THE
CHRONICLES
OF
ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET;
CONTAINING
AN ACCOUNT OF THE CRUEL CIVIL WARS BETWEEN THE HOUSES OF
ORLEANS AND BURGUNDY;
OF THE POSSESSION OF
PARIS AND NORMANDY BY THE ENGLISH;
THEIR EXPULSION THENCE;
AND OF OTHER
MEMORABLE EVENTS THAT HAPPENED IN THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE,
AS WELL AS IN OTHER COUNTRIES.
A HISTORY OF FAIR EXAMPLE, AND OF GREAT PROFIT TO THE
FRENCH,
Beginning at the Year MCCCC. where that of Sir JOHN FROISSART finishes, and ending
at the Year MCCCCLXVII.and continued by others to the Year MDXVI.
TRANSLATED
BY THOMAS JOHNES, ESQ.
IN THIRTEEN VOLUMES ... VOL. IV.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER-ROW; AND J. WHITE AND CO. FLEET-STREET.
1810.

CONTENTS
OF
THE FOURTH VOLUME.

[Pg 1]

HERE BEGINNETH
THE FOURTH VOLUME
OF THE
CHRONICLES
OF
ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET.

CHAP. I.

THE CHAINS ARE TAKEN AWAY FROM THE STREETS OF PARIS.—THE PARISIANS ARE KEPT IN GREAT SUBJECTION.—OTHER ROYAL EDICTS ARE PROCLAIMED.

When the duke of Burgundy, as has been said, was returned to his own country, Taneguy du Châtel, who had lately been appointed provost of Paris, and Remonnet de la Guerre, were commissioned by the dukes of Berry and of Orleans to take down all the chains that had been affixed to the different streets and squares in Paris, and[Pg 2] carry them to the bastille of St Antoine and to the castle of the Louvre. They also seized the arms of the burghers and inhabitants, and carried them to the said fortresses, riding daily through the streets attended by a strong force, and followed by cars and carts, which conveyed the arms and chains to the places appointed for receiving them. There was not, at that period, any burgher who dared even to carry a quarter-staff.

The same men at arms kept a very strict watch day and night at the gates and on the walls, at the expense of the inhabitants, without attention being paid to their complaints, or placing the smallest confidence in them. They were consequently very much discontented, and sore at heart, when they saw how they were treated; and many now repented that they had put themselves under the government of the enemies of the duke of Burgundy, but dared not shew it openly.

In regard to the duke, various edicts were issued against him, charging him with attempting to seduce the king's subjects from their obedience. One, addressed to the bailiff of Amiens, was as follows:

'Charles, by the grace of God, king of France, to the bailiff of[Pg 3] Amiens, or to his lieutenant, health and greeting.

'Whereas it has come to our knowledge, that John our cousin of Burgundy, our rebellious and disobedient enemy, has written, and sent at different times, sealed letters, as well to our good town of Paris as to many others within our realm, with the intent to seduce and deceive our subjects, and enable him to accomplish the damnable enterprise which he lately formed of marching a large army into Paris. We have, by our letters, expressly commanded, that no one, whatever may be his rank, should receive any of these letters from the duke of Burgundy; and should any have been received, that no answer whatever should be made to them, but that they should be sent to us, or to our chancellor, to do by them as we shall think expedient.

'This said duke of Burgundy, continuing his damnable projects, has lately sent certain letters-patent, sealed with his privy seal, to our town of Paris, which he has caused to be fixed secretly in the night-time to the gates of several churches, and in[Pg 4] other public places of the said town, as well as to several others within our realm, as we have heard, by which he declares that he had marched to Paris solely with the intention of delivering us and our very dear and well-beloved son, the duke of Acquitaine, from the bondage in which he said we were held. The said duke further declared, that he would never abandon his attempt until he should have restored us and our dear son to the full enjoyment of our free will and government. These assertions, and others made by the said duke of Burgundy, are, thanks to God, groundless, and notoriously false; for neither ourself nor our dear son have been or are under any subjection whatever, nor are our honour, our justice, or the state of our government, any way wounded or diminished,—but ever since the departure of the duke of Burgundy from Paris we have governed peaceably, freely, without any hindrance or contradiction. This, however, we were but little able to do, after the horrible murder committed by this said duke on the person of our well-beloved brother Louis, duke of Orleans, whose sins may God pardon![Pg 5] We do now govern, and have governed, our kingdom, since the departure of the aforesaid duke, according to our pleasure and the right that belongs to us, and have been constantly obeyed in all things, humbly and diligently, by all those of our blood and lineage, like as good relations, vassals and loyal subjects should do to their king and sovereign lord, excepting alway the duke of Burgundy, who, contrary to our orders and positive commands, has assembled great numbers of men at arms and archers, and, like an enemy, has marched them to the walls of Paris, having in his company many traitors and murderers, and other criminals against our royal majesty.

'With such persons, and others who have been banished our realm for similar crimes, the said duke, persevering in his wickedness, attempted to enter Paris, to seize on and usurp (all that he has written to the contrary in his letters notwithstanding) the government of us, of our eldest son, and of the whole kingdom, and to appropriate to himself the finances, as he long did to our very great displeasure, and to the loss of the kingdom, after the said[Pg 6] murder by him committed; for the said Burgundian and his adherents are known to have had and received sixty hundred thousand francs and upwards,—for which, and various other causes, more fully explained in our ordinances, we have declared him a rebel, a violator of the peace, and, consequently, an enemy to us and to our whole kingdom.

'Whereas several of our subjects and vassals may perchance be ignorant of these said things, and therefore not believe them; and because the said Burgundian, by his written letters, may publish false and wicked lies as may deceive our said vassals, and prove of the utmost detriment to us, our kingdom, and to our faithful and loyal subjects: we being therefore desirous that every person may be fully ascertained of the truth, and in order to counteract such false and damnable lies, do thus publicly signify and make known, that the matters which the said Burgundian has written and published, either by himself or his adherents, are detestable lies, spread abroad to seduce and deceive our people, and to enable him to succeed in his damnable design.

'It is therefore our determination, with the aid of God, to oppose this[Pg 7] duke by every means in our power, and to reduce him, his abettors, accomplices and adherents, under such subjection as befits vassals who are disobedient to their lord and sovereign. Such is our will, and we shall never depart from it. We therefore command and strictly enjoin, under pain of our displeasure, that you instantly do proclaim, in the most public manner, these presents in every place within your bailiwick where such proclamations are usually made, so that no one may plead ignorance thereof.

'You will likewise forbid, in our name, all our vassals within your jurisdiction, on the faith, loyalty and obedience they owe us, and under pain of being reputed rebels, and suffering the punishments due to such, henceforward to receive any letters from the said duke of Burgundy, his adherents or allies. Should any letters be sent them, we order that they do not open them, nor make any communications thereof—but that they do bring them sealed up to our trusty and well-beloved chancellor, for him to do therewith as he may judge proper.

'And we, by these presents, do absolutely forbid them, under pain of[Pg 8] the aforesaid penalties, in any way to advise, comfort or support, or show favour to the said duke of Burgundy, his partisans or allies, that they may prove themselves faithful and obedient subjects to us, as they are so bounden; otherwise, they shall be punished like rebels, to serve for examples to all others.

'Given at Paris, the 17th day of February, in the year of Grace 1413, and of our reign the 33d.' Thus signed by the king, on the report of his grand council, and countersigned 'E. Mauregard.'

Shortly after, another edict was issued against the duke of Burgundy, and proclaimed throughout the kingdom at the usual places, the tenour of which was as follows:

'Charles, by the grace of God, king of France, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his lieutenant, greeting.

'Whereas it is so notorious to all our subjects that none can pretend ignorance thereof, that John, our cousin of Burgundy, has lately advanced to the walls of our good[Pg 9] town of Paris, with a large body of men at arms and archers, contrary to our positive orders, and in defiance of our will and pleasure, solemnly made known to him, as well by ambassadors as by sealed letters from us: that he captured the town of St. Denis, and made of it a bulwark against our city of Paris, marching thence to the walls of our said city with displayed banners, and sending his scouts to the gates thereof: that he has seized and retains the possession of many of our towns by occupying them with a force of men at arms, more particularly Compiegne and Soissons: that he has now under his orders a very numerous army within our kingdom, to our great prejudice and to the oppression of the realm: that he has published certain declarations, as a colour for this disobedient and rebellious conduct, which are all of them perfectly false and malicious, his intention being to attempt gaining admittance, by fair or foul means, into our good city of Paris, to do his pleasure on us, our very dear companion the queen, our well-beloved son the duke of Acquitaine, and on others of our blood and lineage within the said[Pg 10] city, and consequently to regain the whole government of the kingdom, in like manner as it is notorious he did formerly usurp it, and by his tyrannical domination caused irreparable injuries to those connected with us by blood, the inhabitants of the town of Paris, and in general to the whole kingdom.

'For these causes, we have branded him, all his adherents, partisans and allies, as rebels to us and enemies to our kingdom. Fie is now departed from our town of St. Denis, and we know not what road he has taken; but we have sent you letters to enjoin you to proclaim throughout your bailiwick, that none be so daring, under pain of corporal punishment and confiscation of effects, as to serve or join him in the army which he has raised; and should there be any within your jurisdiction who, in defiance of these our orders, shall have joined the said duke, we order you to seize their persons, and confiscate their estates which lie within your bailiwick, for our use.

'Notwithstanding these explicit orders, you have been, as we have heard, very dilatory and negligent in obeying them, and[Pg 11] have paid but little attention thereto: should this have been the case, we are, and not without reason, much displeased. We therefore again command, and most strictly enjoin, on penalty of dismission from your office, that on the receipt of these presents, you do proclaim them, or cause them to be proclaimed, in all the accustomed places within your bailiwick, so that no one, whatever be his rank, may think of joining or serving the duke of Burgundy, in the army which lie has assembled; and that all who may have joined him may instantly return to their homes, under pain of suffering corporal punishment and confiscation of effects.

And whereas it is notorious, that many persons within your jurisdiction have joined the duke of Burgundy, and that others are his supporters and abettors, who, contrary to our pleasure, have murmured and continue discontented, attempting also to deceive and seduce our people from their allegiance, and endeavouring, as we have heard, by every possible means, to advise and comfort the said duke of Burgundy: we therefore enjoin you, under the penal[Pg 12]ties aforesaid, to take instant possession of all their effects, moveable and immoveable, within your district, and wherever they may be, for us and in our name. You will act in like manner to all whom you may know to be favourable to the said duke of Burgundy, and partisans in his abominable and traitorous designs.

'Nevertheless, if you can lay hands on any of their persons, you will instantly arrest them wherever they may be, except in sanctuaries, and immediately inflict such corporal punishment on them as they may have deserved. Should you not be able to do this, summon them to appear, under penalty of banishment and confiscation of effects. You will also command, by proclamation, all who are bound to serve us, to hasten to join us with as numerous a body of men at arms as possible, that we may effectually oppose the duke of Burgundy and his accomplices, reduce them to the obedience they owe us, and punish them according to their misdeeds, and the tenour of those letters which we have before addressed to you. Do you be careful to execute punctually and diligently these our[Pg 13] orders, that we may not proceed against you for disobedience.

'Given at Paris the 20th day of February, in the year of Grace 1413, and of our reign the 33d.' Thus signed by the king, on the report of the grand council held by the queen and the duke of Acquitaine. Countersigned, 'J. du Châtel.' It was proclaimed in Amiens and its bailiwick by orders of the bailiff and his deputies on the last day of February and the following days.

Letters patent were also sent to the nobles of Artois from the king, and to those who had attended the duke of Burgundy in his march to Paris from the bailiwicks of Amiens, Tournay, and the Vermandois; and to those who had remained at home were sent letters sealed with the small round seal. The first letters, in the king's name, forbade these nobles, under pain of the before-mentioned penalties, to accompany, or to give counsel or aid, to the said duke of Burgundy, and commanded them to prepare themselves and their horses to serve the king against this Burgundian and his abettors. By the second, they were ordered to[Pg 14] collect as large a force as they could, and advance to Paris and join the king there, or wherever else he might be, that he might be enabled to impugn and humble the duke of Burgundy, his partisans and advisers.

These letters were forwarded to the bailiff of Amiens by the chancellor, who sent them, according to orders, to the provostships and bailiwicks, for the guards in each to deliver them to those within their districts to whom they were addressed. These guards were to receive hostages, if possible, and send them to Paris, and they were to write word what other securities they had obtained. Should they not receive any, nor letters of acknowledgment, they were also to write this, that it might be known who had and who had not received these letters from the king.

About this time, the bishop of Paris, at the request of the university, sent to the duke of Burgundy, to know whether he would avow those arguments which master John Petit had advanced by his desire against the late duke of Orleans. The duke, in reply, told the messengers, that he would neither avow nor support the said master[Pg 15] John, saving his just rights. On this answer being carried to Paris, it was ordered by the bishop and the inquisitor of the faith, that the aforesaid arguments should be condemned, and publicly burnt in the presence of the clergy, and of whoever else might choose to witness it. When this was done, it was proposed that the bones of the said master John Petit should be sought for in the town of Hêdin, where he had died,—for it was intended to burn them in the same place where his arguments had been burnt,—but in the end nothing more was done.

CHAP. II.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY HOLDS A GRAND CONFERENCE WITH HIS NOBLES IN ARRAS, WHO PROMISE TO SERVE HIM AGAINST ALL HIS ENEMIES.

The duke of Burgundy daily received intelligence that the king and the duke of Acquitaine were completely turned against him, through the means of those who then governed. In consequence, he assembled[Pg 16] all his nobles of Artois and Picardy at Arras. On his appearing among them, he first apologised for having made them wait, saying that he had been at Paris in obedience to the commands of the duke of Acquitaine, and again caused to be read the letters which he had received from him. He added, that he had left large bodies of his men at arms in the towns of Compiegne and Soissons, at the request of the inhabitants; for they had learnt that the king, by the advice of his present ministers, was raising a large force to reconquer these towns.

He then asked the nobles, whether he might depend on their support. They replied, that they would cheerfully serve him against all his enemies, saving the king of France and his children. This they all promised excepting the lord de Ront, who declared that he would serve him even against the king of France.

At this period, there raged an epidemical disorder throughout France and other countries: it affected the head, and very many died of it, both old and young. It was called the Coqueluche.

CHAP. III.

A GRAND COUNCIL HELD, IN THE KING'S NAME, AT PARIS.[Pg 17]

On the 2d day of March, in this year, was held a grand council, at the hôtel of St Pol, in the presence of the queen and the duke of Acquitaine, (because the king was not then in perfect health,) of many princes and prelates beside the ordinary members of the council. The chancellor of France harangued for a considerable time on the behaviour of the duke of Burgundy, and how he had conducted himself toward the king and the princes of the blood at many and divers times, since the death of Louis duke of Orleans: that lately, in defiance of the commands of the king and the duke of Acquitaine, he had marched a powerful force of men at arms and archers, with displayed banners, to the very walls of Paris, committing at the same time irreparable damages to the kingdom: he had likewise placed garrisons in the towns of Compiegne and Soissons, who daily made open war on[Pg 18] the subjects of the king, in like manner as our ancient enemies of England would have done: that since he had thus notoriously broken the peace that had been agreed to at Auxerre, and confirmed at Pontoise, the chancellor earnestly demanded those present, on their allegiance, to declare what measures the king and the duke of Acquitaine should pursue against the duke of Burgundy.

This council consisted of the king of Sicily, the dukes of Berry, Orleans, Bourbon and Bar, the counts d'Alençon, de Vertus, de Richemont, d'Eu, de Dampmartin, d'Armagnac, de Vendôme, de Marle and de Touraine; the lord d'Albreth, constable of France, the archbishop of Sens, and many other prelates, with a considerable number of notable barons, knights and esquires of the royal council. When they had for some time deliberated on the chancellor's demand, they replied, by the mouth of the archbishop of Sens, that the king might legally and honourably wage war on the duke of Burgundy, considering the manner in which he had conducted and continued to conduct himself with regard to him.

It was then resolved, that the king[Pg 19] should raise a large army, and march in person against the duke and his adherents, to subjugate them, and reduce their country to obedience. The queen, the duke of Acquitaine, all the princes, and the whole council, then engaged, and solemnly swore, on their faith and loyalty, that they would never pay attention to any letters or embassy from the said duke, until he and his allies should be destroyed, or at least humbled and reduced to obedience.

When the council broke up, clerks were employed to write letters, which were dispatched to divers countries, and throughout France; and the king at this time raised a larger army than he had done during his whole reign,—insomuch, that in a very short time, by the activity of the said princes, and by the king's summons, a very great multitude of men at arms were collected round Paris, and in the parts adjacent in the isle of France. Some of the captains were dispatched with a large body of men toward the town of Compiegne, which, as I have before said, was garrisoned by the duke of Burgundy, namely, the lord Charles d'Albreth, constable of France, sir Hector,[Pg 20] bastard of Bourbon, Remonnet de la Guerre, the lord de Gaucourt and several others,—who, on their forming the siege, had many and severe skirmishes with those of the town, as they made frequent sallies night and day, and at the beginning did them much damage.

They were, however, often driven back by the besiegers into the town, which was under the government of sir Hugh de Launay, the lord de Saint Legier, and his son, the lord Mauroy, Hector Philippe, le bon de Savouses, the lord de Sorres, knights, Louvelet de Malinghen, and many other notable men at arms, by orders of the duke of Burgundy. These captains, to prevent the besiegers from quartering themselves at their ease, were diligent in harrassing them, and burnt all the suburbs, with many handsome buildings, as well houses as churches. The besiegers, on their side, were not idle: they threw two bridges over the river Oise, to succour each other should there be occasion, and pointed against the walls and gates two large engines, which annoyed them much.

The king of France on the Saturday[Pg 21] in the holy week, the third of April, marched out of Paris in a triumphant manner, and with great state, to the town of Senlis to wait for his army. He there celebrated the feast of the Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ. The king and the duke of Acquitaine wore, on this expedition, the badge and arms of the count d'Armagnac, laying aside that noble and gallant banner which he and his royal predecessors had hitherto borne, for the plain white cross. Many of the great barons, knights, and other loyal servants of the king and the duke, were much displeased at this, saying, that it was not becoming the excellence of his royal majesty to bear the arms of so poor a lord as the count d'Armagnac, particularly as it was for his own personal quarrel, and within his own realm. This banner, which was now the cause of such rejoicing, had been given to an ancestor of the said count, by the decision of a pope, to be borne for ever by him, and his heirs and successors, as a penalty for certain crimes committed by his predecessors against the church.

[Pg 22]

[A.D. 1414.]

CHAP. IV.

THE DUKE OF ACQUITAINE LEAVES PARIS, AND JOINS THE KING OF FRANCE AT SENLIS.—HE MARCHES THENCE TO LAY SIEGE TO THE TOWN OF COMPIEGNE.

At the beginning of this year, namely, on Easter-Monday, the duke of Acquitaine set out from Paris with a noble company, and went to Senlis, to join the king his father. The king then departed from Senlis, attended by many princes and prelates, and a grand assemblage of chivalry, to fix his quarters at Verberie[1]. The queen and the duchess of Acquitaine, who had come with the duke from Paris, went to lodge at Meaux in Brie. The duke of Berry remained behind, as governor of Paris and the adjacent country. King Louis of Sicily went to Angiers, and thence returned to Paris, and did not attend the king on this expedition.

The king of France, on leaving Verberie, marched toward Compiegne; and[Pg 23] when he had approached near, he sent one of his heralds to the gates of the town, to announce to those within that the king was coming, that they might, like loyal subjects, admit him as their lord. The townsmen made answer, that they would very cheerfully admit him and his son, the duke of Aquitaine, with their attendants, but no more. The herald carried this answer to the king, who had lodged himself in a small house between the town and the forest, and the duke of Acquitaine in the monastery of Royaulieu. The other princes and captains quartered themselves as well as they could; and the king's batteries kept constantly playing against the town, to which they did much damage, while skirmishes frequently happened between the two parties. One of them is deserving of notice. When the month of May was near at hand, sir Hector, bastard of Bourbon, sent to inform the besieged, that on the first of May he would try their courage.

On that day, he accordingly mounted his horse, attended by about two hundred[Pg 24] able men at arms and some foot-soldiers, having all May garlands over their helmets: he led them to the gate of Pierrefons, to present a May garland to the besieged, as he had promised. The besieged made a stout resistance, insomuch that it became very serious, and several were killed and wounded on each side: the bastard of Bourbon had his horse killed under him, and was in great danger of being made prisoner or slain.

While these things were passing, the duke of Burgundy held many conferences with the Flemings, to persuade them to levy a certain number of men, that he might raise the siege of Compiegne; but they refused, all edging that they could not bear arms against the king of France. The duke of Burgundy, to whom his people in Compiegne had sent to know if they might expect succours, advised them to make the best terms they could with the king and the duke of Acquitaine. On hearing this, they offered to open the gates to the king and his army, on condition that the troops of the duke of Burgundy should retire in safety with their effects,—they promising, or their captain for them, that they would never[Pg 25] again oppose the king, or the duke of Acquitaine, in any town which belonged to them.

The king consented to pardon the inhabitants, and to receive them again into favour, without touching their lives or fortunes.

Thus on Monday, the 8th day of May, at the same time that the troops of the duke of Burgundy marched out under passports from the king and the duke of Acquitaine to fix their quarters in Artois, the royal army marched into Compiegne.

At this time, Waleran count de St Pol, who still called himself constable of France, riding from Amiens to his castle of St Pol, had a severe fall, and broke his leg: the pain was so great that he was carried to St Pol; but there was a report current, that he pretended to have been thus sorely hurt in order to be excused from obeying the king's summons, which had been often repeated to him; and also out of regard to the duke of Burgundy, whom he saw much distressed, and was perplexed how to assist him in his quarrel. In like manner, sir James de Châtillon, lord of Dampierre,[Pg 26] styling himself admiral of France, remained all this season at his castle of Rolaincourt, pretending to be confined with the gout, which often attacked him, in order to be excused, like the constable, from serving in the king's army, or joining the duke of Burgundy, of whose success he was very desirous. Their dependants, however, who were accustomed to follow them in arms to war, or at least the greater part of them, joined the duke of Burgundy and his partisans. This war placed many lords in disagreeable situations and perplexities; for they knew not well how to steer, with honour to themselves, between the two parties.

CHAP. V.

THE KING OF FRANCE MARCHES HIS ARMY FROM COMPIEGNE TO SOISSONS, WHICH HE BESIEGES AND TAKES BY STORM:—IT IS PILLAGED AND DESTROYED.

The king, having reduced the town of Compiegne to his obedience, departed, on[Pg 27] the 5th day of May[2], with his army, to lay siege to the town of Soissons, of which place the brave Enguerrand de Bournouville was governor. The van division had before advanced thither, under the command of the duke of Bar, the count d'Armagnac, Clugnet de Brabant, calling himself admiral of France, the bastard of Bourbon, sir Aymé de Sallebruche, and other able captains.

The inhabitants of Soissons, perceiving that they should be besieged, acted like to those of Compiegne, in destroying their suburbs, with many noble buildings, churches and houses. Notwithstanding this, they were, on the arrival of the royal army, very closely besieged. The king, on his coming thither, sent to summon the town to surrender itself to his obedience, otherwise the inhabitants were in the road to destruction; but in defiance of this, they resolved to defend themselves against the king's army, in the hope of receiving reinforcements from their lord and master the duke of Bur[Pg 28]gundy, who had promised to succour them by a certain day.

The king fixed his quarters in the convent of St Jean des Vignes of the order of St Augustin: the dukes of Acquitaine and of Orleans were lodged in the abbey of St Quintin, and the other princes and lords in the best manner they could. With sir Enguerrand within the town, were sir Collart de Phiennes, Lamon de Launoy, sir Pierre Menau, Gilles du Plessis, the old lord de Menau, full of years and riches, Guyot le Bouteiller, with many more warriors from the Boulonois, Artois and Picardy. There were also full four hundred English soldiers; but owing to some quarrels, the townsmen and those under the command of Bournouville, were not on good terms together, by which their strength was much weakened.

The king's forces were very diligent in their daily attempts to annoy the town, by means of bombards, cannon, bricolles, and other engines of destruction. They were also frequently played off during the night against the walls and gates, which greatly damaged them in several places, and harrassed the garrison. At length, on the 21st[Pg 29] of May, the place was vigorously stormed on every side; but before this happened, some new knights were created, among whom were Louis duke of Bavaria, the count de Richemont, and the provost of Paris.

The van division posted on the opposite side, under the command of the duke of Bar, the count of Armagnac, and Remonnet de la Guerre, made their attack at the same time; and the princes and leaders urged their men on with such bravery, that in spite of the obstinate resistance of the besieged, the king's forces made an entry by a large breach which had been effected by the engines, and there the combat raged,—for every inch was disputed with lances, battle-axes and swords, hand to hand.

During the storm, the commander of the English forces within the town, having held a parley with some of his countrymen in the king's army, caused a gate leading to the river to be cut down, through which the count d'Armagnac's men rushed, and hoisted, on the highest tower, the banner of their count; and the greater part of the English suddenly turned against the townsmen.

Soon after, the army forced an entrance[Pg 30] through the walls, putting all they met to the sword, inhabitants and garrison indiscriminately. During this attack, as Enguerrand de Bournouville was riding through different parts of the town, to encourage his men, he was pursued through a narrow street which had a chain thrown across it by some of the men of Remonnet de la Guerre, who pressed on him so much that he was forced to retreat and attempt to leap over the chain; but, in so doing, his horse could not clear it, and remained suspended, when he was made prisoner and led with great joy to Remonnet. The others, seeing the town was taken, retired to different parts within the gates, and the towers of the walls,—whence, parleying with their enemies, they surrendered, on promise of their lives being spared. Those who defended their posts were slain or made prisoners: in short, including the townsmen with the duke's garrison, there were that day full twelve hundred killed or taken.

In regard to the destruction committed by the king's army in Soissons, it cannot be estimated; for, after they had plundered all the inhabitants and their dwellings, they des[Pg 31]poiled the churches and monasteries. They even took and robbed the most part of the sacred shrines of many bodies of saints, which they stripped of all the precious stones, gold and silver, together with many other jewels and holy things appertaining to the aforesaid churches.

There is not a Christian but would have shuddered at the atrocious excesses committed by this soldiery in Soissons: married women violated before their husbands, young damsels in the presence of their parents and relatives, holy nuns, gentlewomen of all ranks, of whom there were many in the town: all, or the greater part, were violated against their wills, and known carnally by divers nobles and others, who after having satiated their own brutal passions, delivered them over without mercy to their servants; and there is no remembrance of such disorder and havoc being done by Christians, considering the many persons of high rank that were present, and who made no efforts to check them: there were also many gentlemen in the king's army who had relations in the town, as well secular as churchmen, but the disorder was not the less on that account.

During the storming of the place, several, foreseeing that it must[Pg 32] be taken, thought to save themselves by escaping over the walls to the river, and swimming across; but the greater part were drowned, as their bodies were found in divers parts of the stream. Some women of rank were, however, in this disorder conducted to the quarters of the king and the duke of Acquitaine by their friends, and thus saved from suffering the like infamy with others who could not escape from the place.

During the siege, sir Hector, bastard of Bourbon, as prudent and valiant in arms as any of the king's party, while parleying with Enguerrand de Bournouville, was so grievously wounded in the face by an arrow that he died; and the duke of Bourbon, who much loved his brother, conceived, on account of this act, which he thought was treacherously done, so violent a hatred against Enguerrand, and some others of the besieged, that he prevailed on the king and council to have him beheaded, his head placed on a lance, and his body hung by the shoulders on a gibbet. Many princes and captains, notwithstanding Enguerrand had[Pg 33] been their enemy, were greatly displeased at his death, and not without cause, for he was at that time renowned as the flower of the warriors of all France.

With him were beheaded sir Pierre de Menau, one of the governors of the town,—and of the inhabitants, master Aussiel Bassuel, advocate, and four other gentlemen, whose heads were put on lances, and their bodies hung in the usual manner on the gibbet.

Master John Titet, a wise and learned advocate, by whom all the business of the town had until then been managed, was carried with some others to Laon, and there examined: he was afterwards beheaded, and hung by the shoulders on a gallows. Fifty-one persons were sent to the Châtelet prison in Paris, several of whom were beheaded, such as Gilles du Plessis, knight, and others.

Very many of the townsmen, english archers, and soldiers of the garrison were hung on a gibbet without Soissons: others escaped death by ransoming themselves, namely, the old lord de Menau, sir Colart de Phiennes, Lamon de Launoy, Guyot le[Pg 34] Bouteiller, and great numbers of gentlemen. Those who had taken them allowed them their liberty, on their promising to send the amount of their ransoms by a certain day, so that the king's justice might not be inflicted upon them.

After some days had passed, the king caused to be restored, by some of the pillagers, the bones of many bodies of saints, and divers relics; but all the gold and jewels that had adorned them were gone; and even in this state, many were forced to buy them back for large sums, when they were replaced in the churches from which they had been stolen.

Thus was this grand and noble city of Soissons, strong from its situation, walls and towers, full of wealth, and embellished with fine churches and holy relics, totally ruined and destroyed by the army of king Charles and of the princes who accompanied him. The king, however, before his departure, gave orders for its rebuilding, and appointed new officers for the defence and support of it,—who, when the army had marched away, recalled as many as possible of the inhabitants who had fled before it was taken. The[Pg 35] king also granted a total abolition of taxes, excepting, nevertheless, those who had been principally instrumental in admitting the Burgundians within their town.

CHAP. VI.

THE KING, AFTER THE CAPTURE OF SOISSONS, MARCHES TO ST QUENTIN, AND THENCE TO PERONNE, TO FACILITATE HIS ENTRANCE INTO ARTOIS.

Having done these things at Soissons, the king departed, and went to the town of Laon, where he was magnificently and joyfully received by the clergy, burghers and inhabitants of that town. Shortly after his arrival, Philip count de Nevers, baron de Donsy of the royal lineage, and brother to the duke of Burgundy, came thither under the protection of a passport from the king, and was lodged by the royal harbingers, in the abbey of Saint Martin des Premonstrés. He had been informed by some of his friends, that the king intended to send into his county of Rethel a large force to seize his person; and for this reason[Pg 36] he had come to Laon to surrender into the king's hand the lordships and estates he possessed in France, and to solicit mercy and pardon for all his offences, promising henceforward not to assist his brother, the duke of Burgundy, openly or secretly, in this quarrel against the king his sovereign lord. What he requested was granted; and the lord de Lor with others of his vassals were given as hostages for the faithful observance of these promises. He then departed, with the king's leave, to Mezieres on the Meuse.

While the king remained at Laon, he ordered fresh proclamations to be made throughout his realm, to obtain the aid of his knights and others who were accustomed to bear arms for him.

On the 10th day of June he marched to Tierrache, thence to Ribermont and to St Quentin; at which place, the countess of Hainault, sister to the duke of Burgundy, came to him, with a noble attendance of two hundred horsemen, to endeavour to make peace between the king and the duke of Acquitaine and the duke of Burgundy. But when the king heard what terms she had to propose, there was an end of the business;[Pg 37] and, seeing no prospect of success, she took leave of the king, and left Saint Quentin, and went to the duke of Bourbon and Charles d'Albreth, constable of France, the commanders of the rear division of the army.

Four of the king's knights escorted her until she met two hundred burgundian men at arms. This body of troops was under the command of sir Gaultier de Ruppes, the lords de Montagu and de Toulongeon, Sir Guillaume de Champ-divers, le Veau de Bar, bailiff of Auxois[3], and others, quartered at Marle[4], who were on their road towards Hainault.

The moment the king of France's knights perceived them, they returned with all speed to give information that they had seen the Burgundians, in order that they might be encountered. The duke of Bourbon, the constable, and many others, instantly made themselves ready, to the amount of four thousand combatants, and galloped away as fast as their horses could carry them, through la Chapelle in Tierrache, to overtake the[Pg 38] Burgundians. They continued their pursuit as far as the bridge of Verberie over the Sambre, near to Beaumont, when they came up with the baggage, and killed or made prisoners several of the escort: among the last was Veau de Bar, bailiff of Auxois. They still pursued the Burgundians until they came near to Nôtre Dame de Halle, but they had then secured themselves within the suburbs of Brussels. Finding that all hopes of overtaking them were vain, the french knights retreated through Hainault, plundered many of its inhabitants, who little suspected it, and arrived at Guise in Tierrache, where they met the king and his whole army, who had returned thither to combat his enemies.

Duke William count of Hainault was highly displeased with this expedition, because his country had been overrun and pillaged. Soon after, the king marched back to St Quentin, and the Burgundians, who were before Oudenarde, went to Douay, where they met the duke of Burgundy, who received them as cordially as if they had been his brethren. The lady of Hainault, his sister, came thither also, who had endea[Pg 39]voured, as has been said, with all her power, to conclude a peace between the king of France and the duke of Burgundy, but hitherto she had been unsuccessful.

The king and the princes advanced from St Quentin to Peronne,—and his majesty was lodged in the castle. He devoutly celebrated the feast of St Peter and St Paul, in the church of St Quentin; and on the morrow of this feast the countess of Hainault returned, with her brother the duke of Brabant, to renew her propositions for peace. They were royally and magnificently entertained, after which the king inquired the cause of their coming. On the following Sunday, the first day of July, the duke of Guienne gave the lady and her brother a magnificent dinner, when they were solemnly feasted.

This countess was also accompanied by some of the chief citizens of the Quatre Mestiers, as deputies from the three estates of Flanders to the king who graciously received them,—and, on their departure, properly distributed among them presents, of one hundred marcs of silver in gilt plate, which pleased them mightily.

But neither the lady nor her brother, the duke of Brabant, could at[Pg 40] this time obtain peace for the duke of Burgundy; on which account, they returned to him at Douay dejected and sorrowful. The duke hearing of their ill success, concluded bargains with his captains for their support of him against all his enemies, excepting the persons of the king of France and the duke of Acquitaine. After this, the duke departed into his country of Flanders.

CHAP. VII.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY PLACES GARRISONS IN DIFFERENT TOWNS AND CASTLES.—THE KING OF FRANCE MARCHES HIS ARMY FROM PERONNE TO BESIEGE BAPAUME[5].

Such was the state of affairs on the departure of the duke of Burgundy, with the greater part of the Burgundians under the[Pg 41] command of sir Gaultier de Ruppes and others, from Douay. Sir John de Luxembourg, then a young knight, was intrusted with the government of Arras; but there were appointed, as his advisers, the lord de Ront, sir William Bouvier, lieutenant governor of Arras, the lord de Noyelle, surnamed Le Blanc Chevalier, Allain de Vendosme, with a body of troops to the number of six hundred men at arms and as many archers.

Those from Burgundy were commanded by the lord de Montagu, captain in chief, the lord de Vienne, the borgne de Toulongeon knight, sir William de Champ-divers, the bastard of Granson, to the amount of six hundred men at arms. The lord de Beauford à la barbe was commander of the commonalty; and in all the other towns were appointed able men, according to the good pleasure of the duke of Burgundy.

These warriors made frequent excursions on the lands of such as were attached to the Orleans party; and one day sir John de Luxembourg, with a large detachment, advanced to the town of Hamme on the Somme, belonging to the duke of Orleans,[Pg 42] which was pillaged and robbed of every thing portable that it contained; and many of the adjacent villages shared the same fate, from the aforesaid cause. In like manner, Hector de Saveuses, Philippe de Saveuses his brother, Louis de Wargis, and some other captains, crossed the river Somme at Hauges, near to Pecquigny, and thence advanced to the town of Blangy, near Monchiaux, belonging to the count d'Eu, which was filled with much wealth. This was soon plundered by the Burgundians, who carried away men and all portable effects, and returned with them into Artois. Such expeditions did the duke of Burgundy's partisans often make, to the sore distress of the poor inhabitants.

On the 9th day of July, the king and the princes left Peronne, on a pilgrimage to our Lady of Cuerlu, and proceeding thence, fixed their quarters on the banks of a river, very near to Miraumont[6]. On the Thursday following, he came before Bapaume, a town belonging to the duke of Burgundy; and at this place the count d'Auxerre was[Pg 43] made a knight by the duke of Bourbon, who commanded the van division, and had arrived before Bapaume at break of day. The king also created, with his own hand, the count d'Alençon a knight, as well as some others. The lords de Boissay and de Gaucourt at this time exercised the functions of Boucicaut and de Longny, the two marshals of France. On the king's arrival, he was lodged at a handsome nunnery without the walls, and his army around the place, so that it was soon encompassed on all sides. This town is on an elevated situation, without spring or running water; and as the season was very dry, the soldiers were forced to fetch their water from a rivulet near to Miraumont in bottles, casks, and suchlike vessels, which they transported on cars or otherwise the best way they could, so that they and their horses suffered more from thirst than famine. This caused many to sink wells, and in a few days more than fifty were opened, and the water was so abundant that a horse could be watered for four farthings.

It happened, that on a certain day the duke of Acquitaine sent for the chief cap[Pg 44]tains in the town and castle of Bapaume, such as Ferry de Hangest, sir John de Jumont, and Alain d'Anetus, who on their arrival, being asked by the duke why they did not make some overtures to the king for the surrender of the town and castle to their sovereign lord, replied most humbly, that they guarded it for the king and for himself, the king's eldest son, by the orders of the duke of Burgundy.

They requested the duke of Acquitaine to grant them an armistice until the following Tuesday, that they might send to the duke of Burgundy for his final orders respecting their conduct, as to surrendering the town and castle. This was granted, and confirmed by the king. They therefore sent to the duke of Burgundy, to inform him of the force that was surrounding the town, and the small provision they had for themselves and their horses. The duke, on hearing this, agreed to their surrendering the place to the king and the duke of Acquitaine, on condition that their lives and fortunes should be spared. This being assented to, they marched out of Bapaume with all their baggage, and were in number[Pg 45] about five hundred helmets and three hundred archers. They took the road toward Lille, to join their lord; but, as they were on their departure, the varlet Caboche, who bore the duke's standard, and two merchants of Paris were arrested; one of them was named Martin Coulommiers; and all three beheaded. Martellet du Mesnil and Galiffre de Jumelles were likewise arrested, for having formed part of the garrison in Compiegne, but were afterward set at liberty.

In these days, it was proclaimed by sound of trumpet, that every one, whatever might be his rank, merchant or otherwise, who should repair to the king's army, should wear the upright cross as a badge, under pain of confiscation of goods and corporal punishment. At this period, also, ambassadors were sent to Cambray, the principal of whom were the lord of Ivry, and the lord de Ligny, a native of Hainault, at that time keeper of the king's privy seal, attended by many knights and others, to the amount of two hundred helmets. On their arrival at Cambray, they had a conference with the duke of Brabant and the[Pg 46] countess of Hainault, but could not agree on any terms for a peace, on which the ambassadors returned to the king's army, and the duke of Brabant and the lady of Hainault went back to the duke of Burgundy at Lille, to signify to him that they had not been able to come to any terms with the king of France.

CHAP. VIII.

THE INHABITANTS OF ARRAS FORTIFY THEIR TOWN VERY STRONGLY, AND BURN AND DESTROY SEVERAL HANDSOME EDIFICES WHICH WERE AROUND IT.

The townsmen of Arras, daily expecting to be besieged by the army of the king of France, made great preparations to defend themselves against all adversaries. They erected bulwarks without the walls, and formed barriers of large oak-trees placed one on the other, with deep ditches, so that the walls could not be approached without first having gained these outworks. They planted cannons and veuglaires (veuglaria), with[Pg 47] other offensive engines on the walls and towers, to annoy the enemy; and, as I have before said, sir John de Luxembourg was governor-general of the place, having under him many very expert captains, whom I have mentioned, and who were always unanimous in their opinions.

They resolved to wait for the attack of the king and the princes, and to resist it to the best of their ability; but in the mean time sir John de Luxembourg caused proclamation to be made by sound of trumpets throughout the town, that all persons who had wives or families should lose no time in having them and their effects conveyed to other strong places or territories of the duke of Burgundy, and that whosoever had not collected necessaries for some months must leave the place.

In consequence of these proclamations, many of the inhabitants carried their wives, families and fortunes to the towns of Douay, Lille, Bethune, Aire, and other places, according to their pleasure. The governor demolished many handsome buildings and churches that were around the town, namely, the abbey of Tieulloy, the[Pg 48] churches of the Cordeliers, Jacobins, and some others. He also burnt on the opposite side of the city the suburbs of Baudemont, which were of large extent, and contained many fine edifices, as well inns as other houses; all of which were burnt and destroyed to the confusion of the inhabitants of this suburb.

CHAP. IX.

CHARLES KING OF FRANCE, HAVING REDUCED BAPAUME TO HIS OBEDIENCE, MARCHES TO LAY SIEGE TO ARRAS, AND TO SUBJECT THAT CITY TO HIS POWER.

King Charles of France having, as I have said, reduced the town of Bapaume, to his obedience, departed thence on the 19th day of July with his whole army, and halted at a village called Vercourt, situated on a small brook two leagues from Arras. He had left his engines of war at Bapaume, under the guard of sir Gasselin du Bos and a sufficient garrison. Sir Gasselin, as gover[Pg 49]nor of the town, made the mayor, sheriffs and commonalty, take a solemn oath of fidelity to the king, and to him as his governor.

From Vercourt, the king, passing by Arras, was lodged in the town of Vailly[7]; at which place, and before the gates of Arras, there were grand skirmishes between the king's army and those within the town. They sallied out of the place in great numbers on horseback against their enemies, of whom they that day, at different times, made sixty or more prisoners, and carried them into the town, with a quantity of baggage.

In company with the king were, his eldest son, Louis duke of Acquitaine, the dukes of Orleans, of Bourbon, of Bar and of Bavaria, the counts of Vertus, of Alençon, of Richemont, of Vendôme, of Auxerre, of la Marche, of la Marle, of Eu, of Roussy, the archbishop of Sens, the bishop of Laon, and the count of Armagnac. The lord Charles d'Albreth, constable of France, was also with the king, and some other knights[Pg 50] and esquires of the van division, consisting of three thousand men at arms at least, without including archers, so that the whole of the royal army may be estimated at about two hundred thousand persons of all sorts.

The king's quarters at Vailly were in a house which had belonged to the Templars about a cannon-shot from the town, and the duke of Acquitaine was lodged very near him. Soon after, the duke of Bourbon and others of the van division made an entrance early in the morning into the suburbs of Vaudemont, and there established themselves, in spite of the resistance from Arras, but it was not without a severe conflict.

On another day, the duke of Bar, the count de Marle and the count d'Armagnac, with the rear division, made good a lodgement on the opposite side, in the suburbs of Belle-mocte, so that the city of Arras was now so completely surrounded that scarcely a single person could venture out without being taken, although, during the siege, there were daily sallies made from the town, sometimes on foot, at others on horseback.

The besieged often made sallies from two and even three gates within an hour's[Pg 51] time, and on these occasions, as it was afterwards known, they gained more than they lost; for, during the siege, they brought into the place upward of twelve score prisoners, and great numbers were in these sallies always left dead on the field.

One particular skirmish took place near the river Scarpe, between the suburbs of Belle-mocte and the postern of Arras, which was very fatal to the besiegers. A party from the vanguard had crossed the river on a plank, one at a time, to the number of six or seven score, purposing to make an attack on the postern; but the besieged instantly sallied forth to combat them, and drove them back to the plank,—when they, finding they could not repass without much danger, rallied and forced their enemies to retreat to the postern. At length by the valour of a man at arms, called Perceval le Grand, who was the leader of the townsmen, they were again forced to the water's edge, and so vigorously attacked that fifty at least were killed on the spot, or made prisoners: from fifteen to twenty were drowned in attempting to cross the river, whose bodies, in armour, were dragged out on the following day.

About twenty of the besieged were killed or taken in their various[Pg 52] sallies. Among those of name made prisoners were Baugeois de la Beauvriere, the bastard de Belle, the Bastard Dembrine, and some other gentlemen from Burgundy; but they lost the greater part of their best horses in these skirmishes.

The castle of Belle-mocte, situated near to Arras, remained, during the siege, steady to the Burgundy party. The guard of it was given to sir Fleurant d'Ancre and sir Symon de Behaignon: with them was a man at arms called Jean Rose, who was strongly suspected of wishing to betray the castle for money,—and on that account was made prisoner and his effects confiscated. This fortress was well defended by the said knights, for the duke of Burgundy, although the king's army took great pains to conquer it.

To speak of all the different expeditions and incursions the king's troops made during this siege into Artois, Ternois, and other parts, would make too long a narrative; but I shall notice that which took effect under one of the bastards of Bourbon, and other captains, with about one thousand combatants. They[Pg 53] went on a foraging party into the county of St Pol, from which they gained an immense booty, in peasants, horses, cattle, sheep, and other things: they even advanced to the town of St Pol, in which were count Waleran, styling himself constable of France, and the countess his wife, sister to the duke of Bar. They treated count Waleran with much abusive language, and said that he only pretended to be ill, to avoid serving the king, his sovereign lord; and that he had manifested his warm affection to the duke of Burgundy by sending his nephew sir John de Luxembourg, with the greater part of his vassals, to assist him.

Notwithstanding the count heard all that was said, he would not suffer any of his men to sally out against them, for fear the king and his council should be more discontented with him, and allowed them to burn a considerable part of the suburbs of St Pol: they then returned to the king's army before Arras with their plunder.

On another day, about twelve hundred combatants assembled, and advanced toward Lucheux[8], ransacking the country as far as[Pg 54] the town of Hesdin[9], and committing much destruction; but the garrisons of Hesdin, and of other places in the interest of the duke of Burgundy, pursued them with such activity and vigour, that they not only recovered several whom they had captured, but made many of them prisoners.

Thus at different times, were excursions made by the king's forces on parts that held out for the duke of Burgundy, by which the poorer people were sorely oppressed and ruined.

On the other hand, the garrisons of the duke of Burgundy, in his towns of Douay, Lens[10], Hesdin, Maizerolles[11], and others, made continual excursions and ambuscades against the foragers of the royal forces, and likewise against those who brought provisions to the army from Amiens, Corbie, and other parts, whom they generally robbed, killed, or made prisoners. Hector de Saveuses, a very renowned man at arms, was particular[Pg 55]ly active in his kind of warfare: he usually collected from two to three hundred combatants under his banner, and, by secretly leading them against the king's forces, acquired much fame, and was greatly in the good graces of his lord, the duke of Burgundy: his companions were usually Philippe and Louis de Wargis, Lamon de Launoy, and other expert men at arms.

The duke of Burgundy, having resolved to relieve Arras, sent for all his captains, and, having consulted them, ordered, that on a fixed day they should make an attack on the king's army at Vaudemont, where the van division was quartered, under the command of the duke of Bourbon; and the garrison was to make a sally to support them, of which they were to be timely informed. These captains assembled a force of about four thousand combatants, whose commanders were the lord de Croy, the lord de Fosseux, the lord de Jumont, the lord de Challons, sir Gautier de Ruppes, and some others, who marched their men to within about four leagues of Arras, and thence sent their scouts forward. The names of these scouts were Actis, Jacques de Breumeur,[Pg 56] brother to Louis de Bussy, and others, whose names I have forgotten; but they were all taken by the king's army, and carried to the head-quarters. The duke of Burgundy's captains hearing of this, and supposing their intended attack would be known, were much troubled, and, without doing any thing, returned to their garrisons, to the great displeasure of the duke.

During the time the king lay before Arras, his men took the fortress of Avênes le Comte, belonging to the duke of Burgundy, and Villers le Châtel from the lord de Gournay, both four leagues distant from Arras. They were regarrisoned with a considerable force, who much harrassed the adjacent country, and gave the army intelligence of all assemblies of the enemy. All this time the town of Arras was constantly attacked by the cannons, veuglaires, bricolles, and other engines, to the great annoyance of its inhabitants, more especially on the side toward Vaudemont, and, moreover, several mines were made under the walls. One was particularly directed on this side, with the intent of forming a secret entrance to the city, but it was discovered by a counter-mine of[Pg 57] the besieged, and a vigorous skirmish took place within it, each party being armed with lances. The count d'Eu fought with sir John de Meschastel, lord de Montagu, very valiantly, considering his youth: he had been knighted on this occasion by his brother-in-law the duke of Bourbon.

When this skirmish had lasted some time, both parties retreated to their main army. Sir Louis Bourdon and others were quartered during the siege in the abbey of Mount-St-Eloy, two leagues off Arras: it was surrounded by a strong wall, and consisted of handsome buildings,—the whole, or the greater part of which, were destroyed by them, the gratings, iron, lead, bells, and every thing portable being carried away. Thus at this time was the county of Artois most severely oppressed by the army of the king of France.

[Pg 58]

CHAP. X.

THE DUKE OF BRABANT AND THE COUNTESS OF HAINAULT VISIT THE KING OF FRANCE WHEN BEFORE ARRAS, AND NEGOTIATE A PEACE FOR THEIR BROTHER THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY AND HIS ALLIES.

On the morrow of St John the Baptist's day, the duke of Brabant, the countess of Hainault, and some deputies from the three estates of Flanders, came to the king, to negotiate a peace between him and the duke of Acquitaine, and their brother and lord the duke of Burgundy. They arrived about two o'clock in the morning, and were graciously received by the king, the duke of Acquitaine and others. Prior to the negotiation, an armistice was agreed on between the besiegers and besieged, which lasted until the treaty was concluded.

This treaty of peace was publicly proclaimed, by sound of trumpet, in front of the king's tent, at eight o'clock in the evening of Tuesday the 4th day of September; and it was strictly ordered, that all persons,[Pg 59] under heavy penalties, should lay aside their badges, whether of the party of the king or of the duke of Burgundy, who had worn a St Andrew's cross, which was instantly done.

On the conclusion of the peace, some lords, who were suffering under a flux, left the king's army, namely, Louis of Bavaria, brother to the queen, the lord Charles d'Albreth, constable of France, and several more. Sir Aymé de Sellebruche and an infinite number of others, had died of this disorder; and it was this sickness that had caused the king and the princes to listen to terms of peace, that they might return to France.

When the peace had been signed, the duke of Brabant and the countess of Hainault presented to the king, in the name of the duke of Burgundy, the keys of the town of Arras, promising at the same time that all the towns and castles of the duke within the realm of France should submit themselves to the obedience of the king. It was ordered by the king and council, that the count de Vendôme, grand master of the household, should enter the city of Arras, to receive the homage of the inhabitants. On his entrance,[Pg 60] he had the king's banners placed over the gates; and having received the oaths of the townsmen, by which they promised henceforth to be good and loyal subjects to the king, he appointed the lord de Quesnes, viscount de Poix, governor of the place, saving and reserving to the duke of Burgundy the revenues, and rights of administering justice.

The king commanded, by the advice of his council, the duke of Brabant, the countess of Hainault, and the deputies from the three estates of Flanders, to appear on a certain day, which had been agreed on, before him and his council at Senlis, to fulfil the covenants, and ratify the peace that had been made by them in the name of the duke of Burgundy.

On Wednesday, the 5th day of September, some wicked person set fire to the tents of the lord d'Alençon, about 12 o'clock at night, and the flames spread so rapidly that with much difficulty he escaped to the tents of the king. The count d'Armagnac, seeing the flames, caused his trumpet to be sounded, and ordered the rear division to stand to their arms, who,[Pg 61] with the duke of Bar, marched out of their quarters in handsome array, and, having set fire to them, drew up in order of battle in different detachments; one in front of the gate of St Michael, another before that of St Nicholas, another in front of the gate of Haisernes; that the enemy might not take advantage of the fire, and make a sally—for though a treaty of peace had been concluded, they had not any great confidence in it.

The fire spread with such violence from quarter to quarter that it gained that of the king, and other divisions of the army, so that his majesty and the duke of Acquitaine were forced, within one quarter of an hour from its commencement, to escape in a disorderly manner, leaving behind many prisoners, and sick persons, who were burnt to death. Several warlike engines, tents, military stores, and many tuns of wine, were all, or the greater part, consumed.

The duke of Bourbon marched away from Vaudemont in a very orderly manner, with the van division of the army; and that same morning, very early, several of the lower ranks in the garrison of the town[Pg 62] sallied forth, and seized whatever they could lay hands on, which had belonged to the army, and even robbed many tradesmen, in spite of the orders that had been given to the contrary. Those troops who had come from Burgundy were particularly active, and, quitting the town in large parties, plundered many of the king's army.

In this manner did Charles king of France march from Arras to Bapaume: he thence went to Peronne, Noyon, Compiegne and Senlis, where he and his princes remained the whole of the month of September.

The peace that had been agreed to before Arras, by the interference of the duke of Brabant, the countess of Hainault, and the deputies from Flanders, for the duke of Burgundy, was finally concluded at Senlis, through the means of Louis duke of Acquitaine, who had married the daughter of the duke of Burgundy, notwithstanding the duke had been the cause of those riots in Paris, when the duke of Bar and others, his servants, had been arrested against his will.

The Orleans party had indeed treated him in the same way, by depriving[Pg 63] him of his confidential servants, and doing other things which were displeasing to him. He was therefore very anxious that every thing of the sort should be forgotten, and that henceforward the king and himself should be served and obeyed with unanimity by those of their blood and lineage, although he was often remonstrated with on the acts which the duke of Burgundy had committed prior to the king's leaving Paris; but he frankly replied, that he would put an end to the war, for he saw plainly, that otherwise the king and kingdom were on the road to perdition. The peace, therefore, was concluded on the terms recited in the ensuing chapter.

CHAP. XI.

THE TREATY OF PEACE CONCLUDED AT ARRAS, WHICH WAS THE FIFTH, IS READ[Pg 64] IN THE PRESENCE OF THE DUKE OF ACQUITAINE, AND SEVERAL OTHER PRINCES OF THE BLOOD-ROYAL, AND THE OATHS THAT WERE TAKEN IN CONSEQUENCE.

The articles of the treaty of peace which had been humbly solicited from the king, on the part of the duke of Burgundy, by the duke of Brabant, the countess of Hainault, and the deputies from Flanders, properly authorised by him, were read in the presence of the duke of Acquitaine and the members of the king's grand council, and were as follow.

'Whereas many mischiefs have been, from time to time, committed against the realm of France, and contrary to the good pleasure and commands of the king, and of his eldest son, the duke of Acquitaine, the aforesaid commissioners, duly authorised by the duke of Burgundy, do most humbly solicit and supplicate, in the name of the said duke, that all things wherein the duke of[Pg 65] Burgundy may have failed, or done wrong since the peace of Pontois, and in opposition to the will and pleasure of the king and the duke of Acquitaine, may be pardoned, and that they would, out of their goodness, receive him again to their graces and favour.

'The said commissioners will deliver to the king, the duke of Acquitaine, or to any person or persons they may please to nominate, the keys of the city of Arras, and of all the towns and fortified places belonging to the said duke of Burgundy within the realm of France, to which the king or his son may appoint governors, or other officers, according to their pleasure, and for so long a time as they may choose, without any way infringing the said peace.

'The duke of Burgundy will surrender to the king, or to his commissioner, the castle of Crotoy, and replace it in his hands.

'Item, the duke of Burgundy binds himself to dismiss from his family all who have in any way incurred the indignation of the king or the duke of Acquitaine, and no longer to support them within his territories, of which due notice shall be given them in writing.

'Item, all the lands or possessions that may have been seized by the[Pg 66] king from the vassals, subjects, well-wishers, or partisans, of the duke of Burgundy, of whatever kind they may have been, on account of this war, shall be faithfully restored to them.

'In like manner, all sentences of banishment that have been issued for the aforesaid cause shall be annulled; and if the duke of Burgundy have seized and kept possession of any lands or possessions of the king's subjects, well-wishers, or of those who may have served the king in this present year, they shall be wholly and completely restored.

'Item, notwithstanding the duke's commissioners have affirmed to the king and the duke of Acquitaine that he had not entered into any confederation or alliance with the English,—that all suspicions may cease on that head, they now promise for the duke of Burgundy, that he will not henceforth form any alliance with the English except with the permission and consent of the king and the duke of Acquitaine.

'Item, in regard to the reparation of the duke of Burgundy's[Pg 67] honour, which the said commissioners think has been much tarnished by expressions made use of, and published throughout the realm and elsewhere, in different letters-patent and ordinances,—when the peace shall be fully established and the king is returned to Paris, he will consult with his own council, and with such persons as the duke may think proper to send thither, on the best means of reparation, saving the king's honour.

Item, the duke of Burgundy shall engage, on his word, that he will not, by himself or others, persecute or wrong any person who may in this quarrel have served the king personally, or under different captains, nor any burghers of Paris, or other inhabitants, by secret or open means, nor procure it to be done.

'Item,the king wills and ordains, that his subjects remain in such lawful obedience as they are bound to by the treaty of Chartres, or other treaties which may have been afterward made; and should such treaties require any amendment, he orders it to be done, and that they be[Pg 68] faithfully observed without the smallest infringement.

'Item, for the better security of the observance of these articles by the Duke of Burgundy, the said duke of Brabant, the countess of Hainault and the aforesaid deputies, shall swear, as well in their own names and persons as on the part of the prelates, churchmen, nobility and principal towns of their country; that is to say, the said duke of Brabant, the countess of Hainault and the aforesaid deputies, shall swear, in the name of the said duke of Burgundy, for the whole country of Flanders, that the said duke of Burgundy will strictly observe and keep for ever this good peace, without doing himself, or procuring to be done by others, any act contrary to the true meaning and intent of it. In case the said duke of Burgundy shall, by open or secret means, do any thing against the tenour of this peace, then the aforesaid duke of Brabant and countess of Hainault do engage for themselves not to give him any advice, or assistance of men at arms or money, or in any manner whatever, seeing that the princes of the royal[Pg 69] blood, the nobles, prelates, and capital towns in the kingdom, have taken a similar oath.

'The commissioners will also deliver good and sufficient bonds of security, according to the regulation of the king and his council; and they will promise, beside, to use their utmost endeavours that the nobles and others within the town of Arras shall loyally make the same oath; and likewise that all who may be at this present under the orders of the duke of Burgundy, or in his garrisons in Burgundy, Artois and Flanders, shall do the same when required by the king of France.'

When the above articles had been properly drawn up, the different parties swore to their observance. The duke of Brabant, the countess of Hainault, and the flemish deputies, as being the friends and allies of the duke of Burgundy, first took the oath in the presence of the duke of Acquitaine, several princes of the blood, and the members of the king's council. The duke of Acquitaine then took a solemn oath to keep and preserve every article of the said peace: he then called to him Charles duke of Or[Pg 70]leans, his cousin-german, and desired that he would take this oath; but the duke of Orleans, bowing low, replied,—'My lord, I am not bound to swear to it; for I only came, as a king's subject, to serve my lord the king and yourself.' 'Fair cousin, we beg that you will swear to the observance of this peace.' The duke of Orleans again said, 'My lord, I have not broken the peace, and ought not therefore to take the oath: I entreat you will be satisfied.' The duke of Acquitaine a third time required that he would swear,—and the duke of Orleans, with much anger, replied, 'My lord, I have not, nor have any of my council, broken the peace: make those who have broken it come hither and take the oath, and then I will obey your pleasure.'

The archbishop of Rheims, and others, seeing the duke of Acquitaine displeased at this last speech, said to the duke of Orleans, 'My lord, do what my lord of Acquitaine requires of you.' After all this, he did take the oath to maintain the peace, but it was sorely against his will, for he thought that it was the duke of Burgundy and his allies who had broken the last peace made at[Pg 71] Pontoise. The duke of Bourbon was next called on to take the oath, who thought to avoid it, like the duke of Orleans; but the duke of Acquitaine cut him short by saying, 'Fair cousin, we beg that you will not say more about it.' The duke of Bourbon, and the other princes, then swore without further objection. The prelates did the same, excepting the archbishop of Sens, brother to Montagu, who when called upon to take the oath by the duke of Acquitaine, said, 'My lord, remember what you swore to us all, on our departure from Paris, in the presence of the queen.' The duke replied, 'Say no more about it: we will that this peace be kept, and that you swear to its observances.' 'My lord,' replied the archbishop, 'since it is your good pleasure, I will do so.'

These were the only three among the lords who attended on this occasion that made any objections to taking their oaths.

A similar oath was taken in Arras by sir John de Luxembourg and all the commonalty, and other captains and governors of towns in these parts, before the king and the princes, when they had marched from before Arras.

During the residence of the king at Senlis, many nobles and others died[Pg 72] of the flux: among the number were, Reminion d'Albreth and his brother the lord of Hangiers: and several died from the hardships they had suffered during the march and at the siege.

When the Parisians heard that a peace had been made by the king and the princes with the duke of Burgundy, without consulting them, they were much discontented, and went to the duke of Berry, their governor, to demand how this peace had been concluded, and what had moved the king and his council to think of it without making them acquainted with their intentions, for it was proper that they should have known of it, and have been made parties to it. The duke of Berry replied,—'This matter does not any way touch you, nor does it become you to interfere between our lord the king and us who are of his blood and lineage; for we may quarrel one with another whenever it shall please us so to do, and we may also make peace according to our will.' The Parisians, on hearing this answer, returned home without further reply.

Neither the duke of Brabant, the countess of Hainault, nor the deputies[Pg 73] came to Senlis on the day appointed for the ratification of the peace, having been advised to send ambassadors and heralds, namely, the dean of the cathedral church of Liege, William Blondel, esquire, and others, to appear for them before the king and council as their representatives, at the place and time that had been fixed on. This was done, but they could not obtain any answer to their demands and requests from the grand council, because the king was very ill, and consequently they returned to their lords without having been able to conclude any thing.

CHAP. XII.

SIGISMUND OF BOHEMIA IS ELECTED EMPEROR OF GERMANY, AND RECEIVES THE OATHS OF THE GREATER PART OF THE LORDS OF THAT COUNTRY.

Towards the end of October, Sigismund of Bohemia, king of Hungary, Croatia and[Pg 74] Dalmatia, a valiant man at arms, and a catholic, came with his queen, the daughter of count Cilley, a Sclavonian, and a grand retinue, to Aix la Chapelle[12]. Sigismund was first raised by the electors to be king of the Romans, and then emperor of Germany. On the eighth day of November, he was consecrated and crowned emperor, by the archbishop of Cologne, in the church of our Lady at Aix la Chapelle, as is customary; after which ceremony, he was to be confirmed in his dignity by the pope of Rome.

He and his empress then received the homage and oaths of allegiance from the barons of the empire, promising at the same time that he would attend the general council that was to be holden at Constance for the good of the whole church. This council was to have commenced in the month of April in the year 1412, under pope Alexander or his successor, but it had been hitherto delayed.

This city of Constance is seated on the Rhine, in the circle of Suabia,[Pg 75] and its bishop is a suffragan to the archbishop of Mentz. It was proclaimed, that the council thus deferred would be held by pope John XXII. successor to the aforesaid Alexander.

Here follow the names of the dukes, prelates, counts, barons, and others, who were present at the coronation of the emperor Sigismund at Aix la Chapelle, on the 8th of November, 1414.

First, duke Louis of Bavaria, count palatine of the Rhine, elector of Germany; the duke of Saxony, marshal of the empire, another elector of Germany; Bourgion de Nuremburgh, who performed the office of the marquis of Brandenburgh, an elector, and other dukes, namely, those of Lorraine, Gueldres, Juliers, and Tede, duke of Russia: two archbishops, viz. those of Cologne and Treves, who are also electors of the empire.

Item, John duke of Bavaria, elected prince of Liege, duke of Bouillon and count of Los.

Item, the council of the king of Bo[Pg 76]hemia, elector of the empire: the council of the archbishop of Mentz, another elector of Germany. Five bishops, namely, those of Viseburg[13], Pussau, de St Prude d'Aylac in Hungary, de la Cure; the grand master of the german knights-hospitallers, namely of Prussia, and the count of Cleves.

Item, Accusaire, son to the marquis of Montferrat, de Meurs, and de Saussebourg; the lord de Haudeshon and de Renuen.

Item, de Dezaine, and three counts de Nassau; the count de Cassuelbonne and his son; the counts de Rayneck, and Hanyberck de Viectem, de Mestan, the count de Disby, and with him two other counts; de Villestam, de Wide, de Blancquehem, de Samecte, and de Viestam; sir John Chaule, viscount de Milan, the lord de Brimor, de Bestille, the lord de Bavonne.

Now follow the names of those who came from Hungary:

First, Charles de Nicolay, grand pa[Pg 77]latine of Hungary, Marcial Nicolay his son, count de Tenuse, Wart lord de Strebourg, governor of seven castles, two counts ambassadors from Vallanc[14] of the country of Servia, Vergufiam, Vaida, Siandrias, Peduricolaus, Lasque Jacobiadis de Vaida, Lasqudany his brother, the count John de Carnassie, the count George de Carnassie, Penyemericus, sir Laurens de Ront de Pasto, the lord Tarte Nicolay, sir Chechy Nicolay, sir Janus Vaida, grand master of the household of king Sigismund, sir Baufil de Symon, Peron Emerick, Thomas Perisii, Resquoy Estewan Sywaidu Desno Charpictre, marshal of Hungary.

Item, the barons of Bohemia that attended at this coronation were, first, sir William le Haze, sir Vincelan de Douy, sir Suit de Sida, and three barons of his lineage with him, sir Gaspard de Douy, the lord d'Illebourg, the lord de Blentenon, sir Andrew Balesqui.

Now follow the names of the barons of lower Germany:

[Pg 78]The lord de Hausseberch, the damoiseau d'Ercles, sir John de Namur, the lords de Hainault, de Lembourg, Vinstghen, de Belay, de Picquebat, and two other barons with the baron de Bendecte, de Yussebourg, and two other barons with him, de Berdecte, Hanrech, de Wysebeche, de Toncle, sir Fulco de Honnestam, Bougraine, de Raynech, the lords de Holloch, de Vestrebourg, de Connebourg, and two other barons with him, sir Florin du Bos, the lords de Horne and Derke, sir Fucho de Cologne mareschal d'Absectes, sir Othe de l'Abecque, the lord de Zenemberghe, the lord de Marc.

The names of those princes and others who sent ambassadors to this coronation:

First, the ambassadors from the king of Bohemia, the ambassadors from the king of England, the ambassadors from the archbishop of Mentz, from the count of Hainault, from de Posti Romaine, from the count of Savoy, from the duke of Brabant, from the duke of Luxem[Pg 79]bourg, from the abbot of Stabuleuse[15], from the cities of Cambray, Cologne, Toul, and Verdun, from the abbot of Sainte Corneille de Compiégne.

CHAP. XIII.

THE DEATH OF LADISLAUS KING OF NAPLES.—HIS RIVAL KING LOUIS SENDS THE MARSHAL OF FRANCE TO NAPLES,—AND OTHER MATTERS.

In these days, intelligence was brought to the king of France, that king Ladislaus, the rival to Louis king of Sicily, was dead. The manner of his death was thus told. He had long had a passion for the daughter of his physician, who was uncommonly handsome, and had made frequent proposals to her father, that he might enjoy her; but the father had as often refused, alledging many sound rea[Pg 80]sons for it. At length, he was so much pressed by the king that, finding excuses would no longer avail, he pretended to consent, though it was against his will, as the end will shew. He went, in consequence, to his daughter, to command her to prepare to receive the king, for that he had granted his consent,—but he would give her a prescription that should secure her the king's affections for ever; and he presented her with a box of ointment, with which he ordered her to rub her body just before the king's arrival. This she faithfully did; but when the king had cohabited with her, he felt himself as it were all on fire, and the damsel was in like manner affected,—insomuch that they almost instantly died in very great torments. After this cruel deed, the physician fled the country before hands could be laid on him.

Intelligence of the event being made known to king Louis, he issued summonses for a large force to assemble and accompany him to Naples; but he sent before him the lord de Longny, marshal of France, with a considerable body of men.

During the residence of the king at Senlis, the duke of Acquitaine was[Pg 81] appointed by him and the grand council to the whole management of the finances of the kingdom, which was very displeasing to the duke of Berry; and in consequence, he assembled the provost of merchants, the sheriffs, the citizens, the members of the university, of the chambers of parliament and of accounts, at a certain place in Paris, where he caused them to be harangued by the bishop of Chartres, and others of his friends, on the infirmity of the king, and on the youth of his eldest son, who, from that cause, was as yet incapable of holding the reins of government; and that from his near connection by blood, (for he was son, brother, and uncle to kings,) the government of the kingdom of right appertained to him and to none other; and he therefore most affectionately solicited those present to aid and support his pretensions. They replied, that it did not become them to interfere in such matters, but solely to the king and the grand council, and excused themselves to the duke for not complying with his request.

At the beginning of September, the king departed from Senlis and came[Pg 82] to St Denis, where he remained until the fourteenth of that month, when he returned to Paris in great triumph, attended by his son the duke of Acquitaine.

He was also accompanied by the dukes of Orleans, Bourbon, Bar, duke Louis of Bavaria, the counts de Vertus, d'Alençon, de Richemont, d'Eu, d'Armagnac, de la Marche, de Vendôme, de Marle, de Dampmartin, and numberless other barons, prelates, knights and esquires. The duke went out of Paris to meet the king, with the provost of merchants, the sheriffs, members of the parliament and of the university, citizens and crowds of common people, who kept a continual shouting for joy on account of his majesty's return to Paris. They made great bonfires in all the principal streets and squares, during the ensuing night, eating and drinking, and shouting repeatedly, 'Long live the king, long live the queen, long live the king and his son the duke of Acquitaine!'[Pg 83]

CHAP. XIV.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, ON THE KING'S DEPARTURE FROM BEFORE ARRAS, MARCHES A FORCE INTO BURGUNDY.—OTHER EVENTS THAT HAPPENED AT THAT PERIOD.

When the king of France had marched his army from before Arras, the duke of Burgundy had his Burgundians quartered in the country of the Cambresis, and in Tierrache, and went himself to the city of Cambray. Thither his brother, the duke of Brabant, came to meet him, when, after holding a conference with him on the state of his affairs, and giving proper orders concerning them, he took the road toward Burgundy, having with him sir Robinet de Mailly, master Eustace de Lactre, the late chancellor of France, John Legois, master John de Troyes surgeon, Denisot de Chaumont, and several others who had been formerly banished, with their wives and children, from France.

He collected all his Burgundians, who, with some Picards and others, amounted to[Pg 84] about twenty thousand horse, to march them into Burgundy, following the road through Tierrache, where he halted. He thence went to Mezieres on the Meuse, in the county of Rethel, with his whole army. At this place he remained a short time with his brother Philippe, and thence made for Châlons where he intended to lodge; but the townsmen shut their gates against him, in consequence of orders from the king not to admit him or his people into their town. This was displeasing to the duke of Burgundy, for he had made his dispositions to cross the Marne at that city. He then marched to Vitry, where he was again disappointed, in consequence of the same orders that had been sent to Châlons.

He was forced to continue his march to St Dizier, where he crossed the river; and on the vigil of All-saints, he arrived at Dijon, and was received with the utmost joy by all his subjects as their lord and sovereign.

During this time, the epidemical flux continued in Picardy, which carried off great numbers of persons, nobles and others. The duke of Burgundy before he left Picardy[Pg 85] disbanded the army of his captains of that country, such as sir John de Luxembourg, the lords de Croy, de Beau, Vergier, de Fosseux, de Jumont, de Ront, de Beaufort, de Noyelle, de Hymbercourt, Hector and Philippe de Saveuses, Louis de Warigines, and other leaders; but these lords remained as guards to the country. He appointed on his departure, his only son, Philippe count de Charolois, sole governor of Flanders until his return.

On his arrival in Burgundy, he had attacked and taken the castle of Tonnerre, which was pillaged and destroyed by his people. The count de Tonnerre had fled from the castle with his men at arms, not daring to wait the arrival of the duke's forces, who were commanded by sir Elion de Jacqueville, Fierebourg, and some others.

Shortly after, the duke of Burgundy sent letters to the king of France, to inform him of the route he had taken from Flanders to Burgundy, at what places he had paid his expenses, and where not, with his reasons for not paying. At the same time, he made him acquainted with the destruction of the castle[Pg 86] of Tonnerre, and that he had destroyed it, because the count, his vassal, had frequently rebelled against him, had defied him, and had made enterprises on his territories, whence he had carried away much booty. This he had explained, lest it might be thought he was breaking the peace lately made before Arras, which he was firmly resolved to keep.

The duke had besieged also Château-Belin, in the county of Burgundy, which likewise belonged to the count de Tonnerre; and although it was very strong, it was won by the great length of the siege. This castle he gave to his son, the count de Charolois, who during the lifetime of his father, styled himself count de Charolois and lord of Château-Belin.

A council was now held at Constance, by many cardinals, patriarchs, bishops, archbishops, prelates and ambassadors from different kings and princes. There was a great schism in the church from the refusal of Pietro della Luna, entitled Pope Benedict to resign this dignity, although, for many reasons, the greater part of Christendom had withdrawn itself from his obedience. He[Pg 87] had no power but in Spain and Arragon, in which last kingdom he resided, in a strong town on the sea-shore.

In this year, the emperor of Germany caused the cardinal of Bologna, called pope John, to be arrested, and confined in prison in the duchy of Bavaria, for various crimes alledged against him. To restore peace to the church, the emperor had caused this council to be holden in Constance: it continued for the space of two years, before any persons came to attend it from Spain or Arragon. In the month of August, in the year 1416, a noble company of prelates and knights being assembled, the election of a true pope was proceeded upon. In the year 1417, the choice fell on the cardinal de Colonna, a Roman, who assumed the name of Pope Martin.

[Pg 88]

CHAP. XV.

COUNT WALERAN DE ST POL MARCHES ABOUT SIX HUNDRED COMBATANTS INTO THE DUCHY OF LUXEMBOURG.—THE DUKE OF ACQUITAINE GOES TO MEHUN-SUR-YEVRE.

At this period, Waleran count de St Pol, still calling himself constable of France, left his county of St Pol with about six hundred combatants, men at arms and archers, of whom sixty at least were English.

He marched them from his town of Bohain to that of Laon, but the gates were closed against him. He was much displeased thereat, and fixed his quarters below it. He thence marched by Rheims and Châlons to his town of Ligny in Barrois, whither his countess, sister to the duke de Bar, speedily followed him; and they there solemnised the feast of All-Saints.

Shortly after, leaving his countess in the castle of Ligny, he advanced through Luxembourg, to Thionville, and to others of the principal towns in that duchy, of which he had been appointed governor, as[Pg 89] well as of the county of Chigny, by duke Anthony of Brabant, his son-in-law, then sovereign of it, by right of the duchess his mother. After visiting the chief towns and fortresses in that country, he made preparations, about St Andrew's day, to lay siege to the town of Neufville on the Meuse, in which were some vainglorious and overbearing persons, posted there by John d'Authe, lord of Orchimont, who were constantly making inroads and plundering the duchy of Luxembourg and the county of Chigny. They were consequently besieged by the count, who had in his company some notable warriors, namely, Garnot de Bournouville, sir Colart de Fiennes, Allain de Vaudonne, and several others. However, although the besieged were sorely harrassed by the engines of the count, and their bulwark had been taken by storm, they refused to surrender, and he remained for six weeks before the place.

Other matters demanding his presence elsewhere, he fortified a church, within cross-bow shot of the castle, in which he posted a certain number of soldiers, under the command of a gentleman of that country,[Pg 90] called Vatier Disque, in conjunction with Robinet Ogier; and they were for another six weeks skirmishing and fighting with their enemies, who at the end of that time submitted themselves to the obedience of the count de St de Pol.

The count, on quitting the siege of Neufville, went to Dampvilliers[16], and thence to Yvoix[17], where he passed the whole of Lent with his nephew, sir John de Luxembourg, who had come a little before to visit him at the siege. When sir John had remained about a month, he took leave of his uncle, who never saw him afterwards, and went to Avignon, to visit and pay reverence to the holy Peter of Luxembourg, his uncle, who had formerly been a cardinal.

At this period, the duke of Acquitaine, leaving Paris, travelled through Melun, and Montargis in Berry, to Bourges, where he arrived on the night of All-Saints, and was magnificently received and feasted by the burghers and inhabitants of that town in[Pg 91] the palace of the duke of Berry. On the morrow he departed, unknown to the inhabitants, and went to the castle of Mehun-sur-Yevre[18], which the duke of Berry had given to him at Paris, and was the cause of his journey into Berry. The castle pleased him very much, and, having taken possession of it, he did not return to Paris until near the feast of St Nicholas.

This sudden expedition of the duke of Acquitaine, with only seven persons, surprised many; but he was instantly overtaken by the counts de Vertus and de Richemont, who accompanied him as he went and returned.

CHAP. XVI.

THE EARL OF WARWICK AND OTHERS FROM ENGLAND ATTEND THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE.—THE KING OF FRANCE HAS SOLEMN OBSEQUIES PERFORMED FOR HIS BROTHER, THE DUKE OF ORLEANS.

The earl of Warwick, three bishops, four abbots, and other noble knights, clerks[Pg 92] and doctors in theology, to the number of about eight hundred, travelled from Calais, through Flanders, with a handsome retinue, as commissioners from the king of England, his realm, and the university of Oxford, to the council of Constance. They were well received by the new emperor, whose coronation some of them had attended as ambassadors from the king of England, the pope and the whole council.

As the day was drawing near when the countess of Hainault and her brother, the duke of Brabant, with the deputies from Flanders, were to meet to ratify the late peace at Senlis, between the duke of Burgundy and the king of France; and as the grand council was then very much engaged in business, Louis duke of Bavaria, sir Colart de Calville and others were sent as ambassadors from the king to prolong the day.

On Saturday, the eve of the Epiphany, the king ordered a solemn service to be performed in the cathedral church of Nôtre Dame in Paris, for his late brother the duke of Orleans, which had not been as yet done. It was celebrated with a multitude of wax[Pg 93] lights and torches, and attended by the duke of Orleans and the count de Vertus, the dukes of Berry, of Bourbon, Louis of Bavaria, the counts d'Alençon, de Richemont, d'Eu, de la Marche, and many more, all dressed in deep mourning. The duke of Acquitaine was not present, he had gone the preceding day to visit the queen his mother, and his sister the duchess of Brittany at Melun.

At these obsequies the sermon was preached by the chancellor of the cathedral, doctor John Gerson, much renowned for his theological learning; and it was so strong and bold that many doctors and others present were astonished thereat. When he praised the manners of the deceased duke and his government of the realm, he declared that it had been by far better administered by him than it had ever been since his death. He seemed, in this discourse, more desirous of exciting a war against the duke of Burgundy than of appeasing it; for he said, he did not recommend the death of the duke of Burgundy, or his destruction, but that he ought to be humiliated, to make him sensible of the wick[Pg 94]edness he had committed, that by a sufficient atonement he might save his soul. He added, that the burning, last Lent, of the propositions advanced by the duke's advocate, John Petit, against the duke of Orleans, before the gates of the cathedral, as wicked doctrines, had been well done; but that all that was necessary had not yet been executed. He concluded by declaring, that he was ready to maintain and defend what he had said against the whole world.

The king was present, but not in mourning, in an oratory on the right hand of the altar; and near him was the duke of Orleans, who took precedence of all others, on account of this service that was performed for his late father; then the duke of Berry, the count de Vertus, and several princes seated according to their rank, listening to the words of the preacher. Two cardinals, namely, those of Rheims and of Pisa, many bishops, and such crowds of clergy, knights and common people assisted, that the church could scarcely contain them. When the sermon was ended, the dukes of Orleans and Berry, and the count de Vertus, recommended the preacher to the king's notice.

On the ensuing Monday, the king had similar obsequies performed for the[Pg 95] late duke of Orleans, in the church of the Celestins in Paris, where he had been buried. They were attended by all who had assisted at the former ceremony. Master John Courbecuisse, doctor of divinity, preached the sermon, and pursued the same course of arguments as doctor Gerson.

The king likewise had vigils, funeral orations and masses, said for his late brother, in the chapel of the college of Navarre in Paris, at which he and the other relations of the deceased assisted.

CHAP. XVII.

THE KING AND HIS GRAND COUNCIL SEND FORCES TO ATTACK THE BURGUNDIANS.—OTHER EVENTS THAT HAPPENED.

True it is, that after the destruction of the castle of Tonnerre, as has been mentioned, many men at arms and archers, who had been there employed, formed themselves into a company of full seven thousand horse, and committed much mischief on the[Pg 96] country around, as well on the territories of the king in the Auxerrois as elsewhere.

In consequence, the king and council ordered the lord de Gaucourt, and Gassilin du Bos, to march against and conquer them. They obeyed, and so vigorously pursued them that from two to three hundred were killed or made prisoners. These last were carried to Paris, and confined in the prisons of the Châtelet, whence, after a short time, they were brought to trial, and some of them executed, but not before the king had paid their ransoms to those who had taken them.

The commanders of these marauders were Jacqueville, Fierbourg, and some others, who, when they heard that the king was sending a force against them, retired into the duchy of Burgundy.

Not long after, Sir Jeninet de Pois, nephew to sir James de Châtillon, lord de Dampierre, and admiral of France, going to the duke of Burgundy, attended by only two hundred lances or thereabout, was attacked, killed and robbed of every thing. Only one man, named Tambullan, of his whole company, escaped, and he saved him[Pg 97]self by flight: all the rest were slain or taken. This action was very displeasing to the duke of Burgundy.

In like manner Hector de Saveuses, who had made a successful war on the king's forces, when before Arras, was captured when on a pilgrimage to Liance[19], and carried to Paris: had it not been for the earnest solicitations of the countess of Hainault, he would have been executed. Philip de Saveuses, his brother, had also made prisoners of Henry de Boissy, lord de Chaulle, and Eustace Dayne, lord de Sarton, who had warm friends among the king's ministers; and they exerted themselves so effectually for their liberty, that Hector was given in exchange for them.

These, and many similar facts, shewed that, notwithstanding the peace of Arras, there was very little security in the kingdom for travellers or others: for the Orleans party had so surrounded the persons of the king and the duke of Acquitaine, that those attached to the duke of Burgundy or his allies were deprived of all share in the govern[Pg 98]ment, and treated very harshly. This treatment, however, was but a retaliation for what the Orleans party had suffered when the Burgundians were in power.

Peace was somehow or other preserved; and the countess of Hainault came, with a noble attendance, through the Vermandois, Noyon and Compiegne to Senlis: the deputies from Flanders followed her, handsomely escorted; and last came the duke of Brabant, with the chief ministers of the duke of Burgundy, namely, the bishop of Tournay, the lord de Ront, sir William Bouvier, governor of Arras, master Thierry du Roy, and some others.

The council of the king of France requested them to proceed to Paris, for the purpose of more conveniently discussing the subject, which was complied with by all except the countess of Hainault, who had been forbidden by her lord and husband to go farther than Senlis, where she had been very honourably received by the dukes of Acquitaine and Berry, who had come from Paris to meet her. She was visited by other princes of the blood, and even by the duchess of Bourbon, who with the consent of her duke,[Pg 99] had come from Clermont to entertain her, and remained in her company until she quitted Senlis.

CHAP. XVIII.

AMBASSADORS ARRIVE AT PARIS FROM ENGLAND.—THE KING OF FRANCE HOLDS A GRAND FESTIVAL.—THE PEACE IS EVERY WHERE PRESERVED.

At this period, there came to Paris the earl of Dorset, uncle to the king of England, the lord Guy, admiral of England, the bishops of Durham and Norwich, and others, amounting, in the whole, to six hundred horse, as ambassadors to treat of a marriage between the king of France's daughter and the king of England[20]. They were lodged on their arrival at the Temple, and they carried themselves so magnificently, as well at home as when they rode abroad, that the French, and particularly the Parisians, were very much astonished.

On the 10th day of February, the king of France gave at Paris a very[Pg 100] grand festival of eating, drinking, tilting and dancing, at which the english ambassadors were present. The king tilted with the duke d'Alençon, whom he had lately raised to that dignity. The duke of Brabant tilted in great cordiality with the duke of Orleans; and during this festival, which lasted three days, the princes of the blood conducted themselves kindly and honourably toward each other. The queen of France, the duchess of Acquitaine, and many other noble ladies and damsels, assisted at the feast.

On the 24th day of February, after many conferences with the duke of Brabant and the countess of Hainault, as well at Paris as at Senlis, and with the ministers of the duke of Burgundy, the peace was finally concluded, and proclaimed with sound of trumpet through Paris, according to royal letters of the following tenor:

'Charles, by the grace of God, king of France, to all present and to come. Whereas many acts have been done since the conclusion of the peace at Pontoise, to our very great displeasure, and damage to our subjects[Pg 101] and kingdom; for which cause we have held our beloved cousin, the duke of Burgundy in our indignation and disfavour, and have marched a considerable body of men at arms and archers against the town of Arras. During the time, we lay before that town, our well-beloved and dear cousins the duke of Brabant and countess of Hainault came thither, accompanied by our dearly-beloved the deputies from the three estates of Flanders, as commissioners, and having full powers to treat on the part of our said cousin of Burgundy, with so much humility and obedience that we were contented therewith.

'In confirmation of the duke of Burgundy's willingness to submit himself to our obedience, they offered on the part of the town of Arras to display our banner on the walls and towers thereof, and also to place under our subjection all the towns and castles which our said cousin of Burgundy held from us. We therefore, in our abundance of affection, have received him back into our good graces.

'Our said cousins the duke of Brabant and the countess of Hainault, and the[Pg 102] deputies from Flanders, engaged to deliver to us, or to any person whom we might depute, the castle of Crotoy, as well as the castle of Chinon; and that they would, to the utmost of their power, see that they were fully restored to us, or to any person whom we should commission to receive them. Many other matters relative to the restoring of peace were then discussed, and, in consequence, we ourselves withdrew with our army from before Arras. For the further consolidation of this agreement for peace, our said cousins of Brabant, Hainault, and the deputies from Flanders have again come to us, as ambassadors from our cousin of Burgundy, with whom, in the presence of our dearly beloved son the duke of Acquitaine, dauphin of Vienne, the preliminaries before mentioned have been confirmed.

'Know ye, that from the pity and compassion which we must feel for all who have suffered oppressions and vexations which ever ensue during a state of warfare, and which our faithful and beloved subjects have lately undergone; and that they may cease, so that tranquillity, justice,[Pg 103] and legal government may take place within our realm; that labourers may do their work, and tradesfolk travel throughout the kingdom unmolested wherever they shall judge proper, without let or hindrance whatever. Considering also the value of peace, which is inestimable, and the great evils that ensue from war, of which we have lately had such bitter experience; and that all creatures may have better opportunities to amend their lives and turn toward their Creator, we of our own knowledge, and with full power and royal authority, by the advice of our council, and after the mature consideration of our eldest son, of many of the princes of our blood, prelates, barons and knights of our council and courts of parliament, so will, order and command, that a firm peace be established within our realm, between our subjects, and that all rancour and malice cease, forbidding all persons, whatever may be their rank or condition, under pain of our highest displeasure, to bear arms or to proceed against any one otherwise than by legal means.

'For the better preservation of this peace, and out of reverence to[Pg 104] God, wishing to prefer mercy to rigorous justice, we from the plenitude of our power and by our full royal authority, do grant a general and free amnesty to all persons whether natives or foreigners, of whatever rank or condition they be, who shall have aided, abetted, counselled or supported our said cousin, the duke of Burgundy, contrary to our royal will and pleasure, since the said peace of Pontois until this day,—excepting, however, from this amnesty five persons, who are not noble, nor subjects nor vassals to our said cousin of Burgundy, and whose names shall be given to our cousins of Brabant and Hainault before the feast of the nativity of St John the Baptist next ensuing. We likewise except from this general pardon all who may have been banished by our courts of justice by legal processes, with the usual ceremonies and solemnities.

'For the further preservation of this peace, and to avoid all causes of sedition and dispute hereafter, we will and ordain that all persons who may have quitted[Pg 105] their dwellings in Paris for the space of two years, shall not return nearer than within four or five leagues of our said town of Paris, reserving to ourself any favours which we may be inclined to show to the contrary. We will, however, that the said absentees may go any where throughout our realm, excepting to our town of Paris, without any molestation whatever, either in body or goods.

'To maintain our subjects in peace and to obviate any disputes of office, which, having formerly happened, may do so again, we will and order, that all offices given by us since the said peace of Pontoise, shall remain in our full disposition and power, without those who may have been deprived of them having any claim or pretence of being restored to them. With regard to the prisoners, we will do strict justice; for it is our pleasure that no lord, baron, knight, esquire, or other persons, under pretence of services not performed to us, or for services done to our said cousin of Burgundy, shall be prosecuted or molested in body or goods, but that all lands, castles, or any[Pg 106] territories whatever, that may have been taken possession of, and held by our officers for us, on account of the late war, shall be fully and completely restored to their true and lawful owners, without any fees or charges claimed in regard to us; and we now impose silence on our attorney-general, although the different cases be not specified particularly by us, in order more effectually to put an end to all disputes and suits at law that may have arisen from the events of the late war.

'We will, order and enjoin, that our said cousin the duke of Burgundy do forbear, by himself or others for him, to disturb or any way molest, either by open or secret means, such of our subjects and vassals of every degree, as shall have served us in our warfare against him; and such of his subjects and vassals as, through fear of offending us, have not served him in conformity to the different ordinances issued by us; and that he be particularly cautious, under pain of incurring our displeasure, that this article be truly attended to, for we positively forbid our said cousin of Burgundy to take any cognizance whatever of the above acts.

'We likewise forbid all others of our blood and lineage to commit, or[Pg 107] cause to be committed by others for them, any acts of hostility against our said vassals and subjects, as well as against those of our said cousin the duke of Burgundy; for we strictly ordain, that they do not take any cognizance of offences that may have been caused by the late warfare.

'We will and command, that our said cousin the duke of Burgundy do punctually restore all castles, lands, or fiefs that he may have taken from our vassals and subjects, as well as from his own, on account of services performed to us or neglected to have been done to him, and that he order away from him all who may be inclined to disturb the lawful owner in the possession of them.

'We in like manner enjoin all those of our blood and lineage who may have possessed themselves of any castles, lands, or other effects of any lord, baron, knight, esquire, or others, under cover of the late warfare, to restore them instantly to their proper owners, without further molestation, or making them pay any fees or[Pg 108] charges for their restitution, in order that this said peace may be faithfully and religiously maintained.

'We likewise will and command, that all the articles of the peace concluded at Chartres, and of others which have since been made, be most particularly observed; and we strictly enjoin all those of our blood and lineage, that they do not, on any pretence whatever, form any alliances with the English, or with others, to our prejudice or to the prejudice of this peace; and should any such have been formed, we positively command that all treaties be returned and annulled, and that any person who may have concluded them do deliver to us sufficient security for the due performance of these our orders.

'And we further enjoin, for the better security of this peace, that our said cousin of Brabant, the ambassadors from our cousin of Burgundy, and the deputies before named from Flanders, in the name of themselves, the three estates in that country, and in behalf of our said cousin of Burgundy, our very dear and well-[Pg 109]beloved cousins the counts de Charolois and de Nevers, do each of them swear and promise,—those who are now present in our hands, and those absent in the hands of our deputies,—on their faith and oath, and on the cross and holy evangelists of God, that they will loyally and honestly observe this peace, and all the articles of it; and that they will not, by open or other means any way violate or infringe the same, under pain of incurring our highest displeasure and indignation.

'And should it happen that any person, whether noble or not, do interrupt this peace, or act contrary thereto, they shall promise not to give them any encouragement, aid or advice, but shall endeavour to stifle all such attempts before they gain any head.

'Copies of these oaths and engagements shall be delivered into our chancery, signed by each party, and sealed with their seals, that a perfect remembrance may be had of this transaction.

'Similar oaths and promises shall be taken and made, under the like penalty,[Pg 110] by our very dear and well-beloved cousins, uncle, son and nephew, the cardinal de Bar, the king of Sicily, the dukes of Berry, de Tours, d'Orleans, de Bretagne, de Bourbon, d'Alençon, and de Bar; the counts de Vertus, d'Eu, Richemont, de Dreux constable of France, de la Marche, de Vendôme grand master of the household, de Marle, le Bouteiller de France, d'Armagnac, de St Pol, de Penthievre, and de Tancarville, with all others of our blood and lineage, and the members of the three estates in their countries. Those present will take the oath in our hands, and the absent in the hands of our deputies: they will each deliver into our chancery copies of their oath and promise, signed and sealed by them, that the remembrance of it may endure for ever.

'We also ordain, that the aforesaid oath and engagement shall be taken before our commissioners, under pain of the above-mentioned penalties, by all prelates, knights, barons, captains, bailiffs, seneschals, provosts, and others our officers, vassals and subjects of all ranks, ecclesiastical and secular, noble and not noble, who shall each[Pg 111] of them sign and seal his separate engagement, which shall be transmitted to our chancery for the aforesaid purpose.

'Item, our said cousin of Burgundy, and all the afore-mentioned princes of our blood, shall send letters to their subjects and vassals, requiring them to take their oaths in like manner. And for the better security of this peace, our said cousin of Brabant, the countess of Hainault, and the deputies aforesaid, shall exert their utmost power to prevail on our very dear and well-beloved cousins duke William of Bavaria, count of Hainault, the duke of Lorraine, the count of Savoy, the bishop of Liege, the count of Namur, and such others as they think proper, to take a similar oath and promise to observe all the articles of the peace.

'We also will and command, that should any excesses be committed which might endanger the aforesaid peace, it shall not therefore be broken; but the party who shall feel himself injured shall appeal to our courts of justice, when such reparation shall be made him as the case may legally require.

[Pg 112]'We consequently, give it strictly in charge to our dear and loyal the constable, the chancellor, the members of our courts of parliament, the marshals of France, the master of the cross-bows, the high admiral, the provost of Paris, to all our seneschals, bailiffs, governors, mayors, sheriffs, and all others our officers whatever, to each and to all of them, that they do pay attention to the articles of of the said peace, and that they do not suffer the smallest of them to be in any wise violated or infringed; and should any thing be done contrary to their true tenour and meaning, they will cause such persons to be instantly arrested as disturbers of the public peace, and punish them as guilty of high treason toward us and toward the state, so that they may serve for examples to all others who may be inclined to act in the same way.

'We ordain that these presents be proclaimed in the most public manner in the usual places, that no one may pretend ignorance thereof; and we enjoin all persons who may hear or know of any one that shall utter words in public or[Pg 113] otherwise against the honour of the aforesaid persons of our blood and lineage, or to the disgrace of this said peace, that they do denounce him or them to our officers of justice, that punishment may ensue according to the exigence of the case, and that they may be proceeded against as rebels to our commands and ordinances.

'That these presents may have their due weight, we have hereunto set our seal. Given at Paris in the month of February in the year of Grace 1414, and of our reign the 35th.' Signed by the king and his grand council. Countersigned, 'Estienne Mauregard.' As this peace was proclaimed throughout Paris, so was it published in divers parts of the kingdom of France.[Pg 114]

CHAP. XIX.

THREE PORTUGUESE PERFORM A DEED OF ARMS AGAINST THREE FRENCHMEN, IN THE PRESENCE OF THE KING OF FRANCE.—THE PORTUGUESE ARE VANQUISHED.

At this period, there was a combat between three Portuguese and three Frenchmen, performed at the king's palace of St Ouen near to Paris. The names of the Portuguese were the lord d'Alenton, sir Jean Cousaille knight, and sir Peter Cousaille. The three Frenchmen were sir François de Grignaulx, Marigon, and la Rocque.

The Portuguese, as the challengers, were first introduced into the lists by the earl of Dorset and the other english lords. The French were conducted by Clugnet de Brabant, admiral of France, John brother to the duke de Bar, and several more.

After the accustomed proclamations had been made, in the king's name, the combat began, and was hard fought, but at length the Portuguese surrendered them[Pg 115]selves as vanquished, to save their lives, to the great indignation and displeasure of the English, who had conducted them to the lists. The Portuguese were, by the king's command, put out of the lists, and the French honourably escorted home very much rejoiced at their victory.

When the business of the peace had been concluded, the countess of Hainault left Senlis, and returned to her country and to her lord duke William. The English, about the same time, departed from Paris, after having been magnificently feasted and honoured by the king and his princes, and having likewise been presented with rich gifts. They did not, however, succeed in the object of their mission, namely, the marriage of their king with the lady Catherine of France, because their demands for her portion were unreasonable and excessive, such as the duchy of Normandy, the county of Ponthieu, with the duchy of Acquitaine, to be held as inheritances for ever. The king of France, in reply, told them that he would shortly send ambassadors to England with his final answer to the request they had made.

CHAP. XX.

THE PEACE OF ARRAS SOLEMNLY SWORN TO IN THE PRESENCE OF THE KING OF FRANCE.—IT IS AFTERWARDS SWORN TO IN DIVERS OTHER PLACES.

On[Pg 116] the 13th day of March, in this year, the duke of Brabant, the bishop of Tournay, the lord de Ront, sir William Bouvier, governor of Arras, counsellors and ambassadors from the duke of Burgundy, and the deputies from the three estates of Flanders, having full powers from the duke of Burgundy for this purpose, swore in the name of the said duke, and in his behalf in the presence of the king of France, on the true cross and holy evangelists of God; and in like manner the duke of Brabant and the others above mentioned, for themselves in their own private capacities, swore to the full observance and preservation of all the articles of the peace first treated of before Arras and confirmed at Paris.

The dukes of Berry, Orleans, Alençon and Bourbon, the counts d'Eu, de Vendôme, grand master of the household, the[Pg 117] lord de Prayaux, the chancellor of France, the archbishops of Sens, Bourges, Rouen, the bishops of Laon, Lisieuz, Paris, Chartres, the chancellor of Acquitaine, the count de Tancarville and others, took the same oath in the presence of the king and the grand council.

Commissioners were then sent by the king from Paris, namely, the master of the cross-bows of France, the lord de Rambures, and master Jean de Vailly, first president of the parliament, to Tournay, where they arrived in the month of March. The duke of Brabant, the countess of Hainault, Philip of Burgundy count of Charolois, the nobles and prelates of Ghent, and other great towns in Flanders, there met them. When the king's letter had been read, the count de Charolois, and all present, took the oath required, in the hands of the said commissioners, and in the presence of the duke of Brabant and the countess of Hainault, promising on their own behalf to keep the said peace, and to pay attention to the contents of the king's letter. In like manner did the prelates, nobility, and others of the town of Tournay and the adjacent countries,[Pg 118] make oath, delivering their certificates signed and sealed by them, as the count de Charolois and the Flemings had done to the commissioners, to be carried to Estienne Mauregard, the master of the rolls, at Paris.

The count de Charolois, after the holy week, convoked, at Arras, all the nobility, clergy, and inhabitants of the country of Artois and its dependancies, who all swore, and delivered in certificates, as those of Tournay had done. Commissioners were afterward sent into Burgundy, to receive the oaths of the duke and of the estates of the duchy and its dependancies. These commissioners were the lord de Tynouville and master Symon de Vanterre, president, of the parliament, who received the oaths and certificates, and sent them to the master of the rolls at Paris; but the duke himself refused to swear, and said he must speak to the king and the duke of Acquitaine before he made oath to keep the peace, on certain causes that affected him.

[A.D. 1415.]

CHAP. XXI.

THE COMMONALTY AND CLERGY OF AMIENS ARE ASSEMBLED TO SWEAR TO THE OBSERVANCE OF THE PEACE OF ARRAS.

At the beginning of this year, those of Amiens wrote such letters as follow.[Pg 119]

'The mayor, sheriffs, and commonalty of Amiens make known, that on the 18th day of the month of April, in the year 1415, by orders from master John de Vailly, president of the parliament and commissioner in these parts in the name of the king, the inhabitants of this town were collected in the market-place by sound of bell from house to house, when we being present, with the principal inhabitants, this said president caused to be read to us letters from the king of the following purport: 'Charles, by the grace of God, king of France,' &c. (and similar to what I have before detailed),—which being ended, we, and all the people assembled, made oath, and faithfully promised on the cross and holy evangelists of[Pg 120] God, and we now by these presents do swear and promise punctually to observe and keep all the articles of the peace lately ratified, as far as it shall concern us, and conformably to the will and pleasure of the king our lord, as contained in these his said letters. In testimony whereof, we have to these presents affixed the common seal of the town of Amiens. Given on the day and year before mentioned.'

The substance of the above was copied by two apostolical notaries, who certified that the aforesaid ordinance had been published, and the colleges assembled in the chapter-house of the cathedral of Nôtre Dame of Amiens, who had sworn to the same. These were sealed with the seal of the bishop of Amiens, of the chapter, and of the other chapters and colleges, and given to the bailiff of Amiens to carry to master Estienne Mauregard, master of the rolls in Paris. The bailiff caused the king's proclamation to be published every where within his jurisdiction, except within the lands of the duke of Burgundy: he received the oaths of all ranks of persons to the due observance of the same, and the proper cer[Pg 121]tificates from each prelate, noble, and others resident within his baliwick.

Thus were these ordinances respecting the peace proclaimed throughout all the bailiwicks and seneschalships in the realm, at the usual places; and then oaths and certificates were demanded by the commissioners from the clergy, nobles, and chief towns, and delivered at Paris in the same manner as the others had been.

CHAP. XXII.

THE COUNT WALERAN DE ST POL DIES AT YVOIX, IN THE COUNTY OF CHINY IN LUXEMBOURG.—THE PRINCES OF THE BLOOD GO TO MELUN, BY ORDERS FROM THE QUEEN AND THE DUKE OF ACQUITAINE.

On the 9th day of April, in this same year 1415, Waleran count de Saint Pol and de Ligny, calling himself constable of France, fell ill in the castle of Yvoix, in the county of Chiny. His disorder, as it was reported, was occasioned by his physician having administered to him too strong a clyster; and about twelve days after, he departed this[Pg 122] life, and was buried in front of the great altar in the principal church in Yvoix, amidst the tears and lamentations of his attendants,—although he had ordered, by a will made in his lifetime, that his body should be carried to the abbey of Cercamp, of which his ancestors the counts de St Pol had been the founders.

In the course of his illness, he had sent for his countess, the sister to the duke of Bar, having an earnest desire to converse with her before his last hour; but, notwithstanding the diligence she made to comply with his request, she did not arrive, accompanied by a niece of the count's, sister to sir John Luxembourg, until about two hours after his decease, although they had rode a straddle, on hard-trotting horses, to make the more speed. They were much shocked on hearing of his death. When the countess had remained at Yvoix about eight hours, and disbanded the men at arms of her late lord, she returned to Ligny-en-Barrois, where she had the obsequies of the count celebrated in the cathedral church.

She publicly renounced, by her attorney, all the debts and estates of her late lord ex[Pg 123]cepting her dower, by placing on his tomb his belt and purse, of which act she demanded from the public notaries present to have certificates drawn up. The count's heirs were the two sons of the duke of Brabant by the daughter of his first wife.

In this same month, the princes of the blood then at Paris went to Melun, by command of the queen and the duke of Acquitaine, who were there resident. While they were occupied on business with the queen, the duke of Acquitaine set off for Paris with few attendants; and thence he sent the princes word that they were not to return to Paris until ordered by the king or himself, and commanded them to retire to their estates, and to attend to their own affairs.

After this, the duke knowing that the queen his mother had deposited large sums in the hands of three persons in Paris, who were her confidents, namely, Michault de l'Allier, Guillaume Sanguin and Picquit de la Haye, suddenly entered their houses with his people, and seized all the money found therein and carried it to his hotel. He then summoned the provosts of Paris, the[Pg 124] university, and the principal inhabitants to come to him at the Louvre, where he caused to be laid before them, by the bishop of Chartres, his chancellor, article by article, the whole history of the government of the kingdom, from the coronation of the king his father until that moment, showing how the duke of Anjou had seized the treasures of king Charles his grandfather, and wasted them in Italy, as well as the portions of the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, last deceased; then mentioning the death of the late duke of Orleans and his government, and concluding with the administration of the present duke of Burgundy, who had consumed the whole of the finances, and despoiled the kingdom. He then declared, that as duke of Acquitaine, dauphin of Vienne, and presumptive heir to the crown, he would no longer suffer such waste to be committed on the public revenues, or on his father's demesnes.

To this end, therefore, and for the security and welfare of the king and realm, he had thus assembled them, to make known to them, and all the world, his resolution of taking on himself the govern[Pg 125]ment of the kingdom, with a firm determination to provide a remedy against such abuses in future.

When the above had been eloquently and elaborately explained to the assembly, it broke up, and every one returned to his home.

The princes of the blood, on receiving the orders from the duke of Acquitaine, took their leave of the queen, and separated from each other. The duke of Berry went to Dourdan[21], in his county of Estampes, the duke of Orleans to Orleans, and the duke of Bourbon to his duchy of Bourbon. The duke of Burgundy was before, as has been mentioned, in his duchy of Burgundy.

The king was very ill at his hotel of St Pol at Paris. The next step of the duke of Acquitaine was to take away his duchess from the company of the queen, which he did in person, accompanied by the count de Richemont, and had her placed at St Germain-en-Laye.[Pg 126]

CHAP. XXIII.

THE KING OF ENGLAND ASSEMBLES A LARGE ARMY TO INVADE FRANCE.—AMBASSADORS SENT HIM FROM THAT COUNTRY.—THE ANSWERS THEY RECEIVE.

When the english ambassadors were returned to England, and had reported to the king their ill success, the king, princes, and country were much displeased thereat. After many councils had been holden, it was at length resolved, that the king should raise the greatest possible force to invade France, and so sorely despoil that kingdom that the present king and his successors should be driven from it.

To provide a sufficient fleet for the transport of his army, he sent commissioners[22] into Holland and Zealand, who,[Pg 127] on proper security for good payment, made contracts for the number of vessels that would be wanted. The king of England had prepared all manner of stores and provisions necessary for war; and in regard to the payment of the forces, adequate sums were raised: indeed, there remained an overplus of five hundred thousand nobles, in money or plate. It was determined, that the king himself, attended by the princes and the whole army, should embark to invade France as early as possible.

Intelligence of this was speedily carried to France. The duke of Acquitaine, who now governed the realm in behalf and in the name of the king his father, in consequence, held many councils, and remanded to Paris the duke of Berry, and some other lords, with whom he had several consultations to know how he should act on this occasion, for the king was then confined by his disorder. It was determined, that men at arms and archers should be assembled in various parts of France ready to march against the English the moment it should be[Pg 128] known they were landed; that garrisons should be placed in every town and castle on the coast, and that as large sums of money as possible should be raised with all speed.

It was likewise resolved to send a solemn embassy to the king of England, to make him other offers, in answer to the demands of his last ambassadors. Those appointed for this business were the count de Vendôme, master William Bouratier, archbishop of Bourges, master Peter Fennel, bishop of Lisieuz, the lords of Ivry and Bracquemont, master Gautier Col, secretary to the king, master John Andrieu, and some others of the great council[23]. Taking advantage of the existing truce, they set out from Paris, and travelling through Amiens, Montrieul and Boulogne, to Calais, they there crossed the sea to Dover. They were in all three hundred and fifty horsemen, and continued their journey from Dover to Canterbury, where they were met by the king's harbingers, who conducted them through Rochester to London, and[Pg 129] thence to Winchester, where the king was.

The archbishop of Bourges explained to the king, in the hall of the bishop of Winchester, and in the presence of the dukes of Clarence, Bedford and Gloucester, brothers to the king, and of the lords of the council, clergy, chivalry and populace, the object of his embassy. The archbishop spoke first in Latin, and then in the Walloon language, so eloquently and wisely, that both the English and French who heard him were greatly surprised. At the conclusion of his harangue he made offers to the king of a great extent of country in France, with a large sum of ready money on his marriage with the princess Catherine, but on condition that he would disband the army he had collected at Southampton, and at the adjacent sea ports to invade France; and that by these means an eternal peace would be established between the two kingdoms.

The assembly broke up, when the archbishop had ended his speech; and the french ambassadors were kindly entertained at dinner by the king, who[Pg 130] then appointed a day for them to receive his answer to their propositions, by the mouth of the archbishop of Canterbury.

In the course of the archbishop's speech, in which he replied, article by article, to what the archbishop of Bourges had offered, he added to some, and passed over others of them, so that he was sharply interrupted by the archbishop of Bourges, who exclaimed, 'I did not say so, but such were my words.' The conclusion, however, was, that unless the king of France would give, as a marriage-portion with his daughter, the duchies of Acquitaine, of Normandy, of Anjou, of Tours, the counties of Ponthieu, Mans and Poitou, and every other part that had formerly belonged to the english monarchs, the king would not desist from his intended invasion of France, but would despoil the whole of that kingdom, which had been unjustly detained from him,—and that he should depend on his sword for the accomplishment of the above, and for depriving king Charles of his crown.

The king avowed what the archbishop had said, and added, that thus, with God's[Pg 131] aid, he would act,—and promised it on the word of a king. The archbishop of Bourges then, according to the custom in France, demanded permission to speak, and said, 'O king! how canst thou, consistently with honour and justice, thus wish to dethrone, and iniquitously destroy the most Christian king of the French, our very dear and most redoubted lord, the noblest and most excellent of all the kings in Christendom. O king! with all due reverence and respect, dost thou think that he has offered by me such extent of territory, and so large a sum of money with his daughter in marriage, through any fear of thee, thy subjects or allies? By no means; but, moved by pity and his love of peace, he has made these offers to avoid the shedding of innocent blood, and that Christian people may not be overwhelmed in the miseries of war; for whenever thou shalt make thy promised attempt, he will call upon God, the blessed virgin, and on all the saints, making his appeal to them for the justice of his cause,—and with their aid, and the support of his loyal subjects and faithful allies, thou[Pg 132] wilt be driven out of his dominions, or thou wilt be made prisoner, or thou wilt there suffer death by orders of that just king whose ambassadors we are.

'We have now only to entreat of thee, that thou wouldst have us safely conducted out of thy realm; and that thou wouldst write to our said king, under thy hand and seal, the answer which thou hast had given to us.'

The king kindly granted their requests; and the ambassadors, having received handsome presents, returned by way of Dover to Calais, and thence to Paris. They reported to the duke of Acquitaine in the presence of the members of the grand council, many knights and other persons, the ill success of their embassy. At the same time, the duke of Acquitaine and the council received letters from the king of England, dated from Winchester, containing his final answer to the proposals that had been made him.[Pg 133]

CHAP. XXIV.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY SENDS AMBASSADORS TO THE DUKE OF ACQUITAINE. THE ANSWER THEY RECEIVE.—HE TAKES THE OATH.

The duke of Burgundy, tormented by the clamours of those who had been banished from Paris and the kingdom France, and whom, as I have noticed, he had taken under his protection, was very desirous of alleviating their distress, and for this purpose sent ambassadors to Paris, to his son-in-law the duke of Acquitaine, and to the grand council of the king. These ambassadors were sir Regnier Pot and the lord d'Ancre, knights, the bishop of Tournay, and an advocate of Dijon: they were instructed to solicit the recal of those who had been banished the kingdom by royal authority, and that the five hundred who had been excepted by the articles of the peace should be fully pardoned, and that all which had passed should be forgotten. They were[Pg 134] also to insist, that the duchess of Acquitaine, whom the duke had sent to reside at St Germain en laye, should inhabit the Louvre with him, and that he should put away a female friend who lived with him in place of his said wife.

If these things were complied with, he promised to take the prescribed oath to preserve the peace,—otherwise not.

The duke of Acquitaine was so much angered, when he first heard these proposals, that the ambassadors did not experience a very agreeable reception. They waited, therefore, on him another day, in hope of receiving more favourable answers; but finding that they could no way succeed in what had been ordered by their lord the duke of Burgundy, they addressed the duke of Acquitaine as follows: 'Most renowned prince, and very noble lord, with reverence be it known to you, that if you do not grant what our aforesaid lord requires of you, he will never swear to the observance of the late peace; and should the English invade France, neither he himself nor his vassals will bear arms in your service, or for the defence of the kingdom.'

[Pg 135]The duke, hearing this, was more exasperated than before; but, dissembling his feelings, he replied, that he would advise with his council on the subject of their coming, and within a short time would send an answer to their lord by a confidential person. Upon this, the ambassadors returned to Burgundy.

The duke of Acquitaine consulted the grand council on the above; and in consequence, sir Guichard Daulphin, the lord de Viel-pont, and master John de Vailly, president of the parliament, were sent, in the king's name, to Burgundy, where they treated so effectually with the duke, whom they met at Dijon, that he took the same oaths the others had done; and they brought back his certificate under his seal, which was given to Estienne Mauregard, master of the rolls.

The duke of Burgundy, however, kept up a very large force of men at arms and archers, in the duchy and county of Burgundy, and the adjacent parts, to the great loss of the poor inhabitants, to aid and defend him, should there be occasion.

[Pg 136]On the 23d day of July, those five hundred persons whose names had been excepted from the amnesty on the conclusion of the peace between the duke of Burgundy and the other princes of the blood, were publicly banished, by sound of trumpet, from France, in the presence of the ambassadors from the duke of Burgundy, at that time in Paris.

CHAP. XXV.

HENRY KING OF ENGLAND MAKES GREAT PREPARATIONS TO INVADE FRANCE. HE SENDS LETTERS TO THE KING OF FRANCE AT PARIS.

It is proper that we now return to the king of England, who was making vast preparations of warlike stores, and every other necessary, to accomplish his projected invasion of France. He had marched his army to Southampton, and to the neighbouring sea-ports; and after the 2d day of August, when the truce between the two kingdoms expired, the garrisons of[Pg 137] Calais and other places began to overrun and despoil the country of the Boulonois, and divers other parts.

The king of France instantly ordered thither, to oppose them, the lord de Rambures, master of the cross-bows, and the lord de Louroy, with five hundred combatants, for the defence of the country. Within a few days after the expiration of the truce, king Henry, whose preparations were now completed, sent one of his heralds called Glocester[24], to Paris to deliver letters to the king, of which the contents were as follows:

'To the very noble prince, Charles our cousin and adversary of France. Henry, by the grace of God, king England and of France. To give to every one what is their due, is a work of inspiration and wise council, very noble prince, our cousin and adversary. The noble kingdoms of England and France were formerly united, now they are divided. At that time it was customary[Pg 138] for each person to exalt his name by glorious victories, and by this single virtue to extol the honour of God, to whom holiness belongs, and to give peace to his church, by subjecting in battle the enemies of the public weal. But alas! good faith among kindred and brotherly love have been perverted; and Lot persecutes Abraham by human impulsion, and Dissention, the mother of Anger, has been raised from the dead.

'We, however, appeal to the sovereign Judge, (who is neither swayed by prayers nor gifts from doing right), that we have, from pure affection, done every thing in our power to preserve the peace; and we must now rely on the sword for regaining what is justly our heritage, and those rights which have from old time belonged to us; and we feel such assurance in our courage that we will fight till death in the cause of justice.

'The written law in the book of Deuteronomy ordains, that before any person commences an attack on a city, he shall first offer terms of peace; and[Pg 139] although violence has detained from us our rightful inheritances, charity, however, induces us to attempt, by fair means, their recovery; for should justice be denied us, we may then resort to arms.

'And to avoid having our conscience affected by this matter, we make our personal request to you, and exhort you by the bowels of Jesus Christ, to follow the dictates of his evangelical doctrine. Friend, restore what thou owest, for such is the will of God, to prevent the effusion of the blood of man, who was created in his likeness. Such restitution of rights cruelly torn from us, and which we have so frequently demanded by our ambassadors, will be agreeable to the supreme God, and secure peace on earth.

'From our love of peace, we were inclined to refuse fifty thousand golden crowns lately offered us; for, being more desirous of peace than riches, we have preferred enjoying the patrimony left us by our venerable ancestors, with our very dear cousin Catherine, your noble daughter, to iniquitously multiplying our[Pg 140] treasures, and thus disgracing the honour of our crown, which God forbid!

'Given under our privy seal, in our castle of Southampton, the 5th day of the month of August.'

The above letter having been presented by the herald to the king of France, he was told that the king and council would examine it, and consider more at length its contents,—and that the king would provide accordingly, in such time and place as should seem good to him,—and that he might return to his lord the king of England when he pleased.

CHAP. XXVI.

THE KING OF ENGLAND, WHILE AT SOUTHAMPTON, DISCOVERS A CONSPIRACY OF HIS NOBLES AGAINST HIM.—HE LAYS SIEGE TO HARFLEUR, AND WINS THAT TOWN.

While the king of England remained at Southampton, to embark his army which[Pg 141] was now ready to sail for France, he was informed that many lords of his household had entered into a conspiracy against him, with the intent to place the earl of March, the rightful successor and heir to Richard the second, on the throne of England. True it is, that the earl of Cambridge, with others, had plotted to seize the persons of the king and his brothers, to accomplish the above purpose, and had revealed their plan to the earl of March, who had discovered it to the king, advising him, at the same time, to be on his guard, or he would be betrayed, and named to him the conspirators. King Henry was not long in having them arrested, when the three principal were beheaded, namely, the earl of Cambridge, the lord Scrope of Masham, who every night slept with the king, and sir Thomas Grey. Some others were afterward executed.

This matter being ended, the king hastened the embarkation of his army, and put to sea. On the vigil of the assumption of our Lady, they made in[Pg 142] the night-time a harbour[25], which lies between Harfleur and Honfleur, where the river Seine enters the sea, and landed without any effusion of blood. Their fleet might consist of about sixteen hundred vessels of all sorts, full of soldiers, and every sorts of warlike stores.

When the whole of the army was landed, the king fixed his quarters at a a priory in Graville[26], and his brothers the dukes of Clarence and Glocester near to him. His uncles, the dukes of York and Dorset, the bishop of Norwich, the earls of Windsor, Suffolk, earl marshal, Warwick and Kent, the lords de Camber, Beaumont, Willoughby of Trompington, sir John de Cornewall, Molliflac[27], with many more, lodged themselves as well as they could. They marched the army to besiege, with vigour, the [Pg 143]town of Harfleur, the commanding sea-port of all that coast of Normandy.

The king's army was composed of about six thousand helmets and twenty-three thousand archers, exclusive of cannoneers, and others employed with the engines of war, of which he had great abundance. About four hundred picked men at arms had been sent by the french government, to defend Harfleur, under the command of the lords d'Estouteville, governor of the town, de Blainville, de Bacqueville, de Hermanville de Gaillart de Bos, de Clerè de Bectou, de Adsanches, de Briautè, de Gaucourt, de l'Isle-Adam, and several other valiant knights and esquires, to the amount aforesaid, who gallantly opposed the English. But their attempts were vain against so superior a force, and in their sallies they had great difficulty to re-enter the town. They took up the pavement, which was between Montivilliers and Harfleur, to make the road as bad as possible, and carried away the stones. Notwithstanding this, the English scoured the country, made many prisoners, and gained much booty, and planted their large engines in the most convenient[Pg 144] spots for battering the town, which greatly damaged its walls.

The besieged were not slack in their defence, but made such good use of cross-bows and other weapons that many of the English were slain. The town had but two gates, namely, that of Caltinant and that of Montivilliers, whence they made several vigorous sallies on the enemy; but the English defended themselves well. An unfortunate accident befel the besieged, for a supply of gunpowder sent them by the king of France was met by the English and taken.

While these things were passing, the king of France sent against the English a considerable body of men at arms to Rouen, and other parts on the frontier under the charge of the constable, the marshal Boucicaut, the seneschal of Hainault, the lords de Ligny, de Hamede, sir Clugnet de Brabant, and several other captains.

These commanders so well guarded the country that the English were unable to gain any town or fortress, while[Pg 145] part of their army was engaged at the siege, although they took great pains so to do; for they frequently made excursions in large bodies over the low countries in search of provision, and to meet the enemy: they did very great damage wherever they passed, and carried off large booties to their head-quarters.

However, by the prudent conduct of the french commanders, the English were very much straitened for provision, for the greater part of the stores they had brought with them had been spoiled at sea. Add to this, that an epidemical bowel-complaint raged in their camp, of which upwards of two thousand died. The principal persons thus carried off were, the earl of Stafford, the bishop of Norwich, the lords Beaumonte, Willoughby of Trompington, Burnel and many other noblemen.

The king of England, nevertheless, pushed on the siege with great diligence and labour. He had caused three mines to be carried under the walls, and his engines had nearly demolished the gates, which being made known to the inhabi[Pg 146]tants, and that they were daily liable to be stormed, they offered to surrender themselves to the king, provided they were not within three days succoured from France: they gave hostages for the due performance of this treaty, and thereby saved their lives by paying ransoms.

The lord de Bacqueville was sent by the captains in Harfleur to the king of France and the duke of Acquitaine, who were at Vernon sur Seine, to make them acquainted with their situation, and to tell them, that unless they were succoured within three days, they would lose their town, and all within it. He was in reply told, that the king's forces were not yet assembled, or prepared to give such speedy succour: upon which, the lord de Bacqueville returned to Harfleur,—and it was surrendered to the king of England, on St Maurice's day, to the great sorrow and loss of the inhabitants, and displeasure of the French; for, as I have said, it was the principal sea port of that part of Normandy.

CHAP. XXVII.

THE CANONS OF ST GERY IN CAMBRAY QUARREL WITH THE INHABITANTS.—THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, IN CONSEQUENCE, MAKES WAR ON CAMBRAY.

At this time, there was a great quarrel between the citizens and inhabitants of Cambray and the canons of the chapter of St Gery, within[Pg 147] that town. The inhabitants, foreseeing that the present war between England and France might be carried on near their country, determined for the greater security of themselves and their town, to repair and enlarge its walls and bulwarks; and consequently, they demolished, by force or otherwise, many walls of the gardens of the townsmen, which had encroached too near them. They particularly destroyed the gardens belonging to the aforesaid canons, taking a large portion of their land without intending to make them any recompence for what they had done.

The inhabitants also wanted to prevent the canons selling wine from their[Pg 148] cellars, although they had for a long time done so from their own vintage. For these several offences and grievances, the canons having frequently demanded, but in vain, redress from the townsmen, made heavy complaints of what they had suffered, and were still suffering, to the duke of Burgundy and his council, because, as earl of Flanders, he was the hereditary guardian and defender of all the churches within Cambray. For this guardianship a certain quantity of corn was annually paid to the duke, as protector of the churches within the Cambresis, and this impost was called the Gavenne[28] of Cambresis.

The duke of Burgundy was very much displeased at this conduct of the Cambresians, and sent solemn messengers to inform them, that if they did not make instant and full satisfaction to the canons who were under his protection, for all the damages they had done them, he should take such measures as would serve for an[Pg 149] example to all others. Not receiving an answer which was agreeable to him, and being then in Burgundy, he wrote to his son, Philippe count de Charolois, in Flanders, to order him to secure the canons of St Gery from all oppression and violence, and to constrain the inhabitants of Cambray to make reparation for the wrongs they had done them.

The count of Charolois, knowing the temper of his father, again summoned the townsmen to make satisfaction to the canons; and because they sent evasive answers, he secretly advised the canons to leave Cambray and go to Lille, at which town he would find them a handsome dwelling. The canons, on this, placed the better part of their effects, in safety, and then secretly left Cambray and went to Lille, or at least the greater number of them.

Soon after their departure, the count de Charolois sent his defiance to the town of Cambray by Hector de Saveuses, who had assembled full three hundred combatants. On the feast-day of the exaltation of the holy cross, he suddenly entered[Pg 150] the Cambresis, and advanced almost to the gates of Cambray, when, it being market-day, he plundered, killed and wounded very many of the town, and perpetrated other cruel deeds. Hector did not make any long stay, but departed, with an immense booty, to quarter himself near to Braye-sur-Somme, saying, that what he had done was by orders from the count de Charolois.

This attack much astonished those of Cambray, and put them in great fear. They conceived a greater hatred than before against the canons of St Gery, increased every preparation for the defence of their town, and made daily seizures of the effects of these canons, such as wine, corn, wood and other necessaries of life.

The citizens, however, having suffered several inroads, and great losses, and considering that in the end the war must be the destruction of their town, solicited duke William count of Hainault, guardian of Cambray for the king of France, that he would negotiate a peace for them with his nephew the count de Charolois, and that they were willing to make every[Pg 151] reasonable restitution to the canons for the losses they might have suffered.

By the interference, therefore, of duke William and others, the dispute was referred to some doctors of civil law, who sentenced the citizens to rebuild all the walls they had destroyed of the canons' gardens, and to bind themselves to pay annually to the said canons one hundred francs of royal money, on condition that the said canons were not to sell any wines from their cellars. The citizens were allowed liberty to buy up this annuity of a hundred francs for a certain sum, whenever they shall have the power and inclination so to do. On these and some other terms was the quarrel appeased, and the canons returned to their church in Cambray.[Pg 152]

CHAP. XXVIII.

THE KING OF FRANCE COLLECTS A GREAT BODY OF MEN AT ARMS FROM ALL PARTS OF HIS KINGDOM TO OPPOSE THE ENGLISH.—THE SUMMONS HE ISSUES ON THE OCCASION.

When the king of France and his council heard of the surrender of Harfleur to the king of England, they consequently expected that he would attempt greater objects, and instantly issued summonses for raising in every part of the kingdom the greatest possible force of men at arms. The better to succeed, he ordered his bailiffs and seneschals to exert themselves personally throughout their jurisdictions, and to make known that he had sent ambassadors to England, to offer his daughter in marriage to king Henry, with an immense portion in lands and money, to obtain peace, but that he had failed; and the king of England had invaded his realm, and besieged and taken his town of Harfleur, very much to his displeasure. On this account, therefore, he earnestly[Pg 153] solicited the aid of all his vassals and subjects, and required them to join him without delay.

He also dispatched messengers into Picardy, with sealed letters to the lords de Croy, de Waurin, de Fosseux, de Crequi, de Heuchin, de Brimeu, de Mammez, de la Viefville, de Beaufort, d'Inchy, de Noyelle, de Neufville, and to other noblemen, to order them instantly to raise their powers, under pain of his indignation, and to join the duke of Acquitaine, whom he had appointed captain-general of his kingdom.

The lords of Picardy delayed obeying, for the duke of Burgundy had sent them and all his subjects orders to hold themselves in readiness to march with him when he should summon them, and not to attend to the summons of any other lord, whatever might be his rank. This was the cause why the above-mentioned men at arms were in no haste to comply with the king's summons: fresh orders were therefore issued, the tenour of which was as follows.

'Charles, by the grace of God, king[Pg 154] of France, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his lieutenant, greeting.

'Whereas by our letters we have commanded you to make proclamation throughout your bailiwick, for all nobles and others accustomed to bear arms and follow the wars, instantly to join our very dear and well beloved son, the duke of Acquitaine, whom we have nominated our captain-general of the kingdom.

'It is now some time since we have marched against our adversary of England, who had, with a large army, invaded our province of Normandy, and taken our town of Harfleur, owing to the neglect and delay of you and others, in not punctually obeying our orders; for from want of succours our noble and loyal subjects within Harfleur, after having made a most vigorous defence, were forced to surrender it to the enemy.

'And as the preservation and defence of our kingdom is the concern of all, we call on our good and faithful subjects for aid, and are determined to regain those parts of which the enemy may be in possession, and to drive them out of[Pg 155] our kingdom in disgrace and confusion, by the blessing of God, the holy Virgin Mary, and with the assistance of our kindred and loyal subjects.

'You will therefore, by these presents strictly enjoin every one within your jurisdictions, on the duty they owe us, to lose no time in arming themselves, and in hastening to join our said well beloved the duke of Acquitaine; and you will proclaim these our orders in the most public manner, and in the usual places, that no one may plead ignorance of the same; and that under pain of being reputed disobedient, and having their goods confiscated, they fail not to come to our assistance, sufficiently armed and mounted.

'Such as, from illness or old age, may be prevented coming shall send in their stead, persons well armed and accoutred, with their powers to join us, or our said son. Should any difficulties be made in obeying these our commands, you will enforce obedience by seizing on the lands of such as may refuse placing foragers within their houses, and by every other means employed on such occasions, that they may[Pg 156] be induced to join with us in expelling the enemy from our kingdom with disgrace and confusion.

'You will likewise enjoin, in addition to the above, that all cannon, engines of war, and other offensive or defensive weapons that can be spared from the principal towns, be sent to our aid without delay, which we promise to restore at the end of the war.

'You will use every possible diligence in seeing to the execution of these our commands; and should there be any neglect on your part, which God forbid, we will punish you in such wise that you shall serve for an example to all others in like manner offending.

'We command all our officers of justice, and others our subjects, punctually to obey all your directions respecting the above; and you will send an acknowledgement of the receipt of these presents to our loyal subjects the officers of our chamber of accounts in Paris, to be used as may be thought proper.

'Given at Meulan, the 20th day of September, in the year of Grace 1415,[Pg 157] and of our reign the 36th.' Thus signed by the king and council.

When this proclamation had been published at Paris and Amiens, and in other parts of the kingdom, the king sent ambassadors to the dukes of Burgundy and Orleans, to require that they would, without fail, instantly send him five hundred helmets each.

The duke of Orleans was at first contented to send his quota, but afterward followed with all his forces. The duke of Burgundy made answer, that he would not send, but come in person with all the chivalry of his country, to serve the king: however, from some delay or dispute that arose between them, he did not attend himself, but the greater part of his subjects armed and joined the french forces.[Pg 158]

CHAP. XXIX.

THE KING OF ENGLAND MAKES HIS ENTRY INTO HARFLEUR.—THE REGULATIONS WHICH HE ORDAINED.—HE RESOLVES TO MARCH TO CALAIS.—THE DISPOSITION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE FRENCH.

The town of Harfleur surrendered to the king on the appointed day: the gates were thrown open, and his commissioners entered the place; but when the king came to the gate, he dismounted, and had his legs and feet uncovered, and thence walked barefooted to the parochial church of St Martin, where he very devoutly offered up his prayers and thanksgivings to his Creator for his success. After this, he made all the nobles and men at arms that were in the town his prisoners, and shortly after sent the greater part of them out of the place cloathed in their jackets only, taking down their names and surnames in writing, and making them swear on their faith that they would render themselves prisoners at Calais on the Martinmas-day next ensuing,—and then they departed.[Pg 159]

In like manner were the inhabitants constituted prisoners, and forced to ransom themselves for large sums of money. In addition, they were driven out of the town, with numbers of women and children, to each of whom were given five sols and part of their cloathing. It was pitiful to see and hear the sorrow of these poor people, thus driven away from their dwellings and property. The priests and clergy were also dismissed; and in regard to the wealth found there, it was immense, and appertained to the king, who distributed it among such as he pleased. Two towers that were very strong, and situated on the side next the sea, held out for ten days after the surrender of the town; but then they surrendered also.

The king of England ordered the greater part of his army home, by way of Calais, under the command of his brother the duke of Clarence and the earl of Warwick. His prisoners and the great booty he had made were sent by sea to England, with his warlike engines. When the king had repaired the walls and ditches of the town he placed in it a garrison[Pg 160] of five hundred men at arms and one thousand archers, under the command of the governor sir John le Blond, knight[29]: he added a very large stock of provision and of warlike stores.

After fifteen days residence in Harfleur, the king of England departed, escorted by two thousand men at arms and about thirteen thousand archers, and numbers of other men, intending to march to Calais. His first quarters were at Fauville[30] and in the adjacent places: then, traversing the country of Caux, he made for the county of Eu. Some of the english light troops came before the town of Eu, in which were several french men at arms, who sallied out to oppose them: in the number was a most valiant man at arms, called Lancelot Pierres, who, having attacked one of the English, was[Pg 161] struck by him with a lance, which piercing the plates of his armour, mortally wounded him in the belly, and being thus wounded, he was killed by the Englishman, to the great grief of the count d'Eu and many of the French.

Thence the king of England marched through Vimeu, with the intent of crossing the river Somme at Blanchetaque, where his predecessor, king Edward, had passed when he gained the battle of Cressy against Philippe de Valois; but learning from his scouts that the French had posted a considerable force to guard that ford, he altered his route, and marched toward Arraines, burning and destroying the whole country, making numbers of prisoners and acquiring a great booty.

On Sunday, the 13th of October, he lodged at Bailleul in Vimeu,—and thence crossing the country, he sent a considerable detachment to gain the pass of the Pont de Remy[31]; but the lord de[Pg 162] Vaucourt, with his children and a great number of men at arms, gallantly defended it against the English. This constrained king Henry to continue his march, and quarter his army at Hangest sur Somme[32] and in the neighbouring villages.

At that time, the lord d'Albreth, constable of France, the marshal Boucicaut, the count de Vendôme grand master of the household, the lord de Dampierre, calling himself admiral of France, the duke d'Alençon, the count de Richemont, with a numerous and gallant chivalry, were in Abbeville. On hearing of the line of march which the king of England was pursuing, they departed thence and went to Corbie and Peronne, with their army near at hand, but dispersed over the country to guard all the fords of the river Somme against the English. The king of England marched from Hangest to Ponthieu[33], passing by Amiens, and fixed his quarters at Boves,[Pg 163] then at Herbonnieres, Vauville[34], Bainviller, the French marching on the opposite bank of the Somme.

At length the English crossed that river on the morrow of St Luke's day, by the ford between Betencourt and Voyenne[35], which had not been staked by those of St Quentin as they had been ordered by the king of France. The english army were quartered at Monchy la Gache[36], near the river of Miraumont; and the lords of France, with their forces, retired to Bapaume and the adjacent parts.[Pg 164]

CHAP. XXX.

THE KING OF FRANCE AND SEVERAL OF THE PRINCES OF THE BLOOD ROYAL HOLD A COUNCIL AT ROUEN, AND RESOLVE ON FIGHTING THE ENGLISH.

While these things were passing, the king of France and the duke of Acquitaine came to Rouen, and on the 30th day of October a council was held to consider how they should best act, in regard to opposing the king of England. There were present at this council the king of Sicily, the dukes of Berry and Brittany, the count de Ponthieu, youngest son to the king of France, the chancellors of France and of Acquitaine, with other able advisers, to the amount of thirty-five persons.

When the matter had been fully discussed in the king's presence, it was resolved by thirty of the said counsellors, that the king of England should be combated. The minority of five gave substantial reasons against fighting the english army at the time they had fixed on;[Pg 165] but the opinion of the majority prevailed. The king of France instantly sent his commands to the constable, and to his other captains, to collect incontinently as large a force as they could, and give battle to the king of England. Orders were likewise dispatched through every part of the realm for all noblemen accustomed to bear arms to hasten day and night to the constable's army wherever it might be.

The duke of Acquitaine had a great desire to join the constable, although his father had forbidden him; but, by the persuasions of the king of Sicily and the duke of Berry, he was prevailed on to give it up.

The different lords now hastened with all speed to unite their men to the army of the constable, who, on his approach toward Artois, sent the lord de Montgaugier to announce to the count de Charolois, only son of the duke of Burgundy, the positive orders he had received to give battle to the English, and to entreat him most affectionately, in the king's and constable's name, to make one of the party.[Pg 166]

The lord de Montgaugier met the count de Charolois at Arras, and was well received by him and his courtiers. When he had explained the cause of his coming to the count in presence of his council, the lords des Robais and de la Viefville, his principal ministers, replied, that the count would make sufficient haste to be present at the ensuing battle, and on this they parted. Now although the count de Charolois most anxiously desired to combat the English, and though his said ministers gave him to understand that he should be present, they had received from the duke of Burgundy express orders to the contrary, and they were commanded, under pain of his highest displeasure, not to suffer him to go on any account. In consequence, to draw him farther off, they carried him from Arras to Aire. To this place the constable sent again to request his support; and Montjoy, king at arms, was dispatched to him with a similar request from the king of France. However, matters were managed otherwise by his ministers: and they even contrived to keep him secretly in the[Pg 167] castle of Aire, that he might not know when the day of the battle was fixed. Notwithstanding this, the greater part of the officers of his household, well knowing that a battle must be near at hand, set out unknown to him, to join the French in the ensuing combat with the English. The count de Charolois therefore remained with the young lord d'Antoing and his ministers, who at last, to appease him, were forced to avow the positive orders they had received, not to permit him to be present at the battle. This angered him very much; and, as I have been told, he withdrew to his chamber in tears.

We must now return to the king of England, whom we left at Monche la Gache. He thence marched toward Ancre[37], and quartered himself at Forceville[38], and his army at Cheu and the adjacent parts. On the morrow, which was Wednesday, he marched near to Lu[Pg 168]cheux[39] and was quartered at Bouvieres l'Escaillon; but his uncle the duke of York who commanded the van division, was lodged at Fienench, on the river Canche: it is true that this night the English were quartered much apart, in seven or eight different villages.

They were, however, no way interrupted; for the French had advanced, to be beforehand with them at St Pol and on the river Aunun. On the Thursday, the king of England dislodged from Bouvieres, and marched in handsome array to Blangy[40]: when he had there crossed the river, and ascended the heights, his scouts saw the French advancing in large bodies of men at arms to quarter themselves at Rousianville and Azincourt, to be ready to combat the English on the ensuing day.

On this Thursday, Philip count de Nevers, on his return from a reconnoitring party about vespers, was knighted by Boucicaut marshal of France, and with him many other great lords received[Pg 169] that honour. Shortly after, the constable arrived near to Azincourt; and the whole french army, being then formed into one body, was encamped on the plain, each man under his banner, excepting those of low degree, who lodged themselves as well as they could in the adjoining villages.

The king of England quartered his army at a small village called Maisoncelles, about three bow-shots distant from the enemy. The French, with all the royal officers, namely, the constable, the marshal Boucicaut, the lord de Dampierre and sir Clugnet de Brabant, each styling himself admiral of France, the lord de Rambures, master of the cross-bows, with many other princes, barons and knights, planted their banners, with loud acclamations of joy, around the royal banner of the constable, on the spot they had fixed upon, and which the English must pass on the following day, on their march to Calais.

Great fires were this night lighted near to the banner under which each person was to fight; but although the French[Pg 170] were full one hundred and fifty thousand strong, with a prodigious number of waggons and carts, containing cannon and all other military stores, they had but little music to cheer their spirits; and it was remarked, with surprise, that scarcely any of their horses neighed during the night, which was considered by many as a bad omen.

The English, during the whole night, played on their trumpets, and various other instruments, insomuch that the whole neighbourhood resounded with their music; and notwithstanding they were much fatigued and oppressed by cold, hunger, and other discomforts, they made their peace with God, by confessing their sins with tears, and numbers of them taking the sacrament; for, as it was related by some prisoners, they looked for certain death on the morrow.

The duke of Orleans sent, in the night-time, for the count de Richemonte, who commanded the duke of Acquitaine's men and the Bretons, to join him; and when this was done, they amounted to about two hundred men at arms and ar[Pg 171]chers, they advanced near to the quarters of the English, who suspecting they meant to surprise them, drew up in battle array, and a smart skirmish took place. The duke of Orleans and several others were, on this occasion, knighted, but the action did not last long,—and the French retired to their camp,—and nothing more was done that night.

The duke of Brittany was, at this time, come from Rouen, to Amiens, to join the French with six thousand men, if the battle had been delayed until the Saturday. In like manner, the marshal de Longny was hastening to their aid with six hundred men. He was quartered that night only six leagues from the main army, and had set out very early the following morning to join them.[Pg 172]

CHAP. XXXI.

THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH MEET IN BATTLE ON THE PLAINS OF AZINCOURT. THE ENGLISH GAIN THE VICTORY.

On the ensuing day, which was Friday the 25th of October, in the year 1415, the constable and all the other officers of the king of France, the dukes of Orleans, Bourbon, Bar and Alençon; the counts de Nevers, d'Eu, de Richemonte, de Vendôme, de Marle, de Vaudemont, de Blaumonte, de Salines, de Grand Pré, de Roussy, de Dampmartin, and in general all the other nobles and men at arms, put on their armour and sallied out of their quarters. Then, by the advice of the constable and others of the king of France's council, the army was formed into three divisions, the vanguard, the main body, and the rearguard. The van consisted of about eight thousand helmets, knights, and esquires, four thousand archers, and fifteen hundred cross-bows.

This was commanded by the constable, having with him the dukes of Or[Pg 173]leans and Bourbon, the counts d'Eu and de Richemonte, the marshal Boucicaut, the master of the cross-bows, the lord de Dampierre admiral of France, sir Guichart Dauphin, and some others. The count de Vendôme, and others of the king's officers were to form a wing of fifteen hundred men at arms, to fall on the right flank of the English; and another wing, under the command of sir Clugnet de Brabant admiral of France, sir Louis Bourdon and eight hundred picked men at arms, was to attack the left flank: with this last were included, to break in on the english archers, sir William de Saveuses, with his brothers sir Hector and sir Philippe, Ferry de Mailly, Aliaume de Gaspammes, Allain de Vendôme, Lamont de Launoy, and many more.

The main battalion was composed of an equal number of knights, esquires, and archers as the van, and commanded by the dukes of Bar and Alençon, the counts de Nevers, de Vaudemont, de Blaumont, de Salines, de Grand-pré, and de Roussy.

The rear guard consisted of the surplus of men at arms, under the orders[Pg 174] of the counts de Marle, de Dampmartin, de Fauquembergh, and the lord de Louvroy, governor of Ardres, who had led thither the garrisons on the frontiers of the Boulonois.

When these battalions were all drawn up, it was a grand sight to view; and they were, on a hasty survey, estimated to be more than six times the number of the English. After they had been thus arranged, they seated themselves by companies as near to their own banners as they could, to wait the coming of the enemy; and while they refreshed themselves with food, they made up all differences that might before have existed between any of them. In this state they remained until between nine and ten o'clock in the morning, no way doubting, from their numbers, but the English must fall an easy prey to them. Some, however, of the wisest of them had their fears, and dreaded the event of an open battle.

The English on that morning, perceiving that the French made no advances to attack them, refreshed themselves with meat and drink. After calling on[Pg 175] the divine aid against the French, who seemed to despise them, they dislodged from Maisoncelles, and sent some of their light troops in the rear of the town of Azincourt, where, not finding any men at arms, in order to alarm the French, they set fire to a barn and house belonging to the priory of St George at Hesdin. On the other hand, the king of England dispatched about two hundred archers to the rear of his army, with orders to enter the village of Tramecourt[41] secretly, and to post themselves in a field near the van of the French, there to remain quiet until it should be a proper time for them to use their bows. The rest of the English remained with king Henry, and were shortly after drawn up in battle array by sir Thomas Erpinghan; a knight grown grey with age and honour, who placed the archers in front, and the men at arms behind them. He then formed two wings of men at [Pg 176]arms and archers, and posted the horses with the baggage in the rear.

Each archer planted before himself a stake sharpened at both ends.

Sir Thomas, in the name of the king, exhorted them all most earnestly to defend their lives, and thus saying he rode along their ranks attended by two persons. When all was done to his satisfaction, he flung into the air a truncheon which he held in his hand, crying out, 'Nestrocque[42]!' and then dismounted, as the king and the others had done. When the English saw sir Thomas throw up his truncheon, they set up a loud shout, to the very great astonishment of the French.

The English seeing the enemy not inclined to advance, marched toward them in handsome array, and with repeated huzzas, occasionally stopping to recover their breath. The archers, who were hidden in the field, re-echoed these shoutings, at the same time discharging their bows, while the english army kept advancing upon the French.

Their archers, amounting to at least[Pg 177] thirteen thousand, let off a shower of arrows, with all their might, and as high as possible, so as not to lose their effect: they were, for the most part, without any armour, and in jackets, with their hose loose, and hatchets or swords hanging to their girdles: some indeed were barefooted and without hats.

The princes with the king of England were the duke of York, his uncle, the earls of Dorset, Oxford, Suffolk, the earl marshal, the earl of Kent, the lords Cambre, Beaumont, Willoughby, sir John de Cornewall, and many other powerful barons of England.

When the French observed the English thus advance, they drew up each under his banner, with his helmet on his head: they were, at the same time, admonished by the constable, and others of the princes, to confess their sins with sincere contrition, and to fight boldly against the enemy. The English loudly sounded their trumpets as they approached; and the French stooped to prevent the arrows hitting them on the vizors of their helmets; thus the distance was now[Pg 178] but small between the two armies, although the French had retired some paces: before, however, the general attack commenced, numbers of the French were slain and severely wounded by the English bowmen.

At length the English gained on them so much, and were so close, that excepting the front line, and such as had shortened their lances, the enemy could not raise their hands against them. The division under sir Clugnet de Brabant, of eight hundred men at arms, who were intended to break through the English archers, were reduced to seven score, who vainly attempted it. True it is, that sir William de Saveuses, who had been also ordered on this service, quitted his troop, thinking they would follow him, to attack the English, but he was shot dead from off his horse. The others had their horses so severely handled by the archers, that, smarting from pain, they galloped on the van division, and threw it into the utmost confusion, breaking the line in many places. The horses were become unmanageable, so that[Pg 179] horses and riders were tumbling on the ground, and the whole army was thrown into disorder, and forced back on some lands that had been just sown with corn. Others, from fear of death, fled; and this caused so universal a panic in the army that great part followed the example.

The English took instant advantage of the disorder in the van division, and, throwing down their bows, fought lustily with swords, hatchets, mallets and bill-hooks, slaying all before them. Thus they came to the second battalion, that had been posted in the rear of the first; and the archers followed close king Henry and his men at arms. Duke Anthony of Brabant, who had just arrived in obedience to the summons of the king of France, threw himself with a small company (for, to make greater haste, he had pushed forward, leaving the main body of his men behind), between the wreck of the van and the second division; but he was instantly killed by the English, who kept advancing and slaying, with[Pg 180]out mercy, all that opposed them, and thus destroyed the main battalion as they had done the first. They were, from time to time, relieved by their varlets, who carried off the prisoners; for the English were so intent on victory, that they never attended to making prisoners, nor pursuing such as fled.

The whole rear division being on horseback, witnessing the defeat of the two others, began to fly, excepting some of its principal chiefs.

During the heat of the combat, when the English had gained the upper hand and made several prisoners, news was brought to king Henry, that the French were attacking his rear, and had already captured the greater part of his baggage and sumpter-horses. This was indeed true, for Robinet de Bournouville, Rifflart de Clamasse, Ysambart d'Azincourt, and some other men at arms, with about six hundred peasants, had fallen upon and taken great part of the king's baggage, and a number of horses while the guard was occupied in the battle. This distressed the king very[Pg 181] much, for he saw that though the french army had been routed they were collecting on different parts of the plain in large bodies, and he was afraid they would renew the battle. He therefore caused instant proclamation to be made by sound of trumpet, that every one should put his prisoners to death, to prevent them from aiding the enemy, should the combat be renewed. This caused an instantaneous and general massacre of the french prisoners, occasioned by the disgraceful conduct of Robinet de Bournouville, Ysambart d'Azincourt, and the others, who were afterward punished for it, and imprisoned a very long time by duke John of Burgundy, notwithstanding they had made a present to the count de Charolois of a most precious sword, ornamented with diamonds, that had belonged to the king of England. They had taken this sword, with other rich jewels, from king Henry's baggage[43],—and had made this present, that, in case[Pg 182] they should at any time be called to an account for what they had done, the count might stand their friend.

The count de Marle, the count de Fauquembergh, the lords de Louvroy and du Chin, had with some difficulty retained about six hundred men at arms, with whom they made a gallant charge on the English; but it availed nothing, for they were all killed or made prisoners. There were other small bodies of French on different parts of the plain; but they were soon routed, slain or taken.

The conclusion was a complete victory on the part of the king of England, who only lost about sixteen hundred men of all ranks: among the slain was the duke of York, uncle to the king. On the eve of this battle, and the following morning, before it began, there were upwards of five hundred knights made by the French.

When the king of England found himself master of the field of battle, and that the French, excepting such as had been killed or taken, were flying in all directions, he made the circuit of the[Pg 183] plain, attended by his princes; and while his men were employed in stripping the dead, he called to him the french herald Montjoye king at arms, and with him many other french and English heralds, and said to them, 'It is not we who have made this great slaughter, but the omnipotent God, and, as we believe, for a punishment of the sins of the French.'

He then asked Montjoye, to whom the victory belonged: to him, or to the king of France. Montjoye replied, that the victory was his, and could not be claimed by the king of France. The king then asked the name of the castle he saw near him: he was told, it was called Azincourt. 'Well then,' added he, 'since all battles should bear the names of the fortress nearest to the spot where they were fought, this battle shall from henceforth bear the ever-durable name of Azincourt.'

The English remained a considerable time on the field, and seeing they were delivered from their enemies, and that night was approaching, they retreated in[Pg 184] a body to Maisoncelles, where they had lodged the preceding night: they again fixed their quarters there, carrying with them many of their wounded. After they had quitted the field of battle, several of the French, half dead and wounded, crawled away into an adjoining wood, or to some villages, as well as they could, where many expired.

On the morrow, very early, king Henry dislodged with his army from Maisoncelles, and returned to the field of battle: all the French they found there alive were put to death or made prisoners. Then, pursuing their road toward the sea-coast, they marched away: three parts of the army were on foot sorely fatigued with their efforts in the late battle, and greatly distressed by famine and other wants. In this manner did the king of England return, without any hindrance, to Calais, rejoicing at his great victory, and leaving the French in the utmost distress and consternation at the enormous loss they had suffered.[Pg 185]

CHAP. XXXII.

THE NAMES OF THE PRINCES, AND OTHER LORDS FROM DIVERS COUNTRIES, WHO PERISHED AT THIS UNFORTUNATE BATTLE, AND OF THOSE WHO WERE MADE PRISONERS.

Here follow the names of those lords and gentlemen who were slain at the battle of Azincourt, on the side of the French.

We shall begin with the king's officers: the lord Charles d'Albreth, constable of France, the marshal Boucicaut, carried a prisoner to England, where he died, sir James de Chastillon lord de Dampierre, admiral of France, the lord de Rambures master of the cross-bows, sir Guichard Daulphin master of the king's household.

Of the princes were, duke Anthony of Brabant, brother to the duke of Burgundy, Edward duke of Bar, the duke d'Alençon, the count de Nevers, brother to the duke of Burgundy, sir Robert de Bar, count de Marle, the count de Vaudemont, John[Pg 186] brother to the duke of Bar, the count de Blaumont, the count de Grand-pré, the count de Roussy, the count de Fauquenberghe, sir Louis de Bourbon, son to the lord de Préaux.

The names of other great lords as well from Picardy as elsewhere: the vidame of Amiens, the lord de Croy, and his son sir John de Croy, the lords de Helly, d'Auxi, de Brimeu, de Poix, l'Estendart lord de Crequi, the lord de Lauvroy, sir Vitart de Bours, sir Philippe d'Auxi, lord de Dampierre bailiff of Amiens, his son the lord de Raineval, his brother sir Allain, the lord de Mailly and his eldest son the lord d'Inchy, sir William de Saveuses, the lord de Neufville and his son the castellan of Lens, sir John de Moreul, sir Rogue de Poix, sir John de Bethune lord of Moreul in Brie, sir Symon de Craon lord de Clarsy, the lord de Rocheguyon, and his brother the vidame de Launois, the lord de Galigny, the lord d'Aliegre in Auvergne, the lord de Bauffremont in Champagne, sir James de Heu, the lord de Saint Bris, Philippe de Fosseux, sir Regnault de[Pg 187] Crequy, lord de Comptes, and his son sir Philippe, the lord de Mannes and his brother Lancelot, Mahieu and John de Humieres, brothers, sir Louis de Beausault, the lord de Ront, sir Raoul de Manne, sir Oudart de Renty and two of his brothers, the lord d'Applincourt and his son sir James, sir Louis de Guistelle, the lord de Vaurin and his son the lord de Lidequerke, sir James de Lescuelle, the lord de Hames, the lord de Hondescocte, the lord de Pulchres, sir John Baleul, sir Raoul de Flandres, sir Collart de Fosseux, the lord de Roissimbos and his brother Louis de Boussy, the lord de Thiennes, the lord d'Azincourt and his son, sir Hustin Kieret, le bègue de Caien and his brother Payen, the lord de Varigines, the lord d'Auffemont and his son sir Raulequin, sir Raoul de Neele, the lord de St Crêpin, the viscount de Quesnes, sir Pierre de Beauvoir, bailiff of the Vermandois, sir John de Lully and his brother sir Griffon, the lord de St Symon and his brother Gallois, Collart de la Porte, lord of Bellincourt, sir Yvain de Cramailles, the lord de[Pg 188] Cerny in the Laonnois, sir Drieu d'Orgiers, lord de Bethencourt, sir Gobert de la Bove, lord de Savoisy, the lord de Becqueville and his son sir John Marthel, the lord d'Utrecht, the seneschal d'Eu, the lord de la Riviere de Tybouville, the lord de Courcy, the lord de St Beuve, the lord de Beau-mainnil, the lord de Combouchis, the lord de la Heuse, the lord Viesport, sir Bertrand Painel, the lord Chambois, the lord de St Cler, the lord de Montcheveul, the lord d'Ouffreville, sir Enguerrand de Fontaines and his brother sir Charles, sir Almaury de Craon lord de Brolay, the lord de Montejan, the lord de la Haye, the lord de l'Isle Bouchart, sir John de Craon, lord de Montbason, the lord de Bueuil, the lord de Laumont sur Loire, sir Anthony de Craon, lord de Beau Vergier, the lord d'Asse, the lord de la Tour, the lord de l'Isle Gonnort, sir John de Dreux, sir Germain de Dreux, the viscount de Tremblay, sir Robert de Bouvay, sir Robert de Challus, sir John de Bonnebault, the lord de Mongaugier, sir John de Valcourt, the lord de Sainteron, sir Ferry de Sardonne, sir Peter d'Argie, sir Henry[Pg 189] d'Ornay, the lord des Roches, sir John de Montenay, the lord de Bethencourt, the lord de Combourt, the viscount de la Belliere, the lord de la Tute, sir Bertrand de Montauban, Bertrand de St Gille, seneschal of Hainault, the lord de la Hamecte, the lord du Quesnoy, the lord de Montigny, the lord de Quiervran, the lord de Jumont, the lord de Chin, sir Symon de Havrech, the lord de Poctes, sir John de Gres, sir Allemand d'Estaussines, sir Philippe de Lens and sir Henry, brothers to the bishop of Cambray, sir Michel du Chastellier and his brother Guillaume de Vaudripont, Ernoul de Vaudrigien, Pierre de Molin, Jean de Buait, George de Quiervran and his brother Henry, the lord de Saures, sir Briffault his brother, le Baudrain d'Aisne knight, sir Maillart d'Azouville, Palamedes des Marquais, the lord de Bousincourt, the lord de Fresencourt, the lord de Vallusant, the lord de Hectrus, Guernier de Brusquent, the lord de Moy in the Beauvoisis, his son Gamot de Bournouville and his brother Bertrand, Louvelet de Massinguehen and his brother, sir[Pg 190] Collart de Phiennes, Alain de Vendôme, Lamont de Launoy, sir Colinet de St Py, the lord de Bos d'Ancquin, Lancelot de Fremeusent, the lord d'Aumont, sir Robinet de Vaucoux, sir Raisse de Moncaurel, sir Lancelot de Clary, the lord de la Rachie, sir Guerard d'Herbaines, sir Guerard de Haucourt, sir Robert de Montigny, sir Charles de Montigny, sir Charles de Chastillon, Philippe de Poitiers, the lord de Feuldes, the lord de St Pierre, Guillaume Fortescu, Burel de Guerames, Robert de Potiaumes, the son to the bailiff of Rouen, the provost to the marshals of France. Bertrand de Belloy, Jacques de Han, the lord de Baisir and Martel du Vauhuon his brother, Jean de Maletraicts, Raoul de Ferrieres, Raoul de Longeul knight, Henry de la Lande, sir Ernault de Corbie, lord d'Aniel, Jean Discoüevelle, sir Yvain de Beauval, sir Brunel Fretel, le Baudrain de Belloy knight, sir Regnault d'Azincourt, the governor of the county of Rethel, Ponce de Salus knight, lord of Chastel-neuf, the lord de Marquectes, Symmonet de Morviller, Foleville, butler to the duke[Pg 191] of Acquitaine, Gallois de Fougiers, sir Lancelot de Rubemprè, Lyonnet Torbis, the lord de Boissay, Anthony d'Ambrine, sir Hector de Chartres the younger and his two brothers, Tauppinet de la Nefville, Thibault de Fay, the lord de Beauvoir sur Autre, Hue des Autels, the lord de Caucroy and his brother Eustace d'Aubrunes, Lancelot de Couchy, Jean de Launoy, sir Collart de Monbertant, sir Charles Boutry, sir Guy Gourle, with John Gourle his brother, le Bon de Sains, Anthony de Broly, Guillaume de Villers, lord d'Urendone, Floridas du Souys, the lord de Regnauville, Baughois de la Beuvriere, and his brother Gamart, le Plontre de Gerboal, Pierre Aloyer, Percival de Richebourg, the lord de Fiefes and his son the bègue de Quenoulles, Godfrey de St Marc, the lord de Teneques, the lord de Herlin, Symon de Monchiaux, sir Maillet de Gournay and his brother Porus, Jean de Noyelle, Pierre de Noyelle and Lancelot de Noyelle, sir Carnel de Hangiers, Jean d'Authville lord de Vaverans, Regnault de Guerbauval, William lord de Rin, Pierre Remy, Sausset d'Eusne,[Pg 192] the Lord de Haucourt in Cambresis, sir Guichard d'Ausne, the lord de Raisse, the lord d'Espaigny, the lord de Cheppon, Jean de Chaule lord of Bretigny, Jean de Blausel, Guillebert de Gubauval, Haudin de Beleval, sir Guerard de Hauressis, sir Louis de Vertain, sir Estourdy d'Ongines with his brother Bertrand, sir Henry de Boissy lord of Caule, sir Arthur de Moy, the borgne de Noaille, sir Floridas de Moreul, sir Tristrain de Moy, sir Bridoul de Puiveurs, the lord de Verneul, Langhois de Guerbauval, the viscount de Dommart, Ponchon de la Tour, Godfrey de Prouville.

In short, the numbers of persons, including princes, knights, and men of every degree, slain that day, amounted to upward of ten thousand, according to the estimates of heralds and other able persons.

The bodies of the greater part were carried away by their friends after the departure of the English, and buried where it was agreeable to them.

Of these ten thousand, it was supposed only sixteen hundred were of low[Pg 193] degree; the rest all gentlemen; for in counting the princes, there were one hundred and six score banners destroyed.

During the battle, the duke of Alençon most valiantly broke through the english line, and advanced, fighting, near to the king,—insomuch that he wounded and struck down the duke of York: king Henry, seeing this, stepped forth to his aid; and as he was leaning down to raise him, the duke of Alençon gave him a blow on the helmet that struck off part of his crown. The king's guards on this surrounded him, when, seeing he could no way escape death but by surrendering, he lifted up his arm, and said to the king, 'I am the duke of Alençon and yield myself to you;' but, as the king was holding out his hand to receive his pledge, he was put to death by the guards.

At this period, the lord de Longny marshal of France, as I have said, was hastening, with six hundred men at arms attached to the king of Sicily, to join the French, and was within one league of them, when he met many wounded[Pg 194] and more running away, who bade him return, for that the lords of France were all slain or made prisoners by the English. In consequence, Longny, with grief at heart and in despair, went to the king of France at Rouen.

It was supposed, that about fifteen hundred knights and gentlemen were this day made prisoners: the names of the principal are, Charles duke of Orleans, the duke of Bourbon, the count d'Eu, the count de Vendôme, the count de Richemont, sir James de Harcourt, sir John de Craon lord of Dommart, the lord de Humieres, the lord de Roye, the lord de Cauny, sir Boors Quieret lord of Heuchin, sir Peter Quieret lord of Hamecourt, the lord de Ligne in Hainault, the lord de Noyelle, surnamed le Chevalier Blanc, Baudo his son, the young lord of Inchy, sir John de Vaucourt, sir Actis de Brimeu, sir Jennet de Poix, the eldest son and heir to the lord de Ligne, sir Gilbert de Launoy, the lord d'Ancob in Ternois.[Pg 195]

CHAP. XXXIII.

ON THE DEPARTURE OF THE ENGLISH, MANY FRENCHMEN VISIT THE FIELD OF BATTLE TO SEEK THEIR FRIENDS, WHOM THEY BURY,—AND OTHER MATTERS.

When the king of England had on this Saturday begun his march toward Calais, many of the French returned to the field of battle, where the bodies had been turned over more than once, some to seek for their lords, and carry them to their own countries for burial,—others to pillage what the English had left. King Henry's army had only taken gold, silver, rich dresses, helmets, and what was of value; for which reason, the greater part of the armour was untouched and on the dead bodies; but it did not long remain thus, for it was very soon stripped off, and even the shirts, and all other parts of their dress were carried away by the peasants of the adjoining villages.

The bodies were left exposed as naked as when they came into the world. On[Pg 196] the Saturday, Sunday, Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday, the corpses of many princes were well washed and raised, namely, the dukes of Brabant, Bar and Alençon, the counts de Nevers, de Blaumont, de Vaudemont, de Faulquemberge the lord de Dampierre, admiral, sir Charles d'Albreth, constable, and buried in the church of the Friars Minors at Hesdin. Others were carried by their servants, some to their own countries, and others to different churches. All who were recognised were taken away, and buried in the churches of their manors.

When Philippe count de Charolois heard of the unfortunate and melancholy disaster of the French, he was in great grief, more especially for the death of his two uncles, the duke of Brabant and count de Nevers. Moved by compassion, he caused all that had remained exposed on the field of battle to be interred, and commissioned the abbot de Roussianville and the bailiff of Aire to have it done. They measured out a square of twenty-five yards, wherein were dug three trenches twelve feet wide[Pg 197] in which were buried, by an account kept, five thousand eight hundred men. It was not known how many had been carried away by their friends, nor what number of the wounded had died in hospitals, towns, villages, and even in the adjacent woods; but, as I have before said, it must have been very great.

This square was consecrated as a burying ground by the bishop of Guines, at the command and as procurator of Louis de Luxembourg, bishop of Therounne. It was surrounded by a strong hedge of thorns, to prevent wolves or dogs from entering it, and tearing up and devouring the bodies.

In consequence of this sad event, some learned clerks of the realm made the following verses:[Pg 198]

'A chief by dolorous mischance oppress'd,
A prince who rules by arbitrary will,
A royal house by discord sore distress'd,
A council, prejudic'd and partial still,
Subjects by prodigality brought low,
Will fill the land with beggars, well we trow.

Nobles made noble in dame Nature's spite
While humble commoners forego their right
And the harsh yoke of proud oppression feel:
Thus, while the people mourn, the public woe
Will fill the land with beggars, well we trow.

Ah feeble woe! whose impotent commands
Thy very vassals boldly dare despise:
Ah helpless monarch! whose enervate hands
And wavering counsels dare no high emprize:
Thy hapless reign will cause our tears to flow,
And fill the land with beggars, well we trow[44].'

I shall here add the names of such principal persons as escaped death or imprisonment in consequence of this battle.

First, the count de Dampmartin, lord de la Riviere, sir Clugnet de Brabant, styling himself admiral of France, sir Louis Bourdon, sir Galiot de Gaules, sir John d'Engennes.[Pg 199]

CHAP. XXXIV.

KING HENRY EMBARKS AT CALAIS FOR ENGLAND, WHERE HE IS JOYFULLY RECEIVED ON HIS LATE SUCCESSES.—THE COUNT DE LA MARCHE GOES TO ITALY.

On the 6th day of November, when king Henry had refreshed his army in Calais, and when those prisoners who at Harfleur had promised to meet him there were arrived, he embarked for Dover. The sea on his passage was very rough, so that two vessels full of sir John de Cornewall's men were in great danger; and some of the fleet were driven to different parts in Zealand, but none of them were lost.

The king of England, on his return home from such a victory, and his conquest of Harfleur, was most joyfully received by the nobles, clergy, and all ranks of men: he proceeded to London, accompanied by the french princes his prisoners. A little before this unfortunate battle, sir James de Bourbon, count de la Marche,[Pg 200] had gone to Italy, magnificently attended, and had married queen Johanna of Naples, and thus acquired the kingdoms of Sicily and Naples: indeed, he for some time held quiet possession of them. He appointed sir Lourdin de Salligny his constable; and one of his captains was sir Here de Bruneul, lord de Thiembronne.

CHAP. XXXV.

THE KING OF FRANCE AND HIS PRINCES ARE MUCH GRIEVED ON HEARING THE MELANCHOLY EVENT OF THE BATTLE OF AZINCOURT.—OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY,—AND OTHER MATTERS.

When news was brought to Rouen of the unfortunate loss of the battle of Azincourt, and the deaths of so many noble persons, the king of France and the princes with him were in the utmost consternation and grief. Nevertheless, within a very few days, at a council held in the presence of the king, the dukes of Acquitaine, Berry, and Brittany, the count de Ponthieu his youngest son, and some of[Pg 201] his ministers, the count d'Armagnac was nominated constable of France, and orders were dispatched to him in Languedoc, for him instantly to come to the king.

Duke John of Burgundy was in that duchy when he heard of the defeat and loss of the French. He, like the others, was much grieved thereat, particularly for the death of his two brothers, the duke of Brabant and the count de Nevers. Notwithstanding his sorrow, he made preparation to march a large force of men at arms to Paris without delay; but as the report of his intentions had reached the king at Rouen, he, with the princes, hastened to return thither before the duke should arrive, and came there on the eve of St Catherine's day.

In company with the duke of Burgundy were the duke of Lorraine and ten thousand men.

The Parisians, suspecting the object of the duke in this expedition, sent a solemn embassy to the queen of France at Melun, where she lay dangerously ill; but, in consequence of the information[Pg 202] she received, she caused herself to be carried in a litter to Paris, where she was lodged in the hôtel d'Orleans with the duchess of Acquitaine, daughter to the duke of Burgundy.

True it is, that the Parisians, and some of the king's ministers who had been favourable to the Orleans faction, against that of Burgundy, were very much alarmed, because the duke had in his company many who had been banished France, such as sir Helion de Jacqueville, sir Robinet de Mailly, master Eustace de Lactre, master John de Troyes, Caboche, Denisot de Chaumont, Garnot de Sanction and several more. They therefore prevailed on the king and the duke of Acquitaine to order sir Clugnet de Brabant, the lord de Barbasan and the lord de Bocquiaux, to hasten to Paris with a sufficient body of men at arms for its defence, [Pg 203]and for the security of the duke of Acquitaine.

The count d'Armagnac was again commanded to push forward to Paris as speedily as possible, and with as many men at arms as he could raise.

The duke of Burgundy, on his march thither, passed through Troyes and Provins, to Meaux in Brie, where he was refused admittance by orders from the duke of Acquitaine and the council, who had written to the governor on no account to suffer him to enter the town, which displeased him much. Upon this he proceeded to Lagny sur Marne, and quartered himself in the town, and his men in the country around, which suffered severely from them.

On the other hand, many captains had raised their forces in Picardy, namely, sir Martelet de Mesnil, Ferry de Mailly, the brothers Hector and Philippe de Saveuses, sir Mauroy de St Leger, sir Payen de Beaufort, Louis de Varigines, and others. They despoiled all the country they marched through by Pont St Mard to Lagny, whither the duke of Burgundy had summoned them. His army was so much increased that it now amounted to twenty thousand horse.

The king of Sicily, knowing that he was not beloved by the duke of Burgundy for having sent back his daughter,[Pg 204] left Paris in an ill state of health, and went to Angers; but before his departure, he was desirous of submitting their differences to the king and his council, provided he should be heard in his defence. The duke of Burgundy would not listen to his proposal, and returned for answer, to those who had brought the offer, that for the wrongs and disgrace the king of Sicily had done to him and his daughter, he would have his revenge when time and opportunity should serve.

While he remained at Lagny sur Marne, he sent to the king and council at Paris, sir John de Luxembourg, the lord de St George, and other able counsellors, to explain fully the cause of his coming, and to request that he and his men might be admitted peaceably into Paris for the security of his royal person. No other reply was made to this, but that the king would shortly send an answer to their lord the duke of Burgundy. John de Vailly, president of the parliament, with others of the council were dispatched to the duke; but after various embassies and conferences, he could not prevail on[Pg 205] the king or the Parisians to admit him into the capital. They told him, that if he would consent to enter Paris simply as the duke of Burgundy, with his usual attendants, the king and council would not object to it; but this the duke would not do, for he knew that those who governed the king were his mortal enemies, and he would not trust his person with them.

CHAP. XXXVI.

THE PARISIANS AND MEMBERS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS WAIT ON THE DUKE OF ACQUITAINE TO PROPOSE CERTAIN MEASURES OF PUBLIC SAFETY. THE DEATH OF THE DUKE OF ACQUITAINE.—THE ARRIVAL OF THE CONSTABLE IN PARIS.

The Parisians, and principally those of the university, seeing the discords and quarrels daily increase between the princes of the blood, to the ruin and the overturning of the kingdom, and the destruction[Pg 206] of the people, went one day in a body to the duke of Acquitaine; and in the presence of the duke of Berry, the count de Penthievre, and several nobles and prelates, demanded an audience, and liberty to state their grievances. Having obtained this, the first president of the parliament began an oration, choosing for his text, 'Domine salva, nos perimus,' from the gospel of St Matthew: 'Lord save us, or we perish.' He very clearly and eloquently pointed out the various grievances the nation was labouring under, and named several evil doers, who were endeavouring to throw the kingdom into confusion by harrassing and oppressing the people.

When he had ended, the duke of Acquitaine instantly swore, on the word of a king's son, that henceforth all evil doers, whatever might be their rank, should be indiscriminately punished according to their crimes; that justice should be impartially administered, and the clergy and people be maintained in peace.

On this, they departed, perfectly satisfied with the answer of the duke of[Pg 207] Acquitaine; but he had not time to carry his intentions into execution, for a few days after he was seized with a fever, and died on the 18th of December, in the hôtel de Bourbon.

His death occasioned many tears and lamentations among numbers of the nobility, and his servants; and it was reported to have been caused by poison,—for which reason, his body was kept in a leaden coffin four days at the above hôtel. The different orders of clergy came thither to pray beside it; after which, it was carried to St Denis, and interred near to his royal ancestors.

Eight days afterward, the count d'Armagnac, who had been sent for by the council, arrived at Paris to receive the investiture of his constableship, by receiving from the king the sword of constable, and taking the usual solemn oaths. He thanked the king for the high honour he had conferred on him.

The new constable had now a force of six thousand combatants at least, including those whom he found in Paris, and very shortly dispatched Raymonnet[Pg 208] de la Guerre with four hundred helmets to garrison St Denis, and defend it against any attack from the duke of Burgundy. He strengthened in like manner other towns on the Seine, and had all the bridges and ferries destroyed.

The king, at this period, filled up the vacant offices caused by the misfortune at Azincourt, and appointed Jean de Corssay, a native of Berry, master of the cross-bows of France; sir Thomas de Lersies, bailiff of the Vermandois, and the lord de Humbercourt, bailiff of Amiens; the lord d'Aunay, a native of la Rochelle, to the same office at Senlis; sir Mansart d'Asne, bailiff of Vitry, and sir Brunet de Bans to the same at Tournay, with very many others.[Pg 209]

CHAP. XXXVII.

THE DUKE OF BRITTANY ARRIVES AT PARIS. THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY LEAVES LAGNY SUR MARNE.—THE CAPTURE OF SIR MARTELET DU MESNIL AND FERRY DE MAILLY.

The duke of Brittany at this time came to Paris to treat with the king, that the duke of Burgundy with his army might march into Brittany, but he was unsuccessful. Before he departed from Paris, he was violently enraged against sir Taneguy du Châtel, provost of Paris, and abused him much, because he had imprisoned in the Châtelet the minister of the Mathurins, a doctor of theology, for having, in his presence, harangued the populace in favour of the duke of Burgundy. In a few days, however, he gave him his free liberty.

When the duke of Burgundy had remained at Lagny sur Marne six weeks without having been able to prevail on the king and his council to permit him to enter Paris any otherwise than in his[Pg 210] simple state, he marched away to Dampmartin, thence toward Rheims, and through the Laonnois, Tierrache and Cambresis, to the town of Douay, and thence to Lille. He was, all the time, accompanied by a strong body of men at arms, who much oppressed the poor people on their march.

On his departure from Lagny, some of the king's soldiers advanced to Pont à Vaire, and slew and made prisoners many of his men, at which he was highly displeased. From his long residence at Lagny, the Parisians, and others attached to the king, called him, in common conversation, Jean de Lagny. After some short stay at Lille, he went to visit his nephews in Brabant, namely, John and Philip, sons to the late duke Anthony of Brabant, taking with him Philippe Maisne, by whom he governed that country. He appointed officers to those places in the counties of Ligny and St Pol, that had been formerly held by count Waleran de St Pol, maternal grandfather to these children.

When he was returned to Flanders,[Pg 211] he ordered the lord de Fosseux, governor of Picardy, to cause his captains and their men at arms to retire from his territories of Artois and the adjoining lands; and, as many of these captains harrassed the king's subjects, Remonnet de la Guerre, the provost of Compiegne and the lord de Bocquiaux, the king's governor of the Valois, secretly assembled, on the night of the 24th of January, a number of men at arms, and surprised the quarters of sir Martelet du Mesnil and Ferry de Mailly, in the country of Santerre[45], where they had posted full six hundred men among the villages, who made havoc on all the country round about. Excepting such as escaped by flight, they were all slain or made prisoners: among the last were the two captains, sir Martelet du Mesnil and Ferry de Mailly, who were carried to Compiegne.

On the day of the Purification of the Virgin Mary, the said sir Martelet and four other gentlemen, after having[Pg 212] been tortured by the king's officers, were hung on the gibbet of Compiegne; but Ferry de Mailly, through the intercession of friends, obtained his free deliverance.

CHAP. XXXVIII.

THE BISHOP OF ARRAS CAUSES THE SENTENCE THAT HAD BEEN PRONOUNCED AGAINST MASTER JEAN PETIT TO BE REVOKED.—THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY COMES TO PARIS.

In this same year, by the exertions of Martin Poree, doctor in theology, and bishop of Arras, and some other ambassadors from the duke of Burgundy, having sufficient authorities from him, the following judgement was obtained from the council of Constance.

'By the advice of the clergy, in whose name we issue the following sentence. We pronounce and declare, that the suits, judgments, burnings, prohibitions and executions, ordered by the bishop of Paris, against master Jean Petit,[Pg 213] and all consequences that may therefrom have ensued, are null and void, and we now do annul and revoke the same. In regard to the costs that legally attach to this cause, we shall leave them to be taxed on sufficient grounds. In which sentence, I Jourdan bishop of Alba, I Anthony cardinal of Aquileia, I Francis cardinal of Florence, do heartily acquiesce.'

Thus the sentence of the bishop of Paris, against master Jean Petit, was reversed and condemned by the council of Constance, the 15th day of January 1415.

Not long after this, two knights arrived at Paris from the emperor Sigismund, to prepare the lodgings he was to have in that city, and lay in his purveyances. The castle of the Louvre was given to them for this purpose; and on the following Sunday, being Shrove Sunday, the emperor arrived at Paris, attended by about eight hundred horse.

The duke of Berry, the cardinal de Bar, the constable, the chancellor, the provosts of Paris and of the merchants, the sheriffs, and a noble company of the[Pg 214] citizens in handsome state, went to meet him, and he was by them conducted to the Louvre. Some days afterward, he explained to the king and council the cause of his coming, which was to establish union in the whole church: he also made many offers of service to the king and his realm. A doctor of divinity, named master Guerrard Machet, then harangued him in the name of the king of France, with which he was much pleased.

Charles king of France was very sensible of the honour of this visit, and the two monarchs eat frequently together. On the first Sunday in Lent, the king of Sicily and his son-in-law, the count de Ponthieu came to visit the emperor at Paris; and during the emperor's stay there, the highest honour and distinctions were paid him by the king and princes. When many conferences had been holden on the state of the universal church, and on other matters, he set out from Paris on the Wednesday before Palm Sunday, and was accompanied by the king of France[Pg 215] as far as la Chappelle, between Paris and St Denis, where they separated.

The king of Sicily, the duke of Berry, and the cardinal de Bar, attended him to St Denis, where he was most honourably received by the abbot and his clergy. He thence rode to Beauvais: the bishop of the place and the inhabitants had come out to meet him, and the bishop conducted him to his palace, where he was lodged.

The emperor there celebrated Easter, in company with the duke of Milan, uncle to the duke of Orleans, the archbishop of Rheims, and others, ambassadors from the king of France to his adversary the king of England. Leaving Beauvais, he crossed the bridge at St Remy, and went to St Riquier, because the townsmen of Abbeville would not admit his people, although he was in company with ambassadors going to England. From St Riquier he went on a pilgrimage to St Josse, where the abbot and the whole convent came out in procession to meet him, in the same state they would have done had he been king of France. After[Pg 216] offering up his prayers, he made no present to the glorious friend of God saint Josse.

The emperor was clad in armour, having on the pummel of his saddle a montauban hat, and over his armour a robe, on the front and back part of which was an ash-coloured upright cross, with a latin motto round it,—'O how merciful God is!' Most of his attendants were armed, and well mounted; and from St Josse, by way of Estaples, he went to Boulogne, but the townsfolk would not permit him to enter, at which he was so indignant that he would not accept the presents the inhabitants sent to him.

After dining in the suburbs of Boulogne, he went to lie at Calais, whence the governor, the earl of Warwick, had come to meet him, accompanied by men at arms and archers. He was there most honourably entertained, at the expense of the king of England, until the ensuing Wednesday, when he embarked for England.

During the time the emperor was at Paris, he one day went to the court[Pg 217] of parliament, where the presidents and counsellors shewed him every honour, and seated him, as was right, on the royal throne. The advocates then began to plead such causes as were before the court; and among others, was one of a languedocian knight, called William Segnot, respecting the seneschalship of Beaucaire. It was claimed by two persons in right of the king's gift; but sir William proved, that no one could hold that office unless he were a knight. The emperor, hearing this, asked the esquire in latin, if he wished to be a knight; and on his replying in the affirmative, the emperor called for a sword, which being given him, he instantly dubbed the esquire a knight, who by this means obtained the office by sentence of the judges of the parliament. The king and his council, however, when they heard of this, were greatly angered against the judges of the court for having suffered it; for it seemed that this act had been done by the emperor, as having superior authority to the king of France, who, had he been present, would not on any account have[Pg 218] permitted it. It was nevertheless passed over in silence, and no notice taken of it to the emperor.

CHAP. XXXIX.

A HEAVY TAX IS LAID ON THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE BY THE GOVERNMENT, TO THE GREAT DISCONTENT OF THE PARISIANS.—EVENTS THAT HAPPENED IN CONSEQUENCE OF IT.

When the emperor had left Paris, a very heavy impost was laid on all France, by those who governed the king, namely, the queen, the king of Sicily, the duke of Berry and others. The populace, more especially such as were attached to the duke of Burgundy, were very clamorous against these lords; for many of the duke's friends had remained in the city, who were day and night practising on the means of his restoration to the king's favour, and to the government of the realm. To accomplish this, they had advised him to send secretly to Paris some[Pg 219] well-informed and prudent persons, to whom they might resort and have advice in case of need.

In compliance with their request, he sent thither sir Jennet de Poix, Jacques de Fosseux, the lord de St Leger, and Binet d'Auffeu, who brought credential letters, signed by the duke, to those whom he knew to be attached to his party.

The Parisians, having thus entered into a conspiracy under pretence of the severity of the new tax, swore to rise in a body in the afternoon of Good Friday, and make prisoners of all that should oppose them. Their first object was to seize the provost of Paris, and, if he refused to sanction their conduct, they intended to kill him and then seize and confine the king. They were afterward to put to death the queen, the chancellor of France and numberless others, with the queen of Sicily; and after dressing the king of Sicily and the duke of Berry in some old cloaths of the king, and shaving their heads, to carry them through Paris on two lean bullocks, and then[Pg 220] put them to death. The day of action was however put off by some of the conspirators, who said that many of their intended victims might escape on Good Friday, from being at their devotions in and out of Paris, or at confession in the churches, or on pilgrimages, which would prevent them being found at their houses,—and that it would be better to defer the matter until Easter-Day, when they all promised to meet for the above purposes.

This conspiracy was revealed by the wife of Michel Lallier, who sent letters to her lover, Bureau de Dampmartin, advising him to fly instantly from Paris. This he did; but, before his departure, sent information of it to the chancellor, as he was at dinner, who lost no time in hastening to the Louvre, to advise the queen and princes of the blood to save themselves by flight. His council was followed by all except the provost of Paris, who, arming himself and his men, to the number of fifty, suddenly took possession of the market-place, and seized some of the conspirators before they had armed them[Pg 221]selves, in their houses, and imprisoned them in the Châtelet, which so confounded the other conspirators that an end was put to their project.

The provost, being reinforced with men at arms, forced different houses in which he found many gentlemen hidden, who were armed for this massacre. In the number, he seized sir Almeric d'Orgemont, archdeacon of Amiens, dean of Tours and canon of Paris, with one of the presidents of the chamber of accounts and some masters of requests, Robert de Belloy, a very rich draper, the host of the hôtel of the Bear, at the Porte Baudet, and many other considerable persons.

The chancellor sent information of this conspiracy to the constable and marshal of France, then on the confines of Harfleur, who, without delay, dispatched Remonnet de la Guerre, with eight hundred men, to the assistance of the princes in Paris, and concluded a truce with the English in Harfleur, from the 5th day of May to the 2nd day of June.

On Saturday, the 2nd of May, the above-mentioned prisoners were brought to[Pg 222] the market-place and beheaded as traitors; but sir Almeric d'Orgemont, being an ecclesiastic, was, by orders from the council, delivered by the provost of Paris to the dean and chapter of Nôtre Dame, for them to try him: this was soon done; and he was sentenced to perpetual imprisonment on bread and water.

The constable, on the conclusion of the truce, came to Paris, with three hundred men at arms, and, being attended by the provost with a very strong force, detached the iron chains from the streets, and sent them to the bastille, at the same time taking away all armour and offensive weapons from the Parisians.

Louis Bourdon came also to Paris with two hundred men at arms, and was followed by Clugnet de Brabant and the lord de Bosquiaux, governor of Valois, with another considerable body of men at arms. Those in Paris who were friendly to the duke of Burgundy were now in much perplexity, especially such as had been concerned in the late conspiracy; for they were punished without mercy, some publicly beheaded, others drowned[Pg 223] in the Seine. The gentlemen whom the duke of Burgundy had sent to Paris escaped as secretly as they could, and were neither taken nor stopped.

When this business was over, numbers of men at arms were collected in the name of the king, by his ministers, throughout France; and in like manner did the duke of Burgundy, or permitted it to be done by those under him, so that the clergy and poorer sorts of people suffered greatly in various parts of the kingdom,—for there were few who defended them,—and they had no other support but their earnest prayers to God their Creator to take vengeance on their oppressors.

[A.D. 1416.][Pg 224]

CHAP. XL.

THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY ARRIVES IN LONDON.—THE BROTHER TO THE KING OF CYPRUS COMES TO PARIS.—THE DEATH OF THE DUKE OF BERRY.—MANY EMBASSIES TAKE PLACE BETWEEN FRANCE AND ENGLAND.

In the beginning of this year, the emperor of Germany arrived at London; and the king, accompanied by his princes, nobles, great multitudes of the clergy and citizens, went out to meet him. During his stay, every honour was paid to him, and he was treated with great magnificence.

A few days after his arrival, duke William of Hainault came thither also, attended by six hundred horse, to endeavour to make a peace between England and France. Ambassadors likewise arrived at London from various countries, and in the number were one hundred persons from the duke of Burgundy.[Pg 225]

At this same time, the brother to the king of Cyprus, who was count of three cities, came to visit the king of France in Paris. The constable, Charles son to the duke of Bourbon, the provost of Paris, and many more went to meet him; and they escorted him to the presence of the king and queen, who received him most graciously.

On the 16th day of May, Jennet de Poix, Jacques de Fosseux, the lord de St Leger, Binet d'Auffeu, Hue de Sailly, master Philippe de Morvillier, Guillaume Sanguin, and others of the Burgundy faction, were publicly banished at Amiens from the kingdom of France, on suspicion of having been concerned in the late plot against the royal family.

In these days, the duke of Berry, who was now at a very advanced age, was taken ill at his hôtel de Neele in Paris, and was frequently visited by the king his nephew, at that time in perfect health, and by other princes of the blood. Notwithstanding the care of his physicians, he departed this life on the 13th day of June, without leaving a male heir,—so[Pg 226] that the duchy of Berry and county of Poiteu reverted to the crown, and the king gave them to John de Touraine, his eldest son, and godson to the defunct.

The heart of the duke of Berry was interred at St Denis, his bowels in the church of St Pierre-des-Degrez, and his body was carried to Bourges, and there buried in the cathedral church. He left two daughters; the eldest was countess d'Armagnac, mother to Amadeus duke of Savoy, and the youngest was duchess of Bourbon. The duke of Berry had, during his lifetime, given to his nephew and godson John duke of Burgundy, the county of Estampes, on certain conditions. On the duke of Berry's decease, the king appointed his youngest son Charles, afterward Dauphin, to the government of Paris, under the management of his father in law the king of Sicily, and likewise gave him the duchy of Touraine.

The ambassadors from France, who had accompanied the emperor of Germany to England, namely the archbishop[Pg 227] of Rheims, the lord de Gaucourt and others, now returned to the king; but, at the instance of the emperor, the bishop of Norwich and sir Thomas Erpingham, a knight of great renown, grand master of the king's household, attended by seventy horsemen, went with him to Calais, as ambassadors from king Henry. At Calais they received passports from the king of France, and went to Montrieul, thence to Abbeville and Beauvais, where commissioners from the king met and honourably received them. A negociation was opened for a truce to take place between the two kings for a certain time, and also respecting the ransoms of some prisoners who had been carried to England in consequence of the victories of king Henry; but nothing was concluded, because the constable had besieged Harfleur by sea, and would not break up the siege, in consequence of which the English ambassadors returned home.

Soon afterward the king of England sent the earl of Warwick and others, as ambassadors to the duke of Burgundy at Lille, who concluded a truce between[Pg 228] England and the duke, from St John Baptist's day in this year to Michaelmas day in 1417, but only for the counties of Flanders, Artois and the adjacent parts. The duke of Burgundy caused this truce to be publicly proclaimed at the usual places, to the great astonishment of many who were surprised that such a truce should have been concluded independantly of France.

CHAP. XLI.

JENNET DE POIX AND OTHERS, BY COMMAND OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, MARCH SECRETLY TO SAINT DENIS, AND MAKE INROADS ON DIFFERENT PARTS OF FRANCE.

In the month of June, sir Jennet de Poix, with the approbation of the duke of Burgundy his lord, collected four hundred men, who, hiding their arms in casks, divided themselves into companies, and went by different roads, disguised as merchants, to the frank fair of St Denis.[Pg 229] As the king was at St Germain-en-Laye, and the constable in Normandy, many hid themselves on the road-side, and others entered the town as merchants, chiefly with the intention of seizing the chancellor and Tanneguy du Châtel provost of Paris. But while they were eating and drinking, the chancellor and Tanneguy passed unmolested through the town and returned to Paris.

When they heard of this, they hastened back in confusion to Picardy, carrying with them some prisoners, and spoils from the king's territories, which greatly incensed the people.

On the other hand, Ferry de Mailly, with many men at arms, invaded the towns of Quesnel and Hangest, in Santerre, where he and sir Martelet had been made prisoners, and carried off a large booty with many captives, whom, after they had miserably tortured them, they set at liberty for heavy ransoms.

In like manner, sir Mauroy de St Leger crossed the Seine, and during the night, formed an ambuscade near to the[Pg 230] castle of Chaulnes[46]; and in the morning when the draw-bridge was lowered, his men rushed into the castle, and made themselves masters thereof, which was full of rich effects. Soon afterward, the peasants of Lihons[47], and from other villages who had therein deposited their goods, entered into a treaty with sir Mauroy; and, for a considerable sum of money paid him and his people, he surrendered the castle to the lady-dowager, and marched away.

CHAP. XLII.

LIHONS, IN SANTERRE, PILLAGED BY MANY CAPTAINS WHO HAD TAKEN UP ARMS.—THE CAPTURE OF THE CASTLE OF BEAUMONT.—THE STORMING THE CASTLE OF NEELE.—AND OTHER MATTERS.

Sir Mauroy de St Leger, soon after his last expedition to Chaulnes, made another,[Pg 231] in conjunction with Jean d'Aubigny, to Lihons, in Santerre, which with the priory they completely plundered, ransoming the inhabitants for large sums, all of which they carried with them into Artois.

In this manner different companies were formed of nobles or others, but attached to the party of the duke of Burgundy, under various standards: the principal leaders were, St Mauroy de St Leger, sir Jennet de Poix, his brother David, the lord de Sores in Beauvoisis, Jean de Fosseux, Hector and Philippe de Saveuses, Ferry de Mailly, Louis de Varigines, sir Payen de Beaufort, sir Louis de Burnel, Jean de Donquerre, Guerard, bastard de Bruneu, and numbers of others, who, with displayed banners, invaded the territories of France; in particular, the countries of Eu and Aumale, and those lands in Santerre, as far as the river Oise, that belonged to such as were favourers of the Orleans party. In these parts they committed every sort of ravage, plundering the property, and making the inhabitants prisoners, as would[Pg 232] be done to a country against which war had been declared.

There were also other companies formed by captains under pretence of their attachment to the duke of Burgundy, such as sir Gastellin, a lombard knight, Jean de Gaingy, Jean de Clau, and Lamain de Clau, Savoyards, Jean d'Aubigny, the bastard de Sallebruche, Charles l'Abbè, the bastard de Thian, Matthieu des Près, Panchette, the bastard Penar, and others, who amounted to two thousand horsemen when they were all assembled. They for a long time quartered themselves on the territories of Burgundy as well as France, and did incredible mischief to both.

Sir Gastellin and his men even took the castle of Oisy in the Cambresis, belonging to the daughter and heiress of sir Robert de Bar, and held it for a long time, using that and its dependances as if they had been his own property.

About the same time, the lord de Sores, with six hundred combatants, march[Pg 233]ed to Pont Avaire[48], and thence advanced toward Paris, and placed themselves in ambuscade at La Chappelle[49] until the gates should be opened. Shortly after their arrival, a man rode to them on a white horse from Paris, and, having said a few words to the lord de Sores, he returned thither the same road he had come. While they remained, they made several men and women prisoners for fear of being discovered by them to the Parisians; but seeing their enterprise had failed, they sounded their trumpets and retreated hastily toward Beaumont-sur-Oise. Their object had been to seize the king of Sicily by the aid of some of the Parisians.

When they were near Beaumont, they sent fourteen of their men in advance, having upright crosses on their breasts, to tell the wardens of the gate that the king had sent them to guard the passes of the Oise against the Burgundians. By their speeches and appearance,[Pg 234] they gained belief; but they had no sooner entered than they killed the wardens, and kept possession of the gate. Their whole body attacked the castle, which they took, and slew the governor and his son.

After they had made a great slaughter in the town, and pillaged it of every thing they marched away, but neither set fire to it nor the castle, carrying their plunder and prisoners with them to Mouy in Clermont, wasting all the country they passed through. From Mouy they marched by Montdidier to Nesle in the Vermandois, belonging to the count de Dampmartin. Many other captains there joined them, among whom was sir Mauroy before mentioned. They resolved to storm the town, and succeeded notwithstanding the vigorous defence of the inhabitants, who well performed their duty. Many were killed and wounded, and numbers made prisoners; among the latter was the governor, sir Blanchet du Sollier. The town was plundered of every thing, and it was at the time full of merchandise on account of the fair. After remain[Pg 235]ing there about a fortnight, to sell their pillage and wait for the ransom of their prisoners, they departed, carrying on carts and cars the remnant of what they had gained, which was immense.

When information of these proceedings was given to the king, the constable, and the grand council, they were much incensed at the duke of Burgundy, to whom they said these captains belonged; and to provide a remedy, the following edict was proclaimed throughout the realm.

'Charles, by the grace of God, king of France, to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting.

'Since the most supreme and excellent, the sovereign King of kings Jesus Christ our Creator, has, through his divine grace and clemency, selected us to govern and rule over the very renowned, and most noble kingdom of France, it behoves us to exert our best endeavours to secure peace to our subjects, and that all disturbers thereof should be punished, in order that impartial justice be distribu[Pg 236]ted and our people live in peace and security.

'Whereas it has come to our knowledge, by the report of our council, and by others worthy of belief, and also by the great complaints, and doleful clamours of numbers of our subjects, as well as by the confessions of malefactors, justly put to death, the which we record in great sorrow and bitterness of heart, that Hector de Saveuses, Phillippe de Saveuses his brother, Elyon de Jacqueville, Pierre de Sorel, Gotrant lord de St Leger, Mauroy de St Leger his son, Jacques de Fosseux, Calvin de Clau, Jean d'Aubigny, Fierebourg, Matthieu dès Près, Jean de Poix, Daviod his brother, Camuset de Ligny, Gastellin, Cormeri, of the order of the hospital of St John of Jerusalem, the commander de Sagestre, Panchette, Henri de la Tour, Pierson Tube, Jean de Cauffour, Henri de Cauffour le Valois, Jacques de Calivray, Ramon Marcq, Denisot de Baugis, Guillaume le Glois, Martelet Testart, Jacques le Masson, Benois de Bessin, Guillemot de la Planche de Douay, le Tor d'emprès Douay, Jean Pallemargue, Robinet[Pg 237] le vicomte, la barbe de Craon, Jean Jaully Picard, Robinet de Bray, le curé de Vaulx, prestre, Jean Louis de Cumillers, Robin d'Ays, Guillaume Mignot Brebiettes emprès Compiegne, Thomas de Plaisance, le grand Thomas Mignot, Jacquet de Clavin, Perrin de Chevrerieres, Henri de Hailly, Jean de Peresin, Jean Bertrand butcher of St Denis, Guillaume de Cormeuil, Guillaume de Chify du Brunet, master Robert trumpeter to our cousin of Burgundy, Perrin trumpeter to Jean d'Aubigny, Jennet one of the archers of the body guard of our said cousin of Burgundy, Jean de Vienon, Jean de Tourgney governor of Champlost[50], Puissevin d'Aussorros, Charles l'Abbé, the bastard Cognart de l'Aussorrois, the bastard de Launois Guynis, Rousselet le batelier, Philippot Vezis de Sens, Estienne Guyart de Sens, Symon le Vigneron de Joigny, Estienne de la Croix, the son of the host at Sens, Colin de l'hôpital, the bastard de Chaullay, the bastard Guignart, three brothers du Moyne de Collanges sur Yonne, Jean de Duilly,[Pg 238] Charlot de Duilly, and a company of fuzelaires, calling themselves Begaux, accompanied by numbers of others, disturbers of the peace, among whom are some whom the laws have for ever banished our kingdom for their wickedness, having assembled themselves in companies contrary to our will and express orders.

'This they daily persevere in doing and in overrunning divers parts of our realm, gaining by force or sublety many towns and castles belonging to us, or to our noble vassals and clergy, and plundering them of all their wealth. Not content with this, they, like to perverse sinners, delighting in the effusion of blood put to death and wound not only such as shall attempt to defend their properties but the peaceable and well-inclined inhabitants of the said towns and castles, who only wish to remain in tranquillity.

'But what has astonished us the most, and which we would not have believed if sad experience had not convinced us of it, they have frequently advanced even to the walls of our good town of Paris, the principal seat of go[Pg 239]vernment and justice of our realm, and have attempted to enter it by fraud, to commit similar crimes to those they had done in other towns; and more particularly, a few nights since they made one of these mad and foolish attempts.

'They have also marched large bodies of armed men to the gates of the said town, knowing, at the same time, that we, our very dear companion the queen, and our son the duke of Touraine, with others of our blood, were personally within it. They then endeavoured fraudulently to gain admittance, which, should they have affected, (but through God's pleasure they failed,) murders, thefts, rapines, rapes, and every horrid mischief would have ensued to the ruin of that town, and, consequently, to the destruction of the church and kingdom.

'We point out, therefore, the before-mentioned persons as guilty of these atrocious acts, and call on our faithful and loyal subjects to assist us heartily in putting an end to their very heinous misdeeds. There is very clear evidence of this last fact; for when they found[Pg 240] they could not by any means enter our said town of Paris, like madmen they gallopped off for the town of Beaumont-sur-Oise, belonging to our very dear and well beloved son and nephew the duke of Orleans, now prisoner in England, and on their march seized horses from the plough, and robbed and made prisoners every traveller they met. After this, they took the said town and castle by storm, plundered it, and killed or drowned very many of townsmen. In like manner they took the town of Nesle in Vermandois, and had before done the same to our town of Chablis[51], to the castle of Néant, belonging to the monks of La Charité sur Loire, with numbers of other castles, towns and villages, laying violent hands on women of all descriptions, violating them like beasts, pillaging churches and other sacred edifices, of which we are every day receiving the most melancholy accounts and lamentations.

'Greater mischiefs our ancient enemies the English would not, nor could[Pg 241] not do; but these wretches, perversely wicked, add daily sin to sin, publicly shewing themselves rebels, and disobedient to our positive commands. They thus render themselves deserving of the severest punishments, and unworthy of the smallest grace, by holding ourselves and our sovereign power in perfect contempt.

'In consideration of the many and repeated complaints and lamentations made to us, by such numbers of our vassals and subjects, calling on God, our Creator, and on us for vengeance for the innocent blood that has been so cruelly shed,—we foreseeing that unless a stop be put to these atrocities, the whole kingdom will be ruined, and which we firmly believe to be the ultimate object of the before-named persons, have called together the princes of our blood, the members of our grand council and courts of parliament, with other barons and nobles of our realm, that they might advise on the best and most speedy measures to be adopted for the crushing this unnatural rebellion.

'After many consultations on the[Pg 242] said matters, we having the utmost dread lest the divine judgement should fall on our head and on our kingdom, for the blood of the just that has been so abundantly and cruelly shed, and being ever desirous that peace and justice may be observed in our realm, do make known, and declare all the aforesaid persons, with their allies and associates, rebels to us and to our government. And because we at this moment are fully employed in the war that exists between us and our enemies the English, who have invaded our country, and cannot therefore act as we should wish against these said rebels and their allies: we therefore give full power and authority to all our loyal subjects to take up arms against them to put them to death, or to confine them in prison to suffer the punishment due to their crimes, and to take full possession of all their properties moveable or immoveable, by force of arms, and to slay such as may oppose them, without their having cause for any letters of pardon whatever.

'We therefore command, by these[Pg 243] presents, the bailiff of Amiens, or his lieutenant, solemnly to proclaim three times a-week, with sound of trumpet, in all the usual places where proclamations have been made within his district, full licence and authority for any one to seize the persons and effects of the before-named rebels, and to put them to death, should need be, without danger of process or suit being hereafter made against him or them for so doing. The said bailiff, or his lieutenant, will attend to the observance of the above, so that nothing arise through his neglect to our prejudice, or to that of our kingdom.

'That greater confidence may be put in these presents, we order, that exact copies be made, and sent to those parts where the original cannot be proclaimed, and that equal faith be given to them. In testimony whereof, we have had our seal affixed to these presents. Given at Paris, the 30th day of August, in the year of grace 1416, and of our reign the 36th.'

Thus signed by the king, on the[Pg 244] report of his great council, and countersigned 'Ferron.'

This edict was solemnly proclaimed in Amiens the 12th day of September and thence sent to all the provosts within the bailiwick of Amiens, to be proclaimed by them throughout their provostships. The provosts of Beauquesnes, of Montrieul of St Riquier, and of Dourleans, through fear of the duke of Burgundy, dared only to proclaim it once, and in their own courts, when few people were present.

Soon after, Remonnet de la Guerre was ordered by the king and constable to Noyon and Nesles, to aid sir Thomas de Lersies, bailiff of the Vermandois, in defending the country against the Burgundians.

War was now openly declared between the contending factions in that and divers other places of the realm. In truth wherever any of the king's officers could lay hands on the partisans of the duke of Burgundy, none escaped, whether nobles or not, from being sentenced to death; and more especially all who fell into the[Pg 245] hands of the governor of Noyon and the parts adjacent were put to death without mercy,—insomuch that many trees near to that town were marvellously laden with such fruits.

CHAP. XLIII.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY INCREASES HIS MEN AT ARMS.—THE MARRIAGE OF THE LORD DE LA TRIMOUILLE.—THE DUKE OF CLARENCE EMBARKS A LARGE ARMY FOR HARFLEUR.

The duke of Burgundy, when he heard of this edict, so prejudicial and disgraceful to himself and his friends, was more than ever indignant and irritated against those who governed the king. He very much increased the number of his men at arms, and even consented to their quartering themselves on his own territories in the Cambresis, Tierrache, Vermandois, Santerre, and the whole country from the Somme to the sea-coast, toward Montrieul and Crotoy. Justice[Pg 246] was now no longer attended to or maintained in those parts; and the powerful nobles cruelly treated churchmen and the poorer ranks. With regard to the provosts, and others of the king's officers of justice, few, if any of them, dared to do their duty. The tradesmen could not venture abroad with their goods out of the fortified towns without paying tribute for passports, under risk of being robbed and murdered.

At this time the widowed duchess of Berry espoused the lord de la Trimouille, who was not beloved by the duke of Burgundy; and because this duchess was in her own right countess of the Boulonois, the duke sent the lord de Fosseux, then governor of Artois, to take possession of the town of Boulogne. This was done, but the lord de Moruel remained governor of it in the king's name, against the English.

At this same period, the duke of Clarence, brother to the king of England, sailed from the port of Sandwich with three hundred vessels full of English, whom he led to Harfleur, and des[Pg 247]troyed the french navy under the command of the constable of France, who had for some time besieged that town. Many were killed on board the fleet; but when the duke of Clarence had revictualled it, and supplied his losses, he sailed back to England much rejoiced at his good success.

CHAP. XLIV.

THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY AND THE KING OF ENGLAND COME TO CALAIS. DUKE JOHN OF BURGUNDY MEETS THEM THERE.—THE MATTERS THAT WERE THEN TRANSACTED.

About the feast of St Remy, in this year, the emperor of Germany and the king of England came to Calais, attended by numbers of nobles. The duke of Burgundy there met them, and was most honourably received; and the duke of Glocester, brother to king Henry went to St Omer as hostage for the duke of Burgundy, where he was nobly entertained[Pg 248] by the count de Charolois, and by other great lords appointed for that purpose.

However, when the count de Charolois visited the duke of Glocester the day after his arrival attended by some of the lords of his council, to do him honour, and keep him company, the duke had his back turned towards him as the count entered the apartment, and was so engaged in talking to some of his attendants that he forgot to make the usual salutations to the count, but said, shortly enough, 'You are welcome, fair cousin,' but without advancing to meet him, and continued his conversation with the English. The count de Charolois, notwithstanding his youth, was much hurt and displeased at this conduct, although at the moment he showed no signs of it.

In the conferences held at Calais, the king of England earnestly requested the duke of Burgundy not to assist the king of France against him; in which case, he would divide some of his future conquests with him; promising, at the same time, not to attack any of his territories, or those of his allies or well-wishers. The duke re[Pg 249]fused to agree to this; but the truce that existed between them was prolonged until Michaelmas-day in the year 1419.

At that time, as I was informed, the duke of Burgundy did homage to the emperor for his counties of Burgundy and Alost. When he had remained in Calais nine days, and finished the business on which he had come, he took leave of the king and returned to St Omer, whence the duke of Glocester came to Calais. The king of France and his ministers were much astonished at this visit of the duke of Burgundy and believed for certain that he had allied himself with king Henry, to the prejudice of the king and kingdom of France.[Pg 250]

CHAP. XLV.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY GOES TO VALENCIENNES, IN OBEDIENCE TO A SUMMONS WHICH HE RECEIVES FROM THE DAUPHIN. THEY MUTUALLY SWEAR FRIENDSHIP TO EACH OTHER.

On the return of the duke of Burgundy from Calais, duke William count of Hainault sent ambassadors to him, to request that he would meet the dauphin his son-in-law, which he refused, because he had frequently sent to his brother-in-law, duke William in Holland, to desire he would bring the dauphin into those parts, and it had not been complied with. The dauphin, nevertheless, wrote letters with his own hand to the duke of Burgundy, to come to him at Valenciennes, who promised the messengers that he would be there,—and indeed he went thither on the 12th day of November.

Duke William went out of Valenciennes the length of a league to meet him, carrying with him the dauphin. On[Pg 251] the morrow such matters were discussed and agreed on as shall be hereafter mentioned, in the presence of the countess of Hainault, the count de Charolois, the count de Conversan, and many other able knights and esquires, and the ministers of the three parties, namely sir Jean de Luxembourg, sir Jacques de Harcourt, the chancellor to the dauphin, Baudouin de Fresnes treasurer of Hainault, Robert de Vandegrès, Jean bastard of Blois, master Eustace de Lactre, the lord d'Antoing, the vidame of Amiens, the lord de Fosseux, the lord d'Ancre, the lord de Robais, the lord de Humbercourt, sir Hue de Launoy, sir Guillaume Bouvier governor of Arras, sir Athis de Brimeu, sir Andrieu de Valines, master Philippe de Morvillers, and many more.

First, the duke of Burgundy offered himself and his services to the dauphin, and promised on his oath to serve the king his father and himself, to the utmost of his power, against all their enemies. This promise the dauphin received with pleasure, and, in return, made oath, that he would aid and defend the duke of[Pg 252] Burgundy against his enemies and all ill wishers to him or to his subjects.

The dauphin then affectionately requested the duke to join the king in the defence of his realm against the attacks of the English, which he promised and swore he would. He next required of the duke, that he would keep the peace that had been concluded at Auxerre. The duke replied, that he would most willingly do so, for he was very desirous of maintaining that peace, and that he wished ill to no one but to the king of Sicily.

The dauphin was satisfied with this answer, and made offer to the duke, that if there were any articles in the peace which he wished to have altered, or if he desired others to be added, as well in regard to what had passed then as since, it should be done. All present then made oath to the duke of Burgundy for the observance of what had been said, and duke William and the duke of Burgundy mutually swore to maintain brotherly affection; and that they would endeavour to establish a good government[Pg 253] for the king of France and the dauphin, that they would mutually support each other, as well when absent as present, by risking their persons in maintaining whatever they should have agreed upon.

Duke William added, that in respect to the war between France and England, his predecessors had no way interfered, and that he intended in this matter to follow their example, lest his countries should suffer for it. Duke William afterward promised the duke of Burgundy, that he would not intrust the dauphin to the hands of any person of whom he was not sure, for the better security of the engagements just entered into; and that within fifteen days he would visit the queen of France, and would arrange matters with her, so that he should regain her friendship and support for the good of the king and realm. When all these matters had been concluded, the duke of Burgundy and his people returned to Douay.[Pg 254]

CHAP. XLVI.

DUKE WILLIAM COUNT OF HAINAULT CARRIES HIS SON-IN-LAW THE DAUPHIN TO ST QUENTIN, AND THENCE TO COMPIEGNE, WHERE HE DIES.—THE CONDUCT OBSERVED ON THIS JOURNEY.

On the 14th day of November, duke William carried back the dauphin to his castle of Quesnoy, whither ambassadors of different ranks were sent by the king and queen to recal the dauphin to the presence of the king in Paris; but, notwithstanding their remonstrances, he remained at Quesnoy until after Christmas. Duke William then conducted him to St Quentin in the Vermandois, where they waited for the queen until the epiphany; and because the queen would not come to St Quentin, the duke carried the dauphin to Compiegne, where he was lodged in the king's palace. Shortly after, the countess of Hainault came thither with her daughter the dauphiness, and a large company.[Pg 255]

The queen came in great state from Paris to Senlis, accompanied by her son the duke of Touraine and her son-in-law the duke of Brittany, and the great council of the king. At the same time, the young duke d'Alençon, and other lords of his age, went to Compiegne to pay their court to the dauphin. Negotiations now took place between Senlis and Compiegne. The countess of Hainault carried the dauphiness to visit the queen at Senlis, when, after spending some time together in much cheerfulness, they went back to Compiegne, and the queen returned to Paris, whither the negociations were transferred between duke William, the ministers of the dauphin and ambassadors from the duke of Burgundy.

True it is, that at this time, the dauphin sent letters, sealed with his great seal, to the bailiffs of Vermandois and Amiens, and other places, commanding them to proclaim a cessation of warfare on all sides, on pain of corporal punishment and confiscation of effects; but they were of little service to the poor people, for[Pg 256] the men at arms did not the less overrun and oppress the country.

On the last day but one in March, duke William declared in the full audience of the king's council at Paris, that he would unite the dauphin with the duke of Burgundy or carry the dauphin back to Hainault, if measures were not instantly taken for restoring peace to the kingdom. The ministers, hearing this, resolved that the duke should be arrested and confined until he had given up the dauphin to the king his father.

The duke was secretly informed of this by a friend; and on the morrow very early, under pretext of performing a pilgrimage to St Maur-des-Fosses, and returning to Paris in the evening, he hastened with only two attendants to Compiegne. He found the dauphin most dangerously ill, insomuch that he died on Palm Sunday: his disorder was an imposthume in the ear, which burst and suffocated him. When dead, he was put into a leaden coffin, and buried at St Cor[Pg 257]neille[52], in the presence of duke William, his lady, and the dauphiness, who gave large sums for masses to be said for the welfare of his soul. The duke and his family returned in great grief to Hainault.

It was commonly reported, that the dauphin had been poisoned by some of those who governed the king, because he and his elder brother had been too much attached to the duke of Burgundy.

CHAP. XLVII.

THE NEAPOLITANS REBEL AGAINST THEIR KING, JACQUES DE LA MARCHE, AND MAKE WAR ON HIM.—THEY TAKE THE QUEEN PRISONER. THE CONSEQUENCES THAT FOLLOW.

This year the Neapolitans rebelled against king James count de la Marche, and would have made him prisoner, had he[Pg 258] not been informed in time of their intentions. They confined the queen, and made a bitter war against him and his supporters. The constable and the lord de St Maurice, his father-in-law, were imprisoned. The king, for his greater security, embarked on board a brigantine for the castle del Ovo, leaving a good garrison in Castel Nuovo.

This war lasted until the 27th day of October in the same year, when peace was made on condition that all the French who held any offices in the kingdom should depart and return to their own country, excepting the very few employed personally to serve the king.

On the conclusion of the peace, the king and queen returned to Castel Nuovo, when all persons renewed their oaths of allegiance, promising to consider him as their king during his life, but that he was no way to interfere in the government of the kingdom. His establishment of guards, attendants and horses, were all arranged according to the pleasure of the Neapolitans.

On the day the king returned to[Pg 259] Castel Nuovo, there were great rejoicings throughout the town, with bonfires, and illuminations on the terraces of the houses; and on the morrow there was a grand ball at the castle. But on the third day, the king was so strictly watched that none were allowed to speak to him but in the presence of those who had seized the government; and the French gentlemen were not permitted to take leave of him on their departure. The rulers of the kingdom soon after obliged the queen to join their party, lest the two when united might be over much for them: however, in conformity to their oaths, they shewed the king and queen all outward respect, but governed the country as they willed.

The chief of these usurpers was one of the greatest and richest families, called Hannequin Mournil, one in whom the king had placed most confidence of all the Italians. The king was, for a long time, kept under this restraint: at length he escaped, and fled by sea to Tarentum, which had been given to him as a principality,—but he was, soon after, driven out of the kingdom. The duke of Anjou, son to king[Pg 260] Louis, went thither on his expulsion, and was well received in the city of Aversa; but it was not long before he was forced out of the realm by the king of Arragon.

In regard to king James, besides the rebellion of his subjects, the queen likewise, old and capricious, was much displeased and jealous of his being a lover to young ladies of the country and neglecting her. This was also the cause why the nobles whom he had brought from France with him were generally hated.

CHAP. XLVIII.

THE EARL OF DORSET, GOVERNOR OF HARFLEUR, MAKES AN INCURSION INTO THE COUNTRY OF CAUX, AND IS COMBATED BY THE FRENCH.—THE EMPEROR CREATES THE COUNT OF SAVOY A DUKE.

At this same time, the earl of Dorset, who commanded in Harfleur, one day marched three thousand english combatants toward Rouen, and thence made a cir[Pg 261]cuit through the country of Caux, where he remained three days, doing great mischief with fire and sword. In the mean time, the garrisons and nobles of those parts collected together under the lord de Villequier, to the amount of three thousand men also, and met the English near to Valmont, who instantly attacked them; but the French defended themselves so valiantly, the English were defeated, and eight hundred left on the field of battle. The remainder retreated with the earl into a garden, surrounded by a strong hedge of thorns, and therein continued the rest of the day, without the French being able to gain further advantage over them, although they took much pains.

In the evening, the French retired to a village hard by, to refresh themselves; but the earl of Dorset, doubtful of the event on the morrow, marched out of the garden with his men about day-break, and pushed forward to Harfleur. The French, perceiving this, pursued them, and overtook them in the marshes, about two leagues from that town, when they renewed the battle; but, as the French were not[Pg 262] all come up, they were defeated, and two hundred slain,—among whom was their commander, the lord de Villequier, and other nobles of that country.

The emperor of Germany, on his return home, passed through Lyons, where he was desirous of creating Amadeus count of Savoy a duke,—but the king of France's officers would not permit it. He was very indignant at this, and went to a small castle called Moulnet, that belongs to the empire, and he there created him a duke. On his coming to France, through the interference of duke Louis of Bavaria, brother to the queen of France, and others of the Orleans faction, he had been of the opposite party to the duke of Burgundy; but on his return, he had changed his sentiments, and liked better the Burgundy faction than that of Orleans.[Pg 263]

[A.D. 1417.]

CHAP. XLIX.

DUKE WILLIAM, COUNT OF HAINAULT, DIES AT BOUCHAIN.—JOHN OF BAVARIA DECLARES WAR AGAINST HIS NIECE, DAUGHTER TO THE LATE DUKE WILLIAM.

At the commencement of this year, duke William and his duchess, after their return from Compiegne, went to visit the duke of Burgundy at Douay, when many conferences were holden on the state of public affairs, and on the answers duke William had received from the queen of France and the king's ministers. When these were ended, duke William returned to his castle of Bouchain, where he was seized with a violent illness that put an end to his life in a few days. His body was carried to Valenciennes, and buried in the church of the minorite friars. He left one only daughter by the duchess, called Jacquelina of Bavaria, who, as his legal heiress, took possession of all his inheritances, which fell to her[Pg 264] on the decease of the duke. Nevertheless, John of Bavaria, her uncle on her father's side, made opposition to this, on pretence that the succession of the late duke Albert, his father had not been fairly divided in regard to him; adding, that Jacquelina could not lawfully succeed to the country of Holland,—and, with the consent of the inhabitants, he gained possession of Dordrecht and some other towns, which acknowledged him for their lord.

He soon after declared open war against her, and resigned into the hands of the pope his bishoprick of Liege, which bishopric was put into commission. He made this resignation to strengthen his claims against his niece,—and shortly married the duchess of Luxembourg, the widow of duke Anthony of Brabant, brother to the duke of Burgundy.[Pg 265]

CHAP. L.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY SENDS LETTERS TO MANY OF THE PRINCIPAL TOWNS IN FRANCE, DESCRIBING THE STATE OF THOSE WHO GOVERN THE KINGDOM.

In these days, the duke of Burgundy sent letters, open and closed, to many of the chief towns in France, to stir them to rebellion, and to join his faction,—which letters were of the following tenour:

'John duke of Burgundy, count of Flanders and Artois, palatine of Burgundy, lord of Salines and Mechlin, to all to whom these presents shall come, health and peace.

'Whereas, by divine grace, we had in former times the government of the kingdom of France; but since we have withdrawn ourselves therefrom, persons of low degree, and of doubtful birth, have seized the management of public affairs, with the sole intent of appropriating to themselves by open or secret means the treasure of the realm,—and so outrageous[Pg 266] has been their conduct that my lord the king, his family and officers were kept in the utmost penury. They neither paid nor suffered to be paid the usual royal charities, nor did they see to the repairs and maintenance of the various garrisons, with things absolutely necessary for them; for notwithstanding the immense sums yearly raised by taxes and loans, scarcely any part of them were applied to public uses, or for the welfare of the kingdom.

'We therefore, having fully considered all these matters, and how nearly we are by blood connected with my lord the king, being his cousin-german, and holding from him the duchy of Burgundy and counties of Flanders and Artois, and that we are in a double degree father and dean of the peers of France, and that our various and great obligations to him and to his crown are well known, have determined to provide a sufficient remedy for the above evils, and that restitution be made to the public treasury to the utmost of our power.

'We have had the above facts demonstrated by our ambassadors, in the[Pg 267] presence of the grand council at the Louvre in Paris, presided by our very dear lord and son the duke of Acquitaine lately deceased, whose soul may God pardon! requesting at the same time, that from his good sense and for the acquittal of his conscience, he would check these said abuses, and attend to the better government of the state. In this matter we were joined by the members of the university of Paris, who sent us letters to that effect, and which were publicly read in the church of St Genevieve at Paris; and at that time there were appearances that our remonstrances would be listened to.

'But their real intentions were otherwise; for it is notorious that we have met with nothing but tricks and dissimulations of all sorts, and perseverance in their evil government, whence have proceeded these intestine wars; although we have never ceased to urge our remonstrances against the present ministers, by able clerks, as well of the parliament and university as otherwise, by prudent knights, and other wise citizens, in whose[Pg 268] presence ordinances were published by our said lord the king, and sworn to in his court of justice, without any novelties being introduced or exception of persons made.

'Nevertheless, grievous as it may be to relate, the contrary to these ordinances has been done; and it is a well-known fact, that the wretches have found means to keep me from the presence of our said lord the king. Soon after these edicts were annulled, and every sort of disorder was committed, taxes upon taxes were laid, loans on loans, reductions of offices, banishments, beheadings, and innumerable despotic acts done, to the very great dissatisfaction of my said well-beloved lord and son lately deceased, and to which he had resolved to put an end, by ordering us to come to him with a competent number of men at arms, notwithstanding any orders we might receive to the contrary; and, as proofs thereof, I have in my possession three letters written and signed with his own hand, containing the above commands.

'In obedience to these orders, we[Pg 269] came to St Denis, and advanced toward the town of Paris but could not gain admittance to his person; for the affair was become known to the aforesaid evil advisers, who instantly laid hands on our very redoubted lord and his son, confining them in the castle of the Louvre for a considerable time, with the draw-bridges raised, and gates closed. They also imprisoned the greater part of the king's servants, thus illegally depriving them of their liberties, although they had certain intelligence upwards of a year prior to this, that the enemies of the kingdom were preparing to invade it; but, through their damnable avarice and concupiscence of wealth, they made no provision whatever to resist them. Hence it happened that our said lord and king has lost one of the finest sea ports in his realm, the key to his country, and has suffered the almost total destruction of his chivalry; and none can foresee the infinitive misfortunes that may now ensue, but which God avert.

'We also, bound by our royal duty toward our sovereign, have assembled[Pg 270] for his service the greatest possible force we could to defend his kingdom, as we are bounden to do by every tie. But the aforesaid evil advisers have ordered several cities and towns not to permit us to enter them, and have forbidden them to supply our men with provision, as if we had been public enemies; but, notwithstanding such atrocious conduct, our vassals and subjects have been, and still are, strongly attached to his majesty's person.

'They have likewise, heaping grievance on grievance, imprisoned a great number of notable inhabitants of many towns well affected to the king, but who saw with displeasure the miserable state the nation was reduced to by their wicked measures. But the worst part of their conduct has been the poisoning of the said deceased well-beloved lord and son (as the manner of his death plainly shewed,) the moment he was made acquainted with their wickedness, and testified a resolution to remedy the various evils they had caused; and this was done to increase and strengthen their authority.[Pg 271]

'When we witnessed their fury, to avoid all manner of quarrel as much as in us lay, we retired to our countries of Flanders and Artois, and to our very dear brother the count of Hainault, to explain to our well-beloved nephew, my lord the dauphin, lately deceased, whose soul may God receive! the honesty of our intentions, and the bad consequences that would infallibly ensue if the present public measures were continued.

'We did not expect to have done this immediately, because our foresaid lord and nephew was in Holland, and could not instantly come to us in Hainault, from the dangers of the sea: nevertheless, on his arrival at Valenciennes we waited on him, and explained fully many matters, and our desire for a general peace with all so inclined, excepting king Louis of Sicily, with whom we had cause for quarrel that greatly affected our honour and estate: with these explanations he was very well satisfied, as was our aforesaid brother. For the more effectually accomplishing this peace, and for the better considering of other public affairs,[Pg 272] they went from Valenciennes to St Quentin, in the Vermandois, and thence to Compiegne; but these wicked ministers, by their deceits, attempted to detain our brother in Paris, when he was about to proceed on his journey toward Compiegne, with an earnest desire of attending to the before-mentioned business, not supposing that any attempt would be made against his person while he was endeavouring to conclude measures of such interesting importance. They would, however, have succeeded in their attempt, had not his good sense provided a timely remedy, by hastily leaving Paris with few attendants. He arrived at Compiegne early in the day, although the distance from Paris is twenty leagues.

'Soon after his arrival, a grievous misfortune befel us; for about vespers of that same day, our very dear lord and nephew was taken so dangerously ill that he shortly after expired, having his cheeks, tongue, and lips greatly swelled, and his eyes starting out of his head,—in such wise that it was a most melancholy sight,[Pg 273] considering that such are the usual appearances of those who die by poison.

'These aforesaid rapacious ministers, poisoned him, as they had done our very redoubted lord and son his brother, which we now relate with grief, believing firmly that all the honest and good men of the kingdom will be sorely displeased when they shall hear of these deaths.

'In this state remained public affairs while these infamous poisoners, who governed the realm, would not listen to our terms of peace, nor take pity on the poor people of France, destroyed through their quarrels. In truth, the tempers of these men must be wretched, who are only desirous of evil, and who have broken or infringed six treaties, solemnly sworn to, namely, those of Chartres, Bicêtre, Auxerre, Pontoise, Paris, and of Rouvres in Burgundy.

'We shall not detail, at this moment, how these treaties have been broken,—for it would take too much time, and it is notorious to every one. We only mention the circumstance, that you may be thoroughly acquainted with the wick[Pg 274]edness of these false, disloyal and perjured traitors, who add murder, rapine and poison to their crimes, who are without faith, and made up of treasons and cruelty.

'We also make known to you, that we, in former times, bore patiently, as became us, all the insults and persecutions that were heaped on our person,—having in our memory, what is to be found in history both sacred and profane, that it was usual for the friends of God and of the public good to be bitterly persecuted for their virtuous actions.

'Nevertheless, it is our fixed intention to follow up our measures, with the aid of our Creator, and our whole force, with that of our relations, friends, vassals, and well wishers to the king and crown of France; and to prosecute to conviction those who are guilty of these poisonings, their accomplices and adherents, so long as God shall grant us life.

'At the same time also, we shall urge on those reforms of grievances already begun by us, that press so heavily on the poor people under the names of gabelles, tythes and other exactions; and we have[Pg 275] determined to employ every force we can collect to obtain so desirable an object.

'To this end, we entreat and summon you, on the faith and obedience you owe to my aforesaid lord, and on your love of the public weal, to eschew the crime of high treason,—and require that you, and each of you, do aid, counsel and assist in the punishment of these destroyers of the noble house of France, who are guilty of murders, treasons and poisonings, as you are bounden to do by every law natural and divine. By your conduct, we shall know whether you possess charity, loyalty, virtue, and the fear of God,—and whether you be desirous of repressing cruelty, disloyalty, vanity and avarice. This can alone save the kingdom of France from ruin. By this alone, my lord the king will recover his power, and be obeyed and honoured, which is the utmost extent of our wishes in this world, and which it seems to us you should be most desirous of also.

'Thus the kingdom will be at peace, the churches supported, the wicked punish[Pg 276]ed, and the injuries done to the people will cease. Surely these are objects more worthy and fit to occupy your attention than seeking the favour of these false and infamous traitors, in contempt of the grace God.

'Doubt not of our intention to revenge the insults that have been shewn us; for we promise, on the faith and loyalty we owe to God, to our aforesaid lord, and to the public welfare of his realm, that our sole bent and will is to prevent, to the utmost of our power, my aforesaid lord and his kingdom from being completely destroyed, which these disloyal traitors are compassing to accomplish,—and that satisfactory justice be done on them, according to the advice and opinions of those who shall assist us in these our intentions. For this end, we offer peace to all who shall be inclined to accept of it from us, excepting Louis king of Sicily, for the better prosecution of our intentions to support the king and his realm,—being resolved to persist in these loyal measures until death, without offering any conciliatory[Pg 277] terms to these profligate traitors and poisoners.

'This business has been too long delayed; for it may be clearly seen that the aforesaid traitors are determined on the total ruin of the royal house of France and the whole of the nobility, and that they are resolved to deliver up the kingdom to foreigners; but we have firm reliance and hope in God, who knows the secrets of every heart! that we shall obtain a happy issue to our enterprise by means of the good and faithful subjects of the realm, whom in this case we will support to the utmost of our power, and maintain for ever in the fullest enjoyment of their liberties and franchises.

'We will also exert ourselves that in future no taxes, impositions and gabelles, may be ever again paid in France; and we will proceed against all who shall say or act to the contrary by fire and sword, whether they be universities, corporations, chapters, colleges, nobles, or any others, of whatever condition they may be.[Pg 278]

'In testimony whereof, we have signed these presents with our own hand and our privy seal, in the absence of the great seal, in our castle of Hesdin, the 24th day of April, 1417, after Easter.'

These letters were sent to the towns of Montrieul, St Riquier, Abbeville, Dourlens, Amiens, Corbie, St Quentin, Roye, Mondidier, Beauvais, and to many other places; and by their means several principal towns and corporations were strongly excited against those who then governed the king.

CHAP. LI.

SIR LOUIS BOURDON, KNIGHT, IS ARRESTED AND EXECUTED.—THE QUEEN OF FRANCE IS BANISHED TO BLOIS, AND THENCE TO TOURS.

About this time, while the queen of France resided with her court at the castle of Vincennes, she was visited by the king her lord. On his return to Paris in the evening, he met sir Louis[Pg 279] Bourdon, knight, coming thence, and going to Vincennes, who, on passing very near the king, made a slight inclination of his head as he rode by, and gaily pursued his road. The king instantly ordered the provost of Paris to follow and arrest him, and to take especial care to give a good account of him. The provost performed his duty in obeying this command, and confined sir Louis in the Châtelet of Paris, where he was, by command of the king, very severely tortured, and then drowned in the Seine.

Some few days after, by orders from the king, the dauphin, and those who governed in Paris, the queen, accompanied by her sister-in-law the duchess of Bavaria, was banished to Blois, and thence to reside at Tours in Touraine, with a very private establishment. She was placed under the guard of master Willian Torel, master John Picard, and master Laurence du Puys, without whose consent she could not do any thing, not even write a letter, however pressing the occasion.

She thus lived a considerable time[Pg 280] very unpleasantly, expecting, however, daily to receive worse treatment. The dauphin, by the advice of his ministers, took possession of the immense sums of money the queen had placed in different hands in Paris. The three above-mentioned warders of the queen had been appointed by those who governed the king and the dauphin to prevent her from intriguing, or plotting any thing to their prejudice.

CHAP. LII.

THE COMMONALTY OF ROUEN PUT TO DEATH THEIR BAILIFF, SIR RAOUL DE GAUCOURT.—THEY SEIZE THE GOVERNMENT OF THE TOWN.—THE ARRIVAL OF THE DAUPHIN AT ROUEN.

In these days, by the instigation of the partisans of the duke of Burgundy, some wicked persons of the lower ranks in the town of Rouen rose in rebellion. The leader was one Alain Blanchart, who was afterward governor of the town.[Pg 281] They first went armed, and with staves, to the house of the king's bailiff, sir Raoul de Gaucourt knight, at whose door they knocked loudly, and said to those within, (although it was about ten o'clock at night), 'We want to speak to my lord the bailiff, to deliver up to him a traitor whom we have just arrested in the town,' the servants bade them detain their prisoner in safe custody until the morrow: however, in consequence of their importunity and violence, the door was opened to them.

The bailiff instantly arose from his bed, and, having wrapped himself up in a large cloak, came to speak to them; but he had no sooner made his appearance, than some of the party, who had disguised their faces, cruelly murdered him.

They then left the house, and went to that of his lieutenant, John Leger, whom they also put to death, and thence to different parts of the town, and killed ten other persons; but many of the municipal officers, such as the viscount and receiver-general, having had information, of what was passing, fled to the castle,[Pg 282] into which they were admitted by sir James de Bourbon the governor.

On the morrow-morning, the commonalty again assembled in great numbers, and marched in arms to the castle, with the intent of forcing an entrance, but were prevented by the governor, who had under his command one hundred of the king's troops to defend it. At length, after many parleys, it was agreed that sixteen of the most notable citizens should be admitted, to remonstrate with the governor on some matters that much concerned him.

Upon their admittance, they offered many excuses for the murder of the bailiff, and of the others, declaring that the whole commonalty of the town would be rejoiced if the perpetrators could be discovered and punished. They were greatly alarmed as to the conduct of the king and the dauphin when they should hear of these deaths, and requested the governor would permit them to have the guard of the castle, but it was refused. They then required that the gate which led to the country[Pg 283] should be shut up, which was also refused.

Upon this they declared, that should the king and the dauphin attempt to enter their town with an army, admittance should be denied,—at the same time beseeching the governor to apologise for them to the king and the dauphin. The governor replied, that he would make excuses for them in proper time and place, provided they did not refuse to admit them into the town should they come thither.

After this conversation, the citizens returned home; and, a few days after, what they dreaded came to pass,—for the dauphin marched two thousand men out of Paris to Pont de l'Arche, whence he sent the archbishop of Rouen, brother to the count de Harcourt, to that town, to exhort the inhabitants to a due sense of obedience.

On the archbishop's arrival at Rouen, he found several of the canons of the cathedral church under arms, and inter-mixed with the citizens, to whom he displayed the proclamation of the dauphin.[Pg 284] They, in answer, said, that it had been unanimously decreed that he should not enter the town with his army; but that if he would come with few attendants, and engage to pay his expenses, they would agree to it, but not otherwise. The archbishop, seeing he could not conclude any thing satisfactory, returned to the dauphin, and related all he had seen and heard.

Upon this the dauphin sent for sir James de Bourbon, and fixed his quarters at St Catharine's on the hill. On the arrival of sir James, he said, 'Cousin, return to your castle, and admit by the gate leading to the country two hundred men at arms, and as many archers, whom we will send thither.'

The townsmen were greatly enraged on hearing of this reinforcement being admitted into the castle; however, within three days, the dauphin, by negotiation, entered Rouen with his whole army; he rode straight to the cathedral to offer up his prayers, and thence to the castle, where he was lodged.

In the course of eight days, a treaty[Pg 285] was made with the townsmen, which confirmed them in their obedience,—for all that had passed was pardoned, with the exception of the actual murderers of the bailiff. The dauphin, having paid his expenses, departed for Paris with his army, where he appointed the lord de Gamaches bailiff of Rouen, with orders to inflict exemplary punishment on such of the murderers as should be duly convicted. Some of them were punished; but Alain Blanchart absented himself for some time; and when he returned to the town, he enjoyed great authority and power, as shall hereafter be related.

CHAP. LIII.

THE DEATH OF LOUIS KING OF SICILY. THE CONDUCT OF THE LEADERS OF COMPANIES.—THE OVERTHROW OF RAYMONNET DE LA GUERRE.—THE DESTRUCTION OF THE TOWN OF AUMALE.

In these days, king Louis, father-in-law to the daulphin, died, leaving three sons[Pg 286] and two daughters,—Louis, who succeeded to his crown, René, afterward duke of Bar, and Charles. One of his daughters was married to the dauphin, and the other, named Yolande, was but two years old. By his death, the dauphin lost an able counsellor and friend; the more to be lamented, as the greatest confusion now reigned in many parts of France, and justice was trampled under foot.

The foreigners also that were attached to the party of the duke of Burgundy, such as Gastellimas Quigny, and others before named, robbed and plundered all the countries they marched through, and every person, noble or not, even such as were of the same party as themselves. Infinite mischiefs were done by them to poor countrymen, who were grievously oppressed.

These foreign companies bent their march toward the Boulonois, intending to treat it as they had done to other districts; but some of the inhabitants assembled during the night, under the command of Butor, bastard of Croy, and made an attack on the quarters of the[Pg 287] lieutenant of John de Clau, named Laurens Rose, whom they put to death, with several of his men: the rest were robbed of all they had.

In revenge for this insult, the bastard de Thian, one of the captains of these companies, seized a very proper gentleman, called Gadifer de Collehaut whom he hanged on a tree. However, these strangers, seeing they were likely to be strongly opposed, speedily retreated from the Boulonois, and, shortly after took the town and castle of Davencourt belonging to the heirs of the lord de Hangest. When they had rifled it of its furniture, they set it on fire, so that it was totally destroyed, and thence marched to lay siege to Neuf-Châtel sur Eusne.

Sir Raymonnet de la Guerre, and sir Thomas de Lersies bailiff of the Vermandois, collected a considerable force in the king's name to raise the siege, and to overpower these foreigners; but as their intentions were known the besiegers marched to meet them, and in the end completely put them to the rout,[Pg 288] taking and killing full eight score: the remainder, with Raymonnet and sir Thomas de Lersies, saved themselves by flight, and took refuge in such of the strong towns belonging to the king as they could first gain.

After this defeat, those of Neuf-Châtel surrendered the town, which the foreigners having plundered it of its valuables, set on fire, and then departed for the Cambresis, where they did infinite mischiefs.

At this same period, but in another part of the kingdom John de Fosseux, Daviod de Poix, Ferry de Mailly, sir Louis de Thiembronne, Louis de Varigines, Guerrard bastard de Brimeu, and some other captains of companies attached to the duke of Burgundy, crossed the Somme near to Blanchetaque, with full twelve hundred combatants, and, passing through Oisemont, went to Aumale, belonging to the count de Harcourt.

They quartered themselves in the town, and then made a sharp assault on the castle; but it was so well defended by the garrison that very many of the assailants were dreadfully wounded.[Pg 289] When they were retreating, and during the night, they, through mischief or otherwise, set fire to the town, which, with the church, was completely burnt. It was a great pity, for it was a town that carried on a very considerable commerce.

John de Fosseux and his accomplices then marched away to quarter themselves in the town of Hornoy, and in the adjacent villages in the county of Vimeu, which district they totally plundered; and after three days, they conducted their prisoners, with the cattle, sheep and pigs, across the Somme, at the place where they had before passed.

In like manner, similar excursions were made into the countries of the Beauvoisis, Vermandois, Santerre, Amiennois, and other districts under the king's government,—in all of which the inhabitants were grievously oppressed.[Pg 290]

CHAP. LIV.

THE KING'S GARRISON IN PERONNE CARRIES ON A SEVERE WAR AGAINST THE COUNTRIES ATTACHED TO THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.

During these times, the town of Peronne situated on the river Somme, was strongly garrisoned by forces sent thither by the constable of France, in the king's name under the command of sir Robert de Loyre. They consisted of one hundred men at arms well appointed, one hundred genoese cross-bowmen, and the same number of other combatants; and they made very frequent excursions, day and night, over the countries attached to the duke of Burgundy and his allies, bringing to their garrison considerable plunder of cattle and other effects.

In like manner did the garrison of the castle du Main, belonging to sir Collart de Calville, make war in the king's name on all the allies and supporters of the duke of Burgundy.

The towns of Corbie and Amiens,[Pg 291] suffered much from these continued attacks; and the inhabitants of the latter town, by the command of the duke of Burgundy, was forced to banish sir Robert d'Eusne the king's bailiff, Hugh de Puys the king's advocate, and some others, because they had acted with too much vigour, and contrary to his good pleasure, against several of his adherents. He had even declared, that he would make war on them if they pretended to support them against his will.

They consequently left the town and went to Paris, where they made heavy complaints against the duke to the king and council, who were very far from being satisfied with the conduct of the duke, who was urging on matters from bad to worse.[Pg 292]

CHAP. LV.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY SENDS AMBASSADORS TO MANY OF THE KING'S PRINCIPAL TOWNS, TO FORM ALLIANCES WITH THEM.—THE OATHS THAT WERE MADE ON THE OCCASION.

The duke of Burgundy sent the lords de Fosseux, de Humbercourt, and master Philip de Morviller, as ambassadors, to several of the king's principal towns, with letters patent from the duke, addressed to the magistrates and commonalty.

They first went to Montrieul, which instantly assented to his proposals, then to St Riquier, Abbeville, Amiens and Dourlens; and at each place they had their letters publicly read to the commonalty; after which master Philip de Morviller notably harangued them on the good intentions of the duke to provide for the public welfare, and with such effect that all the above towns formed alliances with the ambassadors, which they solemnly swore to maintain, and mutually exchanged the acts drawn up for this purpose.[Pg 293]

The tenour of that of the town of Dourlens was as follows.

'To all those to whom these presents shall come; John de Fosseux lord de Fosseux and de Nivelle, David de Brimeu lord of Humbercourt, knights, and Philip de Morviller, councellors and ambassadors from the very high and puissant prince our much redoubted lord the duke of Burgundy, on the one part, and the governor, mayor, sheriffs, and resident burghers of the town of Dourlens on the other part, greeting. We make known, that we have entered into and formed a treaty of concord and amity, the terms of which are as follow.

'First, the said governor, mayor, sheriffs, and resident burghers, will aid and support the said duke of Burgundy in his endeavours to restore the king our lord to the full enjoyment of his power and liberty, so that his realm may have uninterrupted justice, and commerce an unrestrained course.

'Item, they will assist the said duke to the utmost of their power, that the king and his realm may be wisely and[Pg 294] well governed and secured against all enemies. They will admit him and his army into their town, allowing him to have a superiority of force, and they will, for money, supply him and his men with whatever provisions or necessaries they may require, they taking on themselves the guard and defence of the town, and permitting all merchants, as well of the town as otherwise, to bring into it, without molestation, whatever merchandises they may please.

'Item, during the time the said duke shall remain in possession of the town of Dourlens, he shall not arrest, or cause to be arrested, any of the inhabitants, of whatever rank or condition, without a judicial enquiry having previously been held; and should any of the officers of the said duke commit an injury or insult on the inhabitants, he or they shall be severely punished by those to whom the cognizance of such cases belongs.

'Item, the townsmen of Dourlens, of every degree, shall have free liberty to repair to the countries of the said duke on their affairs, without let or hindrance, either personally or otherwise.[Pg 295]

'Item, my lord the duke will support and defend the townsmen of Dourlens against all who may attempt to injure them, for having entered into this treaty in favour of the king and our aforesaid lord.

'Item, it is not the intention of our said lord the duke to place any garrison in Dourlens, nor to claim any right of dominion over the said town; but he is contented that the town shall be governed in the king's name, as it has heretofore been, to the honour of the said town, and to the advantage of the public weal.

'The said town engages, on the other hand, never to admit any garrison from the party in opposition to the said duke.

'Item, should there be any persons in the said town of Dourlens who may any way injure and attempt to retard the operations of the said duke, by speech or action, and the same be proved by legal evidence they will cause such person or persons to be most rigorously punished as it behoves them to do.[Pg 296]

'Item, since the said town has been of late heavily oppressed in its agriculture, more especially in the harvest of this present month of August; and since many cattle have been carried away by men at arms avowing themselves of the Burgundian party, by which the labourer and poor people are much distressed, and unless a remedy be speedily applied, must quit their habitations. We, therefore, the inhabitants of Dourlens, most humbly supplicate you, my lords ambassadors, that you would, out of your goodness and discretion, remonstrate with the duke on these matters, that such remedies may be applied as the urgency of the case requires, and the people of Dourlens will pray for your present and future welfare.

'Item, for the more effectual security of the aforesaid articles, and of each of them, the said ambassadors and the said governor, sheriffs, and resident burghers of the town of Dourlens having exchanged the said articles, sealed with their seals, and signed by the sworn clerk of the shrievalty of the said town.[Pg 297]

'We the said ambassadors, by the powers vested in us by our very redoubted lord, and we the governor, mayor, &c. have promised, sworn and agreed, and by these presents do punctually promise, swear and agree, to preserve every article of this treaty, without any way the least infringing of it, under penalty of confiscation of our goods, without the smallest diminution. In testimony of which, we have affixed our seals to these presents, in the town of Dourlens, the 7th day of August, in the year of Grace 1417.'

CHAP. LVI.

KING HENRY OF ENGLAND RETURNS TO FRANCE WITH A LARGE ARMY, AND TAKES MANY TOWNS AND FORTRESSES. THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE, WHERE POPE MARTIN IS ELECTED HEAD OF THE CHURCH.

King Henry of England, accompanied by his brothers the dukes of Clarence and Glocester, a number of other nobles,[Pg 298] and a numerous army, landed at the Port of Touques in Normandy, with the intent to conquer the whole of that duchy. The royal castle at Touques was speedily invested on all sides, which caused the governor, sir John d'Engennes, to surrender it within four days, on condition that he and the garrison should depart with their effects.

Within a short time afterward, the following towns and castles surrendered to king Henry without making any resistance: Harcourt, Beaumont le Roger, Evreux, and several others, in which he placed numerous garrisons. He then opened negotiations for the surrender of the towns of Rouen and Louviers.

The other towns in the duchy were astonished at the facility of king Henry's conquests, for scarcely any place made a defence. This was caused by the divisions that existed among the nobles, some taking part with the king and others with the duke of Burgundy, and therefore they were fearful of trusting each other. The constable had besides drawn off the greater part of the forces in this district to Paris,[Pg 299] to be prepared to meet the duke of Burgundy, whom he daily expected in those parts with a large army.

At this period, by orders from the holy council at Constance, Italy, France, England and Germany, selected four discreet men from each nation, who entered the conclave with the cardinals of the roman court, to elect a pope, on the eve of Martinmas-day. During the time they were shut up in conclave, Sigismund emperor of Germany, and king of Hungary and Bohemia, was seated on his royal throne without the doors of the conclave, having on his head an imperial crown, and in his hand the sceptre, surrounded by a numerous body of princes, knights, and men at arms.

By the grace of the Holy Spirit (it is to be believed), they unanimously elected for pope the cardinal Colonna, a native of Rome. He bore for arms a shield vermilion, having a column argent in the center surmounted with a crown or. He was conducted to the cathedral church, and consecrated by the cardinal of Ostia, dean of the cardinals, and took the name of Martin V.[Pg 300]

This nomination was instantly published throughout all nations, for which the clergy and people returned thanks to God, with the exception of the city of Paris; for they were afraid this new pope and the emperor of Germany would be more favourable to the king of England and the duke of Burgundy than to the king of France, his son, the count d'Armagnac and others of the king's council.

CHAP. LVII.

THE LORD DE CANNY IS SENT BY THE KING OF FRANCE AMBASSADOR TO THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, WHOM HE FINDS AT AMIENS.—THE ANSWER HE RECEIVES FROM THE DUKE.

The duke of Burgundy had been a long time in making his preparations for a successful issue to his enterprise; and when all things were ready, he marched his army from Arras on St Laurence's day, toward Corbie, with the intent to continue his march to Paris.

On the same evening that he arrived at Corbie, Raoul de Roye, abbot of the[Pg 301] place, departed this life, to the great sorrow of the duke. After remaining some days at Corbie, he went to Amiens, where he was most honourably received by all ranks, and carols were sung in the streets he passed through to his lodgings, at the house of master Robert le jeune, his counsellor.

Before he left Amiens, he appointed a new set of officers, namely, the lord de Belloy governor, the lord de Humbercourt bailiff, Andrew Clavel attorney general; and he changed others according to his good pleasure. During his stay at Amiens, letters were presented to him, signed by the king himself, by sir Aubert lord of Canny and Varennes, who said, 'Very noble prince, and renowned lord, it will appear by these letters from the king our lord that I am commanded to enjoin and order you in his name, that you do instantly lay aside the expedition you have undertaken, by disbanding your army, that you return to your own country, and that you write him your reasons why you have raised this army contrary to his orders.'

The duke instantly replied, 'You,[Pg 302] lord de Canny, are, if you please, or if you do not please, of our kindred, by the flanders line; notwithstanding which, in good truth, I have a great mind to have your head struck off for having brought me such a message.' The lord de Canny, greatly terrified at this speech, fell on his knees, and humbly begged that he would hold him excused, for that he had been constrained to obey the king's commands, shewing, at the same time, the instructions that had been given him by the king and council.

The knights who surrounded the duke taking the part of the lord de Canny, he was somewhat appeased, but said he would not inform him of his intentions, and that another should carry his answer to the king; that he should not pay any regard to the prohibitions the king had sent, but would march his army to Paris as speedily as he could, and reply, face to face, to his majesty, to all the charges he had made against him.

The duke, notwithstanding, ordered his council to draw up separate answers to the articles of the instructions given[Pg 303] to the lord de Canny, as well as to the different charges made by the king which he gave to the lord de Canny, making him at the same time promise that he would deliver this writing into the hands of the king and of none other. It contained also the names of the traitors in the king's council, and such of his officers as wished the destruction of the duke.

The lord de Canny, having finished his business, left Amiens and returned to the king at Paris.

Here follow the instructions given to sir Aubert de Canny lord de Varennes in the name of the king and council, prescribing his mode of proceeding with the duke of Burgundy.

'He will first address the duke of Burgundy, and say that the king and my lord the dauphin are greatly astonished at his conduct towards the king and his highness, considering how near related to them he is by blood, and under what obligations he lies to them, as he has often avowed by his speeches, and by his various letters.[Pg 304]

'He will strongly remonstrate with him on the open warfare which his vassals, subjects and allies are carrying on against the king, by taking towns and castles by storm, and committing numberless cruelties by fire and sword against the liege subjects of the king, as bad or even worse than his enemies the English could have done.

'He will remonstrate with him, that his officers, and others attached to him, make the inhabitants of many of the king's towns swear obedience to the duke of Burgundy, forbidding them henceforward to pay any taxes or subsidies which they have usually done to the royal treasury, which is an astonishing act of authority against the honour and dignity of the king.

'He will likewise declare, that the above acts having been done so nearly at the time of the invasion of the English, it has caused many persons to suspect they were committed for their advantage, and to prevent the king from making resistance against them, and that the duke of Burgundy is their sworn ally.[Pg 305]

'The lord de Canny, for these reasons, will, in the king's name, insist that the duke of Burgundy do henceforth abstain from such acts, more especially from attacking any of the towns in France, laying siege to them, and forcing the inhabitants to take illegal oaths.

'He will at the same time require, that all the men at arms who have been assembled shall be disbanded, and sent to their different homes; for, considering the manner and time in which they have been collected, the king is firmly persuaded they have been thus raised to afford succour to the English, and to harrass the king and his realm.

'Item, to induce the duke to comply, sir Aubert, will dilate on the great dishonour he will incur, and the shame and reproach that will fall on him and his family, should he persevere in his present conduct; and at the same time gently entreat him to consider well these matters, and not to inflict such disgrace on the memory of his good father, who was so valiant and loyal, and who enjoined him, on his death-bed, to be ever[Pg 306] obedient to the king and to his commands.

'Item, sir Aubert will, in like manner, remonstrate on all these matters with the barons, knights, esquires, and others who may have accompanied the duke of Burgundy, and to whom he may gain access, requiring them, in the king's name, not to fall off from that loyalty which they and their predecessors have alway shewn to the king and his realm, nor to disgrace themselves by listening to evil advisers, or by any act to draw on themselves and successors the opprobrium of being reported in times to come not only disobedient to their king, but even favourers of the enemies of the kingdom.

'Item, in the execution of these instructions, sir Aubert will act in the most gracious and polite manner,—and, before his return to Paris, will request to have answers in writing from all to whom he shall have addressed himself.

'Item, should the duke of Burgundy, or any of his partisans, say, that those who have at present the government of the king have showered on him, the duke,[Pg 307] so many and gross insults that they were not longer to be borne,—sir Aubert will reply, that supposing any of those about the king's person should have done any thing displeasing to the duke, that is not a sufficient reason why he should endeavour to destroy the kingdom, as he is daily doing, nor why he should favour and give support to the English, the king's enemies, at the expense of his own honour and that of his posterity; for he might have expressed his dissatisfaction in a more decent and becoming manner.

'Item, sir Aubert will beside say, that in compliance with the requests of the late lord of Hainault, whose soul may God pardon! and from a sincere wish for peace with the duke of Burgundy and all others, the king had granted many considerable gifts, which ought to have been very agreeable to the duke for they were much to his profit, and to that of his dependants. Nevertheless, the king's hand is not so closed but that he is well inclined to show great courtesy and favours to the duke of Burgundy, and all others in his service, should there[Pg 308] be occasion, and should they perform that duty they are bounden to do.

'Item, should it be necessary, sir Aubert shall have given to him copies in writing of the answers which the king made to the complaints of the duke of Burgundy, and of the acts that he said had been done to his prejudice, for him to show such answers to the barons, knights, esquires, and others of the nobility who may be attached to, or in the service of the duke of Burgundy.

'Given at Paris, the 2nd day of August, in the year of Grace 1417.'

'Signed by the king: countersigned, Ferrement.'

Here follows a copy of the answers which the duke of Burgundy made to the articles of the instructions in the name of the king, and given to sir Aubert de Canny, lord de Varennes.

'In the first place, with regard to the astonishment of the king at the conduct which the duke of Burgundy holds in opposition to his majesty, considering how nearly related he is to him by blood, and how very much he has been obliged to him,—the duke replies, that he is in truth[Pg 309] his relation and vassal, and bound to serve him before all and against all; and it is from his warm affection and attachment that he is so anxious and pressing to procure a reform in the government of the realm, as well in regard to what personally concerns the king, the queen, and his children, as in the repairs of his palaces the maintenance of strict justice, and a more equitable management of the public finances, as may be clearly proved by various royal ordinances.

'These reforms have been solemnly sworn to be pursued by the perseverance of the duke of Burgundy, in the presence of the king holding a bed of justice; but, through the intrigues of those who now surround the throne, and who shall hereafter be named, these measures have not only been interrupted, and then laid aside, but the finances of the king, his realm, and in general of all the resident subjects in the kingdom, have been most shamefully dissipated.

'They have even attempted to destroy, in body and estate, the duke of Burgundy, his wellwishers, and such of them as they could apprehend; and have[Pg 310] employed the arms of the spiritual court against them, to effect the dishonour and damnation of his fair reputation, and of the renown of himself, and posterity; but the duke of Burgundy did obtain from the council of Constance a sentence in his favour, which clearly demonstrates the upright conduct of the duke, and the wickedness and hatred of his enemies.

'Item, with respect to what concerns the subjects of Burgundy, and others who avow their attachment to the duke, making open war on the king's towns and subjects, &c.—the duke of Burgundy replies, that when he perceived those about the king's person were persevering in their rigorous acts, and that they were unwilling to listen to any wholesome reforms for the welfare of the state, and that insult was added to insult upon him, by every violent means, the duke of Burgundy found himself obliged to send notice, by letters patent of these harsh proceedings, to many of the principal towns within the realm, signifying, at the same time, his good intentions,[Pg 311] and the means he proposed to remedy them; and it was for this purpose he issued his summonses for assembling men at arms and archers.

'Thanks to God, he had now under his command, for the service of the king and the welfare of the kingdom, six thousand knights and esquires, and an army of thirty thousand combatants, all wellwishers to his majesty, his realm, and loyal subjects.

'During the march of this army, the duke approached several large towns, the inhabitants of which, knowing his good intentions, opened their gates to him. This army has forced many places, full of plunderers, to surrender to him in the king's name, and he has regarrisoned them with good and loyal subjects to the king, who are incapable of committing any thing dishonourable to his majesty, themselves, or their country; and this has been done with the full approbation of these towns and the adjoining countries.

'Item, respecting the charge that has been made against the officers of the[Pg 312] duke of Burgundy, for having induced several towns to swear obedience to him, and having afterward forbidden them to pay any taxes to the king, &c., the duke of Burgundy replies, that if he has received the oaths of allegiance from any city or town, it has been done that they might persevere in their loyalty toward the king, and for the good of his realm, to the confusion and disgrace of those who prevent a peace being made, and who are the destroyers of the kingdom. Such as may have joined the duke of Burgundy, and are obedient to him, have been induced so to do from a knowledge of his upright intentions, and a confidence that his love for the king and kingdom exceeds that of all others.

'It is not true, under respect to the king, that such towns have been forbidden to pay any of the taxes due to the crown; but it may have been that they were ordered not to pay them to those false traitors the present ministers, but to reserve them to be employed for the king's service at proper times and places,—and[Pg 313] this should be considered as praise-worthy; for of all the immense sums they have received, the greater part have been shamefully mismanaged, and taken from the king to be divided among themselves and the enemies of France, to the irreparable loss of the king, his realm and chivalry, as is well known to all the world. The duke, however intends, when he shall be admitted to the presence of the king, to propose the abolishing of the most oppressive taxes, and that the good subjects of the realm may again enjoy their ancient rights and privileges in a reasonable manner.

'Item, in regard to the charge made against the duke of Burgundy, that his conduct has been influenced by his friendship for England, and that what he has done has been with a view to support the English in their invasion of France, and that the duke of Burgundy is their sworn ally,—

'The duke replies, that such an imagination could not have been formed in the heart of any honest man. The English have formerly invaded France[Pg 314] without opposition, (although the same traitorous ministers governed the king and his realm), and to the great loss of the french chivalry. It is therefore to be supposed that since the English gained such success from the weak administration of his majesty's ministers, they intend to persevere in hopes of further advantages; and they have even taken the town of Harfleur, one of the strongest sea-ports in Normandy.

'This ought to be treasured up in the memories of all the noble chivalry attached to the duke of Burgundy, whom these wicked traitors wish to denounce as being disinclined to make any resistance to the English; and, with all due respect to the king, those who shall say that the duke of Burgundy is the sworn ally of the English, lie wickedly and damnably.

'Item, respecting the request made to the duke of Burgundy, that he would disband and send to their homes the troops he has assembled, the duke replies, that now the false and disloyal conduct of these traitors is very apparent, for[Pg 315] every one knows that they have not raised any powers to oppose the English; and that it is at this moment more necessary than ever to have a sufficient force for the defence of the king and kingdom, especially such faithful and loyal knights and esquires as compose the duke's army, instead of disbanding and dismissing them to their homes; and it is clear that the conduct of the ministry tends more to favour the enemy, and oppress the king and country. Those noble men who compose the duke's army should particularly observe, that these traitors consider them as disloyal to their king, and enemies to their country. The duke also declares, in the most positive manner, for himself and his companions, that he will not disband his army, but will continue to proceed according to the tenour of his public letters declaratory thereof.

'Item, with regard to the dishonour and disgrace in which he, the duke of Burgundy, will involve himself and family should he persevere in his present line of conduct, and, according to the remon[Pg 316]strances of sir Aubert de Canny, cover thereby his worthy and valiant father's memory with infamy, who, on his death-bed, strictly enjoined him to be ever obedient to the king and to his commands,—

'The duke replies, that his father, of worthy memory, whose soul may God pardon! was, as it is truly said, ever loyal and faithful to the king; and it was from his knowledge of the weak and wicked government of France at the time of his decease, that he ordered his son faithfully to serve the king and crown of France without sparing his person or fortune; and it has been for this reason that the duke of Burgundy has adopted the present measures, as the sole means for the reformation and reparation of the king's government. These measures have not been adopted by him of a sudden, but deliberately, and after maturely weighing the consequences with his council; and should he now change his conduct, he would be very justly blamed and reproached,—for this reason, therefore, he is resolved to proceed therein.[Pg 317]

'Item, with respect to sir Aubert de Canny remonstrating with the lords, barons, knights and esquires attached to the duke of Burgundy, on the above matters,—the duke replies, that the conduct he has hitherto held and proposes to pursue, with God's pleasure, has been with the advice and approbation of his barons, knights, esquires, and other notable persons, and he therefore shall give full liberty for any such remonstrances to be made to them; for the more they shall be conversed with on these matters, the more fully will they be made acquainted with the iniquities of those who prevent a peace, and disturb the good intentions of the duke of Burgundy.

'Item in regard to the polite and gracious manner in which sir Aubert de Canny is ordered to make these remonstrances, and to declare the king's prohibitions to him and to his company, &c.—

'The duke replies, that not having any consciousness that such commands and prohibitions were proper to be made him, knowing for a certainty that they[Pg 318] are not the real sentiments of the king, who on the contrary loves him affectionately, and is very earnest to see him, having often demanded his presence, he is aware that these false and wicked traitors have drawn up these instructions in an underhand manner, and that at this moment, when the enemy have landed in the kingdom, it is not a time to obey such orders and prohibitions; but this force, as well as the aid of all loyal subjects, ought now to be exerted in the defence of the country. Even supposing the enemies had not effected their invasion, the duke of Burgundy would not have suffered such false traitors to hold the government of the kingdom.

'Item, respecting what is said of the duke of Burgundy and of others in his company, that supposing those who have the management of the king should have done acts displeasing to them, and added insults to insults, these were not sufficient reasons to authorise the duke to endeavour to destroy the kingdom, or to afford aid and advice to the English,—the duke replies, that in addition to what he has[Pg 319] before said, and other innumerable instances too long to relate, it is notorious that the present ministers namely, sir Henry de Marle the bishop of Paris, sir Tanneguy du Châtel, sir Burel de Dammartin, master Stephen de Mauregard, master Philip de Corbie, with several others, have been the principal promoters, and leaders in those iniquitous measures, disturbers of the peace of the realm, and guilty of many other excesses and great crimes, as shall be detailed more at large hereafter.

'The duke of Burgundy, therefore, has not assembled his forces to destroy the kingdom, or to favour the English, but to drive the present ministers from power, and from about the person of the king; and he will never desist from this praise-worthy intention so long as life may be granted him,—for they are not such persons as should have authority, not being worthy by birth, knowledge, experience, or loyalty; and it is become a subject of contempt and laughter that persons of such low estate, and of so small a share of knowledge or experience,[Pg 320] should have intrusted to them the expulsion of the English.

'The barons and principal persons of the realm should weigh this matter well, and not suffer themselves to be thus supplanted by persons of no understanding or birth; for they have shewn themselves of weak capacity in daily committing acts of the utmost cruelty on the liege subjects of the king, under pretence of maintaining justice and order.

'Item, in respect to what relates to the king having (at the solicitations of the count de Hainault, whose soul may God pardon!) from a love of peace, granted to the duke of Burgundy and those who had served him, many handsome gifts, but which the duke made light of,—

'The duke replies, that from his anxiety to preserve peace and union in France, which he has ever felt and feels from the bottom of his heart, he waited on my lord the dauphin lately deceased, and my lord of Hainault, to whose souls may God shew mercy! and after much conversation relative to a[Pg 321] peace, the duke of Burgundy offered them a schedule of his terms for the conclusion thereof, with all who may be desirous of partaking of it, with the exception of king Louis of Sicily, lately deceased, on account of disputes that existed between them: with this proposal, the dauphin and the count de Hainault were perfectly satisfied. For the accomplishment of which, they were to meet at Compiegne, as every dispatch would be necessary, the sooner to put an end to the miseries of war. However, those traitors who surround the king, by their intrigues, protracted the business for three months, or thereabout, without coming to any final decision.

'The count de Hainault at length went to Paris, and, by means of the queen, procured from these traitors a sort of agreement to the offers of peace, with which he was satisfied; but during these negotiations, he privately learnt, that it was intended to arrest him and the queen, and imprison them, that they might manage the dauphin as they should please; and this information caused the count de[Pg 322] Hainault to quit Paris precipitately and return to Compiegne, where soon after the dauphin was carried off from this life in a most wicked and damnable manner, which has been before related in different letters patent from the duke of Burgundy.

'After the dauphin's decease, the count de Hainault returned to his own county, whither was addressed the answer of the king's ministers to the proposals for peace, which much displeased him: he said, that since the death of the dauphin, they had changed their minds, and totally altered and perverted what had before been agreed upon. This answer he sent to the duke of Burgundy, who, having maturely considered it with his council, found it was highly derogatory to the honour and welfare of the king and his realm, as well as to himself the duke of Burgundy, and paid no regard to it. Instigated, however, by such conduct, he dispatched into several parts of the kingdom a manifesto, declaratory of the ruin of the country were the present ministers continued in power, and his firm resolu[Pg 323]tion to do every thing to prevent it, by driving them from about the person of the king.

'This declaration he presented himself to the count de Hainault during his last illness, who having heard the contents read, was very willing that it should be published throughout his dominions, saying, that it was well done of the duke of Burgundy; for the traitors that surrounded the king were worse than imagination could form an idea of, making at the same time an offer of his personal services, should God grant him the grace to recover from his illness; and should sickness detain him, he offered the duke the aid of his vassals, friends, wellwishers, and money. He then swore, by a round oath, that if he had not suddenly left Paris, the traitors intended to have arrested the queen and himself, as is now notorious from their subsequent conduct to the queen; for they laid hands on her, and took possession of every thing she possessed, to the great disgrace of the king and of all his family.

'It is likewise true, that when the[Pg 324] duke of Burgundy was at Lagny, the duke of Brittany ran great risks at Paris, and was forced to depart thence because he was desirous of procuring a peace to France. The count de Hainault also added, with a great oath, that were the English at one of the gates of Paris, and the duke of Burgundy at another, they would permit the English to enter the city rather than the duke of Burgundy. All these things did the count de Hainault say in the presence of madame de Hainault, my lord de Charolois, my lord de St Pol, the treasurer of Hainault, John the bastard, master Eustace de Lactre, my lord de Champdivers, and several others.

'It is very clear that the king's ministers have no inclination to promote the good of the realm; for they have lately caused the declaratory letters of the duke of Burgundy to be publicly burnt in the courts of the palace at Paris, in which the duke offered peace to all who were willing to accept of it from him, as has been before related. This act is but a poor revenge on their part, and a pitiful[Pg 325] weakness thus to burn a few skins of parchment.

'Item, to conclude; that all persons may know the will and intention of the duke of Burgundy, he thus declares publicly that he shall persist in his present line of conduct until he shall have had a long audience of the king, to remonstrate with him on the enormous abuses committed by the present government, and to lay before him the means of reformation, which are such as must be satisfactory to his majesty, and to every honest man in the kingdom,—notwithstanding the duke had offered, by his declaratory letters, peace to all, but which the king's ministers would not accept, and have persevered in their wickedness.

'The duke of Burgundy, desirous of procuring peace to the kingdom, which is in so great want of it, is willing to lay aside all thoughts of revenge for the numerous insults offered him, and again proposes peace on the same terms on which he has before done.'

When the duke of Burgundy had, as he thought, fully answered all the[Pg 326] charges made against him in the paper of instructions given by the king's order to the lord de Canny, a fair copy was written thereof, and delivered to the lord de Canny, who took leave of the duke and returned to the king at Paris, carrying the above answers with him.

CHAP. LVIII.

THE LORD DE CANNY, ON HIS RETURN FROM HIS EMBASSY, TO PARIS, IS ACCUSED BY THE ROYAL COUNCIL.—ORDERS ARE ISSUED AGAINST THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.

Previously to the return of the lord de Canny to Paris, his secretary had given copies of the instructions, and the duke of Burgundy's answer, to many of his friends, insomuch that they made them public long before they were laid before the king and his ministers. In consequence, when the lord de Canny had an audience, to make his report of the embassy, he was told in full council, 'Lord[Pg 327] de Canny, you have shewn yourself very unworthy of the king's confidence, by thus distributing copies of the king's instructions, and the duke of Burgundy's answer, of which this is one of them, that you have dispersed at Amiens, Paris and elsewhere, among your friends and acquaintance, with no good intent toward the king's service.'

The copy was compared with the original, signed by the duke's own hand, and found perfectly similar, to the great confusion of the lord de Canny, who, in excuse, said they must have been distributed by his secretary, who had fled from his service.

The lord de Canny was, notwithstanding, carried prisoner to the bastille of St Anthony, where he was confined a long space of time, even until the taking of Paris; for the ministers were very much displeased that the duke of Burgundy's answers should have been made public in so many places; and whatever they may have affected, they were greatly alarmed at the duke's power, for they had been informed that the greater part of the[Pg 328] principal towns, and the commonalty throughout the kingdom, were favourable to him, as well as many of the principal lords and gentlemen.

When they found, from the duke's answers, that he was determined to persevere in his enterprise of marching his army to Paris, to demand an audience of the king, they were more uneasy at their situation than before; for they knew they would be driven from their places, and many of them, criminally punished, should he succeed in his object.

To obviate this as much as in them lay, they caused letters to be written in the king's name, and sent to all the chief towns in France, to command them neither to admit within their walls the duke of Burgundy or any of his partisans, nor to pay any obedience to them. They also placed garrisons at all the passes and other important places; and the constable even remanded his men from Normandy for the greater security of Paris.

Thus whilst the king of England was making good his landing in France with an immense army, as has been said,[Pg 329] he found no difficulties in adding to his conquests,—and, from the effect of these internal divisions, he met with scarcely any resistance.

CHAP. LIX.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY CONTINUES HIS MARCH TOWARD PARIS.—SEVERAL TOWNS AND FORTS SURRENDER TO HIM, IN WHICH HE PLACES CAPTAINS AND GOVERNORS.

After the duke of Burgundy had remained some days in Amiens, and had delegated the government of his dominions in Picardy to his eldest son the count de Charolois, with an able council to assist him, he departed thence and returned to Corbie, and continued his march to Mondidier.

During this time, the lady of the castle of Mouy promised that she would no longer permit her people to make inroads on the territories of the duke. He was accompanied to Mondidier by[Pg 330] the young count de St Pol, sir John de Luxembourg, and many other great barons, such as the lord de Fosseux and his three brothers, sir Philip, sir James, and sir John, sir Jennet de Poix, Hector, Philippe, and le bon de Saveuses, the lord de Rambures, sir Burnel, and Louis de Varigines, and others. He went from Mondidier to Beauvais,—in which place he was received on certain assurances in the name of the duke of Burgundy, in like manner as had been done at Amiens.

To this town the lord de Fosseux had previously marched, and caused the mayor, sheriffs, and commonalty to be harangued by master Robert le jeune, advocate and councellor to the duke of Burgundy, on the sincere and loyal affection the duke bore to the king and realm, as well as to the whole royal family. He explained the object of the duke's enterprise as being to reform the abuses in the goverment of the kingdom, which had been caused by those persons of low degree and weak understandings, that had usurped the management of the king and his council.[Pg 331]

The townsmen of Beauvais were well satisfied with this harangue, and finally consented to admit the duke, and as large a force as he should please, into their town. The duke, in consequence, marched thither from Mondidier, and was most joyfully received, carols being sung in all the streets through which he passed. He was lodged at the bishop's palace, and tarried there eight whole days,—while his army was quartered in the adjacent country, which suffered severely therefrom, although it was abundantly supplied with every necessary.

During his stay at Beauvais, some of the inhabitants from Gournay in Normandy were deputed thither by the governor and commonalty, to submit themselves to his obedience, and to offer attachment to his party. The duke received them kindly, and made them swear obedience and loyalty to the king and himself, which they instantly complied with.

He acquitted them of gabelles, subsidies, and all taxes, as he had done to those of others of the king's towns that had submitted themselves to him.[Pg 332]

In the mean time, Hector and Philip de Saveuses, sir Elyon de Jacqueville, and some other captains made an excursion to Beaumont sur Oise, in the hope of gaining that pass; but it was well defended by the constable's men within the place, and they were forced to return by the town of Chambly le Haubergier, where they pillaged from churches and other places, and brought a very considerable booty to the duke their lord at Beauvais, who, a few days after, sent great part of his army to quarter themselves at Chambly and in the neighbouring villages.

Shortly after, the duke departed from Beauvais with the remainder of his army,—the whole of which was so considerable that it was estimated, by those who ought to know, at sixty thousand horse.

By the intrigues and solicitations of a gentleman called Charles de Mouy, the lord of Isle-Adam joined the party of the duke of Burgundy, and delivered up his town and pass to John de Fosseux, Hector and Philip de Saveuses, who placed[Pg 333] therein, as a garrison, a sufficient number of their men at arms. When the duke was informed of this, he was very much rejoiced that the lord de l'Isle Adam had joined him, and delivered up the passage through his town.

On the other hand, John de Luxembourg crossed the river Oise, with a number of men at arms which he had at Presy, in small boats, making their horses swim the river; and he quartered them at a village hard by. The morrow, he led the greater part of them to Senlis, of which town sir Robert d'Esne was bailiff for the king, having under him about sixty combatants. He made a sally with his men on foot against those of John of Luxembourg, and a grand skirmish took place.

However, the majority of the commonalty of the town were not well pleased that sir Robert should thus wage war on the friends of the duke of Burgundy: and on the ensuing night, when John of Luxembourg had retreated, the townsmen rose, seized sir Robert d'Esne and all his men, after eight or ten had[Pg 334] been killed, and carried him to prison; but through the interference of some of the principal inhabitants, he was permitted to leave the town, with his men and baggage,—and he went thence to Mont-Epiloy.

The next day those of Senlis sent very early for John of Luxembourg, before whom they swore obedience to the duke of Burgundy. He received their oaths in the names of the king and duke, promising loyalty and good behaviour, and appointed Troullart de Moncruel bailiff of Senlis, with other officers according to his pleasure. When this was done, John of Luxembourg returned to the duke of Burgundy.

CHAP. LX.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY CROSSES THE RIVER OISE WITH HIS ARMY AT L'ISLE-ADAM.—HE BESIEGES AND CONQUERS BEAUMONT AND PONTOISE,—WHENCE HE REMOVES HIS QUARTERS TO L'ARBRE-SEC.

When the duke of Burgundy had repaired the bridge at l'Isle-Adam, the[Pg 335] greater part of his army passed over under the command of the lords de Fosseux, de Vergy, and de Salnoe, and were lodged in the open fields, and under hedges and bushes, within the distance of a league from where they had crossed the river. On the morrow they decamped, and marched in battle-array to Beaumont-sur-Oise, and quartered themselves in the town, and around the castle, in spite of the resistance made by those within it.

Sir Jennet de Poix, with four hundred combatants under his banner, advanced to a village a league further, and on the road toward Paris, which he fortified, and kept possession of until the whole army was dislodged. The duke of Burgundy was encamped on the other side of the river, and had his artillery pointed to batter the castle of Beaumont from across the Oise; and they kept up so brisk an attack that the castle was damaged in several places.

The besieged, seeing they were in danger of being taken by storm, surrendered to the will of the duke of Burgundy. Fifty[Pg 336] two persons were found in the castle, nine of whom were beheaded, and their bodies hung by the arms to trees: the rest or the greater part, were set at liberty on paying a heavy ransom; and the lord de Vergy, marshal of the army, received, by right of his office, all the effects that were found in the castle.

The duke of Burgundy revictualled this castle, and gave the command of it to a burgundian gentleman called John de Torsenay. After this conquest, the duke ordered the van, which was on the opposite side of the river, to advance toward Paris, and to quarter themselves at the abbey of Morbuisson, and other places near to the town of Pontoise, while the duke should encamp on the side toward Beauvais, and by this means the town would be surrounded on all sides. On their arrival, the garrison made a sally, but were repulsed and driven back; and the duke soon after had his artillery pointed against the gates of Pontoise, making other preparations to subdue them.

When the townsmen noticed these things, they opened a parley, and, five[Pg 337] days after, surrendered the place to the duke, on condition that their lives and fortunes should be spared. They also promised not to bear arms against him until Christmas-day ensuing; but this they did not keep, for on his arrival at Paris they continued their warfare against him as before.

There were within the town three captains having banners, namely, the bastard de S. Terre, Tromagon and Maurigon, natives of Gascony, who marched away together under the passport of the duke, and, crossing the bridge at Meulan, went to Paris. After their departure, the duke, with a few attendants, entered the town to examine it, and was well received by several of the townsmen, who had been long attached to him. When there, he issued a proclamation throughout the army, forbidding all persons to enter the town but such as were especially ordered so to do. To prevent the provisions within the place from being wasted or destroyed, he appointed, in the king's name, and in his own, the lord de l'Isle-Adam governor of it.[Pg 338]

When these things were done, the duke marched away, taking the road to Meulan, from which place terms were offered him; for the men at arms who had been posted there by the constable had marched away, in company with those from Pontoise to Paris.

The duke ordered his whole army to be drawn up in battle-array between Pontoise and Meulan, that he might see it in order of battle, as if in the presence of the enemy. The spot where the soldiers were drawn up was a handsome plain at the foot of a hill; and it was a very agreeable sight to him, for there were a number of nobles and gentlemen handsomely equipped, and willing to serve him against all his opponents: the principal, and those of name, were as follows.

First, count Philip de St Pol, son to duke Anthony of Brabant, and nephew to the duke of Burgundy, sir John de Luxembourg, the lord d'Antoing, the lord de Fosseux and his three brothers, the vidame of Amiens, Anthony lord of Croy, the lord d'Auxi, sir Jenet de Poix, the lord d'Inchy, the lord de Humieres, sir Robinet de[Pg 339] Mailly and two of his brothers, the lord de Rambures, sir John de Vaucourt and his brother Louis, the younger de Renty, the lord de Varigines, the lord de Cohem, sir Alliamus de Gappamus, sir Hue Burnel and his son sir Louis, Robert le Roux, Robert de Bournouville, sir Charles Disque, the lord de Fremeusent, the lord de Humbercourt bailiff of Amiens, sir Charles de Lens, the lord de Noyelle, the lord de Longueval, sir Payen de Beaufort, sir Pierre Kieret lord de Ramecourt, George la Personne, sir Hue de Launoy and his brother sir Guillebert, the lord de Briauté, sir David de Brimeu and his brother James, the lord de Saint-Leger and his son sir Mauroy, David de Bouflers, sir John de Courcelles, John de Flavy, sir Elyon de Jacqueville, the lord de Mesnil, Charlot de Dully, the bastard de Namur, sir Gastellain Vas, John de Guigny, John d'Aubigny, the bastard de Thian, Charles l'Abby, Matthew des Près, the lord de Jaucourt, Guerard bastard de Brimeu, Emard de la Riviere and his father Philip, Gadifer de Mazinqhen and his brother Thierry.[Pg 340]

From the county of Flanders were the lord d'Estenu, the lord de Comines, the lord de Gruthuse, the lord de Roubaiz, Robert and Victor, bastards of Flanders, sir Victor de Rabbecque, Robert de Mauvignes, Henry de Disquemude, sir Roland de Velereque, Hector de Venront, the bastard de Collequent, and several others.

From Burgundy were the lord de Vergy marshal of Burgundy, sir Anthony de Vergy, Louis de Châlons son to the prince of Orange, the lord de Salines, sir John de la Trimouille lord de Souvelle, sir Regnier Pot, the lord de Montagu, the lord de Neuf-Châtel, the lord de Château-Vilain, the lord de Château-vieux, the lord de Rochefort, the lord de Thy, sir John de Cotte-brune, the lord d'Ancre, the lord de Toulongeon, sir William de Champdivers, the lord de Gastellus, sir John de Digonne, sir Anthony de Toulongeon and his brother Andrew, le veau de Bar, bailiff of Auxi, Henry de Champdivers, sir Gautier de Rupes, Andrew de Salines, Regnault de Moncouvin, Anthony de la Marche, sir James de Courtjambe lord of St Liebault,[Pg 341] the lord de Rausse, Pierre de Digonne, sir Peter de Bauffremont, Emard de Viene, John and Clavin du Clau, with many other noblemen from various countries, who, with their men, were drawn up in most handsome array for two hours,—during which time the duke of Burgundy, attended by some of his most confidential advisers, rode along the ranks, bowing to each battalion as he passed, and thanking them most graciously for the honour and service they did him. In truth, it was a pleasant spectacle to see so many nobles with the flower of their men at arms thus handsomely drawn out.

When the review was over, he marched his army across the Seine, at the bridge of Meulan; and then John de Fosseux and Hector de Saveuses, with no more than two hundred combatants, advanced by Val-de-Galie to a castle called Bayne, that belonged to the abbot of Fécamp, who was within it. He made his peace with them by means of his relation Louis de Saint-Saulieu, who was with Hector; and it was agreed that a party of their men should remain in the[Pg 342] castle, to guard it against others of the Burgundians,—and in consideration of a sum of money, they gave the abbot an agreement signed with their seals; but a few days afterward, by the consent of Hector de Saveuses, as reported, Philip de Saveuses, and others in his company carried off all the effects, and did much damage to it.

The duke of Burgundy continued the march of his army until he came to Mont-Rouge: whence Paris could be plainly seen. He there encamped himself and his army, and the number of tents was so great that they had the appearance of a considerable town. The duke ordered sir John de Luxembourg to march his men to St Cloud, who, having quartered them near to the bridge, made an attack on a small tower at the end of it, near the town: it was soon taken and set on fire, as well as the mills under the bridge, when some large bombards were pointed against the tower of St Cloud, which greatly damaged it in many places; but it was not taken, for continual reinforcements came from Paris to defend it.[Pg 343]

When the duke of Burgundy had remained for eight days on Mont-Rouge, he decamped with his army, and advanced a league nearer to Paris, to a hill whereon was a withered tree, on which he fixed his standard, and thence was this encampment called 'the camp of the withered tree.' He remained here also for eight days; and as many of his men were quartered in the villages close to Paris, several skirmishes took place between them and the Parisians, although no great losses ensued on either side. The foragers from the duke's army scoured the country for eight leagues round, and brought to the camp great booties of horses, cattle, sheep and pigs, to the ruin of the poor peasantry.[Pg 344]

CHAP. LXI.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY SENDS HIS HERALD TO THE KING OF FRANCE IN PARIS.—THE ANSWER HE RECEIVES.—THE SIEGE OF MONTLEHERY,—AND OTHER MATTERS.

During the time when the duke of Burgundy was encamped at the withered tree on Mont-Chastillon, before Paris, he sent one of his heralds called Palis, who was afterward Flanders king at arms, with letters to the king and the dauphin of France. On his arrival at the gates of Paris, he was led to the count d'Armagnac and the king's ministers, who bade him address the dauphin, and give to him his letters, for that he could not be admitted to the presence of the king,—which he did, shortly detailing the object of his mission from the duke of Burgundy.

The dauphin, who had been well instructed what answer he was to make, replied in a great rage, 'Herald, contrary to the will of my lord the king[Pg 345] and of us, thy lord of Burgundy has already destroyed several parts of the kingdom, and, by his persevering in his conduct, he plainly shews that he is not our wellwisher as he signs himself. If he be anxious that my lord and ourself should consider him as our relative, loyal vassal and subject, let him march to combat and conquer the king of England, the ancient enemy of this realm, and then return to the king, when he shall be well received. Let him no longer say that my lord the king and ourself are kept in servitude at Paris, for we both of us enjoy our full liberty and authority; and do thou be careful that thou repeat what we have just said, aloud to the duke of Burgundy, and in the presence of his army.'

After this speech, the herald returned to his lord, and repeated to him what the dauphin had said, which made no great impression on the duke, for he considered it as the speech of those who governed the king.

When the duke perceived that he could not gain admittance to Paris, and[Pg 346] that his partisans in that city were unable to perform what they had promised him, he decamped from Mont-Chastillon, with his whole army, to lay siege to Montlehery. The inhabitants, knowing the power of the duke, and thinking they should not be supported, entered into a treaty to surrender the castle, if within eight days they were not succoured by the king or the constable. They sent information of this treaty to the constable, but it was of no avail, for no succours were sent,—and they delivered up the castle conformably to their agreement.

In like manner were reduced to the obedience of the duke of Burgundy the castles of Marcoussy, Dourdan, Palaiseau, and some other forts in the neighbourhood. During the siege of Montlehery, the duke detached a part of his army to the castle of Doursay, who lodged themselves in the town, in front of the castle, and there pointed some cannons to batter the walls and conquer it; but a large body of the constable's men attacked their quarters at break of day, and slew the greater part of them. Those who escaped fled to the quarters of the duke of Burgundy, cry[Pg 347]ing, 'To arms! for that the enemy were marching in great force against them.'

The duke instantly drew up his army in battle-array on the plain, as if the enemy had been in sight. The leaders of the detachment sent to Doursay were the lord de Salines, the lord de Toulongeon, and some other captains from Burgundy; and at this surprise were made prisoners sir Geoffroy de Villers, a knight from the Rethelois, with fifty other gentlemen.

While this was going forward, the duke dispatched sir Elyon de Jacqueville John de Guigny, John du Clau, and other captains, with sixteen hundred combatants to Chartres,—which place with Estampes, Gallardon, and other towns and forts, surrendered to the duke of Burgundy. Jacqueville remained governor of Chartres. In like manner, sir Philip de Fosseux and Robert le Roux were sent to the lady de la Riviere at Auniau, who promised that she would not admit any garrisons into her forts of Auniau and Rochefort, that would carry on war against the duke of Burgundy or his wellwishers.[Pg 348]

At this time, numbers of towns, castles, and noble men joined the duke, in the expectation that he would succeed in his enterprise and obtain the government of the kingdom. In the towns which submitted to his obedience, he would not allow any taxes to be raised excepting that on salt, which gained him great popularity among the inhabitants and peasantry of the countries round. He also sent letters to many of the principal towns in France, of the following tenour.

'John duke of Burgundy, count of Flanders and Artois, palatine of Burgundy, lord of Salines and Mechlin. Very dear and good friends, you have known, from melancholy experience, the miserable system of government which is adopted in this kingdom, as well with regard to the king as the country, by those who have seized the management of our lord the king, without respect or care for his royal majesty; but, forgetful of every thing, they have impoverished his estate, and his own personal wealth, which formerly acquired for him great renown[Pg 349] among Christian princes. His government was, anciently, celebrated for the equity of the courts of justice, which was administered indiscriminately to the poor as well as to the rich; but the present ministers have so greatly neglected it that it has fallen off, and is now directed according to their pleasure, while all parts of his majesty's dominions are in a state of anarchy, and a prey to the bitter enemies of the kingdom, by the destruction of the nobles and other supporters of the dignity of the crown.

'Heavy taxes, under various pretences, have been and are raised, to the great vexation and ruin of the nobility, clergy, citizens and commonalty, who groan under them.

'To obviate and reform these and similar abuses, we have taken up arms, as it is well known to you; for we have frequently and publicly summoned these ministers to desist from such practises declaring that otherwise we should ourselves provide a remedy, for the benefit of our said lord the king, so that an adequate provision might be made for his establish[Pg 350]ment, his kingdom be better governed, and the lost territories recovered.

'And again, while we were lately before Paris, we sent our herald to our said lord the king, with sealed letters, in which we repeated the grounds of our conduct, supplicating him that we might be permitted to approach his sacred person, and make offer of our personal services to him as to our sovereign lord; but the present ministry would not allow these letters to be given to our said lord, and sent them back to us. They forbade our herald to return again, and continue their usual mode of government to the destruction of the realm and of all his majesty's loyal subjects, because they know that we are averse to their measures which are daily becoming from bad to worse. It is this which engages us to persevere in our resistance whatever may be the consequences thereof, that they may no longer continue their wicked practices, and that commerce may have free course, and the kingdom may be governed according to justice. Such is our firm intention that we may loyally[Pg 351] acquit ourselves; for it has been pronounced by the holy court of Rome, that it behoves us to attend to the government of the kingdom, considering the unfortunate state of the king and the youth of the dauphin, rather than the count d'Armagnac, or those who style themselves council to the king. In confirmation of this, we have annexed to these presents the decree that was pronounced by the holy college in the presence of a very learned doctor, our ambassador to the court of Rome.

'We therefore summon you in the name of our said lord, and earnestly request you on our part, that you take the above subjects into your serious consideration, and form such conclusions as may be honourable to our aforesaid lord, and to the preservation of his lineage and dominions; and that all his subjects may enjoy peace and justice, and that these our intentions may be adopted by you, is the earnest object of our wishes.

'We request, that on the 20th day of October next ensuing, you would depute to us not less than two well-instruct[Pg 352]ed persons, at whatever place we may be, with whom we may advise with sufficient powers to form any treaties in your names, and in those of the prelates, chapters, and all dependances on your jurisdiction.

'Be careful that herein you fail not, from the love you bear our aforesaid lord, ourselves and his realm. Should you desire any thing from us, you have but to mention it and we will do it to the utmost of our power. Written at Montlehery, the 8th day of October.'

Underneath is a copy of the schedule from the college of cardinals, annexed to the duke of Burgundy's mandatory letter.

'I Lievin Nevelin, doctor en decret, ambassador from the sacred college of cardinals, to the most mighty and puissant prince my lord the duke of Burgundy, have presented to him, on the part of the sacred college, letters sealed with three seals, namely, that of the dean of the cardinal-bishops, of the dean of the cardinal-priests, and of the dean of the cardinal-deacons, which are my credential letters, and which I have explained to[Pg 353] my lord the duke, by offering to him from the sacred college the words of the holy prophet David, 'Domine refugium factus es nobis;' that is to say, 'Lord, in times of trouble we seek refuge in thee.' In continuing my discourse from the above text and for many reasons comparing the sacred college to king David, I have laid before my said lord of Burgundy the state of the holy council of Constance, and the labours of the cardinals to restore union to the church.

'I afterward explained to him, that all Christendom was now united, except as it were a single grain in a bushel of wheat, namely, the dominions of the count d'Armagnac, who still obey Pietro della Luna, and whose adherents have been declared schismatics and guilty of heresy. I then explained, that I was sent by the sacred college as ambassadors to him, not simply as duke of Burgundy, but as the representative of the crown of France, and to whom the government of that country legally belonged, to make to him certain requests and propositions from the sacred college; and I[Pg 354] mentioned the reasons why I was deputed to him, and not to the king, to my lord the dauphin, the count d'Armagnac, or to the king's ministers. These reasons were, as the sacred college bade me inform him, because my lord the king was overwhelmed with a sore disorder, because my lord the dauphin was too young in years, and because the count d'Armagnac had relapsed into schism, and some of the king's ministers, adherents to the count, were suspected of being schismatics also.

'True it is, that the said count d'Armagnac has not been pronounced schismatic; but at the public sessions of the council, when Pietro della Luna was dethroned and declared schismatic and heretic, he was personally accused by the king of the Romans, and the procureur-fiscal of the said council, and has since relapsed into schism, notwithstanding the frivolous excuses made in his behalf by master John Gerson.

'I made three requests to my said lord of Burgundy; the first was, that he would be pleased to have in his protection the sacred college, the pope, and[Pg 355] the proceedings of the said general council, by guarding and maintaining them in their ancient rights, liberties and privileges. Secondly, that should any one write, or cause to be written in time to come, any things against the said holy college or pope, he would not give faith to such writings. Thirdly, that my said lord would approve of whatever acts the said sacred college should issue, as well touching the election of the pope as the reformation of the holy church.' At the end of this schedule, the said Lieven had put his sign-manual.

CHAP. LXII.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY LAYS SIEGE TO CORBEIL.—HE MARCHES THENCE TO CHARTRES AND INTO TOURAINE, ON THE SUMMONS OF THE QUEEN OF FRANCE, WHO ACCOMPANIES HIM ON HIS RETURN.

When the duke of Burgundy had submitted to his obedience the castle of[Pg 356] Montlehery, and re-furnished it with provision and stores, he marched his army to lay siege to Corbeil on the side toward Montlehery. He planted many cannons and other engines to batter it in vain; for the constable and the king's ministers had strongly garrisoned the place with men at arms, who made a vigorous defence against the duke, and daily slew his men by their cannon and other shot. The garrison was continually supplied, as well by land as by water, with provision, ammunition, and all other necessary articles.

In short, after the duke had remained about three weeks before Corbeil, seeing he was unable to conquer it, and that his army was much harrassed by the continued rains, and by an epidemic disorder which carried off many, he raised the siege, and departed from before Corbeil on the 28th day of October, taking the road to Chartres.

The duke left behind, in his camp, many warlike engines, and great quantities of provision which merchants had brought to his army: all of these things[Pg 357] the besieged carried into their town, on the departure of the duke, and were highly rejoiced that their enemies had left them.

During the siege of Corbeil, sir Mauroy de St Legier was struck with a bolt from a cross-bow so severely on the leg that he was maimed, and limped all his life after.

The real cause of the duke of Burgundy's breaking up the siege of Corbeil so suddenly, was a private message which he received by a confidential servant from the queen of France, then resident at Tours in Touraine, to request he would come and release her from her state of confinement, as she thought herself in much danger. The duke, in consequence, had sent one of his secretaries called John de Drosay to make further inquiries, and to conclude a treaty with the queen.

The queen promised to accompany the duke provided he would come to fetch her; and, for a confirmation thereof she gave the secretary a golden signet to present to his lord. This signet was[Pg 358] known by the duke, for he had often seen it; and on his arrival at Chartres, on the eve of the feast of All-saints, attended by the greater part of his nobles, and those of the men at arms best mounted and equipped, he suddenly set off, taking the road through Bonneval and Vendôme to Tours.

When he was within two leagues of that place, he sent forward the lords de Fosseux and du Vergy with eight hundred combatants, who posted themselves in ambuscade half a league distant from Tours; at the same time dispatching a trusty messenger to inform the queen of the duke's arrival.

On hearing this, she called to her master John Torel, master John Petit and master Laurens du Puy, her principal wardens, and told them she wished to hear mass at a church without the town, called Marmoutier, and that they must prepare themselves to accompany her. They exhorted her to lay such thoughts aside, but in vain, for she shortly after issued out of Tours, and carried them with her to the aforesaid church.[Pg 359]

The lords in ambuscade almost instantly advanced in front of the church, and sent Hector de Saveuses forward to the queen with about sixty combatants. Her warders approached her as she was hearing mass, and said, 'Lady, here is a large company of Burgundians or English'; but she, like one unsuspicious of what was intended, ordered them to keep near her.

Hector de Saveuses then entered the church, and saluted her in the name of his lord the duke of Burgundy. She, in reply, asked where he was,—when he said that he would instantly be with her. After these words, she commanded Hector to lay hands on masters John Torel, Petit and Laurens du Puy: the last she hated much, for he addressed her very rudely, without raising his hand to his hood, and never bowing to her,—beside, she could not any way act without the consent of Laurens du Puy. Finding he could not escape being arrested if he remained, he flew out of the church and entered a small boat by the back-yard, to cross the river Loire, but in such[Pg 360] haste that he fell into the water and was drowned: the others were taken prisoners.

All this passed about nine o'clock in the morning: at eleven the duke of Burgundy waited on the queen and paid her the respect that was her due, which she returned and said, 'Most dear cousin, of all men in the kingdom I ought to love you the most, for having laid aside every other thing and complying with my request to come hither and deliver me from prison, and which my dear cousin I shall never forget; for I clearly see that you have always loved my lord, his family, his kingdom, and the public welfare.'

They afterward dined together with much cheerfulness in the said church; after which, the queen sent notice to the inhabitants of Tours, that she and her cousin the duke of Burgundy would make a public entry into their town; but, by the advice of the governor, the inhabitants delayed a little in their answer: however, at last they complied with what had been demanded, when the[Pg 361] governor retired into the castle, and the queen and the duke, with their attendants and escort, made their entry.

The duke was handsomely received and entertained in Tours; after which, the queen sent a passport and orders for the governor to come to her, whom she commanded to deliver up the castle, which he did, though much against his will. When the duke had tarried three days with the queen, he appointed Charles l'Abbé? governor of the town and castle, with two hundred combatants for its defence. He took an oath carefully to guard and defend it in the name and on behalf of the duke of Burgundy; but this oath he was very unmindful of, for in the following year he surrendered both town and castle to the dauphin, while he was continued governor, taking a similar oath.

The queen and the duke of Burgundy caused proclamation to be made through Tours, that no one was to pay any subsidies or taxes but that on salt. They then departed for Vendôme, where was issued a similar proclamation, and[Pg 362] then continued their route through Bonneval to Chartres, where they arrived the 9th day of November. The queen was accompanied by four carriages containing twenty women. She had only one knight with her, called sir Robert le Cyne, with whose prudence and discretion she was well pleased.

CHAP. LXIII.

THE QUEEN, ON HER ARRIVAL AT CHARTRES, WRITES TO SEVERAL OF THE PRINCIPAL TOWNS IN FRANCE.—SOME NEW ORDINANCES ARE MADE FOR THE BETTER GOVERNMENT OF THE KINGDOM.

On the queen's arrival at Chartres, it was resolved that she should write letters in her own name to all those towns that had submitted to the obedience of the duke of Burgundy. A copy of that addressed to the town of Amiens now follows.

'Very dear and well beloved,—you[Pg 363] know that by the intrigues and damnable avarice and ambition of some persons of low degree, who have seized the person and government of my lord and his kingdom, unnumbered mischiefs have arisen, as well by the molestation of those of his royal family as by the destruction and loss of many parts of his realm, more particularly in the duchies of Acquitaine and Normandy, where the utmost confusion reigns, without these the present ministers any way attempting to check or prevent it,—but, on the contrary, they have conceived a mortal hatred against all that are gallant and loyal, by confiscating their fortunes, or putting them to death.

'They continue in their wickedness, though they know we are anxious to labour for the reparation of all these evils, and to procure peace to the realm; for, through the grace of God, we are competent so to do, as queen and wife to our aforesaid lord, according to the terms that had been begun on by our son and our cousin of Hainault, those souls may God receive! But they, knowing our[Pg 364] intentions, took care to keep us at a distance, that their iniquities might be hidden, and that they might keep possession of their places.

'By such means do they daily apply to their own profit the whole amount of the revenue, without any part being allotted for the use of my said lord, or for the security and welfare of his kingdom. They have, under false pretences and most disloyally, robbed my said lord, ourself and our son the dauphin, so that we have not wherewithal to maintain our establishments, or to defray our expenses; insomuch that they have acquired so great power that all must obey their wills, and it is very probable that the government of my lord and his realm may fall into the hands of strangers, which God forbid!

'When our very dear and well beloved cousin the duke of Burgundy shall have put an end to such shameful abuses he offers peace to all who may be inclined to accept of it, by his letters patent that have been published in va[Pg 365]rious parts of the realm; but those persons above mentioned having refused to accept his terms, our cousin has taken up arms, in company with a large number of knights and esquires, with the intent to drive the above traitors from the government of this kingdom. They, however, to resist the said duke, and prevent him from approaching the person of our said lord, have remanded to Paris all the men at arms from their different garrisons, thereby leaving the kingdom a prey to its ancient enemies the English.

'This conduct clearly shows their wicked intentions; but the greater part of the nobility, prelacy, and the chief towns have united themselves to our said cousin, sensible of the loyalty of his conduct, for the good of our said lord and the welfare of his realm. All who are any way related to us by blood should be warmly attached to our said cousin, for it concerns them much; and they should know, that quitting his siege of Corbeil, he came to set us at liberty, and deliver us from the hands of our late gaolers.[Pg 366]

'We have accompanied our said cousin to the town of Chartres, as was reasonable, where we shall advise together on the most effectual means of regaining those parts of the kingdom that have been conquered, and for the preservation of the remainder, without any further dissembling, by the aid and support of all the vassals, friends, allies and subjects of my aforesaid lord.

'For this reason, therefore, very dear and good friends, we ought to have the government of this kingdom, with the advice and assistance of the princes of the blood, and for which we have the authority of letters patent irrevocably passed by the great council, and in the presence of the princes of the blood, such as uncles, cousins-german, and others related to the crown. We have also full and competent knowledge of your good and loyal intentions regarding the dominions of our said lord, and even that you are willing, in conjunction with our said cousin, to use your utmost endeavours, even to the shedding your last drop of blood, for the obtaining so necessary and desirable an object.[Pg 367]

'We summon and require you, in the name of my aforesaid lord, and expressly command you from ourselves, that you remain steady to the orders of our said cousin, notwithstanding any letters or commands you may receive to the contrary in the name of my aforesaid lord, or in that of my son the dauphin; and also, that you do not suffer henceforward any sums of money to be transmitted to the present rulers of the realm under any pretext whatever, on pain of disobedience and disloyalty to my said lord, and of incurring the crime of rebellion toward him and toward us. In so doing, you will perform your duty, and we will aid succour and support you against all who shall attempt to injure or hurt you for your conduct on this occasion.

'Very dear and well beloved, we recommend you to the care of the Holy Spirit. Given at Chartres, the 12th day of November.'

It was afterward determined in the council of the queen and the duke of Burgundy, that master Philip de Morvillers should go to the town of Amiens,[Pg 368] accompanied by some notable clerks of the said council, with a sworn secretary, and should there hold, under the queen, a sovereign court of justice, instead of the one at Paris, to avoid being forced to apply to the king's chancery to obtain summonses, or for any other cases that might arise in the bailiwicks of Amiens, Vermandois, Tournay, and within the seneschalships of Ponthieu, with the dependancies thereto attached. A seal was given to master Philip de Morvillers, having graven upon it the figure of the queen erect, with her hands extended towards the ground: on the right side were the arms of France on a shield, and on the left a similar shield, with the arms of France and Bavaria. The inscription around it was,—'This is the seal for suits-at-law, and for sovereign appeals to the king.'

It was ordered that the seals should be imprinted on vermilion-coloured wax; and that all letters and summonses should be written in the queen's name, and in the following terms:

'Isabella, by the grace of God,[Pg 369] queen of France, having the government of this realm intrusted to her, during the king's illness, by an irrevocable grant made to us by our said lord and his council.'

By authority of this ordinance and seal, the said master Philip de Morvillers collected large sums of money. In like manner, another chancellor was appointed for the countries on the other side of the Seine, under the obedience of the queen and the duke of Burgundy.

CHAP. LXIV.

SIR ELYON DE JACQUEVILLE IS DRAGGED OUT OF THE CHURCH OF OUR LADY IN CHARTRES BY HECTOR DE SAVEUSES AND HIS ACCOMPLICES, WHO PUT HIM TO DEATH.

At the time when the duke of Burgundy resided in Chartres at his hôtel behind the church of our Lady, so serious a quarrel arose between sir Elyon[Pg 370] de Jacqueville, knight, and Hector de Saveuses, that high words passed between them in the presence of the duke. Within a few days after, Hector collected from twelve to sixteen of his friends, determined men; and in this number were his cousin-german the lord de Crevecoeur, his brother le bon de Saveuses, Hue de Bours, and an arrogant fellow called John de Vaulx, on whose account this quarrel had arisen between them,—for, a short time before, Jacqueville had robbed this de Vaulx, who was related to Hector. These, with some others to the number before stated, one day, with a premeditated design, entered the church of our Lady, and met Jacqueville returning from the hôtel of the duke of Burgundy: Hector and his friend instantly addressed him, saying, 'Jacqueville, thou hast formerly injured and angered me, for which thou shalt be punished,' when, at the moment, he was seized by him and his accomplices, and dragged out of the church, and most inhumanly hacked to pieces; during which he most pitifully cried to Hector for mercy, and offered[Pg 371] a large sum of money for his life, but all in vain, for they never left him until they thought he was dead.

They quitted the town of Chartres without delay, and went to a village two leagues off, where Hector's men were quartered. After their departure, Jacqueville caused himself to be carried in the melancholy state he was in to the duke of Burgundy, and made bitter complaints of the cruel usage he had met with; adding, that it was in consequence of the loyalty and truth with which he had served him.

The duke, on seeing him thus, was greatly affected, insomuch that he immediately armed himself, and, mounting his horse, rode through the streets with few attendants, thinking to find Hector and his accomplices, but he was soon informed that they had left the town. Many of the nobles now waited on the duke, and appeased his anger as well as they could, such as sir John de Luxembourg, the lord de Fosseux, the marshal of Burgundy and several more. However, he ordered the baggage and horses[Pg 372] of Hector to be seized, and then returned to his hôtel, whence he sent the most expert physicians to visit Jacqueville; but they were of no avail, for within three days he died.

Numbers were convinced, that could the duke have laid hands on Hector and his accomplices, he would have had them put to an ignominious death, for he declared he would never, during his life pardon them: nevertheless, within a few days, Hector, somehow or other, made up his quarrel with the duke, who consented to it on account of the important affairs he had now on his hands.

CHAP. LXV.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY MARCHES HIS WHOLE ARMY TO PARIS TO FORCE AN ENTRANCE.—HE THEN CARRIES THE QUEEN OF FRANCE TO TROYES,—AND OTHER EVENTS.

When these matters had been concluded, the duke of Burgundy marched his army[Pg 373] from Chartres, through Montlehery, toward Paris, with the intention of forcing an entrance into that city by means of some of the Parisians his partisans. To succeed in his plans, he sent forward Hector de Saveuses, with his brother Philip, the lord de Sores, Louis de Varigines and several other captains, with six thousand combatants to the porte de Louvel de Chastillon[53], near to the suburbs of Saint Marceau; but, a little before their arrival, their coming was betrayed by a skinner of Paris to the constable, who instantly reinforced that part of the town with a large body of his troops; so that when Hector and his men approached the gate, to enter therein, he was sharply repulsed, and himself wounded on the head by a bolt from a cross-bow. Finding he had failed, from his intentions having been discovered, he retreated within the suburbs of St Marceau to wait the coming of his lord the duke of Burgundy.[Pg 374]

The constable did not suffer them to remain quiet, but, making a sally with three or four hundred of his men, vigorously attacked the Burgundians, killing some and taking others. The Burgundians rallied, and renewed the combat so courageously that they forced the enemy to fall back within the town, and rescued some of the prisoners they had made.

In this affair, John, eldest son to the lord de Flavy, behaved remarkably well: he was the banner-bearer to Hector de Saveuses, and advanced it to the very gates of Paris, for which he was greatly praised by the duke when it came to his knowledge.

Several of the partisans of the duke were, at this moment, beheaded in Paris, while he remained in battle-array half a league distant, waiting for intelligence from those whom he had sent in advance. When he learnt that his attempt had been discovered, he remanded his men from St Marceau, and marched his army back to Montlehery, attended always by the young count de St Pol his nephew.[Pg 375]

At Montlehery, he disbanded all his Picards, namely, sir John de Luxembourg, the lord de Fosseux, and the other captains before-mentioned, ordering them to the different towns on the frontier, until the winter should be passed. To sir John de Luxembourg was given in charge the town of Mondidier and the adjacent country: Hector and Philip de Saveuses were posted with their men in Beauvais; the bastard de Thian was appointed governor of Senlis; the lord de l'Isle-Adam had in charge Pontoise and Meulan; the lord de Cohen and several more returned to their own habitations in Picardy and the adjoining countries.

The duke of Burgundy went from Montlehery to Chartres, where, having ordered governors for that and the neighbouring places, he departed with the queen of France and his Burgundians for Troyes and Champagne, taking the road toward Joigny, whither he was pursued by the count d'Armagnac, constable of France.

The constable followed the duke for a long way with the intention of combating[Pg 376] him, should he find a favourable opportunity; and in fact, when the queen and the duke were lodged in Joigny, some of his captains, with about three hundred combatants, made an attack on the quarters of the lord du Vergy and the Burgundians, which much alarmed and dispersed them.

The whole of the duke's army were in motion, and soon drawn up in battle array on the plain; and a detachment was ordered to pursue the enemy, who drove them as far as the head-quarters of the constable, about a league distant from Joigny. The lord de Château-vilain was one of the principal commanders of this detachment, and pursued the enemy the farthest. On their return, a sufficient guard of men at arms was appointed at Joigny, where, having remained five days, they continued their march to Troyes, and were magnificently and honourably received by the inhabitants and magistrates of that town.

The queen was lodged in the palace of the king her lord, and she received all the taxes and subsidies due to the crown[Pg 377] by the town of Troyes, and from all other places under the obedience of the duke of Burgundy. By the advice of the duke, the duke of Lorraine was sent for to Troyes; on his arrival, the queen appointed him constable of France; and a sword was presented to him, on his taking the usual oaths, thus displacing the count d'Armagnac from that office.

The duke of Burgundy now dismissed the greater part of the burgundian lords, and remained in Troyes almost all the winter. He nominated John d'Aubigny, John du Clau and Clavin his brother, commanders on the frontiers of Champagne with a large force of men at arms, who carried on a vigorous war on the party of the constable.[Pg 378]

CHAP. LXVI.

JOHN OF BAVARIA MAKES WAR ON THE DUCHESS HIS NIECE IN HOLLAND.—THE CONQUESTS OF HENRY KING OF ENGLAND IN NORMANDY.

During these tribulations, John of Bavaria was carrying on a severe warfare against his niece the duchess Jacquelina, and his men had conquered the town of Gorcum, with the exception of some towers that held out for the duchess. So soon as she heard of this, she assembled a considerable body of men at arms, and accompanied by the countess of Hainault her mother, carried them by sea to the town of Gorcum, as it is situated on the coast.

By the assistance of her garrisons, she gained admittance into these towers, and shortly after gave battle to the troops of John of Bavaria with such success that they were totally routed, and from five to six hundred were slain or made prisoners: among the last, the principal was the damoiseau Derke. The only one[Pg 379] of note that was killed on the side of the duchess was Videran de Brederode, a man well skilled in war, and commander in chief of her forces, whose loss gave her great pain. She caused several of her prisoners to be beheaded for their disloyal conduct towards her.

After this event, Philip count de Charolois, eldest son to the duke of Burgundy, was sent to Holland to appease this quarrel. He took much pains with both of the parties, his uncle and cousin-german; but as he found he could not succeed to establish peace between them, he returned to Flanders.

At this time, the king of England had a large army in Normandy, and conquered many towns and castles: indeed, there were few that made any resistance,—for the several garrisons had been ordered by the constable to Paris, and to the adjacent parts, to oppose the duke of Burgundy, as has been before stated.

King Henry came before the town of Caen, which was very strong and populous, and made many attacks on it, but with the loss of numbers of his men.[Pg 380] At length, by continued assaults, he took it by storm, and slew six hundred of the besieged. The castle held out for about three weeks,—in which were the lord de la Fayette, the lord de Montenay, and sir John Bigot, who surrendered it on condition that the king would promise that they should march out with their baggage and persons in security.

After this conquest, the king of England caused the strong town and castle of Cherbourg to be besieged by his brother the duke of Gloucester; it was the strongest place in all Normandy, and the best supplied with stores and provision. This siege lasted for ten weeks, when sir John d'Engennes, the governor, surrendered on condition of receiving a certain sum of money for so doing, and a sufficient passport for him to go whithersoever he pleased.

He went thence to the city of Rouen after it had been taken by the English, and, on the faith of some english lords that his passport should be renewed, remained there until the term was expired; but in the end he was[Pg 381] deceived, and king Henry caused him to be beheaded,—at which the French greatly rejoiced, as he had surrendered Cherbourg, to the prejudice of the king of France, through avarice.

CHAP. LXVII.

SIR JAMES DE HARCOURT ESPOUSES THE DAUGHTER OF THE COUNT DE TANCARVILLE.—THE DEFEAT OF HECTOR DE SAVEUSES.—THE CONSTABLE LAYS SIEGE TO SENLIS.

About this period, sir James de Harcourt espoused the heiress of the count de Tancarville, with whom he had possession of all the count's estates; and he placed garrisons in the whole of his towns and forts, to defend them against the English.

At this time also, Philip de Saveuses being in garrison with his brother Hector in Beauvais, set out one day with about six score combatants, to make an inroad on the country of Clermont, as he had frequently done before. On his return, he passed[Pg 382] by a castle called Brelle, in which were assembled a body of men at arms belonging to the constable, who suddenly made a sally with displayed banners on Philip and his men. The latter were overpowered by numbers, and put to the rout, nor was it in the power of their captain to rally them, so that they were pursued almost to Beauvais, and some killed, and the greater part made prisoners. Philip de Saveuses, grieved at heart for this misfortune, re-entered that town.

Within a few days after, having recovered some of his men, he went to Gournay in Normandy, whereof he had been appointed governor, with the consent of the inhabitants. Hector de Saveuses had some dissentions with the inhabitants of Beauvais, and was forced to quit the town shortly after the departure of his brother.

On the following Candlemas, king Charles, attended by the count d'Armagnac his constable, and a considerable number of men at arms set out from Paris for Creil, where he staid many days. As his men were passing near to Senlis, which[Pg 383] was garrisoned by the duke of Burgundy, they were attacked, and several killed and made prisoners, to the great vexation of the constable.

The constable, a few days after this, by the king's orders, laid siege to Senlis, and had several large engines of war pointed against the walls, which greatly harrassed the inhabitants. They therefore sent messengers to sir John de Luxembourg and to the lord de Hangest, requiring them, in behalf of the duke of Burgundy, to send aid to Senlis. These lords having consulted the count de Charolois and his council, assembled a large force, and marched to Pontoise, and thence toward Senlis, with the intent to raise the siege; but they received intelligence that their enemies were too numerous, and they could only detach one hundred men, whom they sent into the town by a gate that had not been guarded by the constable, with orders to tell the besieged to be of good cheer, for that they should, without fail, be speedily succoured.

Sir John de Luxembourg and the[Pg 384] the lord de Hangest returned, with their men at arms, through Pontoise and Beauvais to Picardy, without attempting any thing further at this time. On the other hand, sir Tanneguy du Châtel, provost of Paris, took the town of Chevreuse, and was laying siege to the castle, when he was hastily ordered to leave it, and join the king and the constable at the siege of Senlis; on which account he left a part of his men at Chevreuse, and obeyed the orders he had received.

CHAP. LXVIII.

THE KING OF FRANCE SENDS AMBASSADORS TO MONTEREAU-FAUT-YONNE TO TREAT OF A PEACE WITH THE QUEEN AND THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.—THE INHABITANTS OF ROUEN TURN TO THE BURGUNDY FACTION.

Shortly after, king Charles and his constable sent as their ambassadors to Montereau-faut-Yonne, the archbishop of Rheims, the bishops of Paris and of[Pg 385] Clermont in Auvergne, John de Harcourt count d'Aumale, sir Mansart d'Esne and sir Regnault de Merquoiques knights, master Guerard Marchet, the Judge Maye, John de Lolive, with others, to the number of sixteen, able persons, to treat of a peace between them and the queen and the duke of Burgundy.

On the part of the queen and the duke, the following ambassadors were sent to Bray-sur-Seine, the archbishop of Sens brother to sir Charles de Savoisy, the bishops of Langres and of Arras, sir John de la Trimouille lord de Jonvelle, the lord de Courcelles, sir James de Courtjambe, Coppen de Viefville, master Peter Cauchon, since bishop of Beauvais, John le Clerc, since chancellor of France, Gilles de Clamecy, master Thierry le Roi, John le Mercier, James Beaulard and master Baudet de Bordes. These ambassadors had passports given them from each party; and on their arrival at Montereau and Bray, they fixed upon the village of la Tombe, which was half way between these two towns, as the place to hold their conferences in. To this place the[Pg 386] lord de la Trimouille was ordered with a body of men at arms for the security of their persons.

This conference lasted for about two months,—during which the ambassadors of both sides frequently had recourse to their lords personally, or by writing, in hopes of bringing the business to a happy conclusion.

At the same time, union was restored to the universal church; for after the consecration of pope Martin he released pope John from prison, who threw himself on the mercy of the reigning pontiff. He was very kindly received by him, and even created a cardinal,—but he died within a few days afterward.

About this period also, the inhabitants of Rouen, who were very favourable to the duke of Burgundy, sent secretly for some of the captains of his party, whom, with a body of men at arms, they admitted into their town; namely, sir Guy le Bouteiller, Lagnon bastard d'Arly; and instantly joining them, they made a sharp attack on the castle, which the king's men held out against the town, and con[Pg 387]tinued it so long that the garrison surrendered on condition that they might retreat with safety. Sir Guy le Bouteiller was nominated governor. Lagnon d'Arly behaved so gallantly at this attack, that he acquired great renown, and the good will of all the inhabitants of Rouen. The king of France and his ministers were very much displeased at this event; but, to say the truth, the greater part of France was torn to pieces by intestine wars and divisions: the churches and poor people were ruined, and justice was no where obeyed.

[A.D. 1418.][Pg 388]

CHAP. LXIX.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY VISITS THE EMPEROR SIGISMUND.—THE COUNT DE CHAROLOIS TAKES THE OATHS OF ALLEGIANCE TO THE QUEEN AND HIS FATHER THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.—THE SIEGE OF SENLIS IS RAISED BY THE PICARDS.

At the beginning of this year, John duke of Burgundy arranged the establishment of the queen of France in Troyes; and having ordered some of his captains, such as Charlot de Dueilly, John du Clau, John d'Aubigny, and others, with two thousand men at arms, to march to Senlis, and combat the army of the king and the constable, he took leave of the queen, and set out from Troyes to Dijon to visit his duchess and daughters.

Having resided there some time, he departed for Montmeliart, to meet Sigismund emperor of Germany, with whom[Pg 389] he had a conference. This being finished, they separated with many tokens of respect for each other, and the duke returned to Burgundy.

During this time, Philip count de Charolois came to Arras; and by commands from the queen and his father, he convoked all the barons, knights, esquires and clergy of Picardy and other parts under his obedience, to meet him on a certain day in Arras. On their being assembled, they were required by master Philip de Morvillers to swear allegiance to the queen and the duke of Burgundy against all persons whatever, excepting the king of France: which oath they all took, namely, sir John de Luxembourg, sir James de Harcourt, the vidame of Amiens, the lords d'Antoing and de Fosseux, the lord d'Auxois, sir Emond de Lombers, and many more, who declared they would serve him with their lives and fortunes so long as they should breathe.

Those who had been deputed from the principal towns were required to raise a certain sum of money from their con[Pg 390]stituents. The meeting was then adjourned to Amiens where they were desired to assemble,—for within a few days the count de Charolois would go thither, to consult on further measures for the relief of Senlis. The different commanders were ordered to raise as many men at arms and archers as they possibly could by that day.

The count de Charolois was at Amiens on the appointed time, whither also came the aforesaid lords, and a number of deputies from the great towns. There were likewise some from Rouen, who had been sent to request advice and support from the count as the representative of the duke of Burgundy, adding, that they were daily expecting to be besieged by king Henry's army; that they had often been under the obedience of the duke, in preference to the king, the dauphin, the constable, and all others; and that should they fail of having succours from him, in whom was their only hope, they could not expect them from any other person.

The count by advice of his council,[Pg 391] replied by requesting them to nourish such good intentions,—and that within a short time they should have, with God's pleasure, effectual aid. Letters, addressed to the magistrates and principal citizens in Rouen, were also given them, with which they returned.

When this matter had been settled, the count de Charolois directed master Philip de Morvillers to declare to the assembly of nobles and others from the towns, who were collected in the great hall of the bishop's palace, that it would be necessary and expedient for each of the towns to make a free gift in money, and for the clergy to pay half a tenth, for the carrying on the war.

This business, however, could not be hastily concluded; and in the mean time messengers arrived from those in Senlis, who brought letters to the count, to say that if they were not succoured on or before the 19th of April, they must surrender the place to the king and constable having given hostages to that effect.

The count and his council, on receiving this news, determined to provide[Pg 392] a remedy; and he was very desirous of marching thither himself, but his council would not consent to it: he therefore ordered, as principal commanders of the reinforcement, sir John de Luxembourg and the lord de Fosseux, having under them the whole of the forces in Picardy and on the frontiers.

These commanders, having collected their men, marched off in haste, and arrived at Pontoise on the 17th of April, when they resolved to proceed during the night of the morrow for Senlis. Their army might amount to about eight thousand combatants, who gallantly took the field at the appointed time. A body of light troops were ordered to advance to different places on the road, toward Senlis, to gain intelligence of the enemy.

With sir John de Luxembourg and the lord de Fosseux were le veau de Bar bailiff of Auxois, the lord de l'Isle-Adam, sir Emond de Bonberch, the lord d'Auxois, Hector and Philip de Saveuses, Ferry de Mailly, Louis de Varigines, sir Philip de Fosseux, James and[Pg 393] John de Fosseux, the lord de Cohen, sir Janet de Poix, the lord de Longueval, the lord de Miraumont, and in general all the nobles and gentlemen of Picardy, who made a handsome appearance with vanguard, rearguard and main battalion, and thus marched to within a league of Senlis.

The lord d'Armagnac, constable of France, was closely besieging the town of Senlis, when he received intelligence from his scouts that the nobles of Picardy were approaching with a large army to to offer him battle: in consequence he commanded his men to arm without delay, and advance in battle-array to the plain, that he might avoid being attacked in his camp. The besieged, observing about day-break great bustle and confusion in the enemy's camp, with good order and courage made a sally from the town, set fire to the tents and quarters of the constable, killed numbers of the sick, and others, whom they found in the camp, and returned to the town with a large booty in sight of their enemies.[Pg 394]

The constable, vexed at this, sent them a summons to surrender the town according to their promise, but on their answering that the time was not yet expired, he caused the heads of four of the hostages to be cut off, their bodies to be quartered, and hung on a gibbet. Of these four, two were gentlemen, namely Guillaume Mauchelier and Boudart de Vingles: the two others were citizens, named Guillaume Escallot and master John Beaufort, king's advocate in the town. The remaining two (for there were six in all), sir John Durant priest and a monk of St Vincent, were carried prisoners to Paris.

In revenge, the besieged beheaded sixteen of the constable's men: two were hanged and two women were drowned. The count d'Armagnac then marched his army in battle-array to the Pas-de-Larron between Criel and Gouvieux, to wait for the enemy; and dispatched some of his captains to seek the king at Criel and make him take the road toward Paris.

Sir John de Luxembourg and the[Pg 395] lord de Fosseux had advanced so rapidly with their army that they were rather before hand with the king, and halted at a place called l'Estoing, where the king and his army must pass. Soon after, the van of the constable made its appearance, and the light troops of both sides began a sharp skirmish, when many lances were broken, and men at arms unhorsed, slain or terribly wounded.

Upon this, the king and the constable sent two heralds to these lords, to know who they were, and what they wanted. The lord de Luxembourg made answer, 'I am John of Luxembourg, having with me the lord de Fosseux and many other noble men, sent hither by the duke of Burgundy to serve the king, and to succour the good town of Senlis against the count d'Armagnac, whom, and his abettors alone, we are ready to to combat, if he be willing to afford us an opportunity, but not against the king; for we are ready to serve him as his loyal vassals and subjects.'

The heralds returned with this answer to the king and the constable, when[Pg 396] the latter said aloud, 'Since neither the duke of Burgundy nor his son be with their army, we cannot gain much by battle: I therefore advise that we retreat, for these are soldiers only anxious for plunder, who have not themselves much to lose.' The constable had already heard that Charlot de Dueilly and other captains were in great force toward Dammartin: therefore he made the king and his army retreat, in order of battle toward Paris, ordering a sufficient number of his ablest combatants to his rear, to prevent the enemy from giving them any disturbance.

Thus, without halting at any place did king Charles and his constable, the count d'Armagnac, march back to Paris, to the great vexation of many of the Parisians, who murmured loudly against the constable.

Sir John de Luxembourg and the lord de Fosseux returned with their army to Pontoise, very much rejoiced to have accomplished their object without any considerable loss or inconvenience. It would take up too much time were I[Pg 397] to detail all the skirmishes that took place: suffice it to say, that very many on both sides behaved gallantly. The lord de Miraumont commanded the picard archers, and, according to his orders, kept them in handsome array. When these lords had refreshed themselves at Pontoise, they all went to their different homes.

They were very much esteemed for their good conduct and valour in this expedition by the duke of Burgundy, the count de Charolois, and by all of that party. The bastard de Thian governor-general in Senlis, Troullart de Moncruel, sir Mauroy de St Legier, and the other captains within the town during the siege, had repaired the towers and walls which had been much damaged by the engines of the constable, and then kept up a more severe warfare against the king's party than before.

END OF VOL. IV.

H. Bryer, Printer, Bridge-street,
Blackfriars, London.

[Pg 399]

NOTES AND EMENDATIONS.

Page 1. line 15. Châtel.] Hervè lord of Châtel, a powerful baron of Bretagne, was the father of William lord of Châtel who was killed on an expedition to the English coast, and is mentioned in the first volume, Oliver (who succeeded him as lord of Châtel), and Tanneguy, chamberlain to the king and provost of Paris.

Page 16. last line. Coqueluche.] The coqueluche was a contagious disorder much dreaded in the fifteenth century. Its usual symptoms were a violent defluxion on the chest, accompanied with severe pains in the head.

Dict. de Trevoux.

Page 18. line 12. De Vertus.] Brother to the duke of Orleans.—Vertus, from which he took his title, was originally a fief of Champagne, and fell with that palatinate to the crown of France. King John gave it to John Galeas, duke of Milan, as the dowry of his daughter Isabel, wife to that duke. It descended to Valentina, his daughter, and came with her[Pg 400] into the house of Orleans: afterwards, by the family-partition made in 1445, it passed to Margaret of Orleans, wife to Richard count of Estampes, and was given to a bastard-branch of the house of Bretagne.

Page 20. line 2. Gaucourt.] John lord of Gaucourt died in 1393, leaving Raoul V. lord of Gaucourt. Eustace lord of Veri, great falconer of France, and John lord of Maisons sur Seine. Raoul V. was chamberlain to the king, and bailiff of Rouen: he was killed in the year 1417, and left a son, Raoul VI. who became grand master of France, and is much distinguished hereafter.

Page 20. line 12. from bottom, Saveuses.] Saveuse, an ancient house in Picardy.

Page 26. line 6. Or joining the duke of Burgundy.] There must be some mistake here in the original. It ought probably to be against instead of or.

Page 37. line 10. from bottom, Montagu.] Alexander, son of Hugh III. duke of Burgundy, was the first lord of Montagu in 1205. From him descended the two branches, of Sombernon, extinct in 1391, and of Conches. Philibert de Montagu, lord of Conches, lived in 1404. He married into the house of Vienne.

Page 41. line 14. Vienne.] William IV. de Vienne, lord of St Georges, &c. surnamed The Wise, was counsellor and chamberlain both to[Pg 401] the king and duke of Burgundy. He was at the bridge of Montereau when the duke was killed in 1419, and died in 1434. There were several junior branches of the house; but I cannot tell which is here meant.

Page 60. line 6. Viscount de Poix.] This nobleman was a descendant of Walter Tyrrel, who killed William Rufus in the New Forest. John Tyrrel, third of the name, lord of Poix and Mareuil, married Margaret de Châtillon, daughter to the lord de Dampierre. John IV. his eldest son, married Jane des Quesnes. He died in 1400, and left one son, John V. the viscount de Poix here mentioned. He was a counsellor and chamberlain of the king, and was killed at Agincourt.

Page 75. line 16. Burgion.] Probably Frederick of Hohenzollern, burgrave of Nuremburg, to whom the emperor Sigismund gave the electorate of Brandenburgh in 1417, and from whom are descended the present royal family of Prussia.

Page 75. line 20. Lorraine.] Charles the bold, duke of Lorraine, Reginald IV. duke of Gueldres and Juliers. (The duchies were at this time united.)

Page 75. line 20. Tede.] George Demetrow is named as grand duke of Prussia at this period. The meaning of Tede I cannot discover.

Page 75. line 12. Treves.] Theodoric[Pg 402] count of Meurs, archbishop of Cologne 1414. Werner count of Konigstein, archbishop of Treves 1388.

Page 75. line 24. Bavaria.] John, brother of duke William count of Hainault, often mentioned before.

Page 76. line 7. Of Prussia.] Michael Kuckenmeister de Hemberg, grand master of the Teutonic order, 1413.

Page 76. line 8. Cleves.] Adolphus VI. count of Marck and Cleves.

Page 76. line 9. Acusaire.] Theodore Palæologus was marquis of Montferrat. Who his son Acusaire can be, it is very difficult to say.

Page 76. line 10. Saussebourg.] Saussenburg.

Page 76. line 14. Nassau.] The three counts of Nassau were, first, Adolphus III. count of Nassau, descended from Walram, eldest son of Henry the rich; 2d, Adolphus count of Nassau Dillemburg, descended from Otho, youngest son of Henry the rich; 3d, Philip count of Nassau Weilborg, or Jarbruck, descended from Walram in another line.

Page 76. line 15. Rayneck.] Rheineck.

Page 76. line 17. Blancquehem.] Blanckenburg?

Page 76. note, Vissegarde.] Q. if not rather Wurtzburg? Pussau is probably Passau;[Pg 403] and the words 'in Hungary' refer only to the last named place.

Page 78. line 4. D'Ercles.] Perhaps Arckel, the name of a noble family in Holland. Called in Latin Arculeas. See post.

Page 78. line 10. Toncle.] Q. Tongres?

Page 80. line 17. Torments.] Some say that this murder was committed at the instigation of the Florentines. See Giannone, lib. 24. c. 8. The whole story, however, looks like a fabrication; and it is at least much more natural to suppose that Ladislaus was killed by his debaucheries, which were excessive. He was succeeded by his sister Joan II.

Page 85. line 15. Tonnerre.] Louis II. de Châlon, count of Tonnerre, nephew of John IV. count of Auxerre and Tonnerre, who sold Auxerre to king Charles V.

Page 87. line 3. Sea-shore.] Peniscola in Valencia.

Page 96. line 20. Pois.] Jehannot de Poix, second son of John III. lord of Poix and Margaret de Châtillon, sister of James lord de Dampierre. He received the rank of admiral, but never exercised the office. He died of the plague in 1418. See note, p. 60.

Page 99. line 11. Guy.] A mistake for Grey. Richard lord Grey of Codnover was appointed by patent, 2 H. 4. admiral of the fleet from the mouth of the Thames northward.

[Pg 404]

Page 102. line 4. Chinon.] Chiny.

Page 110. line 7. France.] This ought to be 'De Marle, grand butler of France.' Robert de Bar, count of Marle, held that office from the sixth October, 1413, to the time of his death, at the battle of Agincourt.

Page 117. line 1. Prayaux.] Préaux. James de Bourbon, third son of James I. count of la Marche, lord of Préaux by marriage, and grand butler of France. His sons were, Louis, killed at Agincourt, Peter, lord of Préaux in 1417, and James lord of Thury. The two latter married two daughters of the grand master Montagu.

Page 118. line 15. Tynouville.] Q. Tignonville.

Page 122. line 11. from bottom, Bar.] Bona de Bar, second wife of count Waleran, by whom he left no issue.

Page 123. line 6. Wife.] Waleran, count of St Pol, married for his first wife Matilda de Roeux, by whom he had one daughter, Jane, married to Anthony duke of Brabant. She died before her father, leaving two sons, John and Philip, who successively possessed the duchy of Brabant as heirs to their father, and the counties of St Pol and Ligny in right of their mother. Guy count of Ligny, father of Waleran, was also father to John count of Brienne,[Pg 405] whose son Peter succeeded to the county of St Pol on the death of Philip duke of Brabant, in 1430, without issue.

Page 128. line 12. Bourges.] 'A stoute and prowde bishopp,' says Grafton, p. 447.

Page 132. line 11. Requests.] 'The king was nothing vexed nor unquieted with the sayeings and prowde bragges of the unnurtured archbishopp, but well remembering the sayeing of Salomon, &c. &c. coldely and soberly answered the bishop, saying, 'My lorde, I little esteem your french bragges,' &c.——Grafton.

It is very easy to bestow the terms of pride and insolence on whichever side of the question it is most convenient.

Page 142. line 11. Clarence.] Thomas duke of Clarence.

Page 142. line 11. Glocester.] Humphry duke of Glocester.

Page 142. line 13. York.] Edward duke of York, son of Edmund Langley, fifth son of Edward III.

Page 142. line 13. Dorset.] Thomas Somerset, earl of Dorset and afterwards duke of Exeter, youngest son of John of Gaunt by Catherine Swineford. Holinshed commits two errors,—first, in saying that the marquis of Dorset was made duke of Exeter, whereas the marquis of Dorset was a distinct person from the earl, being the eldest son of John of Gaunt by the same[Pg 406] venter, and forfeited his title by treason in 1 H. 4.,—secondly, in fixing the date of creation in 1 H. 5. whereas the earl of Dorset was not made duke of Exeter till 4. H. 5. the year after the battle of Agincourt.

Page 142. line 14. Windsor.] There was no earl of Windsor.—This is probably a mistake for Ralph Nevil, earl of Westmoreland, who accompanied the king.

Page 142. line 14. Suffolk.] Michael de la Pole, earl of Suffolk, killed at Agincourt.

Page 142. line 15. Warwick.] Richard Beauchamp, earl of Warwick, a distinguished warrior, and afterwards regent of France.

Page 142. line 15. Kent.] A mistake for Gilbert de Umphraville, earl of Kyme.

Page 143. line 13. Briautè.] Roger III. lord of La Bréautè, &c. chamberlain to Charles VI. and VII. The misfortunes of this family almost equal those of the house of Stuart. Roger, elder brother to this lord of Bréautè, was killed at Gisors in 1404, when on the eve of marriage. The present lord was made prisoner in Normandy, and sold half his estates to ransom himself: of the remainder, he was afterwards deprived by the chance of war. His eldest son, John, was killed at the battle of Verneuil in 1424. His second son, also called John, succeeded his father, was three times taken prisoner, and ruined in the efforts made[Pg 407] to ransom him: he was at last killed at the battle of Montlehery in 1460. James, the third son, was lord of Bellefosse, killed at Pataye in 1429. Roger lord of Crouin, the fourth son, was killed in England in 1460. All the members of this unhappy family were distinguished for valour.

Page 143. line 14. L'Isle-Adam.] Ancel de l'Isle-Adam, lord of Puysieux, Vegnai, &c. and grand echanson of France, was killed at Agincourt.

Page 145. line 18. Stafford.] Another mistake. Henry, at this time earl of Stafford, was only twenty years old at the accession of Henry VI. His father, Edmund Stafford, was killed many years before at the battle of Shrewsbury. Hugh Stafford, lord Bourchier, accompanied the king on this expedition, but did not die till five years after.

Page 172. line 7. Officers.] The custom was not yet fixed of giving precedence to the officers of the crown over the nobility, and even over the princes of the blood; but Monstrelet, who wrote under Louis XI. when that order was established, adopts it as a matter of course. See more particularly at the beginning of the next chapter, and Boulainvilliers on the ancient Parliaments of France.

Page 177. line 11. Oxford.] Richard de Vere, earl of Oxford. This nobleman died the[Pg 408] year following, and was succeeded by his son, John de Vere, then only nine years old.

Page 177. line 11. Earl-Marshal.] John lord Mowbray, brother of Thomas earl of Nottingham, and son of Thomas duke of Norfolk, attainted and banished in the reign of Richard II. Henry V. restored to him the title of Nottingham, and Henry VI. that of Norfolk.

Page 177. line 12. Kent.] Kyme.

Page 177. line 13. Beaumont.] Henry lord Beaumont died 1 H. 5. leaving only one son, an infant, who did not attain his full age till 9 H. 6. Sir Thomas Beaumont, brother of lord Henry, may be the person here meant.

Page 177. line 13. Willoughby.] Robert lord Willoughby of Eresby, distinguished among the english captains for his gallant actions under Henry V. and the duke of Bedford.

Page 182. line 18. York.] He was very corpulent, and is said to have been pressed to death in the throng. The earl of Suffolk was also among the slain.

Page 184. last line. Suffered.] Of the princes, Anthony duke of Brabant left two sons, Philip and John, successively dukes of Brabant, and both dying, s. p. Philip count of Nevers left Charles count of Nevers, who died, s. p. and John count of Estampes and of Nevers after the death of his brother.

[Pg 409]

Edward duke of Bar and John de Bar lord of Puisaye were brothers, and both died, s. p.

Robert de Bar, count of Marle and Soissons, was son to Henry de Bar another brother, and also died s. p. Upon these deaths, the succession was disputed between Louis, cardinal de Bar, the surviving brother, and Yoland, queen of Arragon, their sister. This dispute was terminated in 1419, when the cardinal resigned his right in favour of Réné of Anjou, (duke of Lorraine, &c.) grandson of Yoland.

John I. count of Alençon, succeeded by his son John II.

Ferry count de Vaudemont. He was of the house of Lorraine, and acquired Vaudemont by his marriage with the heiress of Vaudemont and Joinville.

Henry II. count of Blamont, of the house of Salms.

Edward II. count of Grandprè, of the house of Porcien.

John VI. count of Roussy and Braine, descended from the old counts of Rheims. He left one daughter, Jane, married to Robert de Sarreback, count of Commercy. He was recognized among the dead by a wound which had made one arm shorter than the other.

Waleran, eldest son of Raoul II. lord of[Pg 410] Rayneval and grand pannetier de France, and his wife Philippa, daughter of John de Luxembourg count de Ligny and castellan of Lisle. Waleran possessed the lands of Fauquemberg by the will of his aunt Jane de Luxembourg, widow of Guy de Châtillon count of St Pol. This count Waleran left only a daughter, married to Baldwin d'Ailly vidame of Amiens.

Page 185. line 13. France.] Charles d'Albret, count de Dreux, succeeded by his son Charles II.

Page 185. line 13. Boucicaut.] Boucicaut died in England two years after. He left no issue.

Page 185. line 15. Dampierre.] He married Jane de la Riviere, and had issue by her one son, James II. lord de Dampierre, who served the dauphin faithfully, and was made grand pannetier de France.

Page 185. line 19. Household.] The name of sir Guichard Dauphin appears to have betrayed Shakespeare into the error of making the dauphin of France present at the battle of Agincourt, which he was not,—unless we suppose the error to lie with the editors, in confounding two persons meant by Shakespeare to be distinct. In the camp scene before the battle, his dauphin does not hold such a rank in the debate and conversation as is suitable to the heir of the french[Pg 411] monarchy, but precisely that which the master of the household might hold with propriety. In one scene, he is thus mentioned, 'Enter Rambures, Châtillon, Dauphin and others.'

Page 186. line 9. Croy.] John lord de Croy and his two eldest sons, John and Archambaud.

Page 186. line 10. D'Auxi.] David lord of Auxi.

Page 186. line 11. Crequy.] Raoul, surnamed L'Estendart, on account of the many standards he had won from the English, son of John IV. lord of Crequy.

Page 186. line 13. Dampierre.] Philip, brother of David, lord of Dompierre, not Dampierre, which was in the house of Châtillon.

Page 186. line 14. Raineval.] Raoul II. lord of Rayneval, grand pannetier de France, left four sons, of whom Waleran, the eldest, was count of Fauquemberg, and killed at this battle; John, the third, was lord de Meracourt, also killed here; Aubert, the fourth, lord of Betencourt, also killed here: Raoulequin, lord of Cardonnai, was the second;—but there must be some mistake about their father the bailiff of Amiens, and also about the brother sir Allain.

Page 186. line 15. Mailly.] Colard, or Nicholas, lord of Mailly, and his eldest son Colard.

[Pg 412]

Page 186. line 21. Brie.] John de Bethune, lord of Mareuil, Autrêche, &c. youngest son of John lord of Vendeul and Vergier.

Page 186. line 21. Clarsy.] Simon lord of Dommart and Claed, son of John de Craon lord of Dommart, and brother of William lord of Nouastre and John lord of Dommart, who was also taken prisoner at Agincourt, and died in 1420.

John the young, lord of Midens, brother of John IV. lord of Crequy, Canaples, &c. was also killed at Agincourt.

Page 186. line 22. Rocheguyon.] Guy VI. lord de Rocheguyon, counsellor and chamberlain to the king. His son, Guy VII. was the last male of this illustrious house. I find nothing of his brother.

Page 186. line 24. D'Aliegre.] Morinot de Tourzel, lord of Alegre. But I find in Morery, that he lived to the year 1418.

Page 186. line 26. Heu.] Heu a family of Le Pays Messin, celebrated in the sixteenth century.

Page 187. line 4. Humieres.] Matthew and John de Humieres, sons of Matthew lord de Humieres, and brothers of Philip lord de Humieres, made prisoner on the same day.

Page 187. line 4. Brothers.] Renty, a branch of the house of Croy.

[Pg 413]

Page 187. line 17. Kieret.] Henry Quieret, lord of Tours en Vimeu, died in 1406, leaving two sons, Guy, and Peter lord of Haucourt, both made prisoners at Agincourt; but I find none of the family killed there.

Page 187. line 19. D'Auffemont.] Guy III. de Nesle, of the family of Clermont en Beauvoisis.

Page 187. line 25. Gallois.] Matthieu de Rouvroy, and Guillaume le Gallois, his brother,—descended in the female line from the old counts of Vermandois.

Page 188. line 3. Becqueville.] William Martel, lord of Bacqueville, often mentioned before. He was the last person distinguished by the venerable office of Porte-Orisflamme.

Page 188. line 8. Beau-mainnil.] Robert VI. de Harcourt, lord of Beaumênil.

Page 188. line 12. D'Ouffreville.] Q. Offrainville? Denis de Longueil, lord of Offrainville, was killed at Agincourt, together with his elder brother, William lord of Longueville, and his son Robert.

Page 188. line 15. Brolay.] Amaury de Craon, lord de Briolé, of the branch of La Suze.

Page 188. line 18. Montbason.] John de Craon, lord of Montbazon and viscount of Châteaudun, grand echanson de France.

[Pg 414]

Page 188. line 18. Bueuil.] John lord of Beuil, master of the cross-bows from 1396 to 1399.

Page 188. line 20. Beau Vergier.] Antony lord of Beauvergier, grand pannetier de France.

Page 188. line 21. Tour.] Agne III. de la Tour, lord of Oliergues.

Page 188. line 25. Challus.] Probably Robert de Chabannes, lord of Charlus, father of Stephen lord of Charlus, James lord of La Palice, and Anthony count of Dammartin.

Page 188. line 26. Montgaugier.] St Maur, lords of Montgaugier, a house of Touraine.

Page 189. line 4. Belliere.] Anthony de Bellievre, ancestor of the Bellievres presidents and chancellors, lived at this time; but it was a law-family, and Q. if any of the branches were addicted to arms?

Page 189. line 5. Montauban.] Oliver V. lord of Montauban, a great house in Bretagne, died soon after 1386, leaving five sons,—1. William, who died in 1432; 2. Robert, bailiff of Cotentin, at the siege of Orleans in 1420; 3. Bertrand, killed at Agincourt; 4. Renaud, lord of Crêpon; 5. John.

Page 189. line 12. Lens.] John de Récourt, castellan of Lens, brother to Charles, admiral of France, was killed at this battle; but I find no others of the family.

[Pg 415]

Page 190. line 4. D'Aumont.] John Hutin lord of Aumont, Chars and Chapes, echanson du roi, &c.

Page 190. line 5. Moncaurel.] John, lord of Montcavrel, was killed at this battle. He left only one daughter, in whose right Montcavrel passed into the family of Monchy.

Page 190. line 11. Chastillon.] Charles de Châtillon, lord of Sourvilliers and Marigni.

Gaspard de Chastillon and Hugh his brother, of the Chastillons, lords of Blois and la Bastie, were also killed.

Page 190. line 22. Belloy.] Hugh lord of Bellay and Giseux, married Isabel de Montigny lady of Langey. Bertrand his son. He had two other sons, one killed at Crevant, another at Verneuil.

Page 191. line 5. Brothers.] Hector de Chartres, lord of Ons en Bray, grand master of waters and forests in Normandy, father of Renaud, archbishop of Rheims and chancellor of France.

Page 191. line 5. Nofville.] Perhaps a son of the mareschal Neufville, who succeeded to the estates of sir Arnold d'Andreghen in 1370.

Page 191. line 25. Hangiers.] I can find no such name as Hangiers; but John V. lord de Hangest, grand master of cross-bows from 1407 to 1411, was killed here.

[Pg 416]

Page 191. line 25. Vaverans.] John de Mailly, lord of Authuille and Warans, one of the twenty-five sons of Giles lord of Authuille. This was a branch of the lords de Mailly before mentioned.

Page 192. line 2. Raisse.] Guy II. de la Val, lord of Retz and Blazon, is said, by Moreri, to have died before 1416. He was father of the infamous marshal de Retz by Mary of Craon.

Page 202. line 19. Barbasan.] Arnaud-Guilhem, baron of Barbazan in Bigorre, first, chamberlain to Charles VII. afterwards governor of Champagne and the Laonnois, &c. The king gave him the title of 'Chevalier sans reproche,' and permitted him to take the fleurs de lys for his arms. He was seven years prisoner at Chasteau Gaillard, till delivered in 1430 by La Hire. He was killed at Belleville, near Nancy, in 1432, and buried with the highest honours.

Page 246. line 13. Trimouille.] George lord of la Trimouille, Sully, Craon, Jonvelle, &c. by descent, count of Boulogne, Auvergne and Guisnes, by marriage with Jane, heiress of those counties and widow of the duke of Berry. Moreri says he was made prisoner at Agincourt, though not mentioned in the list of prisoners by Monstrelet. He was successively grand master[Pg 417] of waters and forests, grand chamberlain of France, and lieutenant-general of the duchy of Burgundy. His wife, the duchess of Berry, brought him no issue; but on her death, in 1423, he married again, the heiress of l'Isle Bouchard, and had several children.

Page 246. line 20. Moruel.] Thibaud, lord of Moreuil and Coeuvres, assumed the family-name of Soissons from his great-grandmother, wife of Bernard V. lord of Moreuil. He married Margaret de Poix d'Arcy, by whom he had many children, and died in 1437. His son Waleran succeeded, in right of his mother, to the lordships of Poix, Quesnes, &c.

Page 257. chap. xlvii.] See Giannone, lib. 25. cap. 1. & 2 for an account of these events, which are not very accurately related by Monstrelet.

Page 281. line 3. Gaucourt.] Raoul V. lord de Gaucourt. His son, Raoul VI. was grand master of France.

Page 282. line 2. Bourbon.] Q.

Page 283. line 19. Rouen.] Louis, archbishop of Rouen, brother to John VII. count de Harcourt, who was made prisoner at Agincourt.

Page 285. line 7. Gamaches.] John de Rouault, lord of Gamaches and Boismenard.

Page 286. line 1. Louis.] Louis III. eldest son of Louis II. king of Sicily, &c. by Yoland,[Pg 418] daughter of John I. king of Arragon and Yoland de Bar. Louis III. was born in 1403, adopted by Jane II. queen of Naples, married Margaret of Savoy, and died, 1434, without issue.

Page 286. line 3. Bar.] Réné, born in 1408, duke of Lorraine in right of his wife Isabel, daughter of Charles the bold, and of Bar in right of his grandmother, Yoland queen of Arragon.

Page 286. line 3. Charles.] Charles, count of Maine, &c. born in 1414.

Page 286. line 4. Dauphin.] Mary married to Charles, dauphin, in 1422.

Page 286. line 5. Yolande.] Yoland married to Francis, duke of Bretagne, in 1431.

Page 332. line 24. Isle-Adam.] Charles, son of Ancel de l'Isle-Adam lord of Puysieux, and grand echanson of France, killed at Agincourt.

Page 338. line 23. D'Antoing.] John de Melun, lord of Antoing, (son of Hugh, son of John I. viscount of Melun, grandfather of the count of Tancarville.) He was constable of Flanders, viscount of Ghent, and died very old in 1484.

Page 340. line 10. Of Burgundy.] John the great, lord of Champlite, marshal of Burgundy. He died in 1418. His eldest son, William, died in his lifetime, leaving John IV.[Pg 419] lord of Champlite, on the death of his grandfather, and seneschal of Burgundy. Anthony, second son of John the great, was count of Dammartin.

Page 340. line 11. Châlons.] John de Châlons, prince of Orange in right of Mary of Baux his wife. He died in 1418, and was succeeded by his son, Louis the good, here mentioned.

Page 340. line 13. Souvelle.] John de la Trimouille, lord of Jonvelle, was brother to George de la Trimouille, who married the duchess of Berry, as before mentioned.

Page 340. line 14. Pot.] Regnier Pot, lord of La Prugne.

Page 340. line 15. Neuf-Châtel.] Thibauld VIII. lord of Neuf-chastel and Blammont, son to the lord of Neuf-chastel killed at Nicopolis.

Page 340. line 16. Rochefort.] James lord of Rochefort and Bussy son of John de Rochefort, bailiff of Auxois.

Page 378. last line, Derke.] Damoiseau Derke, i.e. William lord of Arckel, who was killed at Gorcum.

Page 379. line 2. Brederode.] Walrave lord of Brederode, also killed at Gorcum.

Page 380. line 5. Fayette.] Gilbert III. lord of la Fayette, marshal of France, counsellor and chamberlain of the king and dauphin, seneschal of the Bourbonnois, &c. &c.

[Pg 420]

Page 381. line 12. Harcourt.] James II. de Harcourt, lord of Montgomery, who was taken prisoner at Agincourt, married to Margaret, only daughter and heiress of William de Melun, count of Tancarville, killed at Agincourt.

H. Bryer, Printer, Bridge-street,
Blackfriars, London.