636
on Maya buildings for a general description of
these grand stone structures, and to another volume
of this work for a detailed account with illustrative
plates.


The nobility of the highest class belonged to members
of the royal families, the Cocomes, Tutul Xius,
Cheles, and Itzas, those of the reigning king's own
blood taking naturally the highest rank. Ahau was
the ordinary title of the princes, and Halach Winikel,
'most majestic men,' was a high title among the Tutul
Xius. From nobles of the royal families mentioned,
governors of provinces, and all the highest
officials were chosen. Their positions were nominally
at the king's disposal, but practically they descended
hereditarily in the same manner as the royal power,
the king interfering with new appointments only on
extraordinary occasions. These rulers were almost
absolute in matters concerning their own provinces,
and exacted great honors, ceremonial attendance, and
implicit obedience from all their subjects; but they
were not exempt in matters of crime from the penalties
of the law, and were obliged to reside during a
part of each year in the capital, to render personal service
to the monarch, and to take part in the supreme
council by which he was guided in the administration
of public affairs. They were, however, exempt from all
tribute except that of personal service, and lived on
the product of portions of the public domain assigned
them. Cogolludo tells us that the nobles of Mayapan
were also required to perform certain services in
the temples, and to assist at the religious festivals.
They not only had the exclusive right to the government
of provinces, but also to the command of armies.


Nobles of a lower class, with the title Batab, governed
cities, villages, or other subdivisions of provinces.
They were not of royal blood, or at least were
only connected with the reigning family through the
female branch. Their position was also practically
hereditary, although the heir could not assume his
637
inherited rank without the royal sanction. No government
officials received any salary, but they were
obliged to maintain themselves and the poor and disabled
of their respective communities from the products
of their inherited estates.[911]


THE QUICHÉ-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRES.


The most powerful kingdoms in Guatemala at the
coming of the Spaniards were, that of the Quichés,
whose capital was Gumarcaah, or Utatlan, near the
site of the modern Santa Cruz del Quiché; and that
of the Cakchiquels, capital Iximché, or Patinamit,
near Tecpan Guatemala. These two nations were independent
of and hostile to each other in the sixteenth
century, but they had been united in one
empire during the days of Guatemala's greatest glory,
their separation dated back only about a century,
and their institutions were practically identical, although
they were traditionally distinct tribes in the
more remote past. The same remark may be made
638
respecting the institutions of the other nations in
Guatemala which were wholly or partially independent
of the powers mentioned above. All the aboriginal
powers had greatly deteriorated by wars, one
with another, and their mutual hatred made their
defeat by foreigners possible, as had been the case in
the conquest of the Nahua nations farther north.


There is little doubt that the Quiché-Cakchiquel
peoples were direct descendants of Votan's subjects,
but the line of traditional history that unites the two
empires is broken at many points and cannot be satisfactorily
followed. There are evidences also of foreign,
chiefly Nahua, influences in the molding of
Quiché institutions, exerted before or after the Toltec
era in Anáhuac, probably at both periods. The traditional
history of the Quiché empire for three or
four centuries before the Conquest, rests almost entirely
on manuscripts written in the native languages
with the Roman alphabet, which have only been
consulted by one modern writer. Into the labyrinth
of this complicated record of wars and political
changes I shall not attempt to enter, especially since
the general nature of Quiché institutions does not
seem to have been perceptibly modified by the events
recorded.


An aristocratic monarchy, similar in nearly every
feature to that I have described in Yucatan, seems to
have been the basis of Quiché government from the
first. All high positions, judicial, military, or sacerdotal,
were hereditary and restricted to noble families,
who traced their genealogy far back into the mythic
annals of the nations. Between noble and plebeian
blood the lines were sharply defined. The nobles
were practically independent and superior in their
own provinces, but owed tribute, allegiance, and military
aid to the monarch. At the time of Guatemala's
highest prosperity and glory, when King Qikab from
his throne in Utatlan ruled over all the country, the
monarch, if we may credit the traditional account,
639
made an effort to diminish the power of the nobles,
by conferring military commands and other high positions
on the ablest men of plebeian blood. Thus a
new class of nobles, called Achihab was created. This
newly conferred power became, acting with the alienation
of the old hereditary nobility, too great to be
restrained by the monarch who created it. The Achihab
became ambitious and insubordinate; they were
at last put down, but the dissolution of the empire
into several states was the indirect result of their
machinations.


SUCCESSION TO THE QUICHÉ THRONE.


Respecting the order of succession to the Quiché
throne Torquemada and Juarros state that the king's
brother was the king elect, and the direct heir to the
throne; the king's oldest son was the senior captain
and the next heir; and the latter's first cousin, the
nephew of the king, was junior captain and third
heir. When the king died each heir was promoted
one degree, and the vacant post of junior captain was
filled by the nearest relative—whose nearest relative
the authors neglect to say. Whoever may have been
elevated to the vacant position the whole system as a
regular order of succession would be a manifest absurdity.
Brasseur de Bourbourg agrees with the
authors cited and gives to the king, the elect, and
the two captains the titles of Ahau Ahpop, Ahau
Ahpop Camha, Nim Chocoh Cawek, and Ahau Ah
Tohil, respectively; but when the last position was
left vacant by the death of the king, the Abbé tells
us that "it was conferred upon the eldest son of the
new monarch,"—that is, upon the same man who held
it before! Padre Ximenez implies perhaps that the
crown descended from brother to brother, and from
the youngest brother to a nephew who was a son of
the oldest brother. I have no authorities by the aid
of which to throw any light upon this confused subject;
it is evident, however, that if the last-mentioned
system, identical with that which obtained among
some of the Nahua nations, be not the correct one,
640
nothing whatever is known of the matter in question.[912]


All the authorities state that this remarkable system
of succession was established to prevent the power
from coming into the hands of young and inexperienced
men; and that an incompetent person in the
regular line could not succeed to the throne, but retained
throughout his life the rank to which he was
born. It is not clearly explained how the heir's competency
was decided upon, but it seems probable that
the matter was settled by the reigning king with the
advice of his council of princes. The king's children
by his first wife were preferred above the rest, though
all received high honors. At Rabinal the Ahau, or
ruling prince, was regularly chosen by the nobles, from
the royal family, but was not necessarily a son or brother
of the last ruler. Among the Cakchiquels the succession
alternated between two royal families. The
king's title was Ahpozotzil; the next heir from the
other branch bore the title Ahpoxahil; their eldest
sons, the elder of which became Ahpoxahil on the
king's death, had the titles Ahpop Qamahay and Galel
Xahil. Inferior titles were Galel Qamahay, Atzih
Winak, and Ahuchan Xahil, the bearers of which succeeded
to the throne in default of nearer heirs. It
641
will be noticed that this plan of succession is but little
clearer than that attributed to the Quichés.[913]


CORONATION IN GUATEMALA.


The ceremonies of coronation in the kingdom of
Rabinal, and, so far as can be known, in the other kingdoms
of Guatemala, consisted of an assemblage of all
the nobles at the capital,—each being obliged to attend
or send a representative—the presentation of gifts and
compliments to the new king, a discourse of congratulation
and advice addressed to him by one of the ancients,
and finally a splendid feast which lasted several
days and usually degenerated into a drunken orgy.
The Quichés and Cakchiquels also bathed the new
king and anointed his body with perfumes before seating
him on the throne, which was a seat, not described,
placed on a carpet or mat, and surmounted by four
canopies of feather-work placed one above another, the
largest at the top; the seats of the three lower princes
already mentioned were also shaded by canopies,
three, two, and one, respectively. Whenever he appeared
in public the monarch was borne in a palanquin
on the shoulders of the nobles who composed his
council.[914]


The machinery of government was carried on in
the provinces by lieutenants of the king's appointment,
and the monarch was advised in all matters of
state by a council of nobles. Juarros tells us that the
supreme Quiché council was composed of twenty-four
grandees, who enjoyed great privileges and honors,
642
personally attended the king, and managed the administration
of justice and the collection of the royal revenue,
but were liable to severe punishment if they
committed crime. Brasseur de Bourbourg speaks of
a supreme council, giving the names of the princes
that composed it, and also of an ordinary council whose
members were called alchaoh, or 'judges,' and were
entrusted with the collection of tribute. The other
authorities, Torquemada and Ximenez, state that the
councils were not permanent, but were summoned by
the king and selected for their peculiar fitness to give
advice upon the subject under consideration. The
lieutenants had also their provincial councils to advise
them in matters of local importance, but all cases of
national import, or affecting in any way the nobles of
high rank, were referred to the royal council. So great
was the power of the nobles assembled in council,
that they might, under certain conditions, depose a
tyrannical sovereign and seat the next heir on the
throne. No person unless of noble blood could hold
any office whatever, even that of doorkeeper to the
council-chamber, if we may credit Juarros; consequently
the greatest pains was taken to insure a lineage
free from any plebeian stain. A noble marrying
a woman of the common people was degraded to her
rank, took her name, and his estate was forfeited to
the crown. Ximenez states that traveling officials
visited from time to time the different provinces, to
observe the actions of the regular judges, and to correct
abuses.[915]



643


THE QUICHÉ NOBILITY.


The following is the Abbé Brasseur's account of
the grades of nobility taken from the Quiché manuscript
published under the title of Popol Vuh:
"Three principal families having a common origin
constituted the high nobility of Quiché, modeled on
the ancient imperial family of the Toltecs. The first
and most illustrious was the house of Cawek, the
members of which composed the royal family proper;
the second was that of Nihaïb; and the third that of
Ahau Quiché. Each of these houses had its titles
and charges perfectly distinct and fixed, which never
left it, like the hereditary offices of the English court
at the present time; and to each of these offices were
attached fiefs, or particular domains, from which the
titularies drew their revenue, their attendants, and
their vassals, and a palace where they lived during
their stay in the capital. The house of Cawek, or
royal house proper, included only princes of the blood,
like the eldest branch of the Bourbons in France. It
was composed of nine chinamital, or great fiefs, whose
names corresponded to those of the palaces occupied
by these princes in the capital, and whose titles were
as follows:—I. Ahau Ahpop, or 'lord of the princes,'
title of the king, corresponding nearly to 'king of
kings,' whose palace was called cuha; II. Ahau Ahpop
Camha, or 'lord of the princes and seneschal' (camha,
he who cares for the house, majordomo), whom the
Spaniards called the second king, and whose palace was
644
called tziquinaha, or 'house of birds;' III. Nim Chocoh
Cawek, or 'grand elect of Cawek;' IV. Ahau
Ah Tohil, or 'lord of the servants of Tohil,' priests
of Tohil, the principal Quiché god; V. Ahau Ah
Gucumatz, or 'lord of the servants of Gucumatz,'
(priests of Quetzalcoatl); VI. Popol Winak Chituy,
or president of the counsellors; VII. Lolmet Quehnay,
the principal receiver of royal tributes, or minister
of finance; VIII. Popol Winak Pahom Tzalatz
Xcaxeba, or 'grand master of the hall of the council
of the game of ball;' IX. Tepeu Yaqui, 'chief or
lord of the Yaquis' (Toltecs, or Mexicans).


"The house of Nihaïb, the second in rank, had also
nine chinamital, with names corresponding to their
palaces, and titles as follows: I. Ahau Galel, 'lord
of the bracelets,' or of those who have the right to
wear them, and chief of the house of Nihaïb; II.
Ahau Ahtzic Winak, 'lord of those who give,' or of
those who made presents (especially to ambassadors,
who were introduced by him); III. Ahau Galel
Camha, 'lord of the bracelets, and seneschal;' IV.
Nimah Camha, 'grand seneschal;' V. Uchuch Camha,
'mother of the seneschals;' VI. Nima Camha
Nihaïb, 'grand seneschal of Nihaïb;' VII. Nim Chocoh
Nihaïb, 'grand elect of Nihaïb;' VIII. Ahau
Awilix, 'lord of Awilix' (one of the gods of the
Quiché trinity); IX. Yacol Atam, 'grand master of
feasts.'


"The third house, that of Ahau Quiché, had only
four chinamital with the following titles: I. Ahtzic
Winak Ahau, 'great lord of givers;' II. Lolmet
Ahau, 'grand receiver;' III. Nim Chocoh Ahau,
'lord grand elect;' IV. Ahau Gagawitz, 'lord of
Gagawitz' (one of the gods of the Quiché trinity)."[916]


PIPILES AND NICARAGUANS.


Respecting the Chiapanecs, who are not generally
considered as the descendants of the peoples who inhabited
the country in Votan's time, we have no
645
knowledge of their government save a probably unfounded
statement by García that they were ruled by
two chiefs, elected each year by the priests, and never
had a king.[917] The Pipiles in Salvador, although traditionally
among the partially civilized nations, seem
to have been governed in the sixteenth century by
local chieftains only, like most of the wild tribes
already described. These chiefs handed down their
power, however, to their sons or nearest relatives.
Palacio tells us that to regulate marriages and the
planting of crops was among the ruler's duties. Squier
concludes that all these petty chiefs were more or less
allied politically, and acted together in matters affecting
the common interests.[918]


Nicaragua, when first visited by Europeans, was
divided into many provinces, inhabited by several nations
linguistically distinct one from another, one of
them, at least, speaking the Aztec tongue; but in respect
to their government and other institutions, the
very meagre information preserved by Oviedo enables
us to make little or no distinction between the different
tribes. In many of the provinces we are told the
people lived in communities, or little republics, governed
by certain huehues, or 'old men,' who were
elected by the people. These elective rulers themselves
elected a captain-general to direct their armies
in time of war, which official they had no hesitation
in putting to death when he exhibited any symptoms
of insubordination or acquired a power over the army
which seemed dangerous to the public good. In other
and probably in most provinces a chieftain, or teite,
646
ruled the people of his domain with much the same
powers and privileges as we have noticed in Yucatan
and Guatemala. These teites had their petty vassals
and lords to execute their orders, and to accompany
them in public displays, but it seems they could claim
no strictly personal services in their palaces from any
but members of their own household. Peter Martyr
speaks of a 'throne adorned with rich and princely
furniture.' These rulers affected great state, and insisted
on a strict observance of court etiquette. They
would receive no message, however pressing the occasion,
except through the regularly appointed officials;
and one of them, in an interview with the Spaniards,
would not condescend to open his royal mouth to the
leader until a curtain was held between him and his
foreign hearers. On several occasions they met the
Spaniards in a procession of men and women gaily
decked in all their finery, marching to the sound of
shell trumpets, and bearing in their hands presents
for the invaders. But even in the provinces nominally
ruled by the teites, all legislative power was in the
hands of a council called monexico, composed of old
men, who were elected every four moons. Without
the consent of the monexico the chief could take
action in no public matter whatever, not even in war.
The council could decide against the teite, but he had
the right to assemble or dissolve it, and to be present
at all its meetings. The decisions of the monexico
were made known in the market-place by a crier,
whose badge of office was a rattle. The lords also,
in sending an ambassador or messenger on any public
business, gave him a fan, bearing which credential he
was implicitly trusted wherever he might go. Two
members of the council were chosen as executive officers,
and one of them must be always present in the
market-place to regulate all dealings of the buyers
and sellers. Squier says that the council-houses were
called grepons, and its corridors or porticos galpons;
Oviedo in one place terms the buildings galpones,
647
and in another applies the name to a class of vassal
chiefs.[919]


THE MAYA PRIESTHOOD.


It is only of the priesthood as connected with the
government, as an order of nobility, as a class of the
community, that a mention is required here: In their
quality of priests proper, religious teachers, oracles of
the gods, leaders of ceremonious rites, confessors, and
sacrificers, they will be treated of elsewhere. Their
temporal power, directly exercised, or indirectly
through their influence upon kings and chieftains,
was perhaps even greater than we have found it
among the Nahua nations. Votan, Zamná, Cukulcan,
and all the other semi-mythical founders of the Maya
civilization, united in their persons the qualities of
high-priest and king, and from their time to the coming
of the Spaniards ecclesiastical and secular authority
marched hand in hand. In Yucatan, the
Itzas at Chichen were ruled in the earlier times by a
theocratic government, and later the high-priest of
the empire, of the royal family of the Cheles, became
king of Izamal, which became the sacred city and the
headquarters of ecclesiastical dignitaries. The gigantic
mounds still seen at Izamal are traditionally
the tombs of both kings and priests. The office of
chief priest was hereditary, the succession being from
father to son—since priests and even the vestal virgins
were permitted to marry—but regulated apparently
by the opinions of kings and nobles, as well as
of ecclesiastical councils. The king constantly applied
to the high-priest for counsel in matters of
state, and in turn gave rich presents to the head
of the church; the security of the temples was also
confided to the highest officers of the state. The
rank of Ixnacan Katun, or superior of the vestals,
was founded by a princess of royal blood.


In Guatemala the high-priests who presided over
648
the temples of the Quiché trinity, Tohil, Awilix, and
Gucumatz, were all princes of the three royal families;
their titles have been given in the lists of the
Quiché nobility; and one of the most powerful kings
is said to have created two priestly titles for the
family of Zakik, to each of which he attached a
province for its support. Ximenez tells us that in
Vera Paz the chief priest, next in power to the king,
was elected from a certain lineage by the people. In
the province of Chiquimula, Mictlan is described as a
great religious centre, and a shrine much visited by
pilgrims. Here the power was in the hands of a
sacerdotal hierarchy, hereditary in one family, whose
chief bore the title Teoti and was aided by an ecclesiastical
council of five members, which controlled all
the priesthood, and from whose number a successor to
the Teoti was appointed by the chief of the Pipiles,
or, as some authorities state, was chosen by lot.


Thus we see that while the priesthood had great
power over even the highest secular rulers in all the
Maya nations, yet the system by which the high-priests
were members of the royal families, rendered
their power a support to that of royalty rather than
a cause of fear. The fear which kings experienced
towards the priests seems consequently to have been
altogether superstitious on account of their supernatural
powers, and not a jealous fear of any possible
rivalry. Ordinary priests were appointed by the
higher authorities of the church, but whether the
choice was confined to certain families, we are not informed.
It is altogether probable, however, that
such was the case in nations whose lowest secular
officers must be of noble blood.[920]


PLEBEIANS AND SLAVES.


In the south as in the north, the status of the
649
lower classes, or plebeians, has received no attention
at the hands of the Spanish observers. We know
that in Yucatan the nobles were obliged to support
from their revenues such of the lower classes as from
sickness, old age, or other disabling cause were unable
to gain a livelihood. It has been seen also that none
of plebeian blood could hold any office, the only exception
noted being the attempt of one of the Quiché
kings to humiliate the aristocracy by raising plebeian
soldiers to the new rank of Achihab, 'men' or 'heroes.'
The lower classes of freemen were doubtless for the
most part farmers, each tilling the portion of land
allotted him in the domain of a noble; and beyond
the obligation to pay a certain tax from the product
of their labor, and to render military service in case
of necessity, they were probably independent, and
often wealthy.[921]


Lowest in the scale among the Mayas as elsewhere
in America were the slaves. Slavery was an institution
of all the nations in the sixteenth century, and
had been traditionally for some centuries. In Yucatan,
tradition speaks of a time when slavery was unknown;
its introduction by a powerful Cocome king
was one of the acts of oppression which brought about
a revolution and deposed him from the throne. During
the power of the Tutul Xius which followed,
slavery is said to have been abolished, but must—if
indeed the tradition be not altogether unfounded—have
650
been re-introduced at a still later period.[922] In
the annals of other Maya nations no time seems to be
noted when slaves were not held. This unfortunate
class was composed chiefly of captives in war, or of
those whose parents had been such; the condition was
hereditary, but, in Yucatan at least, the children had
the right to redeem themselves by settling on unoccupied
lands and becoming tribute-payers. Foreign
slaves were also brought into the country for sale; and
Cortés speaks of Acalan, a city of Guatemala, as a
place where an extensive trade in human kind was
carried on.[923] In Nicaragua a father might sell himself
or his children into bondage, when hard pressed
by necessity; but in such cases he seems to have had
the right of redemption.[924] In Nicaragua and Yucatan
the thief was enslaved by the owner of stolen
property, until such time as he paid its value; he
could even be sold to other parties, but it is added
that he could only be redeemed in Nicaragua with the
consent of the cacique. In Yucatan, if a slave died
or ran away soon after his sale the purchaser was entitled
to receive back a portion of the price paid.[925]


TREATMENT OF SLAVES.


Kidnapping, according to Las Casas, was common
in Guatemala, but the laws against the offence were
very severe. He who sold a free native into slavery
651
was clubbed to death, his own wife and children were
sold, and a large part of the price received went to
fill the public exchequer.[926] Pimentel concludes that
slaves were more harshly treated in Yucatan than in
Mexico; Gomara and Herrera state that no punishment
was decreed to him who killed a slave in Nicaragua;
but in Yucatan the killer of another's slave
must pay the full value of the property destroyed,
and was also amenable to punishment if the murdered
slave was his own. In Guatemala if a freeman had
sexual intercourse with the female slave of another
he had to pay the owner her full value or purchase for
him another of equal value; but if the woman were
a favorite of the owner, the penalty, though still
pecuniary, was much increased. In the province of
Vera Paz, as Las Casas states, if slaves committed
fornication with women of their own condition, both
parties were slain by having their heads broken between
two stones, or by a stick driven down the
throat, or by the garrote; the man, however, being
sometimes sold for sacrifice. Among the Pipiles a
freeman cohabiting with a slave was himself enslaved,
unless pardoned by the high-priest for services rendered
in war. In Yucatan, as it is expressly stated, and
elsewhere probably, the master was permitted to use
his female slaves as concubines, but the offspring of
such connection could not inherit. Thomas Gage tells
us of a town in Guatemala whose inhabitants in the
olden time were all slaves and served the people of
Amatitlan as messengers. The only distinguishing
marks of slaves that are mentioned were the shearing
of the hair in Yucatan, and marks of powdered
pine charcoal, called tile, in Nicaragua.[927]



652


Respecting the tenure of landed property among
the Maya nations the little information extant applies
chiefly to Yucatan. The whole country, as we have
seen, was divided into many domains, or fiefs, of varying
extent, ruled over by nobles, or lords, of different
rank. Although each lord had, under the king,
nearly absolute authority over his domain, yet he
does not seem to have been regarded as in any sense
the owner of the lands, or to have had a right to sell
or in any way alienate them. A certain portion of
these lands were set apart for the lord's support, and
were worked by his people in common; the rest of the
land seems to have been divided among the people,
the first occupant being regarded in a certain sense as
its owner, and handing it down as an inheritance from
generation to generation, but having no right to sell
it, and being also obliged to contribute a certain part
of its products to the lord of the domain. Cogolludo
and Landa speak of the land as being common property,
yet by this they probably do not mean to imply
that any man had a right to trespass on the cultivated
fields of another, but simply that unoccupied
lands might be appropriated by any one for purposes
of cultivation. Game, fish, and the salt marshes
were likewise free to all, but the hunter, fisherman,
or salt-maker must pay a tribute to the lords and to
the king. In Nicaragua land could not be sold, and
if the owner wished to change his residence he had
to leave all his property to his relatives, since nothing
could be removed.[928]



653


INHERITANCE AND TAXATION.


At a man's death his property, in Yucatan, was
divided between his sons equally, except that a son
who had assisted his father to gain the property
might receive more than the rest. Daughters inherited
nothing, and only received what might be
given from motives of kindness by the brothers. In
default of sons, the inheritance went to the brothers
or nearest male relatives. Minor heirs were entrusted
to tutors who managed the estate, and from
it received a recompense for their services. According
to Oviedo, property in Nicaragua was inherited
by the children, but if there were no children, it went
to the relatives of both father and mother. Squier
states that in the latter case all personal property
was buried with the deceased.[929]


Taxes and tribute paid by the people for the support
of the kings and nobles consisted of the products
of all the different industries. The merchant contributed
from the wares in which he dealt; the farmer
from the products of the soil, chiefly maize and cacao;
the hunter and fisherman from the game taken in forest
and stream. Cotton garments, copal, feathers,
skins, fowl, salt, honey, and gold-dust composed a
large part of the tribute, and slaves are also mentioned
in the lists. Personal labor in working the
lands of the lords, and in supplying his household
with wood and water, was also an important element
of taxation in the provinces. Officials were appointed
to assess and collect taxes from all subjects. In Yucatan
the tribute of the king and that of the local
lords were kept separate and were attended to by different
654
officials; but in Guatemala it is implied that all
taxes were collected together and then distributed to
the king and several classes of nobles according to
their rank. In the ancient times those who lived in
Mayapan were exempt from all taxation. In Nicaragua,
we are told that the teite received no tribute or
taxes whatever from his subjects, but in the case of a
war or other event involving extraordinary expense,
the council decided upon the amount of revenue
needed, and chose by lot one of their number to assess
and collect it. Taxation among the Mayas does not
seem to have been oppressive, and the attempt to extort
excessive tribute contributed largely to the overthrow
of the Cocome power in the twelfth century.[930]


A sale of property or other contract was legalized
in Yucatan by the parties drinking before witnesses.
A strict fulfillment of all contracts was required both
by the law and by public sentiment. Heirs and relatives
were liable, or at least assumed the liability,
for debts; and often paid, as did the lords of the province,
the pecuniary penalty incurred by some poor
man, especially if the crime had been committed involuntarily
or without malice.[931]



655


ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE.


The administration of justice and the execution of
the laws were among the Mayas entrusted to the
officials that have been mentioned in what has been
said respecting government. Serious crimes or other
important matters affecting the interests of the king,
of the state, or of the higher ranks of nobility, were
referred directly to the royal council presided over by
the monarch. The king's lieutenants, or lords of
royal blood who ruled over provinces, took cognizance
of the more important cases of provincial interest;
while petty local questions were decided by subordinate
judges, one of whom was appointed in each
village or hamlet. But even in the case of the local
judges the advice of a council was sought on every
occasion, and persons were appointed to assist both
judges and parties to the suit in the character of advocates.
Although these judges had the right to
consult with the lord of their province, and the latter,
probably, with the royal council, yet after a decision
was rendered, there was apparently no right of appeal
in any case whatever; but we are told that in Yucatan
at least a royal commissioner traveled through
the provinces and reported regularly on the manner
in which the judges performed their duties, and on
other matters of public import. Both judges and
advocates might receive presents from all the parties
to a suit, according to Cogolludo, and no one thought
of applying for justice without bringing some gift
proportioned to his means. In Guatemala, as Las
Casas states, the judge received half the property of
the convicted party; this is probably only to be understood
as applying to serious crimes, which involved
a confiscation of all property.


In Vera Paz the tax-collectors served also as constables,
being empowered to arrest accused parties
and witnesses, and to bring them before the judges.
656
Very little is known of the order of procedure in the
Maya courts, but great pains was apparently taken to
ascertain all the facts bearing on the case, and to render
exact justice to all concerned. Court proceedings,
testimony, arguments, and decisions are said to
have been altogether verbal, there being no evidence
that written records were kept as they were by the
Nahuas, although the Maya system of hieroglyphic
writing cannot be supposed to have been in any respect
inferior to that of the northern nations. Nothing
in the nature of an oath was exacted from a
witness, but to guard against false testimony in Yucatan
a terrible curse was launched against the perjurer,
and a superstitious fear of consequences was
supposed to render falsehood impossible. In Guatemala
so much was the perjurer despised that a fine
and a reprimand from the judge were deemed sufficient
punishment. Torture, if we may credit Las
Casas, by tying the hands, beating with clubs, and
the inhalation of smoke, was resorted to in Vera Paz
to extort confession from a person suspected of adultery
or other serious crimes. Great weight seems
to have been attached to material evidence; for instance,
it was deemed important to take the thief
while in actual possession of the stolen property; and
a woman to convict a man of rape must seize and
produce in court some portion of his wearing-apparel.
The announcement of the judge's decision was, as I
have said, delivered verbally, and sometimes, when
the parties to the suit were numerous, Cogolludo informs
us that all were invited to a banquet, during
which the verdict was made known. As there was
no appeal to a higher tribunal, so there seems to have
been no pardoning power, and the judge's final decision
was always strictly enforced. Except a mention
by Herrera that the Nicaraguan ministers of justice
bore fans and rods, I find no account of any distinguishing
insignia in the Maya tribunals.


MAYA PUNISHMENTS.


Punishments inflicted on Maya criminals took the
657
form of death, slavery, and pecuniary fines; imprisonment
was of rare occurrence, and apparently never
inflicted as a punishment, but only for the retention of
prisoners until their final punishment was legally determined.
Cogolludo states that culprits were never
beaten, but Villagutierre affirms that, at least among
the Itzas, they were both beaten and put in shackles;
and the same author speaks of imprisonment for non-payment
of taxes at Coban. The death penalty was
inflicted by hanging, by beating with the garrote, or
club, and by throwing the condemned over a precipice.
Ximenez mentions burning in Guatemala;
Oviedo speaks of impalements in Yucatan; those condemned
to death in Nicaragua seem to have been sacrificed
to the gods by having their hearts cut out; and
throwing the body from a wall or precipice is the only
method attributed to the Pipiles.


At a town in Yucatan called Cachi, Oviedo mentions
a sharp mast standing in the centre of a square
and used by the people for impaling criminals alive.
The method of imprisonment, as described by Cogolludo,
consisted in binding the hands behind the back,
placing about the neck a collar of wood and cords, and
confining the culprit thus shackled in a wooden cage.
At Campeche a place of punishment is mentioned by
Peter Martyr and Torquemada as having been seen
by the early voyagers. Three beams or posts were
fixed in the ground, to them were attached three
cross-beams, and scattered about were blood-stained
arrows and spears. This apparatus would indicate, if
it was really a place of punishment, a method of inflicting
the death-penalty not elsewhere mentioned;
and a stone structure adjoining, covered with sculptured
emblems of punishment is suggestive of ceremonial
rites in connection with executions. The death
sentence generally involved the confiscation of the
criminal's property and the enslaving of his family.
All but the most heinous offences could be expiated
by the payment of a fine consisting of slaves or other
658
property, and the whole or a large part of this fine
went to the judges, the lords, or the king.


Murder was punished in all the nations by death,
but in Yucatan and Nicaragua if there were extenuating
circumstances, such as great provocation or absence
of malice, the crime was atoned by the payment
of a fine. In Yucatan a minor who took human life
became a slave; the killing of another's slave called
for payment of the value destroyed; the killing of
one's own slave involved a slight penalty or none at
all. In Nicaragua no penalty was decided upon for
the murder of a chief, such a crime being deemed impossible.


Theft was atoned by a return of the stolen property
and the payment of a fine to the public treasury. In
case the criminal could not pay the full value he was
sold as a slave until such time as he might be able to
redeem his freedom. In some cases the amount seems
to have been paid with the price he brought as a
slave, and in others he served the injured party.
Fines, however, in most cases seem to have been paid
by the relatives and friends of the guilty party, so
that the number of persons actually enslaved was
perhaps not very large. In Guatemala stolen articles
of trifling value went with the fine to the public
treasury, since the owner would not receive them.
The incorrigible thief, when his friends refused to pay
his fine, was sometimes put to death; and death was
also the penalty for stealing articles of value from the
temple. In Nicaragua the thief who delayed too long
the payment of his fine was sacrificed to the gods;
and in Salvador, banishment was the punishment for
trifling theft, death for stealing larger amounts.
Landa informs us that in Yucatan a noble who so far
forgot his position as to steal had his face scarified, a
great disgrace.


CRIMINAL CODE.


Adultery was punished in Yucatan and Guatemala
with death; in the latter if the parties were of the
common people they were thrown from a precipice.
659
Fornication was atoned by a fine, or if the affronted
relatives insisted, by death. A woman who was unchaste
was at first reprimanded, and finally, if she
persevered in her loose conduct, enslaved. Rape in
Guatemala was punished by death; an unsuccessful
attempt at the same, by slavery. Marriage with a
slave, as already stated, reduced the freeman to a
slave's condition; sexual connection with one's own
slave was not regarded as a crime. He who committed
incest in Yucatan was put to death.


Treason, rebellion, inciting to rebellion, desertion,
interference with the payment of royal tribute, and
similar offences endangering the well-being of the nations,
were sufficient cause for death.


In Guatemala he who kidnapped a free person and
sold him into slavery, lost his life. For an assault
resulting in wounds a fine was imposed. He who
killed the quetzal, a bird reserved for the kings, was
put to death; and the same fate was that of him who
took game or fish from another's premises, if the injured
party was an enemy and insisted on so severe a
penalty.


The Pipiles condemned a man to be beaten for lying;
but the same offence in time of war demanded
capital punishment, as did any disrespect shown for
the sacred things of religion.


Ximenez states that in Guatemala the balam, or
sorcerer, was burned; the same offence in Vera Paz,
according to Torquemada, caused the guilty party to
be beaten to death or hanged.


A strict payment of all just debts was enforced,
and in Guatemala he who bought many things on
credit and failed to pay for them was finally enslaved
or even killed. Both here and in Nicaragua the borrower
was obliged to return or pay for borrowed articles,
and, if the articles were products of the soil,
the lender might repay himself from the borrower's
field. He who injured another's property, even servants
in the lord's palace who broke dishes or furniture,
660
must make good all damage. In Yucatan,
we are told that a man could not be taken for debt
unaccompanied by crime. Some additional laws and
regulations of the Maya nations will appear in their
appropriate places in other chapters.[932]


CHAPTER XXI.


EDUCATION AND FAMILY MATTERS AMONG THE MAYAS.


661



Education of Youth—Public Schools of Guatemala—Branches
of Study in Yucatan—Marrying Age—Degrees of Consanguinity
allowed in Marriage—Preliminaries of Marriage—Marriage
Ceremonies—The Custom of the Droit du Seigneur
in Nicaragua—Widows—Monogamy—Concubinage—Divorce—Laws
Concerning Adultery—Fornication—Rape—Prostitution—Unnatural
Crimes—Desire for Children—Childbirth
Ceremonies—Rite of Circumcision—Manner of
Naming Children—Baptismal Ceremonies.



The Maya nations appear to have been quite as
strict and careful in the education of youth as the
Nahuas. Parents took great pains to instruct their
children to respect old age, to reverence the gods, and
to honor their father and mother.[933] They were, besides,
662
encouraged while mere infants to amuse themselves
with warlike games, and to practice with the
bow and arrow. As they grew older, the children of
the poor people were taught to labor and assist their
parents. The boys were in their childhood educated
by the father, who usually taught them his own
trade or calling; the girls were under the especial
care of the mother, who, it is said, watched very
closely over the conduct of her daughters, scarcely
ever permitting them to be out of her sight. Children
of both sexes remained under the immediate
control of their parents until they were of an age to
be married, and any disobedience or contumacy was
severely punished, sometimes even with death. The
boys in Guatemala slept under the portico of the
house, as it was thought improper that they should
observe the conduct and hear the conversation of
married people.[934] In Yucatan, also, the young people
were kept separate from their elders. In each village
was an immense whitewashed shed, under the
shelter of which the youths of the place amused
themselves during the day, and slept at night.[935]


The various little events in a child's life which
among all peoples, savage or civilized, are regarded as
of so great importance by anxious mothers, such as
its being weaned, its first step, or its first word, were
celebrated with feasts and rejoicing; the anniversaries
of its birthday were also occasions of much merry-making.
The first article that a child made with its
own hands was dedicated to the gods.[936] In Yucatan
children went naked until they were four or five years
old, when the boys were given a breech-clout to wear
663
and a piece of cloth to sleep under; girls began at
the same age to wear a petticoat reaching from the
waist downward.[937] In Guatemala children were left
naked till they were eight or ten years of age, at
which time they were required to do light labor.[938]
As soon as a child reached the age of seven years, it
was taken by its father to the priest, who foretold its
future destiny and instructed it how to draw blood
from its body, and perform other religious observances.[939]


EDUCATION OF CHILDREN.


The Mayas entrusted the more advanced education
of youth entirely to the priesthood. In Guatemala
the youths assisted the priests in their duties, and received,
in turn, an education suited to their position in
life. There were schools in every principal town, at
which youths were instructed in all necessary branches
by competent teachers. The principal of these was a
seminary in which were maintained seventy masters,
and from five to six thousand children were educated
and provided for at the expense of the royal treasury.[940]
Girls were placed in convents, under the superintendence
of matrons who were most strict in their guardianship.
It is said that they entered when eight
years old, and were not free until about to be married.[941]


In Yucatan, social distinctions seem to have been
more sharply defined than in Guatemala. Here, the
schools of learning were only open to the children of
the nobility; a poor man was content to teach his son
his own trade or profession. The children of the privileged
classes were, however, very highly educated.
The boys were initiated, we are told, into the mysteries
and strange rites of their religion; they studied
664
law, morals, music, the art of war, astronomy, astrology,
divination, prophecy, medicine, poetry, history,
picture-writing, and every other branch of knowledge
known to their people. The daughters of the nobles
were kept in strict seclusion, and were carefully instructed
in all the accomplishments required of a
Maya lady.[942]


In Yucatan, the young men usually married at the
age of twenty years.[943] In Guatemala, Las Casas tells
us that the men never married until they were thirty,
notwithstanding he has previously made the extraordinary
assertion that the great prevalence of unnatural
lusts made parents anxious to get their children wedded
as early as possible.[944] Girls among the higher
classes must have been married at a very early age in
Guatemala, since it is related that when a young noble
espoused a maiden not yet arrived at the age of
puberty, her father gave him a female slave, to lie
with him until the wife reached maturity. The children
of this slave could not inherit his property, however.[945]


The Guatemalans recognized no relationship on the
mother's side only, and did not hesitate to marry
their own sister, provided she was by another father.[946]
665
Thus, if a noble lady married an inferior in rank or
even a slave, the children belonged to the order of the
father, and not of the mother.[947] Torquemada adds
that they sometimes married their sisters-in-law and
step-mothers.[948]


DEGREES OF KINDRED.


Among the Pipiles, of Salvador, an ancestral tree,
with seven main branches, denoting degrees of kindred,
was painted upon cloth, and within these seven
branches, or degrees, none were allowed to marry,
except as a recompense for some great public or warlike
service rendered. Within four degrees of consanguinity
none, under any pretext, might marry.[949]
In Yucatan there was a peculiar prejudice against a
man marrying a woman who bore the same name as
his own, and so far was this fancy carried that he
who did this was looked upon as a renegade and an
outcast. Here, also, a man could not marry the sister
of his deceased wife, his step-mother, or his
mother's sister, but with all other relatives on the
maternal side, no matter how close, marriage was
perfectly legitimate. A Yucatec noble who wedded
a woman of inferior degree, descended to her social
level, and was dispossessed of a part of his property,
666
and deprived of his rank.[950] In Nicaragua no one
might marry within the first degree of relationship,
but beyond that there was no restriction.[951]


The question of dowry was settled in Guatemala by
the relatives of the young couple.[952] The Yucatec
son-in-law served his father-in-law for four or five
years, and the omission of such service was considered
scandalous;[953] while in Nicaragua the dower was usually
paid in fruit or land.[954]


Each of the Maya nations seems to have had a
method of arranging marriages peculiar to itself. In
Guatemala the whole affair was managed by the nearest
relatives of the betrothed pair, who were kept in
profound ignorance of the coming event, and did not
even know each other until the day of the wedding.
It seems incredible that the young men should have
quietly submitted to having their wives picked out for
them without being allowed any voice or choice in
the matter. Yet we are told that so great was their
obedience and submission to their parents, that there
never was any scandal in these things. If this be
the case, what a strange phenomenon Guatemalan
society must have been, with no love affairs, no wooing
permitted, and Cupid a banished boy. But, for
all that, many a Guatemalan youth may have looked
coldly upon his bride as he thought of another and,
to him, fairer face, and many a loyal young wife
may have been sometimes troubled with the vision of
a comely form that she had admired before she saw
her lord.


PRELIMINARIES OF MARRIAGE.


When a man of rank wished to marry his son, he
sent a number of his friends with presents to the
667
parents of the young girl upon whom his choice had
fallen. If the presents were refused it was a sign
that the offer of alliance was declined, and no farther
steps were taken in the matter; but if they were accepted
it showed that the match was thought a desirable
one. In the latter case, a few days having
elapsed, another embassy, bearing more costly gifts
than before, was dispatched to the parents of the girl,
who were again asked to give their consent to the
marriage. Finally, a third deputation was sent, and
this generally succeeded in satisfactorily arranging
the affair. The two families then commenced to treat
each other as relations, and to visit each other for the
purposes of determining the day of the wedding and
making preparations for the event. Among the lower
classes the father usually demanded the bride of her
parents in person.[955] It was customary among the
Pipiles of Salvador for the father of the boy, after
having obtained the consent of the girl's parents to
the match, to take her to his house when she was
twelve years of age, and his son fourteen, and there
educate and maintain her as if she were his own child.
In return he was entitled to her services and those
of his son, until they were able to sustain themselves,
and of a suitable age to marry. The parents of the
couple then jointly made them a present of a house
and gave them the means to start in life. Thereafter,
if the young man met his father-in-law in the street,
he crossed to the other side of the way, and the girl
paid the same courtesy to her mother-in-law.[956]


In the greater part of Nicaragua matches were
arranged by the parents, but there were certain independent
towns in which the girls chose their husbands
from among the young men, while the latter were sitting
at a feast.[957]



668


I have already alluded to the fact that if in Guatemala
or Yucatan a young man married into a rank
lower than his own he lost caste in consequence, hence
his parents were the more careful to select for him a
bride from among the maidens of his own standing in
society. Among the Mayas of Yucatan when the
day appointed for a marriage ceremony arrived, the
invited friends assembled at the house of the bride's
father, where the betrothed couple with their parents
and the officiating priest were already waiting. For
the joyful occasion a great feast was prepared, as it
was customary to incur a large expense in food and
wine for the entertainment of invited guests. When
all were present, the priest called the bride and
bridegroom with their parents before him and delivered
to them an address concerning the duties of the
wedded state. He then offered incense and certain
prayers to the gods, concluding the ceremony by asking
a blessing from heaven for the newly wedded
couple.[958] No ceremonies took place when a widow or
widower was married; in such case a simple repast or
the giving of food and drink one to another was
deemed sufficient to solemnize the nuptials.[959]


MARRIAGE CEREMONIES.


It was customary in Guatemala, when all preliminaries
of a marriage had been settled and the day
fixed for the wedding, for the bridegroom's father to
send a deputation of old women and principal men
to conduct the bride to his house. One of those sent
for this purpose carried her upon his shoulders, and
when they arrived at a certain designated point near
the bridegroom's home, she was met by other men
also chosen by her father-in-law, who offered incense
four or five times before her and sacrificed some quail
or other birds to the gods, at the same time giving
thanks for her safe arrival. As soon as she came to
669
the house she was seated with much ceremony upon
a couch covered with mats or rich carpets; immediately
a number of singers began a song suited to the
occasion; musicians played on their instruments;
dancers came forth and danced before her.[960] The
consent of the cacique had to be obtained to all marriages
that were celebrated in his territory; before the
ceremony the priest desired the young man and his
bride to confess to him all the sins of their past life.
No person was allowed to marry in Yucatan until the
rite of baptism had been administered.[961] In Guatemala,
if the betrothed belonged to the higher
classes of society, the cacique joined their hands
and then tied the end of the man's mantle to a
corner of the woman's dress, at the same time advising
them to be faithful and loving toward each other.
The ceremony ended, all partook of the wedding feast
and the bride and bridegroom were carried to the
house intended for them, upon the shoulders of some
of those who had assisted at the marriage; they were
then conducted to the bridal chamber and, as Ximenez
tells us, received instructions from two of the
most honored old women respecting certain marital
duties.[962]


The marriage ceremonies of the Pipiles were simple
and unique; matches were made by the cacique
and carried into effect under his direction. At the
appointed time the kinsfolk of the bride proceeded to
the house of the bridegroom, whence he was borne to
the river and washed. The relatives of the bride
performed the same act of cleansing upon the person
of the bride. The two parties with their respective
670
charges then repaired to the house of the bride. The
couple were now tied together by the ends of the
blankets, in which they were enfolded naked and laid
away—married.[963] After the ceremony an interchange
of presents took place between the relatives
of the newly married couple and they all feasted together.


Among the civilized nations of Nicaragua, when a
match was arranged to the satisfaction of the parents,
some fowls were killed, cacao was prepared, and the
neighbors were invited to be present. The father,
mother, or whoever gave away the bride, was asked in
presence of the assembled guests whether or not she
came as a virgin; if the answer was in the affirmative,
and the husband afterwards found that she had been
already seduced, he had the right to return her to her
parents and she was looked upon as a bad woman; but
if the parents answered that she was not a virgin,
and the man agreed to take her for a wife, the marriage
was valid.[964]


When they were to be united the cacique took the
parties with his right hand by the little fingers of
their left hands and led them into the house set apart
for marriages, leaving them, after some words of advice,
in a small room, where there was a fire of candlewood.
While the fire lasted they were expected to
remain perfectly still, and not until it was burned out
did they proceed to consummate the marriage. The
following day if the husband made no objection in
respect to the girl's virginity, the relations and friends
assembled and expressed their gratification with loud
cries of joy, and passed the day in feasting and
pleasure.[965]



671


DROIT DE SEIGNEUR.


Notwithstanding the disgrace attached to a woman
who had lost her virginity before marriage and concealed
the fact, we are assured by Andagoya that in
Nicaragua a custom similar to the European 'droit du
seigneur' was practiced by a priest living in the temple,
who slept with the bride during the night preceding
her marriage.[966]


A widow was looked upon as the property of the
family of her deceased husband, to whose brother she
was invariably married, even though he might have a
wife of his own at the time. If she had no brother-in-law,
then she was united to the nearest living relative
on her husband's side.[967] In Yucatan, the widow
could not marry again until after a year from her husband's
death.[968]


Monogamy seems to have been the rule among the
Maya nations, and many authors assert positively that
polygamy did not exist. It was only in the border
state of Chiapas that the custom is mentioned by
Remesal. To compensate for this, concubinage was
largely indulged in by the wealthy. The punishment
for bigamy was severe, and consisted, in Nicaragua,
672
of banishment and confiscation of the entire property
for the benefit of the injured wife or husband, who was
at liberty to marry again, a privilege which was not,
however, accorded to women who had children. Landa
tells us that the Chichen Itza kings lived in a state of
strict celibacy, and Diaz relates that a tower was
pointed out to him on the coast of Yucatan, which
was occupied by women who had dedicated themselves
to a single life.[969]


With their loveless marriages it was fortunate that
divorce could be obtained on very slight grounds. In
Yucatan, says Landa, the father would, after a final
separation, procure one wife after another to suit the
tastes of his son. If the children were still of tender
age at the time the parents separated, they were left
with the mother; if grown up, the boys followed the
father, while the girls remained with the mother. It
was not unusual for the husband to return to the wife
after a while, if she was free, regardless of the fact
that she had belonged to another in the meantime.[970]
In Guatemala the wife could leave her husband on
the same slight grounds as the man, and if she refused
to return to him after being requested to do so,
he was allowed to marry again; she was then considered
free, and held of no little consequence. In Nicaragua
673
the husband decided whether the children
were to remain with him or the divorced wife.[971]


INTERCOURSE OF THE SEXES.


The Mayas seem to have dealt more leniently with
adulterers than the Nahuas. In Guatemala, the
married man who committed adultery with a maiden
was, upon complaint of the girl's relations, compelled
to pay as a fine from sixty to one hundred rare feathers.
It generally happened, however, that the friends
of the woman were careful to keep the matter secret,
as such a scandal would cause great injury to her
future prospects. If a married man was known to
sin with a married woman or a widow, both were for
the first or even the second offence merely warned,
and condemned to pay a fine of feathers; but if they
persevered in their crime, then their hands were
bound behind their backs, and they were forced to
inhale the smoke of a certain herb called tabacoyay,
which, although very painful, was not a fatal punishment.
The single man who committed adultery with
a married woman was obliged to pay to the parents
of the latter the amount which her husband had paid
for her; doubtless this fine was handed over to the
injured husband, who, in such a case, repudiated his
wife. It sometimes happened, however, that the
husband did not report the matter to the authorities,
but gave his unfaithful wife a bird of the kind which
was used in sacrifices, and told her to offer it to the
gods, and, with her companion in crime, to confess
and be forgiven. Such a husband was regarded as a
most virtuous and humane man.[972] A noble lady
taken in adultery was reprimanded the first time, and
severely punished or repudiated for the second offence.
In the latter case she was free to marry
again.[973] It was a capital crime to commit adultery
674
with a lord's wife; if he who did so was a noble,
they strangled him, but if he was a plebeian, they
flung him down a precipice.[974]


Cogolludo says that among the Itzas the man and
woman taken in adultery were put to death. The
woman was taken beyond the limits of the town to a
place where there were many loose stones. There she
was bound to a post, and the priest who had judged
her having cast the first stone, and the injured husband
the second, the crowd that was never missing on
such occasions joined so eagerly in the sport that the
death of their target was a speedy one. The male
adulterer, according to the same account, was also
bound to a post, and shot to death in the same manner
with arrows.[975]


ADULTERY AND FORNICATION.


In Vera Paz, incorrigible adulterers were enslaved.[976]
In Nicaragua, the faithless wife was repudiated
by her husband, and not allowed to marry
again, but she had the right of retaining her dowry
and effects. The adulterer was severely beaten with
sticks, by the relations of the woman he had led
astray. The husband appears to have taken no part
in the matter.[977] In Yucatan, adultery was punished
675
with death. According to Cogolludo, offenders of
both sexes were shot to death with arrows; Landa
tells us that the man was killed with a stone by the
husband of his paramour, but the woman was punished
with disgrace only. It is said that in more ancient
times adulterers were impaled or disemboweled.
But so great was the horror in which the Yucatecs
held this crime, that they did not always wait for
conviction, but sometimes punished a suspected person
by binding him, stripping him naked, shaving off
his hair, and thus leaving him for a time.[978] Among
the Pipiles of Salvador he who made advances to a
married woman, and did nothing worse, was banished,
and his property was confiscated. The adulterer, if
we may believe Palacio,[979] was put to death; Squier
says he became the slave of the dishonored husband.[980]


Simple fornication was punished with a fine, to be
paid in feathers of a certain rare bird, which, by the
laws of Vera Paz at least, it was death to kill without
express permission, as its plumage formed a most
valuable article of trade with the neighboring provinces.[981]
But if any complaint was raised, such as by
a father in behalf of his daughter, or by a brother for
his sister, the seducer was put to death, or at least
made a slave.[982] In Yucatan, death seems to have
been the inevitable fate of the seducer.[983]


In Guatemala and Salvador, consummated rape
was punished with death. He who merely attempted
676
rape was enslaved.[984] In Nicaragua, the penalty for
this crime was not so severe, since he who committed
it was only obliged to compensate pecuniarily the
parents of his victim; though if he could not do this
he became their slave. He who ravished the daughter
of his employer or lord was, however, always put to
death.[985] Incest is said to have been an unknown
crime.[986]


Public prostitution was tolerated, if not encouraged,
among all the Maya nations. In every Nicaraguan
town there were establishments kept by public women,
who sold their favors for ten cocoa-nibs, and maintained
professional bullies to protect and accompany
them at home and abroad. Parents could prostitute
their daughters without shame; and it is said, further,
that during a certain annual festival, women, of whatever
condition, could abandon themselves to the embrace
of whomever they pleased, without incurring
any disgrace.[987] It was no unusual thing for parents
of the lower orders to send their daughters on a tour
through the land, that they might earn their marriage
portion by prostitution.[988]


UNNATURAL VICES.


All the old writers appear anxious to clear the civilized
677
aborigines from the charge of sodomy, yet the
fact that no nation was without strict laws regarding
this unnatural vice, combined with the admissions reluctantly
made by the reverend fathers themselves,
seems to show that pederasty certainly was not unknown.
Thus, Las Casas says that sodomy was
looked upon as a great and abominable sin in Vera
Paz, and was not known until a god,[989] called by some
Chin, by others Cavil, and again by others Maran, instructed
them by committing the act with another
deity. Hence it was held by many to be no sin, inasmuch
as a god had introduced it among them. And
thus it happened that some fathers gave their sons a
boy to use as a woman; and if any other approached
this boy he was treated as an adulterer. Nevertheless,
if a man committed a rape upon a boy, he was
punished in the same manner as if he had ravished a
woman. And, adds the same writer, there were always
some who reprehended this abominable custom.[990]
In Yucatan certain images were found by Bernal
Diaz which would lead us to suppose that the natives
were at least acquainted with sodomy,[991] but here
again the good father[992] takes up the cudgels in behalf
678
of his favorites. In Nicaragua sodomites were
stoned to death.[993]


The desire to possess children seems to have been
very general, and many were the prayers and offerings
made by disappointed parents to propitiate the
god whose anger was supposed to have deferred their
hopes. To further promote the efficacy of their
prayers, the priest enjoined upon man and wife to
separate for a month or two, to adhere to a simple
diet, and abstain from salt.[994] Several superstitious
observances were also regarded; thus, among the
Pipiles, a husband should avoid meeting his father-in-law,
or a wife her mother-in-law, lest issue fail
them.[995] These observances tend the more to illustrate
their longing to become parents, since the
women are said to have been very prolific. The
women were delivered with little difficulty or pain,[996]
yet a midwife was called in, who attended to the
mother's wants, and facilitated parturition by placing
a heated stone upon the abdomen. In Yucatan an
image of Ixchel, the goddess of childbirth, was placed
beneath the bed. Among the Pipiles and in Guatemala,
the woman was confessed when any difficulty
arose, and it not unfrequently happened that an
officer of justice took advantage of such opportunities
to obtain criminating evidence. If the wife's
confession alone did not have the desired effect,
the husband was called upon to avow his sins; his
maxtli was besides laid over the wife, and sometimes
blood was drawn from his tongue and ears, to
be scattered towards the four quarters with various
invocations.[997] After delivery a turkey hen was immolated,
679
and thanks rendered to the deity for the
happy issue. The midwife thereupon washed the
child, placed a bow and arrow in its hands, if a boy, a
spindle, if a girl, and drew a mark upon its right foot,
so that it might become a good mountaineer.


CHILDBIRTH AND CIRCUMCISION.


The birth of a son was celebrated with especial
rejoicings, and extensive invitations issued for the
feasts that took place on or about the day when the
umbilical cord was to be cut,[998] a ceremony which
seems to have borne the same festive character as
baptism among the Nahuas and other nations. The
ahgih, astrologer, was asked to name a favorable day
for the rite. The cord was then laid upon an ear of
maize to be cut off with a new knife and burned.
The grains were removed from the cob and sown at
the proper season; one half of the yield to be made
into gruel and form the first food of the child aside
from the mother's milk, the other half to be sent to
the ahgih, after reserving a few grains for the child
to sow with his own hands when he grew up, and
make an offering thereof to his god. At the same
time a kind of circumcision may have been performed,
a rite which could not, however, have been very general,
if indeed it ever existed, for Cogolludo positively
asserts that it never was practiced in Yucatan, and
Landa thinks that the custom of slitting the foreskin,
which the devout performed before the idol, may have
given rise to the report. Palacio asserts that certain
Indians in Salvador are known to have scarified
themselves as well as some boys in the same manner.[999]



680


NAMING THE CHILDREN.


The naming of the child was the next important
affair. Among the Pipiles it was taken to the
temple on the twelfth day, over a road strewn with
green branches,[1000] and here the priest gave it the name
of its grandfather or grandmother, after which offerings
of cacao and fowl were presented to the idol, and
some gifts to the minister. In Guatemala the child
was named after the god to whom the day of its birth
was dedicated, for it was not thought desirable to call
it after the parents; other names were, however,
applied afterwards, according to circumstances.[1001] Las
Casas adds that the parents lost their name on the
birth of the first son and daughter, the father being
called 'father of Ek,' or whatever might be the name
of the son, and the mother receiving the cognomen of
'mother of Can,' etc.[1002] The Itzas gave their children
a name formed of the combined names of the father
and mother, that of the latter standing first; thus, in
Canek, can is taken from the mother's name, ek from
the father's. In Yucatan, the former home of this
people, the custom was almost the same, except that
na was prefixed to the names of the parents; thus,
Na-Chan-Chel denoted son of Chel and Chan, but as
the name of the father, according to Landa, was perpetuated
in the son only, not in the daughter, it follows
681
that the girl could not have been named in the
same order; it is possible that the mother's name was
placed last, and served as surname in their case. In
later years this name was not usually imposed until
the time of baptism; but in earlier times a distinctive
name was given by the priest at the time of taking
the horoscope, shortly after birth. The name of the
father was borne till the marriage day, the names of
both parents being assumed after that event.[1003] On
the conclusion of the above ceremonies, the Guatemalan
or Pipile infant and mother were taken to a
fountain or river, near a fall if possible, to be bathed,
and during the bath incense, birds, or cacao were
offered to the water, apparently with a view of gaining
the good will of the god of that element. The
utensils which had served at the birth, such as warming
stone, cups, and knife, were thrown into the water
at the same time.[1004]


The mothers were good and patient nurses, suckling
their infants for over three years, for the habit of
taking warm morning drinks, the exercise of grinding
maize, and the uncovered bosom, all tended to produce
large breasts and an abundant supply of milk.
Otherwise the children received a hardy training,
clothing being dispensed with, and the bare ground
serving for a couch. When working, the mother carried
them on her back; in Yucatan, however, they
were usually borne across the hip, and for this reason
a large number became bow-legged. Landa also
mentions another deformity, that produced by head-flattening,
682
which is to be noticed on the sculptures
of the Maya ruins.[1005]


BAPTISMAL CEREMONIES.


It is related by all the old Spanish historians, that
when the Spaniards first visited the kingdom of Yucatan
they found there traces of a baptismal rite; and,
strangely enough, the name given to this rite in the
language of the inhabitants, was zihil, signifying 'to
be born again.' It was the duty of all to have their
children baptized, for, by this ablution they believed
that they received a purer nature, were protected
against evil spirits and future misfortunes. I have
already mentioned that no one could marry unless he
had been baptised according to their customs; they
held, moreover, that an unbaptised person, whether
man or woman, could not lead a good life, nor do anything
well. The rite was administered to children of
both sexes at any time between the ages of three and
twelve years. When parents desired to have a child
baptised they notified the priest of their intentions.
The latter then published a notice throughout the
town of the day upon which the ceremony would take
place, being first careful to fix upon a day of good
omen. This done, the fathers of the children who
were to be baptised, selected five of the most honored
men of the town to assist the priest during the ceremony.
These were called chacs.[1006] During the three
days preceding the ceremony the fathers and assistants
fasted and abstained from women. When the
appointed day arrived, all assembled with the children
who were to be baptised, in the house of the giver of
the feast, who was usually one of the wealthiest of
the parents. In the courtyard fresh leaves were
strewn, and there the boys were ranged in a row in
charge of their godfathers, while in another row were
683
the girls with their godmothers. The priest now proceeded
to purify the house with the object of casting
out the devil. For this purpose four benches were
placed one in each of the four corners of the courtyard,
upon which were seated four of the assistants
holding a long cord that passed from one to the other,
thus enclosing part of the yard; within this enclosure
were the children and those fathers and officials who
had fasted. A bench was placed in the centre, upon
which the priest was seated with a brazier, some
ground corn, and incense. The children were directed
to approach one by one, and the priest gave to each a
little of the ground corn and incense, which, as they
received it, they cast into the brazier. When this
had been done by all, they took the cord and brazier,
with a vessel of wine, and gave them to a man to
carry outside the town, with injunctions not to drink
any of the wine, and not to look behind him; with
such ceremony the devil was expelled.[1007] The yard
was then swept clean, and some leaves of a tree called
cihom, and of another called copo, were scattered over
it. The priest now clothed himself in long gaudy-looking
robes, consisting, according to Landa, of a
jacket of red feathers with flowers of various colors
embroidered thereon; hanging from the ends were
other long feathers, and on his head a coronet of
plumes. From beneath the jacket long bands of
cotton hung down to the ground. In his hand he
held some hyssop fastened to a short stick. The
chacs then put white cloths upon the children's
heads and asked the elder if they had committed
any sins; such as confessed that they had, were then
684
placed apart. The priest then ordered the people to
sit down and be silent; he next blessed the boys, and
offering up some prayers, purified them with the hyssop
with much solemnity. The principal officer who
had been elected by the fathers, now took a bone,
and having dipped it in a certain water, moistened
their foreheads, their features, and their fingers and
toes.[1008] After they had been thus sprinkled with
water the priest arose and removed the cloths from
the heads of the children, and then cut off with a
stone knife a certain bead that was attached to the
head from childhood; they were then given by one of
the assistants some flowers to smell, and a pipe
through which they drew some smoke, after which
they were each presented with a little food, and a
vessel full of wine was brought as an offering to the
gods, who were entreated to receive it as a thanksgiving
from the boys; it was then handed to one of
the officials, who had to drink it at one draught. A
similar ceremony took place with the female children,
at the conclusion of which their mothers divested
them of a cord, which was worn during their childhood,
fastened round the loins, having a small shell
that hung in front. The removal of this signified
that they could marry as soon as their parents permitted.[1009]
The children were then dismissed, and
their fathers distributed presents among those who
had assisted at the ceremony. A grand banquet
called emku, or 'the descent of god,' was then held,
and during the nine succeeding days the fathers of
the children fasted, and were not to approach their
wives.[1010]



685


DOMESTIC DISCIPLINE.


The Nicaraguan husbands are said to have been so
much under the control of their wives that they were
obliged to do the housework while the women attended
to the trading. The latter were, moreover, great
shrews, and would on the slightest provocation drive
their offending husbands out of the house; we are
told that it was no unusual occurrence for the neighbors
to be suddenly called in to appease some unfortunate
man's Xanthippe.[1011] The women of Yucatan
were renowned for their modesty and conjugal faithfulness.
Landa, one of the first bishops of Yucatan,
relates an anecdote illustrating this trait. Alonso
Lopez de Avila, during the war against Bacalar, took
prisoner a very beautiful Indian girl. Struck by her
beauty the captor endeavored by all means to induce
her to gratify his desires, but in vain. She had promised
her warrior-husband, who during those perilous
686
times was constantly face to face with death, that
none but he should ever call her wife; how then,
while perhaps he yet lived, could she become another's
mistress. But such arguments did not quench
the Spaniard's lust, and as she remained steadfast, he
ordered her to be cast among the bloodhounds, who
devoured her—a martyr at the hands of the men who
pretended to preach Jesus Christ, and him crucified.[1012]


CHAPTER XXII.


FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS OF THE MAYAS.


687



Special Observances—Fixed Feasts—Sacrifice of Slaves—Monthly
Feasts of the Yucatecs—Renewal of the Idols—Feast
of the Chacs—Hunting Festival—The Tuppkak—Feast
of the Cacao-Planters—War Feast—The Maya New
Year's Day—Feasts of the Hunters, Fishers, and Apiarists—Ceremonies
in honor of Cukulcan—Feast of the Month
of Mol—Feast of the Years Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac—Yucatec
Sacrifices—The Pit of Chichen—Sacrifices of the
Pipiles—Feast of Victory—Feasts and Sacrifices in Nicaragua—Banquets—Dances—Musical
Instruments—Games.



Though the information concerning the feasts, religious
and otherwise, of the Maya nations, is not so
full as that touching the Nahuas, yet there is no
doubt that the former people were quite as fond of
such matters as the latter.


The Quichés had many festivals and special observances,
in some of which the whole people took part,
while others were performed by private persons
through excess of piety. They always made a sacrifice
before commencing any work of importance.
There were four special things for which they besought
the gods; namely, long life, health, progeny,
and the necessaries of life. They had particular oratories
where they went upon occasions of great distress,
and drew blood from several parts of their body.
When they desired to have sons they sacrificed at
688
fountains. They had oratories in thick groves, and if
they found a spot where a large tree grew over a
spring, they held the place to be divine, because two
divinities met in the tree and in the pool.[1013]


SACRIFICIAL FESTIVALS.


The religious feasts in which all the people took
part were held on certain fixed days of the calendar.
One of their most notable and solemn festivals was
more a time of penance and vigil than of feasting.
When the season of its celebration approached, the lord
of a province with the principal men held a council and
sent for a diviner, and advised with him concerning the
day upon which the sacrifice should take place. The
wise man at once began his sorceries, and cast lots in
order to ascertain what day would be the most propitious.
When the day was fixed, all men had from that
time to sleep in houses apart from their wives during
a period of sixty or eighty days, or even longer, according
to the severity demanded. Upon each of these
days every one had to offer sacrifice by drawing blood
from his arms, thighs, tongue, and other parts of his
body. This they did at certain hours of the day and
night, and also burned incense. They could not bathe
while the observances lasted. From the day when
this lent began, the slaves who were to be sacrificed
were allowed a certain freedom, and permitted to go
about the town wheresoever they pleased. On the
neck of each, however, was fastened a ring of gold,
silver, or copper, through which a stick was passed,
and as a further precaution against escape each was
accompanied by a guard of three or four men. They
were at liberty to enter any house, whether it was
that of the supreme lord or of the poorest man, and
wherever they applied for food or drink it was given
them. The same liberty was accorded to the guard.
When the day of sacrifice arrived, the high-priest
attired himself in his finest vestments. These consisted
689
of certain cloaks, with crowns of gold, silver,
or other metal, adorned with precious stones. The
idols were placed upon a frame ornamented with gold,
silver, and gems, and decked with roses and other
flowers. The slaves were then brought in procession
to the temple yard amid songs, music, and dancing;
and the idols were set upon altars, before which were
the sacrificial stones. As the hour of sacrifice drew
near, the supreme lord, and principal men with him,
repaired to the room where the slaves were waiting;
each then seized his slave by the hair and carried him
before the god, crying with a loud voice: O God our
Lord, remember thy servants, grant them health, offspring,
and prosperity, so that they may increase and
serve thee. Give us rain, O Lord, and seasonable
weather to support us, that we may live, hearken to
our prayers, aid us against our enemies, give us comfort
and rest. On reaching the altar the sacrificing
priest stood ready, and the lord placed the victim in
his hands. He then, with his ministers, opened the
breast with the sacrificial knife, tore out the heart
and offered it to the idol, at the same time anointing
it with the blood. Each idol had its holy table; the
Sun, the Moon, the East, the West, the North, and
the South had each one. The heads of the sacrificed
were put on stakes. The flesh was seasoned, cooked,
and partaken of as a holy thing. The high-priest
and supreme lord were given the hands and feet, as
the most delicate morsels, and the body was distributed
among the other priests. All through the days
of the sacrificing great liberty was permitted to the
people, grand banquets were held, and drunken revels
ensued.[1014]



690


Concerning the religious feasts and observances of
the Yucatecs, Landa is the best and most complete
authority, and I will therefore take from his work
such scattered notices as he gives.


In the month of Chen they worked in fear and
trembling, making new idols. And when these were
finished, those for whom they were made gave presents
of the best they had to those who had modeled
and carved them. The idols were then carried from
the building in which they had been made to a cabin
made of leaves, where the priest blessed them with
much solemnity and many fervent prayers, the artists
having previously cleansed themselves from the grease
with which they had been besmeared, as a sign of
fasting, during the entire time that they remained at
work. Having then driven out the evil spirit, and
burned the sacred incense, the newly made images
were placed in a basket, enveloped in a linen cloth,
and delivered to their owners, who received them
with every mark of respect and devotion. The priest
then addressed the idol-makers for a few moments
on the excellence and importance of their profession,
and on the danger they would incur by neglecting the
rules of abstinence while doing such sacred work.
Finally, all partook of an abundant repast, and made
amends for their long fast by indulging freely in wine.


In one of the two months called Chen and Yax, on
a day determined by the priest, they celebrated a feast
called ocna, which means the renovation of the temple
in honor of the Chacs, whom they regarded as
the gods of the fields. During this festival, they consulted
the oracle of the Bacabs.[1015] This feast was celebrated
every year. Besides this, the idols of baked
clay and the braziers were renewed at this season,
because it was customary for each idol to have its own
little brazier, in which incense was burned before it;
691
and, if it was necessary, they built the god a new
dwelling, or renovated the old one, taking care to
place on the walls an inscription commemorating these
things, in the characters peculiar to them.


FESTIVALS OF ZAC AND MAC.


In the month of Zac, on a day appointed by the
priest, the hunters held a feast similar to that which, as
we shall presently see, took place in the month of Zip.
This was for the purpose of averting the anger of the
gods from them and the seed they had sown, because
of the blood which had been shed in the chase; for
they regarded as abominable all spilling of blood, except
in sacrifice.[1016] They never went out to hunt without
first invoking their gods and burning incense before
them; and on their return from a successful hunt
they always anointed the grim visages of the idols
with the blood of the game. On another day of this
month a great feast was held, which lasted for three
days, attended with incense-burning, sacrifices, and
general orgies. But as this was a movable feast, the
priests took care to give notice of it in advance, in
order that all might observe a becoming fast.


During the month of Mac, the old people celebrated
a feast in honor of the Chacs, gods of the cornfields,
and of another deity named Yzamna. Some days
before this the following ceremony, called in their language
tuppkak,[1017] was observed. Having brought
together all the reptiles and beasts of the field that
could be procured in the country, they assembled with
them in the court of the temple, in the corners of
which were the chacs and the priests, to drive away
the evil spirit, each having by his side a jug filled
with water. Standing on end, in the centre, was an
enormous bundle of dry and fine wood, which was set
on fire after some incense had been burned. As the
692
wood burned, the assembled crowd vied with each
other in tearing out the hearts of the victims they
had brought with them and casting them into the
flames. If it had been impossible to procure such
large game as jaguars, pumas, or alligators, they
typified the hearts of these animals by incense, which
they threw into the fire; but if they had them, they
were immolated like the rest. As soon as all the
hearts were consumed, the chacs[1018] put out the fire
with the water contained in their pitchers. The object
of this feast and of that which followed was to
obtain an abundance of water for their cornfields during
the year. This feast was celebrated in a different
manner from others, because no one fasted before it,
with the exception of the beadle (muñidor) of the occasion.
On the day of the feast called tuppkak, the
people and the priests met once more in the courtyard
of the temple, where was erected a platform of
stone, with steps leading up to it, the whole tastefully
decorated with foliage. The priest gave some incense
to the beadle, who burned in a brazier enough to
exorcise the evil spirit. This done, the first step of
the platform was with great solemnity smeared with
mud taken from a well or cistern; the other steps
were stained a blue color. As usual, they ended
these ceremonies by eating and drinking and making
merry, full of confidence in the efficacy of their rites
and ceremonies for this year.


In the month of Muan the cacao-planters held a
festival in honor of the gods Ekchuah, Chac, and
Hobnil, who were their patron deities.[1019] To solemnize
it, they all went to the plantation of one of their
number, where they sacrificed a dog having a spot on
its skin of the color of cacao. They burned incense
693
to their idols, and made offerings of blue iguanas,
feathers of a particular kind of bird, and game.
After this they gave to each of the officials[1020] a branch
of the cacao-plant. The sacrifice being ended, they
all sat down to a repast, at which, it is said, no one
was allowed to drink more than three glasses of wine.
All then went into the house of him who had given
the feast, and passed the time pleasantly together.


WAR-FEAST IN THE MONTH OF PAX.


In the month of Pax, a feast was held, called
Pacumchac, which was celebrated by the nobles and
priests of the villages, together with those of the
great towns. Having assembled, they passed five
nights in the temple of Cit Chac Coh,[1021] praying and
offering incense. At the beginning of these five
days, they went all together to the house of the general
of their armies, whose title was Nacon, and
carried him in state to the temple, where, having
placed him on a seat, they burned incense before him
as though he had been a god. But though they
prayed during these five nights, they did not by any
means fast in the day-time, but ate and drank plentifully,
and executed a kind of grand war-dance, which
they called holkan okot, which is to say, 'dance of
the warriors.' The five days being passed, the real
business of the feast began, which, as it concerned
matters of war and victory, was a very solemn affair.
It was commenced with ceremonies and sacrifices
similar to those already described as taking place in
the month of Mac. Then the evil spirit was expelled
in the usual manner, after which were more prayers,
offerings, and incensing. While all this was going
on, the nobles once more took the Nacon upon their
shoulders, and carried him in procession round the
temple. On their return a dog was sacrificed, its
694
heart being torn out and presented to the idol between
two dishes. Every one present then shattered
a large jug filled with some beverage, which completed
this part of the festival. The usual banquet followed,
after which the Nacon was again placed upon
the shoulders of the nobles and carried to his house.


There, the nobles and priests partook of a grand
banquet, at which all got drunk, except the Nacon;
the people, meanwhile, returning to their homes. On
the morrow, having slept off the effects of the wine,
the guests of the Nacon received from him large presents
of incense which had been previously blessed.
He also took advantage of this opportunity to deliver
a long discourse, in which he recommended his hearers
to observe scrupulously in both town and country
the feasts of the gods, in order to obtain a prosperous
and abundant year. As soon as the Nacon had finished
speaking, there was a general and noisy leave-taking,
and the guests separated, and set out for their
respective homes. There they occupied themselves in
celebrating the festivals proper to the season, keeping
them up sometimes until the month of Pop. These
feasts were called Zabacilthan, and were observed as
follows. The people of each place or district sought
among the richest of their number for some who were
willing to defray the expenses of the celebration, and
recommended them to take the matter into consideration,
because it was customary to make merry during
the three last months of the year. This having been
settled, all met in the house of one of these prominent
men, after having driven away the evil spirit as usual.
Copal was burned, offerings were made, and the wine-cup,
which seems to have been the chief attraction on
these occasions, was not neglected. And all through
these three months, the excesses in which the people
indulged were pitiful to see; cuts, bruises, and eyes
inflamed with drink were plentiful amongst them; to
gratify their passion for drink they cast themselves
away.
695


THE MAYA NEW YEAR'S DAY.


During the last five days of the month of Cumhu,
which were the last days of the year, the people seldom
went out of their houses, except to place offerings
in the temples, with which the priests bought
incense to be burned in honor of the gods. They
neither combed their hair nor washed themselves during
these five days; neither men nor women cleansed
themselves; they did no work of any kind lest some
misfortune should befall them.


FESTIVITIES IN YUCATAN.


The first day of the month of Pop, the Maya New
Year's Day, was a season of rejoicing, in which all the
nation took part. To give more importance to the
event, they renewed at this time all the articles which
they used, such as plates, cups, baskets, clothes, and
the dresses of the idols; they swept their houses and
cast everything into the place where they put their
rubbish; and no one dared to touch what was cast
away, even though greatly in need of it. To prepare
for this feast, princes, priests, and nobles, and all who
wished to show their devotion, fasted and abstained
from their wives for a longer or shorter period, some
for three months preceding it, some for two, according
to their ideas of propriety, but none for less
than thirteen days. During this season of abstinence,
they ate their meat unseasoned, which was considered
severe discipline. At this time, also, they elected the
officers who were to assist the priest at the ceremony.
The priest prepared a number of little balls of fresh
incense on small boards made for the purpose, for
those who fasted to burn before the idols. Great care
was taken not to break the fast after it had been once
commenced; for if this were done it was thought that
misfortune must inevitably ensue.


New Year's Day having arrived, all the men assembled
in the courtyard of the temple. Women could
assist at no feast which was celebrated within the
temple, except those who went to take part in particular
dances; on other occasions, however, the
women were allowed to be present. On the day in
696
question the men came alone, adorned with paint, and
cleansed from the grease with which they had been
bedaubed during the days of penance. When all
were assembled, with offerings of food and newly
fermented wine, the priest purified the temple and
seated himself in the centre of the court, clothed in
his robes of office, and having by his side a brazier
and the balls of incense before mentioned. After the
evil spirit had been expelled, all present offered up
prayers, while the assistants kindled the new fire for
the year. The priest now cast one of the balls of
incense into the brazier, and then distributed the
remainder among the assembled worshipers. The
nobles came first in the order of their rank, and as
each received a ball from the priest, who gave it with
great solemnity, he dropped it gently into the brazier
and stood still until it was consumed. The inevitable
banquet and orgies terminated the ceremonies. This
was the manner in which they celebrated the birth of
the new year. During the month, some of the most
devout among them repeated the feast in their own
homes, and this was particularly done by the nobles
and priests, who were ever foremost in religious observances.


During the month of Uo the priests and sorcerers
began to prepare for a festival called pocam, which
was solemnized by the hunters and fishers on the seventh
day of the next month, which was Zip. Having
assembled, clothed in their ornaments, at the house of
the prince, they expelled the evil spirit, and then
uncovered their books and exposed them upon a
carpet of green leaves and branches, which had been
prepared for this purpose. They next invoked with
reverence a deity named Cinchau Yzamna, who had
been, they said, the first priest.[1022] To him they offered
697
various gifts, and burned balls of incense in his honor.
In the meantime others took a vessel and a little
verdigris with some pure water, which had to be procured
from a wood into whose recesses no woman had
ever penetrated. They now cleaned the leaves of
their books by moistening them; this done, the wisest
among them opened a volume and examined the prospects
of the coming year, which he declared aloud to
all present. He concluded with a brief discourse, in
which he advised them how to avoid coming evils.
Jollity now reigned and the wine flowed freely—a
consummation which many of the old priest's hearers
had doubtless been long looking forward to impatiently.
The solemnities on this occasion were varied
at times by performing a dance called okot uil.


On the following day the doctors and sorcerers with
their wives came together in the house of one of their
number. The priests, having driven away the evil
spirit, brought to view their medicine-bags, in which
they kept a number of charms, some little images of
Ixchel, goddess of medicine, from whom the feast
was named ihcil ixchel, and some small stones called
am, which they used in their sorceries. Then with
great devotion the doctors and sorcerers invoked the
gods of medicine, Yzamna, Citbolontum, and Ahau
Chamahez, while the priests burned incense, and the
assistants painted themselves blue, the color of the
books used by the priests. Bearing their medicine
bags in their hands, they then joined in a dance
called chantunyab, after which the men seated themselves
in a row on one side, and the women on the
other; a day was appointed for holding the feast during
the ensuing year, and then the usual drunken
orgies commenced. It is said that the priests abstained
from wine on this occasion, perhaps because
the women were present; but they took their share,
nevertheless, and reserved it for a more private opportunity.


On another occasion the hunters, with their wives,
698
assembled in the house of one of their number, and
performed there certain ceremonies. The first proceeding
was, of course, to expel the evil influence;
then the priests, who were never absent from these
meetings, placed in the middle of the room some incense,
a brazier, and some blue coloring material.
Next, the huntsmen prayed with great devotion to
the gods of the chase, Acanum, Zuhuy Zipi, Tabai,
and others, and cast incense into the brazier. While
this was burning, each took an arrow and a deer's
head, which the priest's assistants had painted blue;
thus equipped, some danced, holding hands; others
pierced their ears or their tongue, and passed through
the holes which they made seven leaves of an herb
called ac. Then priests and their assistants made
offerings to the gods and joined in the dance. Finally,
the festivities closed by all present becoming,
to quote the words of Bishop Landa, 'as drunk as
baskets.'


The next day it was the turn of the fishermen to
celebrate a feast, which they did in the same manner
as the hunters, except that instead of a deer's head,
they smeared their fishing implements with color;
neither did they pierce their ears, but cut round about
them, and after doing this they executed a dance
called chohom. Then they consecrated a large tree,
which they left standing. After the feast had been
duly celebrated in the towns, it was customary for
the nobles and many of the people to go down to the
coast on a grand fishing expedition. The patron divinities
of the fishermen were Ahkak Nexoi, Ahpua,
Ahcitz, and Amalcum.[1023]



699


FEAST OF THE APIARISTS.


In the month of Tzoz, the apiarists prepared for
a feast which was to take place in the next month,
called Tzec, by a fast, which was, however, optional
with all except the priests who were to officiate, and
their assistants. The day of celebration having arrived,
the participants came together in the house of
him who gave the feast, and performed nearly the
same ceremonies as the hunters and fishermen, except
that they drew no blood from their bodies. The apiarists
had for their patron deities the Bacabs, and
particularly Hobnil. They made many propitiatory
offerings at this time, especially to the four gods
of abundance, to whom they presented four dishes
adorned with figures of honey. The usual drunken
bout was not omitted.


After the mysterious departure of Cukulcan,[1024] the
Maya Quetzalcoatl, from Yucatan, the people, convinced
that he had gone to the abode of the gods,
deified him, and built temples and instituted feasts
in his honor. These latter were scrupulously observed
throughout the entire country up to the time
of the destruction of Mayapan; but after that event
they were neglected by all the provinces but that
of Mani.[1025] In remembrance, however, of the respect
shown of old to Cukulcan, these provinces sent annually,
by turn, to Mani four or five magnificent feather
banners, which were used in the ceremonies there.
On the sixteenth day of the month of Xul, all the
nobles and priests of Mani, being prepared by fast
700
and penance for the occasion, came together, and with
them came a considerable multitude of people. In
the evening all set out in procession from the house
of the lord, and, accompanied by a large number of
professional actors, proceeded slowly towards the
temple of Cukulcan, which had already been decorated
in a suitable manner. Upon arriving they
placed the banners on high in the temple, offered
prayers, and going into the courtyard spread out
their idols upon green leaves and branches; then they
burned incense in many places, and made offerings of
meat cooked without pepper or salt, bean-soup, and
calabashes. After this, those who had observed the
fast did not go home, but passed five days and five
nights in the temple, praying, burning copal, and executing
sacred dances. During this time the actors
went from one house to another, representing their
plays and receiving gifts from those whom they entertained.
At the end of the five days they carried
all their earnings to the temple and distributed them
among the watchers there. Afterwards all returned
to the prince's palace, taking with them the banners
and the idols. Thence each betook himself to his
home. They said, and confidently believed, that Cukulcan
descended from heaven on the last day of the
feast and received personally the gifts which were presented
to him. This festival was called chic kaban.


During the month of Yaxkin it was the custom to
prepare for a general festival, called olohzabkamyax,
held in the month of Mol, in honor of all the gods.
At this feast, after the usual preliminary rites, they
smeared with blue coloring matter the instruments
used in every profession, from the sacred implements
of the priests to the distaffs of the women, and even
the doors of their houses. Children of both sexes
were daubed in the same manner, but instead of coloring
their hands they gave them each nine gentle
raps on the knuckles. The little girls were brought
to the feast by an old woman, who for that reason
701
was called ixmol, conductress. The blows were given
to the children in order that they might become
skilled workmen in the profession of their fathers or
mothers. The usual conclusion ensued.


During the month of Mol the apiarists had another
festival similar to that of the month of Tzec, in order
to induce their patron gods to cause the flowers to
grow, from which the bees gathered honey.


FESTIVAL TO INSURE A CROP.


The Mayas depended so much upon the produce of
the soil for their sustenance that a failure of the crops
was one of the heaviest misfortunes that could fall
upon them. To avoid this they made four idols,
named Chichac Chob, Ek Balam Chac, Ahcan Uolcab,
and Ahbuluc Balam.[1026] Having placed them in the
temple, and, according to custom, burned incense before
them, they presented them with two pellets of a
kind of resin called kik, some iguanas, some bread, a
mitre, a bouquet of flowers, and a stone upon which
they set great value. Besides this, they erected a
great wooden arch in the court, which they filled with
wood, taking care to leave openings through which to
pass backwards and forwards. The greater part of
the men then took each a long stick of dry wood, and
while a musician mounted on the top of the pile sang
and beat a drum, all danced reverently and in good
order, as they did so passing in and out the wood-pile.
This they kept up until evening, when, leaving their
sticks behind them, they went home to eat and rest.
During the night they returned, and each taking his
faggot, lit it and applied it to the pile, which burned
fiercely and rapidly.[1027] As soon as the heap was reduced
to red-hot ashes, those who had danced gathered
702
about it, and passed barefooted over the coals, some
without injury, and some with; this they believed
would avert misfortune and appease the anger of the
gods.[1028]


It was customary in all the towns of Yucatan to
erect at the limits of each of the four quarters, east,
west, north, and south, two heaps of stones, facing
each other, and intended to be used during the celebration
of two solemn festivals, which were as follows.
In the year of which the dominical letter was
kan, the sign was hobnil, and, according to the Yucatecs,
these both ruled in the south. They made this
year, of baked earth, an idol which they called Kanu
Uayeyab, and having made it they carried it out to
the heaps of stones which lay towards the south.
They then selected a principal man of the place, and
in his house they celebrated the feast. For this purpose
they made another image, of the god Bolon
Zacab,[1029] and placed it in the chosen house, in a prominent
place, so that all who arrived might see it.
This done, the nobles, priests, and people came together,
and set out by a road swept clean, ornamented
with arches, and strewed with foliage, to the southern
heaps of stones, where they gathered about the idol
Kanu Uayeyab. The priest then incensed the god
with forty-nine grains of maize, ground up and mixed
with copal; the nobles next placed incense in the
brazier, and burned it before the idol. The incense
burned by the priest was called zacah, that used by
the nobles, chahalté. When these rites were completed
the head of a fowl was cut off and offered to
the idol, which was now placed on a litter called
kanté,[1030] and upon its shoulders were placed other little
images, as signs of abundance of water and a good
703
year, and these images were frightful to behold.
Amid dances and general rejoicing the idol was carried
towards the house where the statue of Bolon
Zacab had been placed, and while the procession
was on the road, the nobles and priests partook of a
beverage made from four hundred and fifteen grains
of roasted maize, which they called picula kakla.
Arrived at their destination, they placed the image
that they carried opposite the idol which they found
there, and made many offerings of food and drink,
which were afterwards divided among the strangers
who were present, the officiating priest receiving only
the leg of a deer. Some of the devotees drew blood
from their bodies, scarified their ears, and anointed
with the blood a stone idol named Kanal Acantun.
They modeled a heart of dough of maize and of
calabash-seeds, and offered it to the idol Kanu Uayeyab.
And in this manner they honored both the
idols during the entire time of the feast, burning
before them incense of copal and ground maize, for
they held it certain that misfortune would overwhelm
them if they neglected these rites. Finally, the
statue of Bolon Zacab was carried to the temple,
and the other image to the western entrance of the
town, where it remained until the next celebration of
the feast.


MAYA FESTIVALS.


The ceremonies of the new year, under the sign of
muluc, were very similar to those just described,
though held in honor of other deities. A dance performed
upon a high scaffolding, attended with sacrifices
of turkeys; another executed by the old people,
holding little baked-clay images of dogs in their
hands; and the sacrifice of a peculiarly marked dog,
were, however, additional features. The same may
be said of the new year under the sign of yx, and of
the new year under the sign of cauac, when the rites
which were performed were sufficiently like those
which have gone before to need no further description.[1031]



704


The gods of the Yucatecs required far fewer human
lives at the hands of their worshipers than those
of the Nahuas. The pages of Yucatec history are
not marred by the constant blood-blots that obscure
the Nahua record. An event which in Mexico would
be the death-signal to a hecatomb of human victims,
would in Yucatan be celebrated by the death of a
spotted dog. The office of sacrificer which in Mexico
was one of the highest honors to which a priest could
attain, was in Yucatan regarded as unclean and degrading.[1032]
Nevertheless, the Yucatec religion was not
free from human sacrifice, and although captives taken
in war were used for this purpose, yet it is said that
such was their devotion, that should a victim be wanting
they would dedicate their children to the altar
rather than let the gods be deprived of their due.[1033]
But it seldom happened that more than one victim
was sacrificed at a time, at least in earlier days, and
even then he was not butchered as by the Nahuas,
but was shot through the heart with arrows before
being laid upon the sacrificial stone.[1034]


SACRIFICES AT CHICHEN ITZA.


At Chichen Itza human sacrifices were made in a
peculiar manner. In the centre of the city was an
immense pit, containing water, and surrounded on all
sides by a dense grove, which served to render the
spot silent and solitary, in spite of its position. A
circular staircase, rudely cut in the rock, descended to
the edge of the water from the foot of an altar which
stood upon the very brink of the pit.[1035] At first, only
705
animals and incense were offered here, as the teachings
of Cukulcan forbade the sacrifice of human victims,
but after the departure of the great Maya
apostle the Yucatecs returned to the evil of their
ways,[1036] and the pit of Chichen was once more polluted
with human bodies. At first one victim sufficed, but
the number gradually increased, until, during the later
years of Maya independence, hundreds were immolated
at a time. If some calamity threatened the
country, if the crops failed or the requisite supply of
rain was wanting, the people hastened to the pit of
horror, to offer prayers and to appease the wrath of
the gods with gifts of human life. On the day of
sacrifice, the victims, who were generally young virgins,
were taken to the temple, clothed in the garments
appropriate to the occasion, and conducted
thence to the sacred pit, accompanied by a multitude
of priests and priestesses of all ranks. There, while
the incense burned on the altar and in the braziers, the
officiating priest explained to them the things for which
they were to implore the gods into whose presence
they were about to be introduced. A long cord was
then fastened round the body of each victim, and the
moment the smoke ceased to rise from the altar, all
were hurled into the gulf. The crowd, which had
gathered from every part of the country to see the
sacrifice, immediately drew back from the brink of
the pit and continued to pray without cessation for
some time. The bodies were then drawn up and
buried in the neighboring grove.[1037]



706


The Pipiles had two idols, one in the figure of a
man, called Quetzalcoatl, the other in the shape of a
woman, called Itzqueye. Certain days of their calendar
were specially set apart for each of the deities,
and on these the sacrifices were made. Two very solemn
sacrifices were held in each year, one at the commencement
of summer, the other at the beginning of
winter. At these, Herrera says, only the lords were
present.[1038] The sacrifice was made in the interior of
the temple, and the victims were boys between the
ages of six and twelve years, bastards, born among
themselves. For a day and a night previous to the
sacrifice, drums and trumpets were sounded and on
the day following the people assembled. Four priests
then came out from the temple, each bearing a small
brazier with burning incense; together they turned in
the direction of the sun, and kneeling down offered up
incense and prayers; they then did the same toward
the four cardinal points.[1039] Their prayers finished, they
retired within four small chapels built at the four corners
of the temple, and there rested. They next
went to the house of the high-priest, and took thence
the boy who was to be sacrificed and conducted him
four times round the court of the temple, dancing
and singing. When this ceremony was finished, the
high-priest came out of his house, with the diviner
and guardian of the sanctuary, and ascended the steps
of the temple, with the cacique and principal men,
who, however, remained at the door of the sanctuary.
The four priests now seized the boy by the arms and
legs, and the guardian of the temple coming out with
little bells on his wrists and ankles, opened the left
breast of the victim, tore out the heart, and handed it
to the high-priest, who placed it in a small embroidered
purse which he carried. The four priests received
707
the blood of the victim in four jicaras, or bowls, made
from the shell of a certain fruit, and descending one
after the other to the courtyard, sprinkled the blood
with their right hands in the direction of the cardinal
points. If any blood remained over they returned
it to the high-priest, who placed it with the purse
containing the heart in the body of the victim through
the wound that had been made, and the body was
interred in the temple. This was the ceremony of
sacrifice at the beginning of each of the two seasons.


PIPILE FEAST OF VICTORY.


When information was received from their war
chief that he had gained a victory, the diviner ascertained
to which of the gods sacrifice was to be made.
If to Quetzalcoatl, the ceremony lasted fifteen days;
if to Itzqueye, five days; and upon each day they sacrificed
a prisoner. These sacrifices were made as follows:
All those who had been in the battle returned
home in procession, singing and dancing, bringing
with them the captives who were to be sacrificed,
their wrists and ankles decorated with feathers and
chalchiuites, and their necks with strings of cacao-nibs.
The high-priests and other ministers went out
at the head of the populace to meet them with music
and dancing, and the caciques and captains delivered
over those who were to be sacrificed to the high-priest.
Then they all went together to the courtyard of their
teupa, or temple, where they continued dancing day
and night during the time the sacrifices lasted. In
the middle of the court was a stone bench on which
the victim was stretched, four priests holding him by
the feet and hands. The sacrificing priest then came
forward, adorned with many feathers and loaded with
little bells, holding in his hand a flint knife, with
which he opened the breast of the victim, tore out
the heart, brandished it toward the cardinal points,
and finally threw it into the air with sufficient force
to cause it to fall directly in the middle of the court,
saying: "Receive, Oh God, this thank-offering for the
708
victory."[1040] This sacrifice was public and beheld by
all the people. The men drew blood from their private
parts, and the women from their ears, tongue,
and other parts of the body; as the blood flowed it
was taken up with cotton and offered by the men to
Quetzalcoatl, by the women to Itzqueye.


When the Pipiles were about to undertake any
hunting or fishing expedition, they first made an offering
to their gods. For this purpose they took a living
deer,[1041] and leading it to the temple yard, they
there strangled and afterwards flayed it, saving the
blood in a vessel. The liver, lungs, and stomach
were chopped in small pieces, which were afterwards
laid aside with the heart, head, and feet. The remainder
of the deer was cooked by itself, and the blood
likewise, and while this was being done the people
danced. The high-priest with his assistant next took
the head by the ears, and each of the four priests one
of the feet, while the guardian of the sanctuary put
the heart into a brazier and burnt it with copal and
ulli to the god who was the protector of hunting.
After the dance, the head and feet were scorched in
the fire before the idol and given to the high-priest
to be eaten. The flesh and blood were eaten by the
other ministers of the temple before the idol, and the
same was done with other animals sacrificed. The
entrails of fish were burned before the idol.[1042]


SACRIFICES IN NICARAGUA.


Among the civilized nations of Nicaragua, it would
appear there were eighteen distinct festivals, corresponding
with the eighteen months in their calendar.[1043]
709
These were proclaimed by the priest, holding the instrument
of sacrifice in his hand, from the steps leading
to the sacrificial altar in the court of the temple.
He made known who and how many were to be sacrificed,
and whether they were to be prisoners taken
in battle or individuals reared among themselves for
the purpose.[1044] When the victim was stretched upon
the stone, the officiating priest walked three times
round him, singing in a doleful tone; he then opened
the victim's breast, plucked out his heart, and daubed
his face with the blood. He next dismembered the
body and gave the heart to the high-priest, the feet
and hands to the king, the thighs to him who had
captured him, the entrails to the trumpeters, and
the remainder to the people, that all might eat.[1045]
The heads of those sacrificed were set as trophies on
trees appointed for the purpose.[1046] If the person sacrificed
had been bought, they buried the entrails,
hands, and feet, in a gourd, and burned the heart
and all the rest.[1047] As it was lawful for a father to
sell his own children, and each person himself, they
therefore did not eat the flesh of such sacrifices because
they were their own countrymen and relations.
710
When they ate the flesh of foreigners sacrificed, they
held exciting dances, and passed the days in drunken
revels and smoking, but had no sexual intercourse
with their wives while the festival lasted.[1048] At certain
feasts they offered blood drawn from their own
bodies, with which they rubbed the beard and lips of
the idol.


The priests wore white cotton cloaks, some short
and small, others hung from the shoulders to the heels,
with bands having bags attached, in which they carried
sharp stone knives, papers, ground charcoal, and
certain herbs. The lay brothers bore in their hands
little flags with the idol they held most in veneration
painted thereon, and small purses containing powder
and awls; the youths had bows and arrows, darts and
shields. The idol, in form and appearance very frightful,
was set upon a spear and carried by the eldest
priest. The ascetics marched in file, singing, to the
place of worship. They spread mantles and strewed
roses and flowers, that the standards might not touch
the ground. The procession halted; the singing ceased;
they fell to prayer. The prelate clapped his hand;
some drew blood from the tongue, others from the
ears, from the privy member, or from whatever part
their devotion led them. They took the blood on
paper or on their fingers and smeared the idol's face.
In the meantime the youths danced, leaped about, and
shook their weapons. Those who had gashed themselves,
cured their wounds by an application of powdered
charcoal and herbs that they carried for the
purpose. In these observances they sprinkled maize
with the blood from their privy parts, and it was distributed
and eaten as blessed bread.[1049]



711


BANQUETS OF THE PEOPLE.


Like the Mexicans the Mayas had a great predilection
for entertaining each other at banquets, and it
is related of them that they often spent on one such
occasion a sum that it had taken them many months
to earn. Seasons of betrothal and marriage were always
enlivened by sumptuous feasts. Whenever any
contract had to be arranged, a feast was given and the
act of eating and drinking together in public and before
witnesses sufficed to make such contract valid.[1050]
The lords and principal men gave feasts to each other,
and as it was incumbent upon all the guests to return
the compliment, there must have been a continual
round of feasting. Cogolludo states that meat was
eaten at banquets only, and this may in some measure
account for the frequency with which they occurred,
and the etiquette that required the invitation to be
returned.


They observed a certain formality at their entertainments,
seating themselves either in twos or fours.
Each of the guests received a roasted fowl, some
bread, and an abundance of cacao. When the meal
was finished, presents were distributed to the guests,
each being presented with a mantle, a small stool,
and a handsome cup. Beautiful women acted as cup-bearers,
and when one of these presented a cup of
wine to a guest, she turned her back to him while
he drank. The feast lasted until all were intoxicated,
and then the wives led their drunken husbands
home. When a marriage banquet, or one in commemoration
of the deeds of their ancestors, was given,
no return invitation was expected.[1051] Their entertainments
were usually enlivened by a company of dancers
and musicians, who performed dramatic representations
under the leadership of one who was called
holpop, or master of the ceremonies; he gave instructions
712
to the actors, directed the singers and musicians,
and from him all had to take their cue. The actors
were called balzam, a name corresponding to jester or
mimic. As women were not permitted to take part
in the mummeries, their places were supplied by men.
Their movements during the play were grave and
monotonous, yet they were clever in mimicry and
caricature, which they frequently made use of as a
means of reproving their chief men.[1052] The plays
were generally of a historical character, having for
their subject the great deeds of their ancestors; their
songs consisted of ballads founded upon local traditions
and legendary tales.[1053]


MUSIC AND DANCES.


A favorite dance of the Mayas was one called colomche;
a large number of men took part in it, sometimes
as many as eight hundred. These formed a
ring, and were accompanied during their movements
by a number of musicians. When the dancing began,
two of the actors, still keeping step with the rest,
came out from the ring, one holding in his hand a
bunch of wands and dancing upright, while the other
cowered down, still dancing. Then he who had the
wands threw them with all his force at his companion,
who with great dexterity parried them with a short
stick. When the two had finished, they returned to
their former position in the circle, and two others
took their place and went through the same performance,
the rest following in their turn. They had
also war dances, in which large numbers joined, the
performers holding small flags in their hands.[1054]


They had a variety of musical instruments, prominent
among which was the tunkul, which was almost
713
the same thing as the teponaztli of the Mexicans.[1055]
They had other drums made of a hollow trunk and
covered at one end with deer-skin, tortoise shells that
they struck with deer's horns, trumpets,—some of marine
shells and others of hollow canes with a calabash
at the end,—whistles and flutes made from bone and
cane, besides various kinds of rattles.[1056] Landa says
that in every village there was a large house or rather
shed, for it was open on all sides, in which the young
men met for amusement.[1057] Oviedo, who witnessed
some dances and games among the Nicaraguans, thus
describes one he saw at Tecoatega after the harvesting
of the cacao. As many as sixty persons, all men,
though a number of them represented women, took
part in a dance. They were painted of various colors
and patterns, and wore upon their heads beautiful
tufts of feathers, and about their persons divers ornaments,
while some wore masks like birds' heads.
They performed the dance going in couples and keeping
at a distance of three or four steps between pair
and pair. In the centre of a square was a high pole
of more than sixty feet in height driven firmly into
the ground; on the top was seated a gaudily painted
idol which they called the god of the cacaguat, or cacao;
round the top were fixed four other poles in the
form of a square, and rolled upon it was a thick grass
rope at the ends of which were bound two boys of
seven or eight years of age. One of them had in one
hand a bow and in the other a bunch of arrows; the
other boy carried a beautiful feather fan and a mirror.
714
At a certain step of the dance the boys came out from
the square and the rope began to unroll; they went
round and round in the air, always going further out
and counterbalancing one another, the rope still unrolling.
While they were descending, the sixty men
proceeded with their dance to the sound of singers
beating drums and tabors. The boys passed through
the air with much velocity, moving their arms and
legs to present the appearance of flying. When they
reached the ground the dancers and singers gave some
loud cheers and the festival was concluded.[1058] Another
favorite amusement was a performance on a swinging
bar. For this two tall forked posts were firmly
planted in the ground; across them and resting in the
forks a pole was strongly bound. This pole passed at
right angles through a hole in the centre of a thick
bar, made to revolve upon it and of very light wood;
near the end of the bar were cross sticks for the performers
to take hold of. A man placed himself at
each end, and when the bar was set in motion they
went tumbling round and round, to the delight of the
spectators.[1059]


CHAPTER XXIII.


FOOD, DRESS, COMMERCE, AND WAR CUSTOMS OF THE MAYAS.


715



Introduction of Agriculture—Quiché Tradition of the Discovery
of Maize—Maize Culture—Superstitions of Farmers—Hunting
and Fishing—Domestic Animals, Fowl, and Bees—Preservation
and Cooking of Food—Meals—Drinks and
Drinking-Habits—Cannibalism—Dress of the Mayas—Maxtlis,
Mantles, and Sandals—Dress of Kings and Priests—Women's
Dress—Hair and Beard—Personal Decoration—Head-Flattening,
Perforation, Tattooing, and Painting—Personal
Habits—Commerce—Currency—Markets—Superstitions
of Travelers—Canoes and Balsas—War—Military Leaders—Insignia—Armor—Weapons—Fortifications—Battles—Treatment
of Captives.



The tierra caliente and the low forest-clad foothills
of the Usumacinta region on the confines of Yucatan,
Guatemala, Chiapas, and Tabasco, present claims as
strong at least as those of any other locality to be
considered the birth-place of American civilization.
Here apparently Votan and Gucumatz, demi-gods or
civilizers, won their first triumphs over the powers of
barbarism. In the most remote times to which we
are carried by vague tradition and mythic fable, gods
with strangely human attributes, or men of wonderful
supernatural powers, newly arrived in this land,
took counsel one with another how they might subject
to their power and reclaim from barbarism the
native bands of savages, or 'animals,' who roamed
716
naked through the forests, and subsisted on roots and
wild fruits. The discussion of the tradition with reference
to its historic signification, is foreign to my
present purpose, but as the story includes the traditional
origin of agriculture and the discovery of maize
under the form of a new creation, it is an appropriate
introduction to the present chapter on the food, dress,
and commerce of the Maya nations. The story runs
as follows in the aboriginal Quiché annals:[1060]


Behold how they began to think of man, and to
seek what must enter into the flesh of man. Then
spake he who begets, and he who gives being, Tepeuh,
Gucumatz, the creator and the former, and said: "Already
the dawn is nigh; the work is finished; behold
the support, the foster-father, is ennobled; the son of
civilization, man, is honored, and humanity on the
face of the earth." They came, and in great numbers
they assembled; in the shadows of the night
they joined their wise counsel. Then sought they
and consulted in sadness, meditating; and thus the
wisdom of these men was manifest; they found and
were made to see what must enter into the flesh of
man; and the dawn was near.


DISCOVERY OF MAIZE.


In Paxil, or Cayala ('land of divided and stagnant
waters') as it is called, were the ears of yellow
maize and of white. These are the names of the barbarians
who went to seek food; the Fox, the Jackal,
the Paroquet, and the Crow,—four barbarians who
made known to them the ears of the white maize and
of the yellow, who came to Paxil and guided them
thither. There it was they obtained at last the food
that was to enter into the flesh of man, of man created
and formed; this it was that was his blood, that
717
became the blood of man—this maize that entered
into him by the provision of him who creates, of him
who gives being.


And they rejoiced that they had at last arrived
in this most excellent land, so full of good things,
where the white and yellow maize did abound, also
the cacao, where were sapotes and many fruits, and
honey; all was overflowing with the best of food
in this country of Paxil, or Cayala. There was food
of every kind; there were large and small plants, to
which the barbarians had guided them. Then they
began to grind the yellow and white maize, and of
them did Xmucané make nine drinks, which nourishment
was the beginning of strength, giving unto
man flesh and stature. Such were the deeds of the
begetter and giver of being, Tepeuh, Gucumatz.
Thereupon they began to speak of creating our first
mother and our first father. Only yellow maize and
white maize entered into their flesh, and these alone
formed the legs and arms of man; and these were our
first fathers, the four men who were formed, into
whose flesh this food entered.


And from this time of its traditional discovery by
Gucumatz, or Quetzalcoatl, down to the conquest by
the Spaniards and even down to the present time, the
yellow and white maize, in their several varieties,
have been the chief reliance of the Maya as of the
Nahua nations for daily food. Every year during the
latter months of the dry season, from March to May,
the farmer busied himself in preparing his milpa, or
cornfield, which he did by simply cutting or uprooting
the dense growth and burning it. The ashes thus
produced were the only fertilizer ever employed, and
even this was probably never needed in this land of
tropical fertility. Just before the first rain fell,
equipped with a sack of seed-maize on his shoulder
and a sharpened stick in his hand, he made holes at
regular intervals among the ashes, and in each deposited
five or six grains, covering it with the same instrument,
718
aided perhaps by the foot. In Yucatan
the planters united in bands of twenty for mutual
assistance, working together until the land of all the
club was properly seeded. It was not customary to
plant very large fields, but rather many in different
localities, to guard against a possible partial failure of
the crops from local causes. Hedges, ditches, and
fences were constructed to enclose the milpas, so
effective in the Lacandone country that the Spaniards'
horses were unable to leap them. The corn was carefully
kept free from weeds while growing, and watched
by boys after it had begun to ripen. In Nicaragua,
where, Oviedo tells us, more attention was paid to
agriculture than in any other region visited by him,
the boys took their station in trees scattered over the
field, or sometimes on raised covered scaffolds of wood
and reeds, called barbacoas, where they kept up a continual
shouting to drive away the birds. Irrigation
was practiced when the rains were backward, and if
we may credit Oviedo, by thus artificially forcing the
crop in Nicaragua, well-filled corn was plucked only
forty days after planting the seed. Villagutierre
states that the Itzas spent most of their time in worship,
dancing, and getting drunk, trusting to uncultivated
fruits and the fertility of their soil for a subsistence,
and contenting themselves with very small
milpas.


CULTIVATION OF THE SOIL.


After maize, cacao was perhaps the crop to which
most attention was paid. It grew in hot and shady
localities, and where there was no natural shade, trees
were set out for the purpose. It was called cacaguat in
Nicaragua, and was gathered from February to April.
Several varieties, of a somewhat inferior quality,
grew wild, and were much used by the natives. The
cultivation of beans, pepper, cotton, and of numerous
native fruits, was carried on extensively, but we have
no details respecting the methods employed.[1061] In
719
connection with the planting and growth of the various
cultivated plants, the Mayas entertained some
peculiar superstitions. Far from understanding the
simplest laws of nature, they recognized only supernatural
agencies in the growth or blighting of their
crops. In Yucatan, Cogolludo states that no meat
was eaten while cotton was growing, from fear that
it would fail to mature. The Nicaraguans, according
to Dávila, ate no salt or pepper, nor did they
drink any intoxicating beverage, or sleep with their
women during the time of planting. Oviedo also
observed certain bundles of sticks placed at the
corners of each field, as well as leaves, stones, and
cotton rags, scattered over the surface by ugly and
deformed old hags, for some unknown but doubtless
superstitious purpose. Palacio tells us that the Pipiles
before beginning to plant gathered in small bowls
specimens of all the seeds, which, after performing
certain rites with them before the idol, they buried
in the ground, and burned copal and ulli over them.
Blood was drawn freely from different parts of the
body, with which to anoint the idol; and, as Ximenez
states, the blood of slain fowls was sprinkled over the
land to be sown. In the case of cacao the finest
grains of seed were exposed to the moonlight during
four nights; and whatever the seed to be planted, the
tillers of the soil must sleep apart from their wives
and concubines for several days, in order that on the
720
night before planting they might indulge their passions
to the fullest extent; certain persons are even
said to have been appointed to perform the sexual act
at the very moment when the first seeds were deposited
in the ground. Before beginning the operation
of weeding, they burned incense at the four
corners of the field, and uttered fervent prayers to
the idols. When the corn was ripe they plucked the
finest ears and offered them to the gods, to the priests,
and sometimes also to the poor. At harvest time the
corn was heaped up in the field, and was not moved
until the grain itself gave the signal that it was
ready; the signal was, as Brasseur states it, the
springing up of a fresh blade, or, according to Ximenez,
the falling of an ear from the heap.[1062]


The home of the Mayas in nearly every part
abounded in many varieties of game, and the authors
report the natives to have been expert hunters and
fishermen, but respecting the particular methods employed
in capturing food from forest, ocean, and river,
little information has been preserved. The people of
Yucatan used the bow and arrow; were especially skillful
at throwing a kind of arrow or dart by means of a
piece of wood three fingers thick, pierced with a hole
at one third its length; and, according to Cogolludo,
they bred hunting dogs which were trained to follow
and seize deer, tigers, and boars, as well as badgers, rabbits,
armadillos, and iguanas. The latter animal was,
as it still is, a favorite food. Tradition relates that
the Tutul Xius when they first came to Yucatan used
no weapons, but were famous for their skill in taking
game by means of snares, traps, and similar devices.
In Guatemala, a blow-pipe and earthen bullets were
sometimes used to shoot birds. A portion of all game
taken had to be given to the rulers of town and province,
and also a large portion—half, Las Casas tells
721
us, in Guatemala—must be offered to the god of hunting,
or, in other words, furnished for the priests' tables.
Fish and turtles were the chief articles of food
in some coast regions, and the Nicaraguans are described
by Oviedo as expert fishermen, who took fish
from ocean and river by means of rods, lines, and flies,
also in cotton nets, and by pens and embankments in
the tide waters. They are said to have had a plant,
the baygua, a decoction of which being put in the
water brought the fish senseless to the surface. The
Itzas and probably others used the harpoon. Young
alligators just hatched were esteemed as delicacies in
Vera Paz, and large fleets of canoes were sent at the
proper season to take them. The tapir was also a
favorite article of food. Toads and other reptiles
seem to have been eaten when other supplies were not
at hand.[1063]


USE OF MEAT AS FOOD.


As an article of daily food, meat was comparatively
little used; Cogolludo even goes so far as to say it
was never eaten in Yucatan except at feasts. Besides
the game-supply, dogs of a certain species were raised
for food. They were of small size, without hair, could
not bark, and when castrated became immensely fat.
They were called xulos in Nicaragua, and tzomes in
Yucatan, but were probably the same as the techichis
already mentioned in Mexico. Turkeys, ducks, geese,
and other fowl were domesticated; and pigs, rabbits,
722
and hares are mentioned as having been bred. Multitudes
of bees were kept for their honey and wax,
and hives are spoken of by Las Casas without description.
Gomara says the bees were small and the honey
somewhat bitter. The only methods of making salt
that I find particularly mentioned were to bake tide-washed
earth, boiling down the brine made of the
product, and also to boil the lye produced by leeching
the ashes of a palm called xacxam. The former
method was practiced in Guatemala, at great cost of
labor and wealth, as Herrera says; the second is referred
to Yucatan. Many roots were of course utilized
for food, and a peculiar herb, called yaat, was
mixed with lime and carried constantly in the mouth
by the Nicaraguans on the march or journey, as a
preventive of fatigue and thirst.[1064]


Respecting the preservation and cooking of food,
as well as the habits of the people in taking their
daily meals, there are no differences to be recorded
from what has been said of the Nahuas. The inevitable
tortillas and tamales were the standard dish,
made in the same way as at the north; meat was
dried, salted, roasted, and stewed, with pepper for the
favorite seasoning. Fruits were perhaps a more prominent
article of food, and were eaten for the most part
raw.[1065] Cogolludo informs us that the Yucatecs eat
regularly once a day, just before sunset; and we are
also told that they took great pains to keep their
bright-colored table-cloths and napkins in a state of
perfect cleanliness. In Nicaragua, they were accustomed
723
to wash the hands and mouth after eating; and
the chiefs, who sat in a circle on wooden benches and
were served by the women, also washed at the commencement
of the meal. The men and women eat
always separately, the latter taking their food from
the ground, or sometimes from a palm-leaf basket-work
platter. Very little food sufficed for the Mayas
and they could bear hunger for a long time, but like
all the aboriginal inhabitants of America they eat
plentifully when well supplied, taking no heed for a
time in the future when food might be lacking.[1066]


DRINKS PREPARED FROM MAIZE.


We have seen that in the beginning, according to
the tradition, Xmucané invented nine drinks, which
were prepared from maize. The exact composition of
these famous beverages of antiquity is not given; but
Landa speaks of at least six, in the preparation of
which maize was used, at least as an ingredient. To
make the first, the corn was half-boiled in lime-water,
coarsely ground, and preserved in small balls, which
were simply mixed with water for use; this beverage
was much used on journeys, and was often the only
provision, serving for food as well. The second was
made of the same hulled corn ground fine and mixed
in water so as to form a gruel, which was heated and
thickened over the fire, and was a favorite drink
taken hot in the morning. The third was parched
corn ground, mixed in water, and seasoned with pepper
or cacao. The fourth was composed of ground
maize and cacao, and was designed especially for
public festivals. For the fifth a grease, much like
butter, was extracted from cacao and mixed with
maize. The sixth was prepared from raw maize
ground. The fermented liquor, made of maize and
cacao, which was drunk by the Itzas, was called zaca.
Native wines were made of honey and water, of figs,
and of a great variety of fruits; that made of the
724
native fruit called jacote, and one of red cherries,
were very popular in Nicaragua. Chicha was a fermented
drink made of pine-apple juice, honey or
sugar, and water. Pulque made from the maguey is
mentioned, but this plant does not seem to have
played so important a rôle in the south as in the
north; at least there is very little said of it. A very
strong and stinking wine is also mentioned as being
prepared from a certain root. Herrera tells us that
the maize-wines resembled beer, and Andagoya that
their intoxicating properties were not very lasting.
Benzoni complains that the native wines failed to
comfort the spirit, warm the stomach, and sooth to
sleep like those of Castile. Chocolate and other
drinks prepared from cacao were universal favorites,
and were prepared both from wild and cultivated
varieties. Oviedo states that in Nicaragua none but
the rich and noble could afford to drink it, as it was
literally drinking money. He describes the manner
of preparing the cacao, coco, or cacaguat. It was
picked from the trees from February to April, dried
in the sun, roasted, ground in water, mixed with a
quantity of bixa until it was of a bright blood-color,
and the dried paste was preserved in cakes. With
this paste the natives delighted to bedaub their faces.
To prepare the drink, they do not seem to have employed
heat, at least in this part of the country, but
simply dissolved the paste in water, and poured it
from one dish into another to raise a froth.


The Mayas seem to have been a people greatly addicted
to the vice of drunkenness, which was much
less disgraceful and less severely punished by the
laws than among the Nahuas. It was quite essential
to the thorough enjoyment of a feast or wedding to
become intoxicated; the wife even handed the tempting
beverages to her husband, modestly averted
her head while he drank, kindly guided him home
when the festivities were over, and even became
intoxicated herself occasionally, if Landa may be
725
believed. The same authority represents the natives
of Yucatan as very brutal and indecent when drunk,
and Oviedo says that he who dropped down senseless
from drink in a banquet was allowed to remain where
he fell, and was regarded by his companions with feelings
of envy.[1067]


EATING HUMAN FLESH.


The custom of eating the flesh of human victims
who were sacrificed to the gods, was probably practiced
more or less in all the Maya regions; but
neither this cannibalism nor the sacrifices that gave
rise to it were so extensively indulged in as by the
Mexicans. Some authors, as Gomara, deny that
human flesh was ever eaten in Yucatan, but others,
as Herrera, Villagutierre, and Peter Martyr, contradict
this, although admitting that cases of cannibalism
were rare, and the victims confined to
sacrificed enemies. Las Casas states that in Guatemala
the hands and feet were given to the king and
high-priest, the rest to other priests, and that none
was left for the people. In Nicaragua the high-priest
received the heart, the king the feet and
hands, he who captured the victim took the thighs,
the tripe was given to the trumpeters, and the rest
was divided among the people. The head was not
eaten. The edible portions were cut in small pieces,
boiled in large pots, seasoned with salt and pepper,
and eaten together with cakes of maize. At certain
feasts also maize was sprinkled with blood from the
genitals. According to Herrera some Spaniards
were eaten in Yucatan, but Albornoz tells us that
the natives of Honduras found the foreigners too
tough and bitter to be eaten.[1068]



726


DRESS OF THE MAYAS.


By reason of the warmer climate in the southern
lands, or of a difference in the popular taste, somewhat
less attention seems to have been paid to dress
and personal adornment by the Mayas than by the
Nahuas, or rather the Maya dress was much more
simple and more uniform among the different classes
of society; and, so far as can be determined from the
very scanty information extant, there was only a very
slight variation in the dress of the different nations—much
less, indeed, than would naturally be expected
between the tribes of the low Yucatan plains and of
the Guatemalan highlands. Very little of the information
that has been preserved, however, relates to
the people of Guatemala. Men wore almost universally
the garment known in Mexico as the maxtli, a
long strip of cotton cloth, wound several times round
the loins and passing between the legs. This strip
was often twisted so as to resemble a cord, and the
higher the class or the greater the wealth of the
wearer, the greater the length of the cord and the
number of turns about the body. Among the Itzas
and other tribes of Yucatan, instead of passing this
garment between the legs, its ends were often allowed
to hang, one in front and the other behind, being in
such cases more or less embroidered or otherwise
decorated.[1069] In more modern times the maxtli seems
727
to have been, in some cases at least, replaced by cotton
drawers, fastened with a string round the waist,
and having the legs rolled up to the middle of the
thigh.[1070] A large proportion of the Mayas, especially
of the poorer classes, wore commonly no other garment
than the one mentioned; but very few were
without a piece of cotton cloth about four or five feet
square, which was used as a covering at night and was
often worn in the daytime, by tying two corners on
the same side over the shoulders and allowing the
cloth to hang down the back. The Spaniards uniformly
apply the somewhat indefinite term 'mantle'
to this garment. These mantles are still worn.[1071] The
only other garment mentioned, and one not definitely
stated to have been worn except in Yucatan, was a
kind of loose sleeveless shirt reaching to the knees.
These shirts as well as the mantles were worn both
white and dyed in brilliant and variegated colors.[1072] I
find no mention of other material than cotton used for
clothing, except in the case of the Cakchiquels, who,
according to Brasseur, wore both bark and maguey-fibre.[1073]


There is nothing to indicate that the dress of
nobles, priests, or kings, differed essentially from that
of the common people, except in fineness of material
or richness and profusion of ornaments. It is probable,
however, that the higher classes were always
clad in the garments which have been described,
while a majority of the plebeians wore only the
728
maxtli, which was sometimes only a single strip of
cloth passing once round the waist and between the
legs. As rulers and priests are often spoken of as
dressed in 'large white mantles' or 'flowing robes,' it
is probable that the mantle worn by them was much
larger, as well as of finer stuff, than that described.
Landa speaks of a priest in Yucatan who wore an
upper garment of colored feathers, with strips of cotton
hanging from its border to the ground. Palacio
tells us of priestly robes in Salvador of different colors,
black, blue, green, red, and yellow. According
to Remesal the priests of Guatemala were filthy,
abominable, and ugly, in fact very hogs in dress. In
Nicaragua, Herrera describes white cotton surplices,
and other priestly vestments, some small, others
hanging from the shoulders to the heels, with hanging
pockets, in which were carried stone lancets, with
various herbs and powders, indispensable in the
practice of sacerdotal arts. Ximenez represents the
Guatemalan king's dress as like that of the people,
except that he had his ears and nose pierced, of which
more anon.[1074]


DRESS OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN.


The women universally wore a skirt formed by
winding a wide piece of cotton cloth round the body
and fastening it at the waist. This garment reached
from the waist to the knee, as worn by the plebeian
women, but those of a higher class covered with it
their legs as low as the ankles. In some parts of
Nicaragua, especially on the islands, Herrera says
that except this skirt, which was so scanty as hardly
to merit a better name than breech-clout, the women
were naked; but elsewhere they were always particular
to cover their breasts from sight. This they
accomplished in some cases by a piece of cloth round
the neck, and fastened under the arms; but they also
729
often wore a kind of chemise, or loose sack, with holes
for the head and arms, and sometimes with short
sleeves. The latter garment was always worn on
feast-days by those who had it to wear. Andagoya
mentions a sort of cape worn in Nicaragua, which had
a hole for the head, and covered the breasts and half
of the arms. Herrera speaks of a sack open at both
ends, and tightened at the waist, worn in Nicaragua;
and Landa mentions the same garment in Yucatan.
The women, like the men, used a square mantle to
sleep under, and carried it with them on journeys.
Children were allowed to remain naked in Yucatan
till they were four or five years old, and in Guatemala
to the age of eight or nine years; but in Yucatan,
Landa tells us, that a boy at the age of three
years, had a white ornament tied in his hair, and a
girl at the same age had a shell fastened by a string
in such a manner as to cover certain parts of her
person.[1075]


It is very difficult to form any definite idea of the
Maya methods of dressing the hair, save that all allowed
it to grow long, and most persons separated it
into tresses, winding some of them about the head and
allowing others to hang down the back. Landa informs
us that the Yucatecs burned the hair on the
crown, allowing it to remain short there, but permitted
the rest to grow as long as it would, binding it round
the head except a queue behind. In Nicaragua, the
forehead was shaved, and sometimes the whole head
except a tuft at the crown. The women everywhere
and men generally took great pains with the hair; the
former often mixed feathers with their raven locks,
730
which were dressed differently according as the owners
were married or single, and particular care was
devoted to the coiffure of a bride. All the authorities
agree that the priests in Yucatan wore the hair
long, uncombed, and often saturated with sacrificial
blood. Plumes of feathers seem to have been their
usual head-dress. Palacio and Herrera mention a
colored head-dress, mitre, or diadem with hanging
plumes worn by a priest in Salvador. Over the
hair a piece of cloth was usually worn by females, in
which the Abbé Brasseur finds a resemblance to the
Egyptian calantica. A tuft of hair hanging over the
face of children often made them cross-eyed; indeed,
mothers are said to have arranged it with a view to
this very effect, deemed by them a desirable thing, or
to have attached to the forehead a small hanging plaster
for the same purpose. The number of 'bizcos'
treated by Dr Cabot, who accompanied Mr Stephens
in his excursion through Yucatan, shows that though
squinting eyes are still common in the country, the
defect has at least lost its charm to the Maya mothers.[1076]


No beard was worn, and the few hairs that made
their appearance on the face were immediately extracted.
According to Landa, mothers are said to
have burned the faces of young children with hot
cloths to prevent the growth of a beard in later years.
After the Conquest many of the natives grew beards,
which, though sometimes long, were always thin and
731
coarse. Something like a beard is also to be seen on
some of the sculptured faces among the Maya ruins.
Oviedo met in Nicaragua a man about seventy years
of age, who had a long flowing white beard.[1077]


The Mayas, when they covered the feet at all, wore
a kind of sandal of coarse cloth, or more frequently of
dry deer-skin. These sandals were simply pieces of
skin, often double, covering and fitting somewhat the
sole, and fastened by cotton strings from the ankle to
the toes and perhaps also to the heel. I find no account
of hand-coverings except in the Popol Vuh,
where gloves are spoken of as being used in the game
of ball.[1078]


DISFIGUREMENT OF THE PHYSIQUE.


Having provided for their comfort by the use of
the articles of dress already described, the Mayas,
like most other American aborigines, deemed it essential
to modify and improve their physique by artificial
means. This they accomplished by head-flattening,
teeth-filing, perforation of the ears, nose, and lips, tattooing,
and painting; yet it is not probable that all
these methods of disfigurement were practiced by all
the natives. In Nicaragua, the heads of infants were
flattened; the people believed that the custom had
been originally introduced by the gods; that the compressed
forehead was the sign of noble blood and the
highest type of beauty; and besides that the head
was thus better adapted to the carrying of burdens.
In Yucatan, according to Landa, the same custom obtained.
Four or five days after birth the child was
laid with the face down on a bed and the head was
compressed between two pieces of wood, one on the
forehead and the other on the back of the head, the
boards being kept in place for several days until the
732
desired cranial conformation was effected. So great
was the pressure that the child's skull was sometimes
broken. I find no account of forehead-flattening in
Guatemala and Chiapas, though Mr Squier, following
Fuentes' unpublished history, says that among the
Quichés, Cakchiquels, and Zutugils the back of the head
was flattened by the practice of carrying infants tied
closely to a straight board. Yet from the frequent
occurrence of this cranial type in the sculptured profiles
in Chiapas, Honduras, and Yucatan, there can
be no doubt that in the most ancient times a flattened
forehead was the ideal of manly beauty, and I think
we have sufficient reason to believe that the artificial
shaping of the skull was even more universally practiced
in ancient than in modern times. The origin of
the custom is a most interesting topic for study and
speculation.[1079]


The practice of filing the teeth prevailed to a certain
extent among the women of Yucatan, whose ideal
of dental charms rendered a saw-teeth arrangement desirable.
The operation was performed by certain old
women, professors of the art, by means of sharp
gritty stones and water.[1080] The piercing of ears, nose,
and lips was practiced among all the nations by both
men and women apparently, except in Guatemala,
where, Ximenez tells us, it was confined to the kings,
who perforated the nose and ears as a mark of rank
and power. We have no authority for supposing that
persons of any class in Yucatan and Nicaragua were
restrained from this mutilation of their faces, or from
wearing in the perforated features any ornaments they
could afford to purchase. Such ornaments were small
sticks, bones, shells, and rings of amber or gold. Other
ornaments besides those inserted in the ears, nose,
and lips, were bracelets, rings, gold beads, and medals,
733
shell necklaces, metallic and wooden wands, gilded
masks, feathers and plumes, and pearls. Besides
this piercing for ornamental purposes, it should be
noted that perforation of cheeks and tongues, and
scarifyings of other parts of body and limbs, were
common in connection with religious rites and duties.[1081]


TATTOOING AND PAINTING.


Tattooing was effected in Yucatan and Nicaragua
by lacerating the body with stone lancets, and rubbing
the wounds with powdered coal or black earths, which
left indelible marks. Stripes, serpents, and birds
seem to have been favorite devices for this kind of
decoration. The process was a slow and painful one,
and to submit to it was deemed a sign of bravery.
The tattooing was done by professors who made this
art a specialty. Cogolludo says the Itzas had the
whole body tattooed, but Landa and Herrera tell us
that neither in Yucatan nor in Nicaragua were the
breasts of the women subjected to this decorative
mutilation.[1082] Painting the face and body was universal,
734
but little can be said respecting the details of
the custom, save that red and black were apparently
the favorite colors, and colored earths the most common
material of the paints. Bixa was, however,
much used for red, and cacao tinted with bixa to a
blood-red hue was daubed in great profusion on the
faces of the Nicaraguans. In Yucatan young men
generally restricted themselves to black until they
were married, indulging afterwards in varied and
bright-colored figures. Black was also a favorite
color for war-paint. Odoriferous gums were often
mixed with the paints, especially by the women,
which rendered the decoration durable, sticky, and
most disagreeable to foreign olfactories. It appears
that in Guatemala, and probably elsewhere, a coat
of paint was employed, not only for ornamental purposes,
but as a protection against heat and cold. At
certain Nicaraguan feasts and dances the naked bodies
were painted in imitation of the ordinary garments,
cotton-fibre being mixed with the paint.[1083]


PERSONAL HABITS.


All were fond of perfumes, and besides the odoriferous
substances mixed by the ladies in their paint,
copal and other gums were burned on many occasions,
not only in honor of the gods, but for the agreeable
odor of the smoke; sweet-smelling barks, herbs, and
flowers were also habitually carried on the person.[1084]
All the Mayas, especially females, were rather neat
735
than otherwise in their personal habits, taking great
pains with their dress and so-called decorations. They
bathed frequently in cold water and sometimes indulged
in hot baths, perhaps in steam-baths; but of
the latter very little is said, although Brasseur says
it was used in Guatemala under the name of tuh.
The women were very modest and usually took much
pains to prevent the exposure of their persons, but in
bathing and on certain other occasions both sexes appear
to have been somewhat careless in this respect.
In both Yucatan and Nicaragua mirrors were employed
by the men, but the women required or at least
employed no such aids.[1085] Although such disfigurements
as have been described, painting, tattooing, and
perforation, are reported by all the authors, and were
all doubtless practiced, yet one can hardly avoid forming
the idea in reading the narratives of the conquerors,
that such hideous mutilations were confined to
certain classes and certain occasions, and that the
mass of the people in every-day life presented a much
less repulsive aspect.


I have already spoken of the tenure of landed property
and the laws of inheritance among the Mayas.
To the accumulation of wealth in the form of personal
property they do not seem to have attached much importance.
They were content for the most part with
a supply of simple food for their tables, the necessary
household utensils, and such articles of dress and ornament
as were required by their social rank; with
736
these and a sufficient surplus to entertain their friends
in a fitting style, they took little care for the future.
Yet traders were a class much honored, and their profession
was a lucrative one. An active trade was
carried on in each town, as also between different
towns, provinces, and nations, in order that the people
of each locality might be supplied with the necessary
commodities both of home and foreign production.
Few details have been preserved respecting the manner
of conducting trade, but what is known on the subject
indicates that the commercial system was identical
with that of the Nahuas, to which a preceding
chapter has been devoted. Commodities of every
class, food, dress, ornaments, weapons, and implements,
were offered for sale in the market-place, or plaza, of
every village, where all transactions between buyers
and sellers were regulated by an official who had full
authority to correct abuses and punish offences against
the laws of trade. Fairs were held periodically in
all the larger towns, which were crowded by buyers
and sellers from abroad. Traveling merchants traversed
the country in every direction busied in the
exchange and transport of varied local products. Yucatan
did a large foreign trade with Tabasco and Honduras,
from both of which regions large quantities of
cacao were imported. Other international routes of commerce
doubtless existed in different directions; we have
seen that the Nahua merchants crossed the isthmus of
Tehuantepec to traffic in Maya lands, and the southern
merchants were doubtless not unrepresented in
the northern fairs. Transportation was effected for
the most part by carriers overland, and in many parts
of the country, as in Yucatan, magnificent paved roads
offered every facility to the traveler; quite an extensive
coasting-trade was also carried on by water.


The ordinary mercantile transactions were effected
by exchange, or barter, of one commodity for another;
but where this was inconvenient cacao passed current
as money among all the nations. Thus a rabbit in
737
Nicaragua sold for ten cacao-nibs, and one hundred of
these seeds would buy a tolerably good slave. Notwithstanding
the comparatively small value of this
cacao-money, Oviedo tells us that counterfeiting was
sometimes attempted. According to Cogolludo, copper
bells and rattles of different sizes, red shells in
strings, precious stones, and copper hatchets often
served as money, especially in foreign trade. Doubtless
many other articles, valuable and of compact
form were used in the same way. Landa speaks of
net-work purses in which the money of the natives
was carried.


MARKET REGULATIONS.


We are informed that in Yucatan articles of ordinary
consumption, like food, were sold always at a
fixed price, except maize, which varied slightly in
price according to the yield. Maize was sold by the
carga, or load, which was about one half of the Castilian
fanega. In Nicaragua the matter of price was
left altogether to the contracting parties. The Mayas
of all nations were very strict in requiring the exact
fulfilment of contracts, which, in Yucatan, as has
been said, and in Guatemala also, according to Brasseur
de Bourbourg, were legalized by the parties
drinking together, the beverage being generally colored
with certain leaves called max. In the Nicaraguan
markets some extraordinary regulations were
enforced. Men could not visit the market-place of
their own towns, either to buy, sell, or for any other
purpose; they even incurred the risk of receiving a
sound beating, if they so much as peeped in to see
what was going on. All the business was transacted
by the women; but boys, into whose minds, by reason
of their tender years, carnal thoughts were supposed
not to have entered, might be present to assist the
women, and even men from other towns or provinces,
were welcome, provided they did not belong to a
people of different language.


No peculiar ceremonies are mentioned as accompanying
the setting-out or return of trading caravans,
738
but some customs observed by travelers, a large proportion
of whom were probably merchants, are recorded.
In Yucatan all members of a household
prayed often and earnestly for the safe return of the
absent member; and the traveler himself, when he
chanced to come in contact with a large stone which
had been moved in opening the road, reverently laid
upon it a green branch, brushing his knees with another
at the same time as a preventive of fatigue.
He also carried incense on his journey, and at each
nightfall, wherever he might be, he stood on end
three small stones, and on three other flat stones
placed before the first he burned incense and uttered
a prayer to Ekchua, god of travelers, whose name
signifies 'merchant.' When the traveler was belated,
and thought himself likely to arrive after dark at his
proposed stopping-place, he deposited a stone in a
hollow tree, and pulled out some hairs from his eyebrows,
which he proceeded to blow towards the setting
sun, hoping thereby to induce that orb to
retard somewhat its movements. In Guatemala,
small chapels were placed at short intervals on all
the lines of travel, where each passer halted for a
few moments at least, gathered a handful of herbs,
rubbed with them his legs, spat reverently upon
them, and placed them prayerfully upon the altar with
a small stone and some trifling offering of pepper,
salt, or cacao. The offering remained untouched, no
one being bold enough to disturb the sacred token.[1086]



739


MAYA BOATS AND NAVIGATION.


Oviedo states that in Nicaragua, or at least in certain
parts of that country, the people had no canoes,
but resorted to balsas when it became necessary to
cross the water. The balsa in this region was simply
a raft of five or six logs tied together at the ends with
grass, and covered with cross-sticks. The author referred
to saw a fleet of these aboriginal vessels which
bore fifteen hundred warriors. On the coast of Yucatan
and in the lakes of Peten, the natives had many
canoes for use in war and commerce, and were very
skillful in their management. These canoes were
'dug-outs' made from single trunks, capable of carrying
from two to fifty persons, and propelled by paddles.
Cogolludo tells us that canoes with sails were
seen by Córdova during his voyage up the coast, and
some modern writers speak of the famous canoe met
by Columbus off the Honduras coast as having been
fitted with sails; but in the latter case there seems to
be no authority for the statement, and that sails were
ever employed may well be considered doubtful. The
boat seen by Columbus was eight feet wide, "as long
as a galley," bore twenty-five men, and an awning of
mats in the centre protected the women and children.
All the information we have respecting boats in Guatemala
is the statement of Peter Martyr that the
'dug-outs' were also in use there, and of Juarros that
the Lacandones had a large fleet of boats; Guatemala
was a country, however, whose physical conformation
would rarely call for navigation on an extensive scale.
Villagutierre says that the Chiapanecs used gourd balsas,
or 'calabazas.'[1087]


Wars among the Maya nations were frequent,—more
so probably during the century preceding the
740
Spanish conquest, when their history is partially
known, than in the more glorious days of the distant
past,—but they were also, as a rule, of short duration,
partaking more of the character of raids than of regular
wars. One campaign generally decided the tribal
or national dispute, and the victors were content with
the victory and the captives taken. Landa and Herrera
report that the nations of Yucatan learned the
art of war from the Mexicans, having been an altogether
peaceful people before the Nahua influence was
brought to bear on them. The latter also suspects
that the Yucatec war-customs, as observed by the
Spaniards, may have been modified by the teaching of
Guerrero and Aguilar, white men held for several
years as prisoners before the invaders came; but neither
theory seems to have much weight.


The profession of arms was everywhere an honorable
one, but military preferment and promotion seem
to have been somewhat more exclusively confined to
the nobility than among the Nahuas. According to
Landa, a certain number of picked men were appointed
in each town, who were called holcanes,
must be ready to take up arms whenever called for,
and received a small amount of money for their services
while in actual war. This is the only instance
of a paid soldiery noted in the limits of our territory.[1088]


In Nicaragua Tapaligui was the most honorable
title a man could win by bravery, and from the number
of those who bore the title the war-captain was
in most provinces appointed either by the monexico,
or council, or by the cacique. This captain was for
the most part independent of the civil ruler in time
of war, but Boyle speaks of certain cities where the
cacique himself commanded the army. The civil
chief, however, if he possessed the requisite bravery,
often accompanied the troops to the field to take command
741
at the captain's death, or appoint his successor.[1089]
In Yucatan they had two war-captains, one of whom
held his position by inheritance, while the other was
chosen for a term of three years. The title of the
latter was Nacon, and his office seems to have been
attended with some inconveniences, since during the
three years he could know no woman, eat no meat,
indulge in no intoxication, and have but little to do
with the public. Fish and iguana-flesh were allowed
him, but it must be served on dishes used by no one
but himself, and must not be served by women. In
Vera Paz the captains were chosen from among the
most distinguished braves, and seem to have held
their position for life.[1090]


INSIGNIA OF WARRIORS.


In Yucatan skins and feathers, worn according to
fixed rules, not recorded, were among the most prominent
insignia of warriors. The face was painted in
various colors; and tattooing the hands was a privilege
accorded to the brave. The Itzas fought naked,
but painted face, body, and limbs black, the brave
tattooing the face in stripes. Feather plumes are the
only insignia mentioned in connection with Guatemalan
warriors; but the grade of a Pipile's prowess was
indicated by the number of holes he had in ears, nose,
and other features. All officers in the Nicaraguan
armies had distinguishing marks, which they wore
both in time of war and of peace; the Tapaligui was
allowed to shave his head except on the crown, where
the hair was left a finger long, with a longer tuft projecting
from the centre. The arrangement of the
feathers on the shield also indicated to the soldiers
an officer's rank.[1091]



742


The universal Maya armor was a thick quilted sack
of cotton, which fitted closely over the body and arms,
and reached generally to the middle of the thighs,
although Alvarado found the Guatemalans clad in
similar sacks reaching to the feet. In Yucatan, according
to Landa, a layer of salt was placed between
the thicknesses of cotton, making the garment very
hard and impenetrable. As the Guatemalan armor
is described as being three fingers thick and so heavy
that the soldiers could with difficulty run or rise after
falling, we may suppose that salt or some similar material
was also used by the Quichés. Squier mentions,
apparently without sufficient authority, short
breeches worn to protect the legs. The Spaniards
were not long in recognizing the advantages of the
native cotton armor, and it was commonly adopted or
added to their own armor of steel. The head-armor,
when any was worn, seems to have been ordinarily a
kind of cap, also of quilted cotton. Landa says that
in Yucatan a few leaders wore wooden helmets; they
are also mentioned by Gomara and Las Casas. Peter
Martyr speaks of golden helmets and breast-plates as
worn in Nicaragua. Shields were made of split reeds,
were round in form, and were covered generally with
skins and decorated with feathers, though a cotton
covering was also used in Nicaragua.[1092]


ABORIGINAL WEAPONS.


Bows and arrows, lances, and darts were used as
weapons of war by all the Maya tribes, the projectiles
being usually pointed with flint, but often also with
fish-bone or copper. Arrows were carried in quivers
and were never poisoned. The Yucatec bow, as
Landa informs us, was a little shorter than the man
743
who carried it, and was made of a very strong native
wood; the string was made of the fibres of certain
plants. The arrows were light reeds with a piece of
hard wood at the end. Oviedo tells us of lances, or
pikes, in Nicaragua, which were thirty spans long,
and others in Yucatan fifteen spans long; Herrera
says they were over twenty feet long in Guatemala,
and that their heads were poisoned; though Oviedo
denies that poison was used. In Nicaragua and Yucatan
heavy wooden swords, called by the Mexicans
macuahuitl, were used, but I find no special mention of
these weapons in Guatemala. A line of sharp flints
were firmly set along the two edges, and, wielded
with both hands they were a most formidable weapon.
Waldeck found in modern times the horn of a sawfish
covered with skin and used as a weapon. He
thinks the aboriginal weapon may have been fashioned
after this natural model. Slings were extensively
used in Yucatan, and also copper axes to some extent,
but these are supposed to have been imported from
Mexico, as no metals are found in the peninsula.[1093]


The Quichés, Cakchiquels, and other tribes inhabiting
the high lands of Guatemala, chose the location
of their towns in places naturally well nigh inaccessible,
strengthening them besides with artificial fortifications
in the shape of massive stone walls and deep
ditches. Ruins of these fortified towns are very numerous
and will be described elsewhere; a few words
744
respecting Utatlan, the Quiché capital, and one of the
most securely located and guarded cities, will suffice
here. Standing on a level plateau, the city was
bounded on every side by a deep ravine, believed to
have been at some points artificial, and which could
only be crossed at one place. Guarding this single
approach a line of massive stone structures connected
by ditches extends a long distance, and within this
line of fortifications, at the entrance of the pass, is El
Resguardo, a square-based pyramidical structure, one
hundred and twenty feet high, rising in three terraces,
and having its summit platform inclosed by a stone
wall, covered with hard cement. A tower also rises
from the summit. The Spaniards under Alvarado
found their approach obstructed at various points in
Guatemala by holes in which were pointed stakes
fixed in the ground, and carefully concealed by a slight
covering of turf; palisades, ditches, and walls of stone,
logs, plants, or earth, were thrown across the road at
every difficult pass; and large stones were kept ready
to hurl or roll down upon the invaders. Numerous
short pointed sticks were found on at least one occasion
fixed upright in the ground, apparently a slight
defense, but really a most formidable one, since the
points were poisoned. Doubtless all these methods of
defence had been practiced often before in their international
wars against American foes. Strong defensive
works are also mentioned in Chiapas, and Andagoya
tells us of a town in Nicaragua fortified by a
high and impenetrable hedge of cacti. In Yucatan
the Spaniard's progress was frequently opposed, at
points favorable for such a purpose, by temporary
trenches, barricades of stone, logs, and earth, and protected
stations for bowmen and slingers; but in the selection
of sites for their towns, notwithstanding the
generally level surface of their country, facilities for
defence seem to have been little or not at all considered.
One, only, of the many ruined cities which
have been explored, Tuloom, on the Eastern coast,
745
stands on an eminence overlooking the ocean, in a very
strong natural position; but strangely enough it is just
here, where artificial defenses were least needed, that
we find a massive wall surrounding the chief structures,—the
only city wall standing in modern times,
though Mayapan was traditionally a walled town, and
a few slight traces of walls have been found about
other cities.[1094]


DECLARATION OF WAR.


The ambition of the native rulers to increase their
dominions by encroachments upon their neighbors'
territory was probably the cause of most wars among
the Maya nations; but raids were also undertaken occasionally,
with no other object than that of obtaining
victims for sacrifice. In the consultations preceding
the declaration of war the priesthood had much to
say, and played a prominent part in the accompanying
ceremonies. In Salvador the high-priest with four
subordinates decided on the war by drawing of lots
and by various other sorceries, and even gave directions
how the campaign was to be carried on. The high-priest
was generally on the ground, in charge of certain
idols, when an important battle was to be fought.
Supplies were carried, in Yucatan at least, on the
backs of women, and the want of adequate means of
transportation is given as one reason why the Maya
wars were usually of short duration. The Nicaraguan
soldier, as Oviedo states, regarded a calabash of water
and a supply of the herb yaat already mentioned, as
the most indispensable of his supplies. Respecting
their ceremonies before giving battle we only know
that on one occasion in Yucatan they brought a brazier
of burning perfume which they placed before the
Spanish forces, with the intimation that an attack
746
would be made as soon as the fire went out; and also
that Alvarado noticed in Guatemala the sacrifice of a
woman and a bitch as a preliminary of battle.


All fought bravely, with no apparent fear of death,
endeavoring to capture the enemy alive, rather than
to kill them, and at the same time to avoid being captured
themselves by the sacrifice of life if necessary.
In most nations it was deemed important to terrify
the enemy by shouting, clanging of drums, sticks, and
shells, and blowing of whistles. The armies of Yucatan
are said to have exhibited somewhat better order
in their military movements than those of other nations.
They formed their forces into two wings, placing
in the centre a squadron to guard the captain and
high-priest. The Nicaraguans fought desperately
until their leader fell, but then they always ran away.
He who from cowardice failed to do his duty on the
battle-field was by the Nicaraguan code disgraced,
abused, insulted, stripped of his weapons, and discharged
from the service, but was not often put to
death. As has been stated in a preceding chapter
treason and desertion were everywhere punished with
death. All booty except captives belonged to the
taker, and to return from a campaign without spoil
was deemed a dishonor.


PIPILE WAR FESTIVAL.


Captives, if of noble blood or high rank, were sacrificed
to the gods, and were rarely ransomed. The
captor of a noble prisoner received high honors, but
was punished if he accepted a ransom, the penalty
being death in Nicaragua. The heads of the sacrificed
captives were in Yucatan suspended in the
branches of the trees, as memorials of victory, a separate
tree being set apart for each hostile province.
The bones, as Landa tells us, were kept by the captors,
the jaw-bone being worn on the arm, as an ornament.
We read of no actual torture of prisoners,
but the Cakchiquels danced about the victim to be
sacrificed, and loaded him with insults. Among the
Pipiles it was left to the priests to decide whether the
747
sacrifice should be in honor of a god or goddess; if the
former, the festival lasted, according to Palacio, fifteen
days; the captives were obliged to march in procession
through the town, and one was sacrificed each day; if
the feast was dedicated to a deity of the gentler sex,
five days of festivities and blood sufficed. Prisoners
of plebeian blood were enslaved, or only sacrificed
when victims of higher rank were lacking. They
were probably the property of the captors. At the
close of a campaign in which no captives were taken,
the Nicaraguan captains went together to the altar,
and there wept ceremonial tears of sorrow for their
want of success. The authorities record no details
of the methods by which peace was ratified; the
Yucatecs, however, according to Cogolludo, expressed
to the Spaniards a desire for a suspension of hostilities,
by throwing away their weapons, and by kissing
their fingers, after touching them to the ground.[1095]


CHAPTER XXIV.


MAYA ARTS, CALENDAR, AND HIEROGLYPHICS.


748



Scarcity of Information—Use of Metals—Gold and Precious
Stones—Implements of Stone—Sculpture—Pottery—Manufacture
of Cloth—Dyeing—System of Numeration—Maya
Calendar in Yucatan—Days, Weeks, Months, and Years—Indictions
and Katunes—Perez' System Of Ahau Katunes—Statements
of Landa and Cogolludo—Intercalary Days and
Years—Days and Months in Guatemala, Chiapas, and Soconusco—Maya
Hieroglyphic System—Testimony of Early Writers
on the Use of Picture-Writing—Destruction of Documents—Specimens
which have Survived—The Dresden Codex—Manuscript
Troano—Tablets of Palenque, Copan, and Yucatan—Bishop
Landa's Key—Brasseur de Bourbourg's Interpretation.



Our knowledge of Maya arts and manufactures, so
far as it depends on the statements of the early Spanish
writers is very slight, and may be expressed in few
words; especially as most of these arts seem to have
been very nearly identical with those of the Nahuas,
although many of them, at the time of the Conquest
at least, were not carried to so high a grade of perfection
as in the north. Some branches of mechanical
art have indeed left material relics, which, examined
in modern times, have extended our knowledge on the
subject very far beyond what may be gleaned from
sixteenth-century observations. But a volume of this
work is set apart for the consideration of material relics
749
with numerous illustrative plates, and although the
temptation to use both information and plates from
modern sources is particularly strong in some of the
topics of this chapter and the following, a regard for
the symmetry of the work, and the necessity of avoiding
all repetition, cause me to confine myself here
almost exclusively to the old authors, as I have done
in describing the Nahua arts.


KNOWLEDGE OF METALS.


Iron was not known to the Mayas, and it is not
quite certain that copper was mined or worked by
them. The boat so often mentioned as having been
met by Columbus off the coast, and supposed to have
come from Yucatan, had on board crucibles for melting
copper, and a large number of copper hatchets.
Similar hatchets together with bells, ornaments, and
spear and arrow points of the same metal were seen at
various points, and were doubtless used to a considerable
extent throughout Yucatan, Chiapas, and Guatemala.
But there are no metallic deposits on the peninsula,
and the copper instruments used there, or at
least the material, must have been brought from the
north, as it is indeed stated by several authors that
they were. No metallic relics whatever have been
found among the ruins of Yucatan, and only very few
in other Maya regions. Copper implements are not
mentioned by the early visitors to Nicaragua, and although
that country abounds in ore of a variety easily
worked, yet there is no evidence that it was used, and
Squier's statement that the Nicaraguans were skillful
workers in this metal, probably rests on no stronger
basis than the reported discovery of a copper mask at
Ometepec. Godoi speaks of copper in Chiapas, and
also of a metallic composition called cacao!


Small articles of gold, intended chiefly for ornamental
purposes, were found everywhere in greater or less
abundance by the Spaniards, the gold being generally
described as of a low grade. Cortés speaks of the
gold in Yucatan as alloyed with copper, and the same
alloy is mentioned in Guatemala by Herrera, and in
750
Nicaragua by Benzoni. The latter author says that
gold was abundant in Nicaragua but was all brought
from other provinces. He also states that there were
no mines of any kind, but Oviedo, on the contrary,
speaks of 'good mines of gold.' Articles of gold took
the form of animals, fishes, birds, bells, small kettles
and vases, beads, rings, bracelets, hatchets, small idols,
bars, plates for covering armor, gilding or plating of
wooden masks and clay beads, and settings for precious
stones. Peter Martyr speaks of gold as formed in
bars and stamped in Nicaragua, and Villagutierre of
silver 'rosillas' in use among the Itzas. We have
but slight information respecting the use of precious
stones. Oviedo saw in Nicaragua a sun-dial of pearl
set on jasper, and also speaks of wooden masks covered
with stone mosaic and gold plates in Tabasco.
Martyr tells us that the natives of Yucatan attached
no value to Spanish counterfeited jewels, because they
could take from their mines better ones of genuine
worth.[1096]


STONE CARVING.


The few implements in common use among the
Mayas, such as knives, chisels, hatchets, and metates,
together with the spear and arrow heads already mentioned,
were of flint, porphyry, or other hard stone.
There is but little doubt that most of their elaborate
sculpture on temples and idols was executed with stone
implements, since the material employed was for the
751
most part soft and easily worked. The carvings in the
hard sapote-wood in Yucatan must have presented
great difficulties to workmen without iron tools; but
the fact remains that stone implements, with a few
probably of hardened copper, sufficed with native skill
and patience for all purposes. Villagutierre informs
us that the Lacandones cut wood with stone hatchets.
Cogolludo speaks of the remarkable facility which the
natives displayed in learning the mechanical arts introduced
by Spaniards, in using new and strange tools
or adapting the native implements to new uses. All
implements whether of the temple or the household,
seem to have been ceremonially consecrated to
their respective uses. Oviedo speaks of deer-bone
combs used in Guatemala, and of another kind of combs
the teeth of which were made of black wood and set
in a composition like baked clay but which became soft
on exposure to heat.


The early writers speak in general terms of idols
of various human and animal forms, cut from all
kinds of stone, and also from wood; Martyr also
mentions an immense serpent in what he supposed to
be a place of punishment in Yucatan, which was
'compacted of bitumen and small stones.' The Itzas
constructed of stone and mortar the image of a horse,
modeled on an animal left among them by Cortés.
The Spanish authors say little or nothing of the
sculpture of either idols or architectural decorations,
except that it was elaborate, and often demon-like;
but their observations on the subject would
have had but little value, even had they been more
extended, and fortunately architectural remains are
sufficiently numerous and complete, at least in Yucatan,
Honduras, and Chiapas, to supply information
that, if not entirely satisfactory, is far more so than
what we possess respecting other branches of Maya
art. Brasseur de Bourbourg speaks of vases exquisitely
worked from alabaster and agate in Yucatan;
there is some authority for this in modern discoveries,
752
but little or none, so far as I know, in the writings of
the conquerors. Earthenware, shells, and the rind
of the gourd were the material of Maya dishes. All
speak of the native pottery as most excellent in workmanship,
material, and painting, but give no details
of its manufacture. Herrera, however, mentions a
province of Guatemala, where very fine pottery was
made by the women, and Palacio tells us that this
branch of manufactures was one of the chief industries
of Aguachapa, a town of the Pipiles.


All that is known of cloths and textile fabrics has
been given in enumerating the various articles of
dress; of any differences that may have existed between
the Nahua and Maya methods of spinning and
weaving cotton we know nothing. It is probable
that the native methods have not been modified essentially
in modern times among the same peoples.
We are told that in Yucatan the wife of a god invented
weaving, and was worshiped under the name
of Ixazalvoh; while another who improved the invention
by the use of colored threads was Yxchebelyax,
also a goddess. Spinning and weaving was for
the most part women's work, and they are spoken of
as industrious and skillful in the avocation. Bark
and maguey-fibre were made into cloth by the Cakchiquels,
and Oviedo mentions several plants whose
fibre was worked into nets and ropes by the Nicaraguans.
The numerous dye-woods which are still
among the richest productions of the country in many
parts, furnished the means of imparting to woven
fabrics the bright hues of which the natives were so
fond. Bright-colored feathers were highly prized
and extensively used for decorative purposes. Garments
of feathers are spoken of, which were probably
made as they were in Mexico by pasting the plumage
in various ornamental figures on cotton fabric.[1097]



753


SYSTEM OF NUMERATION.


The following table will give the reader a clear
idea of the Maya system of numeration as it existed
in Yucatan; the definitions of some of the names are
taken from the Maya dictionary, and may or may
not have any application to the subject:





1
hun, 'paper'




2
ca, 'calabash'




3
ox, 'shelled corn'




4
can, 'serpent' or 'count'




5
ho, 'entry'




6
uac




7
uuc




8
uaxac, 'something standing erect'




9
bolon, bol, 'to roll or turn'




10
lahun, lah, 'a stone'




11
buluc, 'drowned'




12
lachá, (lahun-ca), 10 + 2




13
oxlahun, 3 + 10




14
canlahun, 4 + 10




15
holhun, (ho-lahun), 5 + 10




16
uaclahun, 6 + 10, etc.




20
hunkal, kal, 'neck,' or a measure, 1 × 20




21
huntukal, 1 + 20




22
catukal, 2 + 20, etc.




28
uaxactukal, or hunkal catac uaxac, 8 + 20, or 20 + 8 catac, 'and'




30
luhucakal, 2 × 20 - 10 (?)




31
buluctukal, 11 + 20




32
lahcatukal, 12 + 20




33
oxlahutukal, 13 + 20, etc.




40
cakal, 2 × 20




41
huntuyoxkal




42
catuyoxkal




50
lahuyoxkal




51
buluctuyoxkal




60
oxhal, 3 × 20




61
huntucankal




70
lahucankal




71
buluctucankal




80
cankal, 4 × 20




81
hutuyokal




82
catuyokal




90
lahuyokal




100
ho-kal, 5 × 20




101
huntu uackal




102
catu uackal




110
lahu uackal




115
holhu uackal




120
uackal, 6 × 20




130
lahu uuckal




131
buluc tu uuckal




140
uuckal, 7 × 20




141
huntu uaxackal




160
uaxackal, 8 × 20, etc.




200
lahuncal, 10 × 20




300
holhukal, 15 × 20




400
hunbak, 1 × 400




500
hotubak




600
lahutubak




800
cabak, 2 × 400




900
hotu yoxbak




1,000
lahuyoxbak or hunpic (modern)




1,200
oxbak, 3 × 400




1,250
oxbak catac lahuyoxkal, 3 × 400 + 50




2,000
capic (modern)




8,000
hunpic (ancient)




16,000
ca pic (ancient)




160,000
calab




1,000,000
kinchil or huntzotzceh




64,000,000
hunalau





754


Thus the Mayas seem to have had uncompounded
names for the numerals from 1 to 11, 20, 400, and
8,000, and to have formed all numbers by the addition
or multiplication of these. The manner in which
the combinations were made seems clear up to the
number 40. Thus we have 10 and 2, 10 and 3, etc.,
up to 19; 20 is hun-kal, 21 is hun-tu-kal, etc., indicating
that tu, which I do not find in any dictionary,
is simply 'and' or a sign of addition. The composition
of lahu-ca-kal is clear only in the sense of ten
from twice twenty; 40 is two twenties, 60 is three
twenties, and so on regularly by twenties up to 400,
for which a new word bak is introduced; after which
the numbers proceed, twice 400, thrice 400, etc., to
8,000, pic, corresponding to the Nahua xiquipilli.
But while the composition is intelligible so far as the
multiples of 20 and 400 are concerned, it is far from
clear in the case of the intermediate numbers. For
instance, 40 is ca-kal, and forming 41, 42, etc., as 21
was formed from 20, we should have hun-tu-ca-kal,
ca-tu-ca-kal, etc., instead of the names given, hun-tu-yox-kal,
etc., or, interpreting this last name as the
former were interpreted we should have 61 instead of
41. The same observation may be made respecting
every number, not a multiple of 20, up to 400; that
is, each number is less by 20 than the composition of
its name would seem to indicate. If we gave to tu
the meaning 'towards,' then hun-tu-yox-kal might be
interpreted '1 (from 40) towards 60,' or 41; but in
such a case the word for 21, hun-tu-kal, must be supposed
to be a contraction of hun-tu-ca-kal, '1 (from
20) towards 40.' Other irregularities will be noticed
by the reader in the numbers above 400. I have
thought it best to call attention to what appears a
strange inconsistency in this system of numeration,
but which may present less difficulties to one better
acquainted than I with the Maya language.[1098]


755


THE MAYA CALENDAR.


Authorities on the Maya calendar of Yucatan, the
only one of which any details are known, are Bishop
Landa and Don Juan Pio Perez. The latter was a
modern writer who devoted much study to the subject,
was perfectly familiar with the Maya language,
and had in his possession or consulted elsewhere many
ancient manuscripts. There are also a few scattered
remarks on the subject in the works of other writers.[1099]


The Maya day was called kin, or 'sun'; malik ocok
kin was the time just preceding sunrise; hatzcab was
the time from sunrise to noon, which was called chunkin
or 'middle of the day'; tzelep kin was the declining
sun, or about three o'clock P. M.; oc na kin was sunset.
The night was akab, and midnight was chumuc
akab. Other hours were indicated by the position of
the sun in the daytime, and by that of some star—the
morning star, the Pleiades, and the Gemini as
Landa says—during the night.





Days of the Maya Calendar.




The following table shows the names of the twenty
days with the orthography of different writers, and
the meaning of the names so far as known:





Kan
'henequen string,' 'yellow,' 'serpent.'




Chicchán
chichan would be 'small,' a thing that grows or increases slowly.




Cimi (Quimi, Cimij)
preterite of cimil, 'to die.'




Manik
possibly 'passing wind.'




Lamat
possibly 'abyss of water,' found as lambat in Oajaca calendar.




Muluc
possibly 'reunion,' also in Chiapas calendar.




Oc
'what may be held in the palm of the hand,' 'foot,' 'leg.'




Chuen
'board,' or name of a tree, perhaps chouen of Quiché calendar.




Eb
'stairway' or 'ladder.'




Ben (Been)
perhaps Been, an ancient prince, or 'to spend with economy.'





Ix (Hix, Gix)
possibly 'roughness.' The Quiché itz is 'sorcerer.'




Men
'builder.'




Cib (Quib)
'wax' or 'copal.'
756




Caban




Ezanab (Ecnab, Edznab)




Cauac




Ahau (Ajau)
'king,' beginning of the period of 24 (or 20) years.




Ymix
Imox, in Quiché calendar is the Mexican Cipactli.




Ik (Yk)
'wind' or 'breath.'




Akbal
In Quiché, 'vase.'





The hieroglyphics by which the names of the days
were expressed are shown in the accompanying cut in
their proper order of succession,—Kan, Chicchan, etc.,
to Akbal; but it is to be noted that although this order
was invariable, yet the month might begin with any
one of the four days Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac.


The month, made up as I have said of twenty
days, was called u, or 'moon,' indicating perhaps that
time was originally computed by lunar calculations.
It was also called uinal, a word whose signification is
not satisfactorily given. The year contained eighteen
months, whose names with the hieroglyphics by which
they were written, are shown in the cut on the opposite
page, in their order, Pop, Uo, Zip, etc., to Cumhu.
757


Not only did the months succeed each other always
in the same order, but Pop was always the first
month of the year, which began on a date corresponding
to July 16 of our calendar, a date which
varies only forty-eight hours from the time when the
sun passes the zenith—an approximation as accurate
as could be expected from observations made without
instruments.


MONTHS OF THE MAYA CALENDAR.





Months of the Maya Calendar.




The following table shows the names of the months,
their meaning, and the day on which each began, according
to our calendar:





Pop (Poop, Popp) 'mat'
July  16




Uo (Woo, Voo) 'Frog'
Aug.   5




Zip (Cijp) name of a tree, 'defect,' 'swollen'
Aug.  25




Tzoz (Zoc, Zotz) 'bat'
Sept. 14




Tzec (Zeec) possibly 'discourse,' 'skull'
Oct.   4




Xul 'end'
Oct.  24




Yaxkin (Dze-Yaxkin, Tze Yaxkin) 'beginning of summer'
Nov.  13
758




Mol (Mool) 'to reunite'.
Dec.  3




Chen (Cheen) 'well'
Dec. 23




Yax (Yaax) 'green' or 'blue' or 'first'
Jan. 12




Zac (Zak) 'clear,' 'white'
Feb.  1




Ceh (Qeh, Quej, Queh) 'deer'
Feb. 21




Mac, 'to close,' 'lid,' a measure
Mar. 13




Kankin, 'yellow sun'
Apr.  2




Muan (Moan) 'showery day,' the bird called 'ara'
Apr. 22




Pax (Paax) a musical instrument
May  12




Kayab, 'singing'
June  1




Cumhu (Cumkú) noise of an explosion, as of thunder
June 21[1100]






759


INTERCALARY DAYS.


The year was called haab, and consisted of the
eighteen months already named,—which would make
360 days,—and of five supplementary, or intercalary
days, to complete the full number of 365. These intercalary
days were called xma kaba kin, or 'nameless
days,' and also uayab or nayeb haab, u na haab, nayab
chab, u yail kin, u yail haab, u tuz kin, or u lobol kin,
which may mean 'bed' or 'chamber' of the year,
'mother of the year,' 'bed of creation,' 'travail of the
year,' 'lying days,' or 'bad days,' etc. They were
added at the end of each year, after the last day of
Cumhu, and although they are called nameless, and
were perhaps never spoken of by name, yet they were
actually reckoned like the rest;—that is, if the last day
of Cumhu was Akbal, the five intercalary days would
be reckoned as Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, Manik, and
Lamat, so that the new year, or the month of Pop,
would begin with the day Muluc.


Besides this division of time into years, months, and
days, there was another division carried along simultaneously
with the first, into twenty-eight periods of
thirteen days each,[1101] which may for convenience be
termed weeks, although the natives did not apply any
name to the period of thirteen days, and perhaps did
not regard it as a definite period at all, but used the
number thirteen as a sacred number from some superstitious
motives;[1102] yet its use produces some curious
complications in the calendar, of which it is a most
peculiar feature. The name of each day was preceded
by a numeral showing its position in the week, and
760
these numerals proceeded regularly from one to thirteen
and then began again at one. Thus 1 Kan meant
'Kan, the first day of the week'; 12 Cauac, 'Cauac,
the twelfth day of the week,' etc. It is probable also
that the days of the month were numbered regularly
from 1 to 20, as events are spoken of as occurring on
the 18th of Zip, etc., but the numeral relating to the
week was the most prominent. The table shows
the succession of days and weeks for several months:





Day of Week.
1
Day of Month.
Day of Week.
2
Day of Month.
Day of Week.
3
Day of Month.
Day of Week.
4
Day of Month.




Pop.
Uo.
Zip.
Tzoz.




1
Kan
1
8
Kan
1
2
Kan
1
9
Kan
1




2
Chicchán
2
9
Chicchán
2
3
Chicchán
2
10
Chicchán
2




3
Cimi
3
10
Cimi
3
4
Cimi
3
11
Cimi
3




4
Manik
4
11
Manik
4
5
Manik
4
12
Manik
4




5
Lamat
5
12
Lamat
5
6
Lamat
5
13
Lamat
5




6
Muluc
6
13
Muluc
6
7
Muluc
6
1
Muluc
6




7
Oc
7
1
Oc
7
8
Oc
7
2
Oc
7




8
Chuen
8
2
Chuen
8
9
Chuen
8
3
Chuen
8




9
Eb
9
3
Eb
9
10
Eb
9
4
Eb
9




10
Ben
10
4
Ben
10
11
Ben
10
5
Ben
10




11
Ix
11
5
Ix
11
12
Ix
11
6
Ix
11




12
Men
12
6
Men
12
13
Men
12
7
Men
12




13
Cib
13
7
Cib
13
1
Cib
13
8
Cib
13




1
Caban
14
8
Caban
14
2
Caban
14
9
Caban
14




2
Ezanab
15
9
Ezanab
15
3
Ezanab
15
10
Ezanab
15




3
Cauac
16
10
Cauac
16
4
Cauac
16
11
Cauac
16




4
Ahau
17
11
Ahau
17
5
Ahau
17
12
Ahau
17




5
Ymix
18
12
Ymix
18
6
Ymix
18
13
Ymix
18




6
Ik
19
13
Ik
19
7
Ik
19
1
Ik
19




7
Akbal
20
1
Akbal
20
8
Akbal
20
2
Akbal
20





Of the twenty days only four,—Kan, Muluc, Ix,
and Cauac—could begin either a month or a year.
Whatever the name of the first day of the first month,
every month in the year began with the same
day, accompanied, however, by a different numeral.
The numeral of the first day for the first month being
1, that of the second would be 8, and so on for the
other months in the following order: 2, 9, 3, 10, 4, 11,
5, 12, 6, 13, 7, 1, 8, 2, 9, 3. To ascertain the numeral
for any month 7 must be added to that of the preceding
761
month, and 13 subtracted from the sum if it be
more than 13.


SUCCESSION OF THE YEARS.


By extending the table of days and months over a
period of years,—an extension which my space does
not permit me to make in these pages,—the reader will
observe that by reason of the intercalary days, and of
the fact that 28 weeks of 13 days each make only 364
instead of 365 days, if the first year began with
the day 1 Kan, the second would begin with 2 Muluc,
the third with 3 Ix, the fourth with 4 Cauac, the
fifth with 5 Kan, and so on in regular order; therefore
the years were named by the day on which they began,
1 Kan, 2 Muluc, 3 Ix, etc., since the year would begin
with any one of these combinations only once in
52 years. Thus the four names of the days Kan,
Muluc, Ix, and Cauac served as signs for the years,
precisely as the signs tochtli, calli, tecpatl, and acatl
with their numerals served among the Aztecs. In
the circle in which the Mayas are said to have inscribed
their calendar, these four signs are located in
the east, north, west, and south respectively, and are
considered the 'carriers of the years.'


It will be seen that, starting from 1 Kan, although
every fifth year began with the day, or sign, Kan, yet
the numeral 1 did not occur again in connection with
any first day until thirteen years had passed away; so
that 1 Kan or Kan alone not only named the year which
it began, but also a period of thirteen years, which is
spoken of as a 'week of years' or an 'indiction.' The
first indiction of thirteen years beginning with 1 Kan,
the second began with 1 Muluc, the third with 1 Ix,
and the fourth with 1 Cauac.


After the indiction whose sign was 1 Cauac, the
next would begin again with 1 Kan; that is 52 years
would have elapsed, and this period of 52 years was
called a Katun, corresponding with the Aztec cycle,
as explained in a preceding chapter.


Thus we see that the four signs Kan, Muluc,
Ix, and Cauac served to name certain days of
762
the month; they also named the years of the indiction,
since in connection with certain numerals
they were the first days of these years; they further
named the indictions of the Katun, of which with
the numeral 1 they were also the first days; and finally
they named, or may have named, the Katun itself
which they begun, also in connection with the
numeral 1. How the Katuns were actually named
we are not informed. The completion of each Katun
was regarded by the Mayas as a most critical and important
epoch, and was celebrated with most imposing
religious ceremonies. Also a monument is said to
have been raised, on which a large stone was placed
crosswise, also called katun as a memorial of the cycle
that had passed. It is unfortunate that some of these
monuments cannot be discovered and identified among
the ruins. Thus far the Maya calendar is, after a
certain amount of study, sufficiently intelligible; and
is, except in its system of nomenclature, essentially
identical with that of the Nahuas. The calendars of
the Quichés, Cakchiquels, Chiapanecs, and the natives
of Soconusco, are also the same so far as their details
are known. The names of months and days in some
of these calendars will be given in this chapter.


THE AHAU KATUNES.


Another division of time not found in the Nahua
calendar, was that into the Ahau Katunes. The system
according to which this division was made is clear
enough if we may accept the statements of Sr Perez;
several of which rest on authorities that are unknown
to all but himself. According to this writer,
the Ahau Katun was a period of 24 years, divided
into two parts; the first part of 20 years was enclosed
in the native writings by a square and called amaytun,
lamayte, or lamaytun; and the second, of the other
four years, was placed as a 'pedestal' to the others,
and therefore called chek oc katun, or lath oc katun.
These four years were considered as intercalary and
unfortunate, like the five supplementary days of the
year, and were sometimes called a yail haab, 'years of
763
pain.' This Katun of 24 years was called Ahau from
its first day, and the natives began to reckon from 13
Ahau Katun, because it began on the day 13 Ahau,
on which day some great event probably took place in
their history. The day Ahau at which these periods
began was the second day of such years as began with
Cauac; and 13 Ahau, the first day of the first period,
was the second of the year 12 Cauac; 2 Ahau was the
second day of the year 1 Cauac, etc. If we construct
a table of the years from 12 Cauac in regular order,
we shall find that if the first period was 13 Ahau Katun
because it began with 13 Ahau, the second, 24 years
later, was 11 Ahau Katun, beginning with 11 Ahau;
the third was 9 Ahau Katun, etc. That is, the Ahau
Katunes, instead of being numbered 1, 2, 3, etc., in
regular order was preceded by the numerals 13, 11,
9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, and 2. 13 of these Ahau
Katunes, making 312 years, constituted a great cycle,
and we are told that it was by means of the Ahau
Katunes and great cycles of 312 years that historical
events were generally recorded.


Sr Perez states that the year 1392 of our era was
the Maya year 7 Cauac, 'according to all sources
of information, confirmed by the testimony of Don
Cosme de Burgos, one of the conquerors, and a writer
(but whose observations have been lost).' Therefore
the 8 Ahau Katun began on the second day of that
year; the 6 Ahau Katun, 24 years later, in 1416; the
4 Ahau in 1440; the 2, in 1464; the 13, in 1488; the
11, in 1512; the 9, in 1536; the 7, in 1560; the 5, in
1584; the 3, in 1608, etc. As a test of the accuracy
of his system of Ahau Katunes, the author says that
he found in a certain manuscript the death of a distinguished
individual, Ahpulá, mentioned as having
taken place in the 6th year of Ahau Katun, when
the first day of the year was 4 Kan, on the day of 9
Ix, the 18th day of the month Zip. Now the 13
Ahau began in the year 12 Cauac, or 1488; the 6th
year from 1488 was 1493, or 4 Kan; if the month of
764
Pop began with 4 Kan, then the 3d month, Zip, began
with 5 Kan, and the 18th of that month fell on 9
Ix, or Sept. 11. All this may be readily verified by
filling out the table in regular order.


On the other hand we have Landa's statement that
the Ahau Katun was a period of 20 years; he gives
however the same order of the numerals as Perez,—that
is 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2. He
also states that the year 1541 was the beginning of 11
Ahau; but if 11 Ahau was the second day of 1541,
that year must have been 10 Cauac, and 1561, 20
years later, would have been 4 Cauac, the second day
of which would have been 5 Ahau; which does not
agree at all with the order of numerals. In fact no
other number of years than 24 for each Ahau Katun
will produce this order of numerals, which fact is
perhaps the strongest argument in favor of Sr Perez'
system. Cogolludo also says that the Mayas counted
their time by periods of 20 years called Katunes, each
divided into 5 sub-periods of four years each. Sr
Perez admits that other writers reckon the Ahau Katun
as 20 years, but claims that they have fallen into
error through disregarding the chek oc katun, or 4 unlucky
years of the period. A Maya manuscript furnished
and translated by Perez is published by Stephens
and in Landa's work, and repeatedly speaks of
the Ahau Katun as a period of 20 years. Again,
this is the very manuscript in which the death of Ahpulá
was announced, and the date of that event is
given as 6 years before the completion of 13 Ahau, instead
of the sixth year of that period as stated in the
calculations of Sr Perez; and besides, the date is distinctly
given as 1536, instead of 1403, which dates
will in nowise agree with the system explained, or
with the date of 1392 given as the beginning of 8
Ahau. Moreover, as I have already said, several of
the statements on which Perez bases his computations
are unsupported by any authority save manuscripts
unknown to all but himself. Such are the statements
765
that the Ahau Katun began on the 2d day of a
year Cauac; that 13 Ahau was reckoned as the first;
and that 8 Ahau began in 1392. These facts, together
with various other inaccuracies in the writings of Sr
Perez are sufficient to weaken our faith in his system
of the Ahau Katunes; and since the other writers give
no explanations, this part of the Maya calendar must
remain shrouded in doubt until new sources of information
shall be found.[1103] The following quotation made
by Sr Perez from a manuscript, contains all that is
known respecting what was possibly another method
of reckoning time. "There was another number which
they called Ua Katun, and which served them as a
key to find the Katunes, according to the order of its
march, it falls on the days of the uayeb haab, and revolves
to the end of certain years: Katunes 13, 9, 5,
1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4."


BISSEXTILE ADDITIONS.


We have seen that the Maya year by means of intercalary
days added at the end of the month Cumhu
was made to include 365 days. How the additional
six hours necessary to make the length of the year
agree with the solar movements were intercalated without
disturbing the complicated order already described,
is altogether a matter of conjecture. The most plausible
theory is perhaps that a day was added at the
end of every four years, this day being called by the
same name and numeral as the one preceding it, or, in
other words, no account being made of this day in the
766
almanac, although it was perhaps indicated by some
sign in the hieroglyphics of these days. The Nicaraguan
calendar was practically identical with that of
the Aztecs, even in nomenclature although there were
naturally some slight variations in orthography. The
following table shows the names of the months in several
other Maya calendars, whose system so far as
known is the same as that in Yucatan.





Quiché.[1104]
Cakchiquel.[1104]
Chiapas and Soconusco.[1105]




1
Nabe Tzih     '1st word'
I Bota    'rolls of mats'
Tzun




2
U Cab Tzih    '2d word'
Qatic    'common seed'
Batzul




3
Rox Tzih    '3d word'
Izcal    'sprouts'
Sisac




4
Che    'tree'
Pariche    'firewood'
Muetasac




5
Tecoxepual
Tocaxequal    'seeding time'
Moc




6
Tzibe Pop    'painted mat'
Nabey Tumuzuz    '1st flying ants'
Olati




7
Zak    'white'
Rucab Tumuzuz    '2d flying ants'
Ulol




8
Chab    'bow'
Cibixic    'time of smoke'
Oquinajual




9
Huno Bix Gih    '1st song of sun'
Uchum    'resowing time'
Veh




10
Nabe Mam    '1st old man'
Nabey Mam    '1st old man'
Elech




11
U Cab Mam    '2d old man'
Ru Cab Mam    '2d old man'
Nichqum




12
Nabe Ligin Ga    '1st soft hand'
Ligin Ka    'soft hand'
Sbanvinquil




13
U Cab Ligin Ga    '2d soft hand'
Nabey Togic    '1st harvest'
Xchibalvinquil




14
Nabe Pach    '1st generation'
Ru Cab Togic    '2d harvest'
Yoxibalvinquil




15
U Cab Pach    '2d generation'
Nabey Pach    '1st generation'
Xchanibalvinquil




16
Tziquin Gih    'time of birds'
Ru Cab Pach    '2d generation'
Poin




17
Tzizi Lagan    'to sew the standard'
Tziquin Gih    'time of birds'
Mux




18
Cakam    'time of red flowers'
Cakam    'time of red flowers'
Yaxquin





767


DAYS IN GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.


The names of the days in the same calendars are as
follows:





Quiché and Cakchiquel.[1106]
Chiapas (Tzendal?) Soconusco.[1107]




1
Imox    'sword-fish'
Imox or Mox




2
Ig 'spirit' or    'breath'
Igh or Ygh




3
Akbal    'chaos'
Votan




4
Qat    'lizard'
Chanan or Ghanan




5
Can    'snake'
Abah or Abagh




6
Camey    'death'
Tox




7
Quieh    'deer'
Moxic




8
Ganel    'rabbit'
Lambat




9
Toh    'shower'
Molo or Mulu




10
Tzy    'dog'
Elab or Elah




11
Batz    'monkey'
Batz




12
Ci or Balam,    'broom,'    'tiger'
Evob or Enob




13
Ah    'cane'
Been




14
Yiz or Itz    'sorcerer'
Hix




15
Tziquin    'bird'
Tziquin




16
Ahmak    'fisher,'    'owl'
Chabin or Chahin




17
Noh    'temperature'
Chic or Chiue




18
Tihax    'obsidian'
Chinax




19
Caok    'rain'
Cahogh or Cabogh




20
Hunahpu    'shooter of blowpipe'
Aghual





I shall treat of the Maya hieroglyphics by giving first
the testimony of the early writers respecting the
existence of a system of writing in the sixteenth century;
then an account of the very few manuscripts
that have been preserved, together with illustrative
plates from both manuscripts and sculptured stone tablets;
to be followed by Bishop Landa's alphabet, a
mention of Brasseur de Bourbourg's attempted interpretation
of the native writings, and a few speculations
of other modern writers on the subject. The statements
of the early writers, although conclusive, are
not numerous, and I will consequently translate them
literally.


Landa says that "the sciences which they taught
were—to read and write with their books and characters
with which they wrote, and with the figures which
signified (explained, or took the place of?) writings.
768
They wrote their books on a large leaf, doubled in
folds, and inclosed between two boards which they
made very fine (decorated); and they wrote on both
sides in columns, according to the folds; the paper they
made of the roots of a tree, and gave it a white varnish
on which one could write well; these sciences
were known by certain men of high rank (only), who
were therefore more esteemed although they did not
use the art in public." "These people also used certain
characters or letters with which they wrote in
their books their antiquities and their sciences; and by
means of these and of figures and of certain signs in
their figures they understood their things, and made
them understood, and taught them. We found among
them a great number of books of these letters of theirs,
and because they had nothing in which there were not
superstitions and falsities of the devil, we burned them
all, at which they were exceedingly sorrowful and
troubled."[1108] According to Cogolludo, "in the time
of their infidelity the Indians of Yucatan had books,
made of the bark of trees, with a white and durable
varnish, ten or twelve yards long, which by folding
were reduced to a span. In these they painted with
colors the account of their years, wars, floods, hurricanes,
famines, and other events." "The son of the
only god, of whose existence, as I have said, they
were aware, and whom they called Ytzamná, was the
man, as I believe, who first invented the characters
which served the Indians as letters, because they
called the latter also Ytzamná."[1109] The Itzas, as Villagutierre
tells us, had "characters and figures painted
on the bark of trees, each leaf, or tablet, being about
a span long, as thick as a real de à ocho (a coin), folded
both ways like a screen, which they called analtees."[1110]
Mendieta states that the Mexicans had no letters, "although
769
in the land of Champoton it is said that such
were found, and that they understood each other by
means of them, as we do by means of ours."[1111] Acosta
says that in Yucatan "there were books of leaves,
bound or folded after their manner, in which the
learned Indians had their division of their time, knowledge
of plants and animals and other natural objects,
and their antiquities; a thing of great curiosity and
diligence."[1112] The Maya priests "were occupied in
teaching their sciences and in writing books upon
them."[1113] In Guatemala, according to Benzoni, "the
thing of all others at which the Indians have been
most surprised has been our reading and writing....
Nor could they imagine among themselves in what
way white paper painted with black, could speak."[1114]
Peter Martyr gives quite a long description of
the native wood-bound books, which he does not
refer particularly to Yucatan, although Brasseur,
apparently with much reason, believes they were
the Maya analtés rather than the regular Aztec
picture writings. The description is as follows in
the quaint English of the translator. "They make
not their books square leafe by leafe, but extend the
matter and substance thereof into many cubites. They
reduce them into square peeces, not loose, but with
binding, and flexible Bitumen so conioyned, that being
compact of wooden table bookes, they may seeme
to haue passed the hands of some curious workman that
ioyned them together. Which way soeuer the book
bee opened, two written sides offer themselues to the
view, two pages appeare and as many lye vnder, vnlesse
you stretch them in length: for there are many leaues
ioyned together vnder one leafe. The Characters are
very vnlike ours, written after our manner, lyne after
lyne, with characters like small dice, fishookes, snares,
770
files, starres, & other such like formes and shapes.
Wherein they immitate almost the Egyptian manner of
writing, and betweene the lines they paint the shapes
of men, & beasts, especially of their kings & nobles....
They make the former wooden table bookes also
with art to content and delight the beholder. Being
shut, they seeme to differ nothing from our bookes, in
these they set downe in writing the rites, and the customes
of their laws, sacrifices, ceremonies, their computations,
etc."[1115]


MAYA HIEROGLYPHIC SYSTEM.


Respecting hieroglyphic records in Chiapas and
Guatemala, we have the statement of Ordoñez that
"Votan wrote a work upon the origin of the Indians,"
and that he, Ordoñez, had a copy of the book in his
possession; a complaint in the Quiché annals known as
the Popol Vuh, that the 'national book' containing the
ancient records of their people had been lost; and finally
the reported discovery and destruction in Soconusco of
archives on stone by Nuñez de la Vega in 1691.
All this amounts to little save as indicating the
ancient use of hieroglyphics by the followers of Votan,
a fact sufficiently proven, as we shall see, by
the engraved tablets of Palenque and Copan.[1116] The
Nicaraguans at the time of the conquest had records
771
painted in colors upon skin and paper, undoubtedly
identical in their figures with those of the Nahuas, to
whom the civilized people of Nicaragua were nearly
related in blood and language. No specimens of these
southern hieroglyphics have, however, been preserved.
Oviedo and Herrera slightly describe the paintings
and later writers have followed them.[1117]


MAYA MANUSCRIPTS.


Of the aboriginal Maya manuscripts three specimens
only, so far as I know, have been preserved.
These are the Mexican Manuscript, No. 2, of the Imperial
Library at Paris; the Dresden Codex; and the
Manuscript Troano. Concerning the first we only
know of its existence and the similarity of its characters
to those of the other two and of the sculptured
tablets. The document was photographed in 1864 by
order of the French government, but I am not aware
that the photographs have ever been given to the public.
The Dresden Codex is preserved in the Royal
Library of Dresden. A complete copy was published
in Lord Kingsborough's collection of Mexican antiquities,
and fragments were also reproduced by Humboldt.
It was purchased in Vienna by the librarian
Götz in 1739, but beyond this nothing whatever is
known of its history and origin. It was published by
Kingsborough as an Aztec picture-writing, although
its characters present little if any resemblance to those
of its companion documents in the collection. Its
form was also different from all the rest, since it is
written on both sides of five leaves of maguey-paper.
At the time of its publication, however, the existence
of any but Aztec hieroglyphics in America was unknown.
Mr Stephens in his antiquarian exploration
of Central America, at once noticed the similarity of
its figures to those of the sculptured hieroglyphics
found there, but he used this similarity to prove the
identity of the northern and southern nations, since it
772
did not occur to him that the Aztec origin of the Dresden
document was a mere supposition. Mr Brantz
Mayer, fully aware of the differences between this and
other reputed Mexican picture-writings, went so far
as to pronounce it the only genuine Aztec document
that he had seen. There can be no reasonable doubt,
however, at this day, that the Maya and Nahua (or
Maya and Aztec, since some authors will not agree
with my use of the term Nahua) hieroglyphic systems
were practically distinct, although it would be hardly
wise to decide that they are absolutely without affinities
in some of their details. The accompanying cut
from Stephens' work shows a small fragment of the
Dresden Codex.[1118]





Fragment of the Dresden Codex.




THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO.


The Manuscript Troano was found about the year
1865 in Madrid by the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg,
773
and was reproduced in fac-simile by a chromo-lithographic
process by the Commission Scientifique du
Mexique, under the auspices of the French Government.
Its name comes from that of its possessor in
Madrid, Sr Tro y Ortolano, and nothing whatever is
known of its origin; two or three other old American
manuscripts are reported to have been brought to light
in Spain since the publication of this. The original
is written on a strip of maguey-paper about fourteen
feet long and nine inches wide, the surface of which is
covered with a whitish varnish, on which the figures
are painted in black, red, blue, and brown. It is folded
fan-like into thirty-five folds, presenting when shut
much the appearance of a modern large octavo volume.
The hieroglyphics cover both sides of the paper, and the
writing is consequently divided into seventy pages, each
about five by nine inches, having been apparently executed
after the paper was folded, so that the folding
does not interfere with the written matter. One of the
pages as a specimen is shown in the following plate,
an exact copy, save in size and color, of the original.


The regular lines of written characters are uniformly
in black, while the pictorial portions, or what may perhaps
be considered representative signs, are in red
and brown, chiefly the former, and the blue appears
for the most part as a background in some of the
pages. A few of the pages are slightly damaged, and
all the imperfections are, as it is claimed, faithfully reproduced
in the published copy, which with the editor's
comments fills two quarto volumes in the series
published by the Commission mentioned.[1119]


MAYA INSCRIPTIONS IN STONE.


The plates on the following pages from the works
of Stephens and Waldeck I present as specimens of
the Maya writing, as it is found carved in stone in
Yucatan, Honduras, and Chiapas. For particulars
respecting the ruins in connection with which they
were discovered, I refer the reader to volume IV. of



777
this work. Fig. 1 represents the hieroglyphics sculptured
on the top of an altar at Copan, in Honduras,
the thirty-six groups cover a space nearly six feet
square. Fig. 2 is a tablet set in the interior wall of a
building in Chichen, Yucatan. The tablet is placed
over the doorways and extends the whole length of
the room, forty-three feet; only a part, however, is
shown in the cut. Fig. 3 is a full-size representation
of the carving on a green stone, or chalchiuite, found
at Ococingo, Chiapas. I take it from the English
translation of Morelet's Travels. Many of the monoliths
of Copan have a line of hieroglyphics on their
side. Plates representing specimens of these monuments
will be given in Volume IV. Fig. 4 shows a
portion of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the famous
'tablet of the cross' at Palenque.[1120]





Page of Manuscript Troano.

See larger image.







Fig. 1.—Altar Inscription from Copan.







Fig. 2.—Tablet from Chichen.







Fig. 3.—Chalchiuite from Ococingo.







Fig. 4.—Tablet from Palenque.




BISHOP LANDA'S ALPHABET.


I have given on a preceding page in this chapter,
the signs by which the natives of Yucatan expressed
the names of their days and months, taken from the
work of Bishop Landa. The same author has also
preserved a Maya alphabet. On account of Landa's
failure to appreciate the importance of the native hieroglyphics,
or to comprehend the system, and also very
likely on account of his copyist's carelessness—for the
original manuscript of Landa's work has not been
found—the passage relating to the alphabet is very
vague, unsatisfactory, and perhaps fragmentary; but it
is of the very highest importance, since the alphabet
here given in connection with the calendar signs already
spoken of, furnish apparently the only ground
for a hope that the veil of mystery which hangs over
the Maya inscriptions may one day be lifted. I therefore
give Landa's description as nearly as possible in
his own words, copying also the original Spanish in a
note.



778


"Of their letters I give here (see alphabet on the
next page) an A, B, C, since their heaviness (number
and intricacy?) permits no more; because they use one
character for all the aspirations of the letters, and another
in the pointing of the parts (punctuation), and
thus it goes on to infinity, as may be seen in the following
example: lé means 'a snare' or to hunt with
it; to write it with their characters, we having given
them to understand (although we gave, etc.) that they
are two letters, they wrote it with three, placing after
the aspiration l the vowel e, which it has before it,
and in this they do not err, although they make use,
if they wish, of their curious method. Example:





e l e lé




Then at the end they attach the adjoined
part. Ha which means 'water,'
because the haché (sound of the letter
h) has a, h, before it, they put it at the beginning
with a, at the end in this manner:





ha




They also
write it in parts but in both ways. I would
not put (all this) here, nor treat of it, except
in order to give a complete account of the
things of this people. Ma in kati means 'I will not';
they write it in parts after this
manner."[1121]





ma i n ka ti




779





A               A               A               A                B               B                C(q?)





T                È                H               H               I              CA(?)            K







L              L                M              N                O                O                P





PP          CU            KU                X               X                U(?)            U





   Z                   HA                    MA                  TO                Sign of

                                                                                                Aspiration.


Respecting this alphabet Landa adds: "this language
lacks the letters that are missing here; and has
others added from ours for other necessary things; and
they already make no use of these characters, especially
the young who have learned ours." It will be
noticed that there are several varying characters for
the same letter, and several syllabic signs.


The characters of Landa's alphabet, and the calendar
signs can be identified more or less accurately and
readily with some of those of the hieroglyphic inscriptions
in stone, the Manuscript Troano, and the
Dresden Codex. The resemblance in many cases is
clear, in others very vague and perhaps imaginary,
while very many others cannot apparently be identified.
Although Landa's key must be regarded as fragmentary,
780
I believe there is no reason to doubt its authenticity.
But one attempt has been made to practically
apply this key to the work of deciphering the Maya
documents, that of the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg.
This writer, after a profound study of the subject,
devotes one hundred and thirty-six quarto pages to a
consideration of the Maya characters and their variations,
and fifty-seven pages to the translation of a part
of the Manuscript Troano. The translation must be
pronounced a failure, especially after the confession of
the author in a subsequent work that he had begun
his reading at the wrong end of the document,[1122]—a
trifling error perhaps in the opinion of the enthusiastic
Abbé, but a somewhat serious one as it appears to
scientific men. His preliminary examinations doubtless
contain much valuable information which will
lighten the labors and facilitate the investigations of
future students; but unfortunately, such is their
nature that condensation is impracticable. A long
chapter, if not a volume, would be required to do them
anything like justice, and they must be omitted here.


Brasseur de Bourbourg devoted his life to the study
of American primitive history. In actual knowledge
of matters pertaining to his chosen subject, no man
ever equaled or approached him. Besides being an
indefatigable student he was an elegant writer. In
the last decade of his life he conceived a new and
complicated theory respecting the origin of the
American people, or rather the origin of Europeans
and Asiatics from America, made known to the world
in his Quatre Lettres. His attempted translation of
the Manuscript Troano was made in support of this
theory. By reason of the extraordinary nature of the
views expressed, and the author's well-known tendency
to build magnificent structures on a slight foundation,
his later writings were received for the most part by
critics, utterly incompetent to understand them, with
a sneer or, what seems to have grieved the writer
781
more, in silence. Now that the great Américaniste
is dead, while it is not likely that his theories will
ever be received, his zeal in the cause of antiquarian
science and the many valuable works from his pen
will be better appreciated. It will be long ere another
shall undertake with equal devotion and ability the
well nigh hopeless task.


INTERPRETATION OF MAYA RECORDS.


I close the chapter with a few quotations from
modern writers respecting the Maya hieroglyphics
and their interpretation. Tyler says "there is even
evidence that the Maya nation of Yucatan, the ruins
of whose temples and palaces are so well known from
the travels of Catherwood and Stephens, not only had
a system of phonetic writing, but used it for writing
ordinary words and sentences."[1123] Wuttke suggests
that Landa's alphabet originated after the Conquest,
a suggestion, as Schepping observes, excluded by
Mendieta's statement, but "otherwise very probable
in consideration of the phoneticism developed in
Mexico shortly after the Conquest."[1124] And finally
Wilson says, "while the recurrence of the same signs,
and the reconstruction of groups out of the detached
members of others, clearly indicate a written language,
and not a mere pictorial suggestion of associated
ideas, like the Mexican picture-writing." "In the
most complicated tablets of African hieroglyphics,
each object is distinct, and its representative significance
is rarely difficult to trace. But the majority of
the hieroglyphics of Palenque or Copan appear as if
constructed on the same polysynthetic principle which
gives the peculiar and distinctive character to the languages
of the New World. This is still more apparent
when we turn to the highly elaborate inscriptions on
the colossal figures of Copan. In these all ideas of
simple phonetic signs utterly disappear. Like the
bunch-words, as they have been called, of the American
782
languages, they seem each to be compounded of a
number of parts of the primary symbols used in
picture-writing, while the pictorial origin of the whole
becomes clearly apparent. In comparing these minutely
elaborated characters with those on the tables,
it is obvious that a system of abbreviation is employed
in the latter. An analogous process seems dimly
discernible in the abbreviated compound characters of
the Palenque inscription. But if the inference be
correct, this of itself would serve to indicate that the
Central American hieroglyphics are not used as phonetic,
or pure alphabetic signs; and this idea receives
confirmation from the rare recurrence of the same
group.... The Palenque inscriptions have all the
characteristics of a written language in a state of
development analogous to the Chinese, with its word-writing;
and like it they appear to have been read
in columns from top to bottom. The groups of symbols
begin with a large hieroglyphic on the left-hand
corner; and the first column occupies a double space.
It is also noticeable that in the frequent occurrence of
human and animal heads among the sculptured characters
they invariably look toward the left; an indication,
as it appears to me, that they are the graven inscriptions
of a lettered people, who were accustomed
to write the same characters from left to right on paper
or skins. Indeed, the pictorial groups on the Copan
statues seem to be the true hieroglyphic characters;
while the Palenque inscriptions show the abbreviated
hieratic writing. To the sculptor the direction of the
characters was a matter of no moment; but if the
scribe held his pen, or style, in his right hand, like the
modern clerk, he would as naturally draw the left profile
as we slope our current hand to the right. Arbitrary
signs are also introduced, like those of the phonetic
alphabets of Europe. Among these the T repeatedly
occurs: a character which, it will be remembered,
was also stamped on the Mexican metallic currency."[1125]


CHAPTER XXV.


BUILDINGS, MEDICINE, BURIAL, PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES, AND
CHARACTER OF THE MAYAS.


783



Scanty Information given by the Early Voyagers—Private
Houses of the Mayas—Interior Arrangement, Decoration,
and Furniture—Maya Cities—Description of Utatlan—Patinamit,
the Cakchiquel Capital—Cities of Nicaragua—Maya
Roads—Temples at Chichen Itza and Cozumel—Temples of Nicaragua
and Guatemala—Diseases of the Mayas—Medicines
used—Treatment of the Sick—Propitiatory Offerings and
Vows—Superstitions—Dreams—Omens—Witchcraft—Snake-Charmers—Funeral
Rites and Ceremonies—Physical peculiarities—Character.



A full résumé of the principles of Maya architecture,
gathered from observations of ruins made by modern
travelers, will be given in another part of this work.[1126]
I shall, therefore, without regard to the inevitable
scantiness and unsatisfactory nature of such information,
confine myself in this chapter to the descriptions
furnished by the old writers, who saw the houses and
towns while they were occupied by those who built
them and the temples before they became ruins, or
at least were contemporaries of such observers.


The accounts given of the dwellings of the Mayas
are very meagre. The early voyagers on the coast of
Yucatan, such as Grijalva and Córdova, saw well-built
784
houses of stone and lime, with sloping roofs
thatched with straw or reeds; or, in some instances,
with slates of stone;[1127] but this is all they tell us, and,
indeed, they had little opportunity for close examination;
the natives of those parts were fierce and warlike,
and little disposed to submit to invasion, so that
the handful of adventurers had barely time to look
hastily about them after effecting a landing before
they were driven back wounded to their boats. Here,
as elsewhere, too, the temples and larger buildings
naturally attracted their sole attention, both because
of their strangeness and of the treasures which they
were supposed to or did contain. These men were
soldiers, gold-hunters; they did not travel leisurely;
they had no time to examine the architecture of
private dwellings; they risked and lost their lives for
other purposes. Bishop Landa, however, has something
to say on the subject of Maya dwellings. The
roof, he says, was covered with straw, which they had
in great abundance, or with palm-leaves, which answered
the purpose admirably. A considerable pitch
was given to the roof, that the rain might run off
easily. The house was divided in its length, that is,
from side to side, by a wall, in which several doorways
were left as a means of communication with the back
room where they slept. The front room where guests
were received was carefully whitewashed, or in the
houses of nobles, painted in various colors or designs;
it had no door but was open all the length of the front
785
of the house, and was sheltered from sun and rain by
the eaves which usually descended very low.[1128] There
was always a doorway in the rear for the use of all
the inmates. The fact of there being no doors made
it a point of honor among them not to rob or injure
each other's houses. The poor people built the
houses of the rich.[1129] A new dwelling could not be
occupied until it had been formally blessed and purged
of the evil spirit.[1130]


NICARAGUAN DWELLINGS.


In Nicaragua, the dwellings were mostly made of
canes, and thatched with straw. In the large cities
the houses of the nobles were built upon platforms
several feet in height, but in the smaller towns the
residences of all classes were of the same construction,
except that those of the chiefs were larger and more
commodious. Some, however, appear to have been
built of stone.[1131] Of the dwellings in Guatemala, still
less is said. Villagutierre mentions a Lacandone
village in which were one hundred and three houses
with sloping thatched roofs, supported upon stout
posts. The front of each house was open, but the
back and sides were closed with a strong stockade.
The interior was divided into several apartments.
Cogolludo says that their houses were covered with
plaster, like those of Yucatan.[1132]


The house, or rather shed, near the Gulf of Dulce,
in which Cortés stayed, had no walls, the roof resting
786
upon posts.[1133] In other parts of Guatemala he saw
'large houses with thatched roofs.'[1134] Gage does not
give a glowing account of their dwellings. "Their
houses," he writes, "are but poor thatched Cottages,
without any upper rooms, but commonly one or two
only rooms below, in the one they dress their meat in
the middle of it, making a compass for fire, with two or
three stones, without any other chimney to convey the
smoak away, which spreading it self about the room,
filleth the thatch and the rafters so with sut, that all
the room seemeth to be a chimney. The next unto it,
is not free from smoak and blackness, where sometimes
are four or five beds according to the family.
The poorer sort have but one room, where they eat,
dress their meat and sleep."[1135] Las Casas tells us that
when the Guatemalans built a new house they were
careful to dedicate an apartment to the worship of
the household gods; there they burned incense and
offered domestic sacrifices upon an altar erected for
the purpose.[1136]


HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE.


Little is said about the interior appointment and
decoration of dwellings. Landa mentions that in Yucatan
they used bedsteads made of cane,[1137] and the same
is said of Nicaragua by Oviedo, who adds that they
used a small four-legged bench of fine wood for a pillow.[1138]
In Guatemala, there was in each room a sort
of bedstead large enough to accommodate four grown
persons, and other small ones for the children.[1139] Brasseur
787
de Bourbourg gives a description of gorgeous
furniture used in the houses of the wealthy in Yucatan,
but unfortunately the learned Abbé has for his
only authority on this point the somewhat apocryphal
Ordoñez' MS. The stools, he writes, on which
they seated themselves cross-legged after the Oriental
fashion, were of wood and precious metals, and were
often made in the shape of some animal or bird; they
were covered with deer-skins, tanned with great care,
and embroidered with gold and precious stones. The
interior-walls were sometimes hung with similar skins,
though they were more frequently decorated with
paintings on a red or blue ground. Curtains of finest
texture and most brilliant colors fell over the doorways,
and the stucco floors were covered with mats
made of exquisite workmanship. Rich hued cloths
covered the tables. The plate would have done honor
to a Persian satrap. Graceful vases of chased gold,
alabaster or agate, worked with exquisite art, delicate
painted pottery, excelling that of Etruria, candelabra
for the great odorous pine torches, metal braziers diffusing
sweet perfumes, a multitude of petits riens, such
as little bells and grotesquely shaped whistles for summoning
attendants, in fact all the luxuries which are
the result of an advanced civilization, were, according
to Brasseur de Bourbourg, to be found in the houses
of the Maya nobility.[1140]


MAYA FORTIFICATIONS.


Of the interior arrangement of the Yucatec towns
we are told nothing except that the temples, palaces,
and houses of the nobility were in the centre, with the
dwellings of the common people grouped about them,
and that the streets were well kept.[1141] Some of them
788
must, however, have been very large and have contained
fine buildings. During Córdova's voyage on
the coast of Yucatan a city was seen which, says
Peter Martyr, "for the hugenesse thereof they call
Cayrus, of Cayrus the Metropolis of Ægipt: where
they find turreted houses, stately tēples, wel paued
wayes & streets where marts and faires for trade of
merchandise were kept."[1142] During Grijalva's voyage a
city, the same one perhaps, was seen, which Diaz, the
chaplain of the expedition, says was as 'large as the
city of Seville.'[1143] None of the Yucatec cities appear
to have been located with any view to defense, or to
to have been provided with fortifications of any description.[1144]
The towns of Guatemala, on the other hand,
were very strongly fortified, both artificially and by
the site selected. Juarros thus describes the city of
Utatlan in Guatemala: "it was surrounded by a deep
ravine that formed a natural fosse, leaving only two
very narrow roads as entrances to the city, both of
which were so well defended by the castle of Resguardo,
as to render it impregnable. The centre of
the city was occupied by the royal palace, which was
surrounded by the houses of the nobility; the extremities
were inhabited by the plebeians. The streets
were very narrow, but the place was so populous, as to
enable the king to draw from it alone, no less than
72,000 combatants, to oppose the progress of the Spaniards.
It contained many very sumptuous edifices,
the most superb of them was a seminary, where between
5 and 6000 children were educated; they
were all maintained and provided for at the charge of
the royal treasury; their instruction was superintended
by 70 masters and professors. The castle of the
Atalaya was a remarkable structure, which being
raised four stories high, was capable of furnishing
quarters for a very strong garrison. The castle of
789
Resguardo was not inferior to the other; it extended
188 paces in front, 230 in depth, and was 5 stories
high. The grand alcazar, or palace of the kings of
Quiché, surpassed every other edifice, and in the opinion
of Torquemada, it could compete in opulence with
that of Montezuma in Mexico, or that of the Incas in
Cuzco. The front of this building extended from east
to west 376 geometrical paces, and in depth 728; it
was constructed of hewn stone of different colors; its
form was elegant, and altogether most magnificent;
there were 6 principal divisions, the first contained
lodgings for a numerous troop of lancers, archers,
and other well disciplined troops, constituting the royal
body guard; the second was destined to the accommodation
of the princes, and relations of the king, who
dwelt in it, and were served with regal splendour, as
long as they remained unmarried; the third was appropriated
to the use of the king, and contained distinct
suits of apartments, for the mornings, evenings, and
nights. In one of the saloons stood the throne, under
four canopies of plumage, the ascent to it was by several
steps; in this part of the palace were, the treasury,
the tribunals of the judges, the armory, the gardens,
aviaries, and menageries, with all the requisite
offices appending to each department. The 4th and
5th divisions were occupied by the queens and royal
concubines; they were necessarily of great extent,
from the immense number of apartments requisite
for the accommodation of so many females, who were all
maintained in a style of sumptuous magnificence, gardens
for their recreation, baths, and proper places for
breeding geese, that were kept for the sole purpose of
furnishing feathers, with which hangings, coverings,
and other similar ornamental articles, were made.
Contiguous to this division was the sixth and last; this
was the residence of the king's daughters and other
females of the blood royal, where they were educated
and attended in a manner suitable to their rank."[1145]



790


Patinamit, the Cakchiquel capital, was nearly three
leagues in circumference. It was situated upon a
plateau surrounded by deep ravines which could be
crossed at only one point by a narrow causeway which
terminated in two gates of stone, one on the outside
and the other on the inside of the thick wall of the
city. The streets were broad and straight, and crossed
each other at right angles. The town was divided
from north to south into two parts by a ditch nine
feet deep, with a wall of masonry about three feet
high on each side. This ditch served to divide the
nobles from the commoners, the former class living in
the eastern section, and the latter in the western.[1146]


Peter Martyr says of the cities of Nicaragua:
"Large and great streetes guarde the frontes of the
Kinges courts, according to the disposition and greatnes
of their village or towne. If the town consist of
many houses, they haue also little ones, in which, the
trading neighbours distant from the Court may meete
together. The chiefe noble mens houses compasse and
inclose the kinges streete on euery side: in the middle
site whereof one is erected which the Goldesmithes
inhabite."[1147]


The Mayas constructed excellent and desirable roads
all over the face of the country. The most remarkable
of these were the great highways used by the pilgrims
visiting the sacred island of Cozumel; these roads,
four in number, traversed the peninsula in different
directions, and finally met at a point upon the coast
opposite the island.[1148] Diego de Godoi, in a letter
to Cortés, states that he and his party came to a place
in the mountains of Chiapas, where the smooth and
slippery rock sloped down to the edge of a precipice,
791
and which would have been quite impassable had not
the Indians made a road with branches and trunks of
trees. On the side of the precipice they erected a
strong wooden railing, and then made all level with
earth.[1149]


MAYA TEMPLES.


Of the Maya temples very little is said. There was
one at Chichen Itza which had four great staircases,
each being thirty-three feet wide and having ninety-one
steps, very difficult of ascent. The steps were of
the same height and width as ours. On both sides of
each stairway was a low balustrade, two feet wide,
made of good stone, like the rest of the building. The
edifice was not sharp-cornered, because from the ground
upward between the balustrades the cubic blocks were
rounded, ascending by degrees and elegantly narrowing
the building. There was at the foot of each balustrade
a fierce serpent's head very strangely worked.
On the top of the edifice there was a platform, on
which stood a building forty-three feet by forty-nine
feet, and about twenty feet high, having only a single
doorway in the centre of each front. The doorways
on the east, west and south, opened into a corridor
six feet wide, which extended without partition walls
round the three corresponding sides of the edifice; the
northern doorway gave access to a corridor forty feet
long and six and a third feet wide. Through the centre
of the rear wall of this corridor a doorway opened
into a room twelve feet nine inches by nineteen feet
eight inches, and seventeen feet high; its ceiling was
formed by two transverse arches supported by immense
carved beams of zapote-wood, stretched across
792
the room and resting, each at its centre, on two square
pillars.[1150] The island of Cozumel was especially
devoted to religious observances, and was annually
visited by great numbers of pilgrims; there were therefore
more religious edifices here than elsewhere.
Among them is mentioned a square tower, with four
windows, and hollow at the top; at the back was a
room in which the sacred implements were kept; it
793
was surrounded by an enclosure, in the middle of
which stood a cross nine feet high, representing the
God of rain.[1151] Other temples so closely resembled
those of Mexico as to need no further description
here.[1152]


NICARAGUAN TEMPLES.


The temples of Nicaragua were built of wood and
thatched; they contained many low, dark rooms,
where the idols were kept and the religious rites performed.
794
Before each temple was a pyramidal mound,
on the flat top of which the sacrifices were made in
the presence of the whole people.[1153]


In Guatemala, Cortés saw temples like those of
Mexico.[1154] The temple of Tohil, at Utatlan, was,
according to Brasseur de Bourbourg, a conical edifice,
having in front a very steep stairway; at the summit
was a platform of considerable size upon which stood
a very high chapel, built of hewn stone, and roofed
with precious wood. The walls were covered within
and without with a very fine and durable stucco.
Upon a throne of gold, enriched with precious stones,
was seated the image of the god.[1155]


The particular diseases to which the Mayas were
most subject are not enumerated, but there is no reason
to doubt that they suffered from the same maladies
as their neighbors the Nahuas. They seem to
have been greatly afflicted with various forms of syphilis,[1156]
and in winter, with catarrh and fever.[1157] They
were much troubled, also, with epidemics, which not
unfrequently swept the country with great destruction.[1158]


TREATMENT OF THE SICK.


Medicinal practitioners were numerous. Their medicines,
which were mostly furnished by the vegetable
kingdom, were administered in the usual forms,[1159] and
795
their treatment of patients involved the customary
mummeries. Clysters were much used.[1160] For syphilis
they used a decoction of a wood called guayacan,
which grew most plentifully in the province of Nagrando
in Nicaragua.[1161] For rheumatism, coughs,
colds, and other complaints of a kindred nature,
they used various herbs, among them tobacco,[1162]
and a kind of dough made of 'stinking poisonous
worms.'[1163] Sores arising from natural causes they
washed in a decoction of an herb called coygaraca, or
poulticed it with the mashed leaves of another named
mozot.[1164] Wounds taken in battle they always treated
with external applications.[1165] Cacao, after the oil had
been extracted was considered to be a sure preventive
against poison.[1166]


When a rich man or a noble fell sick a messenger
was dispatched with gifts to the doctor, who came at
once and staid by his patient until he either got well
or died. If the sickness was not serious the physician
merely applied the usual remedies, but it was thought
that a severe illness could only be brought on by some
crime committed and unconfessed. In such cases,
therefore, the doctor insisted upon the sick man making
a clean breast of it, and confessing such sin even
though it had been committed twenty years before.
This done, the physician cast lots to see what
796
sacrifices ought to be made, and whatever he determined
upon was always given even though it amounted
to the whole of the patient's fortune.[1167] In Yucatan
the practitioner sometimes drew blood from those parts
of the patient's body in which the malady lay.[1168] Lizana
mentions a temple at Izamal to which the sick
were carried that they might be healed miraculously.[1169]
In Guatemala, as elsewhere, propitiatory offerings of
birds and animals were made in ordinary cases of sickness,
but if the patient was wealthy and dangerously
ill he would sometimes strive to appease the anger of the
gods and atone for the sins which he was supposed to
have committed by sacrificing male or female slaves,
or, in extraordinary cases, when the sick man was a
prince or a great noble, he would even vow to sacrifice
a son or a daughter in the event of his recovery; and
although the scapegoat was generally chosen from
among his children by female slaves, yet so fearful of
death, so fond of life were they, that there were
not wanting instances when legitimate children, and
even only sons were sacrificed. And it is said, moreover,
that they were inexorable as Jephthah in the performance
of such vows, for it was held to be a great
sin to be false to a bargain made with the gods.[1170]


PRACTICE OF SORCERY.


The Mayas, like the Nahuas, were grossly superstitious.
They believed implicitly in the fulfillment
of dreams, the influence of omens, and the
power of witches and wizards. No important matter
was undertaken until its success had been foretold
and a lucky day determined by the flight of
a bird or some similar omen. Whether the non-fulfilment
797
of the prediction was provided against by
a double entendre, after the manner of the sibyls,
we are not told. The cries or appearance of certain
birds and animals were thought to presage harm to
those who heard or saw them.[1171] They as firmly believed
and were as well versed in the black art as their
European brethren of a hundred years later, and they
appear to have had the same enlightened horror
of the arts of gramarye, for in Guatemala, at least,
they burned witches and wizards without mercy.
They had among them, they said, sorcerers who could
metamorphose themselves into dogs, pigs, and other
animals, and whose glance was death to their victims.
Others there were who could by magic cause a rose to
bloom at will, and could bring whomsoever they wished
under their control by simply giving him the flower to
smell. Unfaithful wives, too, would often bewitch
their husbands that their acts of infidelity might not be
discovered.[1172] All these things are gravely recounted
by the old chroniclers, not as matters unworthy
of credence, but as deeds done at the instigation
of the devil to the utter damnation of the benighted
heathen. Cogolludo, for instance, speaking of the
performances of a snake-charmer, says that the magician
took up the reptile in his bare hands, as he did
so using certain mystic words, which he, Cogolludo,
wrote down at the time, but finding afterwards that
they invoked the devil, he did not see fit to reproduce
them in his work. The same writer further relates
that upon another occasion a diviner cast lots, according
to custom, with a number of grains of corn, to
find out which direction a strayed child had taken.
The child was eventually found upon the road indicated,
and the narrator subsequently endeavored to
discover whether the devil had been invoked or not,
but the magician was a poor simple fool, and could
798
not tell him.[1173] Nor does there seem to have been any
great difference between the credulity and superstition
of conquerors and conquered in other respects. The
Spanish Fathers, if we may judge from their writings,
believed in the Aztec deities as firmly as the natives;
the only difference seems to have been that the former
looked upon them as devils and the latter as gods.
When the Spaniards took notes in writing of what they
saw, the Costa Ricans thought they were working out
some magic spell; when the Costa Ricans cast incense
towards the invaders telling them to leave the country
or die,[1174] the Spaniards swore that the devil was
in it, and crossed themselves as a counter-spell.


The Yucatecs observed a curious custom during an
eclipse of the moon. At such times they imagined
that the moon was asleep, or that she was stung and
wounded by ants. They therefore beat their dogs to
make them howl, and made a great racket by striking
with sticks upon doors and benches; what they hoped
to accomplish by this, we are not told.[1175]


FUNERAL RITES.


The Mayas disposed of the bodies of their dead by
both burial and cremation. The former, however,
appears to have been the most usual way. In Vera
Paz, and probably in the whole of Guatemala, the
body was placed in the grave in a sitting posture,
with the knees drawn up to the face. The greater
part of the dead man's property was buried with him,
and various kinds of food and drink were placed in
the grave that the spirit might want for nothing on
its way to shadow-land.[1176] Just before death took
799
place, the nearest relation, or the most intimate friend
of the dying man, placed between his lips a valuable
stone, which was supposed to receive the soul as soon
as it passed from the body. As soon as he was dead,
the same person removed the stone and gently rubbed
the face of the deceased with it. This office was
held to be a very important one, and the person who
performed it preserved the stone with great reverence.
When the lord of a province died, messengers
were sent to the neighboring provinces to invite the
other princes to be present at the funeral. While
awaiting their arrival the body was placed in a sitting
posture, in the manner in which it was afterwards to
be interred,[1177] and clothed in a great quantity of rich
clothing.[1178] On the day of the funeral the great lords
who had come to attend the ceremony, brought precious
gifts and ornaments, and placed them by the
side of or on the person of the corpse. Each provided
also a male or female slave, or both, to be
sacrificed over the grave of the deceased. The body
was then placed in a large stone chest,[1179] and borne
with great solemnity to its last resting-place, which
was generally situated on the top of a hill. The
coffin having been lowered into the grave with its
ornaments, the doomed slaves were immolated, and
also cast in along with the implements which they
had used in life, that they might follow their accustomed
pursuits in the service of their new master in
the other world. Finally, the grave was filled up, a
mound raised over it, and a stone altar erected above
all, upon which incense was burned and sacrifices
were made in memory of the deceased. The common
people did not use coffins, but placed the body in a
800
sitting posture and wrapped up in many cloths, in an
excavation made in the side of the grave, burying
with it many jars, pans, and implements. They
raised a mound over the grave of a height in proportion
to the rank of the defunct.[1180]


Only the poorer classes of the Yucatecs buried their
dead. These placed corn in the mouth of the corpse,
together with some money as ferriage for the Maya
Charon. The body was interred either in the house
or close to it. Some idols were thrown into the grave
before it was filled up. The house was then forsaken
by its inmates, for they greatly feared the dead.[1181] The
books of a priest were buried with him, as were likewise
the charms of a sorcerer.[1182] The Itzas buried
their dead in the fields, in their every-day clothes.
On the graves of the males they left such implements
as men used, on those of the females they placed
grinding-stones, pans, and other utensils used by the
women.[1183] In Nicaragua, property was buried with
the possessor if he or she had no children; if the
contrary was the case, it was divided among the heirs.
Nicaraguan parents shrouded their children in cloths,
and buried them before the doors of their dwellings.[1184]
Among the Pipiles the dead were interred in the house
they had lived in, along with all their property. A
deceased high-priest was buried, clad in the robes and
ornaments appertaining to his office, in a sepulchre or
vault in his own palace, and the people mourned and
fasted fifteen days.[1185]


Cremation or partial cremation seems to have been
reserved for the higher classes. In Yucatan, an image
of the dead person was made, of wood for a king, of clay
801
for a noble. The back part of the head of this image
was hollowed out, and a portion of the body having
been burned, the ashes were placed in this hollow, which
was covered with the skin of the occiput of the corpse.
The image was then placed in the temple, among the
idols, and was much reverenced, incense being burned
before it, almost as though it had been a god. The
remainder of the body was buried with great solemnity.
When an ancient Cocome king died, his head
was cut off and boiled. The flesh was then stripped
off, and the skull cut in two crosswise. On the front
part of the skull, which included the lower jaw and
teeth, an exact likeness of the dead man was molded
in some plastic substance. This was placed among the
statues of the gods, and each day edibles of various
kinds were placed before it, that the spirit might want
for nothing in the other life, which, by the way, must
have been a poor one to need such terrestrial aliment.[1186]
When a great lord died in Nicaragua, the body was
burned along with a great number of feathers and ornaments
of different kinds, and the ashes were placed
in an urn, which was buried in front of the palace of
the deceased. As usual, the spirit must be supplied
with food, which was tied to the body before cremation.[1187]


MOURNING FOR THE DEAD.


According to the information we have on the subject,
the mourning customs of the Mayas appear to
have been pretty much the same everywhere. For the
death of a chief or any of his family the Pipiles lamented
for four days, silently by day, and with loud
cries by night. At dawn on the fifth day the high-priest
publicly forbade the people to make any further
demonstration of sorrow, saying that the soul of the
802
departed was now with the gods. The Guatemalan
widower dyed his body yellow, for which reason he
was called malcam. Mothers who lost a sucking child,
withheld their milk from all other infants for four
days, lest the spirit of the dead babe should be offended.[1188]


The Mayas, like the Nahuas, were mostly well-made,
tall, strong, and hardy. Their complexion was
tawny. The women were passably good-looking,
some of them, it is said, quite pretty, and seem to
have been somewhat fairer-skinned than the men.
What the features of the Mayas were like, can only
be conjectured. Their sculpture would indicate that
a large hooked nose and a retreating forehead, if
not usual, were at least regarded with favor, and
we know that head-flattening was almost universal
among them. Beards were not worn, and the Yucatec
mothers burned the faces of their children with
hot cloths to prevent the growth of hair. In Landa's
time some of the natives allowed their beard to grow,
but, says the worthy bishop, it came out as rough as
hog's bristles. In Nicaragua it would seem that
they did not even understand what a beard was;
witness the following 'pretie policy' of Ægidius Gonsalus:
"All the Barbarians of those Nations are
beardlesse, and are terribly afraide, and fearefull of
bearded men: and therefore of 25. beardlesse youthes
by reason of their tender yeres, Ægidius made bearded
men with the powlinges of their heades, the haire
being orderly composed, to the end, that the number
of bearded men might appeare the more, to terrifie
them if they should be assailed by warre, as afterwarde
it fell out."[1189] Squinting eyes were, as I have said
before, thought beautiful in Yucatan.[1190]



803


CHARACTER OF THE MAYAS.


Of all the Maya nations, the Yucatecs bear the
best character. The men were generous, polite, honest,
truthful, peaceable, brave, ingenious, and particularly
hospitable, though, on the other hand, they
were great drunkards, and very loose in their morals.
The women were modest, very industrious, excellent
housewives, and careful mothers, but, though generally
of a gentle disposition, they were excessively
jealous of their marital rights; indeed, Bishop Landa
tells us that upon the barest suspicion of infidelity on
the part of their husbands they became perfect furies,
and would even beat their unfaithful one.[1191] The Guatemalans
are spoken of as having been exceedingly
warlike and valorous, but withal very simple in their
tastes and manner of life.[1192] Arricivita calls the Lacandones
thieves, assassins, cannibals, bloody-minded
men, who received the missionaries with great violence.[1193]
The fact that the Lacandones strove to repel
invasion, without intuitively knowing that the invaders
were missionaries, may have helped the worthy
padre to come to this decision, however. The Nicaraguans
were warlike and brave, but at the same time
false, cunning, and deceitful. Their resolute hatred
of the whites was so great that it is said that for two
years they abstained from their wives rather than beget
slaves for their conquerors.[1194]


Next after the collecting of facts in any one direction
804
comes their comparison with other ascertained
facts of the same category, by which means fragments
of knowledge coalesce and unfold into science. This
fascinating study, however, is no part of my plan. If
in the foregoing pages I have succeeded in collecting
and classifying materials in such a manner that others
may, with comparative ease and certainty, place the
multitudinous nations of these Pacific States in all
their shades of savagery and progress side by side with
the savagisms and civilizations of other ages and nations,
my work thus far is accomplished. But what
a flood of thought, of speculation and imagery rushes
in upon the mind at the bare mention of such a study!
Isolated, without the stimulus of a Mediterranean
commerce, hidden in umbrageous darkness, walled in
by malarious borders, and surrounded by wild barbaric
hordes, whatever its origin, indigenous or foreign, there
was found on Mexican and Central American table-lands
an unfolding humanity, unique and individual,
yet strikingly similar to human unfoldings under like
conditions elsewhere. Europeans, regarding the culture
of the conquered race first as diabolical and then
contemptible, have not to this day derived that benefit
from it that they might have done. It is not necessary
that American civilization should be as far advanced
as European, to make a perfect knowledge
of the former as essential in the study of mankind as
a knowledge of the latter; nor have I any disposition
to advance a claim for the equality of American
aboriginal culture with European, or to make of it
other than what it is. As in a work of art, it is not
a succession of sharply defined and decided colors, but
a happy blending of light and shade, that makes the
picture pleasing, so in the grand and gorgeous perspective
of human progress the intermediate stages
are as necessary to completeness as the dark spectrum
of savagism or the brilliant glow of the most advanced
culture.


CONCLUSION.


This, however, I may safely claim; if the preceding
805
pages inform us aright, then were the Nahuas, the
Mayas, and the subordinate and lesser civilizations
surrounding these, but little lower than the contemporaneous
civilizations of Europe and Asia, and not
nearly so low as we have hitherto been led to suppose.
Whatever their exact status in the world of nations—and
that this volume gives in esse and not in posse—they
are surely entitled to their place, and a clear and
comprehensive delineation of their character and condition
fills a gap in the history of humanity. As in every
individual, so in every people, there is something different
from what may be found in any other people;
something better and something worse. One civilization
teaches another; if the superior teaches most, the
inferior nevertheless teaches. It is by the mutual action
and reaction of mind upon mind and nation upon
nation that the world of intellect is forced to develop.
Taking in at one view the vast range of humanity
portrayed in this volume and the preceding, with all
its infinite variety traced on a background of infinite
unity, individuality not more clearly evidenced than
a heart and mind and soul relationship to humanity
everywhere, the wide differences in intelligence and
culture shaded and toned down into a homogeneous
whole, we can but arrive at our former conclusion,
that civilization is an unexplained phenomenon whose
study allures the thoughtful and yields results pregnant
with the welfare of mankind.


END OF THE SECOND VOLUME


FOOTNOTES




[1] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxi.; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série ii., tom. i., p. 95; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
tom. ii., p. 354.


[2] Ixtlilxochitl, for whose patriotism due allowance must be made, writes:
'Es verdad, que el de Mexico y Tezcuco fueron iguales en dignidad
señorío y rentas; y el de Tlacopan solo tenia cierta parte como la quinta,
en lo que era rentas y despues en los otros dos.' Hist. Chichimeca, in
Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 238. Zurita also affirms this:
'Dans certaines, les tributs étaient répartis en portions égales, et dans
d'autres on en faisait cinq parts: le souverain de Mexico et celui de Tezcuco
en prélevaient chacun deux, celui de Tacuba une seule.' Rapport, in
Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. i., p. 12. 'Quedó pues determinado
que á los estados de Tlacopan se agregase la quinta parte de las tierras
nuevamente conquistadas, y el resto se dividiese igualmente entre el príncipe
y el rey de Méjico.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 164. Brasseur de Bourbourg
agrees with and takes his information from Ixtlilxochitl. Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., p. 191. Torquemada makes a far different division: 'Concurriendo
los tres, se diese la quinta parte al Rei de Tlacupa, y el Tercio de lo
que quedase, à Neçalhualcoiotl; y los demas, à Itzcohuatzin, como à Cabeça
Maior, y Suprema.' Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 146. As also does Clavigero:
'Si diede quella Corona (Tlacopan) a Totoquihuatzin sotto la condizione
di servir con tutte le sue truppe al Re di Messico, ogni volta che il richiedesse,
assegnando a lui medesimo per ciò la quinta parte delle spoglie, che
si avessero dai nemici. Similmente Nezahualcojotl fu messo in possesso
del trono d'Acolhuacan sotto la condizione di dover soccorrere i Messicani
nella guerra, e perció gli fu assegnata la terza parte della preda, cavatane
prima quella del Re di Tacuba, restando l'altre due terze parti pel Re Messicano.'
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 224. Prescott says it was agreed
that 'one fifth should be assigned to Tlacopan, and the remainder be divided,
in what proportion is uncertain, between the other powers.' Mex., vol. i.,
p. 18.


[3] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 356; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série ii., tom. i., pp. 12-13; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. ii., p. 116; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii.,
p. 577.


[4] Torquemada writes: 'esta fue costumbre de estos Mexicanos, en las
Elecciones, que hacian, que fuesen Reinando sucesivamente, los Hermanos,
vnos despues de otros, y acabando de Reinar el vltimo, entraba en su lugar,
el Hijo de Hermano Maior, que primero avia Reinado, que era Sobrino de
los otros Reies, qui à su Padre avian sucedido.' Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p.
107. 'Los Reies (of Mexico) no heredaban, sino que eran elegidos, y como
vimos en el Libro de los Reies, quando el Rei moria, si tenia hermano, entraba
heredando; y muerto este, otro, si lo avia; y quando faltaba, le sucedia
el sobrino, Hijo de su hermano maior, à quien, por su muerte, avia sucedido,
y luego el hermano de este, y así discurrian por los demas.' Id.,
tom. ii., p. 177. Zurita states that in Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and their
dependent provinces, 'le droit de succession le plus ordinaire était celui
du sang en ligne directe de père en fils; mais tous les fils n'héritaient point,
il n'y avait que le fils aîné de l'épouse principale que le souverain avait
choisie dans cette intention. Elle jouissait d'une plus grande considération
que les autres, et les sujets la respectaient davantage. Lorsque le
souverain prenaient une de ses femmes dans la famille de Mexico, elle occupait
le premier rang, et son fils succédait, s'il était capable.' Then, without
definitely stating whether he is speaking of all or part of the three kingdoms
in question, the author goes on to say, that in default of direct heirs
the succession became collateral; and finally, speaking in this instance of
Mexico alone, he says, that in the event of the king dying without heirs,
his successor was elected by the principal nobles. In a previous paragraph
he writes: 'L'ordre de succession variait suivant les provinces; les mêmes
usages, à peu de différence prés, étaient reçus à Mexico, à Tezcuco et à
Tacuba.' Afterward we read: 'Dans quelques provinces, comme par exemple
à Mexico, les frères étaient admis à la succession, quoiqu'il y eût des
fils, et ils gouvernaient successivement.' Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série ii., tom. i., pp. 12-18. M. l'Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, taking
his information from Zurita, and, indeed, almost quoting literally from
the French translation of that author, agrees that the direct line of succession
obtained in Tlacopan and Tezcuco, but asserts, regarding Mexico, that
the sovereign was elected by the five principal ministers of the state, who
were, however, restricted in their choice to the brothers, nephews, or sons
of the deceased monarch. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 576-7. Pimentel
also follows Zurita. Memoria, p. 26. Prescott affirms that 'the sovereign
was selected from the brothers of the deceased prince, or, in default of
them, from his nephews.' Mex., vol. i., p. 23. Sahagun merely says: 'Escogian
uno de los mas nobles de la linea de los señores antepasados,' who
should be a valiant, wise, and accomplished man. Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib.
viii., p. 318. 'Per non lasciar troppa libertà agli Elettori, e per impedire,
quanto fosse possibile, gl'inconvenienti de' partiti, o fazioni, fissarono la corona
nella casa d'Acamapitzin; e poi stabilirono per legge, che al Re morto
dovesse succedere uno de'suoi fratelli, e mancando i fratelli, uno de'suoi
nipoti, e se mai non ve ne fossero neppur di questi, uno de'suoi cugini restando
in balìa degli Elettori lo scegliere tra i fratelli, o tra i nipoti del Re
morto colui, che riconoscessero più idoneo pel governo, schivando con sí fatta
legge parecchj inconvenienti da noi altrove accennati.' Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 112. Leon Carbajal quotes this almost
literally. Discurso, pp. 54-5. That the eldest son could put forward no
claim to the crown by right of primogeniture, is evident from the following:
'Quando algun Señor moria y dexava muchos hijos, si alguno se alzava en
palacio y se queria preferir á los otros, aunque fuese el mayor, no lo consentia
el Señor á quien pertenecia la confirmacion, y menos el pueblo. Antes
dexavan pasar un año, ó mas de otro, en el qual consideravan bien que era
mejor para regir ó governar el estado, y aquel permanecia por señor.' Las
Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxiii. Señor Carbajal Espinosa says
that from the election of Chimalpopoca, who succeeded his brother Huitzilihuitl,
and was the third king of Mexico, 'quedó establecida la ley de
elegir uno de los hermanos del rey difunto, y á falta de éstos un sobrino,
cuya práctica se observó constantemente, como lo harémos ver,
hasta la ruina del imperio mexicano.' Hist. de Mex., tom. i., p. 334. 'El
Imperio era monárquico, pero no hereditario. Muriendo el Emperador
los gefes del Imperio antiguamente se juntaban y elegian entre sí mismos
al que creian mas digno, y por el cual la intriga, el manejo, la supersticion,
eran mas felizmente reconocidas.' Carli, Cartas, pt i., p. 114.
'Tambien auia sucession por sangre, sucedia el hijo mayor, siendo para
ello, y sino el otro: en defeto de los hijos sucedian nietos, y en defeto
dellos yua por elecion.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xv. As
the order in which the Mexican kings actually did follow each other should
be stronger proof of what was the law than any other evidence, I take from
the Codex Mendoza the following list: Acamapichtli, who is usually spoken
of as the first king, succeeded Tenuch, although it is not stated that he
was related to him in any way; then came Huicilyhuitl, son of Acamapichtli;
Chimalpupuca, son of Huicilyhuitl, Yzcoaci, son of Acamapichtli; Huehuemoteccuma,
son of Huicilyhuitl; Axayacaci, son of Tecocomochtli, and
grandson of Yzcoaci; Tiçoçicatzi, son of Axayacaci; Ahuiçoçin, brother of
Tiçoçicatzi; Motecçuma, son of Axayacaci; thus, according to this author,
we see, out of nine monarchs, three succeeded directly by their sons, and
three by their brothers. Esplicacion, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v.,
pp. 42-53. See further, Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., and Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ. These writers differ slightly from the collection above
quoted, but in no important respect.


[5] After the death of Acamapichtli, the first king of Mexico, a general
council was held, and the people were addressed as follows: 'Ya es fallido
nuestro rey Acamapichtli, á quien pondremos en su lugar, que rija y gobierne
este pueblo Mexicano? Pobres de los viejos, niños y mugeres viejas que
hay: que será de nosotros á donde irémos á demandar rey que sea de nuestra
patria y nacion Mexicana? hablen todos para de cual parte elegirémos rey, é
ninguno puede dejar de hablar, pues á todos nos importa para el reparo, y
cabeza de nuestra patria Mexicana esté.' Upon Huitzilihuitl being proposed,
'todos juntos, mancebos, viejos y viejas respondieron á una: que sea
mucho de enhorabuena, que á él quieren por señor y rey.' Tezozomoc, Crónica
Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 10. Sahagun's description
of their manner of electing kings, appears also to be more appropriate
to this early period than to a later date: 'Cuando moria el señor ó rey
para elegir otro, juntábanse los senadores que llamaban tecutlatoque, y tambien
los viejos del pueblo que llamaban achcacauhti, y tambien los capitanes
soldados viejos de la guerra que llamaban Iauiequioaque, y otros capitanes
que eran principales en las cosas de la guerra, y tambien los Sátrapas que
llamaban Tlenamacazque ó papaoaque: todos estos se juntaban en las casas
reales, y allí deliberaban y determinaban quien habia de ser señor.' Hist.
Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 439.


[6] The exact number and rank of these electors is hard to determine.
'Si le souverain de Mexico mourait sans héritier, les principaux chefs lui
choisissaient un successeur dont l'élection était confirmée par les chefs supérieurs
de Tezcuco et Tacuba.' Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy.,
série ii., tom. i., pp. 15-16. Pimentel follows this, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena,
p. 26: 'Tutti e due i Re (of Tezcuco and Tlacopan) furono creati
Elettori onorarj del Re di Messico, il qual onore soltanto riducevasi a ratificare
l'elezion fatta da quattro Nobili Messicani, ch'erano i veri Elettori.'
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 224. 'Despues en tiempo de
Izcoatl quarto Rey, por consejo y orden de vn sabio y valeroso hombre, que
tuuieron a llamado Tlacaellèl se señalaron quatro electores, y a estos juntamente
con dos señores, o Reyes sujetos al Mexicano, que eran el de Tezcùco,
y el de Tacuba, tocaua hazer la elecion.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd.,
p. 439. These four electors 'de ordinario eran hermanos, o parientes muy
cercanos del Rey. Llamauan a estos Tlacohecalcàtl, que significa el Príncipe
de los lanças arrojadizas, que era vn genero de armas que ellos mucho
vsauan.' Id., p. 441. 'Seis electores elegian el Emperador, dos de
cuales eran siempre los príncipes de Tescuco á de Acolhuacan y de Tacuba,
y un príncipe de la sangre real.' Carli, Cartas, pt i., p. 114. 'Four of
the principal nobles, who had been chosen by their own body in the preceding
reign, filled the office of electors, to whom were added, with merely
an honorary rank however, the two royal allies of Tezcuco and Tlacopan.'
Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 23. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the style and
title of each elector, and says they were five in number, but does not state
his authority: 'Les principaux dignitaires du royaume, le Cihuacohuatl ou
Ministre suprême de la justice et de la maison du roi, le Tlacochcalcatl,
Généralissime ou Maître de la maison des Armes, l'Atempanecatl, ou
Grand-Maître des Eaux, l'Ezhuahuacatl, ou le Maître du Sang, et le Tlillancalqui,
ou chef de la Maison-Noire, composant entre eux le conseil
de la monarchie, élisaient celui qui leur paraissait le plus apte aux affaires
publiques, et lui donnaient la couronne.... Il est douteux que les rois de
Tetzcuco et de Tlacopan aient jamais pris une part directe à ce choix.' Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 577-8. At the foot of the same page is the following
note: 'Si havia duda ó diferencia quien debia de ser rey, averiguase lo
mas aina que podian, y sino poco tenian que hacer (los señores de Tetzcuco
y Tlacapan).' Gomara, Crónica de Nueva-España, ap. Barcia, cap. 99.
This quotation is not to be found, however in the place indicated. 'Crearon
cuatro electores, en cuya opinion se comprometian todos los votos del reino.
Eran aquellos funcionarios, magnates y señores de la primera nobleza, comunmente
de sangre real, y de tanta prudencia y probidad, cuanta se necesitaba
para un cargo tan importante.' Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom.
i., p. 578. 'Fue el quinto Rey, Motezuma primero deste nombre; y porque,
para la elecion auia quatro eletores, con los quales interuenian los Reyes
Tezcuco y de Tacuba. Se juntò con ellos Tlacaellel como Capitan general,
y saliò elegido su sobrino Motezuma.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii.,
lib. ii., cap. xiii. After the king in rank, 'eran los quatro electores del Rey,
que tambien sucedian por elecion, y de ordinario eran hermanos, o parientes
cercanos del Rey, y a estos llamauan en su lengua, principes de las
lanças arrojadizas, armas que ellos vsauan.' Id., cap. xix.


[7] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 441, gives the names of three military
orders, of which the four royal electors formed one; and of a fourth, which
was of a sacerdotal character. All these were of the royal council, and
without their advice the king could do nothing of importance. Herrera
helps himself to this from Acosta almost word for word: dec. iii., lib. ii.,
cap. xix. Sahagun implies that this supreme council was composed of only
four members: 'Elegido el señor, luego elegian otros cuatro que eran como
senadores que siempre habian de estar al lado de él, y entender en todos los
negocios graves de reino, (estos cuatro tenian en diversos lugares diversos
nombres).' Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318. According to Ixtlilxochitl
the council whose duties corresponded to this in Tezcuco, was composed of
fourteen members. Hist. Chichimeca, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol.
ix., p. 243; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 183.


[8] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 37.


[9] Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, pp. 52, 54-5; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 338, 523; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138;
Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. i., p. 17; Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 310-11; Pimentel, Mem. Raza Indígena, p. 27; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 82. In the West-Indische
Spieghel, pp. 265-6, we read: 'Dese Stadt ende Provincie wierden voor de
comste der Spaenjaerden soo treffelick gheregeert, als eenighe van die Landen,
daer was een Cacique die absolutelick regeerde, staende onder de ghehoorsaemheydt
van de groote Heere van Tenoxtitlan.' The old chronicler
is mistaken here, however, as the kingdom of Michoacan was never in
any way subject to Mexico.


[10] Clavigero says that the city of Tlascala was divided into four parts,
each division having its lord, to whom all places dependent on such division
were likewise subject. Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 155.


[11] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 200, 276, tom. ii., pp. 347-9;
Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii.; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 252; Pimentel, Mem.
Raza Indígena, p. 27; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 411.


[12] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii.,
p. 197.


[13] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 350-1.


[14] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. Brasseur de Bourbourg
writes: 'Dans les divers états du Mixtecapan, les héritages passaient
de mâle en mâle, sans que les femmes pussent y avoir droit.' Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., p. 39; this may, however, refer merely to private property.


[15] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., cap. 53; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., pp. 29-30.


[16] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 474, writes: 'Pusieronle Corona Real, y
vngieronle, como fue costumbre hazerlo con todos sus Reyes, con vna vncion
que llamauan diuina, porque era la misma con que vngian su ydolo.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 360, says that Acosta is mistaken, for, he
observes that 'la Corona que llamaba Copilli, no se daba en esta ocasión, sino
que en lugar de ella, le ponían las mantas dichas sobre la Cabeça, ni tampoco
era la vncion la misma que la de los Idolos; porque la Divina, que èl
[Acosta] nombra, era de Ulli, y Sangre de Niños, con que tambien vngian al
Sumo Sacerdote;' but Torquemada here directly contradicts a previous statement
of his own, tom. i., p. 102, where he says that immediately after the
election, having seated the king elect upon a throne, 'le pusieron la Corona
Real en su Cabeça, y le vntaron todo el Cuerpo, con la Vncion, que despues
acostumbraron, que era la misma con que vngian à su Dios,' thus using
almost the same words as Acosta. Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, says that
the water used at the anointing was drawn from the fountain Tozpalatl,
which was held in great veneration, and that it was first used for this purpose
at the anointment of Huitzilihuitl, second king of Mexico.


[17] Sahagun states that the king was dressed upon this occasion in a tunic
of dark green cloth, with bones painted upon it; this tunic resembled the
huipil, or chemise of the women, and was usually worn by the nobles when
they offered incense to the gods. The veil was also of green cloth ornamented
with skulls and bones, and in addition to the articles described by
other writers, this author mentions that they placed dark green sandals upon
his feet. He also affirms that the four royal electors were confirmed in their
office at the same time as the king, being similarly dressed, save that the
color of their costume was black, and going through the same performances
after him, except, of course, the anointment. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii.,
p. 319. Gomara says they hung upon the king's neck 'vnas correas coloradas
largas y de muchos ramales: de cuios cabos colgauan ciertas insignias de
rei, como pinjantes.' Conq. Mex., fol. 305.


[18] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 306.


[19] The crown used by the early Chichimec sovereigns was composed of a
herb called pachxochitl, which grew on the rocks, surmounted by plumes of
the royal eagle, and green fathers called Tecpilotl, the whole being mounted
with gold and precious stones, and bound to the head with strips of deer-skin.
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chichimeca, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom.
xi., p. 213. In another place, Relaciones, in id., p. 336, the same writer says
that the crown differed according to time and season. In time of war it was
composed of royal eagle feathers, placed at the back of the head, and held
together with clasps of gold and precious stones; in time of peace the crown
was made of laurel and green feathers of a very rare bird called Quezaltotolc;
in the dry season it was made of a whitish moss which grew on the
rocks, with a flower at the junction called teoxuchitl.


[20] Concerning anointment and coronation, see Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
tom. i., p. 102; tom. ii., pp. 83, 359-69; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série ii., tom. i., pp. 20-9; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., pp. 113-15; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 318-21;
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xv.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
305-6; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 356, 439-40, 474; Ortega, in Veytia,
Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 309; Tezozomoc, Crón. Mex., in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p. 142-3. In addition to the numerous
works of acknowledged authority on the subject of aboriginal American
civilization there are a number of others, chiefly of modern date, that treat
more or less completely of the matter. Many of these are mere compilations,
put together without regard to accuracy or consistency; others are
works which deal ostensibly with other Spanish American matters and only
refer to the ancient civilization in passing; their accounts are usually copied
bodily from one or two of the old writers; some few profess to exhaust the
subject; in these latter, however, the authors have failed to cite their authorities,
or at best have merely given a list of them. To attempt to note
all the points on which these writers have fallen into error, or where they
differ from my text, would prove as tiresome to the reader as the result would
lie useless. It will therefore be sufficient to refer to this class of books at
the conclusion of the large divisions into which this work naturally falls.
About the system of government, laws of succession, ceremonies of election,
anointment and coronation, of the Aztecs and other nations included in this
division, see: Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 578-83, 596; Soden,
Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., pp. 8-14, 51-2; Touron, Hist. Gén., tom. iii., pp.
6-7, 25-38; Baril, Mexique, pp. 204-7; Bussierre, L'Empire Mexicain, pp. 119,
150-8, 229-30, 244; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 119; Poinsett's Notes Mex.,
app., pp. 22-3; Macgregor's Progress of America, p. 21; Dillon, Hist. Mex.,
pp. 24-6, 41-3; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 247; Dilworth, Conq. Mex., p. 45;
Pradt, Cartas, pp. 106, 176; Monglave, Résumé, pp. 9, 14-19, 22-3, 32-6,
68; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 59-75, 186; Cortés, Aventuras,
pref., pp. 7-13; Chamber's Jour., vol. iv., p. 253; West und Ost Indischer
Lustgart, p. 97.


[21] 'Que antes de Reinar avia investigado los nueve dobleces de el Cielo.'
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 194. Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant.
Mej., tom. iii., p. 306, writes: 'Quel el que siendo particular supo penetrar
los secretos del cielo;' 'that he who, being a private individual, could penetrate
the secrets of heaven,' which appears more intelligible.


[22] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 194-5.


[23] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix. Though it is more than
probable that Gomara means the same thing, yet the manner in which he
expresses it leaves us in some doubt whether the tiger might not have been
standing over the eagle. 'El escudo de armas, que estaua por las puertas
de palacio y que traen las vanderas de Motecçuma, y las de sus antecessores,
es vna aguila abatida a vn tigre, las manos y vñas puestas como para hazer
presa.' Conq. Mex., fol. 108. 'Het Wapen dat boven de Poorte stont, was
een Arent die op een Griffioen nederdaelde, met open Clauwen hem ghereet
maeckende, om syn Roof te vatten.' West-Indische Spieghel, p. 246.


[24] Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in
Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309.


[25] Ib.


[26] 'Le tecali paraît être la pierre transparente semblable à l'albâtre oriental,
dont on faisait un grand usage à Mexico, et dont les réligieux se servirent
même pour faire une espèce de vitres à leurs fenêtres. On en trouve
encore de ce genre dans plusieurs couvents de la Puebla de los Angeles.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 8.


[27] Incense-offering among the Mexicans, and other nations of Anáhuac,
was not only an act of religion towards their gods, but also a piece of civil
courtesy to lords and ambassadors. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom.
ii., p. 51. Cortés during his march to the capital was on more than one occasion
met by a deputation of nobles, bearing censers which they swung
before him as a mark of courtesy.


[28] Prescott, Mex., vol. i., p. 177, makes in both cases the 'estado' the
same measure as the 'vara,' that is three feet, a clumsy error certainly,
when translating such a sentence as this: 'que tenia de grueso dos varas, y
de alto tres estados.'


[29] 'Á manera de estribo,' writes Ixtlilxochitl.


[30] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix.,
pp. 242-3.


[31] Gage's New Survey, p. 99. Concerning this oratory, see Las Casas,
Hist. Apologética, MS., tom. i., cap. l. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i.,
p. 296, asserts that the gold and silver plates with which the walls and
roof were coated, were almost as thick as a finger, and that the first conquerors
did not see this chapel or oratory, because Montezuma always went
to the temple to pray, and probably, as the natives declared, knowing the
covetousness of the Spaniards, he purposely concealed all this wealth from
them; it is also said that when Mexico was taken the natives destroyed this
chapel, and threw its treasures into the lake.


[32] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 297.


[33] Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii.


[34] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp.
251-2.


[35] Their names, as given by Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 251, were: Huexotla, Coatlichan, Coatapec, Chimalhuacan,
Ytztapalocan, Tepetlaoztoc, Acolman, Tepechpan, Chiuhnauhtlan,
Teioiocan, Chiauhtla, Papalotlan, Xaltocan, and Chalco.


[36] Otompan, Teotihuacan, Tepepolco, Cempoalon, Aztaquemecan, Ahuatepec,
Axapochoc, Oztoticpac, Tizayocan, Tlalanapan, Coioac, Quatlatlauhcan,
Quauhtlacca, and Quatlatzinco. Ib.


[37] 'Para la recámara del rey,' namely: Calpolalpan, Mazaapan, Yahualiuhcan,
Atenco, and Tzihuinquilocan. Ib. It is unreasonable to suppose
that these so-called 'towns' were really more than mere villages, since the
kingdoms proper of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, of which they formed
only a fraction, were all contained in a valley not two hundred miles in circumference.


[38] Tolantzinco, Quauhchinanco, Xicotepec, Pauhatla, Yauhtepec, Tepechco,
Ahuacaiocan, and Quauhahuac. Ib.; see also Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
tom. i., p. 167.


[39] 'La cerca tan grande que tenia para subir á la cumbre de él y andarlo
todo.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,
p. 251.


[40] 'Para subir hasta esta cumbre se passan quinientos y veynte escalones,
sin algunos que estan ya deshechos, por auer sido de piedras sueltas y puestas
à mano: que otros muchos escalones ay, labrados en la propia peña con
mucha curiosidad. El año pasado los anduue todos, y los contè, para deponer
de vista.' Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 619. Prescott, Mex., vol.
i., p. 186, citing the above author, gives five hundred and twenty as the
whole number of steps, without further remark.


[41] Torquemada also mentions this staircase. Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p.
436.


[42] 'Esculpida en ella en circunferencia los años desde que habia nacido el
rey Nezahualcoiotzin, hasta la edad de aquel tiempo.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 252. Prescott says that
the hieroglyphics represented the 'years of Nezahualcoyotl's reign.' Mex.,
vol. i., p. 182.


[43] Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 619. 'This figure was, no doubt, the emblem
of Nezahualcoyotl himself, whose name ... signified "hungry fox."' Prescott's
Mex., vol. i., p. 183, note 42.


[44] 'Un leon de mas de dos brazas de largo con sus alas y plumas.' Hist.
Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 252.


[45] These figures were destroyed by order of Fr Juan de Zumárraga, first
Bishop of Mexico. Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 619; Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 252. The
injury wrought by this holy iconoclast is incalculable. Blinded by the mad
fanaticism of the age, he saw a devil in every Aztec image and hieroglyph;
his hammers did more in a few years to efface all vestiges of Aztec art and
greatness than time and decay could have done in as many centuries. It is
a few such men as this that the world has to thank for the utter extinction
in a few short years of a mighty civilization. In a letter to the Franciscan
Chapter at Tolosa, dated June 12, 1531, we find the old bigot exulting over
his vandalism. 'Very reverend Fathers,' he writes: 'be it known to you
that we are very busy in the work of converting the heathen; of whom, by
the grace of God, upwards of one million have been baptized at the hands
of the brethren of the order of our seraphic Father Saint Francis; five hundred
temples have been leveled to the ground, and more than twenty thousand
figures of the devils they worshiped have been broken to pieces and
burned.' And it appears that the worthy zealot had even succeeded in
bringing the natives themselves to his way of thinking, for further on he
writes: 'They watch with great care to see where their fathers hide the idols,
and then with great fidelity they bring them to the religious of our order
that they may be destroyed; and for this many of them have been brutally
murdered by their parents, or, to speak more properly, have been crowned
in glory with Christ.' Dicc. Univ., App., tom. iii., p. 1131.


[46] There is a singular confusion about this passage. In Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 252, Ixtlilxochitl is made to write: 'Un poquito
mas abajo estaban tres albercas de agua, y en la del medio estaban en sus
bordos tres damas esculpidas y labradas en la misma peña, que significaban
la gran laguna; y las ranas los cabezas del imperio.' In Prescott's
Mex., App., vol. iii., pp. 430-2, Ixtlilxochitl's description of Tezcozinco is
given in full; the above-quoted passage is exactly the same here except
that for ranas, frogs, we read ramas, branches. Either of these words
would render the description incomprehensible, and in my description I
have assumed that they are both misprints for damas. Mr Prescott, Mex.,
vol. i., pp. 182-3, surmounts the difficulty as follows: 'On a lower level
were three other reservoirs, in each of which stood a marble statue of a
woman, emblematic of the three states of the empire.' This is inaccurate
as well as incomplete, inasmuch as the figures were not statues, each standing
in a basin, but were all three cut upon the face of the rock-border of
the middle basin.


[47] I have no doubt that this is the basin known to modern travelers as
the 'Baths of Montezuma,' of which Ward says that it is neither of
the proper shape, nor large enough for a bath, but that it more probably
'served to receive the waters of a spring, since dried up, as its depth
is considerable, while the edge on one side is formed into a spout.' Mexico,
vol. ii., p. 297. Of late years this excavation has been repeatedly
described by men who claim to have visited it, but whose statements it is
hard to reconcile. Bullock mentions having seen on this spot 'a beautiful
basin about twelve feet long by eight wide, having a well about five feet
by four deep in the centre, surrounded by a parapet or rim two feet six
inches high, with a throne or chair, such as is represented in ancient pictures
to have been used by the kings. There are steps to descend into the basin
or bath; the whole cut out of the living porphyry rock with the most mathematical
precision, and polished in the most beautiful manner.' Mexico,
vol. ii., pp. 125-6. Latrobe says there were 'two singular basins, of perhaps
two feet and a half in diameter, not big enough for any monarch bigger
than Oberon to take a duck in.' Rambler, p. 187; Vigne's Travels, vol.
i., p. 27, mentions 'the remains of a circular stone bath ... about a foot
deep and five in diameter, with a small surrounding and smoothed space cut
out of the solid rock.' Brantz Mayer, who both saw it and gives a sketch
of it, writes: 'The rock is smoothed to a perfect level for several yards,
around which, seats and grooves are carved from the adjacent masses. In
the centre there is a circular sink, about a yard and a half in diameter, and
a yard in depth, and a square pipe, with a small aperture, led the water from
an aqueduct, which appears to terminate in this basin.' Mex. as it Was, p.
234. Beaufoy says that two-thirds up the southern side of the hill was a
mass of fine red porphyry, in which was an excavation six feet square, with
steps leading down three feet, having in the centre a circular basin four
and a half feet in diameter and five deep also with steps. Mex. Illustr., p.
195. 'On the side of the hill are two little circular baths, cut in the solid
rock. The lower of the two has a flight of steps down to it; the seat for
the bather, and the stone pipe which brought the water, are still quite
perfect.' Tylor's Anahuac, p. 152.


[48] 'Tras este jardin se seguian los baños hechos y labrados de peña viva,
que con dividirse en dos baños era de una pieza.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 252.


[49] Ib.


[50] Dávila Padilla says that some of the gateways of this palace were
formed of one piece of stone, and he saw one beam of cedar there which was
almost ninety feet in length and four in breadth. Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 620.


[51] Concerning the royal buildings, gardens, &c., of the Aztecs, compare
Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., tom. i., cap. l.; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. i., pp. 167, 296-8; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 243-4, 251-2; Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex.,
pp. 619-20; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese,
in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom.
ii., lib. viii., pp. 302-9; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des
Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196; Acosta's Hist. Nat. Ind., p. 484; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 271-4; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp.
305-7, 504; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 69; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in
Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 181-5; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
107-11; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 315-19; Cortés,
Cartas, pp. 110-11; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix.-xi.; West-Indische
Spieghel, pp. 245-6, 343; Gage's New Survey, pp. 97-9; Peter Martyr,
dec. v., lib. iii., iv., x.; Chevalier, Mexique, pp. 30-2; Prescott's Mex.,
vol. i., pp. 177-84, vol. ii., pp. 65, 115-21; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 8-11; Pimentel, Raza Indígena, p. 57; Tápia, Relacion,
in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., pp. 581-3. Other works of no
original value, which touch on this subject, are: Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte,
tom. v., pp. 15, 244, 65-6, 234-7; Ranking's Hist. Researches, pp. 347-51;
Bussierre, L'Empire Mexicain, pp. 90-4, 109; Macgregor's Progress of America,
p. 22; Dilworth's Conq. Mex., pp. 66, 70; West und Ost Indischer Lustgart,
pt i., p. 125.


[52] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 107-8.


[53] Close to the great audience hall was a very large court-yard, 'en que
avia çient aposentos de veynte é çinco ó treynta piés de largo cada uno sobre
sí en torno de dicho patio, é allí estaban los señores prinçipales apossentados,
como guardas del palacio ordinarias.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 501.


[54] 'Vna como tabla labrada con oro, y otras figuras de idolos.' Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68.


[55] Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 297-302.


[56] This pungent condiment is at the present day as omnipresent in Spanish
American dishes as it was at the time of the conquest; and I am seriously
informed by a Spanish gentleman who resided for many years in Mexico,
and was an officer in Maximilian's army, that while the wolves would
feed upon the dead bodies of the French that lay all night upon the battle-field,
they never touched the bodies of the Mexicans, because the flesh of
the latter was completely impregnated with chile. Which, if true, may be
thought to show that wolves do not object to a diet seasoned with garlic.


[57] Described too frequently in vol. i., of this series, to need repetition.


[58] The tamale is another very favorite modern Mexican dish. The natives
generally make them with pork; the bones are crushed almost to
powder; the meat is cut up in small pieces, and the whole washed; a small
quantity of maize paste, seasoned with cinnamon, saffron, cloves, pimento,
tomatoes, coarse pepper, salt, red coloring matter, and some lard added to
it, is placed on the fire in a pan; as soon as it has acquired the consistency
of a thick gruel it is removed, mixed with the meat, some more lard and
salt added, and the mass kneaded for a few moments; it is then divided into
small portions, which are enveloped in a thin paste of maize. The tamales
thus prepared are covered with a banana-leaf or a corn-husk, and placed in
a pot or pan over which large leaves are laid. They are allowed to boil from
one hour and a half to two hours. Game, poultry, vegetables, or sweetmeats
are often used instead of pork.


[59] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 229, regrets that certain persons,
out of the ill-will they bore the Mexicans, have falsely imputed to
Montezuma the crime of eating human flesh without its being well seasoned,
but he admits that when properly cooked and disguised, the flesh of those
sacrificed to the gods appeared at the royal board. Some modern writers
seem to doubt even this; it is, however, certain that cannibalism existed
among the people, not as a means of allaying appetite, but from partly religious
motives, and there seems no reason to doubt that the king shared
the superstitions of the people. I do not, however, base the opinion upon
Oviedo's assertion, which smacks strongly of the 'giant stories' of the nursery,
that certain 'dishes of tender children' graced the monarch's table.
Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 501. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68, also cannot
withstand the temptation to deal in the marvelous, and mentions 'carnes de
muchachos de poca edad;' though it is true the soldier-like bluntness the
veteran so prided himself upon, comes to his aid, and he admits that perhaps
after all Montezuma was not an ogre.


[60] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68.


[61] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 501.


[62] Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 229.


[63] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68, says there were four of these women;
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 229, says there were twenty.


[64] 'E ya que començaua á comer, echauanle delante vna como puerta de
madera muy pintada de oro, porque no le viessen comer.' Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 68. 'Luego que se sentaba à la Mesa, cerraba el Maestre-Sala
vna Varanda de Madera, que dividia la Sala, para que la Nobleça de los
Caballeros, que acudia à verle comer, no embaraçase la Mesa.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 229. 'Tosto che il Re si metteva a tavola, chiudeva
lo Scalco la porta della Sala, acciocchè nessuno degli altri Nobili lo
vedesse mangiare.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 270.


[65] 'A potation of chocolate, flavored with vanilla and other spices, and
so prepared as to be reduced to a froth of the consistency of honey, which
gradually dissolved in the mouth.' Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 125. 'This
was something like our chocolate, and prepared in the same way, but with
this difference, that it was mixed with the boiled dough of maise, and was
drunk cold.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., [Lockhart's translation Lond.,
1814, vol. i., note, p. 393]. 'La bebida es agua mezclada con cierta harina
de unas almendras que llaman cacao. Esta es de mucha sustancia, muy
fresca, y sabrosa y agradable, y no embriaga.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. ccxi.


[66] 'Entonces no mirauamos en ello; mas lo que yo vi, que traian sobre
cincuenta jarros grandes hechos de buen cacao con su espuma, y de lo que
bebia.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68. Oviedo, as usual, is content with
no number less than three thousand: 'É luego venian tres mill xícalos (cántaros
ó ánforas) de brevage.' Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 501. Las Casas makes
it three hundred: 'A su tiempo, en medio ò en fin de los manjares segun la
costumbre que tenian, entravan otros trescientos pajes, cada uno con un
vaso grande que cabia medio azumbre, (about a quart), y aun tres quartillos
de la bebida en el mismo, y servia el un vaso al rey el maestresala, de que
bebia lo que le agradava.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxi.


[67] 'Vnas yervas que se dize tabaco.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68.


[68] Only five persons enjoyed the privilege of looking Montezuma II. in
the face: the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and the lords of Quauhtitlan,
Coyouacan, and Azcapuzalco. Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxi.
Bernal Diaz says that all who approached the royal seat made three reverences,
saying in succession, 'Lord,' 'my lord,' 'sublime lord.' Hist. Conq.,
fol. 68.


[69] This custom of speaking through a secretary was adopted by the other
Aztec monarchs as well as Montezuma, and was also imitated by many of
the great tributary lords and governors of provinces who wished to make as
much display of their rank and dignity as possible. See Motolinia, Hist.
Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 184; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. ccxi.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 205.


[70] 'Lo que los señores hablaban y la palabra que mas ordinariamente decian
al fin de las pláticas y negocios que se les comunicaban, eran decir con
muy baja voz tlaa, que quiere decir "sí, ó bien, bien."' Motolinia, Hist. Indios,
in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 184.


[71] Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv.


[72] Torquemada writes of Montezuma II.: 'Su trato con los Suios era
poco: raras veces se dejaba vèr, y estabase encerrado mucho tiempo, pensando
en el Govierno de su Reino.' Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 205.


[73] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 205.


[74] Picking up straws, says Las Casas: 'É iban estos oficiales delante
quitando las pajas del suelo por finas que fuesen.' Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. ccxi.


[75] This was the Aztec manner of salutation, and is doubtless what Bernal
Diaz means where he writes: 'Y en señal de paz tocauan con la mano
en el suelo, y besauan la tierra con la mesma mano.' Hist. Conq., fol. 65.


[76] Green stones, more valued than any other among the Aztecs.


[77] Cortés himself says that the king was supported by two grandees only;
one of whom was his nephew, the king of Tezcuco, and the other his brother,
the lord of Iztapalapa. Cartas, p. 85.


[78] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 65.


[79] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 230; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
107; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix.; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq.,
fol. 67; West-Indische Spieghel, p. 246. Clavigero disbelieves the report
that Montezuma had one hundred and fifty women pregnant at once. Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 268. Oviedo makes the number of women
four thousand. Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 505.


[80] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 505.


[81] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 435.


[82] Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 169.


[83] 'Quebraban,' which probably here means 'castrated.'


[84] 'Tenia Moteuczomatzin en su palacio enanos y corcobadillos, que de
industria siendo niños los hacian jibosos, y los quebraban y descoyuntaban,
porque de estos se servian los señores en esta tierra como ahora hace el Gran
Turco de eunucos.' Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp.
184-5. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 298, uses nearly the same
words.


[85] Hist. Conq., fol. 68.


[86] 'Otros tres Tlacopintlix de frisoles.' The Tlacopintlix was one 'fanega,'
and three 'almudes,' or, one bushel and a quarter.


[87] 'Xiquipilli, costal, talega, alforja, o bolsa.' Molina, Vocabulario.


[88] 'Treinta y dos mil cacaos,' possibly cocoa-pods instead of cocoa-beans.


[89] 'Cien gallos.' Probably turkeys.


[90] Probably pumpkin or melon seed.


[91] Ixtlilxochitl, in Hist. Chich., Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 241.


[92] Concerning the king's manner of living and the domestic economy of
the royal household, see: Cortés, Cartas, pp. 84-5, 109-13; Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Conq., fol. 66-8; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 286-322;
Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxi.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
tom. i., pp. 167-8, 205-6, 228-31, 298, tom. ii., p. 435; Motolinia, Hist. Indios,
in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 184-5; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii.,
iv.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 103-4, 107-8; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 507;
Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 307, 501, 505; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. i., pp. 268-71; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v.,
vii., ix., xii-xiii., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiv.; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom.
iii., pp. 189-91; Ortega, in Id., pp. 310-17; West-Indische Spieghel, p. 246;
Gage's New Survey, pp. 97, 100-1; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. i., p. 284, tom. iv., pp. 9-13; Prescott's Mex., tom. ii., pp. 121-9; Zuazo,
Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 362; Carli, Cartas, pt i., pp.
117-18. Other works of more or less value bearing on this subject are:
Touron, Hist. Gén., tom. iii., pp. 25-38, 355-7, 359; Bussierre, L'Empire
Mex., pp. 109, 119-22, 254-5; Baril, Mexique, pp. 204-7; Dufey, Résumé,
tom. i., pp. 136-7; Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 83, 93-5; Ranking's Hist.
Researches, pp. 315-16, 321-3, 342-7, 350; Soden, Spanier in Peru, p. 136;
Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 582-4; Lafond, Voyages, tom.
i., pp. 104-5; Cooper's Hist. N. Amer., pp. 112-13; Dilworth's Conq. Mex.,
pp. 65-6, 70-1; Hawks, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 469; Monglave, Résumé,
pp. 19, 82-3; Incidents and Sketches, p. 60; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte,
tom. v., pp. 63-6, 209-11, 234, 242; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 52; West und Ost
Indischer Lustgart, pp. 123-5.


[93] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 231; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec.
ii., lib. vii., cap. xii.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 502.


[94] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 88; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej.,
tom. ii., p. 182, makes the number twenty-seven.


[95] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 88, et seq.; see also Veytia, Hist.
Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 182, et seq.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. ii., pp. 428, et seq.; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., vol. ix., p. 353, et seq.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 502; Herrera,
dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xii.


[96] Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 251.


[97] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 196.


[98] Camaxtli was the Tlascaltec god of war, corresponding with and probably
the same as the Mexican Huitzilopochtli. The order of Tecuhtli being
held in higher esteem in Tlascala than elsewhere, the ceremony of initiation
is generally described as it took place in that state.


[99] 'Unas piedras chequitas de piedra negra, y creo eran de la piedra de
que hacen las navajas.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxvii.


[100] 'Se iba à vna de las Salas, ò Aposentos de los Ministros que servian
al Demonio, que se llamaba Tlamacazcalco.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
tom. ii., p. 362. It seems unlikely, however, that the candidate would be
taken to another temple at this juncture. Brasseur explains the name of
the hall to which he was taken as 'le Lieu des habitations des Ministres,
prêtres de Camaxtli.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 587.


[101] 'Y à las Sillas solas que representaban las Personas ausentes, hacian
tanta cortesia, y le captaban Benevolencia, como si realmente estuvieran
presentes los Señores que faltaban.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii.,
p. 364.


[102] Concerning the ceremony of initiation see: Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 361-6; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxvii.;
Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 306-8; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom.
ii., pp. 120-1; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843,
tom. xcviii., pp. 147-9.


[103] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 58-60.


[104] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 586.


[105] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv.


[106] The Tlaquimilloli, from whence the title is derived, was a sacred
package or bundle, containing relics of gods and heroes.


[107] Clavigero asserts that the hair of such only as entered the service on
account of some private vow, was cut.


[108] Clavigero says that only a part of them rose upon each occasion.
'S'alzavano alcune due ore incirca innanzi alla mezza notte, altre alla mezza
notte, ed altre allo spuntar del di per attizzar, e mantener vivo il fuoco, e
per incensare gl'Idoli.' Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 42.


[109] 'Elles passaient une partie de la matinée à preparer le pain en galette
et les pâtisseries qu'elles présentaient, toutes chaudes, dans le temple, où
les prêtres allaient les prendre après l'oblation.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 556. Clavigero says they prepared the offering
of provisions which was presented to the idols: 'Tutte le mattine preparavano
l'obblazioni di commestibili da presentarsi agl'Idoli.' Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. ii., p. 42.


[110] Clavigero writes: 'L'insegna de' Sommi Sacerdoti di Messico era un
fiocco, o nappa di cotone pendente dal petto, e nelle feste principali vestivansi
abiti sfarzosi, ne' quali vedevansi figurate le insegne di quel Dio, la
cui festa celebravano.' Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 38. The most
important works that can be consulted concerning the Mexican priesthood
are: Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 549-59; from
which I have principally taken my account; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
tom. ii., pp. 163-5, 175-91; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, caps. cxxxiii.,
cxxxix., cxl.; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 112 et seq., 218-23,
tom. iii., pp. 276-7; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 323-5; Acosta, Hist. de las
Ynd., pp. 335-42; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv-xvii.;
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 36 et seq.


[111] This is the title given by the Spanish authors; it is probably derived
from tay, a man, and sacaa, a priest. Vocabul. en lengua Mixteca, etc.,
according to Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 17, note.


[112] Wiyatao, Burgoa writes huijatoo, and translates, 'great watchman;'
the Zapotec vocabulary translates it by the word papa, or priest.


[113] Yopaa, Burgoa also writes Lyobaa and Yobaa; it signifies the Place of
Tombs, from Yo, place, or ground, and paa, tomb, in the Zapotec tongue,
'the centre of rest.'


[114] Teutitlan was its name in the Nahuatl language. Its Zapotecan name
was Xaquiya.


[115] Rasgos y señales de la primera predicacion en el Nuevo-Mundo,
MS. de Don Isidro Gondra; Carriedo, Estudios históricos y estadísticos
del Estado Oaxaqueño, Mexico, 1850, tom. i., cap. i.; quoted in Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 9.


[116] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., cap. lxxii.


[117] Rasgos y señales de la primera predicacion en el Nuevo-Mundo,
MS. de Don Isidro Gondra; quoted in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 10.


[118] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., cap. lxxii.


[119] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., cap. liii.


[120] So called from the cry of ara, ara, which it constantly repeats.


[121] See this vol., pp. 142-3.


[122] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., cap. liii. Of the Miztec high-priest Torquemada
writes: 'Se vestia, para celebrar sus Fiestas, de Pontifical, de esta
manera. Unas mantas mui variadas de colores, matiçadas, y pintadas de
Historias acaecidas à algunos de sus Dioses: poniase vnas como Camisas, ò
Roquetes, sin mangas (à diferencia de los Mexicanos) que llegaban mas
abajo de la rodilla, y en las piernas vnas como antiparas, que le cubrian la
pantorrilla; y era esto casi comun à todos los Sacerdotes Sumos, y calçado,
con que adornaban las Estatuas de los Dioses; y en el braço izquierdo, vn
pedaço de manta labrada, à manera de liston, como suelen atarse algunos
al braço, quando salen à Fiestas, ò Cañas, con vna borla asida de ella, que
parecia manipulo. Vestia encima de todo vna Capa, como la nuestra de
Coro, con vna borla colgando à las espaldas, y vna gran Mitra en la cabeça,
hecha de plumas verdes, con mucho artificio, y toda sembrada, y labrada
de los mas principales Dioses, que tenian. Quando bailaban, en otras ocasiones,
y patios de los Templos (que era el modo ordinario de cantar sus
Horas, y reçar su Oficio) se vestian de ropa blanca pintada, y vnas ropetas,
como camisetas de Galeote.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 217.


[123] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p.
327.


[124] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxiii.


[125] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxi.; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 181; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 44;
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. xiv.


[126] Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 52-3; Herrera says of the
priests of Mechoacan: 'Trahian los cabellos largos, y coronas abiertas en la
cabeça, como los de la Yglesia Catolica, y guirnaldas de fluecos colorados.'
Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.


[127] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 438.


[128] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 201.


[129] Less important, or more modern, authorities that treat of the privileged
classes among the Aztecs, are: Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena,
pp. 19-22; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 495-504;
Carli, Cartas, pt i., pp. 114-15; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 108-14; Chaves,
Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., pp. 303-6, 337;
Dilworth's Conq. Mex., p. 36; Monglave, Résumé, pp. 14-19, 32-5; Hazart,
Kirchen-Geschichte, tom. ii., pp. 503-5; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp.
74, 235-6, 264-5; West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt i., pp. 73-7, 98-100;
Cortés, Aventuras, pref., p. 6; Baril, Mexique, pp. 201-2; Klemm,
Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 59-70, 88-98, 209-10; Soden, Spanier in
Peru, tom. ii., pp. 12-13, 19; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien et Mod., pp. 116-120.


[130] See page 191 of this volume.


[131] Acosta, De procuranda, indorum salute; quoted in Pimentel, Mem.
sobre la Raza Indígena, p. 81.


[132] Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 130.


[133] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 134-6; Cortés, Carta
Inéd., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 474.


[134] Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. i., pp. 32-3; see also, tom. ii., lib. vii., pp.
258-9, lib. ix., pp. 353, 370. The Anonymous Conqueror agrees with Sahagun:
'Tutti quei che si pigliauano nella guerra, ò erano màgiati da loro, ò
erano tenuti per schiaui.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor
Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 304. Motolinia,
however, asserts that all prisoners of war were sacrificed: 'por que ningun
esclavo se hacian en ellas, ni rescataban ninguno de los que en las guerras
prendian, mas todos los guardavan para sacrificar.' Carta al Emperador
Cárlos V., Jan. 2, 1555, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 272. Gomara
also confirms this with a grim joke: 'Los catiuos en guerra no siruian
de esclauos, sino de sacrificados: y no hazian mas de comer para ser comidos.'
Conq. Mex., fol. 320-1; see also fol. 309.


[135] 'Algunos quisieron decir, que si vn libre tenia acceso à alguna Esclava,
y quedaba preñada de la copula, era Esclavo el Varon que cometiò
acto con Esclava, y servia al Señor de la Esclava; pero esto no fue asi,
segun confesion de los mismos Indios Sabios, que sabian sus Leies, y las
practicaban.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 566.


[136] Conq. Mex., fol. 320.


[137] Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 566.


[138] Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii., xxiii.


[139] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 564-5; Sahagun, Hist. Gen.,
tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 303. Brasseur de Bourbourg asserts that these contracts
remained in force down to the time of the Spanish conquest. Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 611.


[140] 'Y cuando acontecia la dicha hambre, entónces se vendian por esclavos
muchos pobres hombres y mugeres, y comprábanlos los ricos que tenian
muchas provisiones allegadas, y no solamente los dichos pobres se vendian
a sí mismos, sino que tambien vendian á sus hijos, y á sus descendientes, y
á todo su linaje, y así eran esclavos perpetuamente, porque decian que esta
servidumbre que se cobraba en tal tiempo, no tenia remedio para acabarse
en algun tiempo, porque sus padres se habian vendido por escapar de la
muerte, ó por librar su vida de la última necesidad.' Hist. Gen., tom. ii.,
lib. vii., pp. 258-9.


[141] 'Vendian niños recien nacidos, y de dos años, para cumplir sus promesas,
y ofrecer en los templos, como nosotros las candelas, y sacrificarlos
para alcançar sus pretensiones.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap.
xvi. 'Porque como andaban todos los Reinos, con sus mercancias, traìan de
todos ellos muchos esclavos, los quales, si no eran todos, à lo menos, los mas,
sacrificaban.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 272. 'Porque casi
todos los que sacrificaban á los idolos eran los que prendian en las guerras ... mui
poquitos eran los otros que sacrificavan.' Motolinia, Carta al Emperador
Cárlos V., Jan. 2, 1555, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp.
264, 272. 'Luego proponian un parlamento á los esclavos, enanos y corcobados,
diciendo: hijos mios, id á la buena ventura con vuestro señor Axayaca
á la otra vida.... Luego le abrieron el pecho, teniendolo seis ó siete sacerdotes,
y el mayoral le sacaba el corazon, y todo el dia y toda la noche ardía
el cuerpo del rey, con los corazones de los miserables esclabos que morian
sin culpa.' Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol.
ix., pp. 90, 142. 'Sacrificando en sus honras doscientos esclavos, y cien
esclavas.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chichimeca, in Id., pp. 282, 250. 'Quando
moria algun principal, matavan juntamente con él un esclavo, y enterravan
con él para que le fuese á servir.' Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Id.,
vol. v., p. 130. 'Avec lui, de jeunes filles, des esclaves et des bossus.'
Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii.,
p. 202. 'Se quemaba junto con sus cuerpos y con los corazones de los cautivos
y esclavos que mataban.' Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, p. 35; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 453, 573-4; Veytia, Hist. Ant.
Mej., tom. iii., pp. 6, 8; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, p. 65;
Among those who in later times have treated of slavery among the Nahua
nations are the following: Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 261; Dapper, Neue
Welt, p. 294; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien et Mod., p. 62; Bussierre, L'Empire
Mex., pp. 155-6; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 541; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte,
pp. 69-70; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., pp. 14-15; Simon's
Ten Tribes, p. 273.


[142] Toribio and Olarte, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x.,
p. 405.


[143] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 545-6; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 122.


[144] Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. i., p. 67;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 603; Carbajal, Discurso,
p. 61; Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
tom. ix., p. 40.


[145] Boturini, Idea, p. 165; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 208, 216, 224-5, 241; Id., Relaciones, in Id.,
pp. 339-43, 346, 353, 386-7, 395, 451, 453; Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon,
MS., pp. 51-2; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 189; Vetancvrt,
Teatro, Mex., pt ii., pp. 13-14.


[146] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii., says that brothers
inherited estates and not sons; but this assertion is not borne out by
any other authority.


[147] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 348; Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. ii., p. 123.


[148] Fuenleal, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., pp. 252-4;
Cortés, Cartas, p. 68; Witt, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série
ii., tom. v., p. 287; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 63; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom.
iii., p. 535; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 231; Zurita, Rapport,
in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. i., pp. 48-9, 65; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 122-4; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 304;
Vetancvrt, Teatro, Mex., pt ii., pp. 53-4.


[149] 'Ce n'est pas qu'ils eussent ces terres en propre; car, comme les
seigneurs exerçaient un pouvoir tyrannique, ils disposaient des terrains et
des vassaux suivant leur bon plaisir. Les Indiens n'étaient donc, proprement
dit, ni propriétaires ni maîtres de ces villages; ils n'étaient que les
laboureurs ou les amodiateurs des seigneurs terriers, de telle façon que l'on
pourrait dire que tout le territoire, soit des plaines, soit des montagnes, dépendait
du caprice des seigneurs et qu'il leur appartenait, puisqu'ils y
exerçaient un pouvoir tyrannique, et que les Indiens vivaient au jour le
jour; les seigneurs partageant entre eux tous leurs produits.' Simancas, De
l'Ordre de Succession, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., pp. 224-5;
Zurita, Rapport, in Id., série ii., tom. i., pp. 51-7; Fuenleal, Lettre, in
Id., tom. v., p. 221; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp.
603-7; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 590; Variedades Civ.,
tom. i., pp. 158-9; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, pp. 35-6; Bussierre,
L'Empire Mex., pp. 153-5.


[150] Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 164.


[151] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 36. See further: Las
Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. 141; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 558-9; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 36; Soden, Spanier
in Peru, tom. ii., p. 13; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 43; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien
et Mod., pp. 117-18.


[152] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt ii., fol. 188; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 39-40.


[153] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 54; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte,
tom. v., pp. 95-6.


[154] Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., p. 52.


[155] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 176; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 276-7.


[156] Witt, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 289.


[157] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
241-2.


[158] Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 535, 305-6.


[159] 'Nè i Vasalli de' Feudatari erano esenti da' tributi, che pagavano al
Re gli altri Vassalli della Corona.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom.
ii., pp. 122-7.


[160] His Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1080.


[161] In the Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 54,
we read that it was paid every eighty days.


[162] The toesa is the same thing as the French toise, which is 6.3945 English
feet, or seven Castilian feet.


[163] Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix.,
pp. 17-18; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 206; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 275; Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de
Doc., tom. i., p. 366; Cortés, Hist. N. España, p. 173.


[164] Torquemada adds: 'Ai quien diga, que no eran Piojos, sino Gusanillos;
pero Alonso de Ojeda en sus Memoriales, lo certifica de vista, y lo mismo
Alonso de Mata.' Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 461.


[165] 'Dábanle sus vassallos en tributo ordinario de tres hijos uno, y el
que no tenia hijos avia de dar un indio ó india para sacrificar á sus dioses, é
si no lo daban, avian de sacrificarle á él.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p.
502. Nowhere else do I find mention of such a custom, although in Michoacan
the despotic power of the king, and his tyrannous abuse of it, led
to almost the same results. In Michoacan: 'Tributauan al Rey quanto
tenian y el queria, hasta las mugeres y hijos, si los queria; de manera que
eran mas que esclauos, y viuian en terrible seruidumbre.' Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii. 'Si bien todas las
atenciones dedicadas á los decorosos mugeriles privilegios destruian la sujecion
del tributo á sus Monarcas, sirviendolos en la ceguedad de ofrecerles
no solo la hacienda, y la vida, sino á sus proprias mugeres, en caso de discurrir
aceptable el vergonzoso obsequio.' Salazar y Olarte, Hist. Conq. Mex.,
tom. ii., pp. 69-70.


[166] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 307.


[167] Codex Mendoza, in Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1080-1101;
Id., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 54-89, vol. i., plates xix-lvii;
Cortés, Hist. N. España, p. 176; Cortés, Cartas, p. 110.


[168] Tápia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., p. 592.


[169] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 147, 206, 231, 461, tom. ii., pp.
545-7, 560; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 111-13; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. cxli.; Toribio and Olarte, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i.,
tom. x., pp. 401-8; Fuenleal, in Id., pp. 244-54; Chaves, Rapport, in Id.,
série ii., tom. v., p. 301; Simancas, in Id., série i., tom. x., pp. 229-31; Camargo,
Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii.,
pp. 180, 198-9; Witt, Lettre in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom.
v., pp. 284-93; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 491-2; Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 68; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 189-90, 193-8;
Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 38-40; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., pp.
417-19; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, pp. 36-7; Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 99, 101, 437, 495, 589-93, 631, tom. ii., p.
203; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 240; Dicc. Univ., tom. x., p. 637; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 606-9; Carbajal, Discurso, pp.
36, 45-6, 58; Dillon, Hist. Mex., pp. 42-5; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, pp.
55, 59, 68-72, 211; Baril, Mexique, pp. 206-8; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex.,
pp. 153-8; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., p. 13; Lang's Polynesian Nat.,
p. 99; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 83; Touron, Hist. Gén., tom. iii., pp. 25-9,
38; Monglave, Résumé, pp. 23, 65.


[170] Clavigero writes: 'Nella dipintura cinquantesimaseconda si rappresentano
due ragazzi d'undici anni, ai quali per non essersi emendati con altri
gastighi, fanno i lor Padri ricevere nel naso il fumo del Chilli, o sia peverone.'
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 103. But this is a
mistake; in this picture we see a girl being punished by her mother in the
manner described, and a boy by his father.


[171] Clavigero mentions this girl as 'una putta ... cui fa sua Madre spazzar
la notte tutta la casa, e parte della strada.' Storia Ant. del Messico, tom.
ii., p. 103.


[172] For these picture-writings and the interpretations of them, see: Purchas
his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1103-7; Codex Bodleian, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. i., plates 59-62; Codex Mendoza, in Id., vol. i., and vol. v.,
pp. 92-7; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 566-575; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 102-3.


[173] 'Tenian estas gentes tambien por ley que todos los niños llegados à
los seis años hasta los nueve habian de enviar los padres à los Templos para
ser instruidos en la doctrína y noticia de sus leyes las cuales contenian casi
todas las virtudes esplicadas la en ley natural.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. clxxv., ccxv. 'Todos estos religiosos visten de negro y nunca
cortan el cabello ... y todos los hijos de las personas principales, así señores
como ciudadanos honrados, estan en aquellas religiones y hábito desde edad
de siete ú ocho años fasta que los sacan para los casar.' Cortés, Cartas, p.
105. 'Cuando el niño llegaba á diez ó doce años, metíanle en la casa de
educacion ó Calmecac.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 326;
Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 302; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii.,
p. 187.


[174] A native author asserts that this 'house of song' was frequently the
scene of debauch and licentiousness. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., p. 553.


[175] 'Los hijos de los nobles no se libraban tampoco de faenas corporales,
pues hacian zanjas, construian paredes y desempeñaban otros trabajos semejantes,
aunque tambien se les enseñaba á hablar bien, saludar, hacer reverencias
y, lo que es mas importante, aprendian la astronomía, la historia y
demas conocimientos que aquellas gentes alcanzaban.' Pimentel, Mem. sobre
la Raza Indígena, p. 66; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 444-6.


[176] 'Iban tan honestas que no alzaban los ojos del suelo, y si se descuidaban,
luego les hacian señal que recogiesen la vista ... las mujeres estaban
por si en piezas apartadas, no salian las doncellas de sus aposentos á la
huerta ó verjeles sin ir acompañadas con sus guardas.... Siendo las niños de
cinco años las comenzaban á enseñar á hilar, tejer y labrar, y no las dejaban
andar ociosas, y á la que se levantaba de labor fuera de tiempo, atábanle los
piés, porque asentase y estuviese queda.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 121-2.


[177] See further, for information on the education of the Mexicans: Solis,
Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., pp. 421-3; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 17-18;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 563-4; Bussierre,
L'Empire Mex., pp. 144-5; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.;
Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 267-8; Fuenleal, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 251; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv.; Laet, Novus
Orbis, p. 239; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 38-47; Chevalier,
Mex., Ancien et Mod., pp. 119-20.


[178] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix.,
pp. 244-5.


[179] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 113-19. A literal translation
of Sahagun would be unintelligible to the reader. I therefore have
merely followed as closely as possible the spirit and sense of this discourse.
For further exhortations and advice to children see Id., pp. 119-52; Mendieta,
Hist. Ecles., pp. 112; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 493-9;
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 104-9.


[180] Although Gomara says 'casan ellos a los veinte años, y aun antes: y
ellas á diez.' Conq. Mex., fol. 314.


[181] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 330; Carbajal, Discurso, p.
16.


[182] 'Por otro respecto no era pena trasquilar los tales mancebos, sino ceremonia
de sus casamientos: esto era, por que dejando la cabellera significaba
dejar la lozania y liviandad de mancebo; y asi como desde adelante habia
de criar nueva forma de cabellos, tuviese nueva seso y cordura para regir su
muger y casa. Bien creo que debia de haber alguna diferencia en estos
trasquilados cuando se trasquilaban por ceremonia ó por pena.' Las Casas,
Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxix.; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom.
i. p. 577.


[183] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 152-3; Mendieta, Hist.
Ecles., p. 125; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxix.


[184] 'Venian los de la casa del mozo á llevar á la moza de parte de noche:
llevábanla con gran solemnidad acuestas de una matrona, y con muchas
hachas de teas encendidas en dos rencles delante de ella.' Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 82, 157. 'Pronuba, quam Amantesam vocabant,
sponsam tergo gestans, quatuor fœminis comitantibus quæ pineis tædis,
prælucerent, illam post Solis occasum, ad limen domus in qua parentes
sponsi manebant, sistebat.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 239. 'La celebracion era
que la desposada la llevaba á cuestas á prima noche una amanteca, que es
medica, é hiban con ellas cuatro mujeres con sus achas de pino resinado encendidas,
con que la hiban alumbrando, y llegada á casa del desposado, los
padres del desposado la salian á recibir al patio de la casa, y la metian en
una sala donde el desposado la estava aguardando.' Codex Mendoza, in
Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 99.


[185] 'Un sacerdote ataba una punta del hueipilli, ó camisa de la doncella,
con otra del tilmatli, ó capa del jóven.' Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex.,
tom. i., p. 557. 'Al tiempo que los novios se avian de acostar é dormir en
uno, tomaban la halda delantera de la camisa de la novia, é atábanla á la
manta de algodon que tenia cubierta el novio.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii.,
p. 548. 'Unas viejas que se llaman titici, ataban la esquina de la manta del
mozo, con la falda del vipil de la moza.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib.
ii., p. 83. 'Hechos los tratados, comparecian ambos contrayentes en el
templo, y uno de los sacerdotes examinaba su voluntad con preguntas
rituales; y despues tomaba con una mano el velo de la muger, y con otra el
manto del marido, y los añudaba por los extremos, significando el vínculo
interior de las dos voluntades. Con este género de yugo nupcial volvian á
su casa, en compañia del mismo sacerdote: donde ... entraban á visitar el
fuego doméstico, que á su parecer, mediaban en la paz de los casados, y
daban siete vueltas á él siguiendo al sacerdote.' Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex.,
tom. i., pp. 432-3.


[186] 'Quedando los esposos en aquella estancia durante los cuatro dias
siguientes, sin salir de ella, sino á media noche para incensar á los ídolos y
hacerles oblaciones de diversas especies de manjares.' Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 557. 'Á la media noche y al medio dia salian de su
aposento á poner encienso sobre un altar que en su casa tenian.' Mendieta,
Hist. Ecles., p. 128. 'Los padrinos llevaban á los novios á otra pieza separada,
donde los dejaban solos, encerrándolos por la parte de afuera, hasta la
mañana siguiente, que venian á abrirles, y todo el concurso repetia las enhorabuenas,
suponiendo ya consumado el matrimonio.' Veytia, Hist. Ant.
Mej., tom. ii., p. 26.


[187] The position of the tiger-skin is doubtful: 'Ponian tambien vn pedaço
de cuero de Tigre, debajo de las esteras.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., p. 415. 'Ponian un pedazo de cuero de tigre encima de las esteras.'
Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 128. 'La estera sobre que habian dormido, que
se llamaba petatl, la sacaban al medio del patio, y allí la sacudian con cierta
ceremonia, y despues tornaban á ponerla en el lugar donde habian de dormir.'
Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 158.


[188] 'Otra ceremonia, casi como esta, vsaban los del Pueblo de Israèl, acerca
del acostar los Novios, la primera noche de sus Bodas, que les ponian vna
sabana, ó lienço, para que en èl se estampase el testimonio de la virginidad,
que era la sangre, que del primer acto se vertìa, la qual se quitaba de la
cama delante de testigos, que pudiesen afirmar haverla visto, con la señal de
la sangre, que comprobaba la corrupcion de la Doncella y embuelta, ó doblada,
la ponian en cierto lugar, diputado para esto, donde quedaba guardada,
en memoria de la limpieça, y puridad, con que la dicha Doncella venia
á poder de su Marido. Seria posible, que quisiese significar entre estos Indios
lo mismo, este cuidado de los viejos, de traer manta, ó sabana, y tenderla
sobre la cama de los desposados, para los primeros actos matrimoniales;
y es creible, que seria este el intento, pues la ropa, y esteras, que sirvieron
en este Sacrificio, se llevaban al Templo, y no servian mas en casa, como ni
mas, ni menos la ceremonia antigua de guardar la sabana, con sangre, entre
los Hebreos, en lugar particular, y seguro.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
tom. ii., p. 416.


[189] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 116-20, 127-8; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 416; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 548-9; Sahagun,
Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 158-60; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 19.


[190] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 26-7.


[191] For further information relating to marriage ceremonies and customs
see Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 125-8; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., pp. 83, 186, 412-20, 496-7; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 81-3,
tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 152-62, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 116-17; Veytia, Hist.
Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 23-7, 178; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. cxxxix., clxxv.; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., vol. ix., p. 214; Id., Relaciones, in Id., pp. 327, 335, 340, 400;
Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 374-5; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. ii., p. 189, tom. iii., pp. 79, 565-7; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte,
tom. v., pp. 33-5; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 298, 314-16; Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii.; Chaves, Rapport,
in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., pp. 308-9; Montanus,
Nieuwe Weereld, p. 265; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol.
iv., p. 484; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 279; Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 555-9, 577; Baril, Mexique, pp. 202-3;
Touron, Hist. Gén., tom. iii., pp. 11-12; Simon's Ten Tribes, pp. 274-5;
Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 145-7; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 15-30;
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 89-93, 111.


[192] 'Nunca sentenciaban en disfavor del Matrimonio, ni consentian, que
por autoridad de Justicia, ellos se apartasen; porque decian ser cosa ilicita,
y de mucho escandalo para el Pueblo, favorecer, con autoridad publica, cosa
contraria à la raçon; pero ellos se apartaban de hecho, y este hecho se toleraba,
aunque no en todos, segun el mas, ò menos escandalo, que se engendraba
en el Pueblo. Otros dicen, que por Sentencia difinitiva, se hacia
este Repudio, y Divorcio ... los Jueces sentenciaban (si acaso concedemos,
que havia sentencia) que se apartasen, y quedasen libres, y sin obligacion
el vno, al otro; pero no de la murmuracion del Pueblo, que buelto contra
ellos, decian ser dignos de grandisima pena, por haver quebrado la Fè è
integridad del Matrimonio, y haver dado tan mal exemplo à la Republica.'
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 442; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 20-1;
Monglave, Résumé, p. 31; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p.
131.


[193] 'Tengono molte moglie, & tante quante ne possono mantenere come
i mori, però come si è detto, vna è la principale & patrona & i figliuoli di
qsta hereditano, & quei dell'altre no, che non possono anzi son tenuti per
bastardi. Nelle nozze di questa patrona principale fanno alcune cirimonie,
il che non si osserua nelle nozze dell'altre.' Relatione fatta per vn
gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom.
iii., fol. 310. See further, Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 376;
Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 127-8; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 20-7; Camargo, Hist.
Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 169, 197; Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 107; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp.
430-1; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 260; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iv.,
dec. v., lib. x.


[194] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 127; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p.
370; Carbajal, Discurso, pp. 27-8; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x.,
pp. 37-8; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 132-3.


[195] I have thought it unnecessary to give these speeches in full, but the reader
can find them all together in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 161-73.


[196] Sahagun adds: 'Mandaba que á la preñada la diesen de comer suficientemente
y buenos manjares, calientes y bien guisados, con especialidad
cuando á la preñada le viene su purgacion, ó como dicen la regla, y esto
llaman que la criatura se laba los pies, porque no se halle ésta en vacio, ó
haya alguna vaciedad ó falta de sangre ó humor necesario, y así reciba
algun daño.' Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 182.


[197] Sahagun's original MS. contains twenty-four additional lines on this
subject, but these his editor deems too indelicate to print. Id., p. 181.


[198] For these addresses see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 174-83.


[199] 'Se llegan algunas mujeres como parteras, y otras como testigos para
ver si el parto es supuesto ó natural; y al tiempo del nacer no permiten que
la criatura llegue á la tierra con la vida; é antes que se la cortenle hacen ciertas
señales en el corpezuelo.' Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc.,
tom. i., pp. 363-4.


[200] Cihuapipiltin, or Ciuapipilti. A long description of the burial rites
upon these occasions in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 186-91.
These will, however, be described in a future chapter.


[201] Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 130,
and Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 84, who seems to have copied
from him, are the authorities for this, but the custom could not have been
very general, for it is said that in Tlascala the mother assigned a breast to
each of the twins.


[202] The principal authority on the matter of pregnancy and childbirth,
and the one whom I have thus far followed, is Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom.
ii., lib. vi., pp. 160-92.


[203] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 86, differs from Sahagun
in these prayers or invocations; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii.,
p. 445, Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 36, and Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 560, follow Clavigero more or less
closely.


[204] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 199-200; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 445-6.


[205] The Teochichimec husband undertook the office of midwife when the
birth took place on the road. He heated the back of his wife with fire,
threw water over her in lieu of a bath, and gave her two or three kicks in
the back after the delivery, in order to promote the issue of superfluous
blood. The new-born babe was placed in a wicker basket, and thrown over
the back of the mother, who proceeded on her journey. Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 191-203; also Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., pp. 445-6; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 86; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 560; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mex., tom. i., pp. 551-2, 673, etc. The utensils which served at the birth
of the child were, according to Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap.
clxxix., offered at the fountain or river where the mother washed herself.


[206] By Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 282-328, and Duran,
Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. ii., the signs of the calendar and their
subdivisions are described at length. Each sign had thirteen sub-signs,
representing the same number of days, by whom its good or bad import was
moderated to a certain extent. Under certain signs the child was liable to
become a drunkard, under another a jester, under a third a warrior, and so
on. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 560, and Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 552, state that the sign which had been most
frequent at this period during the past thirteen years was also considered by
the astrologer.


[207] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 215-7; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 449.


[208] A long description of this feast, the table, attendance, etc., is given by
Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 332-6, and by Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 457-8. I shall have occasion to describe it in a
future chapter of this volume, devoted to such matters.


[209] The poorer classes contented themselves with an interchange of flowers
and food.


[210] A dual deity, uniting both sexes in one person.


[211] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 220, makes the midwife, in
this instance, call upon Citlalatonac. This goddess was, however, identical
with Ometochtli and Omecioatl (see, more especially, Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 472), to whom the preceding prayer was directed.
Clavigero and Torquemada assert that the prayer was addressed to the
water-goddess.


[212] Sahagun addresses the Sun-God only.


[213] We may presume that the midwife is here addressing the child of a
warrior.


[214] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 84, Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 287, and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. iii., p. 287, translate Nemoquichtli and Nencihuatl 'useless man' and
'useless woman.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 454-6, discusses
names, why and how they were applied, in Mexico and elsewhere. Motolinia,
in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 37, states that the name given at baptism
was discarded for one applied by the priest, when the parents carried
the child to the temple in the third month. See also Ritos Antiguos, p. 22,
in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 312, says
that the name given by the priest was the surname, nobles sometimes taking
a third name. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p.
562, says that several additional names could be taken under various circumstances.
In Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v.,
p. 90, it is stated that the name was given by three boys who sat by eating
yxcue.


[215] Boturini states that the infant is thereupon passed four times through
the fire. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 88; but this ceremony
is described elsewhere in this volume as taking place in the temple.


[216] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 330-6.


[217] It was believed, says Torquemada, that this rubbing of their own
limbs had a strengthening effect upon the new-born. Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., p. 457.


[218] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 312.


[219] Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. i., p. 18.


[220] Hist. Ecles., p. 107.


[221] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 329.


[222] Id., fol. 395.


[223] The following are contradictory accounts of baptism. On the fourth
day the child and mother took a purification bath, and the assembled guests
were feasted on zamorra, a dish made from maize and the flesh of hens,
deer, etc. Three days after, the mother carried the child to the adjoining
ward, accompanied by six little boys, if it was a male child, otherwise six
girls went with her, to carry the implements or insignia of the father's
trade. Here she washed the child in a stream, and then returned home.
Two years after a feast was served in the house of the most intimate neighbor,
who was asked to name the child, and with him it remained and was
held as a member of his family. Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série ii., tom. v., pp. 306-8. The infant was carried to the temple,
where the priest made an oration on the miseries to be endured in this
world, and placed a sword in the right hand of the child and a buckler in the
left; or, if it was destined to be a mechanic, an artisan's tool; if a girl it
received a distaff. The priest then took the child to the altar and drew a few
drops of blood from its body with a maguey-thorn or knife, after which he
threw water over it, delivering certain imprecations the while. Touron, Hist.
Gén., tom. iii., pp. 12-13. The implements were placed in the hands of the
child by the priest before the idol. Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 374. Also
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii. The child underwent three
baptisms or baths. Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p.
364. On the seventh day the baptism took place, and a dart was placed in
the hand of the child to signify that he should become a defender of his country.
Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Id., p. 37. In Spiegazione delle Tavole del
Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), tav. xxxi., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol.
v., p. 181, it is stated that the child was sprinkled with a bunch of ficitle
dipped in water, and fumigated with incense before receiving its name.
Offerings were made at the temple which the priest divided among the
school children. Tylor, in his Anahuac, p. 279, and Primitive Culture, vol.
ii., pp. 429-36 gives short reviews of the baptismal ceremony and its moral
import.


[224] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxv.; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 83-4; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 107-8; Zuazo, Carta, in
Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 364; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., p. 35. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 73, reviews
the subject of circumcision and denies that it was ever practiced. Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série i., p. 45, tom. x., referring to Diaz' statement that
all Indians of the Vera Cruz Islands are circumcised, says that he must
have confounded the custom of drawing blood from the secret organs
with circumcision. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 191, says circumcision was
unknown to the Indians of Yucatan. Duran and Brasseur evidently consider
the slight incisions made for the purpose of drawing blood from the
prepuce or ear, in the eleventh month, as the act. Carbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mex., tom. i., p. 538, following Clavigero, holds the scarification of breast,
stomach and arms to be the circumcision referred to by other authors.
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., and especially Acosta, Hist.
de las Ynd., p. 374, consider the incision on the prepuce and ear to have
been mistaken for circumcision, and state that it was chiefly performed
upon sons of great men; they do not state when the ceremony took place.


[225] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 266; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mex., tom. i., p. 538.


[226] This rite was followed by another, which usually took place in the
temple of Huitzilopochtli. The priest made a slight incision on the ear of
the female child, and on the ear and prepuce of the male, with a new obsidian
knife handed to him by the mother, then, throwing the knife at the
feet of the idol, he gave a name to the infant, at the request of the parent,
after duly considering the horoscope and signs of the time. Duran, Hist.
Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. iii., quoted by Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., pp. 525-6. Duran really states that these ceremonies took
place in the fourth month, but as Toci's festival occurs in the eleventh
month, Brasseur alters the evident mistake. The naming of the infant
may have been a mere confirmation of the name given by the midwife.


[227] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii. p. 286.


[228] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 189-90. Sahagun translates
Itzcalli by 'growth,' but other authors differ from him, as we shall see in a
future chapter on the Calendar.


[229] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.


[230] Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 77;
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 460-1.


[231] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 312.


[232] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 553.


[233] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 318.


[234] The authorities on childbirth, baptism, and circumcision are: Sahagun,
Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 187-90, lib. iv., pp. 281-337, tom. ii.,
lib. vi., pp. 160-222, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 119-20; Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 2-73, 86-89; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., pp. 83-4, 266, 286, 445-61; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap.
xvii., lib. iii., cap. xii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. clxxv., clxxix.; Codex Mendoza, pp. 90-1, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. v.; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc.,
tom. i., pp. 37-8, 77, 108; Zuazo, Carta, in Id., pp. 363-4; Mendieta, Hist.
Ecles., pp. 107-8, 139; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 329,
395; Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. i., p. 18; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles
Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 203; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mex., tom. i., pp. 538, 551-5, 673; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. i., p. 240, tom. iii., pp. 35, 525-6, 560-3; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd.,
p. 374; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 312, 317-18; Touron, Hist. Gén., tom.
iii., pp. 12-13; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii.,
tom. v., pp. 306-8; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 32, 265; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte,
tom. v., pp. 36-9; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 140-1;
D'Avity, L'Amérique, tom. ii., p. 73; Baril, Mexique, pp. 199-200; Ritos
Antiguos, pp. 22-3, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.; Laet, Novus
Orbis, p. 239; Adair's Amer. Ind., p. 217; Müller, Reisen, tom. iii., pp.
118-20; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1102-3, 1140; Carli, Cartas,
pt. i., p. 101; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. iii.; Diaz, Itinéraire,
in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 45; Humboldt, Essai Pol.,
tom. i., p. 90; Morton's Crania Amer., p. 147; Delafield's Antiq. Amer.,
p. 19.


[235] Ritos Antiguos, p. 20, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.


[236] The highest in rank or consideration sat on the right side, and those
of inferior degree on the left; young men sat at the ends on both sides,
according to their rank. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 347-8.


[237] Speaking of this Xiuhtecutli, Torquemada says: 'Honrabanlo como à
Dios, porque los calentaba, cocia el Pan y guisaba la Carne, y por esto en
cada Casa le veneraban; y en el mismo Fogòn, ò Hogar, quando querian
comer, le daban el primer bocado de la vianda, para que alli se quemase; y
lo que avian de beber, lo avia de gustar primero, hechando en el fuego parte
de el licor.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 57. Sahagun says the morsel of food
was thrown into the fire in honor of the god Tlaltecutli: 'Antes que comenzasen
á comer los convidados la comida que les habian puesto, tomaban un
bocado de la comida, y arrojábanlo al fuego á honra del dios Tlaltecutli, y
luego comenzaban á comer.' Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., p. 333.


[238] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 457.


[239] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 292.


[240] For description of feasts see: Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp.
457-8; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 332-6, tom. ii., lib. ix.,
pp. 359-60, 364-5; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp.
615-6; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clix., pp. 74-6; Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 318; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 152-7; Bussierre,
L'Empire Mex., p. 178; Baril, Mexique, pp. 210-11; Ritos Antiguos, p. 20,
in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.


[241] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 49-51; Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. ii., p. 227. Hernandez, Nova Plant., p. 173; Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 525; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom.
iii., p. 646; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 684; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte,
tom. v., pp. 12-13.


[242] 'Iuntauanse a este bayle, no mil hombres, como dize Gomara, pero
mas de ocho mil.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii.


[243] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 315, ever prepared with
capital punishment, states that 'el señor les mandaba prender, y otro dia
los mandaba matar.'


[244] Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.


[245] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 180.


[246] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 308-9; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 181-2.


[247] Netecuhytotiliztli, according to Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii.,
p. 286.


[248] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 189.


[249] Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 87.


[250] 'I Plebei si travestivano in varie figure d'animali con abiti fatti di
carta, e di penne, o di pelli'—no doubt to distinguish them from the gentry
when they joined in the dance. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii.,
pp. 179-81, and others who follow him. In Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i.,
lib. ii., pp. 130-3, is a long description of feast-day dress. For description
of dances see Id., tom. ii., lib. viii. pp. 308-9, 314-15; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 550-2; D'Avity, L'Amérique, tom. ii., p. 68; Montanus,
Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 267-8; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 446-9;
Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1064-5; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex.,
tom. i., pp. 643-5; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp.
669-71; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 140-3; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i.,
pp. 61, 87; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 106-7; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte,
tom. v., pp. 56-8; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii., dec. iii.,
lib. ii., cap. xix., and Translation, Lond. 1726, vol. iii., p. 227, with cut.


[251] Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 144-5, has it that the audience
also attended this ball.


[252] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 391-2; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., pp. 76-8; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, pp. 59-60;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 674-6.


[253] For an account of Tezcatlipoca see Vol. III. of this work.


[254] Called tlapanhuehuetl by Tezozomoc and Brasseur de Bourbourg.


[255] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 179, etc.


[256] Quatre Lettres, p. 94.


[257] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 106, states, 'y esto va todo en copla por sus
consonantes,' but it is not likely that they were anything else than blank
verse, for such a thing as rhyme is not mentioned by any other writer.


[258] Concerning music and singing see: Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., pp. 174-9; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 229, tom.
ii., pp. 551-2; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 447; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 140-1;
Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 106; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena,
pp. 57-9; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 282,
tom. iii., pp. 279, 669, 672-74; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp.
641-2; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1064-5; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex.,
tom. i., p. 61; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 145-50; Müller, Amerikanische
Urreligionen, p. 545; Ranking's Hist. Researches, p. 344; Prescott's
Mex., vol. i., pp. 170-5, 194; Lenoir, Parallèle, p. 64; Dupaix, Rel.,
2de Expéd., pl. 62-3, in Antiq. Mex., tom. iii.; Fuenleal, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série ii., tom. v., pp. 218-19; Boturini, Idea, pp. 85-99.


[259] Espinosa seems to think that one man did all the dancing on the summit,
and Brasseur says that each of the flyers performed on the top of the
mast before taking their flight.


[260] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 387-8.


[261] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 292.


[262] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 53, 87; Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 238.


[263] Sahagun calls it tlaxtli, or tlachtl; and Tezozomoc tlachco, but this is
shown by others to be the name of the play-ground.


[264] Gomara says tlachtli, or tlachco; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii.,
cap. viii., tlachtli.


[265] Duran makes it one hundred to two hundred feet, Espinosa fifty varas,
Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 667, sixty to eighty feet.


[266] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 647, says that the side walls
are lowest, 'de ménos altura los laterales que los dos de los extremos,' but
this agrees neither with other statements, nor with the requirements of the
play. Sahagun's description of the tlachco gives two walls, forty to fifty
feet long, twenty to thirty feet apart, and about nine feet high.


[267] Carbajal Espinosa thinks that one of them was Omeacatl, 'the god of
joy.'


[268] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 647, states that the stones
were in the centre of the ground, 'en el espacio que mediaba entre los jugadores,'
but no other author confirms this. It is not unlikely that these
stones are the idols placed upon the walls by the priests, for they are described
as being decorated with figures of idols. For description and cuts
of the ruins of what seem to have been similar structures in Yucatan, see
Vol. IV., pp. 172, 230-1, of this work.


[269] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 107, says that the ball had to be
kept up in the air a long time, and he who let it drop lost, which is unlikely,
since the point was to drive it against the opponent's wall; it is possible,
however, that this trial of skill formed a part of the play, at times. He
also states that in the centre of the play-ground was a hole filled with water,
and the player who sent the ball into it lost his clothes and had opprobrious
epithets hurled at him, among which 'great adulterer' was the most frequent;
moreover, it was believed that he would die by the hand of an
injured husband. A hole filled with water does not, however, seem appropriate
to a nice play-ground; besides, the ball would be very likely to roll
into the pool, for the opponents would not prevent it. Camargo, Hist.
Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196, and Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 123, say that nobles only
were allowed to play the game, which can only refer to certain play-grounds
or occasions, for the number of the balls paid in taxes proves the game too
general to have been reserved for nobles.


[270] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 105, is the authority for the names of the
game and beans. Torquemada affirms, however, 'y dicenle Juego Patolli,
porque estos dados, se llaman asi.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 554. Clavigero,
on the other hand, says: 'Patolli è un nome generico significante ogni
sorta di giuoco.' Carbajal Espinosa translates him. Referring to the dice,
Sahagun says that they were 'cuatro frisoles grandes, y cada uno tiene un
ahugero;' afterwards he contradicts this by saying that they consisted of
three large beans with 'ciertos puntos en ellos.' Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib.
viii., pp. 292, 317. Brasseur de Bourbourg describes the playing process as
follows: 'Ils jetaient les dés en l'air avec les deux mains, marquant les
cases avec de petits signaux de diverses couleurs, et celui qui retournait le
premier dans les cases gagnait la partie,' which agrees with Torquemada's
account. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 671.


[271] 'Hacian encima de un encalado unos hoyos pequeñitos ... y con unas
cañuelas hendidas por medio daban en el suelo y saltaban en alto, y tantas
cuantas en las cañuelas caian lo hueco por arriba tantas casas adelantaba
sus piedras.' Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii.


[272] For Nahua games and amusements, see: Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
tom. i., pp. 53, 87, tom. ii., pp. 305-6, 552-4; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. ii., pp. 182-6; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp.
291-3, 316-17; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 104-6; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS.,
tom. iii., cap. 22-3; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. vii-viii.;
Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x.; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1065,
1127-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 123, 129, tom.
iii., pp. 665-9; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 645-9; Klemm,
Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 54-6; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 387-8;
Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 407; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. 64;
West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt i., pp. 100-1; Cortés, Aven. y Conq., p.
306; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 107-8; Dilworth's Conq. Mex.,
p. 80; Lenoir, Parallèle, pp. 47-8, quoting Picart, Cérémonies Relig., tom.
ii., p. 81.


[273] See the Totonac daily temple service, in Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. clxxv. 'Luego aquel viejo mas principal metia y sacaba por su
lengua en aquel dia cuatro cientos y cincuenta palos de aquellos ... otros
no tan viejos sacaban trescientos.... Estos palos que metian y sacaban por
las lenguas eran tan gordos como el dedo pulgar de la mano ... y otros
tanto gruezos como las dos dedos de la mano pulgar y él con que señalamos
podian abrazar.' Id., cap. clxxii.


[274] 'En cada provincia tenian diferente costumbre porque unos de los
brazos y otros de los pechos y otros de los muslos, &c. Y en esto se cognoscian
tambien de que Provincia eran.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. clxx.


[275] 'En esta Fiesta, y en todas las demàs, donde no se hiciere mencion de
particulares Sacrificios de Hombres, los avia, por ser cosa general hacerlos
en todas las Festividades, y no era la que carecia de ello.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 255.


[276] 'Le feste, che annualmente si celebravano, erano più solenni nel
Teoxihuitl, o Anno divino, quali erano tutti gli anni, che aveano per carattere
il Coniglio.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 84; Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 549. 'En cada principio del mes en
el dia que nombramos cabeza de sierpe celebraban una fiesta solemnisima ... la
cual era tan guardada y festejada que ni aun barrer la casa ni hacer
de comer no se permitia.' Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. ii.


[277] Sahagun in his short résumé of the festival states that some hold
this celebration to have been in honor of Chalchihuitlicue, the water-goddess,
and others in honor of Quetzalcoatl; but thinks that it might have
been in honor of all these deities, namely, the Tlalocs, Chalchihuitlicue,
and Quetzalcoatl. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-50, 83-7.
See also Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 250-2, 295.


[278] Although Sahagun states that Huitzilopochtli also received honors
this month, yet no direct ceremonies were observed before his image. The
large number of captives sacrificed, however, the universality and length
of the festivities, the royal dance, etc., would certainly point to a celebration
in honor of a greater deity than Xipe. He also says: 'En esta fiesta
mataban todos los cautivos, hombres, mugeres, y niños,' which is not very
probable. Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 88.


[279] Thieves convicted the second time of stealing gold articles were sacrificed.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 503.


[280] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 45-9. The same
author says with regard to the number of sacrifices made annually in the
Mexican Empire, that he can affirm nothing, as the reports vary greatly.
'Zumárraga, the first bishop of Mexico, says, in a letter of the 12th of
June, 1531, addressed to the general chapter of his order, that in that
capital alone twenty thousand human victims were annually sacrificed.
Some authors quoted by Gomara, affirm that the number of the sacrificed
amounted to fifty thousand. Acosta writes that there was a certain day
of the year on which five thousand were sacrificed in different places of the
empire; and another day on which they sacrificed twenty thousand. Some
authors believe, that on the mountain Tepeyacac alone, twenty thousand
were sacrificed to the goddess Tonantzin. Torquemada, in quoting, though
unfaithfully, the letter of Zumárraga, says, that there were twenty thousand
infants annually sacrificed. But, on the contrary, Las Casas, in his
refutation of the bloody book, wrote by Dr. Sepulveda, reduces the sacrifices
to so small a number, that we are left to believe, they amounted
not to fifty, or at most not to a hundred. We are strongly of opinion that
all these authors have erred in the number, Las Casas by diminution, the
rest by exaggeration of the truth.' Id., Translation, Lond. 1807, vol. i., p.
281.


[281] This farce differed from the regular gladiatorial combat which will be
described elsewhere.


[282] 'Quedauan las cabeças coraçones para los sacerdotes.' Gomara, Conq.
Mex., fol. 327.


[283] 'Guardaban alguno que fuese principal señor para este dia; el cual
dessolaban para que se vestiese Montezuma gran Rey de la tierra y con él
baylaba con sus reales contenencias.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. clxx. 'Embutian los cueros de algodon o paja, y, o los colgauan en el
templo, o en palacio,' in the case of a prisoner of rank. Gomara, Conq.
Mex., fol. 327. It is not stated that the persons who wore the skins and
made the collection were connected with the temple, but this was no doubt
the case, especially as many authors mention that priests had to dress themselves
in the ghastly garb for a certain time. For representation of priest
dressed in a flayed skin see Nebel, Viaje, pl. xxxiv.


[284] 'Cuatro de ellos cantaban á las navajas.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in
Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 57.


[285] 'Estos palos que metian y sacaban por las lenguas eran tan gordos
como el dedo pulgar de la mano, y otros como el dedo pulgar del pie: y
otros tanto gruezos como los dos dedos de la mano pulgar y él con que
señalamos podian abrazar.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxii.


[286] Motolinia conveys the idea that the people also performed the infliction
on the tongue: 'aquella devota gente ... sacaban por sus lenguas otros
palillos de á jeme y del gordor de un cañon de pato.' Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta,
Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 58.


[287] 'Cada dia de estos iba el viejo de noche á la sierra ya dicha y ofrecia
al demonio mucho papel, y copalli, y cordonices.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios,
in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 58.


[288] 'La cual decian que habia venido con el ídolo pequeño, de un pueblo
que se dice Tollan, y de otro que se dice Poyauhtlan, de donde se afirma
que fué natural el mismo ídolo.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta,
Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 58-9.


[289] See also Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 288-90, 252-3, 296.


[290] 'Echaban por el pueblo cierto pecho ó derrama recogiendo tanto haber
que pudiesen comprar cuatro niños esclavos de cinco á seis años. Estos
comprados ponianlos en una cueva y cerrabanla hasta otro año que hacian
otro tanto.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxx.


[291] Duran adds that all male children under twelve years of age were
punctured in the ears, tongue, and leg, and kept on short allowance on the
day of festival, but this is not very probable, for other authors name the
fifth month for the scarification of infants. Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii.,
appendix, cap. iii. For particulars of the feast see Sahagun, Hist. Gen.,
tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 52-4, 95-7; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp.
253-5, 296; Boturini, Idea, pp. 51-2.


[292] Boturini, Idea, p. 52, translates this name as 'the great bleeding,'
referring to the scarifications in expiation of sins.


[293] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 255-6; Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 97-100. According to Duran, Hist. Indias, MS.,
tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii., the Tlalocs were worshiped this month also,
and this involved bloody rites. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp.
43-4. Motolinia states that food was offered to the stalks: 'delante de
aquellas cañas ofrecian comida y atolli.' Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col.
de Doc., tom. i., p. 46. For a more detailed description of this feast see
Vol. III. of this work, pp. 360-2.


[294] 'Le Tlacochcalco, ou maison d'armes, était un arsenal, consacré à
Huitzilopochtli, dans l'enceinte du grand temple. Il se trouvait à côté un
teocalli où l'on offrait des sacrifices spéciaux à ce dieu et à Tetzcatlipoca.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 510. This sanctuary
outside the town was also dependent on the great temple, and, as the fate
of the youth was to illustrate the miserable end to which riches and pleasures
may come, it is, perhaps, more likely that this poor and lonely edifice
was the place of sacrifice. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p.
70, says 'conducevanlo ... al tempio di Tezcatlipoca.'


[295] Brasseur de Bourbourg indicates that the race in the temple, and the
liberation of the marriageable took place in leap-years only, but he evidently
misunderstands his authority. Prescott, Mex., vol. i., pp. 75-7,
gives an account of this festival.


[296] Contrary to the statement of others, Brasseur de Bourbourg says that
the stage was borne by temple officers; surely, warriors were the fit persons
to attend the god of war.


[297] 'Llevábanle entablado con unas saetas que ellos llamaban teumitl, las
cuales tenían plumas en tres partes junto el casquillo, y en el medio, y el
cabo, iban estas saetas una debajo, y otra encima del papel; tomábanlas
dos, uno de una parte, y otro de otra, llevándolas asidas ambas juntas con
las manos, y con ellas apretaban el papelon una por encima, y otra por debajo.'
Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 105-6.


[298] 'El Incienso no era del ordinario, que llaman Copal blanco, ni de el
Incienso comun ... sino de vna Goma, ò Betun negro, à manera de Pez, el
qual licor se engendra en la Mar, y sus Aguas, y olas, lo hechan en algunas
partes à sus riberas, y orillas, y le llaman Chapopotli, el qual hecha de sì
mal olor, para quien no le acostumbra à oler, y es intenso, y fuerte.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 266.


[299] A kind of perforated and ornamented censer, shaped like a large
spoon.


[300] Clavigero writes: 'Ixteocale, che vale, Savio Signor del Cielo.' Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 72. Several other names are also applied to
him.


[301] 'Mischiavasi nel ballo de'Cortigiani.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 72.


[302] Pp. 286-7, 334-43.


[303] 'Se juntauan todos los caualleros y principales personas de cada prouincia ... vestian
vna muger de la ropa y insignias de la diosa de la sal, y
baylauan con ella todos.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 327.


[304] 'Era esta fiesta de muy poca solemnidad y sin ceremonias, ni comidas,
y sin muertes de hombres; en fin no era mas de una preparacion para la
fiesta venidera del mes que viene.' Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix,
cap. iii.; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 124-8; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 74-5.


[305] Duran says that the women took the victim to mount Chapultepec, to
the very summit, and said, 'My daughter, let us hasten back to the place
whence we came,' whereupon all started back to the temple, chasing the
doomed woman before them. Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap.
iii.


[306] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 128-39; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 269-71, 297-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., p. 518, says: 'Les rois eux-mêmes prenaient alors part
à la danse, qui avait lieu dans les endroits où ils pouvait s'assembler le plus
de spectateurs.'


[307] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 271.


[308] 'Salian los Hombres Nobles, y muchas Mugeres Principales, y asianse
de las manos los vnos, de los otros, mezclados Hombres, y Mugeres mui por
orden, y luego se hechaban los braços al cuello, y asi abraçados, començaban
à moverse mui paso à paso.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 271.


[309] Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; Veytia,
Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 65; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp.
271-3, 298; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 61-2, 139-41.


[310] 'Cortaban un gran árbol en el monte, de veinte y cinco brazas de
largo.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 141. 'L'emportaient (the
tree) processionnellement au temple de Huitzilopochtli, sans rien lui enlever
de ses rameaux ni de son feuillage.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 521.


[311] Clavigero says that the captors sprinkled the victims and threw them
into the fire. Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 77.


[312] Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., appendix, tom. iii., cap. iii.


[313] 'C'était l'époque où la noblesse célébrait la commémoration des princes
et des guerriers qui les avaient précédés.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 522; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 298,
273-5; Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. v.,
pp. 130-1.


[314] See volume iii., of this work, pp. 354-9, where a detailed description
of this festival is given.


[315] Sahagun writes: 'Á la media noche de este mismo dia, molian un
poco de harina de maíz, y hacian un montoncillo de ella bien tupida: y lo
fabricaban de harina, redondo como un queso, sobre un petate. En el
mismo veían cuando habian llegado todos los dioses, porque aparecia una
pisada de un pie pequeño sobre la harina.' Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p.
157.


[316] These sacrifices by fire appear to have been made upon the summit of
a small temple which stood within the courtyard of the larger one.


[317] 'Ballavano attorno ad un gran fuoco molti giovani travestiti in parecchie
forme di mostri, e frattanto andavano gettando de'prigionieri nel fuoco.'
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 78; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 527.


[318] The burning and dancing took place on the first two days of the following
month, according to Sahagun. 'Estos dos dias postreros eran del
mes que se sigue.' Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 159; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 278-9.


[319] See vol. iii., p. 343-6.


[320] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 152-3.


[321] The name of a bird with red and blue plumage.


[322] 'Al undécimo dia de este mes, iban á hacer una casa á aquella sierra
que estaba encima de Atlacuioayan, y esta era fiesta por sí, de manera que
en este mes habia dos fiestas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 165.
'No sacrificaban este dia hombres sino caza, y asi la caza servia de victimas
á los Dioses.' Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., appendix, tom. iii., cap. iii.; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 148-9.


[323] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 327-8; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p.
221; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv.


[324] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 167.


[325] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 299, 280-1; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 530, tom. ii., pp. 462-3.


[326] See vol. iii. of this work, pp. 297-300, 323-4, 346-8.


[327] Gomara says men and women danced two nights with the gods and
drank until they were all drunk. Conq. Mex., fol. 328. According to Duran,
Camaxtli was fêted in this month, and a bread called yocotamally was
eaten exclusively on the day of the festival. Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii.,
appendix, cap. iii.; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 179-82.


[328] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 83; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 153.


[329] See vol. iii. of this work, pp. 390-3.


[330] See Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 286; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 539; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. clxxi.


[331] See Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 329; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., pp. 286-7; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxi.; Motolinia,
Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 43-4.


[332] See Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxi.; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 291.


[333] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 538.


[334] 'Nahui Ollin Tonatiuh, esto es, el sol en sus cuatro movientos,
acompañado de la Via lactea.' Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 91.


[335] 'Mataban quatro Cautivos de los que se llamaban Chachame, que
quiere decir: Tontos; y mataban tambien la imagen del Sol, y de la Luna,
que eran dos Hombres.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 148. 'On
immolait ensuite un grand nombre de captifs, dont les principaux, appelés
Chachamé, figuraient le soleil et la lune.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 535.


[336] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 150-2; Leon y Gama, Dos
Piedras, pt i., p. 91.


[337] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 538.


[338] 'Creen que Topilcin su rey primero se conuertio en aquella estrella.'
Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 331; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap.
clxxiv.


[339] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 249-50. 'Papahua-tlamacazqui,
ou Ministres aux longs cheveux. C'est par leurs mains que passaient les
prémices des fruits de la terre qu'on offrait aux astres du jour et de la nuit....
On immolait un grand nombre de captifs et, à leur défaut, les criminels....
Sur leur sépulture on exécutait un ballet.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 274-5. For description of Zapotec harvest-feast
see Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 332-3; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 40-2.


[340] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 195-7.


[341] For description of this feast see vol. iii. of this work, pp. 393-6.
The authorities on Aztec festivals are: Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib.
ii., pp. 49-218, lib. i., pp. 1-40; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vii., pp.
1-98; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 147-56, 246-300; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 66-86; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. clxix-clxxvii.; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de
Doc., tom. i., pp. 38-62; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 326-36; Duran, Hist. Indias,
MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.,; Leon, Camino del Cielo, pp. 96-100;
Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., pp.
130-7; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 99-107; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp.
327-9, 354-6, 360-4, 382-93; Boturini, Idea, pt i., pp. 50-3, 90-3; Tezozomoc,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 161-6; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap.
xv-xvii.; Purchas his Pilgrimes, tom. iv., pp. 1040-8; Gemelli Careri, in
Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., pp. 490-1; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld,
pp. 221, 248, 265-7; West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt i., pp. 71-2; Codex
Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 129-34;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 234-5, 274-5, tom.
ii., pp. 462-3, tom. iii., pp. 40-2, 498-547; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom.
v., pp. 104-14; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 515-17, 531-51;
Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 128-38; Lenoir, Parallèle, pp. 9-11.


[342] 'Dicen que en aquellos principios del mundo se mantenian los hombres
solamente con frutas y yerbas, hasta que uno á quien llaman Tlaominqui,
que quiere decir, el que mató con flecha halló la invencion del arco y la
flecha, y que desde entónces comenzaron á ejercitarse en la caza y mantenerse
de carnes de los animales que mataban en ella.' Veytia, Hist. Ant.
Mej., tom. i., p. 10. The giants lived 'mas como brutos que como racionales:
su alimento eran las carnes crudas de las aves y fieras que cazavan sin
distincion alguna, las frutas y yerbas silvestres porque nada cultivaban;'
yet they knew how to make pulque to get drunk with. Id., p. 151.


[343] The Olmecs raised at least maize, chile, and beans before the time of
the Toltecs. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 154. The Toltec 'comida
era el mismo mantenimiento que ahora se usa del maíz que sembraban y
beneficiaban así el blanco como el de mas colores.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen.,
tom. iii., lib. x., p. 112. To the Toltec agriculture 'debitrici si riconobbero
le posteriori Nazioni del frumentone, del cotone, del peverone, e d'altri
utilissimi frutti.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 127. The
Toltecs 'truxeron mays, algodon, y demas semillas.' Vetancvrt, Teatro
Mex., pt ii., p. 11. 'Tenian el maiz, algodon, chile, frijoles y las demas
semillas de la tierra que hay.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., pp. 327, 393-4.


[344] 'Su comida era toda especie de caza, tanto cuadrúpeda como volátil,
sin distincion ni otro condimento que asada, y las frutas ... pero nada sembraban,
ni cultivaban.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 6. 'No sembraban,
ni cocian, ni asaban las Carnes de la caza.' Their kings and nobles
kept forests of deer and hare to supply the people with food, until in Nopaltzin's
reign they were taught to plant by a descendant of the Toltecs.
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 32, 38-9, 67, 279. They were the
first inhabitants of the country and 'solo se mantenian de caça.' 'Caçauan
venados, liebres, conejos, comadrejas, topos, gatos monteses, paxaros,
y aun inmundicias como culebras, lagartos, ratones, langostas, y gusanos, y
desto y de yeruas rayzes se sustentauan.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp.
453-5. And to the same effect Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i.,
pp. 132-3; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 203; Heredia
y Sarmiento, Sermon, p. 74; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales
des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 140, 151; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt
ii., p. 12. They began to till the ground in Hotzin's reign, but before that
they roasted their meat and did not, as many claim, eat it raw. Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 213-14; Id.,
Relaciones, p. 335. Agriculture introduced in Nopaltzin's reign. Id., p.
344. But Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 115, says some of the
Chichimecs 'hacian tambien alguna sementerilla de maíz.'


[345] 'Sobre juncia y espadaña se echa tierra en tal forma, que no la deshaga
el agua, y allí se siembra, y cultiua, y crece, y madura, y se lleua de
vna parte á otra.' The products are maize, chile, wild amaranth, tomatoes,
beans, chian, pumpkins, etc. Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 472. 'La lor
figura regolare è quadrilunga: la lunghessa, e la larghezza son varie; ma
per lo più hanno, secondo che mi pare, otto pertiche in circa di lunghezza,
non più di tre di larghezza, e meno d'un piede d'elevazione sulla superficie
dell'acqua.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 152-3. Produce
not only plants useful for food, dress, and medicine, but flowers and
plants that serve only for decoration and luxury. Id., tom. iv., p. 227. Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 620, translates Clavigero's description.
'Fairy islands of flowers, overshadowed occasionally by trees of considerable
size.' 'That archipelago of wandering islands.' 200 or 300 feet
long, 3 or 4 feet deep. Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., pp. 70, 107-8. The black
mud of the chinampas is impregnated with muriate of soda, which is gradually
washed out as the surface is watered. Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom.
i., pp. 200-2. Mention by Gayangos in Cortés, Cartas, p. 79; Heredia y
Sarmiento, Sermon, pp. 95-6. 'Camellones, que ellos llaman Chinampas.'
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 483; Carli, Cartas, pt i.,
pp. 38-9.


[346] 'Es esta provincia (Tlascala) de muchos valles llanos y hermosos, y
todos labrados y sembrados.' In Cholula 'ni un palmo de tierra hay que
no esté labrado.' Cortés, Cartas, pp. 68, 75. 'Tout le monde, plus ou
moins, s'adonnait à la culture, et se faisait honneur de travailler à la campagne.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 634; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 481. 'Hasta los montes y sierras fragosas
las tenian ocupadas con sembrados y otros aprovechamientos.' Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 250.


[347] Cortés, Cartas, p. 75; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 250; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 331.


[348] A full list and description of the many edible Mexican plants which
were cultivated by the Nahuas in the sixteenth and earlier centuries, as
they have been ever since by their descendants, is given by the botanist,
Hernandez, in his Nova Plantarum; see also Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. i., pp. 45-68; repeated in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex.,
tom. i., pp. 102-19; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 236, et seq. Maize, maguey,
cacao, bananas, and vanilla. Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 134-6. The
Totonacs raised fruits, but no cacao or veinacaztli. Sahagun, Hist. Gen.,
tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131. The people of Michoacan raised 'maíz, frisoles,
pepitas y fruta, y las semillas de mantenimientos, llamados oauhtli, y
chian.' Id., p. 137. The Matlaltzincas also raised the hoauhtli. Id., p.
130. Besides corn, the most important products were cotton, cacao, maguey
(metl), frijoles, chia, and chile. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 158; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 624. 'Les Mexicains
cultivaient non-seulement toutes les fleurs et toutes les plantes que
produit leur pays, mais encore une infinité d'autres qu'ils y avaient transplantées
des contrées les plus éloignées.' Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p.
44. Id., Crónica, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 18. 'Hay frutas
de muchas maneras, en que hay cerezas, y ciruelas que son semejables á las
de España.' Cortés, Cartas, p. 104. Fruit was more abundant among the
Huastecs than elsewhere. Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 147. 'They
haue also many kindes of pot herbes, as lettice, raddish, cresses, garlicke,
onyons, and many other herbes besides.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii.
Edible fruits. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 300.


[349] Molina, Diccionario. 'Centli, o Tlaulli, que otros dizen mayz.' Gomara,
Conq. Mex., p. 343.


[350] Cortés, Cartas, p. 64; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 515. In
Tlascala 'no tienen otra riqueza ni granjeria, sino centli que es su pan.'
Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 87.


[351] Peter Martyr and the Anonymous Conqueror say, however, that cacao-trees
were planted under larger trees, which were cut down when the plant
gained sufficient strength. Dec. v., lib. iv.; Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom.
i., p. 380.


[352] On the culture of maize and other points mentioned above see Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 481-2, 564, tom. i., p. 166; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 153-6; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 633-7, tom. iv., p. 61; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mex., tom. i., pp. 621-4; Cortés, Cartas, p. 75; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq.,
p. 128; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 196; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii.; Gagern, in Soc. Mex. Geog.,
Boletin, 2da época, tom. i., pp. 815-16.


[353] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., pp. 332-3; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 40-2.


[354] On hunting see Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc.,
tom. i., p. 48; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 165, tom. iii., lib. xi.,
pp. 149-229, including a full list and description of Mexican animals; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 298, tom. ii., pp. 281, 297; Peter Martyr,
dec. v., lib. iii.; Cortés, Cartas, p. 22; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles
Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in
Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 335, 346, 458; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 160-2. List of Mexican animals in Id., tom.
i., pp. 68-99; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 626-7, 120-44,
with same list; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 235.


[355] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 99-105, tom. ii., p.
162, with list and description of Mexican fishes, of which over 100 varieties
fit for food are mentioned; repeated in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex.,
tom. i., pp. 145-50, 628; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.; Tezozomoc,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 60, 147; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 93;
Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p.
132; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 460. List of fishes in Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 199-207.


[356] 'Crian muchas gallinas ... que son tan grandes como pavos.' 'Conejos,
liebres, venados y perros pequeños, que crian para comer castrados.' Cortés,
Cartas, pp. 23, 94, 104, 222. 'Young whelpes flesh is vsuall there ... which
they geld and fatte for foode.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii. The same
author, dec. v., lib. iii., gives some queer information respecting the turkeys.
'The femalles sometimes lay 20. or 30. egges, so that it is a multiplying
company. The males, are alwayes in loue, and therefore they say,
they are very light meate of digestion.' A certain priest reports that 'the
male is troubled with certayne impedimentes in the legges, that he can
scarse allure the henne to treade her, vnlesse some knowne person take her
in his hand, and hold her.... As soone as hee perceiueth the henne which he
loueth, is held, hee presently commeth vnto her, and performes his businesse
in the hand of the holder,' See Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom.
ii., pp. 158-9, tom. iv., p. 228; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp.
624-6; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 291-2.


[357] Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i.,
p. 450; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen.,
tom. iii., p. 284; Cortés, Cartas, p. 66; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib.
ii., pp. 124-8, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 130; Albornoz, in Icazbalceta, Col. de
Doc., tom. i., p. 507; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des
Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 180; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 100; Solis, Hist.
Conq. Mex., tom. i., pp. 390-1.


[358] On the preparation of food, and for mention more or less extensive of
miscellaneous articles of food, see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp.
129-30, 184-6, tom. ii., lib. vii., p. 258, tom. viii., pp. 297, 302-5, tom.
iii, lib. x., pp. 118-19, 130, 132; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 237-38,
250-1, 254, 257-8; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68-9; Cortés, Cartas, pp.
23, 68, 103-5; Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom.
i., pp. 378-9; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. 43, 175; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 93, 353,
373, tom. ii., p. 297; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 39, 318-19; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 158, 217, etc., tom. iv., p. 228; Solis, Hist.
Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 394; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 44, 48-9, 60,
88, 133, 141-3; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in
Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 191; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex.,
tom. i., pp. 624, 628-30, 674-9; Diaz, Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc.,
tom. i., pp. 298-9; Zuazo, Carta, in Id., pp. 359-61; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 234, tom. iii., pp. 631, 641-4; Camargo,
Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 142,
151-2.


[359] 'Oi dezir, que le (for Montezuma) solian guisar carnes de muchachos
de poca edad.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68, 35, 37. A slave
'elaborately dressed' was a prominent feature of the banquet. Prescott's
Mex., vol. i., p. 155. They ate the arms and legs of the Spaniards captured.
Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 527. 'They
draw so much blood, as in stead of luke warme water may suffice to temper
the lumpe, which by the hellish butchers of that art, without any perturbation
of the stomacke being sufficiently kneaded, while it is moyst, and soft
euen as a potter of the clay, or a wax chandler of wax, so doth this image
maker, admitted and chosen to be maister of this damned and cursed worke.'
Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv., i. 'Cocian aquella carne con maíz, y daban
á cada uno un pedazo de ella en una escudilla ó cajete con su caldo, y su
maíz cocida, y llamaban aquella comida tlacatlaolli.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen.,
tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 89, 14, 84, 93, 97. 'La tenian por cosa, como sagrada, y
mas se movian à esto por Religion, que por vicio.' Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 584-5. See also Albornoz, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc.,
tom. i., p. 488; Zuazo, Carta, in Id., pp. 363, 365; Motolinia, Hist. Indios,
in Id., pp. 40-1, 59; Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Id., p. 398; Veytia,
Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 282-3; Gand, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy.,
série i., tom. x., p. 197; Bologne, in Id., p. 215; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS.,
tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 60; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 47; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. iii., pp. 502-3, tom. iv., p. 90; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. 175-6.


[360] Texcalcevia, texcalcevilo, and mataluhtli are some of the names given
to pulque according to its hue and condition. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom.
i., lib. ii., pp. 175, 179, 186. Pulque from Chilian language. Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 221-2. See Carbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mex., tom. i., pp. 679-80; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom.
iii., pp. 643-4, tom. i., pp. 340-5; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii.,
cap. xxii.; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 151. 'Antes que á su vino lo
cuezan con unas raices que le echan, es claro y dulce como aguamiel. Despues
de cocido, hácese algo espeso y tiene mal olor, y los que con él se embeodan,
mucho peor.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc.,
tom. i., pp. 22-3; and Ritos Antiguos, pp. 16-17, in Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., vol. ix. 'No hay perros muertos, ni bomba, que assi hiedan como
el haliento del borracho deste vino.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 319.


[361] 'Esta bebida es el mas sano y mas sustancioso alimento de cuantos se
conocen en el mundo, pues el que bebe una taza de ella, aunque haga una
jornada, puede pasarse todo el dia sin tomar otra cosa; y siendo frio por
su naturaleza, es mejor en tiempo caliente que frio.' Relacion de Algunas
Cosas, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 381. 'La mejor, mas delicada
y cara beuida que tienen es de harina de cacao y agua. Algunas vezes le
mezclan miel, y harina de otras legumbres. Esto no emborracha, antes refresca
mucho.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 319. 'Of certaine almondes ...
they make wonderfull drinke.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii., iv. 'Cierta
bebida hecha del mismo cacao, que dezian era para tener acceso con mugeres.'
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68. Red, vermilion, orange, black,
and white. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 301-2. See Acosta,
Hist. de las Ynd., p. 251; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp.
219-20; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 642-3.


[362] Chicha and sendechó, fermented drinks. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. ii., p. 221. Sendechó, an Otomí drink, for a full description
see Mendoza, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da época, tom. ii., pp. 25-8.
'Ale, and syder.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv. 'Panicap que es cierto
brebaje que ellos beben.' Cortés, Cartas, p. 76. See besides references in
note 19; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p.
23; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 118, 130; Mendieta, Hist.
Ecles., p. 139; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 676, 678-9.


[363] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 138-40. 'Comunmente comenzaban á beber
despues de vísperas, y dábanse tanta prisa á beber de diez en diez, ó
quince en quince, y los escanciadores que no cesaban, y la comida que no
era mucha, á prima noche ya van perdiendo el sentido, ya cayendo ya asentado,
cantando y dando voces llamando al demonio.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios,
in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 23, 32. 'Beben con tanto exceso,
que no paran hasta caer como muertos de puro ebrios, y tienen á grande
honra beber mucho y embriagarse.' Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Id., pp.
582, 587. Drinkers and drunkards had several special divinities. Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 493. Drank less before the conquest.
Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. i., p. 119.


[364] 'Comen en el suelo, y suziamente ... parten los hueuos en vn cabello
que se arrancan,' whatever that operation may be. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
319. 'Es gente que con muy poco mantenimiento vive, y la que menos come
de cuantas hay en el mundo.' Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Icazbalceta, Col.
de Doc., tom. i., pp. 379-80. 'Molto sobrj nel mangiare.' Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 119. 'It is not lawfull for any that is vnmaried to
sit at table with such as are maried, or to eate of the same dish, or drinke of
the same cup, and make themselues equall with such as are married.' Peter
Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iv. The nobles gave feasts at certain periods of the
year for the relief of the poor. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 270.
See also Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138; Oviedo, Hist. Gen.,
tom. iii., p. 535; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 644-5.
Additional references for the whole subject of Nahua food are:—Montanus,
Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 74, 80, 247, 251; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 83, 91,
278-9, 283; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 10-13, 20-6, 102, 104,
180-3, 189, 196; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 44-9; Tylor's Anahuac, pp.
62, 103, 145-6, 173-4; Fossey, Mexique, pp. 44, 215, 485-6; Malte-Brun, Précis
de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 456; Monglave, Résumé, pp. 37-8, 261; Delaporte
Reisen, tom. x., pp. 257, 268-9; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 45; Chevalier, Mex.,
Ancien y Mod., pp. 15-27; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 538;
Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pp. 278-9; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i.,
p. 22; Gibbs, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 99; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte,
tom. ii., p. 502; Helps' Span. Conq., tom. ii., p. 455; Lafond, Voyages, tom.
i., p. 107; Baril, Mexique, pp. 208-9; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 164-6,
178, 230; Lenoir, Parallèle, p. 39; Long, Porter, and Tucker's America, p.
162; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., pp. 16-17.


[365] 'La gente pobre vestia de nequen, que es la tela que se haze del maguey,
y los ricos vestian de algodon, con orlas labradas de pluma, y pelo de
conejos.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii.


[366] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 112; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 283. 'Maxtli enrichi de broderies, et ...
tunique d'une grande finesse.' Id., p. 350. 'En tiempo de calor con sus
mantas y pañetes de algodon, y en tiempo de frio se ponian unos jaquetones
sin mangas que los llevaban hasta las rodillas con sus mantas y pañetes.'
Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
327.


[367] 'Nu suivant la coutume des indigènes qui travaillaient aux champs.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 348.


[368] 'Algodon, que sabian beneficiar y fabricar de él las ropas de que se
vestian.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 43; Id., tom. i., p. 253.


[369] 'Su vestuario eran las pieles ... que las ablandaban y curaban para
el efecto, trayendo en tiempo de frios el pelo adentro, y en tiempo de calores ... el
pelo por la parte afuera.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 214; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta,
Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 4; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 298; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 133; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 38.
'Por lo frio de su clima vestian todos pieles de animales adobadas y curtidas,
sin que perdiesen el pelo, las que acomodaban á manera de un sayo, que por
detras les llegaba hasta las corvas, y por delante á medio muslo.' Veytia,
Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 5, tom. i., p. 25. 'S'habillaient ... de peaux de
bêtes fauves, le poil en dehors durant l'été, et en dedans en hiver.... Chez
les classes aisées ... ces peaux étaient tannées ou maroquinées avec art; on
y usait aussi des toiles de nequen, et quelquefois des cotonnades d'une grande
finesse.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 186.


[370] 'Maxtlatl, bragas, o cosa semejante.' Molina, Vocabulario. The
Tarascos 'n'adoptèrent jamais l'usage des caleçons.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax.,
in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132. The maxtli is
frequently spoken of as drawers or pantaloons. The Huastecs 'no traen
maxtles con que cubrir sus vergüenzas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii.,
lib. x., p. 134.


[371] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 84.


[372] 'Cominciarono in questo tempo a vestirsi di cotone, del quale erano
innanzi affatto privi per la loro miseria, nè d'altro vestivansi, se non delle
tele grosse di filo di maguei, o di palma salvatica.' Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. i., p. 181. 'Les Mexicains, les Tecpanèques et les autres
tribus qui restèrent en arrière, conservèrent l'usage des étoffes de coton, de
fil de palmier, de maguey ixchele, de poil de lapin et de lièvre, ainsi que
des peaux d'animaux.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des
Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132. 'Non aveano lana, nè seta comune, nè lino,
nè canapa; ma supplivano alla lana col cotone, alla seta colla piuma, e col
pelo del coniglio, e della lepre, ed al lino, ed alla canapa coll' Icxotl, o
palma montana, col Quetzalichtli, col Pati, e con altre spezie di Maguei....
Il modo, che avevano di preparar questi materiali, era quello stesso, che
hanno gli Europei nel lino, e nella canapa. Maceravano in acqua le foglie,
e poi le nettavano, le mettevano al Sole, e le ammaccavano, finattantochè
le mettevano in istato di poterle filare.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., pp. 207-8. Ycçotl, Palma Montana. 'Non videtur filendum, è
folijs huius arboris fila parari, linteis, storisq. intexendis perquam accommoda,
politiora, firmioraq. eis quæ ex Metl passim fieri consueuere, madentibus
in primis aqua, mox protritis, ac lotis, iterumq. et iterum maceratis,
et insolatis, donec apta reddantur, vt neri possint, et in usus accommodari
materies est leuis, aclenta.' Hernandez, Nova Plant., p. 76.


[373] 'Maxtles, c'est ainsi qu'on nomme en langue mexicaine des espèces
d'almaysales qui sont longues de quatre brasses, larges d'une palme et
demie et terminées par des broderies de diverses couleurs, qui ont plus d'une
palme et demie de haut.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des
Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132. 'Cuoprono le loro parti vergogno se cosi
di dietro come dinanzi, con certi sciugatoi molto galanti, che sono come gran
fazzuoli che si legano il capo per viaggio, di diuersi colori, e orlati di varie
foggie, e di colori similmente diuersi, con i suoi fiocchi, che nel cingersegli,
viene l'un capo dauanti e l'altro di dietro.' Relatione fatta par vn gentil'huomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol.
305. In Meztitlan, 'les uns et les autres couvraient leur nudités d'une
longue bande d'étoffe, semblable à un almaizar, qui leur faisait plusieurs fois
le tour du corps et passait ensuite entre les jambes, les extrémités retombant
par-devant jusqu'aux genoux.' Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 316. 'Los vestidos que traen (Totonacs) es como de
almaizales muy pintados, y los hombres traen tapadas sus verguenzas.' Cortés,
Cartas, p. 23. In Oajaca, 'Maxtles conque se cubrian sus vergüenzas.'
Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 136, 123, 131. The Miztecs 'por
çaraguelles trahian matzles; que los Castellanos dizen mastiles.' Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 223.


[374] 'Il Tilmatli era un mantello quadro, lungo quattro piedi in circa; due
estremità d'esso annodavano sul petto, o sopra una spalla.... Gli Uomini
solevano portar due, o tre mantelli.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 223, and plate, p. 224. 'I vestimenti loro son certi manti di
bambagia come lenzuola, ma non cosi grande, lauoratori di gentili lauori di
diuerse maniere, e con le lor franze e orletti, e di questi ciascun n 'ha duoi ò
tre e se gli liga per dauanti al petto.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305;
Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p.
131. 'Todos traen albornoces encima de la otra ropa, aunque son diferenciados
de los de Africa, porque tienen maneras; pero en la hechura y tela y
los rapacejos son muy semejables.' Cortés, Cartas, pp. 75, 23. 'Leur vêtement
consistait anciennement dans deux ou trois manteaux d'une vare et
demi en carré, noués, par en haut, le nœud se mettant pour les uns sur la
poitrine, pour les autres à l'épaule gauche, et souvent par derrière.' Chaves,
Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., pp. 315-16. 'Ningun
plebeyo vestia de algodon, con franja, ni guarnicion, ni ropa rozagante,
sino senzilla, llana, corta, y sin ribete, y assi era conocido cada vno
en el trage.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 174. 'Otras hacian de pelo de
Conejo, entretexido de hilo de Algodon ... con que se defendian del frio.'
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 488; Diaz, Itinerario, in Icazbalceta,
Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 298. The Totonacs; 'algunos con ropas
de algodon, ricas a su costumbre. Los otros casi desnudos.' Gomara, Conq.
Mex., fol. 39, 95; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131. Huastecs
'andan bien vestidos: y sus ropas y mantas son muy pulidas y curiosas
con lindas labores, porque en su tierra hacen las mantas que llaman centzontilmatli,
cenzonquaehtli, que quiere dezir, mantas de mil colores: de allá
se traen las mantas que tienen unas cabezas de monstruos pintadas, y las
de remolinos de agua engeridas unas con otras, en las cuales y en otras muchas,
se esmeraban las tejedoras.' Id., p. 134. 'Una manta cuadrada
anudada sobre el pecho, hácia el hombro siniestro, que descendia hasta los
tobillos; pero en tiempo de invierno cubrian mas el cuerpo con un sayo cerrado
sin mangas, y con una sola abertura en la sumida para entrar la cabeza,
y dos á los lados para los brazos, y con él se cubrian hasta los muslos.'
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 253; Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col.
de Doc., tom. i., p. 360.


[375] 'Vestíanse, unas túnicas largas de pellejos curtidos hasta los carcañales,
abiertas por delante y atadas con unas á manera de agugetas, y sus
manos que llegaban hasta las muñecas, y las manos.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones,
in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 341.


[376] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 132; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 57.


[377] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcviii., pp. 130-1; Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 49-50; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.


[378] 'El trage de ellos era de diversas maneras, unos traían mantas, otros
como unas xaquetillas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 136.
'Era mas vestida que estotra que habemos visto.' Cortés, Cartas, p. 93.
'La mayor parte andauan en cueros.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii.,
cap. xiv. The Miztecs 'vestian mantas blancas de algodon, texidas, pintadas,
y matizadas con flores, rosas, y aves de diferentes colores: no trahian
camisas.' Id., cap. xii.


[379] 'Andan casi desnudos.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 36.


[380] 'Traen camisas de medias mangas.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 317; Relatione
fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio,
Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 327; Cortés, Cartas, p. 23. In Jalisco they had
'vn Huipilillo corto, que llaman Ixquemitl, ò teapxoloton.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 339. 'Una sopravvesta ... con maniche più lunghe.'
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 223; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej.,
tom. ii., p. 6, tom. i., pp. 253-4; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. i., p. 283. In Michoacan 'no traían vipiles.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom.
iii., lib. x., pp. 138, 123; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano),
in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 203-4; Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.


[381] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 112, 123; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones,
in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 336, 341; Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; Id., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix., xii.; Beaumont,
Crón. Mechoacan, MS., p. 50; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 259; Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 317; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy.,
série ii., tom. v., p. 316; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 223.


[382] 'Aveano a disonore l'esser tosati.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 224.


[383] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 350. 'Ni bien
baruados, porque se arrancan y vntan los pelos para que no nazcan.' Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 317. The Mistecs 'las barbas se arrancauan con
tenazillas de oro.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.


[384] Cortés, Cartas, pp. 68, 104; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 300.


[385] 'Hazen lo negro con tierra por gentileza y porque les mate los piojos.
Las casadas se lo rodean a la cabeça con vn ñudo a la frente. Las virgines
y por casar, lo traen suelto, y echado atras y adelante. Pelan se y vntan se
todas para no tener pelo sino en la cabeça y cejas, y assi tienen por hermosura
tener chica frente, y llena de cabello, y no tener colodrillo.' Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 317; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 309-10,
tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 113, 120, tom. xi., p. 309; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. ii., p. 224; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy.,
série ii., tom. v., p. 316. The Chichimecs wore it, 'largo hasta las espaldas,
y por delante se lo cortan.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 335.


[386] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 224.


[387] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 124.


[388] 'Llámase tambien Quaochpanme, que quiere decir hombres de cabeza
rapada ó raida, porque antiguamente estos tales no traían cabellos largos,
antes se rapaban la cabeza así los hombres, como las mugeres.' Sahagun,
Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 137; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., p. 57.


[389] Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., p. 50.


[390] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.


[391] 'Se raiaban las Caras.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 255;
Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 310.


[392] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 75.


[393] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 124-6.


[394] Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. xxvi.


[395] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 317; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii.,
cap. xii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 224, describes the
ornaments, but in his accompanying plate fails to show any of them. Tezozomoc,
Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix. pp. 79-80;
Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1119.


[396] 'De barro cocido bien bruñidas, ó de caña.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom.
iii., lib. x., p. 124.


[397] Id., p. 137. The Totonacs 'traian vnos grandes agujeros en los beços
de abaxo, y en ellos vnas rodajas de piedras pintadillas de azul, y otros con
vnas hojas de oro delgadas, y en las orejas muy grandes agujeros, y en ellos
puestas otras rodajas de oro, y piedras.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 28;
Cortés, Cartas, p. 23.


[398] Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. vii.


[399] The Miztecs 'traen imán, axorcas muy anchas de oro, y sartales de piedra
á las muñecas, y joyeles de éstas y de oro al cuello.' Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 136; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. iii., p. 30.


[400] 'Ninguna Persona (aunque fuesen sus propios Hijos) podia vestirlo, so
pena de la vida.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 542; Duran,
Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. xxvi.


[401] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 198.


[402] 'Tan delgadas y bien texidas que necesitaban del tacto para diferenciarse
de la seda.' Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 132; Acosta, Hist.
de las Ynd., p. 507.


[403] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 115-16; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 542.


[404] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp 286-8.


[405] Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,
p. 57.


[406] 'Para salir de Palacio los Reies à visitar los Templos, se vestian de
blanco; pero para entrar en los Consejos, y asistir en otros Actos publicos, se
vestian de diferentes colores, conforme la ocasion.' Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 543. 'Les rois s'habillaient tantôt de blanc, tantôt d'étoffes
d'un jaune obscur ornées de franges de mille couleurs.' Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 284, tom. iv., pp. 210-11. 'Mantas
de á dos haces, labradas de plumas de papos de aves, tan suaves, que trayendo
la mano por encima á pelo y á pospelo, no era mas que una marta cebellina
muy bien adobada: hice pesar una dellas, no pesó mas de seis onzas.'
Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 360. 'Vestidos de
pelo de conejo y de algodon de mucha curiosidad, y estas eran vestiduras de
Caciques y de gente muy principal' in Michoacan. Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan,
MS., pp. 49-50; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 336, 240, 265; Id., Relaciones, in Id., p. 336; Oviedo, Hist.
Gen., tom. iii., p. 298. Description of Montezuma's dress when meeting Cortés,
in Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 369; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. iii., p. 77; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 386; Prescott's
Mex., vol. ii., p. 317. Representations of the dresses of the Mexican kings
and nobles are also in the Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
vol. i.


[407] 'Traia calçados vnos como cotaras, que assi se dize lo que se calçan, las
suelas de oro, y muy preciada pedreria encima en ellas.' Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 65. 'Portoit une chaussure de peau de chevreuil.' Nouvelles
Annales des Voy., 1824, tom. xxiv., p. 137. 'Çapatos de oro, que ellos
llaman zagles, y son a la manera antigua de los Romanos, tenian gran pedreria
de mucho valor, las suelas estauan prendidas con correas.' Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v. 'Cotaras de cuero de tigres.' Tezozomoc,
Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 79; Solis,
Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 369; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p.
525; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 210-11; Cortés,
Cartas, p. 85; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 386; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones,
in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 327; Prescott's Mex.,
vol. ii., pp. 73-4, 317.


[408] 'La corona de Rey, que tiene semejança a la corona de la Señoria de
Venecia.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 471. 'Unas tiaras de oro y pedrería.'
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
295. 'En la Cabeça vnos Plumajes ricos, que ataban tantos cabellos de la
Corona, quanto toma el espacio de la Corona Clerical: estos Plumajes prendian
y ataban con vna correa colorada, y de ella colgaban con sus pinjantes de
Oro, que pendian à manera de chias de Mitra de Obispo.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 542-3. 'Era di varie materie giusta il piacere
dei Re, or di lame sottili d'oro or tessuta di filo d'oro, e figurata con vaghe
penne.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 115, tom. iii., p. 77.
'Before like a Myter, and behinde it was cut, so as it was not round, for the
forepart was higher, and did rise like a point.' Purchas his Pilgrimes, tom.
iv., p. 1062; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 386; Prescott's Mex., vol.
ii., p. 317; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 210.


[409] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. vii., lib. ii., pp. 288-90; Tezozomoc, Crónica
Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 57, 79; Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Chich., in Id., p. 327; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 525;
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 259, tom. iii., p. 392; Camargo, Hist.
Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 178. Further
mention of ornaments in the enumeration of presents given by Montezuma
to Cortés in Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iii., pp. 65, 80;
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii.,
pp. 279, 283, 285, 292, 298; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., pp. 125, 132-3;
Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1118-9, 1124; Cortés, Cartas, pp. 69, 85;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 76, 84, 214, 263-4;
Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 83. Among the modern authors who have written
upon the subject of dress may be mentioned: Carbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mex., tom. i., pp. 326, 680-2, tom. ii., pp. 91, 224-5, with numerous cuts;
Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 145; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien et Mod., pp. 57-8;
Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 47; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 13-14, 22,
28, 189; Monglave, Résumé, p. 36; Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 65, 79; Baril,
Mexique, p. 209; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, p. 61.


[410] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt ii., fol. 181; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 42-3.


[411] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 271-3; Ixtlilxochitl,
Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 332.


[412] 'Teyaoyaualoani, el que cerca a los enemigos.' Molina, Vocabulario.


[413] The Toltecs 'usaban de una cierta moneda de cobre de largo de dos dedos
y de ancho uno á manera de achitas pequeñas, y de grueso, como un real de
á ocho. Esta moneda no ha mucho tiempo que la han dejado los de Tutupec
del mar del sur.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., vol. ix., p. 332. 'No saben que cosas es moneda batida de metal
ninguno.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 87, 342. The cacao nibs 'val ciascuno
come vn mezzo marchetto (about three cents) fra noi.' Relatione fatta per vn
gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom.
iii., fol. 306. See Cortés, Cartas, p. 311; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib.
ix., p. 342; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 627-9;
Id., Quatre Lettres, p. 276; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p.
666. Salt used as money. Chaves, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii.,
tom. v., p. 328. I omit a long list of references to authors who merely
mention cacao and the other articles as used for money.


[414] 'No tenian peso (que yo sepa) los Mexicanos, falta grandissima para
la contratacion. Quien dize que no lo vsauan por escusar los engaños, quien
por que no lo auian menester, quien por ignorancia, que es lo cierto. Por
donde parece que no auian oido como hizo Dios todos las cosas en cuento,
peso, y medida.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 342; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. ii., p. 166; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 42, 40;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 629-30.


[415] On the Nahua markets and the articles offered for sale, see: Cortés,
Cartas, pp. 68, 103-5; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 70; Relatione fatta
per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi,
tom. iii., fol. 309; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 323-5,
tom. ix., p. 357; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxx.; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 554-60; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 272,
299-301; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 87-8, 116-18; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec.
ii., lib. vii., cap. xv., xvi.; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii., iv.; Zuazo,
Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 359-61.


[416] Cortés, Cartas, pp. 103, 68; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del
Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309. 'Es
tanta la gente que concurre á vender y comprar, que no puede facilmente
declararse.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxx.


[417] Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 359. 'Sobre cincuenta
mill canoas y cient mill segun se cree.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. lxx. 'The lake day and night is plyed with boates going and returning.'
Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii.


[418] For specimens of the exhortations of old merchants to young men see
Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 310-314; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 585-6.


[419] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. vi., cap. xii.; Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 197.


[420] A very full account of the Nahua commerce is given in Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 163-70, and the same is translated
with slight changes, in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 628-35,
in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 612-32, and in Id.,
in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clix., pp. 45-58. See also Helps'
Span. Conq., vol. ii., pp. 329-31; Gage's New Survey, pp. 109-12; Müller,
Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 541; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v.,
pp. 25-8; West-Indische Spieghel, pp. 247-8; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex.,
pp. 166-71; Touron, Hist. Gén., tom. iii., pp. 43-6. See also Note 12.


[421] On merchants' feasts, ceremonies, and superstitions, see Sahagun,
Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 335-86, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 310-15;
Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 388-92; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii.,
pp. 585-7. See also account of a feast of flower-dealers in this volume, p.
315, and account of the Cholultec feast in honor of Quetzalcoatl in vol. iii.,
pp. 286-7 of this work.


[422] Clavigero's description of Nahua boats and navigation is in his Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 168-9. 'Leurs barques, dont les plus grandes
mesuraient jusqu'à soixante pieds de longueur, couvertes et abritées
contre le mauvais temps, marchaient à la voile et à la rame,' probably referring
to a boat met by Columbus some distance out at sea. Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 632.


[423] Invented, according to tradition, by the Tarascos of Michoacan during
their early migrations. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des
Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 131-2.


[424] 'Mettevansi a sedere in questa macchina quattro, o sei passaggieri
alla volta.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 168. 'Ces
radeaux sont fort légers et très-solides; ils sont encore en usage dans l'Amérique,
et nous avons passé ainsi plus d'une rivière.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 295.


[425] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxx: 'En cada vna cabian
sesenta Hombres.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 460, and Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. viii., cap. iv. 'The Canowes are litle barkes,
made of one tree.' Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iii. Called Acates. Id., dec.
v., lib. ii. 'Estas acallis ó barcas cada una es de una sola pieza, de un
arbol tan grande y tan grueso como lo demanda la longitud, y conforme al
ancho que le pueden dar, que es de lo grueso del árbol de que se hacen, y
para esto hay sus maestros como en Vizcaya los hay de navíos.' Motolinia,
Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 200.


[426] 'The sides of the Indian boats were fortified with bulwarks.' Prescott's
Mex., vol. iii., p. 100; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 140; Cortés,
Cartas, p. 211.


[427] 'Spesso s'esercitavano in questo genere di combattimenti.' Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 151; West-Indische Spieghel, p. 251.
200,000 canoes on the lake about Mexico. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 115.
See also note 8 of this chapter. Additional notes on Nahua boats. 'Habia
en México muchas acallis ó barcas para servicio de las casas, y otras muchas
de tratantes que venian con bastimentos á la ciudad, y todos los pueblos
de la redonda, que están llenos de barcas que nunca cesan de entrar y
salir á la ciudad, las cuales eran innumerables.' 'Con estas salen á la mar,
y con las grandes de estas acallis navegan de una isla á otra, y se atreven á
atravesar algun golfo pequeño.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col.
de Doc., tom. i., pp. 187, 200. 'Lo mas del trato, y camino de los Indios, en
aquella Tierra, es por Agua, en Acales, ò Canoas.' Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 613; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. viii., cap. iv.;
Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 247; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom.
i., p. 633, tom. ii., p. 591; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 75-6.


[428] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 329-32.


[429] Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., pl. lxiv-lxvi.
In explanation of plate lxv., No. 19, it is stated that the warrior was
called Quachic by reason of having taken five prisoners in war. 'Haber
cautivado en la guerra cinco, demas de que en otras guerras a cautivado
otros muchos de sus enemigos.' Explanation of Id., vol. v., p. 104; while
Purchas says such a one was 'called Quagchil ... shewing that hee had
taken fiue at the Wars of Guexo, besides that in other Wars he tooke many
of his enemies.' Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1110-11.


[430] Torquemada and Brasseur speak of a yet higher rank among the
princes. 'Vna de las maiores grandeças, à que llegaba, era atarse el cabello,
que era demonstracion de Gran Capitan, y estos se llamaban Quachictin,
que era el mas honroso nombre, que à los Capitanes se los daba, y pocos
lo alcançaban.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 543. 'Dont les
membres se nommaient "Quachictin," c'est-à-dire, Couronnés. Leurs insignes
consistaient dans la courroie écarlate dont nous avons parlé plus haut,
mais dont le bout, avec sa houppe de plumes, pendait alors jusqu'à la ceinture.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 590-1. Herrera
and Acosta both mention a fourth order: 'Auia otros como caualleros Pardos,
que no eran de tanta cuenta, como estos, los quales tenian vnas coletas
cortadas por encima de la oreja en redondo.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp.
443-4; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.; West und Ost Indischer
Lustgart, pt i., p. 99; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 267-8;
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 140.


[431] The greaves were called cozehuatl, the brachials matemecatl, the
bracelets matzopetztli, the lip ornament tentetl, the ear-rings nacochtli,
and the collar or necklace cozcapetlatl. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., p. 543; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 595; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 141.


[432] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp.
295-6.


[433] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 293-7.


[434] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxvi.; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 593; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 143; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 543.


[435] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 141-3; Relatione fatta
per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi,
tom. iii., fol. 305.


[436] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 289-90.


[437] Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
83.


[438] Carli, Cartas, pt i., pp. 17-21; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p.
354; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. ii.; Gomara, Conq. Mex.,
fol. 37; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 519; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 14.
For further reference to defensive weapons and armor, see: Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 608-19; West-Indische Spieghel, p. 246;
Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 267; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v.,
pp. 81-3; Mexique, Études Hist., p. 8; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt ii.,
p. 28; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 161; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles
Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133; Müller, Amerikanische
Urreligionen, p. 542.


[439] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; Gage's New Survey,
pp. 99-100.


[440] 'I Tehuacanesi erano singolarmente rinomati per la lor destrezza nel
tirar tre, o quatro frecce insieme.... La destrezza di quei Popoli nel tirar le
frecce non sarebbe credibile, se non fosse accertata per la deposizione di
centinaja di testimonj oculati. Radunatisi parecchj frecciatori gettano in
sù una pannocchia di frumentone, e si mettono a saettarla con una tal prontezza,
e con una tal desterità, che non la lasciano venite a terra, finattantochè
non le hanno levati tutti i grani. Gettano similmente una moneta
d'argento non più grande d'un giulio, e saettandola la trattengono in aria,
quanto voglioni.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 143.


[441] Ixtlilxochitl mentions clubs studded with iron, but it is well known
that the Aztec nations had no knowledge of that mineral, although it is said
they possessed the art of being able to temper copper to the hardness of
steel, 'porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre y oro.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones,
in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 332.


[442] According to Gomara it was made of 'cierta rayz que llaman çacotl,
y de teuxalli, que es vna arena rezia, y como de vena de diamantes, que
mezclan y amassan con sangre de morcielagos, y no se que otras aues.' Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 110.


[443] In reference to the macana, which all assert to have been a most formidable
weapon, I quote only a few authorities. 'Sus espadas de palo largas, de
un palo muy fuerte, engeridas de pedernales agudísimos, que de una cuchillada
cortaban á cercen el pescuezo de un caballo.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios,
in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 188. Bernal Diaz describing a battle
with the Tlascaltecs where Pedro de Moron was wounded and had his
horse killed, says 'dieron vna cuchillada â la yegua, que le cortaron el pescueço
redondo, y alli quedó muerta.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 44.
'Taglia come vn rasoio di Tolosa. Io viddi che combattendosi vn di, diede
vn Indiano vna cortellata a vn cauallo sopra il qual era vn caualliero con chi
combatteua, nel petto, che glielo aperse fin alle interiora, et cadde incontanente
morto, & il medesimo giorno viddi che vn'altro cortellata a vn'altro cauallo
su il collo che se lo gettò morto a i piedi.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol.
305. The Anonymous Conqueror does not say the head was cut off, but
that one horse was killed with a cut on the breast that opened it to the entrails,
and the other from a cut on the neck was laid dead at his feet. 'Lo
que podrán efectuar con aquella espada en el pescuezo del caballo sera de la
herida cuanto entraren los filos en la carne, que no pasarán de un canto de
real de plata, porque todo lo otro es grueso, por tener el lomo que arriba
referimos las navajas.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxvi.; Hernandez,
Nova Plant., p. 340; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1129.


[444] It may be that this ballesta was a somewhat similar implement to that
used by the Aleuts and Isthmians. See vol. i., pp. 90, 761. 'Dardi che
essi tirano con vn manga no fatto di vn'altro bastone.' Relatione fatta per vn
gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom.
iii., fol. 305; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 594-5.


[445] Cortés, Cartas, p. 101; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 5; Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 299; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 460.


[446] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 128-9.


[447] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 339.


[448] In regard to the armorial ensign of the Tlascaltecs, authors differ. It
is admitted that the general-in-chief carried the standard of the republic,
and important authorities say that the one borne by Xicotencatl in his
battle with Cortés had emblazoned upon it a white bird resembling an
ostrich or heron, but Clavigero and Prescott incline to the opinion that the
emblem was an eagle. In regard to this we have the following accounts.
Bernal Diaz, an actor in the battle, says the Tlascaltec army was ranged
under the banner of Xicotencatl, 'qua era vn aue blanca tendidas las alas,
como que queria bolar, que parece como auestruz.' Hist. Conq., fol. 45.
'Lleuaua el estandarte de la ciudad, que es vna grua de oro con las alas tendidas.'
Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 75. 'Esta bandera de Tascaltecle es una grua
que trae por divisa, ó armas al natural, de oro, é tendidas las alas.' Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 499. 'Xicotencatl ... llevaba el Estandarte de la
Republica, que era vn Aguila de Oro, con las Alas estendidas.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 423; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii.,
p. 145; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 439; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 234.


[449] 'Ha ogni compagnia il suo Alfiere con la sua insegna inhastata, & in
tal modo ligata sopra le spalle, che non gli da alcun disturbo di poter combattere
ne far ciò che vuole, & la porta cosi ligata bene al corpo, che se non
fanno del suo corpo pezzi, non se gli puo sligare, ne torgliela mai.' Relatione
fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi,
tom. iii., fol. 305.


[450] 'Respetaban à los Embaxadores de sus mortales enemigos, como à
Dioses, teniendo por mejor violar qualquier rito de su Religion, que pecar
contra la fee dada à los Embaxadores.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., pp. 535-6. 'Los Correos, ò Mensageros, que se despachaban de las
Guerras, tambien pasaban seguros, por todas partes.' Ib.; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 118-20.


[451] 'A cada parte y puerta de las cuatro del patio del templo grande ya
dicho habia una gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos y bajos en rededor.
En estos tenian muchas armas, porque como los Templos tengan por
fortalezas de los pueblos tienen en ellos toda su municion.' Las Casas, Hist.
Apologética, MS., cap. li.


[452] 'Si Dios no les quebrara las alas.' Cortés, Cartas, p. 132. See also
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 151-2; Ortega, in Veytia,
Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 319.


[453] Cortés, Cartas, pp. 150, 152.


[454] 'Una gran cerca de piedra seca.' Cortés, Cartas, pp. 59-60. 'Una fuerça
bien fuerte hecha de cal y canto, y de otro betun tan rezio, que con picos
de hierro era forçoso deshazerla.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 43; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 418-19; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp.
229, 232; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 134-5;
Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 70; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. i.; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 150; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p.
241.


[455] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 150.


[456] Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, p. 107; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii.,
p. 567; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 133.


[457] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 203-4, 422-3; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 384-5, 540; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. ccxv.; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol.
ix., pp. 243, 246; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 132.


[458] Las Casas says that very old women were admitted to war councils.
'Nunca movian guerra sin dar parte al pueblo, y sin mucho consejo de los
mas ancianos y caballeros ejercitados en la guerra, al cual consejo se admitian
las mujeres muy viejas como personas que habian visto y oido
muchas cosas y asi esperimentadas de lo pasado.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. lxvi. According to the Chevalier Boturini the first ambassadors
were accredited to the king or lord of the province, the second were
dispatched to the nobility requiring them to persuade their lord, and the
third convoked the people and advised them of the motives their monarch
had for waging war against them. Boturini, Idea, pp. 162-3. See also Veytia,
Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 424-7; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in
Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., pp. 246-7; Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex.,
in Id., pp. 40, 73; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 382-3, 534-5.


[459] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 423; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
75; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. vi.


[460] 'A estas Espias, que embiaban delante, llamaban Ratones, que andan
de noche, ò escondidos, y à hurtadillas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., p. 538.


[461] Camargo says: 'L'armée était divisée par bataillons de cent hommes.'
Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 134.
'Quando l'esercito era numeroso, si contava per Xiquipilli: ed ogni Xiquipilli
si componeva d'otto mila uomini.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 147.


[462] Also spelt quiahtlale, jaotlalli, meaning a place for war. Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 147-3; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 322;
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 538.


[463] Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp.
31, 41, 50, 147.


[464] For further account of their manner of conducting a war, see: Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 147-9; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom.
ii., lib. viii., pp. 311-12; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxvii.;
Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 129-31; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 322-3; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 598-601; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 537-40; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy.,
série ii., tom. v., pp. 313-14; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 86-8.


[465] Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 11;
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
87; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 34; Gage's New Survey, p. 77;
Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 230.


[466] Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 51, 60-1.


[467] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 313; Las Casas, Hist.
Apologética, MS., cap. lxvii.


[468] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 131-4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., pp. 541-2; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 149.


[469] Camargo says the prisoner was given his choice of every kind of
offensive and defensive weapons. Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des
Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 188-9, but all other authors state that he was
only given a short sword and shield. Boturini says a servant who was
under the stone drew the cord and so controlled the prisoner that he could
not move. Idea, p. 164. Duran says: 'El modo que en celebrarlo tenian;
que era atar á los Presos con una soga al pie por un ahugero que aquella
piedra tenia por medio, y desnudo en cueros le daban una rodela y una
espada de solo palo emplumado en las manos, y unas pelotas de palo con que
se defendian de los que salian á combatir con él, que eran cuatro muy
bien armados.' Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. 36.


[470] Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in
Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., pp. 47-8.


[471] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 536.


[472] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 121-2; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 333-5;
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii.; Montanus, Nieuwe
Weereld, p. 242.


[473] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcix., p. 134.


[474] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 51; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. i., p. 423. For further reference to treatment of prisoners,
see: Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,
pp. 250-1; Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Id., p. 164; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte,
tom. v., pp. 102-3; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 634;
Fossey, Mexique, pp. 215-16; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. viii.


[475] Instances of how the Mexicans received their victorious armies are
given in Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,
pp. 39, 61, 177-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp.
321-2. See further, Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy.,
1843, tom. xcix., p. 136; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.;
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 574; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp.
489-90.


[476] 'El govierno y las leyes quasi no diferian, por manera que por lo que
de unas partes dijeremos, y adonde tuvimos mayor noticia, se podra entender,
y quiza sera mejor, decirlo en comun y generalmente.' Las Casas,
Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxii. It is also stated that many Mexican
cases, presenting more than ordinary difficulty, were tried in the Tezcucan
law-courts; see Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom.
i., p. 95; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxii.; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 354. Speaking of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan,
Zurita says: 'Les lois et la procédure étaient les mêmes dans ces trois états,
de sorte qu'en exposant les usages établis dans l'un d'eux, on fera connaître
ce qui se passait dans les autres.' Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy.,
série ii., tom. i., pp. 93-4.


[477] The title cihuacoatl, meaning 'serpent-woman,' appears incomprehensible
as applied to a judge, but M. l'Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 579-80, sees reason to believe that the Mexicans,
when they succeeded to the rights of the Toltec kings of Culhuacan, adopted
also the titles of the court, and that the name cihuacoatl had been given
to the prime minister in memory of Cihuacoatl, the sister of Camaxtli,
who cared for the infancy of Quetzalcoatl. The learned Abbé translates
cihuacoatl, serpent femelle, which is literally a serpent of the female sex.
Molina, however, in his Vocabulario, gives 'ciua' as a substantive, meaning
'women' (mugeres), and 'coatl' as another substantive, meaning 'serpent'
(culebra), the two as a compound he does not give. I translate the
word 'serpent-woman,' because the sister of Camaxtli would more probably
be thus distinguished among women, than among serpents as the 'woman-serpent.'


[478] Although all other historians agree that the judgment of the cihuacoatl
was final, the interpreter of Mendoza's collection states that an appeal
lay from the judges (he does not state which) to the king. Explicacion de
la Coleccion de Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 109.
Prescott, Mex., vol. i., p. 29, attributes this to the changes made during
Montezuma's reign, the period which the Mendoza paintings represent, and
Leon Carbajal, Discurso, p. 98, totally denies the truth of the statement.


[479] 'Dalle sentenze da lui pronunziate o nel civile, o nel criminale, non
si poteva appellare ad un altro tribunale,' &c. Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 127.


[480] Mex., vol. i., p. 29.


[481] Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 580.


[482] Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 593.


[483] Discurso, p. 97.


[484] 'Oìa de causas, que se debolvian, y remitian à èl, por apelacion; y
estas eran solas las criminales, porque de las civiles no se apelaba de sus
Justicias ordinarias.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 352. It is possible that
Señor Carbajal may have read only a subsequent passage in the same chapter,
where Torquemada, speaking of the tribunal of the tlacatecatl, says:
'De este se apelaba, para el Tribunal, y Audiencia del Cihuacohuatl, que
era Juez Supremo, despues del Rei.' From what has gone before, it is, however,
evident that the author here refers only to the criminal cases that
were appealed from the court of the tlacatecatl.


[485] Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxii.


[486] Mex., vol. i., p. 29. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp.
127-8, also affirms, indirectly, that cases were sometimes laid in the first instance
before the supreme judge, inasmuch as he first says that the cihuacoatl
took cognizance of both civil and criminal cases, and afterwards,
when speaking of the court of the tlacatecatl, he writes: 'Se la causa era
puramente civile, non v'era appellazione.' The same applies to Brasseur de
Bourbourg. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 580.


[487] Herein lies the only difference between Las Casas and Torquemada on
the subject of the Cihuacoatl. The former writes: 'Qualquiera que este
oficio para si usurpara, ó lo concediera á otro, avia de morir por ello, y sus
padres y deudos eran desnaturados del pueblo donde acaeciese hasta lo
quarta generación. Allende que todos los bienes avian de ser confiscados, y
aplicados para la republica.' Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxii. Torquemada
says: 'era tan autoriçado este oficio, que el que lo vsurpara para si, ò lo
comunicàra à otro en alguna parte del Reino, muriera por ello, y sus Hijos,
y Muger fueran vendidos, por perpetuos esclavos, y confiscados sus bienes
por Lei, que para esto havia.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 352. Notwithstanding
all other historians distinctly affirm that the cihuacoatl was, in
the exercise of his functions perfectly independent of the king, Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 580, makes the following extraordinary
statement: 'Il jugeait en dernier ressort et donnait des ordres en
lieu et place du souverain, chaque fois que celui-ci ne le faisait pas directement
et par lui-même.' This must be from one of the original manuscripts
in the possession of M. l'Abbé.


[488] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxii., spells these names tacatecatl,
acoahunotl, and tlaylotlat; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p.
352, tlacateccatl, quauhnuchtli, and tlaylotlac; and Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. ii., p. 127, tlacatecatl, quauhnochtli, and tlanótlac, or
tlaiíotlac, a defect in the impression makes it difficult to tell which.
Scarcely two of the old writers follow the same system of orthography,
and in future I shall follow the style which appears simplest, endeavoring
only to be consistent with myself.


[489] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 128, writes 'Egiornalmente
si portava al Cihuacoatl, od al Tlacatecatl per avvertirlo di tutto ciò,
che occorreva, e ricever gli ordini da lui;' but it would probably be only in
cases of great importance that the reports of the tecuhtli would be carried
to the cihuacoatl.


[490] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxii.; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 355; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp.
127-8.


[491] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 354, says that there were fifteen
provinces subject to the king of Tezcuco.


[492] The English edition of Clavigero reads: 'the judicial power was divided
amongst seven principal cities,' p. 354; but the original agrees with the
other authorities: 'nel Regno d'Acolhuacan era la giurisdizione compartita
tra sei Città principali.' Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 128.


[493] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxii. Torquemada, however,
asserts that there were 'en la Ciudad de Tetzcuco (que era la Corte) dentro
de la Casa Real dos Salas de Consejo ... y en cada Sala dos Jueces. Havia
diferencia entre los dichos Jueces; porque los de la vna Sala eran de mas
autoridad, que los de la otra; estos se llamaban Jueces maiores, y esotros
menores; los maiores oìan de causas graves, y que pertenecian à la determinacion
del Rei; los segundos, de otras, no tan graves, sino mas leves, y
livianas.' Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 354. The lower of these two probably
either formed one of the six superior courts above mentioned, or corresponded
with them in jurisdiction. According to Zurita, 'chacune des
nombreuses provinces soumises à ces souverains entretenait à Mexico, à
Tezcuco et à Tlacopan, qui étaient les trois capitales, deux juges, personnes
de sens choisies à cet effet, et qui quelquefois étaient parents des souverains,'
and adds: 'les appels étaient portés devant douze autres juges
supérieurs qui prononçaient d'après l'avis du souverain.' Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série ii., tom. i., pp. 95, 100.


[494] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 355, writes: 'Tenia cada Sala
de estas dichas otro Ministro, que hacia oficio de Alguacil Maior,' &c., while
other writers assign one to each judge, of whom there were two in each
court.


[495] Clavigero differs on this point from other writers, in making this
meeting occur every Mexican month of twenty days. Zurita, Rapport, in
Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. i., p. 101, writes: 'Tous les douze
jours il y avait une assemblée générale des juges présidée par le prince;' to
this the editor attaches the following note: 'il est évident, comme on le
verra page 106, qu'il y a ici une erreur, et que ces assemblées, dont les sessions
duraient douze jours, ne se tenaient que tous les quatre-vingts jours.'
It is, however, the learned editor who is mistaken, because, as we have
seen above, there were two distinct meetings of the judges; a lesser one
every ten or twelve days, and a greater every eighty days, and it is of the
latter that Zurita speaks on p. 106.


[496] 'Al que él sentenciava le arrojava una flecha de aquellas.' Tezozomoc,
Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p. 57. 'A capital
sentence was indicated by a line traced with an arrow across the portrait of
the accused.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 33.


[497] It is probable that as matters of government, as well as legal affairs,
were discussed at their Eighty-Day Council, it was not exclusively composed
of judges, but that nobles and statesmen were admitted to membership.
Torquemada is, however, the only writer who distinctly states this:
'tenian Audiencia General, que la llamaban Napualtlatolli, como decir,
Palabra ochentena, que era Dia, en el qual se juntaban todos los de la Ciudad,
y los Asistentes de todas las Provincias, con todo el Pueblo, asi nobles,
como Comunes, y Plebeios,' &c. Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 168; Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 244-5, says
that the king was accompanied by all his sons and relatives, with their
tutors and suites.


[498] Concerning this judicial system of Tezcuco, see: Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. ccxii.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 168, tom.
ii., pp. 351-5; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom.
i., pp. 96, et seq.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 128-9;
Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 134-6; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii.,
pp. 302-5; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, pp. 28-9; Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 595.


[499] This sentence reads as follows in the original: 'Á los lados serbian de
alfombras unas pieles de tigres y leones, y mantas hechas de plumas de
águila real, en donde asimismo estaban por su orden cantidad de braceletes,
y grevas de oro.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
vol. ix., p. 243. It is difficult to imagine why 'braceletes, y grevas de oro'
should be placed upon the floor, but certainly the historian gives us to understand
as much. Prescott, who affects to give Ixtlilxochitl's description
'in his own words,' and who, furthermore, encloses the extract in quotation
marks, gets over this difficulty by omitting the above-quoted sentence entirely.
Mex., vol. i., p, 34; and Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p.
205, adopts the same convenient but somewhat unsatisfactory course. This
latter author's version of the whole matter is, however, like much other of
his work, inextricably confused, when compared with the original.


[500] 'Las paredes estaban entapizadas y adornadas de unos paños hechos
de pelo de conejo, de todos colores, con figuras de diversas aves, animales y
flores.' This is rendered by Prescott: 'The walls were hung with tapestry,
made of the hair of different wild animals, of rich and various colors, festooned
by gold rings, and embroidered with figures of birds and flowers.'
A few lines above, 'la silla y espaldar era de oro,' is construed into 'a
throne of pure gold.' It seems scarcely fair to style the ancient Chichimec's
description one 'of rather a poetical cast,' at the same time making
such additions as these.


[501] Ixtlilxochitl, ubi supra, writes: 'En los primeros puestos ocho jueces
que eran nobles y caballeros, y los otros cuatro eran de los ciudadanos.'
Veytia says: 'Los cuatro primeros eran caballeros de la nobleza de primer
órden, los cuatro siguientes ciudadanos de Tezcuco.' Hist. Ant. Mej., tom.
iii., p. 199.


[502] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix. p.
242-3. The whole of the above description is very difficult to translate
literally, owing to the confused style in which it is written; and if in
places it is somewhat unintelligible, the reader will recollect that I translate
merely what Ixtlilxochitl says, and not what he may, or may not, have
meant to say.


[503] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 354; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. ccxii;, Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 199; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 128; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série ii., tom. i., p. 100; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 134.


[504] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 129.


[505] Prescott, Mex., vol. i., p. 33, says: 'The paintings were executed
with so much accuracy, that, in all suits respecting real property, they were
allowed to be produced as good authority in the Spanish tribunals, very
long after the Conquest; and a chair for their study and interpretation was
established at Mexico in 1553, which has long since shared the fate of most
other provisions for learning in that unfortunate country.' Boturini thus
describes the paper used by the Aztecs: 'El Papel Indiano se componìa de
las pencas del Maguèy, que en lengua Nacional se llama Mètl, y en Castellano
Pita. Las echaban à podrir, y lavaban el hilo de ellas, el que haviendose
ablandado estendian, para componer su papel gruesso, ò delgado,
que despues bruñian para pintar en èl. Tambien hacian papel de las hojas
de Palma, y Yo tengo algunos de estos delgados, y blandos tanto como la
seda.' Catálogo, in Id., Idea, pp. 95-6.


[506] Veytia writes very positively on this point: 'Habia tambien abogados
y procuradores; á los primeros llamaban tepantlatoani, que quiere decir el
que habla por otro, y á los segundos tlanemiliani, que en lo sustancial ejercian
sus ministerios casi del mismo modo que en nuestros tribunales....
Daban términos á las partes para que sus abogados hablasen por ellas, y
estos lo hacian del mismo modo que en nuestros tribunales.' Hist. Ant.
Mej., tom. iii., pp. 207-8. Sahagun relates the qualities which were supposed
by the Aztecs to constitute a good or bad procurador or solicitador,
and describes their duties: 'El procurador favorece à una banda de
los pleyteantes, por quien en su negocio vuelve mucho y apela, teniendo
poder, y llevando salario por ello. El buen procurador es vivo y solícito,
osado, diligente, constante, y perseverante en los negocios, en los cuales no
se deja vencer; sino que alega de su derecho, apela, tacha los testigos, ni
se cansa hasta vencer á la parte contraria y triunfar de ella. El mal procurador
es interesable, gran pedigüeño, y de malicia suele dilatar los negocios:
hace alharacas, es muy negligente y descuidado en el pleito, y fraudulento
de tal modo, que de entrambas partes lleva salario. El solicitador
nunca para, anda siempre solícito y listo. El buen solicitador es muy cuidadoso,
determinado, y solícito en todo, y por hacer bien su oficio, muchas
veces deja de comer y de dormir, y anda de casa en casa solicitando los
negocios, los cuales trata de buena tinta, y con temor ó recelo, de que por
su descuido no tengan mal suceso los negocios. El mal solicitador es flojo
y descuidado, lerdo, y encandilador para sacar dineros, y facilmente se deja
cohechar, porque no hable mal el negocio ó que mienta, y así suele echar á
perder los pleitos.' Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 23-4. Clavigero takes the
opposite side of the question: 'Nei giudizj dei Messicani facevano la parti da
per se stesse le loro allegazioni: almeno non sappiamo, che vi fossero Avvocati.'
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 129. 'No counsel was employed;
the parties stated their own case, and supported it by their witnesses.' Prescott's
Mex., vol. i., p. 32. 'L'office d'avocat était inconnu; les parties établissaient
elles-mêmes leur cause, en se faisant accompagner de leurs
témoins.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 581.


[507] The reader will have remarked in a previous note that Veytia assigns
more judges to each court than any other writer.


[508] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 208.


[509] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 355-6; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles.,
p. 135; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 128-9.


[510] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 200.


[511] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxv., ccxii.; Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 304, 313; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 135; Veytia,
Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 423; Zurita, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série ii., tom. i., pp. 101-2. Torquemada says the unjust judge was
warned twice, and shaved at the third offense. Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p.
356. See also Id., p. 385.


[512] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix.,
p. 136.


[513] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 165.


[514] Torquemada translates tlacatecatl, Captain General, (Capitan General).
We have already seen that it was the title of the presiding judge
of the second Mexican court of justice, but it was probably in this case a
military title, both because military promotion would be more likely to be
conferred upon a renowned warrior than a judgeship, and because the
prince is spoken of as a young man, while only men of mature years and
great experience were entrusted with the higher judicial offices.


[515] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 189-90.


[516] Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p.
146.


[517] These names are spelled tlelpiloia and quahucalco by Las Casas, and
teïlpiloyan and quauhcalli, by Brasseur de Bourbourg.


[518] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxii., says that the jails
called quahucalco resembled the stocks; the other writers do not notice this
difference.


[519] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 138.


[520] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 138-9; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 353; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap.
ccxii.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 138.


[521] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 138.


[522] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 137.


[523] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., p. 381; Ortega,
in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 225; Boturini, Idea, p. 27. The
number of ears of corn varies according to the different writers from three
or four to seven, except Las Casas, who makes the number twenty-one or
over, stating, however, that this and some other laws that he gives are possibly
not authentic. Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxv. The Anonymous
Conqueror writes: 'quando altri entrauano nelle possessioni altrui per rubbare
frutti, ò il grano che essi hanno, che per entrar in vn campo, e rubbare
tre ò quattro mazzocche ò spighe de quel loro grano, lo faceuano schiauo del
patrone di quel campo rubbato.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor
Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 306. Clavigero
agrees with the Anonymous Conqueror, that the thief of corn became the
slave of the owner of the field from which he had stolen, and adds in a
foot-note: 'Torquemada aggiunge, che avea pena di morte; ma ciò fu nel
Regno d'Acolhuacan, non già in quello di Messico.' Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 133.


[524] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxiii.; Mendieta, Hist.
Ecles., p. 138.


[525] Ortega's statement reads: 'Casi siempre se castigaba con pena de
muerte, á ménos de que la parte ofendida conviniese en ser indemnizada por
el ladron, en cuyo caso pagaba este al fisco una cantidad igual á la robada.'
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 225.


[526] Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 33; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
tom. i., p. 166.


[527] Explicacion de la Coleccion de Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., vol. v., p. 112.


[528] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix.,
p. 246.


[529] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 138; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej.,
tom. iii., p. 225; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 381. Las Casas,
Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxiii., says that he who stole in the market-place
was hanged there and then by order of the judges of the place, and in cap. cxv., he writes: 'El que en el mercado algo hurtava, era ley que luego
publicamente alli en el mismo mercado lo matasen á palos.' Again in the
same chapter he gives a law, for the authenticity of which he does not
vouch, however, which reads as follows: 'el que en el mercado hurtava
algo, los mismos del mercado tenian licencia para lo matar á pedradas.'


[530] Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 225.


[531] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxv.


[532] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 381; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. ccxv.


[533] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan,
MS., p. 51.


[534] 'L'omicida pagava colla propria vita il suo delitto, quantunque l'ucciso
fosse uno schiavo.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 130.
The manner of putting the murderer to death is differently stated: 'El homicidio,
bien fuese ejecutado por noble ó plebeyo, bien por hombre ó muger,
se castigaba con pena de muerte, depedazando al homicida.' Ortega, in
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 226. 'Al que mataba à otro, hacian
degollar.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 166. 'Al matador lo degollaban.'
Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 33.   Other writers merely say
that the murderer suffered death, without stating the manner of execution.
See, Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxiii.; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 387; Mendieta, Hist.
Ecles., p. 136. Diego Duran, in his inedited 'History of New Spain,' asserts
that the murderer did not suffer death, but became the slave for life of the
wife or relatives of the deceased. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii.,
pp. 240-1.


[535] Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.


[536] Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 51-2.


[537] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 136; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej.,
tom. iii., p. 226; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxiii. In cap.
ccxv., among his unauthenticated laws, we read that if the victim of poison
was a slave, the person who caused his death was made a slave, in the
place of suffering the extreme penalty, but the opposite to this is expressly
stated by Clavigero and implied by Ortega.


[538] Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in
Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 307; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. ccxiii.; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 33; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. i., p. 106; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 138; Veytia, Hist.
Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 421. Ixtlilxochitl writes that the children and relations
of the traitor were enslaved till the fifth generation, and that salt was scattered
upon his lands. Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix.,
p. 245. 'Il traditore del Re, o dello Stato, era sbranato, ed i suoi parenti, che
consapevoli del tradimento non lo aveano per tempo scoperto, erano privati
della libertà.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 130.


[539] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
387; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 382; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. ccxv., among the collection of unauthenticated laws so
frequently mentioned heretofore, gives the following: 'Si algunos vendieron
algun niño por esclavo, y despues se sabe, todos los que entendieron en ello
eran esclavos, y dellos davan uno al que lo compró, y los otros repartian entre
la madre del niño y entre él que lo descubrió.' In the same chapter,
among another list of laws which, says Las Casas, 'son tenidas todas por autenticas
y verdaderas,' we read: 'Era ley, y con rigor guardada, que si
alguno vendia por esclavo algun niño perdido, que se hiciese esclavo al que
lo vendia, y su hacienda se partiese en dos partes, la una era para el niño,
y la otra al que lo havia comprado, y si quizas lo avian vendido y eran
muchos, á todos hacian esclavos.'


[540] Zurita writes: 'ils n'avaient droit d'en prendre que trois petites tasses
à chaque repas.' Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. i., p.
110; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.


[541] Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., pl. 72; Esplicacion,
in Id., vol. v., pp. 112-13; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap.
xvi.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 134.


[542] 'Dans les noces publiques et les fêtes, les hommes âgés de plus de
trente ans étaient ordinairement autorisés à en boire deux tasses.' Zurita,
Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. i., p. 110; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 134; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib.
iv., cap. xvi.


[543] Ortega says that the privilege was also extended to private soldiers.
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 227. Zurita, however, writes 'les
guerriers regardaient comme un déshonneur d'en boire.' Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série ii., tom. i., p. 111.


[544] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., p. 386; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii,
p. 33; Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., pl. 72; Esplicacion,
in Id., vol. v., pp. 112-13; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Id., vol.
ix., p. 246; Id., Relaciones, p. 387; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom.
iii., pp. 226-7; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 134; Zurita,
Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. i., pp. 110-11; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.


[545] See this vol. pp. 360-1.


[546] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxv.; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 386; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., vol. ix., p. 387; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 226.


[547] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
246; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 130.


[548] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 130.


[549] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
387; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 226.


[550] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxv.


[551] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
388.


[552] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxv., gives two laws on this point. To the first, which is among the collection of unauthenticated laws,
adds: 'Y si era plebeyo ó de baja suerte hacian lo esclavo.' Ixtlilxochitl
also gives two laws: 'A los hijos de los señores si malbarataban sus
riquezas, ó bien muebles que sus padres tenian, les daban garrote.' Hist.
Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 246. 'Si algun principal
mayorazgo fuese desbaratado, ó travieso, ó si entre dos de estos tales
hubiese alguna diferencia sobre tierras ú otras cosas, el que no quisiese
estarse quedo con la averiguacion que entre ellos se hiciese por ser soberbio
y mal mirado, le fuesen quitados sus bienes y mayorazgo, y fuese puesto en
depósito en alguna persona que diese cuenta de ello para el tiempo que le
fuese pedido, de cual mayorazgo estubiese desposeido todo el tiempo que la
voluntad del señor fuese.' Relaciones, in Id., p. 387; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 385; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 134.


[553] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 423.


[554] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxv.; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 386; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., vol. ix., p. 387.


[555] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxiii.


[556] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
387; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 604; Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. ii., p. 134; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii.,
pp. 227-9; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v.,
p. 313; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 165.


[557] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 502; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. ccxv.


[558] Concerning adultery see: Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxiii.,
ccxv.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., pp. 378, 380;
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 246;
Relaciones, in Id., p. 387; Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
vol. i., pl. 72; Esplicacion, in Id., vol. v., p. 112; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom.
iii., p. 423; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 136-7; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., pp. 130-1; Bologne, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x.,
p. 211; Zurita, Rapport, in Id., série ii., tom. i., pp. 107-10; Ortega, in Veytia,
Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 224; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 33;
Duran, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. viii., pp. 242-3; Valades, Rhetorica
Christiana, in Id., p. 129, note.


[559] Las Casas and Mendieta, as in preceding note.


[560] 'Para la justificacion fuese bastante la denuncia del marido.' Ibid.


[561] Las Casas writes: 'A ninguna muger ni hombre castigavan por adulterio,
si solo el marido della los acusaba, sino que havia de haver testigos y
confesion dellos.' Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxv. Torquemada uses almost
the same words.


[562] Father Francisco de Bologne says that this mode of punishment was
only resorted to in the case of the man, and that the female adulterer was
impaled. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 211.


[563] This statement is made by Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia, ubi sup.


[564] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxiii.; Mendieta, ubi sup.


[565] Ibidem. Among the Miztecs, when extenuating circumstances could
be proved, the punishment of death was commuted to mutilation of ears,
nose, and lips. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.


[566] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 380; Clavigero, ubi sup.


[567] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 377-8, 380; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant.
Mej., tom. iii., p. 224.


[568] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxiii.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles.,
p. 136.


[569] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan,
MS., p. 51.


[570] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 166, tom. ii., p. 380; Las
Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxv.; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom.
iii., p. 423; Ortega, in Id., p. 224; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 33;
Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 137; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 245. Carbajal Espinosa differs from these in saying:
'al pasivo le arrancaban las entrañas, se llenaba su vientre de ceniza y
el cadáver era quemado.' Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 603.


[571] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 193. Carli is therefore mistaken in saying this crime was punished
with death. Cartas, p. 122.


[572] Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 197.


[573] Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxiii. Clavigero writes: 'Appresso tutte
le Nazioni di Anahuac, fuorchè appresso i Panuchesi, era in abbominazione
sì fatto delitto, e da tutte si puniva con rigore.' This writer is very bitter
against M. de Pauw for stating that this pederasty was common among the
Mexicans, and adds: 'ma della falsità di tal calunnia, che con troppa, ed
assai biasimevole facilità addottarono parecchj Autori Europei, ci consta
per la testimonianza di molti altri Autori imparziarli, e meglio informati.'
Clavigero does not, however, state who these 'more impartial and better
informed writers' are. That the crime of sodomy was prevalent in Tabasco,
we have the testimony of Oviedo, who writes that among the idols
that the Christians saw there 'dixeron que avian hallado entre aquellos
çemís ó yolos, dos personas hechas de copey (que es un árbol assi llamado),
el uno caballero ó cabalgando sobre el otro, en figura de aquel abominable y
nefando pecado de sodomia, é otro de barro que tenia la natura asida con
ambas manos, la qual tenia como çircunçiso ... y no es este pecado entre
aquellas mal aventuradas gentes despresçiado, ni sumariamente averiguado:
antes es mucha verdad quanto dellos se puede deçir é culpar en tal caso.'
Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 533. Zuazo, speaking of the Mexicans, says: 'estas
gentes tienen la tria peccatela que decia el Italiano: no creen en Dios; son
casi todos sodomitas: comen carne humana.' Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de
Doc., tom. i., p. 365.


[574] Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxiii.


[575] Las Casas, among his unauthentic laws has one which prescribes death
in this case, but in another list, which he says is composed of authentic
laws, banishment and confiscation of property is given as the penalty. Hist.
Apologética, MS., cap. ccxv.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 380;
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 423.


[576] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 380; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. ccxiii.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 137. Ortega adds that
their heads were rubbed with ashes; 'se les untaba con ceniza caliente.'
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 225.


[577] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
246; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., p. 224.


[578] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
387; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 423; Duran, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 243-4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p.
380; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxv.; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist.
Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 224-5.


[579] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxiii., ccxv.; Mendieta, Hist.
Ecles., p. 136.


[580] Las Casas, Ibid.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 380-1.


[581] Las Casas, Ibid.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 380; Mendieta,
Hist. Ecles., pp. 137-8; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii.,
p. 133.


[582] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 381; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist.
Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 225-6; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii.,
p. 133.


[583] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 165. In the following works
more or less mention is made of the system of jurisprudence that existed
among the Nahua peoples. Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, pp.
31-5; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 593-605; Amer. Ethno.
Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 153; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 35-6,
53-4, 69-75, 96-7, 105, 205; Cortés, Aven. y Conq., pref., p. 13; Delaporte, Reisen,
tom. x., pp. 264-7; Incidents and Sketches, pp. 60-1; Simon's Ten Tribes,
pp. 263-70; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 150-8; Chambers' Jour., 1835,
vol. iv., p. 253; Baril, Mexique, pp. 205-7; Touron, Hist. Gén., tom. iii.,
pp. 29-31; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., p. 14.


[584] 'Tambien las minas de plata y oro, cobre, plomo, oropel natural, estaño
y otros metales, que todos los sacaron, labraron, y dejaron señales y
memoria.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 110-11. To obtain
gold 'se metian al fondo del agua y sacaban las manos llenas de arena, para
buscar luego en ella los granos, los que se guardaban en la boca.' Diaz,
Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 299. In Michoacan
'trabajaban minas de cobre.' Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., p. 48.
'The traces of their labors furnished the best indications for the early Spanish
miners.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 138-9; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mex., tom. i., pp. 99-100; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 198 et seq.


[585] 'Whether a man desire the rude mettall, or to haue it molten, or beaten
out, and cunningly made into any kinde of Iewell, hee shall find them
ready wrought.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv. Gomara and Gama state
that they mixed gold and silver, as well as tin, with copper, for the manufacture
of gimlets, axes, and chisels. Conq. Mex., fol. 318; Dos Piedras, pt
ii., p. 26. Clavigero states that in Zacatollan two kinds of copper were found,
hard and soft, so that there was no need of any hardening process. Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., pp. 210-11.


[586] 'Porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre y oro.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones,
in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 332. 'Nous avons eu entre les
mains de beaux outils de cuivre rosette.' Viollet-le-Duc, in Charnay, Ruines
Amér., pp. 86-7. 'Hazen muchas cosas, como los mejores caldereros del
mundo.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. Some had plates
and other vessels of tin. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 465. 'Contuttociò
si sa, che lavoravano bene il rame, e che piacquero assai agli Spagnuoli
lo loro scuri, e le loro picche.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii.,
p. 196. Peter Martyr speaks of large copper stands or candlesticks which
supported pine torches to light the courts of the better houses. Dec. v., tom.
x. 'Il existait de si grands vases d'argent qu'un homme pouvait à peine
les entourer de ses bras.' Baril, Mexique, p. 209; Brownell's Ind. Races, p.
94; Edinburgh Review, July 1867.


[587] 'Todo variadizo, que en nuestra España los grandes Plateros tienen
que mirar en ello.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 69. 'Los Plateros de
Madrid, viendo algunas Piezas, Brazaletes de oro, con que se armaban en
guerra los Reyes, y Capitanes Indianos, confessaron que eran inimitables en
Europa.' Boturini, Idea, p. 78. 'Non sarebbero verisimili le maraviglie di
cotal arte, se oltre alla testimonianza di quanti le videro, non fossero state
mandate in Europa in gran copia sì fatte rarità.' 'Finalmente erano tali sì
fatte opere, che anche que' Soldati spagnuoli, che si sentivano travagliati
dalla sacra fame dell'oro, pregiavano in esse più l'arte, che la materia.'
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 195-6.


[588] Cortés, Cartas, pp. 109, 100-1. In the collection of Nezahualcoyotzin
'no faltava alli ave, pez ni animal de toda esta tierra, que no estuvìese
vivo, ó hecho figura y talle, en piedras de oro y pedrería.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 244. 'There is no
fourefooted beast, no foule, no fyshe, which their Artificers have once seene,
but they are able to drawe, and cutte in mettall the likenesse and proportion
thereof, euen to the lyfe.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x., iv. Eight gold
shrimps of much perfection. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 285; Pimentel,
Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, p. 56.


[589] 'Sacan un ave, como un papagayo que se le anda la lengua como si
vivo la menease y tambien la cabeza y las alas. Un rostro de aguila lo mismo,
una rana, y un pescado, señalada muchas escamas una de plata y otra de
oro, todo de vaciado, que espanta à todos nuestros oficiales.' Las Casas, Hist.
Apologética, MS., cap. lxiii. 'Funden vna mona, que juegue pies y cabeça,
y tenga en las manos vn huso, que parezca que hila, o vna mançana, que
come. Esto tuuieron a mucho nuestros Españoles, y los plateros de aca no
alcançan el primor.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 117. 'Y lo que mas es, que
sacaban de la fundicion vna pieça, la mitad de Oro, y la mitad de Plata.'
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 487; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii.,
p. 59; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 403-7. 'Sacauan al mercado los oficiales
deste arte, platos, ochauados de vn quarto de oro, y otro de plata, no soldados,
sino fundidos, y en la fundicion pegado, cosa dificultosa de entender.
Sacauan vna caldereta de plata, con excelentes labores, y su assa de vna
fundicion, y lo que era de marauillar que la asa estaua suelta.' Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv.


[590] 'Acaeciales á los principios estar un indio envuelto en una manta que
no se le parecian si no los ojos, como ellos se ponen no muy cerca de una
tienda de algun platero de los nuestros disimuladamente, como no pretendia
mirar nada y el platero estar labrando de oro y de plata alguna joya
ó pieza de mucho artificio y muy delicada, y de solo verle hacer alguna
parte della irse á su casa y hacello tanto y mas perfecto y traello desde á
poco en la mano para lo vender.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap.
lxiii. Zuazo, however, pronounces some of the native work inferior to the
European. 'Yo vi algunas piezas y no me parecieron tan primamente labradas
como las nuestras.' Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 362.


[591] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., p. 211; Oviedo, Hist. Gen.,
tom. i., p. 520.


[592] 'Vna rueda de hechura de Sol, tan grande como de vna carreta, con
muchas labores, todo de oro muy fino, gran obra de mirar; ... otra mayor
rueda de plata, figurada la Luna, con muchos resplandores, y otras figuras
en ella.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 26-7. 'Espejos hechos de Margajita,
que es vn metal hermosissimo, como plata muy resplandeciente y estos
grandes como vn puño redondos como vna bola, engastados en oro.' Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. 'Doze zebratanas de fusta y plata,
con que solia el tirar. Las unas pintadas y matizadas de aves, animales,
rosas, flores, yarboles.... Las otras eran variadas, y sinzeladas con mas primor
y sotileza que la pintura.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 135-6, 42; Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 259; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap.
cxxxii.


[593] 'Vnas fundidas, otras labradas de Piedra.' Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 557; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv. 'Y
lo que mas las hace admirables, es que las obran y labran con solo fuego y
con una piedra ó pedernal.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxiii.
Hammered work inferior to that of European artisans. Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 196. 'Los oficiales que labran oro son de dos
maneras, unos de ellos se llaman martilladores ó amajadores, porque estos
labran oro de martillo majándolo con piedras ó con martillos, para hacerlo
delgado como papel: otros se llaman tlatlaliani, que quiere decir, que asientan
el oro ó alguna cosa en él, ó en la plata, estos son verdaderos oficiales
ó por otro nombre se llaman tulteca; pero están divididos en dos partes,
porque labran el oro cada uno de su manera.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom.
ii., lib. ix., p. 387, et seq. For pictures of furnaces and of some manufactured
articles from the hieroglyphic MSS., see Ewbank, in Schoolcraft's
Arch., vol. iv., p. 448, et seq. 'They cast, also, vessels of gold and silver,
carving them with their metallic chisels in a very delicate manner.' Prescott's
Mex., vol. i., pp. 139-40.


[594] 'Siéntanse en el suelo y toman un pedazo de aquella piedra negra.... Aquel
pedazo que toman es de un palmo ó poco mas largo, y de grueso como
la pierna ó poco menos, y rollizo. Tienen un palo del grueso de una lanza
y largo como tres codos ó poco mas, y al principio de este palo ponen pegado
y bien atado un trozo de palo de un palmo, grueso como el molledo del
brazo, y algo mas, y este tiene su frente llana y tajada, y sirve este trozo
para que pese mas aquella parte. Juntan ambos piés descalzos, y con ellos
aprietan la piedra con el pecho, y con ambas las manos toman el palo que
dije era como vara de lanza (que tambien es llano y tajado) y pónenlo á
besar con el canto de la frente de la piedra (que tambien es llana y tajada),
y entonces aprietan hácia el pecho, y luego salta de la piedra una navaja
con su punta y sus filos de ambas partes.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 406;
repeated in nearly the same words in Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii.,
pp. 489-90; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxii., lxvi; Vetancvrt,
Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 60.


[595] Tylor's Researches, p. 194. 'Tienen lancetas de azabache negro, y
vnas nauajas de axeme, hechas como puñal, mas gordas en medio que á los
filos, con que se jassan y sangran de la lengua, braços, y piernas.' Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 324-5; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 491.


[596] Lenoir, Parallèle, pp. 64-5. 'In the beginning of this so rare inuention,
I gotte one of them, which Christophorus Colonus, Admirall of the Sea
gaue mee. This stone was of a greene darkishe colour, fastened in most
firme and harde woode, which was the handle or helue thereof. I stroke
with all my force vpon Iron barres and dented the Iron with my strokes
without spoyling or hurting of the stone in any part thereof. With these
stones therefore they make their instruments, for hewing of stone, or cutting
of timber, or any workemanship in gold or siluer.' Peter Martyr, dec. v.,
lib. iv.


[597] Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 231.


[598] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxii. See note 9 of this
chapter.


[599] 'Sculptured images were so numerous, that the foundations of the
cathedral in the plaza mayor, the great square of Mexico, are said to be entirely
composed of them.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 140-1. Two statues
in likeness of Montezuma and his brother cut in the cliff at Chapultepec.
Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. iii. The idols destroyed by Cortés
'eran de manera de dragones espantables, tan grandes como becerros, y otras
figuras de manera de medio hombre, y de perros grandes, y de malas semejanças.'
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 35. 'Sapevano esprimere nelle loro
statue tutti gli atteggiamenti, e positure, di cui è capace il corpo, osservavano
esattamente le proporzioni, e facevano, dove si richiedeva, i più minuti, e
dilicati intaglj.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 195. 'Habia
entre ellos grandes escultores de cantería, que labraban cuanto querian
en piedra, con guijarros ó pedernales, tan prima y curiosamente como en
nuestra Castilla los muy buenos oficiales con escodas y picos de acero.'
Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 403; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp.
486-8. Portrait-statues of the Tezcucan kings. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 264; Id., Relaciones, p. 440.
Statues of Montezuma and brother. Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, tom.
iii., p. 49.


[600] 'Gli smeraldi erano tanto comuni, che non v'era Signore, che non ne
avesse.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 206-7. 'Esmaltan
assi mesmo, engastan y labran esmeraldas, turquesas, y otras piedras, y
agujeran perlas pero no tambien como por aca.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
117. 'Ambar, cristal, y las piedras llamadas amatista perlas, y todo género
de ellas, y demas que traían por joyas que ahora se usan.' Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 109-11, 117-18. 'Un encalado muy pulido, que
era de ver, y piedras de que estaban hechas, tambien labradas y pegadas,
que parecia ser cosa de musaico.' Id., p. 107. Shields adorned with 'perlas
menudas como aljofar, y no se puede dezir su artificio, lindeza, y hermosura.'
Sandals having 'por suelas vna piedra blanca y azul, cosa preciosa y muy
delgada.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. Guariques of blue
stones set in gold; a stone face surrounded with gold; a string of stone
beads. 'Dos mascaras de piedras menudas, como turquesas, sentadas sobre
madera de otra musáyca.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. 526-8, tom. iii.,
pp. 285, 305. Idol covered with mosaic work of mother of pearl, turquoises,
emeralds, and chalcedonies. Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. cxxxii. 'Excellent glasses may bee made thereof by smoothing and
polishing them, so that we all confessed that none of ours did better shewe
the naturall and liuely face of a manne.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x.
'Ils avaient des masques garnis de pierres précieuses, représentant des lions,
des tigres, des ours, etc.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des
Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133. Emerald altar to the Miztec god. Burgoa,
Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt ii., fol. 156. 'Y lo de las piedras, que no basta
juicio á comprehender con qué instrumentos se hiciese tan perfecto.' Cortés,
Cartas, p. 109.


[601] Huitzilopochtli's idol 'era vna estatua de madera entretallada en
semejança de vn hombre sentado en vn escaño azul.' Acosta, Hist. de las
Ynd., p. 324. Large chests 'hechas de madera con sus tapaderas que se abren
y cierran con unos colgadizos.' Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc.,
tom. i., pp. 361-2. 'I Falegnami lavoravano bene parecchie spezie di legni
co'loro strumenti di rame, d' quali se ne vedono alcuni anche oggidì.' Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 207, 194-5. 'Los carpinteros y
entalladores labraban la madera con instrumentos de cobre, pero no se daban
á labrar cosas curiosas como los canteros.' Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p.
403. 'Labravan lazos, y animales tan curiosos que causaron admiracion à
los primeros Españoles.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 59. 'With their
Copper Hatchets, and Axes, cunnyngly tempered, they fell those trees, and
hewe them smooth, taking away the chyppes, that they may more easily
be drawne. They haue also certayne hearbes, with the which, in steed of
broome, and hempe, they make ropes, cordes, and cables: and boaring a
hole in one of the edges of the beame, they fasten the rope, then sette their
slaues vnto it, like yoakes of oxen, and lastly insteede of wheels, putting
round blocks vnder the timber, whether it be to be drawn steepe vp, or
directly downe the hill, the matter is performed by the neckes of the slaues,
the carpenters onely directing the carriage.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib.
x. 'Hazen caxas, escritorios, mesas, escriuanias, y otras cosas de mucho
primor.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix. 'They made cups
and vases of a lackered or painted wood, impervious to wet and gaudily
colored.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 143.


[602] Molina, Diccionario, says, however that, the tecomatl was an earthen
vase. See also p. 458 of this volume.


[603] 'Siete sartas de quentas menudas de barro, redondas y doradas muy
bien.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. 526, 533. 'I Pentolai facevano
d'argilla non solo gli stoviglj necessarj per l'uso delle case, ma eziandío
altri lavori di mera curiosità.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 207, tom. iv., pp. 211-2. 'La loza tan hermosa, y delicada
como la de Faenza en Italia.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap.
ii., vii. 'Los incensarios con que incensaban eran de barro, à manera de
cuchara, cuio remate era hueco, y dentro tenían metidas pelotillas del mismo
barro, que sonaban como cascaveles, à los golpes del Incienso, como
suenan las cadenas de nuestros incensarios.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
tom. ii., p. 264. The jicara was of gold, silver, gourd-shells, or fish-shells.
'Aunque estèn cien Años en el Agua, nunca la pintura se les borra.'
Id., p. 488. 'Para coger la sangre tienen escudillas de calabaça.' Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 324-5. 'Many sorts also of earthen vessels are sold
there, as water pots, greate iuggs, chargers, gobblets, dishes, colenders,
basens, frying pans, porringers, pitchers.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv.
'Vasos que llaman xicalli, y tecomatl, que son de vnos arboles, que se dan
en tierras calientes.' 'À estas les dan vn barniz con flores, y animales de
diversos colores, hermoseadas, que no se quita, ni se despinta aunque estè
en el agua muchos días.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 60.


[604] 'Non aveano lana, nè seta comune, nè lino, nè canapa; ma supplivano
alla lana col cotone, alla seta colla piuma, e col pelo del coniglio, e della
lepre, ed al lino, ed alla canapa coll' Icxotl, o palma montana, col Quetzalichtli,
col Pati, e con altre spezie di Maguei.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. ii., pp. 207-8, 210. 'En todo el mundo no se podia hacer ni
tejer otra tal, ni de tantas ni tan diversas y naturales colores ni labores.'
Cortés, Cartas, p. 101. 'Una Vestidura del Gran Sacerdote Achcauhquitlinamacàni
se embiò à Roma en tiempo de la Conquista, que dexò pasmada
aquella Corte.' Boturini, Idea, p. 77. The Olmecs used the hair of dogs
and other animals. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 154, 252-3.
'Incredible matters of Cotton, housholde-stuffe, tapestry or arras hangings,
garments, and couerlets.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii. Humboldt states
that silk made by a species of indigenous worms was an article of commerce
among the Miztecs, in the time of Montezuma. Essai Pol., tom. ii.,
p. 454. 'Hilan teniendo el copo en vna mano, y el huso en otra. Tuercen
al reues que aca, estando el huso en vna escudilla. No tiene hueca el huso,
mas hilan a prissa y no mal.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 318.


[605] Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. ii., pp. 454-5. Maguey-paper 'resembling
somewhat the Egyptian papyrus.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 99-100. Some
paper of palm-leaf, as thin and soft as silk. Boturini, Catálogo, in Id., Idea,
pp. 95-6. Native paper called cauhamatl. Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p. 65. They made paper of a certain species
of aloe, steeped together like hemp, and afterwards washed, stretched, and
smoothed; also of the palm icxotl, and thin barks united and prepared with
a certain gum. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 189, tom.
iv., p. 239. Torquemada speaks of a sheet 20 fathoms long, one wide, and
as thick as the finger. Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 263.


[606] 'Habia oficiales de curtir cueros y muchos de adovarlos maravillosamente.'
Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxii. 'Cueros de Venado,
Tigres, y leones ... con pelo, y sin pelo, de todos colores.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 488. 'Tan suaves que de ellos se vestian, y sacaban
correas.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 60; Sahagun, Hist. Gen.,
tom. iii., lib. x., p. 118. Cortés found the skins of some of his horses slain
in battle 'tan bien adobados como en todo el mundo lo pudieran hacer.' Cartas,
p. 183. Red skins resembling parchment. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p.
526. 'No se puede bien dezir su hermosura, y hechura.' Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v. 'Los tarascos curtian perfectamente las pieles
de los animales.' Payno, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da época, tom. i., p.
721. 'Des tapis de cuir maroquinés avec la dernière perfection.' Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 271.


[607] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 189-90; Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 652-3. Method of raising cochineal. Id., pp.
625-6. 'En parcourant le palais de Montézuma les Castillans furent très-étonnés
d'y voir des sacs de punaises dont on se servait à teindre et même à
badigeonner les murs.' Rosny, in Comité d'Arch. Amér., 1866-7, pp. 15-16.
See p. 235 of this volume. They possessed the art of dyeing a fabric
without impairing its strength, an art unknown to Europeans of the 18th
century. Carli, Cartas, pt ii., pp. 95-7.


[608] 'Y pintores ha habido entre ellos tan señalados, que sobre muchos de
los señalados donde quiera que se hallasen se podian señalar.' Las Casas,
Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxii. The same author speaks of their skill
in reducing or enlarging drawings. 'Havia Pintores buenos, que retrataban
al natural, en especial Aves, Animales, Arboles, Flores, y Verduras, y
otras semejantes, que vsaban pintar, en los aposentos de los Reies, y Señores;
pero formas humanas, asi como rostros, y cuerpos de Hombres, y Mugeres,
no los pintaban al natural.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 487,
tom. i., p. 388; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 404. 'Dans leur grotesque et
leur raccourci, on trouve encore cependant une délicatesse de pinceau, fort
remarquable, une pureté et une finesse dans les esquisses, qu'on ne saurait
s'empêcher d'admirer; on voit, d'ailleurs, un grand nombre de portraits de
rois et de princes, qui sont évidemment faits d'après nature.' Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 653-4. 'Wee sawe a Mappe of
those countreyes 30. foote long, and little lesse in breadth, made of white
cotton, wouen: wherein the whole playne was at large described.' Peter
Martyr, dec. v., lib. x., iii., v.


[609] 'La Natura ad essi somministrava quanti colori fa adoperar l'Arte, e
alcuni ancora, que essa non è capace d'imitare.' The specimens made after
the conquest were very inferior. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom.
ii., pp. 197-9. 'Hazense las mejores ymagines de pluma en la prouincia
de Mechoacan en el pueblo de Pascaro.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 285.
'Vi ciertos follajes, pájaros, mariposas, abejones sobre unas varas temblantes,
negras é tan delgadas, que apenas se veian, é de tal manera que
realmente se hacian vivas á los que las miraban un poquito de lejos: todo lo
demas que estaba cerca de las dichas mariposas, pájaros é abejones correspondia
naturalmente á boscajes de yerbas, ramos é flores de diversas colores
é formas.' Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 360.
'Figuras, y imagenes de Principes, y de sus idolos, tan vistosas, y tan acertadas,
que hazian ventaja a las pinturas Castellanas.' Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv. 'Muchas cosas de Pluma, como Aves, Animales,
Hombres, y otras cosas mui delicadas, Capas, y Mantas para cubrirse, y
vestiduras para los Sacerdotes de sus Templos, Coronas, Mitras, Rodelas,
y Mosqueadores.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 488-9; Vetancvrt,
Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 59; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 405-6; Las Casas,
Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxii. 'Acontece les no comer en todo vn dia,
poniendo, quitando y assentando la pluma, y mirando à una parte, y à otra,
al sol, a la sombra,' etc. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 116-17. Mention of the
birds which furnished bright-colored feathers. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq.,
fol. 68-9. 'Ils en faisaient des rondaches et d'autres insignes, compris sous
le nom d' "Apanecayotl," dont rien n'approchait pour la richesse et le fini.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 285; Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 109. Mention of some specimens preserved in
Europe. Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 30.


[610] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 392-6.


[611] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 489; Vetancvrt, Teatro
Mex., pt ii., p. 59; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 405; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. l.


[612] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 201-3; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. i., p. 147; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., tom. ix., p. 244.


[613] 'Avvegnachè i lor più celebri Aringatori non sieno da paragonarsi
cogli Oratori delle Nazioni culte dell'Europa, non può peraltro negarsi, che
i loro ragionamenti non fossero gravi, sodi, ed eleganti, come si scorge dagli
avanzi che ci restano della loro eloquenza.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., pp. 174-5. 'Les raisonnements y sont graves, les arguments
solides, et pleins d'élégance.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom.
iii, p. 672; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 172-3. Montezuma's speech to Cortés,
in Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 285-6. 'The Spaniards have given
us many fine polished Indian orations, but they were certainly fabricated
at Madrid.' Adair, Amer. Ind., p. 202.


[614] Four poems or fragments are given in Spanish, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 110-15. No. 1 has for its subject the tyrant Tezozomoc;
No. 2 is an ode on the mutability of life; No. 3 is an ode recited
at a feast, comparing the great kings of Anáhuac to precious stones; No. 4
was composed for the dedication of the author's palace and treats of the unsatisfactory
nature of earthly honors. Nos. 2 and 3 are also found in Doc.
Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 286-93. No. 2 is given in Prescott's
Mex., vol. iii., pp. 425-30, in Spanish and English verse. A French translation
of No. 1 is given by Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom.
iii., pp. 672-4, who also gives an additional specimen from Carochi's
grammar, in Aztec and Spanish. Nos. 1, 2, and 4 in French, in Bussierre,
L'Empire Mex., pp. 411-17. No. 4 is to be found in Granados y Galvez,
Tardes Amer., pp. 90-4. Nos. 1 and 4, in German, in Müller, Reisen, tom.
iii., pp. 138-41, where are also two additional odes. No. 2 is also given in
German by Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 146-51.


[615] Boturini, Idea, pp. 90-7. The language of their poetry was brilliant,
pure, and agreeable, figurative, and embellished with frequent comparisons
to the most pleasing objects in nature. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., pp. 174-6. Nezahualcoyotl left sixty hymns composed in honor of
the Creator of Heaven. Id., tom. i., pp. 232, 245-7; Pimentel, Mem. sobre
la Raza Indígena, pp. 57-9; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 108, 171-5; Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 639-40. 'Cantauan lamentaciones, y
endechas. Tenian pronosticos, especialmente que se auia de acabar el
mundo, y los cantauan lastimosamente: y tambien tenian memoria de sus
grandezas, en cantares y pinturas.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi.,
cap. xvi.; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol.
ix., p. 275.


[616] Molina, Vocabulario; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt ii., pp. 128-47;
Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da época, tom. iv., Sept., 1872; Gallatin, in
Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 49-57; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la
Raza Indígena, pp. 45-7; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 109-10.


[617] My authorities for the matter in this chapter are: Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 282-337, 387-96, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 107-12,
117-18, 122, 131, 137; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. l., lxii-lxiii.,
lxv., cxxi., cxxxii., clxxii., ccxi.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 403-7; Cortés,
Cartas, pp. 29-34, 94, 100-1, 109, 183, 192; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp.
198, 285, 324; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., pp. 59-60; Beaumont, Crón.
Mechoacan, MS., pp. 48-50; Boturini, Idea, pp. 77-8, 90-7; Peter Martyr,
dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., tom. i.-v., x., dec. viii., lib. iv.; Gomara, Conq.
Mex., fol. 39, 42, 60-2, 75, 116-18, 135-6, 318, 324-5, 342-3; Duran, Hist.
Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. iii.; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt ii., pp. 26,
128-47; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 232, 245-7, tom. ii.,
pp. 174-8, 189-99, 205-10, 224-8, tom. iv., pp. 210-11, 232, 239; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 37, 72, 146-7, 168, 228-31, tom. ii., pp.
263, 486-90, 557-8; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
vol. ix., pp. 243-4, 264; Id., Relaciones, pp. 327, 332, 440-1, 455; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. iv., v., lib. vi., cap. xi., xvi., lib. vii.,
cap. ii., vii., ix., xv., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.; Camargo, Hist. Tlax.,
in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133; Tezozomoc, Crónica
Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 17, 41, 46, 49, 64,
171; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. 520-1, 526-8, 533, tom. iii., pp. 259,
272, 285-92, 298-300, 305, 464-5, 499; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt
ii., fol. 156, 160-1; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 26-7, 68-9; Veytia, Hist.
Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 154, 238, 252-3, tom. iii., pp. 201-3, 319; Zuazo,
Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 360-2; Diaz, Itinerario, in
Id., p. 299; Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Id., pp. 378-9; Motolinia, Hist.
Indios, in Id., pp. 204, 211; Hernandez, Nova Plant., p. 339; Granados
y Galvez, Tardes Amer., pp. 90-4; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 99-100,
108-10, 138-45, 170-5, vol. iii., pp. 425-30; Ewbank, in Schoolcraft's Arch.,
vol. iv., pp. 44-56; Müller, Reisen, tom. iii., pp. 125-8, 134; Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 62, 99-102, 378, 431-2, 498, 588-9, 638-40,
652-3, 657-60, 666-7, 682-3, tom. ii., pp. 60, 69-70, 74, 103-4, 198, 230-1;
Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da época, tom. i., p. 721, tom. iv., Sept. 1872;
Rosny, in Comité d'Arch. Amér., 1866-7, pp. 15-16; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno.
Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 49-57; Tylor's Researches, pp. 165, 194, 201,
267; Id., Anahuac, pp. 95-101, 107-9; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. ii., pp.
454, 485; Carli, Cartas, pt ii., pp. 94-7; Lenoir, Parallèle, pp. 48, 56, 62,
64-5; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 130, 271-2, 285-6,
288, tom. iii., pp. 648-54, 672-4; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858,
tom. clix., pp. 77-85; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, pp. 44-7, 54-9;
Cavo, Tres Siglos, tom. iii., p. 49; Viollet-le-Duc, in Charnay, Ruines
Amér., pp. 86-7; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 94; Edinburgh Review, July,
1867; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 13-20, 24, 26-32, 144-51,
162-3, 181; Baril, Mexique, pp. 209-10; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 168-72,
244, 270, 411-17; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. viii., pp. 110-15;
West-Indische Spieghel, pp. 218, 220, 225-6, 238-9, 246, 250-1, 343; Chevalier,
Mex., Ancien et Mod., pp. 19, 28, 36-7; Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 150; Heredia
y Sarmiento, Sermon, pp. 73, 83; Gage's New Survey, pp. 110-11; Lafond,
Voyages, tom. i., pp. 161-2; Touron, Hist. Gén., tom. iii., pp. 142, 146;
Fransham's World in Miniature, vol. ii., p. 9; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld,
pp. 221-2; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 248-50; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog.,
tom. vi., pp. 435, 456; Dupaix, Rel., 2de Expéd., pp. 25, 28; Soden, Spanier
in Peru, tom. ii., pp. 27-9; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 47; Monglave, Résumé,
pp. 43, 52, 57; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 268; Gordon, Hist.
and Geog. Mem., p. 76; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., pp. 268-9, 450; Alzate
y Ramirez, Mem. sobre Grana., MS.


[618] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., p.
322. 'En un año que fué señalado con el geroglifico de un pedernal, que
segun las tablas parece haber sido el de 3901 del mundo, se convocó una
gran junta de astrólogos ... para hacer la correcion de su calendario y reformar
sus cómputos, que conocian errados segun el sistema que hasta entónces
habian seguido.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 32.


[619] Id., pp. 31-2.


[620] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
205; Id., Relaciones, in Id., pp. 331-2, 459; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in
Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 132; Ternaux-Compans,
in Id., 1840, tom. lxxxvi., pp. 5-6; Boturini, Idea, p. 3; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 57; Brasseur de Bourbourg, S'il existe des
Sources de l'Hist. Prim., pp. 26-7; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice
Mexicano (Vaticano), in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 164-7;
Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Id., pp. 134-6. 'Cinco
Soles que son edades ... el primer Sol se perdio por agua.... El segundo Sol
perecio cayendo el cielo sobre la tierra.... El Sol tercero falto y se consumio
por fuego.... El quarto Sol fenecio con aire.... Del quinto Sol, que al presente
tienen.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 297. 'Le ciel et la terre s'étaient
faits, quatre fois.' Codex Chimalpopoca, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 53. 'Creyeron que el Sol habia muerto cuatro veces,
ó que hubo cuatro soles, que habian acabado en otros tantos tiempos ó
edades; y que el quinto sol era el que actualmente les alumbraba.' Leon y
Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 94. 'Hubo cinco soles en los tiempos pasados.'
Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 81, repeated literally by Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 79; Humboldt, Vues, tom. ii., pp. 118-29; Gallatin,
in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 325; Müller, Amerikanische
Urreligionen, pp. 510-12.


[621] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 296-7; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib.
vi., pp. 256-7; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 397-8; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras,
pt. i., p. 16 et seq.; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 42 et seq.


[622] 'No todos comenzaban á contar el ciclo por un mismo año: los tultecos
lo empezaban desde Tecpatl: los de Teotihuacan desde Calli; los mexicanos
desde Tochtli; y los tezcocanos desde Acatl.' Leon y Gama, Dos
Piedras, pt i., p. 16; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 58. 'So begannen
die Aculhuas von Texcoco ihre Umläufe mit dem Zeichen Ce Tecpatl, die
Mexicaner dagegen im Ce Tochtli.' Müller, Reisen, tom. iii., p. 65; Boturini,
Idea, p. 125.


[623] 'Esto circulo redondo se dividia en cuatro partes.... La primera parte
que pertenecia á Oriente llamabanle los trece años de las cañas, y asi en cada
casa de los trece tenian pintada una caña, y el número del año corriente....
La segunda parte aplicaban al septentrion, que era de otras trece casas, á
las cuales llamaban las trece casas del pedernal; y asi tenian pintado en
cada casa un pedernal.... A la tercera ... parte Occidental, llamabanle las
trece casas, y asi verémos en cada parte de las trece una casilla pintada....
A la cuarta y última parte que era de otros trece años, llamabanla las trece
casas del conejo; y asi en cada casa de aquellas verémos pintada una cabeza
de conejo.' Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. i.


[624] Gemelli Careri gives these names in a different order, calling tochtli
south, acatl east, tecpatl north, and calli west; further, tochtli earth,
acatl water, tecpatl air, and calli fire. Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col.
Voyages, vol. iv., pp. 487-8; Boturini, Idea, pp. 54-8. The above are
only figurative names, as the words for the cardinal points and also for
the elements are entirely different in the Mexican language.


[625] Boturini repeats Martin de Leon and Gemelli Carreri.


[626] Humboldt and Gallatin repeat Leon y Gama.


[627] 'Itetl, Ititl, barriga o vientre.' Molina, Vocabulario. 'Vientre, la
madre, á excepcion del padre.' Salva, Nuevo Dicc. 'Titl ... significa
fuego. Tititl escrito en dos sílabas y seis letras nada significa en el idioma
mexicano' Cabrera, in Ilustracion Mex., tom. iv., p. 468.


[628] 'Izcalia, abiuar, tornar en si, o resuscitar.' Molina, Vocabulario.


[629] 'Quiahuitl-ehua ... significa la lluvia levanta.' Cabrera, in Ilustracion
Mex., tom. iv., p. 464.


[630] 'Toçoliztli vela, el acto de velar o de no dormir.' Molina, Vocabulario.


[631] 'Garganta totuzcatlan, tuzquitl.' Ib.


[632] For the various etymologies of the names of months, see: Spiegazione
delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
vol. v., pp. 190-97; Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in
Id., pp. 129-34; Leon, Camino del Cielo, fol. 96-100; Boturini, Idea, pp.
50-52; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 64-5; Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 66-83; Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 349-352;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 502-36; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 250-300.


[633] This order is varied by a few authors. Veytia gives the following entirely
different system: 'Si el año era del carácter Tecpatl, con este se
señalaba el primer dia de cada mes, y seguian anotándose los demas con
los geroglificos siguientes en el órden en que los he puesto; de manera que
el vigésimo dia de cada mes se hallaba Ollin.... Si el año era del segundo
geroglifico Calli, por este se comenzaba á contar, y á todos los dias primeros
de cada mes se les daba este nombre.' The same method he contends is
followed also in those years of each tlalpilli which commence with Tochtli
and Acatl. For cozcaquauhtli he uses the name temeztlatl, or metate. Hist.
Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 76-80; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 294-5. Gemelli Careri
states that Cipactli was not always the first day of the month. Churchill's
Col. Voyages, tom. iv., p. 489; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix,
cap. ii.; Ritos Antiguos, p. 22, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.; Motolinia,
Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 36. Boturini adds to
Ollin the word Tonatiuh, and translates it 'movement of the sun.' Idea, p.
45. Gama places Ollin between Atl and Itzcuintli. Dos Piedras, pt i., p. 26;
Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., tom. i., p. 59; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 463. See also hieroglyphics in Codex Telleriano-Remensis,
pl. ix., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., and Codex
Borgian, in Id., vol. iii., pl. 24; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., p. 304. In Nicaragua where the Aztec language was spoken by a
large portion of the population, the calendar and the names of the days
were the same as Aztec, with but some slight differences in spelling.
Oviedo gives the names of the days as follows: 'Agat, oçelot, oate, coscagoate,
olin, tapecat, quiaüit, sochit, çipat, acat, cali, quespal, coat, misiste,
maçat, toste, at, izquindi, ocomate, malinal, acato.... Un año ... tiene diez
çempuales, é cada çempual es veynte dias.' Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 52.


[634] Sahagun, and after him several others, do not agree with this, but
pretend that one day was added every fourth year, on which occasion a
certain feast was celebrated, but Gama has clearly demonstrated that this
is a mistake. 'El año visiesto, que era de cuatro en cuatro años.' Hist.
Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 75. 'Otra fiesta hacian de cuatro en cuatro años á
honra del fuego, en la que ahugeraban las orejas á todos los niños; y la llamaban
Pillabanaliztli, y en esta fiesta es verosimil, y hay congeturas que hacian
su visiesto contando seis dias de nemontemi.' Id., tom. iv., pp. 347-8. Boturini
expresses the same opinion. 'Determinaron cada quatro años añadir un dia
mas, que recogiesse las horas, que se desperdiciaban, lo que supongo executaron
contando dos veces uno de los Symbolos de el ultimo mes de el año, á la
manera de los Romanos.' Idea, p. 137. 'El año de visiesto que era de quatro
à quatro años.' Leon, Camino del Cielo, fol. 100. 'They order'd the bissextile,
or leap-year, after this manner. The first year of the age began on the tenth
of April, and so did the second and third, but the fourth or leap-year, on the
ninth, the eighth on the eighth, the twelfth on the seventh, the sixteenth on
the sixth, till the end of the age, which was on the twenty-eighth of March,
when the thirteen days of the leap-years, till the tenth of April, were spent in
rejoicing.' Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 490. Veytia
following Boturini adds one day every fourth year by repeating the last day.
Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 110-20. 'La correccion no se hacia hasta el fin
del ciclo, en que se intercalaban juntos los 13 dias.' Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras,
pt. i., p. 24. 'Les Mexicains ont évidemment suivi le système des Perses: ils
conservoient l'année vague jusqu'à ce que les heures excédantes formassent
une demilunaison; ils intercaloient, par conséquent, treize jours toutes les ligatures
ou cycles de cinquante-deux ans ... à chaque année du signe tochtli, les
Mexicains perdoient un jour; et, par l'effet de cette rétrogradation, l'année
calli de la quatriéme indiction commençoit le 27 décembre, et finissoit au
solstice d'hiver, le 21 décembre, en ne faisant pas entrer en ligne de compte
les cinq jours inutiles ou complémentaires. Il en résulte que ... treize
jours intercalaires ramènent le commencement de l'année au 9 janvier.'
Humboldt, Vues, tom. ii., pp. 60-1. 'Non frammettevano un giorno ogni
quattro anni, ma tredici giorni ... ogni cinquanta due anni.' Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 62. 'They waited till the expiration of fifty-two
vague years, when they interposed thirteen days, or rather twelve and
a half, this being the number which had fallen in arrear.' Prescott's Mex.,
vol. i., p. 112; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 469.
In this connection I also give the remarkable statement of Pedro de los
Rios in his interpretation of the Codex Vaticanus: 'Item, si ha da notare,
che il loro bisesto andava solo in quattro lettere, anni, o segni che sono Canna,
Pietra, Casa, e Coniglio, perchè come hanno bisesto delli giorni a fare di
quattro in quattro anni un mese di quelli cinque giorni morti che avanzavano
di ciascun anno, cosi avevano bisesto di anni perchè di cinquantadue in
cinquantadue anni, che è una loro Età, aggiungevano un anno, il quale sempre
veniva in una di queste lettere o segni perchè come ogni lettera o segno di
questi vinti habbia tredici del suo genere che le servano, verbi gratiâ.' Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 174-5. In the Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis
we read: 'Á 19 de Fevrero los cinco dias muertos que no
avia sacrificios; estos eran los dias que sobravan de los de veynte en veynte del
año: y siempre en cumpliendose los 365 dias, dexavan pasar estos, y luego tornavan
a tomar el año en la letra que entrava.' Id., p. 134. To this Lord Kingsborough
adds in a note: 'The Mexicans reckoned 365 days to their year; the
last five of which had no sign or place appropriated to them in the calendar;
since, if they had been admitted, the order of the signs would have been
inverted, and the new year would not always have commenced with Ce
Cipactli. These days, therefore, although included in the computation of
the year, were rejected from the calendar, until at the expiration of four
years an intercalation of twenty corresponding signs might be effected
without producing any confusion in it. It would appear, however, that
this intercalation did not actually take place till at the expiration of 52
years; for it is impossible, except on this supposition, to understand the
intercalation of years mentioned in the Vatican MS. as occurring at the
expiration of every period of 52 years, when an entire year was intercalated:
but admitting the postponement of an intercalation of a month
every four years during a period of 52 years, such an intercalation would
then become quite intelligible; since thirteen Mexican months, of 20 days
each, exactly constitute a ritual year of the Mexicans which contained 260
days, and was shorter than the civil year by 105 days; and this is the precise
number of months of which the intercalation would have been postponed.'
Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 103-4.


[635] Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 62-89; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno.
Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 69-86. Veytia's reason for commencing the year
with Atemoztli is, that on the calendar circle which he saw, and of which I
insert a copy, this was the month following the five nemontemi. This appears
very reasonable, but nevertheless Gama and Gallatin's calculations
show it to be an error. See Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 74-5.


[636] Boturini gives the rulers of the night as follows: Xiuhteucyòhua,
Señor de el Año; Ytzteucyòhua, Señor de el Fuego; Piltzinteucyòhua, Señor
de los Niños; Cinteucyòhua, Señor de el Maiz; Mictlanteucyòhua, Señor
de el Infierno; Chalchihuitlicueyòhua, Señor de el Agua; Tlazolyòhua, Señor
de el Amor deshonesto; Tepeyoloyòhua, Señor de los Entrañas de los
Montes; Quiauhteucyòhua, Señor de las Lluvias. Idea, p. 58.


[637] Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 29-31, 52-3; Boturini, Idea, pp.
57-9; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 61.


[638] Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 94-103; Leon y
Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 89-114. Further description, and mention
of the astronomical system will be found in Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp.
332-92, and tom. ii., pp. 1-99, 356-80; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., pp. 295-305; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxli.; Sahagun,
Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-76, tom. iv., pp. 282-309, 338-49, tom. ii.,
lib. vii., pp. 256-60, 264-5; Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 196, 200; Boturini, Idea, pp. 42-59,
109-10, 122-4, 137-40, 153-5; Id., Catálogo, pp. 57-72; Motolinia, Hist. Indios,
in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 35-8; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej.,
tom. i., pp. 30-138; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 517-31;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 457-82; Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 294-97; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, tom.
iv., pp. 487-90; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno.
Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 57-115; Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 241-2; Prescott's
Mex., vol. i., pp. 110-27; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena,
pp. 41-3; Nebel, Viaje, pl. l.; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap.
xviii.; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix.,
pp. 322-4; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 397-9; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. ii., pp. 56-65; Müller, Reisen, tom. iii., pp. 63-90; McCulloh's
Researches in Amer., pp. 201-25; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp.
128-30; Tylor's Researches, pp. 92-4; Id., Anahuac, p. 103; Schoolcraft's
Arch., vol. i., pp. 44-5; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 266-7; Peter Martyr,
dec. iv., lib. viii., pp. 537-8; Baril, Mexique, pp. 194-5, 211-15; Morton's
Crania Amer., p. 150; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., pp.
445, 293; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., p. 22; Chambers' Jour.,
1835, vol. iv., p. 254; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 118; Touron, Hist. Gén.,
tom. iii., pp. 21-2, 24-5; Poinsett's Notes Mex., pp. 111, 75-6; Simon's Ten
Tribes, pp. 149-57; Kendall's Nar., vol. ii., p. 328; Prichard's Nat. Hist.
Man, tom. ii., p. 507; Cabrera, in Ilustracion Mex., tom. iv., pp. 461-70;
Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 93-4; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom.
i., p. 92; Thompson's Mex., p. 213; Falliés, Études Hist. sur les Civilisations,
Paris, (n. d.) pp. 57-62.


[639] 'Los cuatro meses que faltan son los que corresponden á nuestro enero,
febrero y marzo, porque al manuscrito le falta la primera hoja, y solo comienza
desde el dia 22 de marzo, y concluye en 31 diciembre, confrontando
sus meses con los nuestros.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 138. 'Il
est dit que l'année commençait au 22 mars avec le premier jour In Thacari.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 467.


[640] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 137-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 463, 467; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc.,
Transact., vol. i., pp. 104-5.


[641] 'Dabanle diez y ocho meses de à 20. dias, y otro mas de cinco, y
este al cabo de quatro años como nuestro Bisiesto lo variaban à seis dias,
pos las seis horas que sobran cada año.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i.,
pt. ii., fol. 136.


[642] 'Todas las cosas que conferimos me las dieron por pinturas, que aquella
era la escritura que ellos antiguamente usaban: los gramáticos las declararon
en su lengua, escribiendo la declaracion al pie de la pintura. Tengo
aun ahora estos originales.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. iv. 'Aunque no
tenian escritura como nosotros tenian empero sus figuras y caracteres que
todas las cosas qui querian, significaban; y destas sus libros grandes por tan
agudo y sutil artificio, que podriamos decir que nuestras letras en aquello
no les hicieron mucha ventaja.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap.
ccxxxv. 'Tenian sus figuras, y Hieroglyficas con que pintauan las cosas en
esta forma, que las cosas que tenian figuras, las ponian con sus proprias
ymagines, y para las cosas que no auia ymagen propria, tenian otros caracteres
significatiuos de aquello, y con este modo figurauan quanto querian.'
Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 408. 'Letras Reales de cosas pintadas, como
eran las pinturas, en que leiò Eneas la destruicion de Troya.' 'Y esto que
afirmo, es tomado de las mismas Historias Mexicanas, y Tetzcucanas, que
son las que sigo en este discurso, y las que tengo en mi poder.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 29, 149, also pp. 30-1, 36, 253, tom. ii., pp.
263, 544-6. 'I haue heeretofore sayde, that they haue books whereof they
brought many: but this Ribera saith, that they are not made for the vse of
readinge.... What I should thinke in this variety I knowe not. I suppose
them to bee bookes.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x., dec. iii., lib. viii. 'Y entre
la barbaridad destas naciones (de Oajaca) se hallaron muchos libros à su
modo, en hojas, ò telas de especiales cortesas de arboles.... Y destos mesmos
instrumentos he tenido en mis manos, y oydolos explicar à algunos viejos
con bastante admiracion.' Burgoa, Palestra Hist., pt i., p. 89. 'Pintaban
en vnos papeles de la tierra que dan los arboles pegados vnos con otros con
engrudos, que llamaban Texamaltl sus historias, y batallas.' Vetancvrt, Teatro
Mex., pt ii., p. 60. 'Lo dicho lo comprueban claramente las Historias de
las Naciones Tulteca y Chichimeca, figuradas con pinturas, y Geroglíficos,
especialmente en aquel Libro, que en Tula hicieron de su origen, y le llamaron
Teomaxtli, esto es, Libro divino.' Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. España, pp.
6, 8-9. 'It is now proven beyond cavil, that both Mexico and Yucatan had
for centuries before Columbus a phonetic system of writing, which insured
the perpetuation of their histories and legends.' Brinton's Myths. See also
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 203-4,
235, 287; Id., Relaciones, in Id., p. 325; Ritos Antiguos, p. 4, in Id.; Garcia,
in Id., vol. viii., pp. 190-1; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 299; Motolinia, Hist.
Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 186, 209; Fuenleal, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 250; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom.
i., pp. 6-7, 251-2; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68; Purchas his Pilgrimes,
vol. iv., p. 1135.


[643] 'Aunque por haverse quemado estos Libros, al principio de la conversion ... no
ha quedado, para aora, mui averiguado todo lo que ellos hicieron.'
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 544, tom. i., prólogo. Some of
them burned by order of the monks, in the fear that in the matter of religion
these books might prove injurious. Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. ccxxxv. Royal archives of Tezcuco burned inadvertently by the first
priests. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,
p. 203. 'Principalmente habiendo perecido lo mejor de sus historias entre las
llamas, por no tenerse conocimiento de lo que significaban sus pinturas.'
Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. 2, 5. 'Por desgracia los misioneros
confundieron con los objetos del culto idolátrico todos los geroglíficos cronológicos
é históricos, y en una misma hoguera se consumia el ídolo ... y el
manuscrito.' Alaman, Disertaciones, tom. ii., p. 154. See also Prescott's
Mex., vol. i., p. 101; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 139-41;
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 188; Bustamante, Mañanas,
tom. ii., prólogo; Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., p. 226; Wilson's Conq. Mex., p.
24.


[644] 'It is to this transition-period that we owe many, perhaps most, of the
picture-documents still preserved.' Tylor's Researches, p. 97. 'There was
 ... until late in the last century, a professor in the University of Mexico,
especially devoted to the study of the national picture-writing. But, as this
was with a view to legal proceedings, his information, probably, was limited
to deciphering titles.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 106. 'L'usage de ces peintures,
servant de pièces de procès, c'est conservé dans les tribunaux espagnols
long-temps après la conquête.' Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 169-70.
'Escriben toda la doctrina ellos por sus figuras y caracteres muy ingeniosamente,
poniendo la figura que correspondia en la voz y sonido á nuestro
vocablo. Asi como si dijeremos Amen, ponian pintada una como fuente y
luego un maguey que en su lengua corresponde con Amen, porque llamada
Ametl, y así de todo lo demas.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap.
ccxxxv. See also Ritos Antiguos, p. 53, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
vol. ix.; Ramirez, Proceso de Resid.; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 115; Motolinia,
Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 122.


[645] 'Au Mexique, l'usage des peintures et celui du papier de maguey
s'étendoient bien au delà des limites de l'empire de Montezuma, jusqu'aux
bords du lac de Nicaragua.' 'On voit que les peuples de l'Amèrique étoient
bien éloignés de cette perfection qu'avoient atteinte les Égyptiens.' Humboldt,
Vues, tom. i., pp. 208, 193-4. 'Clumsy as it was, however, the Aztec
picture-writing seems to have been adequate to the demands of the
nation.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 97-8, 108. 'The Mexicans may have
advanced, but, we believe, not a great way, beyond the village children,
the landlady (with her ale-scores), or the Bosjesmans.' Quarterly Review,
1816, vol. xv., pp. 454, 449. 'The picture writings copied into the monster
volumes of Lord Kingsborough, we have denounced as Spanish fabrications.'
Wilson's Conq. Mex., pp. 21-24. 'Until some evidence, or shadow
of evidence, can be found that these quasi records are of Aztec origin, it
would be useless to examine the contradictions, absurdities and nonsense
they present.... The whole story must be considered as one of Zumárraga's
pious frauds.' Id., pp. 91-2. 'Las pinturas, que se quemaron en tiempo
del señor de México, que se decia Itzcóatl, en cuya época los señores, y los
principales que habia entónces, acordaron y mandaron que se quemasen
todas, para que no viniesen á manos del vulgo, y fuesen menospreciadas.' Sahagun,
Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 140-1; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 209. See also Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., pp. 46-7;
Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 144; Orozco y Berra,
Geografía, p. 100; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, etc., vol. i., p. 93.


[646] See Mexican MSS., in the list of authorities in vol. i. of this work, for
the location of this and other codices in Kingsborough's work. This codex
was published also in Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv.; Thevenot, Col. de
Voy., 1696, tom. ii.; and by Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. España. 'D'après
les recherches que j'ai faites, il paroît qu'il n'existe aujourd'hui en Europe
que six collections de peintures mexicaines: celles de l'Escurial, de Bologne,
de Veletri, de Rome, de Vienne et de Berlin.' Humboldt, Vues, tom. i.,
p. 215. See also on the Codex Mendoza: Id., tom. ii., pp. 306-22; Robertson's
Hist. Amer., (Lond., 1777), vol. ii., p. 480; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp.
40, 103-4; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 22-3, 25; Gallatin,
in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 116-29; Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 299.


[647] Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 173, 231-47; Atlas, pl. 13, 14, 26, 55-6. 60,
tom. ii., p. 118; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 23; Gallatin,
in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 116, 125, 132-43; Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 95, 155; Wilson's Conq. Mex., p. 91. 'The
fiction of some Spanish monk.' Quarterly Review, 1816, vol. xv., p. 448.


[648] Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 216-19, 248-56, with portions of the Borgian
Codex in plates 15, 27, 37. Some pages of the Vienna Codex were
published in Robertson's Hist. Amer., (Lond., 1777), vol. ii., p. 482.


[649] Careri, Giro del Mondo, (Naples, 1699-1700), tom. vi.; Humboldt, Vues,
tom. ii., pp. 168-85, Atlas, pl. xxxii.; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. iv.;
Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 20; Prescott's Hist. Conq. Mex., (Mex. 1846),
tom. iii.; García y Cubas, Atlas; Simon's Ten Tribes, frontispiece; Gallatin,
in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 127, pronounces it an imitation
and not a copy of a Mexican painting, whose authenticity may be doubted.


[650] Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 22-6.


[651] Boturini, Catálogo, in Id., Idea; Aubin, in Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. xxxiii.; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 159-60;
Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 162-3, 226-8; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. i., pp. 16-17, 23-5; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact.,
vol. i., pp. 120-1; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. xxi., et seq., p. 116.
That portion of the Codex Mendoza given in Cortés, Hist. N. España, was
from a copy in the Boturini collection. The manuscript describing the
Aztec migration was published in Kingsborough, Schoolcraft, Prescott,
(Mex. 1846), Humboldt's Atlas, Delafield's Antiq. Amer., García y Cubas'
Atlas, and I have in my library two copies on long strips of paper folded in
the original form.


[652] Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. xxii-xxiv., says they
were not given to Veytia as Boturini's executor, but simply entrusted to
him for use in his work, and afterwards returned to the archives.


[653] Gondra, in Prescott, Hist. Conq. Mex. (Mex., 1846), tom. iii., p. ii., says
that Gama was Sigüenza's heir.


[654] Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 163, 230-1.


[655] Bustamante, in Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt i., pp. ii-iii.


[656] See list of part of M. Aubin's manuscripts in Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. lxxvi-lxxviii.; also a very complete account of
the different collections of Aztec picture-writings in the introductory
chapter of Domenech, Manuscrit Pictographique.


[657] In the Egyptian development, a pictured mouth first signified the
word ro, then the syllable ro, and finally the letter or sound r, although it
is doubtful if they made much use of the third stage, except in writing
some foreign words. Many of the Chinese pictures are double, one being
determinative of sound, the other of sense; as if in English we should express
the sound pear by a picture of the fruit of that name, the fruit pear
by the same picture accompanied by a tree, the word pare by the same picture
and a knife, the word pair by the picture and two points, etc. Humboldt,
Vues, tom. i., pp. 177-9; Tylor's Researches, pp. 98-101.


[658] Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., pl. lxi. Explanation,
vol. v., pp. 96-7. See p. 241 of this volume.


[659] 'On trouve même chez les Mexicains des vestiges de ce genre d'hiéroglyphes
que l'on appelle phonétiques, et qui annonce des rapports, non avec
la chose, mais avec la langue parlée.' Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., p. 191, also
pp. 162-202. 'But, although the Aztecs were instructed in all the varieties of
hieroglyphical painting, they chiefly resorted to the clumsy method of direct
representation.' Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 97, also pp. 88-107. 'It is to M.
Aubin, of Paris, a most zealous student of Mexican antiquities, that we owe
our first clear knowledge of a phenomenon of great scientific interest in the
history of writing. This is a well-defined system of phonetic characters,
which Clavigero and Humboldt do not seem to have been aware of.' Tylor's
Researches, p. 95, also pp. 89-100. 'Dans les compositions grossières, dont
les auteurs se sont presque exclusivement occupés jusqu'ici, elle (l'écriture
Aztèque) est fort semblable aux rébus que l'enfance mêle à ses jeux. Comme
ces rébus elle est généralement phonétique, mais souvent aussi confusément
idéographique et symbolique. Tels sont les noms de villes et de rois,
cités par Clavigero, d'après Purchas et Lorenzana et d'après Clavigero, par
une foule d'auteurs.' Aubin, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. i., pp. xliv., xxx-lxxiv. See also on Aztec hieroglyphics and their
explanation: Buschmann, Ortsnamen, tom. i., pp. 37-48; Gondra, in Prescott,
Hist. Conq. Mex., (Mex. 1846), tom. iii.; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras,
pt. ii., pp. 29-45; Ewbank, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 453-6; Mendoza,
in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da época, tom. i., pp. 896-904; Ramirez,
in Id., tom. iii., pp. 69-70; Boturini, Idea, pp. 5, 77-87, 96, 112-13; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 187-94; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza
Indígena, pp. 49-50; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 5; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte,
tom. v., pp. 131-7; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien. et Mod., pp. 37-8, 58; Humboldt,
Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 77, 93; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 322; Gallatin,
in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 126, 165-68; Ramirez, Proceso de
Resid.; Lenoir, Parallèle, pp. 13-16; Lubbock's Pre-Hist. Times, p. 279; N.
Amer. Review, 1839, vol. xlviii., p. 289, 1831, vol. xxxii., pp. 98-107; Amer.
Quart. Review, June 1827, vol. i., p. 438.


[660] In García y Cubas, Atlas, with an interpretation.


[661] 'On distingue dans les peintures mexicaines des têtes d'une grandeur
énorme, un corps excessivement court, et des pieds qui, par la longueur des
doigts, ressemblent à des griffes d'oiseau.... Tout ceci indique l'enfance de
l'art, mais il ne faut pas oublier que des peuples qui expriment leurs idées
par des peintures ... attachent aussi peu d'importance à peindre correctement
que les savans d'Europe à employer une belle écriture dans leurs
manuscrits.' Humboldt, Vues, tom. i., pp. 198-200; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 653-4. Valades in 1579 gave an American
phonetic alphabet, representing each letter by an object of whose name it
was the initial in some language not the Aztec. Nothing is known of it.
Id., tom. i., p. lxx. Borunda gives a Clave General de Geroglíficos Americanos,
in Voz de la Patria, 1830, tom. iv., No. iii.—an extract in Leon y
Gama, Dos Piedras, pt ii., p. 33. Sr Eufemio Mendoza, in Soc. Mex. Geog.,
Boletin, 2da época, tom. i., p. 899, attaches some importance to Borunda's
efforts. On the difficulty of interpretation see Boturini, Idea, p. 116; Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 87; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i.,
p. 149; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,
p. 201; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 107.


[662] Boturini, Idea, pp. 85-7; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 6; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 194; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mex., tom. i., p. 656. Some additional references on hieroglyphics are: Id.,
pp. 244, 591-2, 650-6, tom. ii., p. 86; Norman's Rambles in Yuc., pp. 293-5;
Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 407-8; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii.,
pp. 27-8; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 175-6; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld,
pp. 266-7; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 300; Delafield's Antiq. Amer., p.
42; Bonnycastle's Span. Amer., vol. i., p. 52.


[663] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., p. 212; Diaz, Itinéraire,
in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 27; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 658.


[664] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 658.


[665] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 274. Sahagun, in describing
how the people raised a mast to the god of fire, says: 'Atábanle diez maromas
por la mitad de él ... y como le iban levantando, ponianle unos maderos
atados de dos en dos, y unos puntales sobre que descanzase.' Hist.
Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 143.


[666] Herrera, Hist. Gen., (Translation, Lond. 1726), vol. iii., p. 280.


[667] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 663; Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 201-2.


[668] Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 63;
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 201.


[669] 'With their Copper Hatchets, and Axes cunnyngly tempered, they fell
those trees, and hewe them smooth ... and boaring a hole in one of the
edges of the beame, they fasten the rope, then sette their slaues vnto it ...
putting round blocks vnder the timber.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x.;
Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 141.


[670] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 205; Gomara, Conq.
Mex., fol. 318.


[671] Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x., states that they bored holes in beams.
They may therefore have known the use of wooden bolts, but this is doubtful.


[672] 'Le Tetzontli (pierre de cheveux), espèce d'amygdaloïde poreuse, fort
dure, est une lave refroidie. On la trouve en grande quantité auprès de la
petite ville de San-Agostin Tlalpan, ou de las Cuevas, à 4 l. S. de Mexico.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 381.


[673] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 202; Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 663-4.


[674] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 8.


[675] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 205. Cortés mentions
a 'suelo ladrillado' at Iztapalapan, Cartas, p. 83, and Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii., both adobes and ladrillos in speaking of building-material.


[676] Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 75; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist.
Mex., tom. i., p. 665. 'L'ignorante Ricercatore nega a' Messicani la cognizione,
e l'uso della calcina; ma consta per la testimonianza di tutti gli
Storici del Messico, per la matricola de' tributi, e sopratutto per gli edifizj
antichi finora sussistenti, che tutte quelle Nacioni faceano della calcina il
medecimo uso, che fanno gli Europei.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 205, tom. iv., pp. 212-13. Both Cortés, Cartas, p. 60, and Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. iv., mention walls of dry stone, which
would show that mortar was sometimes dispensed with, in heavy structures;
but Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 43, contradicts this instance.


[677] At Sienchimalen. Cortés, Cartas, p. 57.


[678] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 89-90.


[679] Mexico is generally taken to be derived from Mexitl, or Mexi, the
other name of Huitzilopochtli, the favorite god and leader of the Aztecs;
many, however, think that it comes from mexico, springs, which were plentiful
in the neighborhood. Tenochtitlan comes from teonochtli, divine nochtli,
the fruit of the nopal, a species of wild cactus, and titlan, composed of
tetl, stone or rock, and an, an affix to denote a place, a derivation which is
officially accepted, as may be seen from the arms of the city. Others say
that it is taken from Tenuch, one of the leaders of the Aztecs, who settled
upon the small island of Pantitlan, both of which names would together
form the word. 'Ce nom, qui veut dire Ville de la Tuna.... Le fruit de cet
arbre est appelé nochtli en mexicain, car le nom de tuna ... est tiré de la
langue des insulaires de l'île de Cuba.... On a aussi prétendu que le véritable
nom de Mexico était Quauhnochtitlan, ce qui veut dire Figuier de
l'Aigle.... D'autres, enfin, prétendent que ce figuier d'Inde n'était pas un
nochtli proprement dit, mais d'une espèce sauvage qu'on appelle tenochtli,
ou de celle que les naturels nomment teonochtli ou figure divine.' 'Elle
avait pris du dieu Mexix celui de Mexico.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in
Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 174-5. 'Los Indios,
dezian; y dizen oy Mexico Tenuchtitlan; y assi se pone en las Prouisiones
Reales.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv. 'Tenoxtitlàn,
que significa, Tunal en piedra.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p.
466. The natives 'ni llaman Mexico, sino Tenuchtitlan.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 293. 'Tenuchtitlan, que significa fruta de
piedra.' 'Tambien dizen algunos, que tuuo esta ciudad nombre de su
primer fundador, que fue Tenuch, hijo segundo de Iztacmixcoatl, cuyos
hijos y decendientes poblaron ... esta tierra.... Tampoco falta quien piense
que se dixo de la grana, que llaman Nuchiztli, la qual sale del mesmo cardon
nopal y fruta nuchtli.... Tambien afirman otros que se llama Mexico
de los primeros fundadores que se dixeron Mexiti.' Gomara, Conq. Mex.,
fol. 113-15; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i.,
p. 180; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 168-9. 'Tenochtitlan,
c'est-à-dire, auprès des nopals du rocher.' 'Ti-tlan est pris pour le
lieu.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 446-9.


[680] He is also termed god of the earth in the fable.


[681] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 91-4, 289-91; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 443-9.


[682] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 465-7. See also Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. i., pp. 167-8. Nearly all the authors give the whole of
the above meanings, without deciding upon any one.


[683] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 313; Heredia y Sarmiento,
Sermon, p. 95.


[684] It means islet, from tlatelli, island. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib.
vii., cap. xiv. Veytia says it is a corruption of xaltelolco, sandy ground.
Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 141; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 115.


[685] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 218; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 5.


[686] The Anonymous Conqueror says two and a half to three leagues in circumference,
which is accepted by most authors. Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii.,
fol. 309. But as the embankment which formed a semi-circle round the
town was three leagues in length, the circumference of the city would not
have been less. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 4.
Cortés says that it was as large as Seville or Cordova. Cartas, p. 103. Aylon,
in Id., p. 43, places the number of houses as low as 30,000. Las
Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. l., who is usually so extravagant in his
descriptions, confines himself to 'mas de cincuenta mil casas.' Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 113, 60,000, each of which contained two to ten occupants.
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 291, places the number as
high as 120,000, which may include outlying suburbs. The size and business
of the markets, the remains of ruins to be seen round modern Mexico,
and its fame, sustain the idea of a very large population.


[687] See Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., pp. 216-17, on former
and present surroundings. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiv.;
Cortés, Cartas, p. 103.


[688] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 115.


[689] 'Erano ... di terra come mattonata.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii.,
fol. 309; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 110.


[690] 'Fueron hechas à mano, de Tierra, y Cespedes, y mui quajadas de
Piedra; son anchas, que pueden pasar por cada vna de ellas, tres Carretas
juntas, ò diez Hombres à Caballo.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p.
292; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. l.; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii.,
p. 69; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 217. 'Tan ancha como
dos lanzas jinetas.' Cortés, Cartas, p. 103. He mentions four causeways
or entrances, but this must include either the branch which joins the southern
road, or the aqueduct. 'Pueden ir por toda ello ocho de caballo á
la par.' Id., p. 83. The view of Mexico published in the Luxemburg edition
of Cortés, Cartas, points to four causeways besides the aqueduct, but
little reliance can be placed on these fanciful cuts. Helps thinks, however,
that there must have been more causeways than are mentioned by the
conquerors. Span. Conq., vol. ii., pp. 456, 472. 'Entrano in essa per tre
strade alte di pietra & di terra, ciascuna larga trenta passi.' Relatione fatta
per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi,
tom. iii., fol. 309. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 4.
'Las puentes que tenian hechas de trecho á trecho.' Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 70.


[691] 'Dos puertas, una por do entran y otra por do salen.' Cortés, Cartas,
p. 84, which means, no doubt, that passengers had to pass through the fort.
He calls the second town along the road Niciaca, and the third Huchilohuchico.
Brasseur de Bourbourg states that within the fort was a teocalli
dedicated to Toci, on which a beacon blazed all night to guide travelers.
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 209-10. But this is a mistake, for Tezozomoc,
Hist. Mex., pt ii., p. 184, his authority for this, says that the beacon
was at a hill 'avant d'arriver à Acuchinanco.'


[692] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 292; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. l.; Cortés, Cartas, p. 84. The Anonymous Conqueror
calls them two leagues, one league and a half, and a quarter of a league
long respectively. Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando
Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 4, makes the shortest a league.


[693] 'Habia otra algo mas estrecha para los dos acueductos.' Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 217.


[694] In Tezcuco the wards were each occupied by a distinct class of tradespeople,
and this was doubtless the case in Mexico also, to a certain extent.
'Cada Oficio se vsase en Barrios de por sì; de suerte, que los que eran Plateros
de Oro, avian de estàr juntos, y todos los de aquel Barrio, lo avian de ser,
y no se avian de mezclar otros con ellos; y los de Plata, en otro Barrio,' etc.
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 147; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 3; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 218.


[695] 'Al rededor de la ciudad habia muchos diques y esclusas para contener
las aguas en caso necesario ... no pocas que tenian en medio una acequia
entre dos terraplenes.' Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., pp.
218-19.


[696] 'Hay sus puentes de muy anchas y muy grandes vigas juntas y
recias y bien labradas; y tales, que por muchas dellas pueden pasar diez de
caballo juntos á la par.' In case of necessity 'quitadas las puentes de las
entradas y salidas.' With this facility for cutting off retreat, Cortés found
it best to construct brigantines. Cartas, p. 103; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in
Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 187; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 73.
'Otra Calle avia ... mui angosta, y tanto, que apenas podian ir dos Personas
juntas, son finalmente vnos Callejones mui estrechos.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 291; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor
Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii.


[697] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 157-8. It is here said to be
four fathoms broad. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp.
231-2; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 32; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico,
tom. ii., pt ii., p. 255, says: 'Reste des ... gegen 39,400 Fuss langen and 65
Fuss breiten Dammes aus Steinen in Lehm, zu beiden Seiten mit Pallisaden
verbrämt.'


[698] Cortés, Cartas, p. 103; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 116; Oviedo, Hist.
Gen., tom. iii., p. 299; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 608.


[699] 'Cosi grande come sarebbe tre volte la piazza di Salamanca.' Relatione
fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio,
Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta,
Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 181.


[700] The Anonymous Conqueror states that this road carried the aqueduct
which was three quarters of a league in length. Relatione fatta per vn
gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom.
iii., fol. 309; Cortés, Cartas, p. 108; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. iv., p. 4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 207; Prescott's Mex.,
vol. ii., p. 114.


[701] 'Los caños, que eran de madera y de cal y canto.' Cortés, Cartas, pp.
209, 108; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 304. Other writers make the
pipes larger. 'Tan gordos como vn buey cada vno.' Gomara, Conq. Mex.,
fol. 113. 'Tan anchas como tres hombres juntos y mas.' Las Casas, Hist.
Apologética, MS., cap. l.


[702] Cortés, Cartas, p. 108, says 'echan la dulce por unas canales tan gruesas
como un buey, que son de la longura de las dichas puentes.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 207; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. l.; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 114; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex.,
tom. i., p. 664.


[703] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 113; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii.,
cap. xiii.


[704] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 500-1; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
tom. i., p. 207; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 4.


[705] Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. ii., cap. xlviii., xlix.


[706] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 427, tom. iv., pp.
209-10; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 184.


[707] Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 319; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 206, 460.


[708] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 7. 'En todos
los caminos que tenian hechos de cañas, ò paja, ò yervas, porque no los
viessen los que passasen por ellos, y alli se metian, si tenian gana de purgar
los vientres, porque no se les perdiesse aquella suciedad.' Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Conq., fol. 70.


[709] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 298. The authorities for the
description of the city are: Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor
Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309, and in Icazbalceta,
Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 390-2, with plans; Cortés, Cartas, pp.
43, 83-4, 102-9, 209; Id., Despatches, p. 333, plan; Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 70-3; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i. pp. 91-4, 147, 157-8,
206-7, 288-98, 306-7, 460; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 465-8, 500-1;
Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 180-3, 187-8;
Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. l.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
113-16; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 283-4, 299, 305; Veytia, Hist.
Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 141; Ortega, in Id., tom. iii., p. 319; Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xiii., xiv., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xi.; Id.,
(Translation, Lond. 1725), vol. ii., p. 372, vol. iii., p. 194, view and plan;
Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix.,
pp. 174-5; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 168-9; Heredia
y Sarmiento, Sermon, pp. 95-6; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 184;
Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 81, 238-9; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 443-9, tom. iii., pp. 231-2, 427, tom. iv., pp. 3-7,
209-10; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 310-14, 664, tom. ii.,
pp. 216-28, with plan; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 16-17, vol. ii., pp. 69,
76-86; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt ii., p. 255; Alaman, Disertaciones,
tom. i., p. 184-8; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., pp. 310-14, 456, 471-2,
490-1, with plans; Carli, Cartas, pt i., pp. 35-6; Peter Martyr, dec. v.,
lib. x.


[710] Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 197; Prescott's Mex., vol.
ii., p. 69.


[711] Cortés says 'piedra seca.' Cartas, p. 60, but this is contradicted by
Bernal Diaz, who found it to be of stone and mortar. Hist. Conq., fol. 43.
'Sin mezcla de cal ni barro.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. iv.


[712] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 150, gives the measurement
at eight feet in height and eighteen in width.


[713] Cortés, Cartas, p. 60; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 43; West-Indische
Spieghel, pp. 225-6. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 150,
with a cut.


[714] Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 186.


[715] Delaporte says that streets met on the hills. Reisen, tom. x., p. 256.


[716] Cortés, Cartas, p. 67; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor
Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 308; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii.


[717] Cortés, Cartas, p. 171. See Warden, Recherches, pp. 67-8, on fortifications.
In Michoacan, some towns had walls of planks two fathoms high
and one broad. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. iii.


[718] Meaning place of detention, because here the immigrating tribes used
to halt, while deciding upon their settlement. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in
Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 214.


[719] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. xlix., says that it was nearly
as large as Mexico. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 115. Motolinia, Hist. Indios,
in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 182, gives it a league in width and
six in length. Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. iv., gives it 20,000 houses.
Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 87-8, estimates it at 30,000
houses, and thinks that Torquemada must have included the three outlying
towns to attain his figure. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 304.


[720] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 89-90, 303-4; Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 87-8; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in
Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 242-4. For further references to
Mexican towns, forts, etc., see: Cortés, Cartas, pp. 24, 57-60, 67-8, 74-5,
92-3, 153, 171, 186, 196; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 43; Relatione fatta per
vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi,
tom. iii., fol. 308; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
tom. ix., pp. 214, 242, 251-2, 257; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap.
xlix.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 251-2, 304, 449-50; Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 26, 51, 115; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. viii.,
lib. vi., cap. iv., xii., xvi., lib. vii., cap. iv., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. iii.; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 150, with cut; Peter Martyr, dec.
iv., lib. iv., vii., dec. viii., lib. iv.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 283;
West-Indische Spieghel, pp. 221, 225-6; Bologne, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 212; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 236; Klemm,
Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 186; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 256; Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 87-8, 259, 663, tom. ii., pp. 51, 161;
Warden, Recherches, pp. 67-8; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 65; Helps' Span.
Conq., vol. ii., p. 296; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 240, 243.


[721] Las Casas states that when a warrior distinguished himself abroad
he was allowed to build his house in the style used by the enemy, a privilege
allowed to none else. Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxvi.


[722] 'I fondamenti delle case grandi della Capitale si gettavano a cagione
della poca sodezza di quel terreno sopra un piano di grosse stanghe di cedro
ficcate in terra.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 202. 'Porque
la humedad no les causase enfermedad, alzaban los aposentos hasta un
estado poco mas ó menos, y así quedaban como entresuelos.' Mendieta,
Hist. Ecles., p. 121. Speaking of Cempoalla, Peter Martyr says: 'Vnto
these houses or habitations they ascend by 10. or 12. steppes or stayres.'
Dec. iv., tom. vii. The floor of the palace at Mitla consisted of slabs of stone
three feet thick, which rested on ten feet piles. Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 26. Houses with elevated terraces were only
allowed to chiefs. Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 188.


[723] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. xlix. This mode of whitewashing
the walls and polishing them with gypsum seems to have been very
common in all parts of Mexico, for we repeatedly meet with mentions of
the dazzling white walls, like silver, which the Spaniards noticed all through
their march. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 251; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 202.


[724] In Cempoalla, says Peter Martyr, 'none may charge his neighbours wall
with beames or rafters. All the houses are seperated the distance of 3.
paces asunder.' Dec. iv., lib. vii. Cortés, Cartas, p. 24, mentions as many
as five courts.


[725] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 291; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. l.; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., pp. 76-7; Chevalier, Mex.,
Ancien et Mod., p. 173. 'N'avaient guère qu'un étage, à cause de la fréquence
des tremblement de terre.' Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 173.


[726] Cortés, Cartas, p. 24.


[727] Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., p.
328. The palace at Tecpeque, says Las Casas, was a very labyrinth, in
which visitors were liable to lose themselves without a guide. In the palace
allotted to Cortés at Mexico he found comfortable quarters for 400 of
his own men, 2000 allies, and a number of attendants. Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. lii., l. 'Auia salas con sus camaras, que cabia cada vno en su
cama, ciento y cincuenta Castellanos.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii.,
cap. v. 'Intorno d'una gran corti fossero prima grandissime sale & stantie,
però v'era vna sala cosi grande che vi poteano star dentro senza dar l'un
fastidio all'altro piu di tre mila persone.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol.
309.


[728] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 200, 202; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 251.


[729] Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 188, says that chiefs were permitted
to erect towers pierced with arrows in the courtyard. Prescott's Mex., vol.
ii., p. 120. The houses were often quite surrounded with trees. West-Indische
Spieghel, p. 220.


[730] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 656.


[731] Tylor's Anahuac, pp. 135-6.


[732] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 291. Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. l., says: 'Encalados por encima, que no se pueden llover.'
'Couered with reede, thatch, or marish sedge: yet many of them are couered
with slate, or shingle stone.' Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. vii., dec. v., lib. x.


[733] Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., lib. x.; Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 219.


[734] Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 314.


[735] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 658.


[736] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 200-2; Bussierre,
L'Empire Mex., pp. 173-4; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp.
662-3, 665.


[737] 'Eran los Patios, y Suelos de ellos, de argamasa, y despues de encalados,
cubrian la superficie, y haz, con Almagre, y despues bruñianlos, con
vnos guijarros, y piedras mui lisas, y quedaban con tan buena tèz, y tan
hermosamente bruñidos, que no podia estarlo mas vn Plato de Plata; pues
como fuese de mañana, y el Sol començase à derramar, y esparcir la Lumbre
de sus Raios, y començasen à reberverar en los Suelos, encendianlos de
manera, que à quien llevaba tan buen deseo, y ansia de haber Oro, y Plata,
le pudo parecer, que era Oro el Suelo; y es mui cierto, que los suelos de las
Casas, y de los Patios (en especial, de los Templos, y de los Señores, y Personas
Principales) se hacian, y adereçaban, en aquellos Tiempos, tales, que
eran mui de vèr, y algunos de estos hemos visto tan lisos, y limpios, que sin
asco se podia comer en ellos, sin Manteles, qualquier Manjar.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 251-2; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap.
xlix.


[738] 'Toldillos encima.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 66.


[739] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. l.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
318; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 66, 68; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii.,
lib. vii., cap. v., vii.; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 174-5; Cortés, Cartas,
pp. 79, 174-5. Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 15-16, mentions
stools of cane and reed; and firebugs which were used for lights.


[740] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 381; Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. ii., p. 201; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 662.
'No ay puertas ni ventanas que cerrar, todo es abierto.' Gomara, Conq.
Mex., fol. 318.


[741] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 8.


[742] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xii.; Peter Martyr, dec. v.,
lib. x.; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. xlix-l.; Prescott's Mex.,
vol. ii., p. 76.


[743] Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. x.


[744] Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 199;
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 200; Gomara, Conq. Mex.,
fol. 318; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 657; Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 661-2.


[745] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 214-15, with cut;
Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 662, 671-2, with cut. The
poorer had doubtless resort to public baths; they certainly existed in Tlascala.
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; Bussierre, L'Empire
Mex., p. 240.


[746] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 155; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 635; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., p. 564. For description of houses, see: Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
tom. i., pp. 251-2, 291, tom. ii., pp. 381, 564; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec.
ii., lib. vi., cap. xii., xvi., lib. vii., cap. v.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. ii., pp. 155, 200-2, 214-15, with cut; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. xlix.-lii.; Cortés, Cartas, p. 24; Relatione fatta per vn
gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom.
iii., fol. 309; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 66, 68; Gomara, Conq. Mex.,
fol. 318; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i.,
p. 199; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 121; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p.
188; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iv., vii., dec. v., cap. x.; Chaves, Rapport,
in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 328; West-Indische Spieghel,
p. 221; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 26, 222, 635,
656-8, iv., p. 8; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., pp. 76-7, 120; Chevalier, Mex.,
Ancien et Mod., p. 31; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 173-5, 240; Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 661-3, 671-2, with cut, tom. ii., p.
219; Tylor's Anahuac, pp. 135-6; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp.
15-16.


[747] 'El anden, hácia la pared de la huerta, va todo labrado de cañas con
unas vergas.' Cortés, Cartas, p. 83.


[748] 'Un anden de muy buen suelo ladrillado.' Cortés, Cartas, p. 83.


[749] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 283; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 636; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p.
156.


[750] Cortés, Cartas, p. 196; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p.
157.


[751] See this vol., p. 345.


[752] 'Hay sus puentes de muy anchas y muy grandes vigas juntas y recias
y bien labradas; y tales, que por muchas dellas pueden pasar diez de caballo
juntos á la par.' Cortés, Cartas, p. 103. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 632, says that stone bridges were most common,
which is doubtless a mistake. Speaking of swinging bridges, Klemm says:
'Manche waren so fest angespannt, dass sie gar keine schwankende Bewegung
hatten.' Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 75; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. ii., p. 169.


[753] 'En los mismos patios de los pueblos principales habia otros cada doce
ó quince teocallis harto grandes, unos mayores que otros.' Motolinia, Hist.
Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 64. 'Entre quatro, ó cinco
barrios tenian vn Adoratorio, y sus idolos.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol.
72.


[754] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 84-6; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., p. 141; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxiv.; Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 35.


[755] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 26, 34, cuts; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., (Translation, Lond. 1725), vol. ii., pp. 372, 378, cuts.


[756] Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 151-3.


[757] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 186; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex.,
pt. ii., p. 37. Other authors give the number at 60,460, and the attendance
at 6,000,000. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 257.


[758] 'Recibia dentro de su hueco todo el suelo en que aora està edificada
la Iglesia Maior, Casas del Marquès del Valle, Casas Reales, y Casas Arçobispales,
con mucha parte de lo que aora es Plaça, que parece cosa increìble.'
Sahagun, quoted in Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 146.
To-day the Cathedral stands upon the Plaza, and many houses occupy the
spot; see Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., pp. 226-7, 233-5. Opposite
the south gate was the market and 'en face du grand temple se trouvait
le palais.' Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 152.


[759] 'Dos cercas al rededor de cal, y canto.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol.
70-1.


[760] 'Mayores que la plaça que ay en Salamanca.' Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 70. Cortés, Cartas, p. 106, states that a town of 500 houses
could be located within its compass. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii.,
p. 144, Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 119, Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. li., and Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., agree upon a
length to each side of one cross-bow or musket shot, and this, according to
Las Casas, cap. cxxxii., is 750 paces; in the same places he gives the length
at four shots, or 3000 paces, an evident mistake, unless by this is meant the
circumference. Hernandez estimates it at about 80 perches, or 1,420 feet.
Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 197, who seems to have investigated
the matter more closely, places it at 200 fathoms, which cannot be too high,
when we consider that the court enclosed 77 or more edifices, besides the
great temple. Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 226, gives a
length of 250 varas.


[761] 'Era todo cercado de piedra de manposterìa mui bien labrado.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 144. 'Estaban mui bien encaladas,
blancas, y bruñidas.' Id., p. 141.


[762] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 27; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 661; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 142.
'Era labrada de piedras grandes a manera de culebras asidas las vnas a las
otras.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 333; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta,
Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 63.


[763] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 333, says an idol stood over each gate,
facing the road. It is not stated by any author that the arsenals formed
the gateway, but as they rose over the entrance, and nearly all mention
upper and lower rooms, and as buildings of this size could not have rested
upon the walls alone, it follows that the lower story must have formed the
sides of the entrance. 'A cada parte y puerta de las cuatro del patio del
templo grande ya dicho habia una gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos
y bajos en rededor.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. li.; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 146; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 120. Tezozomoc,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 152, mentions three gates. 'À l'orient et à
l'occident d'une petite porte et d'une grande vis-à-vis de l'escalier méridional.'


[764] 'Y el mismo patio, y sitio todo empedrado de piedras grandes de losas
blancas, y muy lisas: y adonde no auia de aquellas piedras, estaua encalado,
y bruñido.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 70. The white stones had no
doubt received that color from plaster. 'Los patios y suelos eran teñidos
de Almagre bruñido, y incorporado con la misma cal.' Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 141; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. xlix.
The dimensions given by the different authors are extremely varied; the
Anonymous Conqueror, as the only eye-witness who has given any measurements,
certainly deserves credit for those that appear reasonable, namely
the length and width; the height seems out of proportion.


[765] 'Cento & cinquanta passi, ò poco piu di lunghezza, & cento quindici,
ò cento & venti di larghezza.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del
Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 307.
This would give the length and breadth of the base in the text, assuming
two and a half feet to the pace. With a decrease of two good paces for
each of the four ledges which surround the pyramid, the summit measurement
is arrived at. The terraces are stated by the same author to be two
men's stature in height, but this scarcely agrees with the height indicated
by the 120 or 30 steps given. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 70, counted 114
steps, and as most authors estimate each of these at a span, or nine inches in
height, this would give an altitude of 86 feet. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del
Messico, tom. ii., pp. 28-9, gives about 50 fathoms (perches, he calls them)
by 43 to the base, and, allowing a perch to the ledges, he places the
summit dimensions at 43 by 34 fathoms. The height he estimates at
19 fathoms, giving the height of each step as one foot. To prove that
he has not over-estimated the summit dimensions, at least, he refers to
the statements of Cortés, who affirms that he fought 500 Mexicans on
the top platform, and of Diaz, who says that over 4,000 men garrisoned
the temple. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 144-5, who follows
Sahagun, states it to be 360 feet square at the base, and over 70
at the top; the steps he says are 'vna tercia, y mas' in height, which
closely approaches a foot. Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. li., says:
'Una torre triangular ó de tres esquinas de tierra y piedra maciza; y ancha
de esquina á esquina de ciento y viente pasos ó cuasi ... con un llano ó
plaza de obra de setenta pies.' In cap. cxxxii. he calls it 100 men's stature
in height. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 119, says 50 fathoms square at the
base and 18 at the top. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 245, describes a temple which seems to be that of
Mexico, and states it to be 80 fathoms square, with a height of 27 men's
stature. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii., places the dimensions
as low as 30 varas square at the base and from 12 to 15 at the top. Of
modern authors Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 659,
gives the dimensions at 300 by 250 feet for the base, and 60 feet for the
summit, after allowing from 5 to 6 feet for the ledges, a rather extraordinary
computation; unless, indeed, we assume that the terraces were sloping, but
there is no reliable cut or description to confirm such a supposition.
Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 169-70, has 97 mètres for the square,
and 37 for the height. Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp.
280-82, is positive that the height was certainly no less than 38 varas.
Prescott, Mex., vol. ii., p. 144, remarks that there is no authority for
describing the temple as oblong, except the contemptible cut of the Anonymous
Conqueror. This may be just enough as regards the cut, but if he
had examined the description attached to it, he would have found the
dimensions of an oblong structure given. We must consider that the
Anonymous Conqueror is the only eye-witness who gives any measurement,
and, further, that as two chapels were situated at one end of the
platform the structure ought to have been oblong to give the space in front
a fair outline.


[766] 'Alto come due stature d'vn huomo.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 307.


[767] 'Lasciano vna strada di larghezza di duo passi.' Relatione fatta per
vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi,
tom. iii., fol. 307. See note 87; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta,
Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 64.


[768] The Anonymous Conqueror, Relatione, etc., ubi supra, Las Casas,
Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxiv., Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 119, and
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 145, all say that there was no
ledge on the west side, merely steps, but this is, doubtless, a careless
expression, for 23 steps allotted to each terrace would scarcely have extended
over a length of about 300 feet, the breadth of the pyramid. Nearly
all agree upon the number of the steps, namely 114. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 245, however, gives 160
steps; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 502-3, 60 steps; and Acosta, Hist.
de las Ynd., p. 333, 30 steps, 30 fathoms wide, but the latter author has
evidently mixed up the accounts of two different temples. Tezozomoc,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 152, states that the temple had three stairways,
with 360 steps in all, one for every day in the Mexican year. According
to Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 155, the steps are on the south
corner, but there is no authority for this statement; in the cuts they appear
on the north.


[769] 'De tierra y piedra, mezclada con cal muy macizada.' Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii. 'Por la parte de fuera iba su pared de
piedra: lo de dentro henchíanlo de piedra todo, ó de barro y adobe; otros de
tierra bien tapiada.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc.,
tom. i., pp. 63-4. 'Hecha de manposteria.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind.,
tom. ii., p. 144. The pyramid of Teotihuacan, which, according to some
authors, has been a model for others, is built of clay mixed with small
stones, covered by a heavy wall of tetzontli, which is coated with lime.
Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 187. 'Todas las piedras estauan assentadas
de tal suerte, que la mezcla casi no parecia, sino todas las piedras
vna.' Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 75. The whitewash may, however,
have given it this solid appearance. 'Todos aquellos Templos, y Salas;
y todas sus paredes que los cercaban, estaban mui bien encaladas, blancas,
y bruñidas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 141. The mortar was
mixed with precious stones and gold-dust. Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in
Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 60.


[770] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 659, states that
three sides of the platform were protected by a balustrade of sculptured
stone, and this is not unlikely when we consider the slippery nature of the
floor and the dizzy height. See Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p.
141; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. xlix., cxxiv., and note 75 on
polished floors. Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 664, states that
the summit was paved with marble.


[771] 'In alto dieci, ò dodici stature d'huomo.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii.,
fol. 307. This is followed by Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii.,
p. 29, who says 56 feet, or about 9 perches. No other dimensions are mentioned
by the old chroniclers; Brasseur de Bourbourg, however, gives them a
base of 20 feet square, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 659-60, but this becomes
absurd when we consider the height of the buildings, and the accommodation
required for the gigantic idols they contained. This author hazards the
opinion that the chapels were placed close to the edge, to enable the people
to see the idols from below, but there is no mention of any doors on
the east side, and it is stated that the chapels were placed at this end so that
the people in praying might face the rising sun. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
119; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. li.


[772] 'Que se mandaban por la parte de adentro, por unas escaleras de madera
movedizas.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
vol. ix., p. 245. Acosta states that the towers were ascended by 120 steps.
Hist. de las Ynd., p. 334. The towers were made of 'artesones.' Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 119. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the outside of the
walls was painted with various figures and monsters, but this seems to be a
misinterpretation of Gomara, who places the paintings on the inside. Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 660. Bernal Diaz says, besides, that the towers were
'todas blanqueando.' Hist. Conq., fol. 70.


[773] The eaves or the domes of the temples were decorated with fine red
and white pillars, set with jet black stones and holding two figures of stone
with torches in their hands, which supported a battlement in form of spiral
shells; the torches were adorned with yellow and green feathers and fringes.
Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 333; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 242.


[774] Most of the old authors say that Tlaloc occupied the second chapel,
but as the next largest temple in the court is dedicated to this god, I am
inclined to think, with Clavigero, that Tezcatlipoca shared the chief pyramid
with Huitzilopochtli. Another reason for this belief is that Tezcatlipoca
was held to be the half-brother of Huitzilopochtli, and their feasts
were sometimes attended with similar ceremonies. Tezcatlipoca was also one
of the highest if not the highest god, and, accordingly, entitled to the place of
honor by the side of the favorite god of the Aztecs. Tlaloc, on the other
hand, had nothing in common with Huitzilopochtli, and the only possible
ground that can be found for his promotion to the chief pyramid is to be
seen in the fable of the foundation of Mexico, in which Tlaloc, as the lord
of the site, gives the Aztecs permission to settle there. We have, besides,
the testimony of Bernal Diaz, who saw Tezcatlipoca, adorned with the
tezcatl, or mirror ornament, seated in the left hand temple. Hist. Conq., fol.
71; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 281. Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 660, thinks it possible that the second
temple was occupied by different idols, in turn, according to the festival.


[775] 'No eran mas altos que cinco palmos.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 119.
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 29.


[776] Clavigero thinks that the stone was of jasper. Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 46, with cut. It is difficult to define the position of this stone; some
place it before the idol within the chapel, others at the western extremity
of the platform. Referring to the idols in the chapel, Sahagun says: 'Delante
de cada una de estas estaba una piedra redonda á manera de tajon
que llaman texcatl, donde mataban los que sacrificaban á honra de aquel
dios, y desde la piedra hasta abajo un regaxal de sangre de los que mataban
en él'—he describes the stone as round. Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p.
198. And this I am inclined to accept as correct, especially as several
points indicate that the stones stood inside the chapel. Their floor, we are
told, were steeped in blood that must have flown from the victims; further,
we know that the reeking heart was held up before or thrown at the feet of
the idol, immediately after being torn out. The act of sacrifice was in itself
a ceremony which could only have been performed before the idol. Acosta,
Hist. de las Ynd., p. 334, and Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 397, place
it in the middle of the platform. Prescott, Mex., vol. ii., p. 145, states
that the stone (one only) stood near the head of the stairway, but this is
most likely a hasty interpretation of Diaz' vague account. There may,
however, have been a large stone at this place, which was used for the
great and general sacrifices. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 70; Las Casas,
Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxiv. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., pp. 660-1, manages very dexterously to place the two stones
before the chapel, and at the same time near the head of the steps. Klemm,
Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., p. 98, mentions one stone with a hollow in the
middle.


[777] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxii.; Gomara, Conq.
Mex., fol. 119.


[778] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 71.


[779] Cortés, Cartas, p. 106. It is also stated that certain chapels in the
streets were used for burial places by the lords. 'Inde Straten waren veel
Cappellen, die meest diendeden tot begravinghe van de groote Heeren.'
West-Indische Spieghel, p. 248.


[780] 'Dezian, que era el Dios de las sementeras' (called Centeotl). Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 71.


[781] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 29-30; Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. ii., p. 228; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii.,
p. 145; on p. 141, he says, in contradiction: 'Delante de los Altares en
estos Templos avia vnos braseros hechos de piedra, y cal, de tres quartas en
alto, de figura circular, ò redonda, y otros quadrados, donde de dia, y de
noche ardia continuo fuego, tenian sus fogones, y braseros todas las Salas
de los dichos Templos, donde encendian fuego, para calentarse los Señores,
quando iban à ellos, y para los Sacerdotes.' 'Tan altos como tres palmos
y cuatro.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxiv.


[782] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 70.


[783] See note 119; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc.,
tom. i., p. 65.


[784] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 30. Las Casas, Hist.
Apologética, MS., cap. li., and Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col.
de Doc., tom. i., p. 64, say that they face in all directions, which tends to
prove that they must have faced the temple of the supreme and patron
gods. 'Estando encontrados, y puestos vnos contra otros,' adds Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 141, 145. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 119,
states that they were turned against all points but the east, so as to differ
from the chief temple. 'Tenian la cara ácia el occidente.' Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 198. Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 334, states that
the court held eight or nine temples facing all quarters.


[785] 'Todos eran vnos; pero diferenciabanse en el asiento, y postura.'
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 145. 'La cubierta ... era de diversas,
y varias formas, que aunque eran vnas de madera, y otras de paja,
como de Centeno, eran mui primamente labradas, vnas coberturas piramidales,
y quadradas, y otras redondas, y de otras formas.' Ib. Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 118-19; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii.,
pp. 662-3.


[786] 'La menor dellas tiene çinqüenta escalones para subir al cuerpo de la
torre.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 302; Cortés, Cartas, p. 106.


[787] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 145.


[788] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 147-50.


[789] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 201-7; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 149; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii.,
p. 32, calls it Hueitzompan.


[790] 'En los escalones habia tambien un cráneo entre piedra y piedra.'
Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 287. But this is unlikely.
See also Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 121.


[791] 'Estos palos hazian muchas aspas por las vigas, y cada tercio de aspa
o palo, tenia cinco cabeças ensartadas por las sienes.' Gomara, Conq. Mex.,
fol. 121-2. Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 334, places the masts a fathom
apart, and twenty skulls upon each cross-pole, which is, to say the least,
very close packing.


[792] At each end of the platform. Warden, Recherches, p. 66.


[793] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 32; Gomara, Conq.
Mex., fol. 121-2; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii.; Acosta,
Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 333-5. The account of the latter author is so mixed
up with that of the chief temple as to be of little value; Montanus, Nieuwe
Weereld, pp. 242-3, follows him.


[794] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 333, says that 8,000 to 10,000 persons
could dance with joined hands in this place.


[795] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 48, with cut; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 154; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej.,
tom. iii., p. 283; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 662.


[796] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 120; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii.,
pp. 146-7; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. li.


[797] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 151; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 244.


[798] 'Residen en el a la contina cinco mil personas, y todas duermen
dentro, y comen a su costa del.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 120. 'V'hauea
vna guarnigione di dieci mila homini di guerra.' Relatione fatta per vn
gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom.
iii., fol. 309.


[799] The authorities on the temple of Mexico are: Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 70-2; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando
Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 307, 309, and in Icazbalceta,
Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 384-5, 394-5, with cuts; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. i., p. 186, tom. ii., pp. 140-56; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i.,
lib. ii., pp. 197-211; Cortés, Cartas, p. 106; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
118-22; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. xlix., li., cxxiv.; Vetancvrt,
Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 37; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom.
i., pp. 257-8, tom. ii., pp. 25-32, 46-8, with cuts made up from the various
descriptions of Diaz and others; see his remarks, p. 26. Acosta, Hist. de
las Ynd., pp. 333-5; this author mixes up the descriptions of the chief
temple and the Tzompantli, and represents this account as that of Huitzilopochtli's
sanctuary; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xvii.,
xviii.; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp.
63-5; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 279-89; Tezozomoc,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 151-3, 193; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 245; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp.
302-3, 502-3; Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 75; Solis, Hist. Conq.
Mex., tom. i., pp. 394-98; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 242; West-Indische
Spieghel, p. 248; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 187; Klemm,
Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 154-5; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., pp. 659-65; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 664,
tom. ii., pp. 226-35, with cuts; Warden, Recherches, p. 66; Prescott's Mex.,
vol. ii., pp. 142-5.


[800] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 145; Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. ii., p. 33. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 120, says that there
were 2000 idols, each of which is supposed to have had a separate chapel.
Cavo, Tres Siglos, tom. i., p. 2; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap.
cxxxii.; in cap. cxxiv., he adds that 100 of these were great temples.


[801] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 120. Some temple pyramids, says Dávila
Padilla, formed a perfect cone, the casing being composed of large stones
at the bottom; as the wall rose, the stones decreased in size; the summit
was crowned with a precious stone. Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 75; Prescott's
Mex., vol. i., p. 72.


[802] 'Los grandes tenian tres sobrados encima de los altares, todos de terrados
y bien altos.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc.,
tom. i., p. 64; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxiv.; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 141.


[803] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxiv.; Humboldt, Essai Pol.,
tom. i., pp. 239-40; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 33-4.
Bernal Diaz counted 120 steps, which scarcely agrees with the height of the
pyramid. Hist. Conq., fol. 72. Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 390-1, mentions
60 steps only. 'Alto bien mas de quarenta estados: fue hecho de
Adove, y Piedra.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 281. Montanus
adds that on the summit stood a square structure, supported by 28 pillars,
within which were thousands of skulls; he mentions two chapels. Nieuwe
Weereld, p. 236. It had 1508 steps; in the wall was a large diamond.
West-Indische Spieghel, p. 238.


[804] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. xlix. Some of these had two
chapels, which would make the number of towers about 400. Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii.


[805] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,
p. 245. The description of the temple as given by this writer is almost
identical with that of the great temple at Mexico. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 72; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 305.


[806] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,
p. 257.


[807] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 107-8. Further authorities
on Mexican buildings: Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. iv-v.,
viii-xi., xiii-xviii., dec. iii., lib. i., cap. viii., lib. ii., cap. xi., xv.; Peter
Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii-iii., viii., x., dec. viii., lib. iv.; Mendieta, Hist.
Ecles., pp. 84-7, 121; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 155; Zuazo, Carta,
in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 359, 362; West-Indische Spieghel, pp.
240-8; Munster, Cosmographia, p. 1410; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp.
80-5, 235-7, 242-3; Cortés, Aven. y Conq., pp. 120, 128-33; Bussierre,
L'Empire Mex., pp. 123-7, 172-5, 252-3, 258-9, 266; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte,
tom. v., pp. 31-2, 75, 84-5, 97-9, 152-62; Monglave, Résumé, pp.
20-1, 24-5, 36-7; Touron, Hist. Gén., tom. iii., pp. 40-8; Cooper's Hist. N.
Amer., pt ii., p. 164; Lafond, Voyage, tom. i., pp. 106-7; Brownell's Ind.
Races, pp. 92-5; Ranking's Hist. Researches, pp. 336-7; Domenech, Mexique,
pp. 70-2; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 391; Dilworth's Conq. Mex., pp.
64, 70-1; Lenoir, Parallèle, pp. 20-1; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena,
pp. 55-7; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien et Mod., pp. 30-3; Purchas his
Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1033, 1123-4, 1133.


[808] Hernandez, Nova Plantarum, etc. The MSS., comprising 24 books of
text and 11 books of plates, were sent to the Escurial in Spain, and from
them abridged editions were published in Mexico, 1615, and Rome, 1651.
The latter edition is the one in my collection. Sahagun also devotes considerable
space to a description of herbs and their properties. Hist. Gen.,
tom. iii., lib. x., xi.


[809] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 157; Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 623-4.


[810] 'É da maravigliare, che i Messicani, e massimamente i poveri, non fossero
a molte malattie sottoposti atteso la qualità de' loro alimenta.' Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 217; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom.
i., p. 88.


[811] 'Las principales enfermedades que corrian entre esta gente, eran de
abundancia de colera, y flema, o otros malos humores, causados de mala
comida, y falta de abrigo.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi.


[812] Tezozomoc, Crón. Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 64;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 365.


[813] 'Hacia malparir las Mugeres, de antojo de comer de aquello que asaban ... daban
camazas á los Viejos de deseo de comer de aquello; y á las
Mugeres se los hinchaban los brazos, las manos, y las piernas, que adolecian
mucho, y morian con aquel deseo.' Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap.
x. Torquemada qualifies this by 'Esto dicho, pase por cuento.' Monarq.
Ind., tom. i., p. 93; Tezozomoc, Crón. Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
vol. ix., pp. 21-2, 64.


[814] Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 250.


[815] Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 15;
Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 148.


[816] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 117-19, tom. iv., pp.
303-28; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi.; Gomara, Conq.
Mex., fol. 148; Pauw, Rech. Phil., tom. i., pp. 46-9; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la
Raza Indígena, pp. 99-101; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., pp. 434-5; Humboldt,
Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 66-71; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien et Mod., p. 53;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 182; Id., in Nouvelles
Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clx., p. 280; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii.,
lib. vii., p. 246.


[817] 'Both men, women, and children, had great knowledge in herbs....
They did spend little among Physicians.' Gage's New Survey, p. 111. 'Casi
todos sus males curan con yeruas.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 117. 'No se
guardauan de males contagiosos, y enfermedades, y bestialmente se dexavan
morir.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.


[818] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 119. 'Si algun médico entre
ellos (Tlascaltecs) fácilmente se puede haber, sin mucho ruido ni costa, van
lo á ver, y si no, mas paciencia tienen que Job.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in
Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 76.


[819] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 214-16, with cuts,
copied in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 671-3; Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 286-7.


[820] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.


[821] 'En las Ciudades principales ... habia hospitales dotadas de rentas y
vasallos donde se resabian y curaban los enfermos pobres.' Las Casas, Hist.
Apologética, MS., cap. cxli. 'De cuando en cuando van por toda la provincia
á buscar los enfermos.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col.
de Doc., tom. i., p. 131; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 165; Carbajal,
Discurso, pp. 37-8.


[822] Bustamante, in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. xi., p. 282.


[823] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 185; Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp.
211-12, 216-17; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom.
i., p. 131.


[824] 'Hay calle de herbolarios donde hay todas las raíces y yerbas medicinales
que en la tierra se hallan. Hay casas como de boticarios donde se
venden las medicinas hechas, así potables como ungüentos emplastos.' Cortés,
Cartas, p. 104. They 'possédaient des livres dans lesquels étaient
consignées minutieusement toutes leurs observations relatives aux sciences
naturelles.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 637-8.
See also Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 116; Oviedo, Hist. Gen.,
tom. iii., p. 300; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 117; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii.,
fol. 309. 'Tenian siete, o ocho maneras de rayzes de yeruas y flores: de
yeruas y arboles, que eran las que mas comunmente vsauan para curarse.'
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi.


[825] Acosta adds that the ashes of divers poisonous insects were mixed with
the teopatli composition, which benumbed the part to which it was applied.
'Aplicado por via de emplasto amortigua las carnes esto solo por si, quanto
mas con tanto genero de ponçoñas, y como les amortiguaua el dolor, pareciales
efecto de sanidad, y de virtud diuina.' Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 370-1. For
details of medical practice see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp.
85-105, 109, tom. xi., pp. 212, 236-86, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 214-15; Las Casas,
Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxli., ccxiii.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 100,
139; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 274, 550, 558; Oviedo, Hist.
Ind., tom. iii., p. 306; Peter Martyr, dec. v., tom. ii-iii.; Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xxi., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., dec. iv., lib. ix., cap.
viii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 77, 212-16; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 189, tom. iii., pp. 638-40, tom.
iv., p. 355.


[826] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxli.; Id., in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 234. 'Lanzábanlos (unos cordeles como llavero)
en el suelo, y si quedaban revueltos, decian que era señal de muerte. Y si
alguno ó algunos salian extendidos, teníanlo por señal de vida, diciendo:
que ya comenzaba el enfermo á extender los piés y las manos.' Mendieta,
Hist. Ecles., p. 110; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc.,
tom. i., pp. 130-1; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 491-2; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., pp. 216-17. Other authorities on medicine are: Purchas his Pilgrimes,
vol. iv., p. 1133; Gage's New Survey, p. 111; West-Indische Spieghel,
p. 247; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 48, vol. ii., pp. 119-20, 137, 434-5;
Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 668-74; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico,
tom. i., pp. 132-4; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 90-1; Chevalier,
Mex., Ancien et Mod., p. 16; Baril, Mexique, p. 208; Pimentel,
Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, p. 51. I further have in my possession a
very rare and curious medical work by Dr Monardes, treating of the various
medicinal plants, etc., found in Mexico and Central America, printed
in Seville in 1574.


[827] 'Ponen mascaras a Tezcatlipuca, o Vitzilopuchtli, o a otro idolo.'
Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 309. As the idols wore masks, it is more likely that
a veil was thrown over the face, than that another mask should have been
put on. 'Suivant une coutume antique attribuée à Topiltzin-Acxitl, dernier
roi de Tollan, on mettait un masque au visage des principales idoles,
et l'on couvrait les autres d'une voile.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., p. 572. 'Mettevan una maschera all' Idolo di Huitzilopochtli,
ed un'altra aquello di Tezcatlipoca.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 95.


[828] 'Ciertas mujeres y hombres que están salariados de público.' Zuazo,
Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 364. Brasseur de Bourbourg
thinks that they were only employed by the common people. Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 569. Tezozomoc states that princes dressed the body.
Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 142.


[829] Zuazo says that the corpse was held on the knees of one of the male
or female shrouders, while others washed it. Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de
Doc., tom. i., p. 364.


[830] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 151, 87; Vetancvrt, Teatro
Mex., pt ii., p. 16; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 145, tom.
ii., p. 99; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.


[831] The chapter on dress furnishes all the information respecting the
royal wardrobe. It is not unlikely that princes assisted in robing the king,
for such was the custom in Michoacan, and that the mantles brought by
them were used for shrouding, but authors are not very explicit on this
point.


[832] Brasseur de Bourbourg uses the expression 'C'est cette eau que tu as
reçue en venant au monde.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 569.


[833] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 527; Clavigero, Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. ii., p. 94. Gomara says the dog served as guide: 'vn
perro que lo guiasse adonde auia de yr.' Conq. Mex., fol. 309.


[834] 'Le ponian los vestidos del Dios, que tenia por mas Principal en su
Pueblo, en cuia Casa, ò Templo, ò Patio se havia de enterrar.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 521; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., pp. 93-5. Duran mentions an instance where a king was dressed
in the mantles of four different gods. Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap.
xxxix.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 309.


[835] 'Sobre la mortaja le ponian vna mascara pintada.' Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 521. Perhaps he confounds the idol image on the
robe with the mask, for it is unlikely that the mask should be placed upon
the shroud. 'Visage découvert.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales
des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 201. Speaking of the obsequies of
Tezozomoc of Azcapuzalco, Ixtlilxochitl says that a turquoise mask was put
over his face, 'conforme lo fisonomía de su rostro. Esto no se usaba sino
con los monarcas de esta tierra; á los demas reyes les ponian una máscara
de oro.' Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 370. Veytia
states that it was a gold mask 'garnecida de turquezas.' Hist. Ant. Mej.,
tom. iii., p. 5. The hair, says Gomara, 'quedaua la memoria de su anima.'
Conq. Mex., fol. 309.


[836] Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp.
90, 98-9; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix. 'On plaçait sur
le lit de parade la statue que l'on faisait toujours à l'image du roi.' Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 572. The only statue referred
to by other authors is that made of the ashes after the cremation.


[837] Some of the early Chichimec kings lay five days in state, and Tlaltecatzin,
forty days, his body being buried on the eightieth day. Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 61, 72, 87.


[838] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 321, among others, calls this slave a priest.


[839] Although Acosta says, 'tañendo tristes flautas y atambores.' Hist. de
las Ynd., p. 322; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xviii. 'On
faisait deux grandes bannières de papier blanc.' Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 309.


[840] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
370; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 6-7. Duran states that kings
bore the corpse and that the mourners were dressed as water-goddesses.
Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix., xl., tom. ii., cap. li. Acosta says
that the arms and insignia were carried before the body by knights. Hist.
de las Ynd., p. 321.


[841] Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp.
90, 142, states that they were dressed in royal insignia and jewels, which
is not very likely; a number of them, however, were loaded with the royal
wardrobe, which fact may have given rise to this statement.


[842] Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 370; Spiegazione
delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in Id., vol. v., pp. 200-1;
Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 322; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap.
xl. 'Salia el gran Sacerdote, con los otros Ministros, à recibirlo.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 521.


[843] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp.
332, 325, 327, 388.


[844] 'El (the mode) que estos Chichimecas vsaron, fue quemarlos.' Monarq.
Ind., tom. i., pp. 60, 72, 87; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., pp. 369, 388; Id., Hist. Chich., pp. 214, 223, 261-2.
Veytia, who introduces some arguments on this point, thinks that Tezozomoc
introduced burning, yet he describes ceremonial cremations in the case
of several kings before him. Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 3-4, tom. ii., p.
113; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 140, tom. ii., pp. 97-8.


[845] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcviii., pp. 165, 202. 'La gente menuda comunmente se enterraua.' Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 308; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano
(Vaticano), in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 200; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 528; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 4;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 129. 'Sabia por las
pinturas, que se quemaron en tiempo del señor de México que se decia
Itzcóatl, en cuya época los señores, y los principales que habia entónces,
acordaron y mandaron que se quemasen todas, para que no viniesen á manos
del vulgo.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 140-1.


[846] Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 309.


[847] Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp.
379, 388; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix., xl.; Bologne, in
Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., pp. 213-14; Solis, Hist. Conq.
Mex., tom. i., p. 432; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy.,
1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii.,
p. 573; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 8-9.


[848] Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p.
90; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix., tom. ii., cap. li.


[849] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 521; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd.,
p. 321. Camargo indicates that the bodies were thrown upon the same
pyre together with the presents. Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des
Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202. 'Sacándoles los corazones, y la sangre de
ellos en una batea ó gran xícara, con la cual rociavan á Huitzilopochtli, á
quien le presentaron los corazones de todos los muertos.' Tezozomoc, Crónica
Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 90.


[850] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 309; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 370; Tezozomoc, ubi sup.


[851] 'La colocaron en el mismo lugar en que ardió la pira.' Veytia, Hist.
Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 9. This author says that the mouth-stone of the
deceased together with the mask, robes, and ornaments were taken off before
the body was placed upon the pyre; this could only have been for the
purpose of dressing the wooden statue therein; the stone was, however,
placed inside the urn. Ixtlilxochitl, ubi sup. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls
this bundle of bones tlaquimilolli, which he says was sacredly preserved,
whether of kings or braves. Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clx.,
p. 268. In the case of Nauhyotl of Culhuacan, the bones were exhumed
and placed in a statue, which was made in his honor, and deposited in a
temple consecrated to him. Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix.


[852] 'Al cuarto dia, al anochecer, cargaron los sacerdotes la arca de las
cenizas y la estatua, y la colocaron en una especie de nicho, dentro del templo.'
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 10. 'Sous le pavé même du
sanctuaire, devant la statue du dieu.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. iii., p. 574. Duran mentions that the ashes of one king were
deposited at the foot of the stone of sacrifice. Hist. Indias, MS., tom. ii.,
cap. li.; Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,
p. 142; Cortés, Cartas, p. 106; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. li.


[853] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 72, 87; Vetancvrt, Teatro
Mex., pt ii., pp. 15-16.


[854] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vii., p. 257.


[855] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 316, 331; Bologne,
in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., pp. 213-14; Camargo,
Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 192,
202.


[856] 'La muerte se hacian enterrar en la más alta grada, é despues el subcessor
subia otras dos gradas.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 503. 'Los
Príncipes necesitaban de gran sepultura, porque se llevaban tras sí la mayor
parte de sus riquezas y familia.' Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 432.
'Io aiutai a cauar d'vna sepoltura tre mila Castigliani poco piu ò meno.'
Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio,
Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 310.


[857] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 141; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones,
in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 327; Humboldt, Essai Pol.,
tom. i., p. 189.


[858] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.,
p. 214; Id., Relaciones, pp. 335, 344; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 98.


[859] Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 31; Ritos Antiguos,
p. 20, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix. Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones,
in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 371, states that the sacrifices
on the fourth day consisted of five to six slaves, on the tenth of one,
on the eightieth of three. 'Le cinquième on sacrifiait plusieurs esclaves, et
cette immolation se répétait encore quatre fois, de dix en dix jours.' Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 574. Duran, Hist. Indias,
MS., tom. i., cap. xiv., xxxix., mentions a fast of eighty days, at the end
of which a statue was made, like one which he states was burned with the
corpse, and to this exactly the same ceremonies were paid as to the defunct,
the statue being burned with an equally large number of slaves as before.
The fullest descriptions of royal obsequies are given in Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 521-3; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 3-11;
Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 95-8; Gomara, Conq. Mex.,
fol. 309-10; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 571-4;
Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. xxxix., xl., tom. ii., cap. xlviii.;
Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 86-90,
99.


[860] After describing the robing of drunkards and others, Gomara says:
'Y finalmente a cada oficial dauan el traje del idolo de aquel oficio,' which
certainly indicates that a drowned or besotted artisan would wear the mantle
due to his position in life as well as that due to his manner of death.
Conq. Mex., fol. 309. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 93-4,
uses the following expression: 'Vestivanlo d'un abito corrispondente alla
sua condizione, alle sue facoltà, ed alle circostanze della sua morte.'


[861] Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 364-5.


[862] Camargo says, with reference to sacrifices and pompous ceremonies,
'tout cela avait lieu, plus ou moins, à toutes les funérailles, selon la richesse
du défunt.' Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii.,
p. 202; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 63.


[863] Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 365; Chaves,
Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 310; 'Durauan
las exequias diez dias.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 321. 'On passait vingt
ou trente jours au milieu des fêtes et des festins.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in
Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 202. Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xviii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom.
ii., pp. 93-5.


[864] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 529; Sahagun, Hist. Gen.,
tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 186-91. See p. 269 of this volume.


[865] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. ix., p. 358.


[866] Sahagun intimates that the puppet was for those who were slain by
enemies, but adds, afterwards, that a puppet was burned with the same ceremonies
in the court of the house, if they died at home. Hist. Gen., tom.
i., lib. iv., pp. 314-15; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 587; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 621-2. See this vol.,
p. 392.


[867] Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp.
37-8, 86-7, 161-2; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. xviii., tom. ii.,
cap. xlviii.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 259-61,
407-8.


[868] Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., vol. v., p. 130; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano),
in Id., p. 193.


[869] Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 31;
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 523.


[870] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 298; Spiegazione delle Tavole
del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol.
v., pp. 193-4. 'Los tres dias ultimos de este mes ayunavan todos los vivos
á los muertos.' Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 130. See this vol., pp. 328, 331.


[871] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 163-4; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 281. Brasseur de Bourbourg says that this celebration
was of a general character, and dilutes the meagre and doubtful information
of his authority considerably. The arrows and food, 'après qu'elles y
avaient demeuré un jour et une nuit, on les enlevait et on brûlait le tout
ensemble en l'honneur de Mixcohuatl et de ses compagnons d'armes.' Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 234, tom. iii., pp. 528-9.


[872] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 119.


[873] Diaz, Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 304; Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 532.


[874] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.


[875] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 310. 'Esta figura se la ponian encima al
Difunto.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 524. It is not likely,
however, that a life-size figure, as Gomara calls it, or any figure, for that
matter, should have been placed over the ornaments of the king and pressed
upon the body. Beaumont says: 'Lo cubrian con una manta, en que estaba
pintado ó realzado el cadaver con los mismos adornos.' Crón. Mechoacan,
MS., p. 55. 'Au-dessus on asseyait une poupée de la taille du défunt.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 83.


[876] 'Matauan vno, y aun mas de cada oficio.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
311.


[877] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 525. The slaves, he says,
'los embadurnaban todo el cuerpo, con vna tinta amarilla.' 'Yban las andas
ó atahud en hombros de los tres principales.' Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan,
MS., p. 56.


[878] 'Todos los que habian tocado el Caltzontzi y á los demas cuerpos se
iban á bañar por preservarse de alguna enfermedad.' Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan,
MS., p. 57.


[879] Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 54-8; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 523-6; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 310-12; Gage's New
Survey, pp. 157-60, with a cut; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. iii., pp. 82-6; Payno, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da época, tom. i.,
pp. 717-19.


[880] Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt ii., fol. 160-1, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 320.


[881] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 98-9; Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiii.; Explicacion del Codex Telleriano-Remensis,
in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 130; Spiegazione delle Tavole
del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in Id., p. 193; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 22-4.


[882] 'Au douzième mois de l'année zapotèque.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 23.


[883] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 392-3; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
 Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 23-4. Additional references to funeral
ceremonies are: Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 238, tom. ii., pp.
79, 231-2, 298; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., pp. 15, 25, 29; Tezozomoc,
Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 89-91, 98-9,
141-2, 178-9; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1029-30, 1138-9; Gemelli
Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 514; Montanus, Nieuwe
Weereld, pp. 261-2; D'Avity, L'Amérique, tom. ii., p. 69; Adair, Amer.
Ind., p. 217; Touron, Hist. Gén., tom. iii., pp. 9-10; Delaporte, Reisen,
tom. x., pp. 318-23; Lenoir, Parallèle, pp. 11-13, 28, 30; Nouvelles Annales
des Voy., 1824, tom. xxiv., pp. 137-8; Fransham's World in Miniature,
vol. ii., p. 19; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 666; Pimentel,
Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, pp. 64-5; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex.,
tom. i., pp. 234, 559-64, tom. ii., pp. 375, 604; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 424-5, tom. iii., pp. 407-8, 453, 520-3, 528-9,
569-74; Carli, Cartas, pt i., p. 107; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom.
vi., p. 456; Simon's Ten Tribes, pp. 275-6; Monglave, Résumé, p. 32;
Cooper's Hist. N. Amer., vol. ii., p. 163; Baril, Mexique, p. 203; Bussierre,
L'Empire Mex., pp. 147-9; Ranking's Hist. Researches, pp. 381-4; Brownell's
Ind. Races, p. 96; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 31, 49-53, 77,
184; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 37.


[884] Except the Zapotecs, who, Carbajal Espinosa says, were of low stature
and broad-shouldered. Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 245.


[885] Gomara says they had wide foreheads. Conq. Mex., fol. 317. 'La
forma, ò figura de las Cabeças, comunmente las tienen proporcionadas à los
cuerpos, y à los otros miembros de èl, y derechas; algunos las tienen empinadas,
y las frentes quadradas, y llanas; otros (como son estos Mexicanos,
y algunos del Pirù) las tenian, y tienen de mejor forma, algo de
hechura de Martillo, ò Navio, que es la mejor forma de todas.' Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 582-3. 'The Aztec skulls are described as being
remarkable for the shortness of their axis, their large flattened occiput obliquely
truncated behind, the height of the semicircular line of the temples,
and the shortness and trapezoidal form of the parietal plane. They
present an elevation or ridge along the sagittal suture; the base of the skull
is very short, and the face slightly prognathic, as among the Mongol-Kalmucs.
They bear a strong analogy to the skulls of a Peruvian Brachycephali
delineated by Morton.' Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 326. 'The aboriginal
Mexicans of our own time are of good stature and well proportioned in
all their limbs. They have narrow foreheads, black eyes, white, well-set,
regular teeth, thick, coarse and glossy black hair, thin beards, and are in
general without any hair on their legs, thighs, or arms. Their skin is olive
coloured, and many fine young women may be seen among them with extremely
light complexions. Their senses are very acute, more especially
that of sight, which they enjoy unimpaired to the most advanced age.'
Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 455. For remarks on Mexican Crania, descriptions
and measurements of skulls with cuts, see Morton's Crania Amer., pp. 144-7,
152-7, 231-3, 257, and plates xvi-xviii.a, lix.-lxi.


[886] According to Herrera, Hist. Gen., (Lond. 1726,) vol. iv., p. 125, and
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 35, the Miztecs had
long beards.


[887] 'En los Sentidos exteriores (como son los de el Vèr, Oìr, Oler, y Gustar)
los alcançan admirables; porque vèn mui de lejos, y no vsan de Antojos,
si no son mui pocos, despues que los han visto, en nuestros Españoles,
y eso es en la vejez, y tienen comunmente los ojos buenos, y hermosos, oien
mucho, huelen tambien qualquier cosa de mui lejos; lo mismo es el Gusto;
el Sentido del tacto, comunmente es delicado, lo qual se verifica en ellos,
porque qualquier cosa, que pueda lastimarlos, como es frio, calor, açotes, ù
otra exterior afliccion, los aflige mui facilmente, y en mucho grado, y qualqueira
enfermedad los adelgaça, mas presto los enflaquece, y mata, que à
otra Nacion, asi Española, como otra alguna, como es notorio, à todos los
que los conocemos, y son para sufrir mui poco trabajo.' Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 580.


[888] Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., p. 50; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
218; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 337, tom. iii., p. 332; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 57.


[889] He adds further: 'Y esto (aunque no en tanto extremo) corre, mui en
general, por todos estos Reinos, y en especial en aquel de Xalisco, en la
Nacion, que llaman Coca, y Tecuex, que son los Tonaltecos, y por acà en
la de Tlaxcalla, y otras muchas, que por escusar enfado, callo.' Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., p. 582; see also tom. i., p. 339.


[890] 'Sonovi così rari i deformi, che tutti quegli Spagnuoli, e Creogli, che
nel 1768, vennero dal Messico in Italia, restarono allora, e sono anche oggidì
maravigliati dall'osservare nelle Città di questa coltissima penisola un
sì gran numero di ciechi, di gobbi, di zoppi, d'attratti ec.' Clavigero, Storia
Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., p. 163. See farther, concerning the physical
peculiarities of the Nahuas and earlier peoples: Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones,
in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 326, 336-7, 341, 344-5, 395;
Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., tom. ii., p. 12; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 37, 44,
95, 318; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 112, 119, 132; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 37, 51, 255, tom. ii., pp. 580-83; Cortés,
Cartas, tom. i., p. 23; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 143-6, tom. ii.,
p. 5; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. x., cap. xix.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen.,
tom. iii., p. 499; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 118-19,
tom. iv., pp. 161-76; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando
Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 304; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 282, tom. ii., pp. 187, 189, tom. iii.,
p. 35; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 90, 245, tom. ii., pp. 326,
487; Dupaix, Rel., 2de Expéd., p. 25; Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem., pp.
71-2; Dillon's Hist. Mex., p. 45; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i.,
p. 21; Cooper's Hist. N. Amer., vol. ii., p. 163.


[891] See this volume, p. 242.


[892] 'Vi sono molti, che accordano ai Messicani una grande abilità per
l'imitazione; ma lor contrastano quella dell' invenzione. Error volgare,
che trovasi smentito nella Storia antica di questa Nazione.' Storia Ant.
del Messico, tom. i., p. 120.


[893] See this volume, pp. 475-6.


[894] 'Los niños de los Indios no son molestos con obstinacion ni porfia à la
Fè Catholica, como lo son los Moros y Indios; antes aprenden de tal manera
las verdades de los Christianos, que no solamente salen con ellas, sino que
las agotan, y es tanta su facilidad que parece que se las beuen. Aprenden
mas presto que los niños Españoles; y con mas contento los Articulos de la
Fè por su orden, y las demas oraciones de la doctrina Christiana, reteniendo
en la memoria fielmente lo que se les enseña.' Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd.
Mex., p. 139. 'Il n'était rien que les Indiens n'apprissent avec une rapidité
surprenante, et s'il arrivait quelque nouveau métier dont ils n'eussent aucune
connaissance, ils s'appliquaient à le voir faire avec tant d'intelligence,
que, malgré les soins de l'ouvrier à leur cacher son secret, ils le lui enlevaient
au bout de quelques jours.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. iv., p. 728.


[895] 'Son muy ladrones, mentirosos, y holgazanes. La fertilidad de la
tierra deue causar tanta pereza, o por no ser ellos codiciosos.' Gomara, Conq.
Mex., fol. 317. 'La liberalità e lo staccamento da qualsiasi interesse sono dei
principali attributi del loro carattere. L'oro non ha presso i Messicani
tutta quella stima, che gode presso altri. Danno senza dispiacere quello,
che si procacciano con somma fatica. Questo loro staccamento dall'interesse,
ed il poco amore, che portano a quei che gli governano, ii fa rifiutare quelle
fatiche, a cui sono da essi costretti, e questa è appunto la tanto esagerata
pigrizia degli Americani.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp.
121-2. 'Estavan libres de la enfermedad de la codicia, y no pensauan en la
vanidad del oro, y plata, ni hazian estimacion dello.' Dávila, Teatro Ecles.,
tom. i., p. 18. 'Segun lo que aquella edad permite, son inclinadissimos à
ser liberales. Tanto monta que lo que se les da, se de à vno como à muchos:
porque lo que vno recibe, se reparte luego entre todos.' Dávila Padilla,
Hist. Fvnd. Mex., p. 139.


[896] The most sober people known. Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo
del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 304.


[897] Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 124-5.


[898] 'Son celosissimosmos, y assi las aporrean mucho.' Gomara, Conq. Mex.,
fol. 317. We have seen in a former chapter, that Nezahualcoyotl put his
dearest son to death for speaking lewdly to his father's concubine. See this
volume, pp. 447, et seq.; see further concerning the character of the Mexicans,
about whom the above remarks, though doubtless applicable to many
other of the Nahua nations, are more particularly made: Esplicacion de la
Coleccion de Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 40; Acosta,
Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 458-9; Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., pp. 139,
270; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. iii., p. 232; Gomara, Conq. Mex., pp.
317-18; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 8; Zorita, in Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., vol. viii., p. 235; Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Id., vol. ix., p. 167;
Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. xliv., xlv., lxvii., cxl.; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 119-23, tom. iv., pp. 177-202; Soden,
Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., p. 17; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. iv., pp. 727-30, 810; Edinburgh Review, 1867; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte,
tom. v., pp. 8-10; Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 90-3; Gordon's
Hist. and Geog. Mem., pp. 73-6; Chevalier, Mexique, pp. 53-4.


[899] For the character of the Tlascaltecs see: Cortés, Cartas, p. 68; Camargo,
Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp.
197-200, tom. xcix., pp. 136, 149, 151; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta,
Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 76; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 87; Alcedo,
Dicc., tom. v., p. 155; Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon, p. 88; Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 294; Peter Martyr,
dec. v., lib. i.; Pradt, Cartas, pp. 175-6; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex.,
tom. ii., pp. 121, 129, 511; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 186-7;
Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 230; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 7.


[900] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 499; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 95;
Pradt, Cartas, p. 176; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv.,
p. 130; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 259, tom. ii., pp. 121, 339.


[901] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.; Dávila Padilla, Hist.
Fvnd. Mex., p. 548; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 183.


[902] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiii.; Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 244; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom.
iii., p. 35.


[903] Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 57.


[904] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ii.


[905] Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 51-2; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. i., p. 337, tom. iii., p. 332; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 563;
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 308;
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
218; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 56-7; Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 291, tom. ii., p. 595; Malte-Brun, Précis
de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 456.


[906] See pp. 81-123 of this volume, and especially pp. 114-23, on the Maya
nations.


[907] Although Brasseur de Bourbourg, on the authority of some of his
original MSS. perhaps, states that Xibalba in the height of its glory was
ruled by thirteen princes, two of whom were kings, the second being subordinate
to the first; and also that there was a council of twelve, presided
over by the king. He also mentions a succession of seventeen kings after
Votan. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 127, 123, 95-7.


[908] Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 178-9; Ordoñez, Hist. del cielo y de la Tierra,
MS.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 78-80.


[909] 'Si moria el señor, aunque le succediesse el hijo mayor, eran siempre
los demas hijos muy acatados, y ayudados y tenidos por señores.' Landa,
Relacion, p. 112. 'Si quando el señor moria no eran los hijos para regir y
tenia hermanos, regia de los hermanos el mayor o el mas desenbuelto y al
heredero mostravan sus costumbres y fiestas para quando fuesse hombre y estos
hermanos, aunque el eredero fuesse para regir, mandavan toda su vida,
y sino avia hermanos, elegian los sacerdotes y gente principal un hombre sufficiente
para ello.' Id., p. 138. Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his French translation
of this passage, gives a different meaning from what I deem the correct
one as given in my text. He understands that the brother succeeded in
any case. 'Ce n'étaient pas ses fils qui succédaient au gouvernement, mais
bien l'aîné de ses frères,' and also that the person appointed by the priests if
there was no brother, ruled only during the heir's minority, 'jusqu'à la majorité
de l'héritier,' all of which may be very reasonable, but certainly is
not found in the Spanish text.


[910] 'Organisait les conseils de la religion et de l'état qui devaient, après
lui, nommer son successeur.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom.
ii, pp. 53-6; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, p. 256.


[911] 'Todos los señores tenian cuenta con visitar, respetar, alegrar a Cocom,
acompañandole y festejandole y acudiendo a el con los negocios arduos.'
Landa, Relacion, p. 40. A kind of mayordomo called Caluac, whose badge
of office was a thick short stick, was the agent through whom the lord performed
the routine duties of his position. Ib. 'Concertavan las cosas, y
negocios principalmente de noche.' Id., p. 112. 'Fuè todo el Reyno de Yucatàn,
y sus Provincias, con el Nombre de Mayapàn, desde que los Indios
fueron à èl y le poblaron, sujeto à vn solo Rey, y Señor absoluto, con Govierno
Monarquico. No durò esto poco tiempo, sino por muchos Años.' Villagutierre,
Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 28. Among the Itzas Cortés was visited by
'el Canek, con treinta y dos Principales.' Id., p. 46. 'Despues llamó el
Canek à Consejo à todos sus Capitanes, y Principales.' Id., p. 91. 'Vno,
como à modo, ò forma de Trono pequeño, en que èl solia estar.' Id., p. 105.
'Vna Corona de Plumas, de varios colores.' Id., p. 349. Yucatan 'regido
de Señores Particulares, que es el Estado de los Reies: Governavanse por
Leies, y costumbres buenas; vivian en Paz, y en Justicia, que es Argumento
de su buen Govierno.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 345. Brasseur
refers to Torquemada, tom. xi., cap. xix., on Yucatan Government, but that
chapter relates wholly to Guatemala. 'Quando los Señores de la Ciudad
de Mayapàn dominaban, toda la tierra les tributaba.' In later times they
attached much importance to their royal blood. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p.
179. 'Dizese, que vn Señor de la Ciudad de Mayapàn, cabeça de el Reyno,
hizo matar afrentosamente à vn hermano suyo, porque corrompió vna doncella.'
Id., p. 182. See also on the system of government in Yucatan:
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii-iv.;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 16-17, 38, 46, 53-6,
72; Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 147; Morelet,
Voyage, tom. i., pp. 182-4; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, p. 27;
Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 262; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles
Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 45-6, 146; Fancourt's Hist.
Yuc., pp. 55-6, 115-16.


[912] 'It was ordained that the eldest son of the king (that is, of the first king
who founded the monarchy) should inherit the crown; upon the second son
the title of Elect was conferred, as being the next heir to his elder brother;
the sons of the eldest son received the title of Captain senior, and those of
the second Captain junior. When the king died, his eldest son assumed
the sceptre, and the Elect became the immediate inheritor; the Captain
senior ascended to the rank of Elect, the Captain junior to that of Captain
senior, and the next nearest relative to that of Captain junior.' Juarros,
Hist. Guat., pp. 188-9. 'Luego el Capitan menor, entraba por maior, y
metian otro en el que avia vacado del Capitan menor, que ordinariamente
era el Pariente mas cercano.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp.
338-41. 'Restait alors la charge d'Ahau-Ah-Tohil; elle était conférée au
fils aîné du nouveau monarque.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. ii., pp. 547, 103, 496. 'Luego que el primero subió al reino, mandó el
padre (the first king) que el segundo fuese capitain, y mandó por ley, que
si fuesen cuatro, que el primero reinase, el segundo fuese como principe,
el tercero capitan general, y el cuarto capitan segundo, y que muerto el
primero, reinasen todos por su órden, si se alcanzasen en vida.' Note, 'Bien
clara está la descendencia de padres á hijos de todos tres hermanos.' Ximenez,
Hist. Ind. Guat., Escolios, pp. 195-6.


[913] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 549-50, 534, with
reference to Roman, Repub. de los Indios, tom. ii., cap. viii. Titles in Atitlan.
Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 416. 'Las Prouincias de
Tazulatlan, gente belicosa y braua, si bien con pulicia, porque viuian en
poblaciones formadas, y gouierno de Republica.' Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom.
i., p. 148. Tazulatlan, or Tuzulutlan, was the province of Rabinal. Remesal,
Hist. Chyapa, p. 147.


[914] 'Aqui havia muy grandes, y sumptuosas comidas, y borracheras.' 'Sentaban
al nuevo Electo en vna estera mui pintada.' Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 342, 338-45. 'In one of the saloons stood the throne,
under four canopies of plumage, the ascent to it was by several steps.'
Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 88. The twenty-four counsellors 'carried the emperor
on their shoulders in his chair of state whenever he quitted his palace.'
Id., p. 189. 'No se diferenciaba el rey de Guatemala ó de Utatlán de
los otros en el trage, sino en que él traia horadadas las orejas y narices, que
se tenia por grandeza.' Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 197, 196.


[915] 'Tenia el rey ciertos varones de gran autoridad y opinion, que eran
como oidores, y conocian de todos los pleitos y negocios que se ofrecian;'
they collected the royal revenues and attended to the expenses of the royal
family. 'Tenia en cada pueblo grande sus cancillerias con sus oidores, que
eran las cabezas de calpul; pero no era muy grande la comision que tenian.'
'Poderosos Señores, los quales esperaban su confirmacion de sus estados del
dicho rey.' 'Aun en las cosas pequeñas y de poca importancia entraban en
consulta.' 'Unos como alquaciles que servian de llamar y convocar al pueblo.'
Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 196-7, 201-2. The king's lieutenants
'tenian su jurisdicion limitada, la qual no era mas, que la que el Señor, ò
Rei les concedia, reservando para si, y su Consejo las cosas graves.' These
lieutenants held their positions for life if they were qualified and obedient,
but to hold them they must have been promoted from lower offices. 'El
consejo no era de qualesquiera Personas, sino de aquellas, que mas cursadas
estaban en la misma cosa, de que se trataba.' They sometimes called in the
aid of foreign nations to depose a tyrant. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., pp. 339-40, 343, 386. 'There was no instance of any person being
appointed to a public office, high or low, who was not selected from the nobility.'
Juarros, Hist. Guat., pp. 190-1. Some members of the councils
were priests when religious interests were at stake. Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec iv., lib. viii., cap. x. 'Les personnes ou officiers qui servaient le souverain
à la cour se nommaient Lolmay, Atzihunac, Calel, Ahuchan.
C'étaient les facteurs, les contador, et trésoriers.' Ternaux-Compans, Voy.,
série i., tom. x., p. 418. 'De l'assemblée des princes des maisons de
Cawek, d'Ahau-Quiché et de Nihaïb, réunis avec le Galel-Zakik, et l'Ahau-Ah-Tzutuha,
se composait le conseil extraordinaire du monarque.' Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 548-9. The king 'constitua
vingt-deux grandes dignités, auxquelles il éleva les membres de la haute
aristocratie.' Id., pp. 496-7.


[916] Lists of the nobility. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. 337-47;
Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 430-32.


[917] 'Nunca tuvieron Rei, sino solo elegian los Sacerdotes cada Año dos
Capitanes, que eran como Governadores, à quien todos obedecian, aunque
era maior el respeto, i veneracion, que tenian à los Sacerdotes.' García,
Orígen de los Ind., p. 329; a statement repeated in Pimentel, Mem. sobre
la Raza Indígena, p. 27; and Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon, p. 84. García
refers to Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi., where the only statement
on the subject is that 'son muy respetados los principales.'


[918] 'No doubt there were individual chiefs who possessed a power superior
to the others, exercising a great influence over them, and perhaps
arrogating a qualified authority.' Squier's Cent. Amer., pp. 331-4; Palacio,
Carta, p. 78.


[919] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 36-8, 52, 54, 104, 108, 110, tom. iii.,
p. 231; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., pp. 340-6; Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Peter Martyr, dec. vi., lib. iii.; Scherzer,
Wanderungen, p. 64.


[920] On the status of the priesthood see: Landa, Relacion, pp. 42, 54, 56,
114, 160, 354; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 198; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii.,
lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., lib. x., cap. ii.; Oviedo, Hist.
Gen., tom. iv., p. 56; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxiii.;
Palacio, Carta, pp. 62, 64; Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 200-1; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 74, 79, tom. ii., pp. 6, 10, 19, 33,
40, 48, 114, 551-6.


[921] 'L'idée de la supériorité de caste est tellement évidente dans le Popol-Vuh,
par example, que le peuple, c'est-à-dire la masse étrangère aux tribus
quichées, n'est jamais désigné que sous des nommes d'animaux; ce sont
les fourmis, les rats, les singes, les oiseaux, etc.' Viollet-le-Duc., in Charnay,
Ruines Amér., p. 88. 'Acostumbravan buscar en los pueblos los
mancos y ciegos y que les davan lo necesario.' Landa, Relacion, p. 40. 'Y
los señores dauan Gouernadores a los pueblos, a los quales encomendauan
mucho la paz, y buen tratamiento de la genta menuda.' Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. 'Achih ... signifie régulièrement héros,
guerrier; il semble toutefois s'appliquer à ceux qui n'appartenaient point à
l'aristocratie, mais à une classe intermédiaire entre la noblesse et les serfs
ou paysans.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. 92-3, 324-5; Id., Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 56-58. Among the Pipiles 'los que no eran para la
guerra, cultivaban las tierras millpas del cazique i papa i sacerdotes, i de
las propias suyas davan un tanto para la gente de guerra.' Palacio, Carta,
p. 82. Beggars mentioned in Nicaragua. Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 264.


[922] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 35, 41, 70. 'Cocom
fue primero el que hizo esclavos pero por deste mal se siguio usar las
armas con que se defendieron para que no fuessen todos esclavos.' Landa,
Relacion, p. 50.


[923] 'En las guerras, que por su ambicion hazian vnos à otros, se cautiuaban,
quedando hechos esclauos los vencidos, que cogian. En esto eran rigurosissimos,
y los trataban con aspereza.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 181-2; Carrillo,
in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da época, tom. iii., p. 267; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 70; Cortés, Cartas, p. 421; Las
Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 144. In Nicaragua, Helps
tells us that only the common captives were enslaved, the chiefs being
killed and eaten. Span. Conq., vol. iii., p. 257.


[924] 'Acaesçe que venden los padres á los hijos, é aun cada uno se puede
vender á sí proprio, si quiere é por lo que quisiere.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom.
iv., pp. 51, 54; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Squier's
Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856.) vol. ii., p. 345. Bienvenida says that in Yucatan as
soon as the father dies the strongest of those who remain enslave the others.
In Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 331.


[925] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Gomara, Hist. Ind.,
fol. 264; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 181-2; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza
Indígena, p. 34; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc., p. 117.


[926] Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 136, 144;
Herrera, Gomara, and Pimentel, ubi sup.


[927] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 387; Las Casas, ubi sup.;
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., lib. x., cap. iv.; Palacio,
Carta, pp. 80-2; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 70,
573; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii.,
pp. 46-7; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 182; Gage's New Survey, p. 414; Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 204.


[928] 'Las tierras por aora es de comun, y assi el que primero las ocupa las
possee.' Landa, Relacion, p. 130. 'Las tierras eran comunes, y assi entre
los Pueblos no auia terminos, ò mojones, que las dividiessen: aunque si entre
vna Provincia, y otra, por causa de las guerras.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p.
180. Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 139, speaks
of boundary marks between the property of different owners. 'Les habitations
était pour la plupart dispersées sans former de village.' Ternaux-Compans,
in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 45. 'Leur
qualité de seigneurs héréditaires ne les rendait pas, pour cela, maîtres du
sol ni propriétaires des habitants.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. ii., pp. 56-8. 'Property was much respected (in Nicaragua); but ... no
man could put up his land for sale. If he wished to leave the district,
his property passed to the nearest blood relation, or, in default, to the municipality.'
Boyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 274; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,)
vol. ii., p. 345; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.


[929] 'Los indios no admittian las hijas a heredar con los hermanos sino era
por via de piedad o voluntad.' Landa, Relacion, pp. 136-8. 'Mejorauan al
que mas notablemente auia ayudado al padre, a ganar el hazienda.' Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Cogolludo,
Hist. Yuc., p. 180; Carrillo, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da época,
tom. iii., pp. 267-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p.
70; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, p. 36; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom.
iv., p. 50; Squier, in Palacio, Carta, p. 119.


[930] 'Hanno abondanza di cottone, & ne fanno manti che sono come lenzuoli,
e camisette senza maniche, e questo s'è il principal tributo che danno
à suoi patroni.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 99. 'El tributo era
mantas pequeñas de algodon, gallinas de la tierra, algun cacao, donde se
cogia, y vna resina, que seruia de incienso en los Templos, y todo se dize
era muy poco en cantidad.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 179. 'Allende de la
casa hazian todo el pueblo a los señores sus sementeras, y se las beneficiavan
y cogian en cantidad que le bastava a el y a su casa.' Landa, Relacion,
pp. 110-12, 130-2. 'Sus mayordomos ... que recibian los tributos,
y los dauan a los señores.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.
Some authors speak of a tribute of virgins and of a coin called cuzcas.
Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 262. 'Jamais l'impôt n'était
réparti par tête, mais par ville, village ou hameau.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 57-8, 33, 553. In Guatemala, 'en lo
tocante á las rentas del rey y Señores, habia este órden, que todo venia á
un montón, y de allí le daban al rey su parte, despues daban á los Señores,
segun cada uno era, y despues daban á los oficiales, y á quienes el rey hacia
mercedes.' Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 201-2. 'Ils possédaient les
esclaves mâles ou femelles que ces sujets leur payaient en tribut.' Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série i., tom. x., pp. 416-17; Id., in Nouvelles Annales
des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 45; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., pp. 345, 386; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 104; Squier's Nicaragua,
(Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 341; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 195.


[931] Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 180-1; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles
Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 46; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 70-1; Carrillo, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da
época, tom. iii., p. 268.


[932] On the Maya laws see: Landa, Relacion, pp. 132-4, 176-8; Ximenez,
Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 196-200, 208; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp.
338-46, 386-92; Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp.
135-46; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 179-83; Palacio, Carta, pp. 80-2; Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 229-30, tom. iv., pp. 50-1; Peter Martyr, dec.
iv., lib. ii.; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 162; Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Juarros, Hist. Guat.,
pp. 191-2; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263-4; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 59-61, 572-4; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol.
ii., p. 345; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 334; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i.,
tom. x., pp. 417-18; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcvii., pp. 46-7; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. iii., pp. 256-7; Fancourt's Hist.
Yuc., pp. 116-17; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, pp. 29-34.


[933] They were taught, says Las Casas, 'que honrasen á los padres y les
fuesen obedientes; que no tuviesen codicia de muchos bienes; que no adulterasen
con muger agena; que no fornicasen, ni llegasen á muger, sino á la
que fuese suya; que no mirasen á las mugeres para codiciarlas, diciendo
que no traspasasen umbral ageno; que si anduviesen de noche por el
pueblo, que llevasen lumbre en la mano; que siguiesen su camino derecho,
que no bajasen de camino, ni subiesen tampoco del; que á los ciegos no les
pusiesen ofendiculo para que cayesen; á los lisiados no escarneciesen y de
los locos no se riesen, porque todo aquello era malo; que trabajen y no
estubiesen ociosos; y para esto desde niños les enseñavan como havian de
hacer las sementeras y como beneficiallas y cogellas.' Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq., vol. viii., p. 132. Brasseur de Bourbourg remarks that the respectful
term of you instead of thou, is frequently used by children when
addressing their parents, in the Popol Vuh. Popol Vuh, p. 96. The old
people 'eran tan estimados en esto que los moços no tratavan con viejos,
sino era en cosas inevitables, y los moços por casar; con los casados sino
muy poco.' Landa, Relacion, p. 178.


[934] 'Dormian en los portales no solo cuando hacian su ayuno, mas aun
casi todo el año, porque no les era permitido tratar ni saber de los negocios
de los casados, ni aun sabian cuando habian de casarse, hasta el tiempo que
les presentaban las mugeres, porque eran muy sujetos y obedientes á sus
padres. Cuando aquestos mancebos iban á sus casas a ver á sus padres ... tenian
su cuenta de que no hablasen los padres cosa que fuese menos
honesta.' Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 181.


[935] Landa, Relacion, p. 178.


[936] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxix.; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 569.


[937] Landa, Relacion, p. 180.


[938] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv.; Juarros, Hist. Guat.,
p. 195.


[939] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 569.


[940] Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 87; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. ii., p. 569.


[941] Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 194; Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 195; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 569.


[942] Landa, Relacion, pp. 42-4; Carrillo, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin,
2da época, tom. iii., p. 269; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 191; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 61-2.


[943] Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. i., p. 203; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 52; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.,
says that in later times they married at twelve or fourteen.


[944] Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 135.


[945] Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 208. This is the same passage that
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 572, cites as Roman,
Rep. Ind., tom. ii., cap. x.


[946] 'Los Indios de la Vera-Paz muchas veces, segun el Parentesco, que
vsaban, era fuerça que casasen Hermanos con Hermanas, y era la raçon
esta: Acostumbraban no casar los de vn Tribu, ò Pueblo, con las Mugeres
del mismo Pueblo, y las buscaban, que fuesen de otro; porque no contaban
por de su Familia, y Parentesco los Hijos que nacian en el Tribu ò Linage
ageno, aunque la Muger huviese procedido de su mismo Linage; y era la
raçon, porque aquel Parentesco se atribuìa à solo los Hombres. Por manera,
que si algun Señor daba su Hija à otro de otro Pueblo, aunque no tuviese
otro heredero este Señor, sino solos los Nietos, Hijos de su Hija, no los reconocia
por Nietos, ni Parientes, en raçon de hacerlos herederos, por ser Hijos
del otro Señor de otros Pueblos y asi se le buscaba al tal Señor, Muger
que fuese de otro Pueblo, y no de el proprio. Y asi sucedia, que los Hijos
de estas Mugeres, no tenian por Parientes à los Deudos de su Madre, por
estàr en otro Pueblo, y esto se entiende, en quanto à casarse con ellas, que
lo tenian por licito, aunque en lo demàs se reconocian. Y porque la cuenta de
su Parentesco era entre solos los Hombres, y no por parte de las Mugeres.
Y por esto no tenian impedimento, para casarse, con los tales Parientes; y
asi se casaban con todos los grados de Consanguinidad, porque mas por
Hermana tenian qualquiera Muger de su Linage, aunque fuese remotisima,
y no tuviese memoria del grado, en que le tocaba, que la Hija de su propia
Madre, como fuese havida de otro Marido, y por este error se casaban, con
las Hermanas de Madre, y no de Padre.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., p. 419.


[947] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 572.


[948] Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 419.


[949] 'En lo que tocava al parentesco, tenian un arbol pintado, i en el siete
ramos que signifacava siete grados de parentesco. En estos grados no se
podia casar nadie, i esto se entendia por linea recta si no fuese que alguno
huviese fecho algun gran fecho en armas, i havia de ser del tercero grado
fuera; i por linea traversa tenia otro arbol con quatro ramos que significaban
el quarto grado, en estos no se podia casar nadie.... Qualquiera que
tenia quenta carnal con parienta en los grados susodichos morian por ello
ambos.' Palacio, Carta, p. 80; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap.
x.; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 334.


[950] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Landa, Relacion, pp.
134-6, 140; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 61.


[951] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 419; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed.
1856,) vol. ii., p. 343.


[952] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 570.


[953] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 53. 'Los dotes
eran de vestidos, y cosas de poca sustancia, lo mas se gastaua en los combites.'
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.


[954] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 50; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,)
vol. ii., p. 343.


[955] Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 204-6; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 569-71.


[956] Palacio, Carta, p. 78; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 321.


[957] Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv.,
cap. vii.; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343.


[958] 'Haziase vna platica de como se auia tratado, y mirado aquel casamiento,
y que quadraua: hecha la platica el Sacerdote sahumaua la casa; y
con oraciones bendezia a los nouios, y quedauan casados.' Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.


[959] Ib.; Landa, Relacion, p. 142.


[960] 'Llegada á casa, luego la ponian y asentaban en un tálamo bien aderezado,
y comenzaban grandes bailes y cantares y otros regocijos muchos,
con que la fiesta era muy solemne.' Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 206;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 570-1.


[961] 'Sin él ninguno se casaba.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 183;
Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 191; Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 196.


[962] 'A la noche, dos mugeres honradas y viejas metíanlos en una pieza, y
enseñàbanlos como habian de haberse en el matrimonio.' Ximenez, Hist.
Ind. Guat., p. 206.


[963] Palacio says they were each wrapped in a new white mantle. 'Ambos
los enbolvian cada qual en su manta blanca nueva.' Carta, p. 78. See
also Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.; Squier's Cent. Amer.,
p. 333.


[964] 'Si la tomo por virgen, y la halla corrompida, desecha la, mas no de
otra manera.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv.,
p. 49.


[965] 'Los novios se están quedos, mirando cómo aquella poca tea se quema;
é acabada, quedan casados é ponen en efetto lo demás.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen.,
tom. iv., p. 50. 'En muriendose la lumbre, quedan casados.' Gomara,
Hist. Ind., fol. 263; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 343; Boyle's
Ride, vol. i., p. 273.


[966] 'La noche ántes habia de dormir con la novia uno que tenian por
papa.' Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 414; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. v., cap. xii. Oviedo perhaps alludes to this custom
when he says: 'Muchos hay que quieren más las corrompidas que no
las vírgenes.' Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 50; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog.,
tom. vi., p. 472.


[967] 'Comunmente estas gentes compraban la muger, y aquellos dones que
llevaban, era el precio, y así la muger jamas volvía á casa de sus padres
aunque enviudase; porque luego el hermano del muerto la tomaba por muger
aunque él fuese casado, y si el hermano no era para ello, un pariente
tenia derecho á ella. Los hijos de las tales mugeres no tenian por deudos
á los tales abuelos, ni á los demas deudos de las madres, porque la cuenta
de su parentesco venia por linea de varones, y así no tenian impedimentos
para casarse con los parientes de sus madres, esto se entiende para contraer
matrimonio; que en lo demas amábanse y queríanse unos à otros.' Ximenez,
Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 207; Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
vol. viii., p. 146; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 388; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 571-2.


[968] 'No se casavan despues de viudos un año, por no conocer hombre a
muger en aquel tiempo, y a los que esto no guardavan, tenian por poco
templados y que les vendria por esso algun mal.' Landa, Relacion, p. 156.


[969] Diaz, Itinéraire, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 13.
'Todos toman muchas mugeres, empero vna es la legitima,' says Gomara,
Hist. Ind., fol. 263, in speaking of Nicaragua. 'Comunmente cada uno
tiene una sola muger, é pocos son los que tienen más, exçepto los prinçipales
ó el que puede dar de comer á más mugeres; é los caçiques quantas
quieren.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 37. The word 'muger' evidently
means women who lived with the man, the wife and concubines, for, on p.
50, it is stated that only one legitimate wife was allowed. The punishment
for bigamy helps to bear this out. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp.
310, 499. 'Nunca los yucataneses tomaron mas de una.' Landa, Relacion,
pp. 142, 341. This view is also taken by Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 193,
who adds, however: 'Contradize Aguilar en su informe lo de vna muger
sola, diziendo, que tenian muchas;' but this may refer to concubines.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 55, says: 'La pluralité
des femmes étant admises par la loi,' and gives Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec.
iv., lib. x., cap. iv., as his authority; but this author merely refers to concubinage
as being lawful.


[970] Landa, Relacion, pp. 138-40. 'Tenian grandes pendencias, y muertes
sobre ello,' says Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv., referring
to their married life.


[971] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 50; Las Casas, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 146; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. ii., p. 572.


[972] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol.
viii., pp. 137-8.


[973] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 572.


[974] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 387. 'Acontecio quexarse vn
Indio contra vn Alcalde de su nacion, que sin pedimento suyo hauia castigado
a su muger por ocho adulterios, y hechole pagar a el la condenacion, de manera
que aliende de su afrenta, le lleuaua su dinero.' Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. viii. 'Cuando queria que la muger se huia y se iba
con otro, ó por sencillas se volvia en casa de sus padres, requeríala el marido
que volviese, y si no queria, él se podia casar luego con otra, porque en este
caso las mugeres eran poderosas y libres. Algunos sufrian un año aguardándolas;
pero lo comun era casarse luego, porque no podian vivir sin mugeres,
á causa de no tener quien les guisese de comer.' Ximenez, Hist. Ind.
Guat., p. 200.


[975] Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 699.


[976] 'Quando las mugeres eran halladas en adulterio, la primera vez eran
corregidas de palabra; y si no se enmendaban, repudiábanlas; y si era
Señor, hermano ó pariente del Señor de la tierra, luego en dejándola, se
podia casarse con quien quisiere. Los vasallos hacian tambien esto muchas
veces, pero tenian un poco de mas paciencia, porque las corregian dos y
cinco veces, y llamaban á sus parientes para que las reprehendiesen. Pero
si eran incorregibles, denunciaban ellas delante del Señor, el cual las mandaba
comparecer ante sí y hacianlas esclavas, y la misma pena se daba á las
que no querian hacer vida con sus maridos.' Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp.
208-9.


[977] Oviedo asserts that the husband avenged his own honor. The Friar
asks: '¿Qué pena le dan al adúltero, que se echa con la muger de otro?'
The Indian answers: 'El marido della riñe con él é le da de palos; pero no
lo mata.' Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 50. Squier, Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol.
ii., p. 343, says that the woman was also severely flogged, but this does not
seem to have been the case. See Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 273.


[978] Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 182; Landa, Relacion, pp. 48, 176; Ternaux-Compans,
in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 46;
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc., p. 117.


[979] Carta, p. 80.


[980] Cent. Amer., p. 334.


[981] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
vol. viii., pp. 137, 144; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 387.


[982] Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 144; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 388.


[983] Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 182.


[984] Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 144; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 388; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib.
viii., cap. x.; Palacio, Carta, p. 82; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 334.


[985] Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 51;
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed.
1856,) vol. ii., p. 343.


[986] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 51; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,)
vol. ii., p. 343.


[987] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. 252, 316, tom. iv., pp. 37, 51; Gomara,
Hist. Ind., fol. 263-4; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.;
Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 663; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed.
1856,) vol. ii., pp. 343-4; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 273. 'Dado que e vido
que en otras partes de las Indias usavan del nefando peccado en estas tales
casas, en esta tierra (Yucatan) no e entendido que hiziessen tal, ni creo lo
hazian, porque los llagados desta pestilencial miseria dizen que no son amigos
de mugeres como eran estos, ca a estos lugares llevavan las malas mugeres
publicas, y en ellos usavan dellas, y las pobres que entre esta gente
acertava a tener este officio no obstante que recibian dellos gualardon,
eran tantos los mocos que a ellas acudian que las traian acossadas y muertas.'
Landa, Relacion, p. 178.


[988] Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viajes, tom. iii., p. 414; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. v., cap. xii.; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol.
ii., p. 344; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pp. 273-4.


[989] A demon, Las Casas calls him, but these monks spoke of all the New
World deities as 'demons.'


[990] Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 138. Before
this he writes: 'Y es aqui de saber, que tenian por grave pecado el de la
sodomia como abajo dirémos, y comunmente los padres lo aborrecian y prohibian
á los hijos. Pero por causa de que fuesen instruidos en la religion,
mandavanles dormir en los templos donde los mozos mayores en aquel vicio
á los niños corrompian. Y despues salidos de alli mal acostumbrados, dificil
era librarlos de aquel vicio. Por esta causa eran los padres muy solicitos
de casarlos quan presto podian, por los apartar de aquella corrupcion
vilissima aunque casallos muchachos contra su voluntad y forzados, y solamente
por aquel respeto lo hacian.' Id., pp. 134-5.


[991] Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 180.


[992] 'Otro acerrimo infamador de estas naciones, que Dios Nuestro Señor
haya, en cuya historia creo yo que tuvo Dios harto poca parte, dixo ser
indicio notorio de que aquellas gentes eran contaminadas del vicio nefando
por haver hallado en cierta parte de aquella tierra, hechos de barro ciertos
idolos uno encima de otro. Como si entre nuestros pintores ó figulos no se
finjan cada dia figuras feas y de diversos actos, que no hay sopecha por nadie
obrarse, condenarlos todos por aquello, haciendolos reos de vicio tan indigno
de se hablar, no carece de muy culpable temeridad, y asi lo que ariba dije
tengo por la verdad, y lo demas por falsos testimonios dignos de divino castigo.'
Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 147.


[993] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 51; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,)
vol. ii., p. 343.


[994] 'Que comiesen el pan seco ó solo maiz, ó que estuviesen tantos dias
en el campo metidos en alguna cueva.' Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 193.


[995] Palacio, Carta, p. 78.


[996] In Vera Paz 'las mugeres paren como cabras, muchas vezes a solas,
tendidas en el suelo: otras por los caminos, y luego se van a lauar al rio.'
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv.; Landa, Relacion, p. 192.


[997] 'Le hazian dezir sus pecados i si no paria, hazia que se confesase el
marido, i si no podia con esto, si havia dicho i confesado que conofia alguno,
ivan á casa de aquel i traian de su casa la manta é pañetes i ceiñola á la
preñada paraque pariese.' Palacio, Carta, p. 76; Las Casas, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 139.


[998] It would seem that the child remained with the navel-string attached
to it until a favorable day was selected for performing the ceremony of cutting
it. 'Echaban suertes para ver que dia seria bueno para cortar el ombligo.'
And further on: 'Muchos tribus de indios de Centro-America conservan
hasta hoy al nacimiento de un niño el uso de quemarle el ombligo;
costumbre barbara de que mueron muchos niños.' This would indicate
that the cord was burned while attached to the infant. Ximenez, Hist. Ind.
Guat., pp. 193-4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 448.


[999] In Cezori 'ciertos Indios idolatraron en un monte en sus terminos, i
entre ellos que uno se harpó i hendió su miembro, i que circuncidaron
quatro muchachos de doze años para arriba al uso judaico, i la sangre que
salio dellos la sacrificaron á un idolo.' Palacio, Carta, p. 84. 'Se harpavan
el superfluo del miembro vergonçoso, dexandolo como las orejas, de lo qual
se engaño el historiador general de las Indias, diziendo que se circumcidian.'
Landa, Relacion, pp. 162-3. 'Ni aquellos Religiosos Dominicos, ni el
Obispo de Chiapa, haziendo tan particular inquisicion, hazen memoria de
auer hallado tal cosa ... los Indios, ni estos tienen tradicion de que vsassen
tal costumbre sus ascendientes.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 191. 'They are
Circumcised, but not all.' Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. i. Circumcision was
'un usage général dans l'Yucatan, observé de temps immémorial: elle était
pratiquée sur les petits enfants dès les premiers jours de leur naissance.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 51. This positive and
isolated assertion of the Abbé must be founded upon some of his MSS., as
usual.


[1000] 'Cortarban ramos verdes en que pisase.' Palacio, Carta, p. 76.


[1001] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 568, refers only
to the first-born. 'Dabanle el nombre del Dia, en que havia nacido, ò
segun lo que precediò en su Nacimiento.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
ii., p. 448. Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 193.


[1002] Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxix.


[1003] 'A sus hijos y hijas siempre llamavan del nombre del padre y de la
madre, el del padre como propio y de la madre apellativo.' The pre-baptismal
name was abandoned when the father's name was assumed. Landa,
Relacion, pp. 136, 194. Only the few who were destined to receive the
baptism obtained the distinctive name. Medel, in Nouvelles Annales des
Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 44-5; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 489.


[1004] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 448. Palacio, Carta, p. 76,
states that this ceremony was performed after the twelfth day, and that the
mother only was taken to be bathed. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii.,
cap. x., and Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 333; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 568.


[1005] 'Allanarles las frentes y cabeças.' 'Comunmente todos estevados,
porque ... van ahorcajados en los quadriles.' Landa, Relacion, pp. 192-4,
112; Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 195.


[1006] Chác or Chaac, was the title given to certain laymen who were elected
to assist the priest in some of his religious duties. Also the name of a
divinity, protector of the water and harvests. See Landa, Relacion, p. 485.


[1007] Who was selected to take the wine, brazier, and cord outside the town,
or what he did with it afterwards, we are not told. Cogolludo says: 'Daban
à vn Indio vn vaso del vino que acostumbraban beber, y embiabanle
fuera del Pueblo con èl, mandandole, que ni lo bebiesse, ni mirasse atràs,
con que creìan quedaba totalmente expulso el demonio.' Hist. Yuc., p. 191.
'En un vaso enviaban vino fuera del pueblo, con órden al indio que no lo
bebiese ni mirase atras, y con esto pensaban que habian echado al demonio.'
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 183; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv.,
lib. x., cap. iv.


[1008] 'Esta agua hazian de ciertas flores y de cacao mojado y desleido con
agua virgen que ellos dezian traida de los concavos de los arboles o de los
montes.' Landa, Relacion, p. 150.


[1009] 'Los varoncillos usavanles siempre poner pegada a la cabeça en los
cabellos de la coronilla una contezuela blanca, y a las muchachas traian
ceñidas por las renes muy abaxo con un cordel delgado y en el una conchuela
asida que les venia a dar encima de la parte honesta, y destas dos
cosas era entre ellos peccado y cosa muy fea quitarla de las mochachas
antes del baptismo.' Landa, Relacion, pp. 144, 146.


[1010] Brasseur de Bourbourg says they feasted nine days: 'Tous ensemble,
prêtres et parents, festoyaient après cela, pendant neuf jours, les pères
étant obligés, durant cet intervalle, de s'abstenir de leurs femmes.' Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 52. He appears to have misunderstood Cogolludo, to
whom he refers, since that author's words are, 'acabando la fiesta en banquetes,
y en los nueve dias siguientes no auian de llegar à sus mugeres los
padres de los niños.' Hist. Yuc., p. 191. 'Allende de los tres dias que se
avia, como por ayuno, abstenido, se avia de abstener nueve mas y lo hazian
inviolablemente.' Landa, Relacion, p. 154. See further: Veytia, Hist. Ant.
Mej., tom. i., pp. 182-3; Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. i., p. 205; Laet, Novus
Orbis, p. 272; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843,
tom. xcvii., pp. 44-5.


[1011] Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viajes, tom. iii., p. 414; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. xii.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen.,
tom. iv., pp. 39, 61, 103; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 472;
Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263. In Guatemala 'il est à remarquer ici que
quand il s'agit simultanément d'hommes et de femmes dans le discours, les
femmes ont presque toujours la préséance sur les hommes.' 'C'est peut-être
en mémoire de la mère de Hun-Ahpu que les femmes-chefs en bien des contrées
devaient leurs prérogatives.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp.
93-4. In Yucatan the women 'son zelosas y algunas tanto que ponian las
manos a las de quien tenian zelos, y tan colericas, enojadas, aunque harto
mansas, que solian dar buelta de pelo algunas a los maridos con hazerlo
ellos pocas vezes.' Landa, Relacion, pp. 188, 190. The women of Yucatan
had, however, their duties to perform. 'Son grandes travajadoras y vividoras,
porque dellas cuelgan los mayores y mas trabajos de la sustentacion
de sus casas y educacion de sus hijos, y paga de sus tributos y con todo esso
si es menester llevan algunas vezes mayor carga, labrando y sembrando sus
mantenimientos. Son a maravilla grangeras, velando de noche el rato que
de servir sus casas les queda, yendo a los mercados a comprar y vender sus
cosillas.'... The women joined and aided one another in the work, as weaving,
etc. 'Elles avaient leurs saillies et leurs bons mots pour railler et
conter des aventures et par moment aussi pour murmurer de leurs maris.'
Id., p. 190.


[1012] Landa, Relacion, p. 186.


[1013] 'Los universales sacrificios se ofrecian ordinariamente cuando venian
las fiestas, las cuales habia en unas provincias cinco, y en otras seis, ó se
ofrecian por necesidad particular, por uno de estos dos respectos.' Ximenez,
Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 177; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxix.


[1014] 'Aquel dia era libertado para hacer grandes banquetes y borracheras,
y así se mataban infinitas aves, mucha caza y vinos muy diferentes, hacian
muchas danzas y bailes en presencia de los ídolos. Duraban aquestas
fiestas, tres, cinco y siete dias, segun lo que ordenaban los ministros, y lo
decian cuando habian de comenzar. En estos dias, en cada tarde andaban
en procesion con grandes cantos y músicas, llevando al ídolo por las calles
y plazas, y donde habia lugar preeminente, hacian altares y ponian mesas,
y allí paraban, y como nosotros representamos farsas, así ellos jugaban á la
pelota delante de sus dioses.' Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 187; Las Casas,
Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxvii.


[1015] The manner in which this was done will be described elsewhere in
this chapter.


[1016] 'Ce qui, d'accord avec divers autres indices, annoncerait bien que l'effusion
du sang, et surtout du sang humain, dans les sacrifices, était d'origine
étrangère, nahuatl probablement.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Landa,
Relacion, p. 247.


[1017] Meaning 'quenching of fire.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Landa, Relacion,
p. 254. Yzamna is otherwise called Zamná.


[1018] This word chacs, which before was interpreted as the 'gods of the
cornfields,' probably here means the priests of those deities. In a former
chapter we have seen the word applied to those who assisted at the rite of
baptism.


[1019] 'Ekchuah, écrit ailleurs Echuah, était le patron des marchands et naturellement
des cacaos, marchandise et monnaie à la fois.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,
in Landa, Relacion, p. 261.


[1020] 'Officiales;' this may mean officiating priests, or overseers on the
plantations, or almost anything else.


[1021] 'Cit paraît être une sorte de cochon sauvage; chac est le nom générique
des dieux de la pluie, des campagnes, des fruits de la terre, etc. Coh est
le puma ou lion américain; suivant d'autres, chac-coh est le léopard.' Brasseur
de Bourbourg, in Landa, Relacion, p. 265.


[1022] 'Cinchau-Yzamná est une orthographe erroné, si l'on en juge après
les leçons précédentes; c'est probablement une mauvaise abréviation de
Kinich-Ahau-Ytzamná, donné, d'ailleurs, comme l'inventeur des lettres et
de l'écriture, l'auteur de tous les noms imposés au Yucatan.' Brasseur de
Bourbourg, in Landa, Relacion, pp. 284-5.


[1023] 'C'étaient là sans doute les dieux de la pêche, à propos desquels Cogolludo
dit les paroles suivantes: "On dit aussi que bien après la conquête,
les Indiens de la province de Titz imin, quand ils allaient pêcher le long de
la côte de Choáca, avant de se mettre à la pêche, commençaient par des
sacrifices et des oblations à leurs faux dieux, leur offrant des chandelles, des
réaux d'argent et des cuzcas, qui sont leurs émeraudes, et d'autres pierres
précieuses, en certain endroits, au ku et oratoires qui se voient encore dans
les bras de mer (estuaires) et les lagunes salées qu'il y a sur cette côte vers
le Rio de Lagartos."' (Hist. Yuc., tom. iv., cap. iv.); Brasseur de Bourbourg,
in Landa, Relacion, pp. 292-3.


[1024] 'Cuculcan, écrit quelquefois Kukulcan, vient de kuk, oiseau qui paraît
être le même que le quetzal; son déterminatif est kukul qui uni à can, serpent,
fait exactement le même mot que Quetzal Cohuatl, serpent aux
plumes vertes, ou de Quetzal.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Landa, Relacion,
p. 35.


[1025] 'La province de Mani avait été colonisée par les Tutul-Xius, dont
l'origine était toltèque ou nahuatl; les fêtes de Kukulcan se bornant à
cette province après la destruction de Mayapan, ne laissent point de doute
sur l'origine de ce personnage, et donnent lieu de penser que le reste du
Yucatan, tout en vénérant jusqu'à un certain point ce mythe ou ce prophète,
avait gardé au fond la religion qui avait précédé celle des Toltèques.
Ce serait un point d'histoire d'une grande importance au point de vue philosophique.
Nous trouverons plus loin d'autres indices du culte primitif
des Mayas.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Landa, Relacion, pp. 300-1.


[1026] 'Ek-balam-chac signifie tigre noir dieu des champs: ce sont du reste
des noms donnés au tigre encore aujourd'hui. Ahcan est le serpent mâle
en général. Ahbuluc-Balam signifie Celui des onze tigres.' Brasseur de
Bourbourg, in Landa, Relacion, pp. 230-1.


[1027] 'Ne croirait-on pas lire la description de cette fête des Scythes, rapportée
par Hérodote, et que M. Viollet-Leduc a insérée dans ses Antiquités
mexicaines, formant l'introduction de l'ouvrage de M. Désiré Charnay:
Cités et Ruines américaines, page 16.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Landa,
Relacion, pp. 232-3.


[1028] Landa, Relacion, pp. 230-2.


[1029] 'Bolon est l'adjectif numéral neuf, zacab, dont la racine est zac,
blanc, est le nom d'une sorte de maïs moulu, dont on fait une espèce d'orgeat.
Cette statue était-elle une image allégorique de cet orgeat offert en
cette occasion?' Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Landa, Relacion, pp. 212-13.


[1030] 'Kanté, bois jaune; c'est probablement le cèdre.' Brasseur de Bourbourg,
in Landa, Relacion, p. 213.


[1031] Landa, Relacion, pp. 210-32.


[1032] 'La charge de Nacon était double; l'un était perpétuel et peu honorable,
parce que c'était lui qui ouvrait la poitrine aux victimes humaines qu'on
sacrifiait.' Landa, Relacion, p. 161. 'El oficio de abrir el pecho a los sacrificados,
que en Mexico era estimado, aqui era poco honroso.' Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.


[1033] Ib.


[1034] Landa, Relacion, p. 166; Herrera, ubi sup.


[1035] The present appearance of the pit is thus described by Stephens: 'Setting
out from the Castillo, at some distance we ascended a wooded elevation,
which seemed an artificial causeway leading to the senote. The senote was
the largest and wildest we had seen; in the midst of a thick forest, an immense
circular hole, with cragged, perpendicular sides, trees growing out
of them and overhanging the brink, and still as if the genius of silence
reigned within. A hawk was sailing around it, looking down into the
water, but without once flapping its wings. The water was of a greenish
hue. A mysterious influence seemed to pervade it, in unison with the historical
account that the well of Chichen was a place of pilgrimage, and
that human victims were thrown into it in sacrifice. In one place, on the
very brink, were the remains of a stone structure, probably connected with
ancient superstitious rites; perhaps the place from which the victims were
thrown into the dark well beneath.' Yucatan, vol. ii., p. 324.


[1036] We have seen that even the memory of Cukulcan was neglected in
all the provinces of Yucatan but one.


[1037] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. i.; Medel, in Nouvelles Annales
des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 43; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. ii., pp. 44-5.


[1038] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.


[1039] 'Ivanse derechos todos quatro juntos á do sale el sol, i se hincavan de
rodillas ante el, i le zaumavan diciendo palabras é invocaciones, i esto fecho
se dividian hacia quatro partes, lest, oest, norte, sur, i predicavan sus rictos
i ceremonias.' Palacio, Carta, p. 68.


[1040] 'Yua el sacristan y sacauale con la nauaja el coraçon, y arrojauale al
dios, o a la diosa, y dezia, Toma el fruto desta vitoria.' Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.


[1041] Brasseur de Bourbourg says: 'cerf blanc.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii.,
p. 557.


[1042] 'Le sacrifice du cerf blanc, d'abord un des plus augustes, devint, plus
tard, l'offrande commune et exclusive des chasseurs qui désiraient se rendre
favorables les dieux protecteurs de la chasse et des forêts.' Id., p. 557; Palacio,
Carta, pp. 74-6.


[1043] 'Echauan las fiestas que eran diez y ocho, como los meses subidos en el
gradario, o sacrificadero que tenian los patios de los templos.' Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii. In the evidence taken by Fray Françisco
de Bobadilla the number of festivals is given as twenty-one and eleven; I
must therefore leave the reader to decide for himself which is correct. 'Y.—En
un año tenemos veynte é un dias de fiestas (é no juntos estos dias).... F.—En
el tiempo de aquellas onçe fiestas, que deçis que teneys cada
año.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 47, 52.


[1044] 'For there are two kindes of humane sacrifices with them: the one, of
enemies taken in the warres, the other of such as are brought vp and maintained
at home.' Peter Martyr, dec. vi., lib. vi.


[1045] 'And whosoeuer should haue no parte nor portion of the sacrificed
enemie, would thinke he shoulde bee ill accepted that yeere.' Ib.


[1046] 'Euery King nourisheth his appointed trees in a fielde neere vnto him,
obseruing the names of euery hostile country, where they hange the heads
of their sacrificed enemies taken in the warres.' Ib.


[1047] Herrera gives a similar account of the disposal of the body, but adds:
'Saluo que ponian la cabeça en los arboles.' Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv.,
cap. vii. I think it improbable that the heads were treated in the same
manner as those of their enemies. Peter Martyr says nothing distinctly of
the disposal of the head, but, speaking of the sacrifice, says 'they reuerence
all parts thereof, and partly bury them beefore the dores of their temples,
as the feete, handes, and bowels, which they cast together into a
gourde, the rest (together with the hartes, making a great fire within the
view of those hostile trees, with shril hyms, and applauses of the Priestes)
they burne among the ashes of the former sacrifices, neuer thence remooued,
lying in that fielde.' Dec. vi., tom. vi.


[1048] 'En aquellas fiestas no trabaxamos ni entendemos en más de emborracharnos;
pero no dormimos con nuestras mugeres, é aquellos dias, por
quitar la ocasion, duermen ellas dentro en casa é nosotros fuera della: é al
que en tales dias se echa con su muger, nuestros dioses les dan dolençia
luego, de que mueren; é por esso ninguno lo osa haçer, porque aquellos dias
son dedicados á nuestros dioses.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 52.


[1049] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Peter Martyr, dec. vi.,
lib. vi., vii.; Squier, in Palacio, Carta, p. 116.


[1050] 'En las ventas, y contratos, no auia escritos que obligassen, ni cartas
de papago, que satisfaciessen, pero quedaba el contrato valido con que
bebiessen publicamente delante de testigos.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp.
180-1.


[1051] Landa, Relacion, pp. 122-4.


[1052] 'Son graciosos en los motes, y chistes, que dizen à sus mayores, y
Iuezes: si son rigurosos, ambiciosos, auarientos, representando los sucessos
que con ellos les passan, y aun lo que vèn à su Ministro Doctrinero, lo
dizen delante dèl, y à vezes con vna sola palabra.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc.,
p. 187.


[1053] See Carrillo, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da época, tom. iii., pp. 259,
261; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 65-7; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales
des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 47.


[1054] Landa, Relacion, pp. 126, 128.


[1055] 'El timbal yucateco (tankul ó tunkul,) es el instrumento mas notable
de la música yucateca, y en general de la música americana, que acompañaban
las danzas ó bailes sagrados, y el nombre maya de ese notable instrumento,
nos revela hasta hoy el carácter sagrado de aquellas fiestas, pues
el nombre de tunkul ó tankul, significa ligeramente la hora de la adoracion.'
Carrillo, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da época, tom. iii., p. 259. I have
one of these instruments in my possession.


[1056] Landa, Relacion, pp. 124, 126; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x.,
cap. iv.; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 77, 186; Carrillo, in Soc. Mex. Geog.,
Boletin, 2da época, tom. iii., p. 260; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. ii., pp. 64-5.


[1057] Landa, Relacion, p. 178.


[1058] This is very similar to the Nahua game, described on page 295, et seq.,
of this volume.


[1059] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 93-4, 111-12, pl. v., fig. i., ii.


[1060] This history, written with Roman characters, but in the Quiché language,
in the early years of the Conquest, was quoted by Brasseur de
Bourbourg as the MS. Quiché de Chichicastenango, in his Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. i., pp. 59-60; a translation into Spanish by Ximenez appeared in 1857,
Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 79-80; and a translation into French by Brasseur de
Bourbourg in 1861, Popol Vuh, pp. 195-9. Brasseur's rendering is followed
for the most part in my text, but so far as this extract is concerned there
are only slight verbal differences between the two translations.


[1061] Landa, Relacion, p. 130; Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Id., p. 361. On
the coast of Yucatan, 'des racines dont ils font le pain, et qu'ils nomment
maïs.' Diaz, Itinéraire, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 8.
The Lacandones applied themselves 'al trabajo de sus Milpas, y Sementeras
de Maiz, Chile, y Frixoles, entre que sembravan Piñas, Platanos, Batatas,
Xicamas, Xacotes, Zapotes, y otras Frutas;' their milpas were large, and
were cleared with stone hatchets. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp.
310-11. The Itzas had 'mucha Grana, Cera, Algodòn, Achiote, Baynillas,
y otras Legumbres.' Id., pp. 353, 499. Many varieties of beans raised in
Nicaragua. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 285. 'Vi muchos destos perales
en la provinçia de Nicaragua, puestos á mano en las heredades é plaças
ó assientos de los indios, é por ellos cultivados. É son tan grandes árboles
como nogales algunos dellos.' Id., p. 353. Planting of maize, Id., pp.
265-6; tom. iv., pp. 104-5. See also on agriculture: Benzoni, Hist. Mondo
Nuovo, pp. 102-3; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viajes, tom. iii., pp.
413-14; Cortés, Cartas, p. 405; Squier's Cent. Amer., pp. 551, 556; Viollet-le-Duc,
in Charnay, Ruines Amér., p. 71; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i.,
p. 269; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., tom. i., p. 8.


[1062] Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 190-1; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 183;
Palacio, Carta, pp. 72-4; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 285; Dávila, Teatro
Ecles., tom. i., p. 233; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp.
565-6.


[1063] In the province of Campeche the Spaniards were feasted on 'Peacockes
and crammed foule both of the Mountaynes, Woods, and Water, as
Patryches, Quayles, Turtles, Duckes, Geese, and fourefooted wilde beastes,
as Boores, Hartes, and Hares: besides Wolfes, Lyons, Tygers, and Foxes.'
Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. ii. 'Juntanse tambien para la caça de L en L,
mas o menos, y la carne del venado assan en parillas, porque no se les
gaste, y venidos al pueblo, hazen sus presentes al señor, y distribuyen como
amigos y el mesmo hazen en la pesca.' Landa, Relacion, pp. 130-2, 46.
In Vera Paz 'tejones, que tienen buena carne, el bilab es mejor que carnero:
venadillos vermejos, y otros bayos, y muchos otros que los Indios
flechan, y comen algunos desollados, otros ahumados, y assados, en barbocoa,
y en charque, y todo malguisado.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib.
x., cap. xiii., xiv., ii. At Cozumel 'el pescado es su casi principal manjar.'
Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 22. See also Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i.,
pp. 355, 424, 497, tom. iv., p. 33; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 187; Las Casas,
Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. 177; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh,
p. 63.


[1064] Landa, Relacion, p. 118; Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
vol. viii., p. 148; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 184, 187-8, 700; Villagutierre,
Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 41, 311; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. 206-7, 411,
497, 507, tom. iii., p. 227; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. vi., ii., dec. vi., lib.
iii.; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. v., cap. v., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap.
viii.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 23; Id., Hist. Ind., fol. 61-2; Cortés, Cartas,
p. 449; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc., p. 32.


[1065] Cortés, Cartas, p. 23, tells us that no bread was made in Yucatan, but
that maize was eaten roasted. The best tortillas in Nicaragua were called
tascalpachon. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. 267, 324, 355, 411, 513, 523,
tom. iii., p. 227. See also Landa, Relacion, pp. 116-20, 135; Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiii.


[1066] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 69; Landa, Relacion,
p. 120; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 180; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv.,
p. 111.


[1067] Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 89, 98, 312; Landa, Relacion,
pp. 116-20, 192; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. v., cap. v., dec. iii., lib.
iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ix., lib. x., cap. iv.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen.,
tom. i., pp. 267, 317-18, tom. iv., p. 95; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol.
102-3, 109; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxvii.; Waldeck,
Voy. Pitt., p. 40; Cortés' Despatches, p. 4; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 51-2, 499.


[1068] In Yucatan: 'These Barbarians eate onely their enemies, or such strangers
as come vnto them, otherwise they abstaine from mans flesh.' Peter
Martyr, dec. iv., lib. vi. In Guatemala the heads and tripe were seasoned
with wine. Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxvii.; Id., in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 147; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp.
649, 651; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 62; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iv.,
cap. vii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vi., vii., lib. vii., cap. iii., dec. iv., lib. x.,
cap. iv.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 37, 51-2, 56, 108; Andagoya, in
Navarrete, Col. de Viajes, tom. iii., p. 420; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo,
fol. 35, 104; Albornoz, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 486; Helps'
Span. Conq., vol. iii., p. 88; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, p. 23;
Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 191.


[1069] The Itzas, men and women, wore 'faxas' 4 varas long and 1/3 vara
wide. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 312, 402, 498. At Campeche, a
strip of cotton one hand wide, twisted and wound 20 or 30 times about
the body. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. 512-13. This garment called
mastate. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 2. Ends embroidered and decorated
with feathers. Landa, Relacion, p. 116. Almayzares, called in New
Spain mastil; otherwise naked. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. v., cap.
v., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Cortés' Despatches, p. 4. The Chiapanecs
naked except this cloth about the loins. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, pp. 292,
302.


[1070] Plate showing the costume of an Indian of the interior. Waldeck,
Voy. Pitt., pl. v. Trowsers of cotton in Salvador. Squier's Cent. Amer.,
p. 321.


[1071] Called tilmas or hayates, a yard and a half square. Cogolludo, Hist.
Yuc., p. 187. Mantles called zuyen. Id., p. 2. 'Mantas pintadas.' Las
Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 147.


[1072] Cotton robes of bright colors. Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 551. 'Tuniques.'
Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcvii., p. 52. 'Sacks.' Fancourt's Hist. Yuc., pp. 284-5. 'Camisetas de
colores.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 497. 'Xaquetas de algodon.' Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 2. 'Camisette senza maniche.' Benzoni, Hist.
Mondo Nuovo, pp. 98, 104.


[1073] Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 172. Mayas dress like the Mexicans.
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.


[1074] Landa, Relacion, pp. 148-50; Palacio, Carta, pp. 62-4; Remesal,
Hist. Chyapa, p. 137; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec.
iv., lib. viii., cap. x., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii.; Ximenez, Hist. Ind.
Guat., p. 197; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 54.


[1075] 'L'étoffe rayée d'une ou de plusieurs couleurs que les femmes se roulent
encore autour du corps en la serrant à la ceinture comme un jupon,
descendant plus ou moins bas au-dessous du genou, se trouve être exactement
la même que l'on voit aux images d'Isis et aux femmes égyptiennes des
époques pharaoniques.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii.,
p. 67. Skirt from the waist to feet, called pic. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp.
187-8, 699. 'Ropas de algodon, que llaman naguas.' Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Conq., fol. 2; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viajes, tom. iii., p. 414;
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Landa, Relacion, pp.
184-6, 16, 144-6, 180.


[1076] 'Es lo mas dificultoso en los Indios el reduzirlos à cortarles el pelo.'
Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 498, 312. In Guatemala somewhat less
attention seems to have been paid to the hair. 'Trayanlo encrespado, ò rebujado
en la cabeça como estopas, à causa de que no se lo peynauan.' Remesal,
Hist. Chyapa, p. 302; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 187, speaks of straw
and palm-leaf hats, but he probably refers to his own time. Hair of priests
filled with blood. Id., p. 5; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 3; Squier's Cent.
Amer., pp. 321, 551. In Nicaragua 'traen rapadas las cabeças de la mitad
adelante é los aladares por debaxo, é déxanse una coleta de oreja á oreja
por detrás desde la coronilla.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 38, 108;
Landa, Relacion, pp. 112-14, 184; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. ii., p. 68; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii., lib. viii., cap.
x. Aguilar wore a 'corona y trença de cabellos, como los naturales.' Gomara,
Hist. Ind., fol. 62; Id., Conq. Mex., fol. 23; Palacio, Carta, p. 62.


[1077] Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, p. 35; Charnay, Ruines Amér., p. 341;
Landa, Relacion, p. 114; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.;
Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 111.


[1078] 'Traian sandalias de cañamo o cuero de venado por curtir seco.' Landa,
Relacion, p. 116. They generally went barefoot. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc.,
p. 187. Sandals in Nicaragua called gutaras. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv.,
pp. 38-9; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 347; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 77.


[1079] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 54; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii.,
lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed.
1856,) vol. ii., p. 345; Id., in Palacio, Carta, p. 106; Landa, Relacion,
pp. 114, 180, 194.


[1080] Landa, Relacion, p. 182.


[1081] A war party: 'Agujeradas narizes, y orejas con sus narigeras, y orejeras
de Cuzcas, y otras piedras de diuersos colores.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc.,
p. 73. The Itzas wore in the nose 'una baynilla olorosa,' and in the ears,
'vn palo labrado.' Id., p. 699. 'Sartales de Caracoles colorados,' much
prized by the Itzas. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 48. Small sticks in
the ears, and little reeds or amber rings, or grains of vanilla, in the nose.
Id., pp. 312, 402. A few silver and gold ear-ornaments. Id., pp. 497-9.
On the peninsula of Yucatan, 'trayan las orejas horadadas para çarcillos.'
Landa, Relacion, p. 114. The priest carried 'un isopo en la mano de un
palo corto muy labrado, y por barbas o pelos del isopo ciertas colas de unas
culebras que son como caxcaveles.' Id., pp. 149-50. Women pierced nose
and ears. Id., p. 182. In Nicaragua 'traen sajadas las lenguas por debaxo,
é las orejas, é algunos los miembros viriles, é no las mugeres ninguna cosa
destas, y ellos y ellas horadadas las orejas de grandes agujeros.' Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 38-9, tom. i., p. 497. King in Yucatan wore 'des
bracelets et des manchettes d'une élégance égale à la beauté de la matière.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 54. 'Tecaüh, qui est
le bijou que les chefs indiens portaient fréquemment à la lèvre inférieure ou
au cartilage du nez.' Id., p. 92. See also Cortés, Cartas, p. 3; Camargo,
Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 144; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib.
vii., cap. ix., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii., lib. x., cap. iii., iv.; Gomara, Hist.
Ind., fol. 60, 62; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 347; Id., Cent.
Amer., p. 551; Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 197; Diaz, Itinéraire, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série i., tom. x., pp. 16, 25, 39; Las Casas, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 147.


[1082] 'Los oficiales dello labravan la parte que querian con tinta, y despues
sejavanle delicadamente las pinturas, y assi con la sangre y tinta quedavan
en el cuerpo las señales, y que se labran poco a poco por el tormento grande,
y tambien se ponen despues malos, porque se les enconavan los labores, y
haziase materia, y que con todo esso se mofavan de los que no se labravan.'
Landa, Relacion, pp. 120, 182; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 186, 699; Remesal,
Hist. Chyapa, p. 293; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 402, 498; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p.
38; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p.
47; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc., pp. 121, 285; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 205.


[1083] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, p. 302; Landa, Relacion, pp. 114-16, 178-80,
182, 184; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 6, 77; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza,
pp. 107, 402, 490, 499; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. 297, 318, 498, tom.
iv., p. 111; Cortés, Cartas, p. 422; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 62; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. 71-2, 189.


[1084] 'Eran amigos de buenos olores y que por esto usan de ramilletes de
flores y yervas olorosas, muy curiosos y labrados.' Landa, Relacion, p. 114.
'Des roseaux longs de deux palmes, et qui répandaient une excellente
odeur quand on les brûlait.' Diaz, Itinéraire, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy.,
série i., tom. x., p. 7; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 68; Valois, Mexique, p.
206.


[1085] 'Se vañavan mucho, no curando de cubrirse de las mugeres, sino
quando podia cubrir la mano.' Landa, Relacion, p. 114. 'Se lavan las
manos y la boca despues de comer.' Id., p. 120. The women stripped naked
in the wells where they bathed; they took hot baths rather for health
than cleanliness. Id., p. 184. The women 'tienen poco secreto, y no son
tan limpias en sus personas ni en sus cosas con quanto se lavan como los ermiños.'
Id., p. 192. 'Los hombres haçen aguas puestos en cluquillas, é las
mugeres estando derechas de piés á dó quiera que les viene la gana.' Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 38; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.,
iv.; Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. i., p. 203; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263;
Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 263; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 68.


[1086] The following are my authorities on the Maya commerce, many references
to simple mentions of articles bought and sold and to the use of cacao
as money being omitted. Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 203; Las Casas, in
Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 137, 147; Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec i., lib. v., cap. v., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. xii., lib. vii.,
cap. ix., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., ix.; Landa, Relacion, pp. 32, 128-30,
156-8; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 181, 183; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza,
p. 311; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 316, tom. iii., p. 253, tom. iv., pp.
36-7, 49, 54, 104; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. i.; Cortés, Cartas, p. 422;
Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 102, 109; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 50-1, 71, 564; Id., Popol Vuh, p. 97; Squier's Nicaragua
(Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 346; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 320; Gallatin, in
Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 8; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col.
de Viajes, tom. iii., p. 414.


[1087] Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 4; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 2; Diaz,
Itinéraire, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 21; Id., in Icazbalceta,
Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 292; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp.
353, 369, 489, 76; Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. v.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom.
iii., p. 100; Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 271; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib.
v., cap. v.; Folsom, in Cortés' Despatches, pp. 3-4; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races,
pp. 226-7. See vol. i., p. 699, of this work.


[1088] Landa, Relacion, pp. 174, 48; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x.,
cap. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii. The Chiapanecs were among the boldest warriors.
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 178.


[1089] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 38, 53; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 264;
Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 342; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 272.


[1090] Landa, Relacion, p. 172; Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 202.


[1091] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 38; Landa, Relacion, p. 172; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. viii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v.,
cap. x., lib. vii., cap. iii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.; Palacio, Carta, pp.
70-2; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 391, 498-9; Squier's Nicaragua,
(Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 342; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom.
ii., pp. 558-9; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 270.


[1092] Cotton armor called in some places escaupiles. Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii. Both white and colored. Id., dec. iii., lib. v., cap.
x., lib. iv., cap. vi., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., lib. iii., cap. i. Called by
the Quichés achcayupiles. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom.
ii., p. 91; Landa, Relacion, p. 172; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 6; Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 2; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 62; Las Casas, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 148; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p.
484, tom. iv., p. 53; Alvarado, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom.
x., p. 140; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 347.


[1093] Macanas used as weapons in Nicaragua. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv.,
pp. 53, 33, tom. i., pp. 511-12, tom. iii., pp. 231, 484. Crystal-pointed arrows
used by the Itzas, and chiefs had short flint knives, with feathers on the
handles. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 495, 41, 92. Hardened rods,
or pikes. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 77, 2. Darts thrown from a 'tiradera.'
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap, xvii., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vi.,
lib. v., cap. x., lib. vii., cap. iii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii. A bat was the
sign of a Cakchiquel armory. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 225.
See also Maya weapons. Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 341,
347; Peter Martyr, dec. vi., lib. v.; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 258; Scherzer,
Wanderungen, p. 63; Landa, Relacion, pp. 48, 170; Las Casas, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p. 148; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 64, with
cut; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., pp. 186, 194; Diaz, Itinéraire, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 25; Id., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc.,
tom. i., p. 295; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 2; Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat.,
p. 127.


[1094] See vol. iv., chap. iv., v., for a full description of Maya ruins, with
plates. See Landa, Relacion, p. 174; Alvarado, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série i., tom. x., pp. 112, 117; Godoi, in Id., p. 158; Cortés, Cartas,
pp. 425-6; Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 87; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 534,
tom. iii., pp. 477-8; Fuentes, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., p.
243; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iii., lib. x., cap. iii.; Villagutierre,
Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 41; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viajes,
tom. iii., p. 407.


[1095] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 386; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc.,
pp. 5, 77, 130, 181; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv.,
lib. iii., cap. iii., lib. viii., cap. x., lib. x., cap. iv.; Villagutierre, Hist.
Conq. Itza, pp. 72-3, 76, 142, 281; Landa, Relacion, pp. 168, 174, 176; Las
Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 144, 148; Palacio,
Carta, pp. 70-2; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. 276, 511-12, 523, tom. iii.,
pp. 230, 477, tom. iv., pp. 53-4; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 61, 264; Juarros'
Hist. Guat., p. 185, etc.; Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. v.; Ximenez, Hist.
Ind. Guat., pp. 170, 198, 202-3; Alvarado, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série
i., tom. x., pp. 112, 138; Diaz, Itinéraire, in Id., pp. 17-18; Squier's
Cent. Amer., pp. 325, 333; Id., Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 342; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 544, 558-9; Ternaux-Compans,
in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 46; Morelet, Voyage,
tom. i., p. 186; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 259; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc., pp.
92, 116.


[1096] Two spindles with golden tissue. Cortés, Cartas, pp. 3, 422. Six
golden idols, each one span long, in Nicaragua. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec.
iii., lib. iv., cap. v. 20 golden hatchets, 14 carats fine, weighing over 20
lbs. Id., lib. iv., cap. vi. Houses of goldsmiths that molded marvellously.
Id., cap. vii. See also Id., dec. i., lib. v., cap. v. Little fishes and geese
of low gold at Catoche. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 4. Golden armor and
ornaments at Tabasco River. Id., pp. 12-13. Idols of unknown metals
among the Itzas. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 495, 497. Gilded
wooden mask, gold plates, little golden kettles. Diaz, Itinéraire, in Ternaux-Compans,
Voy., série i., tom. x. pp. 16, 25. Vases of chiseled gold
in Yucatan. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 69; Id.,
in Landa, Relacion, p. 32; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 102; Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 39, 95, tom. i., p. 520; Peter Martyr, dec. iv.,
lib. i., dec. vi., lib. ii., vi.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 354;
Godoi, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 178; Squier's Nicaragua,
(Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 346. Respecting a copper mask from Nicaragua
and two copper medals from Guatemala, see vol. iv. of this work.


[1097] For slight notices of the various mechanical arts of the Mayas see the
following authorities: Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. 276, 350, 521, tom.
iv., pp. 33, 36, 105-9; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 354, tom. ii.,
p. 346; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 329; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 4, 13, 187,
196; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap.
ix., lib. x., cap. ii., xiv.; Landa, Relacion, pp. 116, 120, 128-9; Villagutierre,
Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 100, 311-12, 495, 499-501; Remesal, Hist.
Chyapa., p. 293; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. ii., dec. vi., lib. iii.; Benzoni,
Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 98, 102-3; Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 203;
Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 268; Cortés, Cartas, p. 489; Andagoya, in Navarrete,
Col. de Viajes, tom. iii., p. 416; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. cxxiv.; Id., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. viii., pp. 147-8;
Palacio, Carta, p. 44; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., pp. 339,
346; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 212; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. ii., pp. 69, 172, 563.


[1098] Beltran de Santa Rosa María, Arte, pp. 195-208; Id., in Brasseur de
Bourbourg, MS. Troano, tom. ii., pp. 92-9. 'El modo de contar de los Indios
es de cinco en cinco, y de quatro cincos hazen veinte.' Landa, Relacion,
p. 206; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.


[1099] Landa, Relacion, pp. 202-316; Perez, Cronologia Antigua de Yuc.,
with French translation, in Id., pp. 366-429; English translation of the
same in Stephens' Yucatan, vol. i., pp. 434-59; original Spanish also in the
Registro Yucateco; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 103-8, 163-4; Veytia,
Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 137; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom.
ii., pp. 65-6; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., pp. 104-14;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 462-7; Id.,
MS. Troano, tom. i., pp. 73-97.


[1100] Cogolludo omits the month Tzoz, and inserts a month Vaycab, Vtuz
Kin, or Vlobol Kin, between Cumhu and Pop. He also in one place puts
Cuchhaab in the place of Kan. Hist. Yuc., p. 185-6. See also Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 466-7; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p.
22. The Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his attempted interpretation of
the Manuscript Troano, gives the following curious etymologies of the names
of these months. 'Le vocable pop, que Beltran écrit long, poop, signifie la
natte, "estera ò petate," dit Pio Perez, qui donne encore à pop le sens d'un
arbrisseau ou d'une plante qu'il ne décrit point, mais qui, fort probablement,
doit être de la nature des joncs dont on fait les différentes espèces de
nattes connues au Yucatan. En prenant ce vocable avec l'orthographe de
Beltran, poop se composerait de po, primitif inusité, exprimant l'enflure, la
vapeur, l'expansion par la chaleur d'une matière dans une enveloppe, et de
op, briser, rompre pour sortir, crevasser par la force du feu.... Beltran ajoute
que uo désigne en outre le têtard, une sorte de petit crapaud et un fruit
indigène, appelé pitahaya aux Antilles ... uo, au rapport du même auteur
énonce l'idée des caractères de l'écriture, en particulier des voyelles....
Cet hiéroglyphe paraît assez difficile à expliquer. Sa section inférieure renferme
un caractère qui semble, en raccourci, celui de la lettre h, et la section
supérieure est identique avec le signe que je crois une variante du ti,
localité, lieu. Ce qu'on pourrait interpréter par "le possesseur enfermé
du lieu," indice du têtard, de l'embryon dans son enveloppe. (?) L'ensemble
de l'idée géologique, qui a présidé à la composition du calendrier maya, se
poursuit dans les noms des mois, ainsi que dans ceux des jours. Après le
marécage, déjà crevassé par le chaleur, apparaît le têtard, l'embryon de la
grenouille, laissé au fond de la bourbe, symbole de l'embryon du feu volcanique
couvant sous la terre glacée et qui ne tardera pas à rompre son enveloppe,
ainsi qu'on le verra dans les noms des mois suivants.... Zip, analysé,
donne Zi ip, bois à brûler qui se gonfle outre mesure, sens intéressant
qui rappelle le grand arbre du monde, gonflé outre mesure par les gaz et les
feux volcaniques, avant d'éclater.... J'inclinerais à penser que Landa a voulu
exprimer par tzoz, non la chauve-souris zos, mais tzotz, la chevelure, vocable
qui dans toutes les langues du groupe mexico-guatémalien indique symboliquement
la chevelure de l'eau, la surface ondoyante, remuante de la mer,
d'un lac ou d'une rivière: c'est à quoi semblent correspondre les signes de
la glace qui se présentent dans l'image du mois Tzoz. Il s'agirait donc ici
de la chevelure, de la surface des eaux gelées au-dessus de la terre et que
la force du feu volcanique commence à rider, à faire grimacer, ainsi que
l'énonce le nom du mois suivant.... Tzec.... Ce que l'auteur du calendrier a
voulu exprimer, c'est bien probablement une tête de mort de singe, aux dents
grimaçantes, image assez commune dans les fantaisies mythologiques de
l'Amérique centrale et qu'on retrouve sculptée fréquemment dans les belles
ruines de Copan.... Une intention plus profonde encore se révèle dans ces
têtes de singes. Car si les danses et les mouvements de ces animaux symbolisent,
dans le sens mystérieux du Popol Vuh, le soulèvement momentané
des montagnes à la surface de la mer des Caraìbes, leurs têtes, avec
l'expression de la mort, ne sauraient faire allusion, probablement, qu'à la
disparition de ces montagnes sous les eaux, où elles continuèrent à grimacer,
dans les récifs et les Ronfleurs, comme elles avaient fait grimacer la
glace, en se soulevant.' As it would occupy too much space to give the
Abbé's explanations of all the months, the above will suffice for specimens.
See MS. Troano, tom. i., pp. 98-108.


[1101] Landa says, however, 'vingt-sept trezaines et neuf jours, sans compter
les supplémentaires.' Relacion, p. 235.


[1102] The number 13 may come from the original reckoning by lunations,
26 days being about the time the moon is seen above the horizon in each
revolution, 13 days of increase, and 13 of decrease. Perez, in Landa, Relacion,
pp. 366-8. Or it may have been a sacred number before the invention
of the calendar, being the number of gods of high rank. Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Ib.


[1103] 'Contaban sus eras, y edades, que ponian en sus libros de veinte en
veinte años, y por lustros de quatro en quatro.... Llegando estos lustros a
cinco, que ajustan veinte años, llamaban Katùn, y ponian vna piedra labrada
sobre otra labrada, fixada con cal, y arena en las paredes de sus Templos,
y casas de los Sacerdotes, como se vè oy en los edificios.' Cogolludo, Hist.
Yuc., p. 186. 'Llaman a esta cuenta en su lengua Uazlazon Katun que
quiere dezir la gerra de los Katunes.' Landa, Relacion, p. 313. 'Para
cuenta de veintenas de años en calendarios de los indios yucatecos, lo mismo
que las indicciones nuestras; pero de mas años que estas, eran trece ahaues
que contenian 260 años, que era para ellos un siglo.' Beltran de Santa Rosa
María, Arte, p. 204. Brasseur de Bourbourg is disposed to reject the system
of Sr Perez, but he in his turn makes several errors in his notes on the
subject. In Landa, Relacion, pp. 402-13, 428. The Maya MS. referred to
in the text is found with its translation in Id., pp. 420-9, and Stephens'
Yucatan, vol. ii., pp. 465-9.


[1104] The Quiché year, according to Basseta, began on December 24, of our
calendar. Following an anonymous MS. history of Guatemala, the Cakchiquel
year began on January 31; and the 1st of Parichè in 1707 was on
January 21. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 466-7.


[1105] 'Algunos de estos nombres estan en lengua zotzil, y los demas se ignora
en qué idioma se hallan.' Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom.
iii., p. 408; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 205-6.


[1106] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 462-3.


[1107] Brasseur de Bourbourg, ubi sup.; Boturini, Idea, p. 118; Humboldt,
Vues, tom. ii., pp. 356-7; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol.
i., p. 104; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 105; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom.
i., p. 137, makes Votan the first month; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 66; Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. iii., p. 344.


[1108] Landa, Relacion, pp. 44, 316.


[1109] Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 185, 196. The same author quotes Fuensalida
to the effect that the Itza priests still kept in his time a record of
past events in a book 'like a history which they call Analte.' Id., p. 507.


[1110] Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 393-4. 'Analtehes, ò Historias,
es vna misma cosa.' Id., p. 352.


[1111] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 143.


[1112] Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 407; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico,
tom. ii., p. 187.


[1113] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec, iv., lib. x., cap. ii.


[1114] Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 109-10.


[1115] Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. viii., or Latin edition of Cologne, 1574, p.
354; also quoted in Brasseur de Bourbourg, MS. Troano, tom. i., pp. 2-3;
Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 77. Carli tells us that the inhabitants of Amatitlan
in Guatemala were especially expert in making palm-leaf paper for
writing. Cartas, pt ii., p. 104; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p.
470. References to modern authors who, except possibly Medel, have no
other sources of information than those I have quoted, are as follows: 'Dans
le Yucathan, on m'a montré des espèces de lettres et de caractères dont se
servent les habitants.... Ils employaient au lieu de papier l'écorce de certaines
arbres, dont ils enlevaient des morceaux qui avaient deux aunes de
long et un quart d'aune de large. Cette écorce était de l'épaisseur d'une
peau de veau et se pliait comme un linge. L'usage de cette écriture n'était
pas généralement répandu, et elle n'était connue que des prêtres et de quelques
caciques.' Medel, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii.,
pp. 49-50; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 40; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 552; Morelet,
Voyage, tom. i., p. 191; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc., p. 119; Carrillo, in Soc.
Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da época, tom. iii., pp. 269-70; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 79.


[1116] Ordoñez, Hist. Cielo, etc., MS., and Nuñez de la Vega, Constit. Diæces.,
quoted by Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 71, 74;
Id., Popol Vuh, p. 5; Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 208; Pineda, in Soc. Mex.
Geog., Boletin, tom. iii., pp. 345-6.


[1117] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 36; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib.
iv., cap. vii.; Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 8;
Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 472; Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed.
1856,) vol. ii., pp. 347-8.


[1118] Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. iii., No. 2; Humboldt, Vues, tom.
ii., pp. 268-71, pl. xvi. Mr Prescott, Mex., vol. i., pp. 104-5, says that
this document bears but little resemblance to other Aztec MSS., and that
it indicates a much higher stage of civilization; but he also fails to detect
any stronger likeness to the bas-reliefs of Palenque, of which latter, however,
he probably had a very imperfect idea. It cannot be interpreted, for
'even if a Rosetta stone were discovered in Mexico, there is no Indian
tongue to supply the key or interpreter.' Mayer, Mex. as it Was, pp. 258-9.
'Le Codex de Dresde, et un autre de la Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris,
bien qu'offrant quelque rapport avec les Rituels, échappent à toute interprétation.
Ils appartiennent, ainsi que les inscriptions de Chiappa et du Yucatan
à une écriture plus élaborée, comme incrustée et calculiforme, dont on
croit trouver des traces dans toutes les parties très-anciennement policées
des deux Amériques.' Aubin, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. i., p. lxxi. See Stephens' Cent. Amer., vol. ii., pp. 342, 453-5; Id.,
Yucatan, tom. ii., pp. 292, 453.


[1119] Brasseur de Bourbourg, MS. Troano; Études sur le système graphique
et la langue des Mayas, Paris, 1869-70, 4º, 2 vols., 70 colored plates.


[1120] Waldeck, Palenqué, pl. 21; Stephen's Cent. Amer., vol. i., pp. 136-7,
140-2; Id., Yucatan, vol. ii., pp. 300-1; Morelet's Trav., p. 98; Vol. iv.,
pp. 91-2, 97-9, 234, and chap. vi., of this work.


[1121] The Spanish text is as follows: 'De sus letras porne aqui un a, b, c,
que no permite su pesadumbre mas porque usan para todas las aspiraciones
de las letras de un caracter, y despues, al puntar de las partes otro, y assi
viene a hazer in infinitum, como se podra ver en el siguiente exemplo. Lé,
quiere dezir laço y caçar con el; para escrivirle con sus carateres, haviendoles
nosotros hecho entender que son dos letras, lo escrivian ellos con tres,
puniendo a la aspiracion de la l la vocal é, que antes de si trae, y en
esto no hierran, aunque usense, si quisieren ellos de su curiosidad. Exemplo:
e l e lé. Despues al cabo le pegan la parte junta. Ha que quiere dezir
agua, porque la haché tiene a, h, antes de si la ponen ellos al principio
con a, y al cabo desta manera: ha. Tambien lo escriven a partes pero de
la una y otra manera, yo no pusiera aqui ni tratara dello sino por dar cuenta
entera de las cosas desta gente. Ma in kati quiere dezir no quiero, ellos
lo escriven a partes desta manera: ma i n ka ti.' Landa, Relacion, pp. 316-22;
also in Brasseur de Bourbourg, MS. Troano, tom. i., pp. 37-8.


[1122] Bibliothèque Mexico-Guatémalienne, Paris, 1871, p. xvii.


[1123] Tylor's Researches, pp. 100-1.


[1124] Wuttke and Schepping, in Spencer's Descriptive Sociology, no. 2., div.
ii., pt 1-B, p. 51. See note 16 of this chapter.


[1125] Wilson's Pre-Historic Man, p. 378, et seq.


[1126] See vol. iv., pp. 267, et. seq.


[1127] 'A todo lo largo tenian los vecinos de aquel lugar muchas casas, hecho
el cimiento de piedra y lodo hasta la mitad de las paredes, y luego cubiertas
de paja. Esta gente del dicho lugar, en los edificios y en las casas, parece
ser gente de grande ingenio: y si no fuera porque parecia haber allí
algunos edificios nuevos, se pudiera presumir que eran edificios hechos por
Españoles.' Diaz, Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 286;
see also Id., pp. 281, 287. 'Las casas son de piedra, y ladrillo con la cubierta
de paja, o rama. Y aun alguna de lanchas de piedra.' Gomara,
Conq. Mex., fol. 23. 'The houses were of stone or brick, and lyme, very
artificially composed. To the square Courts or first habitations of their
houses they ascended by ten or twelue steps. The roofe was of Reeds, or
stalkes of Herbs.' Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. v., p. 885; Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Conq., fol. 2-3; Bienvenida, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom.
ii., p. 311; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 507, tom. iii., p. 230; Montanus,
Nieuwe Weereld, p. 72; Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. i.


[1128] 'C'est encore aujourd'hui de cette manière que se construisent à la
campagne les maisons non seulement des indigènes, mais encore de la plupart
des autres habitants du pays, au Yucatan et ailleurs.' Brasseur de
Bourbourg, in Landa, Relacion, pp. 110-11.


[1129] Landa, Relacion, p. 110.


[1130] Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 184.


[1131] 'Their houses of bricke or stone, are couered with reedes, where there
is a scarcitie of stones, but where Quarries are, they are couered with shindle
or slate. Many houses haue marble pillars, as they haue with vs.' Peter
Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iii., dec. vi., lib. v.; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib.
iv., cap. vii.; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, p. 102.


[1132] Hist. Yuc., p. 700. 'Las casas eran ciento y tres, de gruessos, y fuertes
Maderos, en que se mantenian los Techos, que eran de mucha Paja, reziamente
amarrada, y con su corriente, y descubiertos todos los Frontispicios,
y tapados los costados, y espaldas, de Estacada, con sus Aposentos,
donde las Indias cozinavan, y tenian sus menesteres.' Villagutierre, Hist.
Conq. Itza, pp. 311-12.


[1133] Cortés, Cartas, p. 447.


[1134] Id., pp. 268, 426.


[1135] New Survey, p. 318.


[1136] Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxiv.


[1137] Relacion, p. 110.


[1138] 'Á la parte oriental, á siete ú ocho passos debaxo deste portal, está un
echo de tres palmos alto de tierra, fecho de las cañas gruessas que dixe, y
ençima llano é de diez ó doçe piés de luengo é de cinco ó seys de ancho, é
una estera de palma gruessa ençima, é sobre aquella otras tres esteras delgadas
é muy bien labradas, y ençima tendido el caçique desnudo é con una
mantilla de algodon blanco é delgada revuelta sobre sí; é por almohada
tenia un banquito pequeño de quatro piés, algo cóncavo, quellos llaman
duho, é de muy linda é lisa madera muy bien labrado, por cabeçera.' Hist.
Gen., tom. iv., p. 109.


[1139] 'Y en cada Aposento vn Tapesco, sobre maderos fuertes, que en cada
vno cabian quatro Personas; y otros Tapesquillos aparte, en que ponian las
Criaturas.' Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 312. Gage writes: They have
'four or five beds according to the family.... Few there are that set any
locks upon their doors, for they fear no robbing nor stealing, neither have
they in their houses much to lose, earthen pots, and pans, and dishes, and
cups to drink their Chocolatte, being the chief commodities in their house.
There is scarce any house which hath not also in the yard a stew, wherein
they bath themselves with hot water.' New Survey, p. 318.


[1140] Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 68-9.


[1141] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii., iii.


[1142] Dec. iv., lib. i.


[1143] Diaz, Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 287.


[1144] See vol. iv. of this work, pp. 267-8.


[1145] Juarros, Hist. Guat., pp. 87-8; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. lii.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 493; Palacio,
Carta, pp. 123-4.


[1146] Juarros, Hist. Guat., pp. 383-4; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. ii., p. 520.


[1147] Dec. vi., lib. vi.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263; Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.


[1148] Lizana, in Landa, Relacion, p. 358; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 193;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 25, 46-7.


[1149] Godoi, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., pp. 171-2. At
the Lake of Masaya in Nicaragua, Boyle noticed a 'cutting in the solid rock,
a mile long, and gradually descending to depth of at least three hundred
feet! This is claimed as the work of a people which was not acquainted
with blasting or with iron tools. Nature had evidently little hand in the
matter, though a cleft in the rock may perhaps have helped the excavators.
The mouth of this tunnel is about half a mile from the town.' Ride, vol.
ii., p. 11. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vii., mentions the
same thing in a very different manner: 'La subida y baxada, tan derecha
como vna pared, que como es de peña viua, tiene en ella hechos agujeros,
adonde ponen los dedos de las manos, y de los pies.'


[1150] For description of ruins of this building as they now exist, and cuts
of staircase, ground plan, and ornamentation, see vol. iv., pp. 226-9. Bishop
Landa thus describes it: 'Este edificio tiene quatro escaleras que miran a
las quatro partes del mundo: tienen de ancho a xxxiii pies y a noventa y
un escalones cada una que es muerte subirlas. Tienen en los escalones
la mesma altura y anchura que nosotros damos a los nuestros. Tiene cada
escalera dos passamanos baxos a ygual de los escalones, de dos piez de ancho
de buena canteria como lo es todo el edificio. No es este edificio esquinado,
porque desde la salida del suelo se comiençan labrar desde los passemanos
al contrario, como estan pintado unos cubos redondos que van subiendo
a trechos y estrechando el edificio por muy galana orden. Avia quando
yo lo vi al pie de cada passamano una fiera boca de sierpe de una pieça bien
curiosamente labrada. Acabadas de esta manera las escaleras, queda en lo
alto una plaçeta llana en la qual esta un edificio edificado de quatro quartos.
Los tres se andan a la redonda sin impedimento y tiene cada uno puerta en
medio y estan cerrados de boveda. El quarto del norte se anda por si con
un corredor de pilares gruessos. Lo de en medio que avia de ser como el
patinico que haze el orden de los paños del edificio tiene una puerta que sale
al corredor del norte y esta por arriba cerrado de madera y servia de quemar
los saumerios. Ay en la entrada desta puerta o del corredor un modo
de armas esculpidas en una piedra que no pude bien entender. Tenia este
edificio otros muchos, y tiene oy en dia a la redonda de si bien hechos y
grandes, y todo en suelo del a ellos encalado que aun ay a partes memoria
de los encalados tan fuerte es el argamasa de que alla los hazen. Tenia delante
la escalera del norte algo aparte dos teatros de canteria pequeños de a
quatro escaleras, y enlosados por arriba en que dizen representavan las
farsas y comedias para solaz del pueblo. Va desde et patio en frente destos
teatros una hermosa y ancha calçada hasta un poço como dos tiros
de piedra. En este poço an tenido, y tenian entonces costumbre
de echar hombres vivos en sacrificio a los dioses en tiempo de seca,
y tenian no morian aunque no los veyan mas. Hechavan tambien
otros muchas cosas, de piedras de valor y cosas que tenían depciadas....
Es poço que tiene largos vii estados de hondo hasta el agua,
hancho mas de cien pies y redondo y de una peña tajada hasta el agua que
es maravilla. Parece que tiene al agua muy verde, y creo lo causan las arboledas
de que esta cercado y es muy hondo. Tiene en cima del junto a la
boca un edificio pequeño donde halle yo idolos hechos a honra de todos los
edificios principales de la tierra, casi como el Pantheon de Roma. No se
si era esta invencion antigua o de los modernos para toparse con sus idolos
quando fuessen con ofrendas a aquel poço. Halle yo leones labrados de
bulto y jarros y otras cosas que no se como nadie dira no tuvieron herramiento
esta gente. Tambien halle dos hombres de grandes estaturas labrados
de piedra, cado uno de una pieça en carnes cubierta su honestidad como se
cubrian los indios. Tenian las cabeças por si, y con zarcillos en las orejas
como lo usavan los indios, y hecha una espiga por detras en el pescueço que
encaxava en un agujero hondo para ello hecho en el mesmo pescueço y encaxado
quedava el bulto cumplido.' Relacion, pp. 342-6.


[1151] 'Vieron algunos adoratorios, y templos, y vno en particular, cuya forma
era de vna torre quadrada, ancha del pie, y hueca en lo alto con quatro
grandes ventanas, con sus corredores, y en lo hueco, que era la Capilla, estauan
Idolos, y a las espaldas estaua vna sacristia, adonde se guardauan
las cosas del seruicio del templo: y al pie deste estaua vn cercado de piedra,
y cal, almenado y enluzido, y en medio vna Cruz de cal, de tres varas en
alto, a la qual tenian por el Dios de la lluuia.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii.,
lib. iii., cap. i. 'Junto à vn templo, como torre quadrada, donde tenian vn
Idolo muy celebrado, al pie de ella auia vn cercado de piedra, y cal muy
bien luzido, y almenado, en medio del qual auia vna Cruz de cal tan alta,
como diez palmos,' to which they prayed for rain. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc.,
p. 200. It is doubtless the same structure of which Gomara writes: 'El
templo es como torre quadrada, ancha del pie, y con gradas al derredor,
derecha de medio arriba, y en lo alto hueca, y cubierta de paja, con quatro
puertas o ventanas con sus antepechos, o corredores. En aquello hueco,
que parece capilla, assientan o pintan sus dioses.' Gomara, Conq. Mex.,
fol. 23.


[1152] The pyramids are of different size: 'aunque todos de vna forma. Son
al modo de los que de la Nueua España refiere el Padre Torquemada en su
Monarquia Indiana: leuantado del suelo vn terrapleno fundamento del edificio,
y sobre èl vàn ascendiendo gradas en figuras piramidal, aunque no
remata en ella, porque en lo superior haze vna placeta, en cuyo suelo estàn
separada (aunque distantes poco) dos Capillas pequeñas en que estaban los
Idolos (esto es en lo de Vxumual) y alli se hazian los sacrificios, assi de
hombres, mugeres, y niños, como de las demàs cosas. Tienen algunos de
ellos altura de mas de cien gradas de poco mas de medio pie de ancho cada
vno.' Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 193. Landa describes a pyramidal structure
which differs from others: 'Ay aqui en Yzamal un edificio entre los otros
de tanta altura que espanta, el qual se vera en esta figura y en esta razon
della. Tiene XX gradas de a mas de dos buenos palmos de alto y ancho
cada un y terna, mas de cien pies de largo. Son estas gradas de muy grandes
piedras labradas aunque con el mucho tiempo, y estar al agua, estan ya
feas y maltratadas. Tiene despues labrado en torno como señala esta raya,
redonda labrado de canteria una muy fuerte pared a la qual como estado y
medio en alto sale una ceja de hermosas piedras todo a la redonda y desde
ellas se torna despues a seguir la obra hasta ygualar con el altura de la
plaça que se haze despues de la primera escalera. Despues de la qual plaça
se haze otra buena placeta, y en ella algo pegado a la pared esta hecho un
cerro bien alto con su escalera al medio dia, donde caen las escaleras grandes
y encima esta una hermosa capilla de canteria bien labrada. Yo subi en
lo alto desta capilla y como Yucatan es tierra llana se vee desde ella tierra
quanto puede la vista alcançar a maravilla y se vee la mar. Estos edificios
de Yzamal eran por todos XI o XII, aunque es este el mayor y estan
muy cerca unos de otros. No oy memoria de los fundadores, y parecen aver
sido los primeros. Estan VIII leguas de la mar en muy hermoso sitio, y
buena tierra y comarca de gente.' Relacion, pp. 328-30.


[1153] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 37; Peter Martyr, dec. vi., lib. v.


[1154] Cortés, Cartas, p. 448.


[1155] Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 552. See also Villagutierre, Hist. Conq.
Itza, p. 402.


[1156] 'Y en estas partes é Indias pocos chripstianos, é muy pocos digo, son
los que han escapado deste trabajoso mat (buboes) que hayan tenido partiçipaçion
carnal con las mugeres naturales desta generaçion de indias; porque
á la verdad es propria plaga desta tierra, é tan usada á los indios é indias
como en otras partes otras comunes enfermedades.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom.
i., p. 365.


[1157] 'Comiença el inuierno de aquella tierra desde san Francisco, quando
entran los Nortes, ayre frio, y que destiempla mucho a los naturales: y por
estar hechos al calor, y traer poca ropa, les dan rezios catarros, y calenturas.'
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iv.


[1158] Landa, Relacion, pp. 60-2.


[1159] Ay infinitos generos de cortezas, rayzes, y hojas de arboles, y gomas,
para muchas enfermedades, con que los Indios curauan en su gentilidad, con
soplos, y otras inuenciones del demonio.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib.
x., cap. xiv.; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
vol. viii., p. 234.


[1160] 'Curan viejas los enfermos ... y echan melezinas con vn cañuto, tomando
la decoccion en la boca, y soplando. Los nuestros les hazian mil
burlas, desuenteando al tiempo, que querian ellas soplar, o riendo del artificio.'
Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 264; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv.,
cap. vii.


[1161] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 365.


[1162] 'Ay en esta terra mucha diuersidad de yeruas medicinales, con que se
curan los naturales: y matan los gusanos, y con que restriñen la sangre,
como es el Piciete, por otro nombre Tabaco, que quita dolores causados de
frio, y tomado en humo es prouechoso para las reumas, asma, y tos; y lo
traen en poluo en la boca los Indios, y los negros, para adormecer, y no sentir
el trabajo.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. vii., cap. iii.


[1163] 'Hazen en el (Atiquizaya) vna massa de gusanos hediondos y ponçoñosos,
que es marauillosa medicina para todo genero de frialdades, y otras indisposiciones.'
Id., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. x.


[1164] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., pp. 383-5.


[1165] 'Curauan los heridos con poluos de yeruas, o carbon que lleuauan
para esto.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.


[1166] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 321.


[1167] Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. viii., p. 234; Ximenez,
Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 191-2; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 184.


[1168] Landa, Relacion, p. 160.


[1169] 'Otro altar y templo sobre otro cuyo levantaron estos indios en su
gentilidad á aquel su rey ó falso Dios Ytzmat-ul, donde pusieron la figura
de la mano, que les servia de memoria, y dizen que alli le llevavan los
muertos y enfermos, y que alli resucitavan y sanavan, tocandolos la mano;
y este era el que está en la parte del puniente; y assi se llama y nombra
Kab-ul que quiere dezir mano obradora.' Lizana, in Landa, Relacion, p.
358.


[1170] Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 191-2, 209-10.


[1171] Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 183-4.


[1172] Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. viii., p. 144; Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 55; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 264; Cogolludo, Hist.
Yuc., p. 184.


[1173] Ib.


[1174] In Campeche the priests 'lleuauan braserillos de barro en que echauan
anime, que entre ellos dizen Copal, y sahumauan a los Castellanos, diziendoles
que se fuessen de su tierra, porque los matarian.' Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii.


[1175] Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 183.


[1176] Cogolludo says that a calabash filled with atole, some large cakes, and
some maize bran, were deposited in the grave. The first, for the soul to
drink on its journey; the second, for the dogs which the deceased had eaten
during his life, that they might not bite him in the other world; and the
last to conciliate the other animals that he had eaten. Hist. Yuc., p. 700.


[1177] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 574, says that the
body was embalmed; but Ximenez, from whom his account is evidently
taken, is silent on this point.


[1178] Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 210, et seq., affirms that wealthy people,
when they began growing old, set about collecting a vast number of clothes
and ornaments in which to be buried.


[1179] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 575, says that the
body was deposited in the grave seated upon a throne.


[1180] Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 210-14; Palacio, Carta, p. 119; Cogolludo,
Hist. Yuc., pp. 699-700.


[1181] Unless a great number of people were living in it, when they seem to
have gathered courage from each other's company, and to have remained.


[1182] Landa, Relacion, p. 196; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.


[1183] Villagutierre, Hist. Cong. Itza, p. 313.


[1184] Palacio, Carta, p. 119; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 48.


[1185] Palacio, Carta, p. 78; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom.
ii., p. 556.


[1186] Landa, Relacion, pp. 196-8; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x.,
cap. iv.


[1187] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 48-9. In the island of Ometepec
the ancient graves are not surrounded by isolated stones like the calputs of
the modern Indians, but are found scattered irregularly over the plain at a
depth of three feet. Urns of burnt clay are found in these graves, filled
with earth and displaced bones; and vases of the same material, covered
with red paintings and hieroglyphics, stone points of arrows, small idols,
and gold ornaments. Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 128-9.


[1188] Landa, Relacion, p. 196; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap.
iv.; Id. lib. viii., cap. x.; Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 214; Villagutierre,
Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 313; Palacio, Carta, pp. 76-8.


[1189] Peter Martyr, dec. vi., lib. v.


[1190] Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 414; Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii.; Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 111; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 23; Dávila, Teatro
Ecles., tom. i., p. 170; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 700; Landa, Relacion, pp.
112-14; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 402; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p.
329.


[1191] Landa, Relacion, pp. 100, 122, 188-90; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq.
Itza, pp. 312, 516; Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. i., p. 203; Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 180, 187-8; Gomara,
Hist. Ynd., fol. 62; Las Casas, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq.,
vol. viii., pp. 147-8.


[1192] Gomara, Hist. Ynd., fol. 268; Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. i., p. 148;
Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 33; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS.,
cap. xlvi.


[1193] Crónica Seráfica, pp. 25-6.


[1194] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap.
ii.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 39.