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Title: The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri: or, Memoirs of Jahangir (Volume 1 of 2)

Author: Emperor of Hindustan Jahangir

Editor: Henry Beveridge

Translator: Alexander Rogers

Release date: December 6, 2016 [eBook #53674]

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TUZUK-I-JAHANGIRI: OR, MEMOIRS OF JAHANGIR (VOLUME 1 OF 2) *** 





[Contents]





Newly Designed Front Cover.








[Contents]





Jahangir

Reproduced from a Miniature in the British Museum

(MS. Add. 22.282. fol. 2)














The

Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī


Or

Memoirs of Jahāngīr




Translated by

Alexander Rogers

I.C.S. (Retired)

Edited by

Henry Beveridge

I.C.S. (Retired)




[vii]


[Contents]



Preface.






Mr. Rogers translated the Memoirs of
Jahāngīr several years ago from the edition which Sayyid
Aḥmad printed at Ghazipur in 1863 and at Allyghur in 1864.
Orientalists are greatly indebted to the Sayyid for his disinterested
labours, but his text seems to have been made from a single and
defective MS. and is often incorrect, especially in the case of proper
names. I have collated it with the excellent MSS. in the India Office
and the British Museum, and have thus been able to make numerous
corrections. I have also consulted the MS. in the Library of the
R.A.S., but it is not a good one. I have, with Mr. Rogers’s
permission, revised the translation, and I have added many notes.


There is an account of the Memoirs in the sixth volume
of Elliot & Dowson’s “History of India,” and
there the subject of the various recensions is discussed. There is also
a valuable note by Dr. Rieu in his “Catalogue of Persian
MSS.,” i, 253. It is there pointed out that there is a manuscript
translation of the first nine years of the Memoirs by William Erskine
in the British Museum. I have consulted this translation and found it
helpful. The MS. is numbered Add. 26,611. The translation is, of
course, excellent, and it was made from a good MS.


A translation of what Dr. Rieu calls the garbled Memoirs
of Jahāngīr was made by Major David Price and published by
the Oriental Translation Committee of the Royal Asiatic Society in
1829. The author of this work is unknown, and its history is an
unsolved problem. It is occasionally fuller than the genuine Memoirs,
and it contains some picturesque touches, such as the account
[viii]of Akbar’s deathbed. But it is certain
that it is, in part at least, a fabrication, and that it contains
statements which Jahāngīr could never have made. Compare, for
instance, the account of the death of Sohrāb, the son of
Mīrzā Rustam, near the end of Price’s translation, pp.
138–9, with that given in the genuine Memoirs in the narrative of
the fifteenth year of the reign, p. 293, and also in the
Iqbāl-nāma, p. 139. Besides being inaccurate, the garbled or
spurious Memoirs are much shorter than the genuine work, and do not go
beyond the fifteenth year. Price’s translation, too, was made
from a single and badly written MS.1 which is now in the R.A.S.
library. Dr. Rieu remarks that it is to be regretted that so poor a
fabrication as the garbled Memoirs should have been given to the world
as a genuine production of Jahāngīr. This being so, it is
appropriate that the present translation of the genuine Memoirs should
be published by the Royal Asiatic Society.


When Jahāngīr had written his Memoirs for the
first twelve years of his reign he made them into a volume, and had a
number of copies made and distributed (Elliot, vi, 360). The first of
these he gave to S͟hāh Jahān, who was then in high
favour. The present publication is a translation of the first volume of
the Memoirs, but the translation of the whole Memoirs, together with
the additions of Muʿtamad K͟hān and Muḥammad
Hādī, has been completed, and it is to be hoped that its
publication will follow in due course.


Jahāngīr reigned for twenty-two years, but
ill-health and sorrow made him give up the writing of his Memoirs in
the seventeenth year of his reign (see Elliot, vi, 280). He then
entrusted the task to Muʿtamad K͟hān, the author
[ix]of the Iqbāl-nāma, who continued the
Memoirs to the beginning of the nineteenth year. He then dropped
writing the Memoirs in the name of the emperor, but he continued the
narrative of the reign, to Jahāngīr’s death, in his own
work, the Iqbāl-nāma. Muḥammad Hādī
afterwards continued the Memoirs down to Jahāngīr’s
death, but his work is little more than an abridgment of the
Iqbāl-nāma. Sayyid Aḥmad’s edition contains the
continuations of the Memoirs by Muʿtamad and Muḥammad
Hādī, and also Muḥammad Hādī’s preface
and introduction. But this preface and introduction have not been
translated by Mr. Rogers, and I do not think that a translation is
necessary. Muḥammad Hādī is a late writer (see Elliot,
vi, 392), his date being the first quarter of the eighteenth century,
and his introduction seems to be almost wholly derived from the
Maʾās̤ir-i-Jahāngīrī of Kāmgār
Ḥusainī (Elliot, vi, 257). It consists mainly of an account
of Jahāngīr’s life from his birth up to his
accession.


It is perhaps unnecessary to say anything about the
importance of Jahāngīr’s Memoirs. They give a lively
picture of India in the early decades of the seventeenth century, and
are a valuable supplement to the Akbar-nāma. I may be allowed,
however, to end this preface with the following remarks which I
contributed to the Indian Magazine for May, 1907:—


“The Royal authors of the East had more blood in
them than those kings whose works have been catalogued by Horace
Walpole. To find a parallel to them we must go back to Julius
Cæsar, and even then the advantage is not upon the side of
Europe. After all, the commentaries of the famous Roman are a little
disappointing, and certainly the Memoirs of Bābar and
Jahāngīr are far more human and fuller of matter than the
story of the Gallic Wars. All Muhammadans have a fancy for writing
chronicles and autobiographies, and several Muhammadan [x]kings have yielded to the common impulse.
Central Asia has given us the Memoirs of Tamarlane, Bābar, and
Ḥaidar, and the chronicle of Abu-l-ghazi; Persia has given us the
Memoirs of Shah Tahmasp, and India the Memoirs of the Princess Gulbadan
and Jahāngīr. In modern times we see the same impulse at
work, for we have the biography of the late Ameer of Afghanistan and
the diary of the Shah of Persia.


“The contributions to literature by Royal authors
which come to us from the East form a department by themselves, and one
which is of great value. Nearly all Eastern histories are disfigured by
adulation. Even when the author has had no special reason for flattery
and for suppression of truth, he has been dazzled by the greatness of
his subject, and gives us a picture which no more reveals the real king
than does a telescope the real constitution of the Morning Star. But
when Eastern monarchs give us chronicles, the case is different. They
have no occasion for fear or favour, and mercilessly expose the
failings of their contemporaries. Not that they are to be trusted any
more than other Orientals when speaking of themselves. Bābar has
suppressed the story of his vassalage to Shah Ismaʿīl, of his
defeat at Ghajdawān, and his treatment of ʿĀlam Lodi;
and Jahāngīr has glossed over his rebellion against his
father, and the circumstances of Shīr-āfgan’s death.
But when they have to speak of others—whether kings or
nobles—they give us the whole truth, and perhaps a little more.
An amiable Princess like Gulbadan Begam may veil the faults and
weaknesses of her brothers Humāyūn and Hindāl; but
Bābar strips the gilt off nearly every one whom he mentions, and
spares no one—not even his own father.


“The Memoirs of Bābar, Ḥaidar, and
Gulbadan have been translated into English, and those of T̤ahmasp
have been translated into German; but unfortunately
Jahāngīr’s [xi]have never been fully
translated,2 though there are extracts in Elliot &
Dowson’s History, and Major Price many years ago gave us from an
imperfect manuscript a garbled account of a few years of his Memoirs.
Yet in reality Jahāngīr’s Memoirs are not inferior in
interest to those of Bābar. Indeed, we may go further and say
there is twice as much matter in them as in Bābar’s Memoirs,
and that they are by far the most entertaining of the two works. Not
that Jahāngīr was by any means as remarkable a man as his
great-grandfather. He was a most faulty human being, and his own
account of himself often excites our disgust and contempt. But he had
the sense not to confine his narrative to an account of himself, and he
has given us a picture of his father, the great Akbar, which is a
bigger ‘plum’ than anything in Bābar’s Memoirs.
But his account of himself has also its charm, for it reveals the real
man, and so he lives for us in his Memoirs just as James VI—to
whom, and to the Emperor Claudius, he bears a strange and even
ludicrous resemblance—lives in the ‘Fortunes of
Nigel’ or Claudius in Suetonius and Tacitus. Jahāngīr
was indeed a strange mixture. The man who could stand by and see men
flayed alive, and who, as he himself tells us, put one man to death and
had two others hamstrung because they showed themselves inopportunely
and frightened away his game, could yet be a lover of justice and could
spend his Thursday evenings in holding high converse. He could quote
Fīrdūsi’s verse against cruelty to animals—




‘Ah! spare yon emmet, rich in hoarded
grain—


He lives with pleasure, and he dies with
pain’;




and be soft-hearted enough to wish that his father
were alive to share with him the delicious mangoes of India. He could
procure the murder of Abū-l-faẓl and avow [xii]the fact without remorse, and also pity the
royal elephants because they shivered in winter when they sprinkled
themselves with cold water. ‘I observed this,’ he says,
‘and so I ordered that the water should be heated to the
temperature of luke-warm milk.’ And he adds: ‘This was
entirely my own idea; nobody had ever thought of it before.’ One
good trait in Jahāngīr was his hearty enjoyment of Nature and
his love for flowers. Bābar had this also, but he was old, or at
least worn out, when he came to India, and he was disgusted by an
Indian attempt to poison him, and so his description of India is meagre
and splenetic. Jahāngīr, on the other hand, is a true Indian,
and dwells delightedly on the charms of Indian flowers, particularises
the palās, the bokūl, and the champa, and avows that no fruit
of Afghanistan or Central Asia is equal to the mango. He loved, too, to
converse with pandits and Hindu ascetics, though he is contemptuous of
their avatars, and causes the image of Vishnu as the boar avatar to be
broken and flung into the Pushkar lake.


“It is a remark of Hallam’s that the best
attribute of Muhammadan princes is a rigorous justice in chastising the
offences of others. Of this quality Jahāngīr, in spite of all
his weaknesses, had a large share, and even to this day he is spoken of
with respect by Muhammadans on account of his love of justice. It is a
pathetic circumstance that it was this princely quality which was to
some extent the cause of the great affront put upon him by Mahābat
K͟hān. Many complaints had been made to Jahāngīr of
the oppressions of Mahābat in Bengal, and crowds of suppliants had
come to Jahāngīr’s camp. It was his desire to give them
redress and to punish Mahābat for his exactions, together with his
physical and mental weakness, which led to his capture on the banks of
the Jhilam.


“One of the many interesting observations in his
Memoirs [xiii]is his account of an inscription he saw at
Hindaun. He says that in the thirteenth year of his reign, as he was
marching back to Agra, he found a verse by someone inscribed on the
pillar of a pleasure-house on an islet in the lake at Hindaun. He then
proceeds to quote it, and it turns out to be one of Omar
Khayyam’s! This is FitzGerald’s paraphrase:—




‘For some we loved, the loveliest and the
best


That from his vintage Time hath prest,


Have drunk their Cup a Round or two before,


And one by one crept silently to
rest.’




“The same quatrain has also been quoted by
Badayūnī in his history, and the interesting thing about
Jahāngīr’s quotation of it is that he could see the
beauty of the verse and at the same time did not know who was the
author. There is also an interest in the fact that the third line
contains a different reading from that given in Whinfield’s
edition of the text. Hindaun is in the Jaipur territory, and one would
like to know if the inscription still exists.


“Among other things in Jahāngīr’s
Memoirs there is the description of the outbreak of the Plague, given
to him by a lady of his court [which has been quoted by Dr. Simpson in
his book upon Plague], and there is a very full account of Kashmir,
which is considerably superior to that in the Āyīn
Akbarī, which Sir Walter Lawrence has praised.”


With reference to the portrait of Jahāngīr
prefixed to this volume, it may be interesting to note that it appears
from Mr. E. B. Havell’s “Indian Sculpture,” p. 203,
that the British Museum possesses a drawing by Rembrandt which was
copied from a Moghul miniature, and which has been pronounced by Mr.
Rouffaer to be a portrait of Jahāngīr. Coryat (Purchas,
reprint, iv, 473) thus describes Jahāngīr’s personal
appearance:—“He is fifty and three years of age, his
nativity-day having been celebrated with wonderful pomp since my
arrival here. On that day he weighed himself in a pair of golden
scales, which by great [xiv]chance I saw the same day; a
custom he observes most inviolably every year. He is of complexion
neither white nor black, but of a middle betwixt them. I know not how
to express it with a more expressive and significant epitheton than
olive. An olive colour his face presenteth. He is of a seemly
composition of body, of a stature little unequal (as I guess not
without grounds of probability) to mine, but much more corpulent than
myself.”


As regards the bibliography of the
Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī, I have to note that there is an
Urdu translation by Munshī Aḥmad ʿAlī
Sīmāb of Rāmpūra, that is, Aligarh in Tonk. It was
made from Muḥammad Hādī’s edition under the
patronage of Muḥammad Ibrāhīm ʿAlī
K͟hān Nawāb of Tonk, and was published by Newal Kishor
in 1291 (1874). There is also a Hindi translation by Munshī
Debī Prasād which was published in 1905 at Calcutta by the
Bhārat Mitra Press. The Urdu translation referred to by Mr.
Blumhardt in his Catalogue of Hindustani MSS., p. 61, and noticed by
Elliot, vi, 401, and Garcin de Tassy, iii, 301, is, as the two latter
writers have remarked, a translation of the Iqbāl-nāma. The
MS. referred to by Elliot vi, 277, as having been in the possession of
General Thomas Paterson Smith, and which is described in
Ethé’s Catalogue of the India Office MSS., No. 2833, p.
1533, was made by Sayyid Muḥammad, the elder brother of Sayyid
Aḥmad. At the end of the MS. the copyist gives some
account of himself and of his family. He made the copy from copies in
the Royal Library and in the possession of Rajah Roghū Nāth
Singh alias Lāl Singh Jālpūr. He finished it in
October, 1843. Sayyid Muḥammad was Munsif of Hutgām in the
Fatḥpūr district. He died young in 1845. My friend Mr. T. W.
Arnold, of the India Office, informs me that Sayyid Aḥmad told
him that he found a valuable illustrated MS of the Tūzuk in the
débris of the Delhi Royal Library, and took it home, but that it
was lost when his house was plundered [xv]by the
mutineers. There is in the Bodleian a copy in Sayyid
Aḥmad’s own handwriting. He states that he made use of ten
good MSS. The Englishman at whose request he made the copy was John
Panton Gubbins, who was once Sessions Judge of Delhi. This copy is
described in the Bodleian Catalogue, p. 117, No. 221. The MS. No. 220
described on the same page was brought home by Fraser, and is a good
one, but only goes down to the end of the 14th year.


H. Beveridge.


March, 1909.






Postscript.—Since writing
this Preface I have been enabled by the kindness of Mr. Irvine to
examine the Hindi Jahāngīr-nāma of Debī
Prasād. It is not a translation, but an abstract, and I do not
think it is of much value. Being a Jodhpūr man he has been able,
perhaps, to correct some spellings of places, but he does not seem to
have consulted any MSS., and when he comes to a difficulty he shirks
it. The most valuable adjunct to the Tūzuk, after the
Iqbāl-nāma, is the
Maʾās̤ir-i-Jahāngīrī of Kāmgār
Ḥusainī. It is important as giving the early history of
Jahāngīr, that is, of the time when he was Prince Selīm.
There are three copies of his work in the British Museum, but the
so-called Maāthir-i-Jahāngīrī of the India Office
Library, No. 3098, or 324 of the new Catalogue, is only a copy of the
Iqbāl-nāma.


I regret that the number of Errata and Addenda is so
large, but when I began the revision I did not know that Sayyid
Aḥmad’s text was so incorrect. It will be seen that at pp.
158 and 162 I have made two erroneous notes.


H. B. [v]










1 It is owing
to the crabbed writing of Price’s MS. that at p. 21
Jahāngīr is made to say that the Prince of Kashmir belonged
to the society of Jogīs. The real statement is that the prince
belonged to the Chak family. ↑


2 A
translation was begun by the Rev. Mr. Lowe for the Asiatic Society of
Bengal, but only one fasciculus was published. This was in
1889. ↑








[Contents]



Table of Transliteration.














ا
(Hamza) not represented at the
beginning or end of a word; ʾ in the middle of a word.

ذ
ẕ

غ
g͟h




ب
b

ر
r

ف
f




پ
p

ڑ
ṛ

ق
q




ت
t

ز
z

ك
k




ٹ
ṭ

ژ
z͟h

گ
g




ث
s̤

س
s

ل
l




ج
j

ش
s͟h

م
m




چ
ch

ص
ṣ

ن
n (m before ب and پ)




ح
h

ض
ẓ

و
w (v in Hindu names)




خ
kh

ط
t̤

ة
h (not represented at the end of a word
except when radical)




د
d

ظ
z̤

ى
y




ڈ
ḍ

ع
ʿ










Transcriber’s
note: The presentation of Arabic vowels used in the source
cannot be exactly reproduced in Unicode.


Vowels—_َ_ a. ا_َ_
ā. اى_َ_ (alif maḳṣūra) ā.


_ِ_ i.
ى_ِ_ ī; e in some Hindu names. ىّ_ِ_ iyy; ī at the end of a word.


_ُ_ u.
و_ُ_ ū; o in some Hindu names. وّ_ُ_ uww; ū at the end of a word.


Diphthongs—و_َ_ au. وّ_َ_ aww. ى_َ_ ai.
ىّ_َ_ ayy.


The ‘Izāfat’ is rendered by
‘-i-’.


The Persian copulative particle و is transliterated by ‘u’.


The ل of the
Arabic article is assimilated according to rule, the final vowel of the
preceding word being preserved.






[Contents]



Contents



[1]










[Contents]



Jahāngīr’s Memoirs.


 In the Name of God, the Merciful, the
Clement.


Chapter I.






By the boundless favour of Allah, when one
sidereal hour of Thursday,
Jumādā-s̤-s̤ānī 20th, A.H. 1014 (October 24th, 1605), had passed, I ascended the
royal throne in the capital of Agra, in the 38th year of my
age.1


Till he was 28 years old, no child of my father had
lived, and he was continually praying for the survival of a son to
dervishes and recluses, by whom spiritual approach to the throne of
Allah is obtained. As the great master, K͟hwāja
Muʿīnu-d-dīn Chis͟htī, was the fountain-head
of most of the saints of India, he considered that in order to obtain
this object he should have recourse to his blessed threshold, and
resolved within himself that if Almighty God should bestow a son on him
he would, by way of complete humility, go on foot from Agra to his
[2]blessed mausoleum, a distance of 140 kos. In
A.H. 977, on Wednesday, 17th
Rabīʿu-l-awwal (August 31st, 1569), when seven
g͟harī of the aforesaid day had passed, when Libra
(Mīzān) had risen to the 24th degree, God Almighty brought me
into existence from the hiding-place of nothingness. At the time when
my venerated father was on the outlook for a son, a dervish of the name
of S͟haik͟h Salīm, a man of ecstatic condition, who had
traversed many of the stages of life, had his abode on a hill near
Sīkrī, one of the villages of Agra, and the people of that
neighbourhood had complete trust in him. As my father was very
submissive to dervishes, he also visited him. One day, when waiting on
him and in a state of distraction, he asked him how many sons he should
have. The S͟haik͟h replied, “The Giver who gives
without being asked will bestow three sons on you.” My father
said, “I have made a vow that, casting my first son on the skirt
of your favour, I will make your friendship and kindness his protector
and preserver.” The S͟haik͟h accepted this idea, and
said, “I congratulate you, and I will give him my own
name.” When my mother came near the time of her delivery, he
(Akbar) sent her to the S͟haik͟h’s house that I might
be born there. After my birth they gave me the name of Sultan
Salīm, but I never heard my father, whether in his cups or in his
sober moments, call me Muḥammad Salīm or Sultan Salīm,
but always S͟haik͟hū Bābā. My revered
father, considering the village of Sīkrī, which was the place
of my birth, lucky for him, made it his capital. In the course of
fourteen or fifteen years that hill, full of wild beasts, became a city
containing all kinds of gardens and buildings, and lofty, elegant
edifices and pleasant places, attractive to the heart. After the
conquest of Gujarāt this village was named Fatḥpūr.
When I became king it occurred to me to change my name, because this
resembled that of the Emperor of Rūm. An inspiration from the
hidden world brought it into my mind [3]that, inasmuch as the business of
kings is the controlling of the world, I should give myself the name of
Jahāngīr (World-seizer) and make my title of honour
(laqab) Nūru-d-dīn, inasmuch as my sitting on the
throne coincided with the rising and shining on the earth of the great
light (the Sun). I had also heard, in the days when I was a prince,
from Indian sages, that after the expiration of the reign and life of
King Jalālu-d-dīn Akbar one named Nūru-d-dīn would
be administrator of the affairs of the State. Therefore I gave myself
the name and appellation of Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr
Pāds͟hāh. As this great event took place in Agra, it is
necessary that some account of that city should be given.


Agra is one of the grand old cities of Hindustan. It had
formerly an old fort on the bank of the Jumna, but this my father threw
down before my birth, and he founded a fort of cut red stone, the like
of which those who have travelled over the world cannot point out. It
was completed in the space of fifteen or sixteen years. It had four
gates and two sally-ports, and its cost was 35 lakhs of rupees, equal
to 115,000 tomān of current Persian coinage and to
10,500,000 k͟hānī according to the
Tūrān reckoning. The habitable part of the city extends on
both sides of the river. On its west side, which has the greater
population, its circumference is seven kos and its breadth is one kos.
The circumference of the inhabited part on the other side of the water,
the side towards the east, is 2½ kos, its length being one kos
and its breadth half a kos. But in the number of its buildings it is
equal to several cities of ʿIrāq, K͟hurāsān,
and Māwarāʾa-n-nahr (Transoxiana) put together. Many
persons have erected buildings of three or four storeys in it. The mass
of people is so great, that moving about in the lanes and bazars is
difficult. It is on the boundary of the second climate. On its east is
the province of Qanauj; on the west, Nāgor; on the north, Sambhal;
and on the south, Chanderī.


It is written in the books of the Hindus that the source
[4]of the Jumna is in a hill of the name of
Kalind,2 which men cannot reach because of the excessive
cold. The apparent source is a hill near the pargana of
K͟hiẓrābād.


The air of Agra is warm and dry; physicians say that it
depresses the spirits (rūḥrā ba taḥlīl
mībarad) and induces weakness. It is unsuited to most
temperaments, except to the phlegmatic and melancholy, which are safe
from its bad effects. For this reason animals of this constitution and
temperament, such as the elephant, the buffalo, and others, thrive in
its climate.


Before the rule of the Lodī Afghans, Agra was a
great and populous place, and had a castle described by
Masʿūd b. Saʿd b. Salmān in the ode
(qaṣīda) which he wrote in praise of
Maḥmūd, son of Sultan Ibrāhīm, son of
Masʿūd, son of Sultan Maḥmūd of G͟haznī,
on the capture of the castle—




“The fort of Agra appeared in the midst of the
dust


Like a mountain, and its battlements like
peaks.”3




When Sikandar Lodī designed to take Gwalior
he came to Agra from Delhi, which was the capital of the Sultans of
India, and settled down there. From that date the population and
prosperity of Agra increased, and it became the capital of the Sultans
of Delhi. When God Almighty bestowed the rule of India on this
illustrious family, the late king, Bābar, after the defeat of
Ibrāhīm, the son of Sikandar Lodī, and his being killed,
and after his victory over Rānā Sāngā, who was the
chief of the Rajas of Hindustan, established on the east side of the
Jumna, on improved land, a garden (chārbāg͟h)
which few places equal in beauty. He gave it the name of
Gul-afs͟hān [5](Flower-scatterer), and erected in it a small
building of cut red stone, and having completed a mosque on one side of
it he intended to make a lofty building, but time failed him and his
design was never carried into execution.


In these Memoirs, whenever Ṣāḥib
qirānī is written it refers to Amīr Tīmūr
Gūrgān; and whenever Firdūs-makānī is
mentioned, to Bābar Pāds͟hāh; when
Jannat-ās͟hyānī is used, to
Humāyūn Pāds͟hāh; and when
ʿArs͟h-ās͟hyānī is employed, to my
revered father, Jalālu-d-dīn Muḥammad Akbar
Pāds͟hāh G͟hāzī.


Melons, mangoes, and other fruits grow well in Agra and
its neighbourhood. Of all fruits I am very fond of mangoes. In the
reign of my father
(ʿArs͟h-ās͟hyānī) many fruits of
other countries, which till then were not to be had in India, were
obtained there. Several sorts of grapes, such as the
ṣāḥibī and the
ḥabs͟hī4 and the
kis͟hmis͟hī, became common in several towns; for
instance, in the bazars of Lahore every kind and variety that may be
desired can be had in the grape season. Among fruits, one which they
call ananās (pineapple), which is grown in the Frank
ports,5 is of excessive fragrance and fine flavour. Many
thousands are produced every year now in the Gul-afs͟hān
garden at Agra.


From the excellencies of its sweet-scented flowers one
may prefer the fragrances of India to those of the flowers of the whole
world. It has many such that nothing in the whole world can be compared
to them. The first is the champa (Michelia champaca),
which is a flower of exceedingly sweet fragrance; it has the shape of
the saffron-flower, but is yellow inclining to white. The tree is very
symmetrical [6]and large, full of branches and leaves, and is
shady. When in flower one tree will perfume a garden. Surpassing this
is the keoṛā6 flower (Pandanus
odoratissimus). Its shape and appearance are singular, and its
scent is so strong and penetrating that it does not yield to the odour
of musk. Another is the rāe bel,7 which in scent
resembles white jessamine. Its flowers are double and treble (?).
Another is the mūlsarī8 (Mimusops
Elengi). This tree, too, is very graceful and symmetrical, and is
shady. The scent of its flowers is very pleasant. Another is the
ketakī9 (Pandanus ?), which is of
the nature of the keoṛā, but the latter is thorny,
whereas the ketkī has no thorns. Moreover, the
ketkī is yellowish, whereas the keoṛā is
white. From these two flowers and also from the
chambelī10 (Jasminum grandiflorum),
which is the white jessamine of wilāyat (Persia or
Afghanistan), they extract sweet-scented oils. There are other flowers
too numerous to mention. Of trees there are the cypress (sarw),
the pine [7](sanūbar), the chanar
(Platanus orientalis), the white poplar
(safīdār, Populus alba), and the bīd
mūllā (willow), which they had formerly never thought of
in Hindustan, but are now plentiful. The sandal-tree, which once was
peculiar to the islands (i.e., Java, Sumatra, etc.), also flourishes in
the gardens.


The inhabitants of Agra exert themselves greatly in the
acquirement of crafts and the search after learning. Various professors
of every religion and creed have taken up their abode in the city.


After my accession, the first order that I gave was for
the fastening up of the Chain of Justice, so that if those engaged in
the administration of justice should delay or practise hypocrisy in the
matter of those seeking justice, the oppressed might come to this chain
and shake it so that its noise might attract attention. Its fashion was
this: I ordered them to make a chain of pure gold,11 30
gaz in length and containing 60 bells. Its weight was 4 Indian
maunds, equal to 42 ʿIrāqī maunds. One end of it they
made fast to the battlements of the Shāh Burj of the fort at Agra
and the other to a stone post fixed on the bank of the river. I also
gave twelve orders to be observed as rules of conduct
(dastūru-l-ʿamal) in all my dominions—


(1) Forbidding the levy of cesses under the names of
tamghā and mīr baḥrī (river tolls),
and other burdens which the jāgīrdārs of every
province and district had imposed for their own profit.


(2) On roads where thefts and robberies took place,
which roads might be at a little distance from habitations, the
[8]jāgīrdārs of the neighbourhood
should build sarāʾīs (public rest-houses),
mosques, and dig wells, which might stimulate population, and people
might settle down in those sarāʾīs. If these
should be near a k͟hāliṣa estate (under direct
State management), the administrator (mutaṣaddī) of
that place should execute the work.


12(3) The bales of merchants should not be
opened on the roads without informing them and obtaining their
leave.


(4) In my dominions if anyone, whether unbeliever or
Musalman, should die, his property and effects should be left for his
heirs, and no one should interfere with them. If he should have no
heir, they should appoint inspectors and separate guardians to guard
the property, so that its value might be expended in lawful
expenditure, such as the building of mosques and
sarāʾīs, the repair of broken bridges, and the
digging of tanks and wells.


(5) They should not make wine or rice-spirit
(darbahra)13 or any kind of intoxicating drug, or sell
them; although I myself drink wine, and from the age of 18 years up
till now, when I am 38, have persisted in it. When I first took a
liking to drinking I sometimes took as much as twenty cups of
double-distilled spirit; when by degrees it acquired a great influence
over me I endeavoured to lessen the quantity, and in the period of
seven years I have brought myself from fifteen cups to five or six. My
times for drinking were varied; sometimes when three or four sidereal
hours of the day remained I would begin to drink, and sometimes at
night and partly by day. This went on till I was 30 years old. After
that I took to drinking always at night. Now I drink only to digest my
food.


14(6) They should not take possession of any
person’s house. [9]


(7) I forbade the cutting off the nose or ears of any
person, and I myself made a vow by the throne of God that I would not
blemish anyone by this punishment.


(8) I gave an order that the officials of the Crown
lands and the jāgīrdārs should not forcibly take
the ryots’ lands and cultivate them on their own account.


(9) A government collector or a
jāgīrdār should not without permission intermarry
with the people of the pargana in which he might be.


(10) They should found hospitals in the great cities,
and appoint physicians for the healing of the sick; whatever the
expenditure might be, should be given from the
k͟hāliṣa establishment.


(11) In accordance with the regulations of my revered
father, I ordered that each year from the 18th15 of
Rabīʿu-l-awwal, which is my birthday, for a number of days
corresponding to the years of my life, they should not slaughter
animals (for food). Two days in each week were also forbidden, one of
them Thursday, the day of my accession, and the other Sunday, the day
of my father’s birth. He held this day in great esteem on this
account, and because it was dedicated to the Sun, and also because it
was the day on which the Creation began. Therefore it was one of the
days on which there was no killing in his dominions.16


(12) I gave a general order that the offices and
jāgīrs of my father’s servants should remain as
they were. Later, the mansabs (ranks or offices) were
increased according to [10]each one’s circumstances by not less
than 20 per cent. to 300 or 400 per cent. The subsistence money of the
aḥadīs was increased by 50 per cent., and I raised
the pay of all domestics by 20 per cent. I increased the allowances of
all the veiled ladies of my father’s harem from 20 per cent. to
100 per cent., according to their condition and relationship. By one
stroke of the pen I confirmed the subsistence lands17 of the
holders of aimas (charity lands) within the dominions, who form
the army of prayer, according to the deeds in their possession. I gave
an order to Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān, who is one of the
genuine Sayyids of India, and who for a long time held the high office
of ṣadr (ecclesiastical officer) under my father, that he
should every day produce before me deserving people (worthy of
charity). 18I released all criminals who had been confined and
imprisoned for a long time in the forts and prisons.19


At a propitious hour I ordered that they should coin
gold and silver of different weights. To each coin I gave a separate
name, viz., to the muhr of 100 tola, that of
nūr-s͟hāhī; to that of 50 tola, that
of nūr-sult̤ānī; to that of 20 tola,
nūr-daulat; to that of 10 tola,
nūr-karam; to that of 5 tola, nūr-mihr;
and to that of 1 tola, [11]nūr-jahānī. The
half of this I called nūrānī, and the quarter,
rawājī. With regard to the silver coins
(sikkas). I gave to the coin of 100 tola the name of
kaukab-i-t̤āliʿ (star of horoscope); to that of
50 tola, the name of kaukab-i-iqbāl (star of
fortune); to that of 20 tola, the name of
kaukab-i-murād (star of desire); to that of 10 tola,
the name of kaukab-i-bak͟ht (star of good luck); to that of
5 tola, the name of kaukab-i-saʿd (star of
auspiciousness); to that of 1 tola, the name of
jahāngīrī. The half
jahāngīrī I called
sult̤ānī; the quarter,
nisārī20 (showering money); the dime,
k͟hair-i-qabūl (the acceptable). Copper, also, I
coined in the same proportions, and gave each division a particular
name. I ordered that on the gold muhr of 100, 50, 20, and 10
tola the following verse by Āṣaf
K͟hān21 should be impressed—namely, on the
obverse was this couplet:—




“Fate’s pen wrote on the coin in letters of
light,


The S͟hāh Nūru-d-dīn
Jahāngīr”;




and between the lines of the verse the Creed
(Kalima) was impressed. On the reverse was this couplet, in
which the date of coinage was signified:—




“Through this coin is the world brightened as by
the sun,


And the date thereof is ‘Sun of Dominion’
(Āftāb-i-Mamlakat).”22




Between the lines of the verse, the mint, the
Hijra year, and the regnal year were impressed. On the
nūr-jahānī, which is in the place of the ordinary
gold muhr and exceeds it in weight by 20 per cent. (as 12 to
10), is impressed this couplet of the
Amīru-l-umarā:—




“S͟hāh Nūru-d-dīn
Jahāngīr ibn Akbar Pāds͟hāh


Made gold’s face bright with the sheen of sun and
moon.”




[12]


Accordingly, a hemistich was impressed on each face, and
also the mint, and the Hijra and regnal year. The
jahāngīrī sikka, also, which is greater in weight
by 20 per cent., was reckoned as equal to a rupee, its weight being
fixed in the same manner as that of the
nūr-jahānī (each was a tola in weight, but
one was in gold and the other was in silver). The weight of a
tola is 2½ mis̤qāls of Persia and
Tūrān.23


It would not be good to give all the versified
chronograms which were made for my accession. I therefore content
myself with the one which Maktūb K͟hān, the
superintendent of the library and picture gallery, and one of my old
servants, composed—




“The second lord of conjunction,
S͟hāhins͟hāh Jahāngīr,


With justice and equity sat on the throne of
happiness.


Prosperity, Good Fortune, Wealth, Dignity, and
Victory,


With loins girt in his service, stood rejoicing before
him.


It became the date of the accession when Prosperity


Placed his head at the feet of the
Ṣāḥib-Qirān-i-S̤ānī.”24




To my son K͟husrau a lakh of rupees was
presented that he might build up for himself the house of Munʿim
K͟hān,25 the (former)
K͟hānk͟hānān, outside the fort. The
administration and government of the Panjab was bestowed on
[13]Saʿid K͟hān,26 who was one
of the confidential nobles and connected with my father by marriage.
His origin was from the Moghul tribe, and his ancestors were in the
service of my forefathers. At the time of his taking leave, as it was
said that his eunuchs oppressed and tyrannized over the weak and the
poor, I sent a message to him that my justice would not put up with
oppression from anyone, and that in the scales of equity neither
smallness nor greatness was regarded. If after this any cruelty or
harshness should be observed on the part of his people, he would
receive punishment without favour.27


Again, having previously bestowed on S͟haik͟h
Farīd Buk͟hārī, who had been Mīr
Bak͟hs͟hī in my father’s service, a dress of
honour, a jewelled sword, a jewelled inkstand and pen, I confirmed him
in the same post, and in order to exalt him I said to him, “I
regard thee as Ṣāḥibu-s-saif-wa-l-qalam”
(“Captain Sword and Captain Pen”). Muqīm,28 to whom my father had given at the end of his
reign the title of Wazīr K͟hān and the viziership of his
dominions, I selected for the same title, rank, and service. I also
gave K͟hwājagī Fatḥu-llah a dress of honour, and
made him a bakhshi, as formerly ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq
Maʿmūrī, although when I was prince he had left my
service without cause or reason and had gone over to my father, I made
bakhshi as formerly, and I gave him a dress of honour. To
Amīnu-d-daula, who when I was prince had the post of bakhshi, and
without my leave had run away and taken service with my revered father,
not looking to his offences I gave the office [14]of
Ātis͟h-i-begī29 (Head of the Artillery),
which he had held under my father. I left all those who were in
possession of posts, both inside and outside, in the positions which
they had with my father. S͟harīf K͟hān30 had lived with me from his early years. When I
was prince I had given him the title of k͟hān, and
when I left Allahabad to wait upon my honoured father I presented him
with a drum and the tūmān-tog͟h (standard of
yāk tails). I had also promoted him to the rank of 2,500
and given him the government of the province of Bihar. I gave him
complete control over the province, and sent him off there. On the 4th
of Rajab, being fifteen days after my accession, he waited upon me. I
was exceedingly pleased at his coming, for his connection with me is
such that I look upon him as a brother, a son, a friend, and a
companion. As I had perfect confidence in his friendship, intelligence,
learning, and acquaintance with affairs, having made him Grand Vizier,
I promoted him to the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse and the lofty
title of Amīru-l-umarā, to which no title of my
servants is superior. Though his position might have warranted a higher
rank, he himself represented to me that until some notable service on
his part had become perceptible to me he would not accept a higher
grade than that mentioned (5,000).


As the reality of the loyalty of my father’s
servants had not yet become apparent, and certain faults and errors and
unbecoming intentions which were not approved at the throne of the
Creator or pleasing to His creatures had [15]shown themselves, they of
themselves became ashamed. Though on the day of my accession I had
forgiven all offences and determined with myself that I would exact no
retribution for past deeds, yet on account of the suspicion that had
been aroused in my mind about them I considered the
Amīru-l-umarā my guardian and protector; although God
Almighty is the guardian of all His servants, and is especially so of
kings, because their existence is the cause of the contentment of the
world. His father, ʿAbdu-ṣ-Ṣamad, who in the art of
painting had no equal in the age, had obtained from the late king
(Jannat-ās͟hyānī) Humāyūn the
title of S͟hīrīn-qalam (Sweet pen), and in his
council had attained a great dignity and was on intimate terms with him
(the king). He was one of the chief men of S͟hīrāz. My
honoured father, on account of his former services, paid him great
honour and reverence. I made Raja Mān Singh—who was one of
the greatest and most trusted noblemen of my father, and had obtained
alliances with this illustrious family, inasmuch as his aunt had been
in my father’s house (i.e. was his wife),31 and I had
married his sister, and K͟husrau and his sister
Sult̤ānu-n-nisā Begam, the latter of whom is my eldest
child, were born of her—as before, ruler of the province of
Bengal. Though as in consequence of certain of his acts he had no
expectation of this favour towards himself, I dignified him with a
chārqab (vest without sleeves) as a robe of honour, a
jewelled sword, and [16]one of my own horses, and sent him off to his
province, which is a place of (or can keep up) 50,000 horse. His father
was Raja Bhagwān Dās. His grandfather, Raja Bihārī
Mal, was the first of the Kachwāha Rājpūts to have the
honour of entering my father’s service, and he excelled his tribe
in truth and sincerity of friendship, and in the quality of valour.
After my accession, when all the nobles with their retinues presented
themselves at my palace, it came into my mind that I should send this
body of retainers under my son, Sultan Parwīz, to make a holy war
against the Rānā, who was one of evil deeds, and a foul
infidel of the country of Hindustan, and in my father’s time had
had troops sent constantly against him, but had not been driven off. In
a fortunate hour I invested my said son with gorgeous robes of honour,
a jewelled waist-sword, a jewelled waist-dagger, and a rosary of pearls
intermixed with rubies of great price of the value of 72,000 rupees,
ʿIrāq and Turkmān horses and famous elephants, and
dismissed him. About 20,000 horsemen with nobles and chief leaders were
appointed to this service. The first was Āṣaf
K͟hān, who in my father’s time was one of his
confidential servants, and for a long time had been confirmed in the
post of bakhshi and afterwards became dīwān ba
istiqlāl (Chancellor with full powers); him I advanced from
the rank of an Amīr to that of Vizier, and promoting him from the
command of 2,500 horse to that of 5,000 made him guardian to
Parwīz. Having honoured him with a robe of honour, jewelled
waist-sword, a horse and an elephant, I ordered that all the
manṣabdārs (commanders), small and great, should not
depart from such orders as he thought proper to give them. I made
ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq Maʿmūrī his bakhshi and
Muk͟htār Beg, Āṣaf K͟hān’s
paternal uncle, diwan to Parwīz. I also presented to Raja
Jagannāth, son of Raja Bihārī Mal, who had the rank of
5,000, a robe of honour and a jewelled waist-sword.


Again, I gave Rānā S͟hankar, cousin of
the Rānā—to [17]whom my father had given the title of
Rānā, proposing to send him with K͟husrau against the
Rānā, but at that time he (Akbar) became a
s͟hanqar (a falcon, i.e. he died)—a robe of honour
and a jewelled sword, and sent him with him.


I presented Mādho Singh, brother’s son of
Raja Mān Singh, and Rāwal Sāl Darbārī with
flags, from this consideration, that they were always present at Court
and belonged to the Sekhāwaṭ32
Rājpūts, and were confidential servants of my father. Each
received also the rank of 3,000.


I promoted S͟haik͟h Ruknu-d-dīn the
Afghan, to whom when I was prince I had given the title of
S͟hīr K͟hān, from the grade of 500 to that of 3,500
S͟hīr K͟hān is the head of his clan and a very
valiant man. He lost his arm by the sword in service against the
Uzbegs.33 ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān, son of
S͟haik͟h Abū-l-faẓl, Mahā Singh, grandson of
Rāja Mān Singh, Zāhid K͟hān, son of Sādiq
K͟hān, Wazīr Jamīl, and Qarā K͟hān
Turkmān were exalted to the rank of 2,000; all these obtained
robes of honour and horses, and were dismissed. Manohar also obtained
leave to join the expedition. He is of the tribe of the
Sekhāwaṭ Kachhwāhas, and on him in his young days my
father bestowed many favours. He had learned the Persian language, and,
although from him up to Adam the power of understanding cannot be
attributed to any one of his tribe, he is not without intelligence. He
makes Persian verses, and the following is one of his
couplets:—




“The object of shade in Creation is this:


That no one place his foot on the light of my Lord, the
Sun.”34




[18]


If the details were to be described of all the
commanders and servants appointed by me, with the conditions and
connections and rank of each, it would be a long business. Many of my
immediate attendants and personal followers and nobles’ sons,
house-born ones (k͟hānazādān) and zealous
Rajputs, petitioned to accompany this expedition. A thousand ahadis,
the meaning of which is single ones (Blochmann, p. 20), were also
appointed. In short, a force was collected together such that if
reliance on the Friend (God) were vouchsafed, it could have embarked on
enmity and conflict with any one of the monarchs of power.




“Soldiers came up from all sides,


Seizing life from heroes of the world in battle;


They had no fear of death from the sharp sword,


No terror of water35 and no flight from
fire;


In valour singular, in vigour a crowd,


Anvils in endurance, rocks in attack.”




When I was prince I had entrusted, in consequence
of my extreme confidence36 in him, my own ūzuk
seal37 to the Amīru-l-umarā
(S͟harīf), but when he was sent off to the province of Bihar
I made it over to Parwīz. Now that Parwīz went off against
the Rānā, I made it over, according to the former
arrangement, to the Amīru-l-umarā.


Parwīz was born of
Ṣāḥib-Jamāl (Mistress of Beauty), [19]the
cousin38 of Zain K͟hān Koka, who, in point of
affinity, was on the same footing39 as Mirzā
ʿAzīz Koka, in the 34th year of my father’s reign, in
the city of Kabul, two years and two months after the birth of
K͟husrau. After several other children had been born to me and had
been received into God’s mercy, a daughter was born of
Karamsī,40 who belonged to the Rāṭhor clan,
and the child received the name of Bihār Bānū Begam. To
Jagat Gosāʾīn,41 daughter of the Mota Raja (the
fat raja), was born Sult̤ān K͟hurram, in the 36th year
of my father’s reign, corresponding to A.H. 999,42 in the city of Lahore. His
advent made the world joyous (k͟hurram),43
[20]and gradually, as his years increased, so did his
excellencies, and he was more attentive to my father than all (my)
other children, who was exceedingly pleased with and grateful for his
services, and always recommended him to me and frequently told me there
was no comparison between him and my other children. He recognised him
as his real child.


After that (K͟hurram’s birth) some other
children were born who died in infancy, and then within one month two
sons were borne by concubines. One of these I called Jahāndār
and the other S͟hahryār.44


About this time there came a petition from Saʿid
K͟hān with regard to granting leave to Mīrzā
G͟hāzī, who was a son of the ruler of the province of
Thathah (Tattah in Sind).45 I said that as my father had
betrothed his sister to my son K͟husrau, please God, when this
alliance came into force, I would give him leave to return to Sind.


A year before I became king I had determined that I
would drink no wine on Friday eve, and I hope at the throne of God that
He will keep me firm in this resolve as long as I live.


Twenty thousand rupees were given to Mīrzā
Muḥammad Riẓā Sabzwārī to divide amongst the
faqirs and the needy of Delhi. The viziership of my dominions I gave in
the proportions of half and half to K͟hān Beg,46 to whom when I was prince I had given the title
of Wazīru-l-mulk, and to Wazīr K͟hān47 (Muqīm), and I gave to S͟haik͟h
Farīd Buk͟hārī, who held the rank of 4,000, that of
5,000. [21]I promoted Rām Dās Kachhwāha, whom
my father had favoured, and who held the rank of 2,000, to that of
3,000. I sent dresses of honour to Mīrzā Rustam, son of
Mīrzā Sult̤ān Ḥusain and grandson of
S͟hāh Ismāʿīl, the ruler of Qandahar, and to
ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm K͟hānk͟hānān,
son of Bairām K͟hān, and to Īraj and
Dārāb, his sons, and to other nobles attached to the Deccan
(command). Bark͟hūrdār, son of
ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān, son of Muʾayyid Beg, as he had
come to court without a summons, I ordered back to his jagir. 48It is not according to good manners to go to the
king’s banquet without a summons, otherwise there would be no
forbidding of the doors and walls to the foot of desire.


A month had elapsed after my auspicious accession when
Lāla Beg, who while I was prince had obtained the title of
Bāz Bahādur, obtained the blessing of waiting on me. His
rank, which had been 1,500, was raised to 4,000. I promoted him to the
Subah of Bihar and gave him 2,000 rupees. Bāz Bahādur is of
the lineage of the special attendants of our family; his father’s
name was Niz̤ām, and he was librarian to Humāyūn.
Kesho Dās Mārū, who is a Rājpūt of the
province of Mairtha and is greater in loyalty than his contemporaries,
I promoted to the rank of 1,500. I directed the ʿulamā
and the learned men of Islam to collect those of the distinctive
appellations of God which were easy to remember, in order that I might
make them into my rosary49 (ward). On Friday
eves50 I associate with learned and pious men, and with
dervishes and recluses. When Qilīj K͟hān, who was one of
the old retainers of the State in my revered father’s reign, was
appointed to the government of the province of Gujarat, I presented him
with a lakh of rupees for his expenses. I raised Mīrān
[22]Ṣadr Jahān from the rank of 2,000 to
that of 4,000. I knew him in my childhood when I read the “Forty
Sayings” with S͟haik͟h ʿAbdu-n-Nabī,51 whose history is given in detail in the
Akbarnāma. From these early days till now Mīrān
Ṣadr Jahān has acted towards me with single-minded loyalty,
and I regard him as my preceptor in religions matters
(k͟halīfa). Whilst I was prince and before my revered
father’s illness, and during that time, when the ministers
(pillars of the State) and the high nobles had become agitated, and
each had conceived some idea of gain for himself and wished to become
the originator of some act which could only bring ruin on the State, he
had not failed in the activity of his service and devotedness. Having
made ʿInāyat Beg,52 who for a long period in the
reign of my father had been Master of Works
(Dīwān-i-buyūtāt) and held the rank of 700,
half-vizier of my dominions in the place of Wazīr K͟hān,
I gave him the high title of Iʿtimādu-d-daula with the rank
of 1,500, and I appointed Wazīr K͟hān to the
Dīwānī of the province of Bengal, and assigned to
him the settlement of the revenues thereof. To Patr Dās, who in
the time of my father had the title of Rāy Rāyān, I gave
the title of Raja Bikramājīt. The latter was one of the great
Rajas of India, and it was in his reign that astronomical observatories
were established in India. I made Patr Dās Master of Ordnance, and
ordered that he should always have light artillery53 in the
[23]arsenal, 50,000 light guns54 and 3,000
gun-carriages, ready and in efficient order. He was a
khatrī by caste, and rose in my father’s service from
being accountant of the elephants’ stables to be diwan and an
amir. He is not wanting in military qualities and in administrative
skill. I made K͟hurram, the son of K͟hān
Aʿz̤am (ʿAzīz Koka), who had had the rank of 2,000,
an officer of 2,500.


As it was my desire that many of the Akbarī and
Jahāngīrī officers should obtain the fruition of their
wishes, I informed the bakhshis that whoever wished to have his
birthplace made into his jagir should make a representation to that
effect, so that in accordance with the Chingīz canon
(tūra) the estate might be conveyed to him by āl
tamg͟hā and become his property, and he might be secured
from apprehension of change. Our ancestors and forefathers were in the
habit of granting jagirs to everyone under proprietary title, and
adorned the farmans for these with the āl tamg͟hā
seal, which is an impressed seal made in vermilion (i.e. red ink). I
ordered that they should cover the place for the seal, with gold-leaf
(t̤ilāpos͟h) and impress the seal thereon, and I
called this the altūn55 tamg͟hā.
[24]


I had selected from the other sons of
S͟hāhruk͟h, Mīrzā Sult̤ān,56 son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h
the grandson of Mīrzā Sulaimān, who was a descendant
(great-grandson) of Mīrzā Sult̤ān Abū
Saʿīd and for a long time ruler of Badakhshan, and with
consent of my57 revered father brought him into my service.
I count him as a son, and have promoted him to the rank of 1,000. I
also promoted Bhāo Singh, son of Raja Mān Singh and the most
capable of his sons, from his original rank to that of 1,500. I raised
Zamāna Beg,58 son of G͟hayūr Beg of Kabul, who
has served me personally from his childhood, and who, when I was
prince, rose from the grade of an ahadi to that of 500, giving him the
title of Mahābat K͟hān and the rank of 1,500. He was
confirmed as bakhshi of my private establishment
(s͟hāgird-pīs͟ha).


I promoted Raja Bīr Singh Deo, a Bandela Rajput,
who had obtained my favour, and who excels his equals and relatives in
valour, personal goodness, and simple-heartedness, to the rank of
3,000. The reason for his advancement and for the regard shown to him
was that near the end of my revered father’s time,
S͟haik͟h Abū-l-faẓl, who excelled the
S͟haik͟hzādas of Hindustan in wisdom and learning, had
adorned himself outwardly with the jewel of sincerity, and sold it to
my father at a heavy price. He had been summoned from the Deccan, and,
since his feelings towards me were not honest, he both publicly and
privately spoke against me. At this period when, through
strife-exciting intriguers, the august feelings of my royal father were
entirely embittered against me, it was certain that if he obtained the
honour of waiting on him (Akbar) it would be the cause of more
confusion, and would preclude me [25]from the favour of union with
him (my father). It became necessary to prevent him from coming to
Court. As Bīr Singh Deo’s country was exactly on his route
and he was then a rebel, I sent him a message that if he would stop
that sedition-monger and kill him he would receive every kindness from
me. By God’s grace, when S͟haik͟h Abū-l-faẓl
was passing through Bīr Singh Deo’s country, the Raja
blocked his road, and after a little contest scattered his men and
killed him. He sent his head to me in Allahabad. Although this event
was a cause of anger in the mind of the late king (Akbar), in the end
it enabled me to proceed without disturbance of mind to kiss the
threshold of my father’s palace, and by degrees the resentment of
the king was cleared away.


I made Mīr Ẓiyāʾu-d-dīn of
Qazwīn, who had done me service in the days of my princehood and
had shown loyalty, commander of 1,000 and accountant of the stables. An
order was given that every day thirty horses should be produced before
me for the purpose of making presents. I honoured Mīrzā
ʿAlī Akbars͟hāhī, who is one of the
distinguished braves of this family,59 with the
rank of 4,000, and gave him the sarkar of Sambhal as his jagir.


One day the Amīru-l-umarā (S͟harīf
K͟hān) greatly pleased me by an incidental remark. It was
this: “Honesty and dishonesty are not confined to matters of cash
and goods; to represent qualities as existing in acquaintances which
[26]do not exist, and to conceal the meritorious
qualities of strangers, is dishonesty. In truth, honesty of speech
consists in making no distinction between intimates and strangers and
in describing each man as he really is.”


When I sent off Parwīz I had said to him, “If
the Rānā himself, and his eldest son who is called Karan,
should come to wait upon you and proffer service and obedience, you
should not do any injury to his territory.” My intention in this
recommendation was of two kinds; one, that inasmuch as the conquest of
Transoxiana was always in the pure mind of my revered father, though
every time he determined on it things occurred to prevent it, if this
business could be settled, and this danger dismissed from my mind, I
would leave Parwīz in Hindustan, and in reliance on Allah, myself
start for my hereditary territories, especially as at this time there
was no permanent ruler in that region. Bāqī K͟hān,
who, after ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān and
ʿAbdu-l-Muʾmīn K͟hān, his son, had acquired
complete independence, had died, and the affairs of Walī
Muḥammad K͟hān, his brother, who is now the ruler of
that region, had not as yet been brought into proper order. Secondly,
to bring about the termination of the war in the Deccan, of which a
part in the time of my revered father had been acquired, so that it
might come into possession, and be incorporated with the Imperial
dominions. My hope is that through the favour of Allah both these
undertakings will be accomplished.




“Though a king should seize the seven
climes,60


He still would labour to take others.”




I promoted Mīrzā
S͟hāhruk͟h,61 grandson of Mīrzā
Sulaimān, (once) the ruler of Badakhshan, who was nearly related
to [27]my family, and held the rank of 5,000 in my
father’s service, to the rank of 7,000. The Mīrzā is a
true Turk in disposition and simple-minded. My father conferred great
honour on him, and whenever he bade his own sons sit he gratified him
also with this distinction. Notwithstanding the mischievous
propensities of the people of Badakhshan, the Mīrzā in this
familiarity never left the right road, or undertook anything that might
lead to unpleasantness. I confirmed him in the Subah of Malwa just as
my father had kindly conferred it on him.


I conferred on K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-llah, who is
of the Naqs͟hbandī family, and in the commencement of his
service was an ahadi, and who had risen by degrees to the command of
1,000, but without reason had gone into my father’s service, the
rank and jagir my father had conferred on him. Although I considered it
best for my own prosperity that my attendants and people should go into
his (Akbar’s) service, yet this had occurred without my leave,
and I was rather annoyed at it. But the fact is that he is a manly and
zealous man; if he had not committed this fault he would have been a
faultless hero (jawān).


Abū-n-nabī,62 the
Ūzbeg, who is one of the distinguished inhabitants of
Māwarāʾa-n-nahr and in the time of
ʿAbdu-l-Muʾmīn K͟hān was governor of Mashhad,
obtained the rank of 1,500.


S͟haik͟h Ḥasan is the son of
S͟haik͟h Bahā.63 From the days of his childhood
to this day he has always been in my service and in attendance on me,
and when I was prince was distinguished by the title of Muqarrab
K͟hān. He was very active and alert in his service, and in
hunting would often traverse long distances by my side. He is
[28]skilful with the arrow and the gun, and in surgery
is the most skilful of his time. His ancestors also had been well
practised in this profession. After my accession, in consequence of the
perfect confidence I had in him, I sent him to Burhanpur to bring the
children and dependants of my brother Dāniyāl to wait on me,
and sent a message to the K͟hānk͟hānān in low
and high words64 and profitable admonitions. Muqarrab
K͟hān performed this service correctly and in a short time,
and, clearing off the suspicions which had entered the minds of the
K͟hānk͟hānān and the nobles of that place,
brought those who had been left behind by my brother in safety and
security, together with his establishment and property and effects, to
Lahore, and there presented them before me.


I promoted Naqīb K͟hān,65 who is
one of the genuine Sayyids of Qazwīn and is called
G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn ʿAlī, to the rank of
1,500. My father had distinguished him with the title of Naqīb
K͟hān, and in his service he had complete intimacy and
consideration. Shortly after his accession he (Akbar) had discussed
several matters with him, and from this familiarity he called him
āk͟hūnd. He has no equal or rival in the science
of history and in biographies. There is in this day no chronologist
like him in the inhabited world. From the beginning of Creation till
the present time, he has by heart the tale of the four quarters of the
world. Has Allah granted to any other person such faculty of memory?
[29]


S͟haik͟h Kabīr, who was of the family of
the venerable S͟haik͟h Salīm, I had honoured with the
title of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān when I was prince, on
account of his manliness and bravery. I now selected him for the rank
of 1,000.


On Shaʿbān 27th (28th December, 1605) a
strange thing was done by the sons of Akhayrāj, son of
Bhagwān Dās, the paternal uncle66 of Raja
Mān Singh. These unlucky ones, who bore the names of Abhay
Rām, Bijay Rām, and Shyām Rām, were exceedingly
immoderate. Notwithstanding that the aforesaid Abhay Rām had done
improper (disproportioned) acts, I had winked at his faults. When at
this date it was represented to me that this wretch was desirous of
despatching his wives and children without leave to his own country and
afterwards of himself running away to the Rānā, who is not
loyal to this family, I referred to Rām Dās and other Rajput
nobles, and said to them that if any one of them would become security
for them, I would confirm the rank and jagir of those wretches, and
passing over their offences would forgive them. In consequence of their
excessive turbulence and bad disposition no one became security. I told
the Amīru-l-umarā that as no one would be bound for them,
they must be handed over to the charge of one of the servants of the
Court until security was forthcoming. The Amīru-l-umarā gave
them over to Ibrāhīm K͟hān Kākar, who was
afterwards dignified with the title of Dilāwar K͟hān,
and Ḥātim,67 second son of Manglī, who
held the title of S͟hāhnawāz K͟hān.68 When these wished to disarm these foolish people,
they refused, and, not observing the dues of good manners, began,
together with their servants, to quarrel and fight. The
Amīru-l-umarā reported the circumstance to me, and I ordered
them to be [30]punished according to their deeds. He betook
himself to driving them off, and I sent S͟haik͟h Farīd
also after him. One Rajput armed with a sword, and another with a
dagger stood up to the Amīru-l-umarā. One of his attendants
named Qut̤b engaged the man with the dagger and was killed. The
Rajput also was cut to pieces. One of the Afghan attendants of the
Amīru-l-umarā attacked the one who had the sword and killed
him. Dilāwar K͟hān drew his dagger and turned towards
Abhay Rām, who with two others was holding his ground, and after
wounding one of these fell down after receiving wounds from the three.
Some of the ahadis and the men of the Amīru-l-umarā opposed
and slew these doomed men. A Rajput drew his sword and turned to
S͟haik͟h Farīd; he was met by a Ḥabs͟hī
slave, who brought him down. This disturbance took place in the
courtyard of the public palace. That punishment served as a warning to
many who had not looked to consequences. Abū-n-nabī69 represented that if such a deed had been done in
the Ūzbeg country the whole family and connections of that band of
men would have been destroyed. I replied that as these people had been
treated kindly and educated by my revered father I carried on the same
benevolence to them, and justice demands that many shall not be
chastised for the fault of one.


S͟haik͟h Ḥusain Jāmī, who now
sits on the cushion of darwīs͟hī and is one of
the disciples of the dervish of Shiraz,70 had written
to me from Lahore six months before my accession that he had seen in a
dream that saints and pious men had delivered over the affairs of the
kingdom to that [31]chosen one of the Court of Allah
(Jahāngīr), and that, rejoicing in this good news, he should
await the event, and that he hoped that when it had occurred, the
faults of K͟hwāja Zakariyyā, who was one of the
Aḥrāriyya,71 would be pardoned.72


I conferred on Tās͟h Beg Furjī,73 who was one of the old servants of the State, and
whom my father had honoured with the title of Tāj K͟hān,
and who had the rank of 2,000, that of 3,000, and I raised
Tuk͟hta74 Beg Kābulī from the rank of 2,500
to that of 3,000. He is a brave and active man, and was greatly trusted
in the service of my uncle, Mīrzā Muḥammad
Ḥakīm. I promoted Abū-l-Qāsim
Tamkīn,75 who was one of my father’s old
servants, to the rank of 1,500. There are few men such as he for
abundance of children; he has thirty sons, and if his daughters do not
number so many they must be half that number. I dignified
S͟haik͟h ʿAlāʾu-d-dīn, grandson of
S͟haik͟h Salīm, who had strong connections with me, with
the title of Islām K͟hān, and promoted him to the rank
of [32]2,000. He had grown up with me from his childhood,
and may be a year younger than I. He is a brave and well-dispositioned
youth, and is distinguished in every way above his family. Till now he
has never drunk intoxicating drinks, and his sincerity towards me is
such that I have honoured him with the title of son.


I have bestowed on ʿAlī Aṣg͟har
Bārha, who has not a rival in bravery and zeal, and is the son of
Sayyid Maḥmūd K͟hān Bārha, one of my
father’s old nobles, the title of Saif K͟hān, and thus
distinguished him amongst his equals and connections. He is evidently a
brave youth. He was always one of the confidential men who went with me
to hunt and to other places. He has never in his life drunk anything
intoxicating, and as he has abstained in his youth he probably will
attain high dignities. I granted him the rank of 3,000.


I promoted Farīdūn, son of Muḥammad
Qulī K͟hān Barlās, who held the rank of 1,000, to
that of 2,000. Farīdūn is one of the tribe of
Chag͟hatāy, and is not devoid of manliness and courage.


I promoted S͟haik͟h Bāyazīd,
grandson of S͟haik͟h Salīm, who held the rank of 2,000,
to that of 3,000. The first person who gave me milk, but for not more
than a day, was the mother of S͟haik͟h Bāyazīd.


76One day I observed to the Pandits, that is,
the wise men of the Hindus, “If the doctrines of your religion
are based on the incarnation of the Holy Person of God Almighty in ten
different forms by the process of metempsychosis, they are virtually
rejected by the intelligent. This pernicious idea requires that the
Sublime Cause, who is void of all limitations, should be possessed of
length, breadth, and thickness. If the purpose is the manifestation of
the Light of God in these bodies, that of itself is existent equally in
[33]all created things, and is not peculiar to these
ten forms. If the idea is to establish some one of God’s
attributes, even then there is no right notion, for in every faith and
code there are masters of wonders and miracles distinguished beyond the
other men of their age for wisdom and eloquence.”77 After much argument and endless controversy, they
acknowledged a God of Gods, devoid of a body or accidents,78 and said, “As our imagination fails to
conceive a formless personality (ẕāt-i-mujarrad), we
do not find any way to know Him without the aid of a form. We have
therefore made these ten forms the means of conceiving of and knowing
Him.” Then said I, “How can these forms be a means of your
approaching the Deity?”


My father always associated with the learned of every
creed and religion, especially with Pandits and the learned of India,
and although he was illiterate, so much became clear to him through
constant intercourse with the learned and wise, in his conversations
with them, that no one knew him to be illiterate, and he was so
acquainted with the niceties of verse and prose compositions that his
deficiency was not thought of.


In his august personal appearance he was of middle
height, but inclining to be tall; he was of the hue of wheat; his eyes
and eyebrows were black, and his complexion rather dark than fair; he
was lion-bodied,79 with a broad chest, and his hands and arms
long. On the left side of his nose he had a fleshy mole, very agreeable
in appearance, of the size [34]of half a pea. Those skilled in the
science of physiognomy considered this mole a sign of great prosperity
and exceeding good fortune. His august voice was very loud, and in
speaking and explaining had a peculiar richness. In his actions and
movements he was not like the people of the world, and the glory of God
manifested itself in him.




“Greatness in his manner, kingship in his
lineage,


As if Solomon would have put the ring on his
finger.”80




Three months after my birth my sister,
S͟hāhzāda K͟hānam, was born to one of the
royal concubines; they gave her over to his (Akbar’s) mother,
Maryam Makānī. After her a son was born to one of the
concubines, and received the name of S͟hāh Murād. As his
birth occurred in the hill country of Fatḥpūr, he was
nicknamed Pahārī. When my revered father sent him to
conquer the Deccan, he had taken to excessive drinking through
associating with unworthy persons, so that he died in his 30th year, in
the neighbourhood of Jālnāpūr, in the province of Berar.
His personal appearance was fresh-coloured; he was thin in body and
tall of stature. Dignity and authority were evident in his movements,
and manliness and bravery manifested themselves in his ways. On the
night of Jumādā-l-awwal 10th, A.H.
979 (September, 1572), another son was born to one of the concubines.
As his birth took place at Ajmīr in the house of one of the
attendants of the blessed shrine of the reverend K͟hwāja
Muʿīnu-d-dīn Chis͟htī, whose name was
S͟haik͟h Dāniyāl, this child was called
Dāniyāl.


After the death of my brother S͟hāh
Murād, he (Akbar), towards the end of his reign, sent
Dāniyāl to conquer the Deccan and followed him himself. When
my revered father was besieging Āsīr (Āsīrgarh) he,
with a large body of nobles such as the
K͟hānk͟hānān and his sons and Mīrzā
Yūsuf K͟hān, invested the fort of Ahmadnagar, and it
came [35]into the possession of the victorious officers
about the time that Āsīr was taken. After my father
ʿArs͟h-ās͟hyānī had returned in
prosperity and victory from Burhanpur towards his capital, he gave the
province to Dāniyāl and left him in possession of that
territory. Dāniyāl took to improper ways, like his brother
S͟hāh Murād, and soon died from excessive drinking, in
the 33rd year of his age. His death occurred in a peculiar way. He was
very fond of guns and of hunting with the gun. He named one of his guns
yaka u janāza, ‘the same as the bier,’ and
himself composed this couplet and had it engraved on the
gun:—




“From the joy of the chase with thee, life is
fresh and new;


To everyone whom thy dart strikes, ‘tis the same
as his bier.”81




When his drinking of wine was carried to excess,
and the circumstance was reported to my father, farmans of reproach
were sent to the K͟hānk͟hānān. Of course he
forbade it, and placed cautious people to look after him properly. When
the road to bring wine was completely closed, he began to weep and to
importune some of his servants, and said: “Let them bring me wine
in any possible way.” He said to Murs͟hid Qulī
K͟hān, a musketeer who was in his immediate service:
“Pour some wine into this yaka u janāza, and bring it
to me.” That wretch, in hope of favour, undertook to do this, and
poured double-distilled spirit into the gun, which had long been
nourished on gunpowder and the scent thereof, and brought it. The rust
of the iron was dissolved by the strength of the spirit and mingled
with it, and the prince no sooner drank of it than he fell down.




“No one should draw a bad omen:82


If he does, he draws it for himself.”




[36]


Dāniyāl was of pleasing figure, of exceedingly
agreeable manners and appearance; he was very fond of elephants and
horses. It was impossible for him to hear of anyone as having a good
horse or elephant and not take it from him. He was fond of Hindi songs,
and would occasionally compose verses with correct idiom in the
language of the people of India, which were not bad.


After the birth of Dāniyāl a daughter was born
to Bībī Daulat-S͟hād whom they named
S͟hakaru-n-nisā Begam.83 As she was brought up in
the skirt of my revered father’s care, she turned out very well.
She is of good disposition and naturally compassionate towards all
people. From infancy and childhood she has been extremely fond of me,
and there can be few such relationships between brother and sister. The
first time when, according to the custom of pressing the breast of a
child and a drop of milk is perceptible, they pressed my sister’s
breast and milk appeared, my revered father said to me:
“Bābā! drink this milk, that in truth this sister may
be to thee as a mother.” God, the knower of secrets, knows that
from that day forward, after I drank that drop of milk, I have felt
love for my sister such as children have for their mothers.


After some time another girl was born to this same
Bībī Daulat-S͟hād, and he (Akbar) called her
Ārām Bānū Begam.84 Her
disposition was on the whole inclined to excitement and heat. My father
was very fond of her, so much so that he described her impolitenesses
as politenesses, and in his august sight they, from his great love, did
not appear bad. Repeatedly he honoured me by addressing me, and said:
“Bābā! for my sake be as kind as I am, after me, to
this sister, who in Hindi phrase is my darling [37](that
is, dearly cherished). Be affectionate to her and pass over her little
impolitenesses and impudences.”


The good qualities of my revered father are beyond the
limit of approval and the bounds of praise. If books were composed with
regard to his commendable dispositions, without suspicion of
extravagance, and he be not looked at as a father would be by his son,
even then but a little out of much could be said.


Notwithstanding his kingship and his treasures and his
buried wealth, which were beyond the scope of counting and imagination,
his fighting elephants and Arab horses, he never by a hair’s
breadth placed his foot beyond the base of humility before the throne
of God, but considered himself the lowest of created beings, and never
for one moment forgot God.




“Always, everywhere, with everyone, and in every
circumstance,


Keep the eye of thy heart secretly fixed on the
Beloved.”




The professors of various faiths had room in the
broad expanse of his incomparable sway. This was different from the
practice in other realms, for in Persia85 there is
room for Shias only, and in Turkey, India, and Tūrān there is
room for Sunnis only.


As in the wide expanse of the Divine compassion there is
room for all classes and the followers of all creeds, so, on the
principle that the Shadow86 must have the same properties
as the Light, in his dominions, which on all sides were limited only by
the salt sea, there was room for the professors of opposite religions,
and for beliefs good and bad, and the road to altercation was closed.
Sunnis and Shias met in one mosque, and Franks and Jews in one church,
and observed their own forms of worship. [38]


He associated with the good of every race and creed and
persuasion, and was gracious to all in accordance with their condition
and understanding. He passed his nights in wakefulness, and slept
little in the day; the length of his sleep during a whole night and day
(nycthemeron) was not more than a watch and a half. He counted
his wakefulness at night as so much added to his life. His courage and
boldness were such that he could mount raging, rutting elephants, and
subdue to obedience murderous elephants which would not allow their own
females near them—although even when an elephant is bad-tempered
he does no harm to the female or his driver—and which were in a
state in which they might have killed their drivers or the females, or
not have allowed their approach. He would place himself on a wall or
tree near which an elephant was passing that had killed its mahout and
broken loose from restraint, and, putting his trust in God’s
favour, would throw himself on its back and thus by merely mounting,
would bring it under control and tame it. This was repeatedly seen.


He ascended the throne in his 14th year. Hemū, the
infidel whom the Afghan ruler had raised to high station, collected a
wonderful force after King Humāyūn’s death with a stud
of elephants such as no ruler of Hindustan had at that time, and he
went towards Delhi. Humāyūn had appointed Akbar to drive off
some of the Afghans from the foot-hills of the Panjab, but just then he
exemplified the hemistich which is a description of the accident and
the chronogram of his death—




“The august monarch (Humāyūn) fell from
the roof. The news (of the death) was conveyed to my father by
Naz̤ar-jīvī.”87




Bairām K͟hān, who was then his
tutor, having collected the nobles who were in the province, chose an
auspicious [39]hour and seated him on the throne of rule in
pargana Kalānūr, near Lahore.


When Hemū reached the neighbourhood of Delhi,
Tardī Beg K͟hān and a large force that was in the city
drew up to oppose him. When the preparations for the combat had been
made the armies attacked one another, and, after considerable
endeavours and strife, defeat fell on Tardī Beg K͟hān
and the Moguls, and the army of darkness overcame the army of
light.




“All things and battles and fights are of
God,


He knows whose will be the victory.


From the blood of the brave and the dust of the
troops,


The earth grew red and the heavens black.”




Tardī Beg K͟hān and the other
defeated ones took the road to my revered father’s camp. As
Bairām K͟hān disliked Tardī Beg, he made this
defeat an excuse to put him to death.


A second time, through the pride engendered in the mind
of this accursed infidel by his victory, he came out of Delhi with his
force and elephants and advanced, while the glorious standards of His
Majesty (Akbar) proceeded from Kalānūr for the purpose of
driving him away. The armies of darkness and light met in the
neighbourhood of Panipat, and on Thursday, Muḥarram 2nd, A.H. 964
(November 5th, 1556), a fight took place. In the army of Hemū were
30,000 brave fighting horsemen, while the g͟hāzīs
of the victorious army were not more than 4,000 or 5,000. On that day
Hemū was riding an elephant named Hawāʾī. Suddenly
an arrow struck the eye of that infidel and came out at the back of his
head. His army, on seeing this, took to flight. By chance
S͟hāh Qulī K͟hān Maḥram with a few brave
men came up to the elephant on which was the wounded Hemū, and
would have shot an arrow at the driver, but he cried “Do not kill
me; Hemū is on this elephant.” A number of men immediately
conveyed Hemū as he was to the king (Akbar). Bairām
K͟hān represented [40]that it would be proper if the king
with his own hand should strike the infidel with a sword, so that
obtaining the reward of a g͟hāzī (warrior of the Faith)
he might use this title on the imperial farmans. The king answered,
“I have cut him in pieces before this,” and explained:
“One day, in Kabul, I was copying a picture in presence of
K͟hwājaʿAbdu-ṣ-Ṣamad S͟hīrīn
Qalam, when a form appeared from my brush, the parts of which were
separate and divided from each other. One of those near asked,
‘Whose picture is this?’ It came to my tongue to say that
it was the likeness of Hemū.” Not defiling his hand with his
(Hemū’s) blood, he told one of his servants to cut off his
head. Those killed in the defeated army numbered 5,000 in addition to
those who fell in various places round about.


Another of the well-known deeds of Akbar was the
victorious expedition against Gujarat, and his rapid march there, at
the time when Mīrzā Ibrāhīm Ḥusain,
Muḥammad Ḥusain Mīrzā, and S͟hāh
Mīrzā revolted from this State and went towards Gujarat, and
all the nobles of that province, combining with the turbulent of those
parts, besieged the fort of Ahmadabad in which was Mīrzā
ʿAzīz Koka with the royal army. His Majesty, in consequence
of the distracted state of Jījī Angā, the mother of the
last-named Mīrzā, started for Gujarat with a body of royal
troops without delay from the capital of Fatḥpūr. Having
covered in the space of nine days the long road which it should take
two months to accomplish, sometimes on horseback, sometimes on a camel
or in a bullock-cart, he arrived at Sarnāl.


When, on 5th Jumādā-l-awwal, 980 (September
15th, 1572), he reached the neighbourhood of the enemy’s camp, he
consulted with those who were loyal to him. Some said he should make a
night attack on the camp. His Majesty, however, said that a night
attack was the resort of the faint-hearted and the way of the
deceitful, and immediately gave orders to beat the drums and set the
horsemen [41]at them. When the river Sābar Mahī
(Sābarmatī) was reached, he ordered his men to cross it in
order. Muḥammad Ḥusain Mīrzā was agitated by the
noise of the army of victory, and himself came forward to reconnoitre.
Subḥān Qulī Turk, also with a troop of brave men, went
to the river’s bank to enquire into the enemy’s position.
The Mīrzā asked what troops these were. Subḥān
Qulī replied that they were of the army of King
Jalālu-d-dīn Akbar. That ill-fated one would not believe
this, and said his spies had seen the king fourteen days before in
Fatḥpūr, and that it was clear Subḥān Qulī
was lying. To this Subḥān Qulī rejoined, “Nine
days ago the king with this expedition started from
Fatḥpūr.” “How could elephants have
come?”88 asked the Mīrzā. “What need
was there of elephants?” answered Subḥān Qulī.
“Young men and heroes who cleave rocks, and are better than
famous and raging elephants, have come; the difference between loyalty
and sedition will now become known.” The Mīrzā, after
this conversation, turned aside and began to marshal his troops. The
king waited until his advanced guard sent word that the enemy had put
on their armour. He then moved forward, and although he sent several
times to order the K͟hān Aʿz̤am to advance, the
latter stood still. It was said to Akbar that, as the enemy was in
force, it would be well to remain on his side of the river until the
army of Gujarat arrived from within the fort. His Majesty answered:
“Always, and especially in this affair, I have put my trust in
God. If I had considered routine, I should not have come in this rapid
manner. Now that our foe is ready for the fight, we ought not to
delay.” With these words, and with his innate reliance on God as
his shield, he put his horse into the river with a few chosen men whom
he had appointed to ride with him. Though it was not supposed
[42]that there was a ford, he crossed in safety. He
had called for his helmet, but in the agitation of bringing it his
armour-bearer dropped the face-guard (buffe). His comrades did
not regard this as a good omen, but he said at once, “It is an
excellent omen, for it has revealed my face.”89 Meantime
the wretched Mīrzā arrayed his ranks to fight his
benefactor.




“If thou come out (to fight) with thy
benefactor,


If thou wert the sphere, thou wouldest be
reversed.”




The K͟hān Aʿz̤am had had no
idea that the king would cast the shadow of his compassion on these
regions with such speed and eagerness, and he believed no one who gave
him news of that arrival, until convinced by visible proof. Then,
arraying the army of Gujarat, he prepared to march. Meanwhile
Āṣaf K͟hān also sent news to him. Before his army
issued from the fort the enemy had appeared from amongst the trees. The
king, taking the Divine aid as the security of his courage, started
off. Muḥammad Qulī K͟hān Turk and Tardī
K͟hān Dīwāna came forward with a band of brave
followers, and after a little fighting turned rein. On this His Majesty
said to Bhagwān Dās, “The enemy are unnumbered and we
are few; we must attack with one face and one heart; for a clenched
fist is more useful than an open hand.” With these words he drew
his sword, and with shout of Allahu-akbar and Yā
Muʿīn90 charged with those devoted to
him.




“The sense of the age evaporated with the
clamour,


The ear of the heavens was split with the
shouts.”




The royal right and left wings and a band of brave
men in the centre fought with valour. Stars
(kaukabāʾī), which are a kind of firework, were
lighted by the enemy; they [43]twisted about among the thorn-bushes,
and created such confusion that a noted elephant of the enemy began to
move and threw their troops into disarray. With this the royal centre
came up and dispersed Muḥammad Ḥusain and his force.
Mān Singh Darbārī overcame his foe under the
king’s eyes, and Rāgho Dās Kachhwāha sacrificed
his life. Muḥammad Wafā, who was of the house-born of the
State, behaving very bravely, fell wounded from his horse. By the
favour of the Creator who cherishes His servants, and simply through
the courage and good fortune of the exalted king, the enemy were
scattered and defeated. In gratitude for this great victory the king
turned his face in supplication to the throne of his merciful Maker,
and poured forth his thanks.


One of the kalāwants (musicians) represented to His
Majesty that Saif K͟hān Kokaltās͟h had offered the
coin of his life in loyalty to the State, and on enquiry it appeared
that when Muḥammad Ḥusain Mīrzā with some of his
riffraff was attacking the centre Saif K͟hān met him and
fighting valiantly became a martyr. The Mīrzā himself was
wounded by the hands of the brave men of the main body. The
Kokaltās͟h mentioned is the elder brother of Zain
K͟hān Koka.


A strange circumstance was this: on the day before the
battle, when the king was eating, he asked Hazāra, who was learned
in the science of looking at the shoulder-blades (a kind of
divination), to see on whose side the victory would be. Hazāra
said: “The victory will be on your side, but one of the chiefs of
your army will become a martyr.” Whereupon Saif K͟hān
Koka said “Would that this blessing might fall to my
lot!”




“Many an omen that we have treated as
jest91


Became true when the star passed by.”




[44]


In short, Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥusain
turned his reins, but his horse’s feet became entangled in the
thorn-brake and he fell. An ahadi of the king, Gadā ʿAlī
by name, found him, and having mounted him before him on his horse took
him to the king. As two or three claimed a share in his capture, His
Majesty asked who had made him prisoner. “The king’s
salt,” he answered. The king ordered his hands, that had been
fastened behind him, to be tied in front. Meanwhile he asked for water.
Farḥat K͟hān, who was one of the confidential slaves,
struck him on the head, but the king, disapproving of this, sent for
his private drinking water and satisfied his thirst. Up to this time
Mīrzā ʿAzīz Koka and the garrison of the fort had
not come out. After the capture of the Mīrzā, His Majesty was
proceeding slowly towards Ahmadabad. He had delivered the
Mīrzā to Rāy Rāy Singh Rāṭhor, one of
the Rajput chiefs, to be put on an elephant and brought with him.
Meanwhile Ik͟htiyāru-l-mulk, who was one of the influential
Gujarati leaders, made his appearance with an army of nearly 5,000 men.
Complete confusion fell upon the royal troops. The king, as his natural
valour and lofty disposition required, ordered the drums to be beaten,
and Shajāʾat K͟hān, Rāja Bhagwān
Dās, and some others charged on in front to fight this force.
Fearing that the enemy might get possession of Mīrzā
Muḥammad Ḥusain, Rāy Rāy Singh’s men, by
the advice and plan of the aforesaid Raja (Bhagwān Dās), cut
off his head. My father did not want to kill him. The forces of
Ik͟htiyāru-l-mulk also were dispersed, and he was thrown from
his horse into the thorn thicket. Suhrāb Beg Turkmān cut off
his head and brought it in. It was only by the grace and power of God
that such a victory was won by a small number of men.


In the same way are beyond all reckoning the conquest of
the province of Bengal, the capture of well-known and celebrated forts
in Hindustan such as Chitor and Ranṭambhor, the subjection of the
province of Khandesh, and the [45]taking of the fort of Āsīr
and of other provinces which by the exertions of the royal armies came
into the possession of the servants of the State. If these were related
in detail it would be a long story.


In the fight at Chitor, the king with his own hand
killed Jitmal, the leader of the men in the fort. He had no rival in
shooting with a gun, and with the one with which he killed Jitmal, and
which was called Sangrām, he killed some 3,000 or 4,000 birds and
beasts.92 I may be reckoned a true pupil of his. Of all
sports I am most disposed to that with the gun, and in one day have
shot eighteen deer.


Of the austerities practised by my revered father, one
was the not eating the flesh of animals. During three months of the
year he ate meat, and for the remaining nine contented himself with
Ṣūfī food, and was no way pleased with the slaughter of
animals. On many days and in many months this was forbidden to the
people. The days and months on which he did not eat flesh are detailed
in the Akbarnāma.


On the day I made Iʿtimādu-l-mulk diwan, I put
Muʿizzu-l-mulk in charge of the
dīwānī-i-buyūtāt (care of buildings).
The latter is a Sayyid of Bāk͟harz,93 and under
my revered father was accountant of the kurkarāq
department.94


On one of my accession days, a hundred of the
Akbarī and Jahāngīrī servants were promoted to
higher rank and jagirs. At the commencement of the Ramaẓān
ʿĪd, as it was the first after my accession, I came down to
the ʿĪdgāh from my auspicious throne. There was a great
crowd, and having performed the dues of thanksgiving and praise
[46]I returned to the palace, where according to the
verse “From the table of kings favours come to beggars,” I
commanded a sum of money to be spent in alms and charity. Some lakhs of
dāms of this were entrusted to Dūst Muḥammad
(afterwards K͟hwāja Jahān), who divided them amongst
faqirs and those who were in want, and a lakh of dāms each was
given to Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Anjū (the
lexicographer), Mīrzā Ṣadr Jahān, and Mīr
Muḥammad Riẓā Sabzawārī to dispose of in
charity in different quarters of the city. I sent 5,000 rupees to the
dervishes of S͟haik͟h Muḥammad Ḥusain
Jāmī, and gave directions that each day one of the officers
of the watch95 should give 50,000 dāms to faqirs. I
sent a jewelled sword to the K͟hānk͟hānān, and
promoted Jamālu-d-dīn Anjū to the rank of 3,000. The
office of Ṣadr was entrusted to Mīrān Ṣadr
Jahān, and I ordered Ḥājī Koka, who was one of my
father’s foster-sisters,96 to bring before me in the
palace such women as were worthy to be presented with land and money. I
promoted Zāhid K͟hān, son of Muḥammad
Ṣādiq K͟hān, from the rank of 1,500 to that of
2,000.


It had been the custom97 that when
the gift of an elephant or horse was made to anyone, the naqibs and the
Masters of the Horse (Mīr Āk͟hūrān)
took from him a sum of money as jilawāna (bridle-money). I
gave orders that this money should be paid by the government, so that
people might be freed from the importunities and demands of that set of
men.


At this time Sālbāhan arrived from Burhanpur
and produced before me the horses and elephants of my deceased brother
Dāniyāl. Of the elephants, one male named Mast [47]Alast
appeared to me the best, and I gave him the name of Nūr Gaj. A
wonderful thing showed itself in this elephant; on the sides of his
ears small lumps had grown about the size of melons, and from them came
fluid such as drops from an elephant in the rutting season; moreover,
the top of his forehead was more prominent than in other elephants. It
was a splendid and imposing animal.98


I gave to my son K͟hurram
(S͟hāh-Jahān) a rosary of jewels, with the hope that he
might obtain fulfilment of all his desires, both in visible and in
spiritual things.


As I had remitted in my dominions customs duties
amounting to krors, I abolished also all the transit dues
(sāʾir-jihāt) in Kabul, which is one of the noted
towns on the road to Hindustan. These brought in 1 kror and 23 lakhs of
dams. From the provinces of Kabul and Qandahar large sums used to be
derived every year from customs (zakāʾt), which were
in fact the chief revenue of those places. I remitted these ancient
dues, a proceeding that greatly benefited the people of Iran and
Turan.


Āṣaf K͟hān’s jagir in the
subah of Bihār had been given to Bāz Bahādur; I
therefore ordered that a jagir in the Panjab should be given to him. As
it was represented to me that a large sum was in arrears in his jagir,
and now that the order for exchange had been given its collection would
be difficult, I directed that a lakh of rupees should be given to him
from the Treasury and the arrears recovered from Bāz Bahādur
for the royal revenues.


I promoted S͟harīf Āmulī to the rank
of 2,500, original and increase. He is a pure-hearted, lively-spirited
man. Though he has no tincture of current sciences, lofty words and
exalted knowledge often manifest themselves in him. In the dress of a
faqir he made many journeys, and he [48]has friendship with many saints
and recites the maxims of those who profess mysticism. This is his
conversation, not his practice (qāli-ū ast na
ḥālī). In the time of my revered father he
relinquished the garments of poverty and asceticism, and attained to
amirship and chiefship. His utterance is exceedingly powerful, and his
conversation is remarkably eloquent and pure, although he is without
Arabic. His compositions also are not devoid of verve.99


A garden in Agra had been left by S͟hāh
Qulī K͟hān Maḥram, and as he had no heirs I handed
it over to Ruqayya Sult̤ān Begam, the daughter of Hindāl
Mīrzā, who had been the honoured wife of my father.100 My father had given my son K͟hurram into
her charge, and she loved him a thousand times more than if he had been
her own.


[Contents]



The Great Feast of Naurūz.






On the night of Tuesday,
Ẕī-l-qaʿda 11th, A.H. 1014
(March 11th or 12th, 1606), in the morning, which is the time of the
blessing of light, his Eminence the Great Luminary passed from the
constellation of the Fish to the House of Honour in the constellation
of the Ram. As this was the first New Year’s Day after my
auspicious accession I ordered them to decorate the porticoes of the
private and public halls of the palace, as in the time of my revered
father, with delicate stuffs, and to adorn them handsomely. From the
first day of the Naurūz to the 19th degree of the Ram (Aries),
which is the day of culmination, the people gave themselves over to
enjoyment and happiness. Players and singers of all bands and castes
were gathered together. Dancing lulis and charmers of India whose
caresses would [49]captivate the hearts of angels kept up the
excitement of the assemblies. I gave orders that whoever might wish for
intoxicating drinks and exhilarating drugs should not be debarred from
using them.




“Cupbearer! brighten my cup with the light of
wine;


Sing, minstrel, for the world has ordered itself as I
desire.”101




In my father’s time it had become
established that one of the great nobles should prepare an
entertainment on each of the 17 or 18 days of the festival, and should
present His Majesty the king with choice gifts of all kinds of jewels
and jewelled things, precious stuffs, and elephants and horses, and
should invite him to take the trouble to come to his assembly. By way
of exalting his servants, he would deign to be present, and having
looked at the presents would take what he approved of and bestow the
remainder on the giver of the entertainment. As my mind was inclined to
the comfort and ease of the army and subjects, I this year let them off
their gifts with the exception of a few from my immediate retainers,
which I accepted in order to gratify them. In those same days many
servants of the State obtained higher rank. Amongst them I raised
Dilāwar K͟hān Afg͟hān to 1,500, and I raised
Rāja Bāso, who was a landholder of the hill country of the
Panjab, and who from the time I was prince till now has kept the way of
service and sincerity towards me and held the rank of 1,500, to 3,500.
S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, the governor of Qandahar, I
promoted to 5,000, and Rāy Rāy Singh, a Rājpūt
noble, obtained the same rank. I gave 12,000 rupees for expenses to
Rānā S͟hankar.


At the beginning of my reign, a son of that
Muz̤affar Gujarātī who claimed to be descended from the
rulers of that country lifted up the head of disturbance and attacked
and plundered the environs of the city of Ahmadabad. [50]Some
sardars such as Pīm102 Bahādur Ūzbeg and
Rāy ʿAlī Bhatī, who were amongst the distinguished
and brave men there, became martyrs in that outbreak. At length
Rāja Bikramājīt and many mansabdars were provided by me
with 6,000 or 7,000 horse, and appointed to assist the army of Gujarat.
It was decided that when things had quieted down, by the driving off of
those seditious people, Rāja Bikramājīt should be
Subahdar of Gujarat. Qilīj K͟hān, who had been
previously nominated to this office, should come to Court. After the
arrival of the royal troops the thread of the rebels’ union was
severed; they took refuge in different jungles, and the country was
reduced to order. The news of this victory reached the ear of my state
and dignity in the most acceptable of hours (New Year time).


About this time there came a representation from my son
Parwīz that the Rānā had left thāna Mandal,
which is about 30103 or 40 kos from Ajmīr, and had
run away, and that a force had been appointed to pursue him; and that
it was to be hoped the good fortune of Jahāngīr would cause
him to become non-existent.


On the last day of the feast of the New Year, many
servants of the State were honoured with favours and increase of rank.
Pīs͟hrau K͟hān was an old retainer and had come
from Persia (wilāyat) with Humāyūn; indeed, he
was one of the men whom S͟hāh Tahmāsp had sent with
Humāyūn. His name was Mihtar Saʿādat. As under my
father he was superintendent (dārog͟ha) and head
(mihtar) of the farrās͟h-k͟hāna
(store department), and had no equal in this service, he had given him
the title of Pīs͟hrau K͟hān (the active
K͟hān). Though he was a subordinate(?) servant and had an
artificer’s disposition (qalaqchī mas͟hrab),
[51]I looked to his claims of service and gave him the
rank of 2,000.104






[Contents]



The Flight of K͟husrau in the Middle of the First
Year of my Reign.






Futile105 ideas had entered the mind of
K͟husrau in consequence of his youth and the pride youths have,
and the lack of experience and the lack of foresight of worthless
companions, especially at the time of my revered father’s
illness. Some of these short-sighted ones, through the multitude of
their crimes and offences, had become hopeless of pardon and
indulgence, and imagined that by making K͟husrau a tool they might
conduct the affairs of State through him. They overlooked the truth
that acts of sovereignty and world rule are not things to be arranged
by the worthless endeavours of defective intellects. The just Creator
bestows them on him whom he considers fit for this glorious and exalted
duty, and on such a person doth He fit the robe of honour.




“He who is seized of Fortune cannot be deprived
of it;


Throne and diadem are not things of purchase;


It is not right to wrest crown and dominion


From the head which God, the Crown-cherisher, has
indicated.”




As the futile imaginations of the seditious and
short-sighted had no result but disgrace and regret, the affairs of the
kingdom were confirmed in the hands of this suppliant [52]at the
throne of Allah. I invariably found K͟husrau preoccupied and
distracted. However much, in favour and affection for him, I wished to
drive from his mind some of his fears and alarms, nothing was gained
until, at last, by the advice of those whose fortune was reversed, on
the night of Sunday, Ẕī-l-ḥijja 8th, of the year
mentioned (April 6th, 1605), when two gharis had passed, he made a
pretence106 of going to visit the tomb of His Majesty
(Akbar), and went off with 350 horsemen, who were his adherents, from
within the fort of Agra. Shortly after, one of the lamp attendants who
was acquainted with the Wazīru-l-mulk gave him the news of
K͟husrau’s flight. The Vizier took him to the
Amīru-l-umarā, who, as the news seemed true, came in a
distracted state of mind to the door of the private apartments and said
to one of the eunuchs, “Take in my request and say that I have a
necessary representation to make, and let the king honour me by coming
out.” As such an affair had not entered my thoughts I supposed
that news had come from the Deccan or Gujarat. When I came out and
heard what the news was, I asked, “What must be done? Shall I
mount myself, or shall I send K͟hurram?” The
Amīru-l-umarā submitted that he would go if I ordered it.
“Let it be so,” I said. Afterwards he said, “If he
will not turn back on my advice, and takes up arms, what must be
done?” Then I said, “If he will go in no way on the right
road, do not consider a crime anything that results from your action.
Kingship regards neither son nor son-in-law. No one is a relation to a
king.”


When I had said these words and other things, and had
dismissed him, it occurred to me that K͟husrau was very much
annoyed with him, and that in consequence of the [53]dignity
and nearness (to me) which he (the Amīr) enjoyed, he was an object
of envy to his equals and contemporaries.107 Perhaps
they might devise treachery and destroy him. I therefore ordered
Muʿizzu-l-mulk to recall him, and selecting in his place
S͟haik͟h Farīd Bak͟hs͟hī-begī
commanded him to start off at once, and to take with him the mansabdars
and ahadis who were on guard. Ihtimām K͟hān the
kotwāl was made scout and intelligence officer. I
determined, God willing, to start off myself when it was day.
Muʿizzu-l-mulk brought back the Amīru-l-umarā.


About this time, Aḥmad Beg K͟hān and
Dūst Muḥammad K͟hān had been sent off to
Kabul,108 and had got as far as Sikandra, which was on
K͟husrau’s route. On his arrival they came out of their
tents with some of their people, and returned and waited on me with the
news that K͟husrau had taken the Panjab road and was hastening on.
It occurred to me that he might change his route and go somewhere else.
As his maternal uncle, Mān Singh, was in Bengal, it occurred to
many of the servants of the State that he might go in that direction. I
sent out on every side, and ascertained that he was making for the
Panjab. Meantime day dawned, and in reliance on the grace and favour of
God Almighty, and with clear resolve, I mounted, withheld by nothing
and no one.




“In truth, he who is pursued by sorrow.


Knows not how the road is or how he may travel it.


This he knows, that horror drives him on:


He knows not with whom he goes nor whom he leaves
behind.”




[54]


When I reached the venerable mausoleum of my revered
father, which is three kos from the city, I begged for aid to my
courage from the spirit of that honoured one. About this time they
captured and brought in109 Mīrzā Ḥasan,
son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, who had proposed to
accompany K͟husrau. He could not deny it when I questioned him,
and I ordered them to tie his hands and mount him on an
elephant.110 This was the first good omen manifested through
the kindness and blessing of that venerable one. At midday, as it had
become exceedingly hot, having rested awhile under the shade of a tree,
I said to the K͟hān Aʿz̤am that we, with all our
composure, were in such a state that we had not taken till now our
regular allowance of opium, which it was the practice to take the first
thing in the morning, and no one had reminded us of the omission. We
might imagine from this what was now the condition of that graceless
one (K͟husrau).111


My trouble was this, that my son without any cause or
reason should become an opponent and an enemy. If I should make no
endeavour to capture him, the fractious or rebellious would have an
instrument, or else he would take his own way and go for an asylum to
the Ūzbegs or the Persians, and contempt would fall upon my
government. On this account, having made a special point of capturing
him, I went on after a short rest two or three kos beyond pargana
Mathura, which is 20 kos from Agra, and I alighted at one of the
villages of that pargana where there is a tank.


When K͟husrau arrived at Mathura, he met
Ḥusain Beg Badak͟hs͟hī, who was of those who had
received favours from my revered father and was coming from
[55]Kabul to wait on me. As it is the temperament of
the Badak͟hs͟hīs to be seditious and turbulent,
K͟husrau regarded112 this meeting as a godsend, and
made Ḥusain Beg the captain and guide of 200 or 300 Badakhshan
Aimāqs, who were with him.


Anyone whom they met, they plundered of horses and
goods. Merchants and conveyers of goods were plundered by these
rascals, and wheresoever they went men’s wives and children were
not safe from the calamity of these wretches. With his own eyes
K͟husrau was witnessing the oppression practised in the hereditary
dominions of his ancestors, and after being a witness of the improper
deeds of these rascals he a thousand times every moment wished death
for himself. Finally, he had no remedy but to temporize with and
support those dogs. If good luck and fortune had assisted him in his
affairs, he would have made repentance and regret his voucher, and come
without any deceit to wait on me. God, who knows the world of secrets,
knows that I should have passed over his offences entirely and shown
him such favour and affection that to the extent of a hair’s
point no estrangement or fear would have remained upon his mind.
Inasmuch as during the lifetime of the late king (Akbar) an intention
of joining in the sedition of some of the rebels had manifested itself
in his mind, and he knew that this had come to my knowledge, he placed
no reliance on my kindness and affection. His mother, while I was
prince, in grief at his ways and behaviour and the misconduct of her
brother Mādho Singh,113 killed herself by swallowing
opium (tiryāq).114 What shall I write of her
excellences and goodness? She had perfect intelligence, and her
devotion to me was such that she would have [56]sacrificed a thousand sons and brothers for one
hair of mine. She constantly wrote to K͟husrau and urged him to be
sincere and affectionate to me. When she saw that it was of no use and
that it was unknown how far he would be led away, she from the
indignation and high spirit which are inherent in the Rajput character
determined upon death. Her mind was several times disturbed, for such
feelings were hereditary, and her ancestors and her brothers had
occasionally showed signs of madness, but after a time had recovered.
At a time when I had gone hunting, on Ẕī-l-ḥijja 26th,
1013115 (May 6th, 1605), she in her agitation swallowed
a quantity of opium, and quickly passed away. It was as if she had
foreseen this behaviour of her unworthy son.


My first marriage and that at the commencement of my
adolescence was with her. After K͟husrau’s birth I gave her
the title of S͟hāh Begam. When she could not endure the bad
conduct of her son and brother towards me she became disgusted with
life and died, thereby escaping the present grief and sorrow. In
consequence of her death, from the attachment I had for her, I passed
some days without any kind of pleasure in life or existence, and for
four days, which amount to 32 watches, I took nothing in the shape of
food or drink. When this tale was told to my revered father, a letter
of condolence of excessive kindness and affection reached this devoted
disciple, and he sent me a robe of honour and the auspicious turban
tied just as he had taken it off his head. This favour threw water on
the flame of my grief and afforded complete quiet and repose to my
unquietude and disturbance. My intention in relating these
circumstances is to point out that no evil fortune is greater than when
a son, through the impropriety [57]of his conduct and his
unapproved methods of behaviour, causes the death of his mother and
becomes contumacious and rebellious to his father, without cause or
reason, but simply through his own imaginations and futile ideas, and
chooses to avoid the blessing of waiting upon him. Inasmuch as the
Almighty Avenger lays a proper punishment on each action, of necessity
his condition finally came to this, that he was caught under the worst
circumstances, and falling from a position of trust became captive to
perpetual incarceration.




“When the man of sense behaves as if drunk,


He puts his foot in a snare, his head in a
noose.”




To sum up, on Tuesday, Ẕī-l-ḥijja
10th, I alighted at the station of Hoḍal.116
S͟haik͟h Farīd Bak͟hs͟hī and a band of
valiant men were chosen to pursue K͟husrau and became the vanguard
of the victorious army. I sent back Dūst Muḥammad, who was
in attendance on me, on account of his previous service and his white
beard, to take charge of the fort of Agra and of the zanāna and
the treasuries. When leaving Agra, I had placed the city in the charge
of Iʿtimādu-d-daula and Wazīru-l-mulk. I now said to
Dūst Muḥammad, “As we are going to the Panjab, and
that province is in the diwani of Iʿtimādu-d-daula, you will
despatch him to us, and will imprison and keep watch over the
sons117 of Mīrzā Muḥammad
Ḥakīm who are in Agra; as when such proceedings manifest
themselves in the son of one’s loins what may one expect from
nephews and cousins?” After the dispatch of Dūst
Muḥammad, Muʿizzu-l-mulk became bakhshi.


On Wednesday I alighted at Palwal, and on Thursday at
Farīdābād; on Friday, the 13th, I reached Delhi.
[58]From the dust of the road (i.e. immediately) I
hastened to the venerated tomb of Humāyūn, and there besought
help in my purpose, and with my own hand distributed money to poor
persons and dervishes. Thence turning to the shrine of the venerable
saint S͟haik͟h Niz̤āmu-d-dīn Auliyā, I
performed the dues of pilgrimage. After this I gave a portion118 of money to Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain
Anjū and another portion to Ḥakīm Muz̤affar that
they might divide it amongst the poor and dervishes. On Saturday the
14th I stayed in Sarāy Narela.119 This rest-house
(sarāy) K͟husrau had burned as he went.


The rank of Āqā Mullā, brother of
Āṣaf K͟hān, who had been exalted by becoming my
servant, was fixed in original and increase at 1,000 with 300 horse. He
was in close attendance during this journey. Considering that some of
the Aimāqs attached to the royal army were in league with
K͟husrau, and fearing that consequently some fraud or sedition
might enter their minds, 2,000 rupees were given to their leaders to
distribute amongst their men and make them hopeful of the
Jahāngīrī favour. I gave money to S͟haik͟h
Faẓlu-llah and Rāja Dhīrdhar to distribute to faqirs
and brahmans on the road. I gave orders that to Rānā
S͟hankar in Ajmir should be given 30,000 rupees by way of
assistance for his expenditure.


On Monday, the 16th, I reached the pargana of
Pānīpat.120 This station and place used to
be very propitious to my gracious father and honoured ancestors, and
two great victories had been gained in it. One was the defeat of
Ibrāhīm Lodī, which was won by the might of the
victorious hosts of His Majesty Firdūs-makānī. The story
of this has been written in the histories of the time. [59]The
second victory was over the wicked Hemū, and was manifested from
the world of fortune in the beginning of the reign of my revered
father, as has been described by me in detail.


At the time that K͟husrau had left Delhi and was
proceeding to Panipat, it happened that Dilāwar K͟hān
had arrived there. When shortly before K͟husrau’s arrival he
heard of this affair, he sent his children across the Jumna and bravely
determined to hasten on and throw himself into the fort of Lahore
before K͟husrau should arrive. About this time
ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm also reached Panipat from Lahore, and
Dilāwar K͟hān suggested to him that he too should send
his children across the river, and should stand aside and await the
victorious standards of Jahāngīr. As he was lethargic and
timid, he could not make up his mind to do this, and delayed so much
that K͟husrau arrived. He went out and waited on him, and either
voluntarily or in a state of agitation agreed to accompany him. He
obtained the title of Malik Anwar and the position of vizier.
Dilāwar K͟hān, like a brave man, turned towards Lahore,
and on his road informed everyone and everybody of the servants of the
court and the karoriyān, and the merchants whom he came
across, of the exodus of K͟husrau. Some he took with him, and
others he told to stand aside out of the way. After that, the servants
of God were relieved of the plundering by robbers and oppressors. Most
probably, if Sayyid Kamāl in Delhi, and Dilāwar
K͟hān at Panipat, had shown courage and determination, and
had blocked K͟husrau’s path, his disorderly force would not
have been able to resist and would have scattered, and he himself would
have been captured. The fact is that their talents (himmat) were
not equal to this, but afterwards each made amends for his fault, viz.,
Dilāwar K͟hān, by his rapid march, entered the fort of
Lahore before K͟husrau reached it, and by this notable service
made amends for his earlier shortcoming, [60]and Sayyid Kamāl
manfully exerted himself in the engagement with K͟husrau, as will
be described in its own place.


On Ẕī-l-ḥijja 17th the royal standards
were set up in the pargana of Karnāl. Here I raised
ʿĀbidīn K͟hwāja, son of K͟hwāja
Kalān Jūybārī and pīrzāda
(spiritual adviser), son of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Ūzbeg,
who had come in the time of my revered father, to the rank of 1,000.
S͟haik͟h Niz̤ām Thaneswarī, who was one of the
notorious impostors (s͟hayyādān) of the age,
waited on K͟husrau, and having gratified him with pleasant news,
again121 led him out of the (right) path, and then came
to wait on me. As I had heard of these transactions, I gave him his
road expenses and told him to depart for the auspicious place of
pilgrimage (Mecca). On the 19th the halt was in pargana
S͟hāhābād. Here there was very little water, but it
happened that heavy rain fell, so that all were rejoiced.


I promoted S͟haik͟h Aḥmad
Lāhorī, who from my princehood had filled the relationship of
service and discipleship and the position of a house-born one
(k͟hānazāda) to the office of
Mīr-i-ʿAdl (Chief Justice). Disciples122 and
sincere followers were presented on his introduction, and to each it
was necessary to give the token123 and the likeness
(s͟hast [61]u s͟habah). They were given on his
recommendation (?). At the time of initiation some words of advice were
given to the disciple: he must not confuse or darken his years with
sectarian quarrels, but must follow the rule of universal peace with
regard to religions; he must not kill any living creature with his own
hand, and must not flay anything. The only exceptions are in battle and
the chase.




“Be not the practiser of making lifeless any
living thing.


Save in the battlefield or in the time of
hunting.”




Honour the luminaries (the Sun, Moon, etc.), which
are manifesters of God’s light, according to the degree of each,
and recognize the power and existence of Almighty God at all times and
seasons. Be careful indeed that whether in private or in public you
never for a moment forget Him.




“Lame or low124 or crooked or
unrefined,


Be amorous of Him and seek after Him.”




My revered father became possessed of these
principles, and was rarely void of such thoughts.


At the stage of Alūwa(?)125 I
appointed Abū-n-nabī(?)126 Ūzbeg with
fifty-seven other mansabdars to assist S͟haik͟h Farīd,
and gave the force 40,000 rupees for its expenses. To Jamīl Beg
were given 7,000 rupees to divide among the Aimāqs (cavalry). I
also presented Mīr S͟harīf Āmulī127 with 2,000 rupees.


On Tuesday the 24th of the same month they captured five
of the attendants and comrades of K͟husrau. Two of [62]these,
who confessed to his service, I ordered to be thrown under the feet of
elephants, and three who denied were placed in custody that enquiry
might be made. On Farwardīn 12th of the first year of my reign,
Mīrzā Ḥusain and Nūru-d-dīn Qulī the
kotwāl entered Lahore, and on the 24th of the same month a
messenger of Dilāwar K͟hān arrived (there) with news
that K͟husrau was moving on Lahore and that they should be on
their guard. On the same day the city gates were guarded and
strengthened, and two days later Dilāwar K͟hān entered
the fort with a few men and began to strengthen the towers and walls.
Wherever these were broken and thrown down he repaired them, and,
placing cannon and swivel guns on the citadel, he prepared for battle.
Assembling the small number of the royal servants who were in the fort,
they were assigned their several duties, and the people of the city
also with loyalty gave their assistance. Two days later, and when all
was ready, K͟husrau arrived, and, having fixed a place for his
camp, gave orders to invest128 the city and to prepare for
battle, and to burn one of the gates on any side where one could be got
at. “After taking the fort,” he said to his wicked crew,
“I will give orders to plunder the city for seven days and to
make captive the women and children.”


This doomed lot set fire to a gate, and Dilāwar Beg
K͟hān, Ḥusain Beg the dīwān, and
Nūru-d-dīn Qulī the kotwal built a wall inside opposite
the gateway.


Meantime Saʿīd K͟hān, who was one of
those appointed to Kashmir and was now encamped on the Chenāb,
having heard the news, started rapidly for Lahore. When he reached the
Ravi he sent word to the garrison of the fort that he came with a loyal
intention and that they should admit him. They sent someone at night
and conducted him and some of his men inside. When the siege had
[63]lasted nine days, news of the approach of the
royal army came repeatedly to K͟husrau and his adherents. They
became helpless (bī pā), and made up their minds that
they must face the victorious army.


As Lahore is one of the greatest places in Hindustan, a
great number of people gathered in six or seven days. It was reported
on good authority that 10,000 or 12,000 horse were collected, and had
left the city with the view of making a night attack on the royal
vanguard. This news was brought to me at the sarāy of
Qāẓī ʿAlī on the night of Thursday the 16th.
Although it rained heavily in the night I beat the drum of march and
mounted. Arriving in Sult̤ānpūr at dawn I remained there
till noon. By chance, at this place and hour the victorious army
encountered that ill-fated band. Muʿizzu-l-mulk had brought a dish
of roast meat,129 and I was turning towards it with zest when
the news of the battle was brought to me. Though I had a longing to eat
the roast meat, I immediately took a mouthful by way of augury and
mounted, and without waiting for the coming up of men and without
regard to the smallness of my force I went off in all haste. However
much I demanded my chiltah (wadded coat), they did not produce
it. My only arms were a spear and sword, but I committed myself to the
favour of God and started off without hesitation. At first my escort
did not number more than fifty horsemen; no one had expected a fight
that day. In fine, when I reached the head of the bridge of
Gobindwāl,130 400 or 500 horse, good and bad, had come
together. When I had crossed the bridge the news of a victory was
brought to me. The bearer of the good news was S͟hamsī,
tūs͟hakchī (wardrobe man), and for his good news
he obtained the title of [64]K͟hūs͟h-k͟habar
K͟hān. Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, whom I
had sent previously to advise K͟husrau, came up at the same time
and said such things about the number and bravery of
K͟husrau’s men as frightened his hearers. Though news of the
victory came continuously, this simple-minded Sayyid would not believe
it, and expressed incredulity that such an army as he had seen could be
defeated by S͟haik͟h Farīd’s force, which was
small and not properly equipped. When they brought
K͟husrau’s litter131 with two of his eunuchs, the
Mīr admitted what had happened. Then, alighting from his horse, he
placed his head at my feet and professed every kind of humility and
submission, and said that there could be no higher or more lofty
fortune than this.


In this command S͟haik͟h Farīd behaved
with sincerity and devotion. The Sayyids of Bārha, who are of the
brave ones of the age, and who have held this place in every fight in
which they have been, formed the van. Saif K͟hān, son of
Sayyid Maḥmūd K͟hān Bārha, the head of the
tribe, had shown great bravery and had received seventeen wounds.
Sayyid Jalāl, also of the brethren of this band, received an arrow
in his temple and died a few days later. At the time when the Sayyids
of Bārha, who were not more than fifty or sixty in number, having
received wounds from 1,500 Badak͟hs͟hī horsemen, had
been cut to pieces, Sayyid Kamāl, who, with his brothers, had been
appointed to support the van, came up on the flank and fought with
wondrous bravery and manliness. After that the men of the right wing
raised the cry of Pāds͟hāh salāmat
(“Long live the King”) and charged, and the rebels hearing
the words, gave up and scattered abroad to various hiding-places. About
400 Aimāqs became crushed on the plain of anger and overcome by
the [65]victorious army. K͟husrau’s box of
jewels and precious things which he had always with him, fell into our
hands.




“Who thought that this boy of few years


Would behave so badly to his sire?


At the first taste of the cup he brings up the
lees.


He melts away my glory and his own modesty.


He sets on fire132 the throne of
K͟hūrs͟hīd,


He longs for the place of
Jams͟hīd.”




Short-sighted men in Allahabad had urged me also
to rebel against my father. Their words were extremely unacceptable and
disapproved by me. I know what sort of endurance a kingdom would have,
the foundations of which were laid on hostility to a father, and was
not moved by the evil counsels of such worthless men, but acting
according to the dictates of reason and knowledge I waited on my
father, my guide, my qibla,133 and my visible God, and
as a result of this good purpose it went well with me.


In the evening of the day of K͟husrau’s
flight I gave Rāja Bāso, who is a trusty zamindar of the
hill-country of Lahore, leave to go to that frontier, and, wherever he
heard news or trace of K͟husrau, to make every effort to capture
him. I also appointed Mahābat K͟hān and Mīrzā
ʿAlī Akbars͟hāhī to a large force, which was
to pursue K͟husrau in whatever direction he might go. I resolved
with myself that if K͟husrau went to Kabul, I would follow him and
not turn back till he was captured. If not delaying in Kabul he should
go on to Badakhshan and those regions, I would leave Mahābat
K͟hān in Kabul and return myself (to India). My reason for
not going to Badakhshan was that that wretch would (in that case)
certainly ally himself with the Ūzbegs, and the disgrace would
attach to this State. [66]


On the day on which the royal troops were ordered to
pursue K͟husrau, 15,000 rupees were given to Mahābat
K͟hān and 20,000 to the ahadis, and 10,000 more were sent
with the army to be given to whom it might be necessary to give it on
the way.


On Saturday, the 28th, the victorious camp was pitched
at Jaipāl,134 which lies seven kos from Lahore. On the
same day K͟husrau arrived with a few men on the bank of the
Chenāb. The brief account of what had happened is that after his
defeat those who had escaped with him from the battle became divided in
opinion. The Afghans and Indians, who were mostly his old retainers,
wished to double back like foxes into Hindustan, and to become a source
of rebellion and trouble there. Ḥusain Beg, whose people and
family and treasure were in the direction of Kabul, suggested going to
Kabul. In the end, as action was taken according to the wish of
Ḥusain Beg, the Hindustanis and the Afghans decided to separate
themselves from him. On arriving at the Chenāb, he proposed to
cross at the ferry of S͟hāhpūr, which is one of the
recognized crossings, but as he could find no boats there he made for
the ferry of Sodharah, where his people got one boat without boatmen
and another full of firewood and grass.


The ferries over the rivers had been stopped because
before K͟husrau’s defeat orders had been given to all the
jagirdars and the superintendents of roads and crossings in the subah
of the Panjab that as this kind of dispute had arisen they must all be
on the alert. Ḥusain Beg wished to transfer the men from the boat
with firewood and grass to the other, so that they might convey
K͟husrau across. At this juncture arrived Kīlan,135 son-in-law of Kamāl [67]Chaudharī of Sodharah, and saw a body of men
about to cross in the night. He cried out to the boatmen that there was
an order from the king Jahāngīr forbidding unknown men from
crossing in the night, and that they must be careful. Owing to the
noise and uproar, the people of the neighbourhood gathered together,
and Kamāl’s son-in-law took from the boatmen the pole with
which they propel the boat, and which in Hindustani is called
ballī, and thus made the boat unmanageable. Although money
was offered to the boatmen, not one would ferry them over. News went to
Abū-l-Qāsim Namakīn, who was at Gujarat, near the
Chenāb, that a body of men were wanting to cross the river by
night, and he at once came to the ferry in the night with his sons and
some horsemen. Things went to such a length that Ḥusain Beg shot
arrows at the boatmen,136 and Kamāl’s
son-in-law also took to shooting arrows from the river-bank. For four
kos the boat took its own way down the river, until at the end of the
night it grounded, and try as they would they could not get it off.
Meantime it became day. Abū-l-Qāsim and K͟hwāja
K͟hiẓr K͟hān, who by the efforts of Hilāl
K͟hān had assembled on this (? the west) side of the river,
fortified its west bank, and the zamindars fortified it on the
east.


Before this affair of K͟husrau’s, I had sent
Hilāl K͟hān as sazāwal to the army appointed
for Kashmīr under Saʿīd K͟hān, and by chance
he arrived in the neighbourhood (of the ferry) that same night; he came
in the nick of time, and his efforts had great effect in bringing
together Abū-l-Qāsim K͟hān Namakīn, and
K͟hwāja K͟hiẓr K͟hān in the capture of
K͟husrau.


On the morning of Sunday, the 24th of the aforesaid
month, people on elephants and in boats captured K͟husrau, and on
Monday, the last day of the month, news of this [68]reached
me in the garden of Mīrzā Kāmrān. I immediately
ordered the Amīru-l-umarā to go to Gujarat and to bring
K͟husrau to wait on me.


In counsels on State affairs and government it often
happens that I act according to my own judgment and prefer my own
counsel to that of others. In the first instance I had elected to wait
on my revered father from Allahabad in opposition to the advice of my
faithful servants, and I obtained the blessing of serving him, and this
was for my spiritual and temporal good. By the same course of conduct I
had become king. The second instance was the pursuit of K͟husrau,
from which I was not held back by taking time to ascertain the
(auspicious) hour, etc., and from which I took no rest until I captured
him. It is a strange thing that after I had started I asked
Ḥakīm ʿAlī, who is learned in mathematics, how the
hour of my departure had been (i.e. whether propitious or not), and he
replied that in order to obtain my object if I had wished to select an
hour, there could not have been for years one selected better than that
in which I mounted.


On Thursday, Muḥarram 3rd, 1015, in
Mīrzā Kāmrān’s garden, they brought
K͟husrau before me with his hands tied and chains on his legs from
the left side137 after the manner and custom of Chingīz
K͟hān. They made Ḥusain Beg stand on his right hand and
ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm on his left. K͟husrau stood weeping
and trembling between them. Ḥusain Beg, with the idea that it
might profit him, began to speak wildly. When his purport became
apparent to me I did not allow him to continue talking, but handed over
K͟husrau in chains, and ordered these two villains to be put in
the skins of an ox and an ass, and that they [69]should
be mounted on asses with their faces to the tail138 and thus
taken round the city. As the ox-hide dried more quickly than that of
the ass, Ḥusain Beg remained alive for four watches and died from
suffocation. ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, who was in the ass’s
skin and to whom they gave some refreshment from outside, remained
alive.


From Monday, the last day of
Ẕī-l-ḥijja, until the 9th of Muḥarram of the
aforesaid year, I remained in Mīrzā Kāmrān’s
garden because the time was unpropitious.139 I bestowed
Bhairawal,140 where the battle had taken place, on
S͟haik͟h Farīd, and rewarded him with the high title of
Murtaẓā K͟hān. For the sake of good government I
ordered posts to be set up on both sides of the road from the garden to
the city, and ordered them to hang up and impale the seditious
Aimāqs and others who had taken part in the rebellion. Thus each
one of them received an extraordinary punishment. I gave headship to
those landholders who had shown loyalty, and to every one of the
Chaudharīs between the Jhelam and the Chenāb I gave lands for
their support.


Of Ḥusain Beg’s property there were obtained
from the house of Mīr Muḥammad Bāqī nearly seven
lakhs of rupees. This was exclusive of what he had made over to other
places and of what he had with him. After this, whenever his name is
mentioned, the words141 gāwān u
k͟harān [70](bullocks and asses) will be used. When he
came to this Court in company with Mīrzā
S͟hāhruk͟h he had one horse. By degrees his affairs
flourished so that he became possessed of treasure both visible and
buried, and projects of this kind entered his mind.


While K͟husrau’s affair was still in the will
of God, as there was no actual governor between Afghanistan and Agra,
which is a source of sedition and mischief, and, fearing that
K͟husrau’s affair might be prolonged, I ordered my son
Parwīz to leave some of the sardars to look after the
Rānā and to come to Agra with Āṣaf K͟hān
and a body of those nearly connected with him in the service. He was to
consider the protection and management of that region his special
charge. But by the blessed favour of Allah, K͟husrau’s
affair was settled before Parwīz arrived in Agra; I accordingly
ordered my aforesaid son to come and wait on me.


On Wednesday, Muḥarram 8th, I auspiciously entered
the fort of Lahore. A number of loyalists represented to me that my
return to Agra would be for the good of the State at this time when
much was going amiss in Gujarat, in the Deccan, and in Bengal. This
counsel did not meet with my approval, for the reports of
S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, the governor of Qandahar, showed
that the officers of the Persian border were meditating an attack on
that fortress. They had been moved thereto by the machinations of the
residuum of the Mirzas of Qandahar’s army, which was always
shaking the chain of contention. The Persian officers had written
letters to these malcontents, and there was likelihood of a
disturbance. It occurred to me that the death of His Majesty Akbar and
the unreasonable outbreak of K͟husrau might put an edge on their
design, and that they might attack Qandahar. What had occurred to my
mind became a realized fact. The governor of Farāh, the Malik of
Sīstan, and the jagirdars of that neighbourhood, with the
assistance of Ḥusain K͟hān, the [71]governor
of Herat, invaded Qandahar. Praise is due to the manliness and courage
of S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, who planted his foot firmly
like a man, and strengthened the fort, and seated himself on the top of
the third(?) citadel of the aforesaid fort in such a manner that
outsiders could see his entertainments. During the siege he girded not
his loins, but with bare head and feet arranged parties of pleasure;
yet no day passed that he did not send a force from the fort to meet
the foe and did not make manly efforts. This went on as long as he was
in the fort. The Qizilbās͟h army had invested on three sides.
When news of this reached Lahore it was clearly advisable to remain in
that neighbourhood. A large force was immediately appointed under the
leadership of Mīrzā G͟hāzī, who was
accompanied by a number of men of rank and servants of the Court, such
as Qarā Beg and Tuk͟hta Beg, who had been promoted with the
titles of Qarā K͟hān and Sardār K͟hān. I
appointed Mīrzā G͟hāzī to a mansab of 5,000
personal, and horsemen, and bestowed drums on him. Mīrzā
G͟hāzi was the son of Mīrzā Jānī
Tark͟hān, king of Thathah (Sind), and by the efforts of
ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm K͟hānk͟hānān
that country had been conquered in the reign of the late king. The
country of Thathah was included in his jagir, and he held the rank with
personality and horsemen of 5,000. After his death his son
Mīrzā G͟hāzi was raised to his rank and service.
Their ancestors were among the amirs of Sult̤ān Ḥusain
Mīrzā Bāy-qarā, the ruler of
Khurasan, and they were originally descended from the amirs of
Tīmūr (Ṣāḥib-qirānī).
K͟hwāja ʿĀqil was appointed bakhshi of this army;
43,000 rupees were given to Qarā K͟hān for road
expenses, and 15,000 to Naqdī Beg and Qilīj Beg, who were to
accompany Mīrzā G͟hāzī. I determined to stay
at Lahore in order to settle this matter and with the intention of a
tour to Kabul. About this time the rank of Ḥakīm
Fatḥu-llah was fixed, original and increased, at 1,000
personality and 300 horse. As S͟haik͟h Ḥusain
Jāmī had [72]had dreams about me which had come true, I
gave him twenty lakhs of dams, equivalent to 30,000 or 40,000 rupees,
for the expenses of himself and his monastery and the dervishes who
were with him. On the 22nd I promoted ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān
to the rank of 2,500 personal and 500 horse, original and increased. I
ordered to be given to the ahadis two lakhs of rupees to be paid in
advance and deducted by degrees from their monthly pay. I bestowed
6,000 rupees on Qāsim Beg K͟hān, the son-in-law of
S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, and 3,000 rupees on Sayyid
Bahādur K͟hān.


In Gobindwāl, which is on the river Bīyāh
(Beas), there was a Hindu named Arjun,142 in the
garments of sainthood and sanctity, so much so that he had captured
many of the simple-hearted of the Hindus, and even of the ignorant and
foolish followers of Islam, by his ways and manners, and they had
loudly sounded the drum of his holiness. They called him
Gūrū, and from all sides stupid people crowded to
worship and manifest complete faith in him. For three or four
generations (of spiritual successors) they had kept this shop warm.
Many times it occurred to me to put a stop to this vain affair or to
bring him into the assembly of the people of Islam.


At last when K͟husrau passed along this road this
insignificant fellow proposed to wait upon him. K͟husrau happened
to halt at the place where he was, and he came out and did homage to
him. He behaved to K͟husrau in certain special ways, and made on
his forehead a finger-mark in saffron, which the Indians
(Hinduwān) call qas͟hqa,143 and is
considered propitious. When this came to my ears and I clearly
understood his folly, I ordered them [73]to produce him and handed
over his houses, dwelling-places, and children to Murtaẓā
K͟hān, and having confiscated his property commanded that he
should be put to death.


There were two men named Rājū and Ambā,
who, under the shadow of the protection of the eunuch Daulat
K͟hān, made their livelihood by oppression and tyranny, and
had done many acts of oppression in the few days that K͟husrau was
before Lahore. I ordered Rājū to the gallows and a fine to be
taken from Ambā, who was reputed to be wealthy. In short, 15,000
rupees were collected from him, which sum I ordered them to expend on
bulg͟hur-k͟hānas (refectories) and in
charity.


Saʿdu-llah K͟hān, son of Saʿd
K͟hān, was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,000
horse.


In his great desire to wait upon me, Parwīz
traversed long distances in a short time, in the rainy season and
incessant rain, and on Thursday, the 29th, when two watches and three
ghaṛī of day had passed, obtained the blessing of
seeing me. With exceeding kindness and affection, I took him into the
embrace of favour and kissed his forehead.


When this disgraceful conduct showed itself in
K͟husrau, I had resolved not to delay in any place till I had
captured him. There was a probability that he might turn back towards
Hindustan, so it appeared impolitic to leave Agra empty, as it was the
centre of the State, the abode of the ladies of the holy harem, and the
depository of the world’s treasures. On these accounts I had
written when leaving Agra to Parwīz, saying that his loyalty had
had this result, that K͟husrau had fled and that Fortune had
turned her face toward himself; that I had started in pursuit of
K͟husrau, and that he should consequently dispose of the affairs
of the Rānā in some way according to the necessity of the
time, and for the benefit of the kingdom should himself come quickly to
[74]Agra. I had delivered into his charge the capital
and treasury, which was equal to the wealth of
Qārūn,144 and I had commended him to the God of
power. Before this letter reached Parwīz, the Rānā had
been so humbled that he had sent to Āṣaf K͟hān to
say that as by his own acts he had come to shame and disgrace, he hoped
that he would intercede for him in such a way that the prince would be
content with his sending Bāgha,145 who was
one of his sons. Parwīz had not agreed to this, and said that
either the Rānā himself should come or that he should send
Karan. Meantime the news of K͟husrau’s disturbance arrived,
and on its account Āṣaf K͟hān and other loyalists
agreed to the coming of Bāgha, who obtained the blessing of
waiting on the prince near Manḍalgaṛh.


Parwīz, leaving Rāja Jagannāth and most
of the chiefs of his army, started for Agra with Āṣaf
K͟hān and some of those near to him and his own attendants,
and with him brought Bāgha to the Court. When he came near Agra he
heard the news of the victory over K͟husrau and his capture, and
after resting two days an order reached him that as matters appeared
settled in all quarters he should betake himself to me, in order that
on the prescribed date he might obtain the good fortune of waiting on
me. I bestowed on him the parasol
(āftāb-gīr),146 which is one of the signs
of royalty, and I gave him the rank of 10,000 and sent an order to the
officials to grant him a tank͟hwāh jagir. At this time
I sent Mīrzā ʿAlī Beg to Kashmir; 10,000 rupees
were delivered to Qāẓī ʿIzzatu-llah to divide
amongst faqirs and the poor of Kabul. Aḥmad Beg K͟hān
was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,250 horse, original
and extra. At the same time Muqarrab K͟hān, who had been sent
to Burhanpur to bring the children of Dāniyāl, returned after
an absence of 6 months [75]22 days and had the honour of an audience,
and related in detail what had occurred in those regions.


Saif K͟hān was promoted to the rank of 2,000
personal and 1,000 horse. S͟haik͟h
ʿAbdu-l-Wahhāb147 of the Buk͟hara sayyids,
who was governor of Delhi under the late king, was dismissed from the
post (by me) for certain ill-deeds done by his men, and was entered
amongst the holders of subsistence lands and the
arbāb-i-saʿādat.


In the whole of the hereditary dominions, both the crown
lands and the jagirs, I ordered the preparation of
bulg͟hur-k͟hānas (free eating-houses), where
cooked food might be provided for the poor according to their
condition, and so that residents and travellers both might reap the
benefit.


Amba148 K͟hān
Kashmīrī, who was of the stock of the rulers of Kashmir, was
selected for the rank of 1,000 personal and 300 horse. On Monday,
Rabīʿu-l-āk͟hir 9th, I gave Parwīz a special
sword; and jewelled swords were presented also to
Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka and the
Amīru-l-umarā. I saw Dāniyāl’s children, whom
Muqarrab K͟hān had brought; there were three sons and four
daughters. The boys bore the names T̤ahmūras̤,149 Bāysung͟har, and Hūs͟hang.
Such kindness and affection were shown by me to these children as no
one thought possible. I resolved that T̤ahmūras̤, who
was the eldest, should always be in waiting on me, and the others were
handed over to the charge of my own sisters.


A special dress of honour was sent to Rāja Mān
Singh in Bengal. I ordered a reward of 30 lakhs of dams to
Mīrzā G͟hāzi. I bestowed on S͟haik͟h
Ibrāhīm, son of [76]Qut̤bu-d-dīn
K͟hān Koka, the rank of 1,000 personal and 300 horse, and
dignified him with the title of Kis͟hwar K͟hān.


As when I started in pursuit of K͟husrau I had left
my son K͟hurram in charge of the palaces and treasury, I now, when
that affair had been settled, ordered the said son to attend upon
Haẓrat Maryam-zamānī and the other ladies, and to
escort them to me. When they reached the neighbourhood of Lahore, on
Friday the 12th of the month mentioned, I embarked in a boat and went
to a village named Dahr to meet my mother, and I had the good fortune
to be received by her. After the performance of obeisance and
prostration and greeting which is due from the young to the old
according to the custom of Chingīz, the rules of Tīmūr
and common usage, and after worship of the King of the World (God), and
after finishing this business, I obtained leave to return, and
re-entered the fort of Lahore.


On the 17th, having appointed Muʿizzu-l̄-mulk
bakhshi of the army against the Rānā, I dismissed him to it.
As news had come of the rebellion of Rāy Rāy Singh and his
son, Dulīp, in the neighbourhood of Nāgor, I ordered
Rāja Jagannāth to proceed against them with others of the
servants of the State and Muʿizzu-l-mulk, and to put a stop to
this disturbance. I gave 50,000 rupees to Sardār K͟hān,
who had been appointed to the place of S͟hāh Beg
K͟hān as Governor of Qandahar, and I promoted him to the rank
of 3,000 personal and 2,500 horse. To K͟hiẓr
K͟hān, the late ruler of K͟handesh, were given 3,000
rupees, and to his brother, Aḥmad K͟hān,150 who is one of the k͟hānazādas of
the State. Hās͟him K͟hān, son of Qāsim
K͟hān, who is one of the house-born of the State, and
[77]worthy of advancement, I promoted to the rank of
2,500 personal and 1,500 horse. I gave him also one of my own horses. I
sent robes of honour to eight individuals amongst the nobles of the
army of the Deccan.151 Five thousand rupees were
given to Niz̤ām of Shiraz, the story-teller. Three thousand
rupees were given for the expenses of the
bulg͟hūr-k͟hāna of Kashmir to the
wakīl of Mīrzā ʿAlī Beg, the governor
of that place, to send to Srinagar. I presented a jewelled dagger of
the value of 6,000 rupees to Qut̤bu-d-dīn
K͟hān.


News reached me that S͟haik͟h
Ibrāhīm Bābā, the Afghan, had opened a religious
establishment (lit. one of being a shaikh and having disciples) in one
of the parganas152 of Lahore, and as his doings were
disreputable and foolish a considerable number of Afghans had collected
round him. I ordered him to be brought and handed over to Parwīz
to be kept in the fort of Chunar; so this vain disturbance was put an
end to.


On Sunday, 7th Jumādā-l-awwal, many of the
mansabdars and ahadis were promoted: Mahābat K͟hān
obtained the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,300 horse, Dilāwar
K͟hān 2,000 personal and 1,400 horse, Wazīru-l-mulk
1,300 personal and 550 horse, Qayyām K͟hān 1,000
personal and horse, S͟hyām Singh 1,500 personal and 1,200
horse; in the same way forty-two mansabdars were promoted. On most days
the same observances occur. I presented Parwīz with a ruby of the
value of 25,000 rupees. On Wednesday the 9th of the aforesaid month,
the 21st of S͟hahrīwar,153 after three watches and
four gharis, the feast for my solar weighing, which is the commencement
of the 38th year of my age, took place. According to custom they got
ready [78]the weighing apparatus and the scales in the house
of Maryam-zamānī (his mother). At the moment appointed
blessings were invoked and I sate in the scales. Each suspending rope
was held by an elderly person who offered up prayers. The first time
the weight in gold came to three Hindustani maunds and ten seers. After
this I was weighed against several metals, perfumes, and essences, up
to twelve weighings, the details of which will be given hereafter.
Twice a year I weigh myself against gold and silver and other metals,
and against all sorts of silks and cloths, and various grains, etc.,
once at the beginning of the solar year and once at that of the lunar.
The weight of the money of the two weighings I hand over to the
different treasurers for faqirs and those in want. On the same
auspicious day I promoted Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka,
who for many years had expected such a day,154 with
various favours. First, I gave him the rank of 5,000 personal and
horse, and with this a special robe of honour, a jewelled sword, and
one of my own horses, with a jewelled saddle, and I gave him leave to
go to the subahdarship of the province of Bengal and Orissa, which is a
place for 50,000 horse. As a mark of honour he set off accompanied by a
large force, and two lakhs of rupees were given him as a sumptuary
allowance. My connection with his mother is such that as in my
childhood I was under her guardianship and care, I have not so much
affection for my own mother as for her. She is to me my gracious
mother, and I do not hold him less dear than my own brothers and
children. Qut̤bu-d-dīn is the foster-brother who is most fit
for fosterage. I gave 300,000 rupees to his auxiliaries. On this day I
sent 130,000 as a marriage present (sāchiq) for the
daughter of Pahārī (his brother Murād), who had been
betrothed to Parwīz. [79]


On the 22nd, Bāz Bahādur Qalmāq, who had
long been guilty of evil practices in Bengal, by the guidance of
fortune obtained the honour of kissing my threshold. I gave him a
jewelled dagger, 8,000 rupees, and promoted him to the rank of 1,000
personal and horse. One lakh of rupees and cash and jewels were
bestowed on Parwīz. Kesho Dās Mārū was promoted to
the grade of 1,500 personal and horse. Abū-l-ḥasan, who had
been the diwan and factotum of my brother Dāniyāl, together
with his children,155 had the honour of an audience,
and was raised to the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. On the 1st
of the second Jumādā S͟haik͟h
Bāyazīd,156 who was one of the
s͟haik͟hzādas of Sīkrī, well known for
brilliance of understanding and knowledge, and the connection of old
service,157 was honoured with the title of
Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān, and to him I gave the
government of Delhi. On the 21st of the same month I presented
Parwīz with a necklace composed of four rubies and one hundred
pearls. The rank of Ḥakīm Muz̤affar was fixed at 3,000
personal and 1,000 horse, original and extra. I gave 5,000 rupees to
Nathu Māl (?), Rāja of Manjholi.158


A remarkable occurrence was the discovery of a letter
from Mīrzā ʿAzīz Koka to ʿAlī
K͟hān, the ruler of K͟handesh. I had had an impression
that he had a particular enmity to me on K͟husrau’s account,
who was his son-in-law. From the discovery of this writing it became
clear that he had never given up his innate treachery, and had adopted
this unbecoming attitude towards my revered father also. In short, this
letter which he had written at some time to Rāja ʿAlī
K͟hān [80]was from beginning to end full of abuse and
disapprobation, and said things which no enemy even could have written
and such as could not be attributed to anyone, and far less to one like
His Majesty, ʿArs͟h-ās͟hyānī, a
king and an appreciative sovereign, who from childhood had educated him
and brought him up because of what was due for services rendered by his
mother, and raised the standard of reliance on him to such a high
degree as no other person possessed. This letter fell into the hands of
K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan in Burhanpur amongst the
property of Rāja ʿAlī K͟hān. He brought and
laid it before me. In reading and seeing it the hair on my limbs stood
on end. But for the consideration and due recognition of the fact that
his mother had given her milk to my father I could have killed him with
my own hand. Having procured his attendance I gave the letter into his
hand and told him to read it with a loud voice to those present. When
he saw the letter I thought his body would have parted from his soul,
but with shamelessness and impudence he read it as though he had not
written it and was reading it by order. Those present in that
paradise-like assembly of the servants of Akbar and Jahāngīr
and heard the letter read, loosened the tongue of reproach and of
curses and abuse. I put the question to him, “Leaving aside the
treacheries which in reliance on your worthless self you contrived
against my fortune, what was done to you by my father, who
raised you and your family from the dust of the road to such wealth and
dignity as to make you the envy of your contemporaries, that you should
write these things to the enemies of his Empire? Why did you enrol
yourself amongst the wicked and disloyal? Truly, what can one make of
an original nature and innate disposition? Since your temperament has
been nourished by the water of treachery, what else can spring up but
such actions? Passing over what you did to myself, I gave you the rank
you had held before, thinking that your treachery [81]was
directed against me only. Since it has become known that you behaved in
a similar way to your benefactor and visible Deity, I leave you to the
thoughts and actions which you formerly had and still have.”
After these remarks his lips closed, and he was unable to make any
reply. What could he have said in the presence of such disgrace? I gave
an order to deprive him of his jagir. Although what this ingrate had
done was unpardonable, yet in the end, from certain considerations, I
passed it over.


On Sunday the 26th of the above-mentioned month was held
the marriage feast of Parwīz and the daughter of Prince
Murād. The ceremony was performed in the house of Her Highness
Maryam-zamānī. The entertainment was arranged in the house of
Parwīz, and all who were present were exalted with all kinds of
honour and civilities. Nine thousand rupees were handed over to
S͟harif Āmulī and other nobles, to be given in alms to
faqirs and other poor people.


On Sunday the 10th Rajab I left the city to hunt in
Girjhak and Nandana,159 and took up my quarters in the
garden of Rām Dās, where I remained four days.


On Wednesday the 13th the solar weighing of Parwīz
took place. They weighed him twelve times against various metals and
other things, and each weighing came to two maunds and eighteen seers.
I ordered the whole to be distributed amongst faqirs. At this time the
rank of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān was fixed at 1,500
personal and 700 horse, original and extra.


After the march of Mīrzā G͟hāzī
and his force it occurred to me to send a second contingent after him.
Having bestowed on Bahādur160 K͟hān
Qūrbegī the rank of 1,500 personal and 800 horse, original
and extra, I started off [82]a body of cavalry,161 which
came to about 3,000, with him under the leadership of S͟hāh
Beg and Muḥammad Amīn. For the expenses of this force
200,000 rupees were given and 1,000 musketeers were also appointed.


I left Āṣaf K͟hān to guard
K͟husrau and defend Lahore. The Amīru-l-umarā was
deprived of the honour of waiting on me, as he had a severe illness and
remained in the city. ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq Maʿmūrī,
who had been summoned from the Rānā’s country, was
promoted to be bakhshi at headquarters, and it was ordered that in
company with ʿAbū-l-ḥasan he should perform this
service permanently. Following my father’s rule, I appoint two
men in association in the discharge of the chief offices, not from want
of confidence in them, but because, as they are mortal and no man is
safe from accidents or illness, if any confusion or obstacle should
present itself to one the other is there so that the affairs of the
servants of God may not come to ruin.


At this time also news came that at the Dasahrā,
which is one of the fixed feast days of the Hindus, ʿAbdu-llah
K͟hān had made an incursion from Kālpī, which is
his jagir, into the province of Bandīlah, and displaying great
valour made prisoner Rām Chand, son of Madhūkar, who for a
long time had made a centre of disturbance in that difficult country
and taken him to Kālpī. For this service he was presented
with a standard and raised to 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse.


Petitions from the subah of Bihar represented that
Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān had had a battle with
Sangrām, one of the chief zamindars of Bihar, who had about 4,000
horse and innumerable foot, on account of certain opposition and
[83]disloyalty on rough land, and that on the field
the aforesaid K͟hān had exerted himself manfully. In the end
Sangrām died of a gunshot wound; many of his men fell in the
battle, and those saved from the sword took to flight. Since this
distinguished affair had been brought about by Jahāngīr
Qulī K͟hān, I promoted him to the rank of 4,500 personal
and 3,500 horse.


Three months and six days passed by in hunting; 581
animals were captured with the gun, hunting leopards and nets, and a
qamargāh; of these 158 were killed by my own gun. The
qamargah was held twice; on one occasion in Girjhāk, when the
ladies were present, 155 animals were killed; and the second time, in
Nandīna, 110.162 The details of the animals
killed are as follows: mountain sheep, 180; mountain goats, 29; wild
asses, 10; Nilgai, 9; antelope, etc., 348.


On Wednesday the 16th Shawwāl I returned safe from
my hunting, and when one watch and six gharis of day had passed I
entered Lahore on the day named. During this hunting a strange affair
was witnessed. At Chandwālah, where a minaret had been erected, I
had wounded in the belly a black antelope. When wounded, a sound
proceeded from him such as I have never heard from any antelope, except
in the rutting season. Old hunters and those with me were astonished,
and said they never remembered nor had they heard from their fathers
that such a voice issued from an antelope except at rutting time. This
has been written down because it is not void of strangeness. I found
the flesh of the mountain goat more delicious than that of all wild
animals, although its skin is exceedingly ill-odoured, so much so that
even when tanned the scent is not destroyed. I ordered one of the
largest of the he-goats to be weighed; it was 2 maunds and 24 seers,
equal to 21 foreign maunds [84](Persian). I ordered a large ram to
be weighed, and it came to 2 maunds and 3 seers Akbarī,
equal to 17 Persian (wilāyatī) maunds. The largest and
strongest of the wild asses weighed 9 maunds and 16 seers, equal to 76
Persian (wilāyatī) maunds. I have frequently heard from
hunters and those fond of the chase that at a certain regular time a
worm develops in the horns of the mountain ram, and that this worm
causes an irritation which induces the ram to fight with his hind, and
that if he finds no rival he strikes his head against a tree or a rock
to allay the irritation. After enquiry it seems that the same worm
appears in the horn of the female sheep, and since the female does not
fight the statement is clearly untrue. Though the flesh of the wild ass
is lawful food and most men like to eat it, it was in no way suited to
my taste.


Inasmuch as before this time the punishment of
Dulīp and of his father, Rāy Rāy Singh, had been
ordered, there now came news that Zāhid K͟hān, the son
of Ṣādiq K͟hān, and ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm,
son of S͟haik͟h Abū-l-faẓl, and Rānā
S͟hankar and Muʿizzu-l-mulk, with
another force of mansabdars and followers of the Court, had heard news
of Dulīp in the neighbourhood of Nāgor, which is in the subah
of Ajmir, and having moved against him had found him. As he could find
no way of escape, of necessity he planted a firm foot and came to blows
with the royal army. After a short encounter he was badly beaten and
gave over many to slaughter, and himself, taking with him his own
effects, fled into the vale of ruin.




“With broken arms and loosened belt,


No power to fight and no care for head.”




In spite of his old age, I continued Qilīj
K͟hān in his mansab because of his service under my father,
and I ordered that he should get a jagir in the sarkar of
Kālpī.


In the month Ẕī-l-qaʿda the mother of
Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka, who had given me her milk
and was as [85]a mother to me or even kinder than my own kind
mother, and in whose lap I had been brought up from infancy, was
committed to the mercy of God. I placed the feet of her corpse on my
shoulders and carried her a part of the way (to her grave). Through
extreme grief and sorrow I had no inclination for some days to eat, and
I did not change my clothes.














1 That is, he
was 37 years 3 months by the lunar calendar, and 36 years 1 month by
solar reckoning (Pāds͟hāhnāma, i, 69). Elliot and
all the MSS. have 8th Jumādā-s̤-s̤ānī as
the date of the accession, but this is clearly wrong, as Akbar did not
die till 13th Jumādā-s̤-s̤ānī. Evidently
the copyists have, as is so often the case, misread bistam as
has͟htam. See Blochmann’s remark, p. 454, note 3.
That Jahāngīr was not at this time 38 is shown by his stating
at p. 37 that he celebrated his 38th birthday at Lahore after the
capture of K͟husrau. ↑


2 The
Sanskrit Kalinda. ↑


3 The couplet
appears in Masʿūd’s divan, B.M. MS. Egerton, 701, p.
142a, line 4. The preceding lines show that the dust (gard)
referred to in the first line means the dust caused by the invading
army. I take the words barū bārhāī to mean
the battlements or pinnacles of the fortress, the ī at the
end of bārhā being intensive. ↑


4
Erskine’s manuscript translation of the
Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī, B.M. MS. Add. 26,611, and the
B.M. MS. have chīnī, not
ḥabs͟hī. But I.O. MS. No. 181 and the R.A.S. MS.
have ḥusainī, and this seems right. See Memoirs,
Leyden & Erskine, p. 326, and the Haidarabad Turkī text, p.
284. The kis͟hmis͟hī is a small grape like that
of which currants are made. ↑


5 Cf.
infra the account of the 11th year, p. 173. ↑


6 See
Memoirs. L. & E., p. 330. ↑


7 The name
rāe bel is not given in Clarke’s Roxburgh, but
perhaps it is one of the jessamines, and may be the bela of
Clarke (p. 30). The rāe bel is described by
Abū-l-faẓl (Blochmann, pp. 76 and 82). The statement about
its flowers being double and treble is obscure. Erskine renders the
passage “The leaves are generally two and three fold.” The
Persian word is t̤abaqa, which apparently is equivalent to
the tūī or fold of the Āyīn-i-Akbarī,
Persian text, i, 96. The reference may be to the flowers growing in
umbels. ↑


8 This is the
bokul of Indian gardens (Clarke, p. 313), and well deserves
Jahāngīr’s praise. It is probably the
bholsārī mentioned in the Āyīn (Blochmann,
No. 10, p. 83). Blochmann gives bholsirī (p. 70) as the
name of a fruit-tree, and the bholsārī of p. 83 maybe
a mistake for mūlsarī. ↑


9 The text
has sewtī, but the sewtī seems to be the
Rosa glandulifera of Roxburgh (Clarke, p. 407) and has no
resemblance to the Pandanus. See also the description of the
sewtī, Blochmann, p. 82. (Perhaps there are two
sewtīs, one famous for fragrance, the other for beauty. See
l.c., pp. 76 and 82.) What is meant in the text is evidently a
Pandanus and the ketkī of Blochmann, p. 83. I have
followed, therefore, I.O. MS. 181, and have substituted
ketkī for sewtī. The ketkī may be
Pandanus inermis, which has no thorns (Clarke, p. 708). Erskine
also has ketkī. ↑


10 L.c. p.
33 et seq. ↑


11 Du
Jarric, who got his information from missionary reports, seems to imply
that the chain was of silver, and says that Jahāngīr was
following the idea of an old Persian king. It is mentioned in the Siyar
al-mutaʾak͟hk͟hirīn (reprint, i, 230) that
Muḥammad S͟hāh in 1721 revived this, and hung a long
chain with a bell attached to it from the octagon tower which looked
towards the river. ↑


12 In text
this is wrongly made part of regulation 2. ↑


13 Gladwin
and the MSS. have dilbahra (exhilarating drink), and this is
probably correct. Jahāngīr would know little about
rice-spirit. ↑


14 This
regulation is more fully expounded in Price, p. 7. ↑


15 It is
curious that Jahāngīr should give the 18th
Rabīʿu-l-awwal as his birthday, while the authorities give it
as the 17th. Probably the mistake has arisen from
Jahāngīr’s writing Rabīʿu-l-awwal instead of
S͟hahrīwar. His birthday was Ras͟hn the 18th day of
S͟hahrīwar (see Akbarnāma, ii, 344), but it was the 17th
Rabīʿu-l-awwal. See Muḥammad Hādī’s
preface, p. 2, and Beale, and Jahāngīr’s own statement
a few lines above. Possibly Jahāngīr wished to make out that
he was born on the 18th Rabīʿu-l-awwal and a Thursday,
because he regarded Thursday as a blessed day (mubārak
s͟hamba), whilst he regarded Wednesday as peculiarly unlucky,
and called it kam, or gam,
s͟hamba. ↑


16 Cf.
Elliot’s translation, vi, 513, and note 2. ↑


17 The
MSS. have “the subsistence lands of people in general
(ahālī) and the aimas.” ↑


18 In the
text and in Elliot, vi, 515, this is made a separate order, but it is
not so in the MSS. If it were, we should have thirteen instead of
twelve regulations. This is avoided in text and in Elliot by putting
the 8th and 7th regulations into one ordinance. With regard to the
regulation about releasing the prisoners, Sir Henry Elliot is somewhat
unjust to Jahāngīr in his commentary at p. 515. It was only
those who had been long imprisoned whom Jahāngīr
released, and his proceedings at Ranthambhor in the 13th year
(Tūzuk, p. 256) show that he exercised discrimination in releasing
prisoners. The account in Price, p. 10, may also be consulted. There
Jahāngīr says he released 7,000 men from Gwalior alone. It
may be remembered that most of these were political offenders. Private
criminals were for the most part put to death, or mutilated, or fined.
There were no regular jails. ↑


19 The
above translation of the Institutes should be compared with Sir Henry
Elliot’s translation and his commentary: History of India, E.
& D., vol. vi, Appendix, p. 493. ↑


20
Erskine’s MS. has īs̤ārī for
nis̤ārī, and ak͟htar-i-qabūl
instead of k͟hair-i-qabūl. ↑


21 This is
Blochmann’s Āṣaf K͟hān No. iii, viz.
Mīrzā Jaʿfar Beg. See pp. 368 and 411. ↑


22 The
words Āftāb-i-Mamlakat yield, according to the numeration by
abjad, the date 1014 A.H.
(1605). ↑


23 Page 4
of the text is followed by engravings of the coins of
Jahāngīr and the inscriptions thereon, for which the editor,
Saiyid Aḥmad, says he is indebted to Mr. Thornhill, the Judge of
Meerut. They do not show the lines of poetry. There is an interesting
article on the couplets on Jahāngīr’s coins by Mr. C.
J. Rodgers, J.A.S.B. for 1888, p. 18. ↑


24 The
chronogram is ingenious. The words
Ṣāḥib-Qirān-i-S̤ānī yield only
1013 according to abjad, and this is a year too little. But the
verse states that Prosperity (or Fortune), Iqbāl, laid his head at
the second lord of conjunction’s feet, and the head of
Iqbāl, according to the parlance of chronogram-composers, is the
first letter of the word, that is, alif, which stands for one
(ا) in abjad, and so
the date 1014 is made up.
Ṣāḥib-Qirān-i-S̤ānī means
‘the second lord of conjunction,’ and is a title generally
applied to S͟hāh Jahān; the first lord of conjunction
(i.e the conjunction of Jupiter and Venus) was
Tīmūr. ↑


25 A great
officer under Humāyūn and Akbar. See Āyīn,
Blochmann, p. 317. ↑


26
Blochmann, p. 331. He had 1,200 eunuchs. He is generally styled
Saʿīd Chag͟hatai. The exact nature of his relationship
does not appear. It is not mentioned in his biography in the
Maʾās̤ir, ii, 403. Perhaps the word (nisbat) does
not here mean affinity by marriage. ↑


27
According to the account in Price, p. 16, and in the
Maʾās̤ir, ii, 405, Saʿīd K͟hān gave
a bond that if his people were oppressive he would forfeit his
head. ↑


28 He does
not seem to have had any real power, and he was soon superseded. See
Maʾās̤ir, iii, 932. ↑


29 It
appears from Erskine and from I.O. MS. that this is a mistake for
Yātis͟h-begī, ‘Captain of the Watch,’ and
that the name is Amīnu-d-dīn, and not Amīnu-d-daula. See
Akbarnāma, iii, 474, etc. ↑


30
S͟harīf K͟hān had been sent by Akbar to recall
Jahāngīr to his duty, but instead of coming back he stayed
on. He did not accompany Jahāngīr when the latter went off
the second time to wait upon his father. Probably he was afraid to do
so. Jahāngīr appointed him to Bihar before he left Allahabad
to visit his father for the second time. Jahāngīr says
S͟harīf waited upon him fifteen days after his accession, and
on 4th Rajab. This is another proof, if proof were needed, that the
copyists have misread the opening sentence of the Tūzuk and have
written has͟htam instead of bistam, for 4th Rajab is
fifteen days after 20th Jumādā-l-āk͟hir. The
Pāds͟hāhnāma and K͟hāfī
K͟hān have 20th, and Price and Price’s original say
that S͟harīf arrived sixteen days after the
accession. ↑


31 I.O.
MS. 181 and Muḥammad Hādī have Sult̤ān
Nis̤ār Begam. K͟hāfī K͟hān, i, 245,
has Sult̤ān Begam, and says she was born in 994.
Price’s Jahāngīr, p. 20, says she was born a year
before K͟husrau. She built a tomb for herself in the K͟husrau
Bāg͟h, Allahabad, but she is not buried there (see J.R.A.S.
for July, 1907, p. 607). She died on 4th S͟haʿbān, 1056
(5th September, 1646), and was at her own request buried in her
grandfather’s tomb at Sikandra (Pāds͟hāhnāma,
ii, 603–4). ↑


32 Should
be S͟haik͟hāwaṭ. ↑


33 The
R.A.S. and I.O. MSS. have here Umrā instead of Uzbegs. Umrā
here stands, I think, for Umr Singh, the Rānā of
Udaipūr, and the meaning is that S͟hīr K͟hān
lost his arm in service against the Rānā. ↑


34 The
point of the verse seems to be that light is regarded as something
spread like a carpet on the ground, and that to place the foot upon it
is to insult the sun. Compare Price, p. 33; but Manohar’s verse
is wrongly translated there owing to a badly written MS. For Manohar
see Akbarnāma, iii, 221, and Badayūnī, iii, 201, also
Blochmann, p. 494, and his article in Calcutta Review for April,
1871, also the Dabistān, translation, ii, 53. ↑


35
Probably here āb means both water and the water of the
sword. These lines are not in the R.A.S. or I.O. MSS. ↑


36 Text,
iḥtiyāt̤ (caution); the MSS. have
iʿtiqād (confidence), and I adopt this
reading. ↑


37
Blochmann, p. 52. It was a small round seal. Ūzūk or
ūzuk is a Tartar word meaning a ring, i.e. a
signet-ring. ↑


38 Text,
ṣabiyya (daughter), and this led Blochmann (p. 477, note
2) to say that if Sayyid Aḥmad’s text was correct
Jahāngīr must have forgotten, in the number of his wives,
which of them was the mother of Parwīz. As a fact, Sayyid
Aḥmad’s text is not correct, though the R.A.S. MS. agrees
with it. The two excellent I.O. MSS. have
k͟hwīs͟h (relative), which is here equivalent to
cousin. So also has the B.M. MS. used by Erskine. According to
Muḥammad Hādī’s preface Parwīz’s
mother was the daughter of K͟hwāja Ḥasan, the paternal
uncle of Zain K͟hān Koka. His birth was in Muḥarram,
998, or 19th Ābān (November, 1589). See also Akbarnāma,
iii, 568. ↑


39 I.e.,
both were Akbar’s foster-brothers. ↑


40 Price,
p. 20, has Karmitty, and says the daughter only lived two months.
Karamsī appears twice in the Akbarnāma as the name of a man;
see Akbarnāma, ii, 261, and iii, 201. The name may mean
‘composed of kindness.’ The statement in Price is wrong.
Bihār Bānū was married to T̤ahmuras̤ s. Prince
Dāniyāl in his 20th year (see Tūzuk, M.
Hādī’s continuation, p. 400). According to M.
Hādī’s preface, Karamsī was the daughter of
Rāja Kesho Dās Rāthor, and her daughter Bihār
Bānū was born on 23rd S͟hahrīwar, 998 (September,
1590). Kesho Dās Rāṭhor is probably the Kesho Dās
Mārū of the Tūzuk. ↑


41 Best
known as Jodh Bāī (Blochmann, p. 619). ↑


42 It is
extraordinary that Jahāngīr should have put
S͟hāh-Jahān’s birth into A.H. 999. The I.O. MSS. support the text, but the R.A.S.
MS. has A.H. 1000, which is without doubt
right. Cf. Akbarnāma, Bib. Ind., iii, 603. Later on, a great point
was made of his having been born in a millennium. The date is 5th
January, 1592. ↑


43
Muḥammad Hādī says in his preface, p. 6, that
S͟hāh-Jahān’s grandfather Akbar gave him the name
of Sultan K͟hurram, ‘Prince Joy,’ because his birth
made the world glad. It was noted that the child was born in the first
millennium, and also that, like his father, he was born in the same
month as the Prophet. ↑


44 Gladwin
says they were twins, but this seems a mistake. They were both born
about the time of Akbar’s death. ↑


45 In MS.
No. 310 of Ethé’s Cat. of I.O. MSS. Saʿid
K͟hān is described as giving as his reason for asking for M.
G͟hāzī that he had adopted him as his son. Price’s
Jahāngīr, p. 21, says the same thing. ↑


46 This
should be Jān, and is so in I.O. MS. 181. ↑


47 See
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, iii, 932. The meaning of the
half and half is that the two men were made coadjutors. ↑


48 In
R.A.S. and I.O. MSS. the following passage is a verse. See also Mr.
Lowe’s translation, p. 16. ↑


49
Wird means ‘daily practice,’ and may be the word
intended here. ↑


50 Cf.
this with the fuller details in Price, p. 22. Following Blochmann, I
take S͟hab-i-jumʿa to mean Thursday and not Friday
night. ↑


51 The
text has ʿAbdu-l-G͟hanī, but this, as the MSS. show and
Blochmann has pointed out, is a mistake for ʿAbdu-n-Nabī.
ʿAbdu-n-Nabī was strangled, and the common report is that
this was done by Abū-l-faẓl. If this be true it is rather
surprising that Jahāngīr does not mention it as an excuse for
killing Abū-l-faẓl. Cf. the account of Mīrān
Ṣadr Jahān in Price, p. 24. The “Forty Sayings”
is a book by Jāmī. See Rieu, Cat. i, 17, and also Dr.
Herbelot s.v. Arbain. ↑


52 This
should be G͟hiyās̤ Beg. He was father of
Nūrjahān. According to the
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā (i, 129), he was commander of
1,000 under Akbar. ↑


53
Topk͟hāna-i-rikāb, lit. stirrup-arsenal. It means
light artillery that could accompany royal progresses. See Bernier, and
Irvine, A. of M., 134. ↑


54 Text,
topchī, which seems properly to mean a gunner, but the
number is preposterous. Cf. Blochmann, p. 470, and Price, p. 28.
Price’s original has 6,000 topchī mounted on camels,
and has pāytak͟ht, i.e. the capital. Erskine has
“To have always in readiness in the arsenal arms, and
accoutrements for 50,000 matchlock men.” This seems reasonable,
for even if Jahāngīr ordered 50,000 musketeers, he would not
have required them to be kept in the arsenal. It seems to me that
though chī in Turkī is the sign of the agent (nomen agentis) it is occasionally used by Indian writers as a
diminutive. Thus topchī here probably means a small gun or
a musket, and in Hindustani we are familiar with the word
chilamchī, which means a small basin. At p. 301 of the
Tūzuk, four lines from foot, we have the word
īlchī, which commonly means an ambassador—an
agent of a people—used certainly not in this sense, and
apparently to mean a number of horses. It is, however, doubtful if
īlchī here be the true reading. ↑


55 Text,
aknūn (now), which is a mistake for altūn
(gold). See Elliot and Dowson, vi, 288. Āl is vermilion in
Turkī and altūn gold. Jahāngīr means that he
changed the name from āl tamg͟hā to altūn
tamg͟hā. ↑


56
Mīrzā Sult̤ān was great-grandson of
Sulaimān. ↑


57 Perhaps
the reference is to the boy’s own father. He was alive at this
time, and Akbar was not. ↑


58 This is
the man who afterwards rebelled and made Jahāngīr his
prisoner. ↑


59 Text,
ulūs-i-Dihli. Blochmann (p. 482 n.) points out that this is
a very doubtful term, as Mīrzā ʿAlī came from
Badakhshan. On examining three MSS. of the
Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī I find no word Dihli, but
the words īn ulūs, ‘this tribe or family,’
and I think this must be the correct reading, and refers to the
Timurides. The same phrase occurs at text, p. 173. Blochmann suggests
to read Dūldāy for Dihli, but I think it more
probable that the word Dihli should be
ʿālī. Mīrzā ʿAlī was styled
Akbars͟hāhī, and no doubt this is why
Jahāngīr writes īn ulūs or
ulūs-i-ʿālī. Mīrzā ʿAlī
is often mentioned in the Akbarnāma in connection with the wars in
the Deccan, and is generally called Akbars͟hāhī, e.g. at
p. 702. For an account of his pathetic death see Blochmann, l.c., the
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, iii, 357, and the text, p.
163. ↑


60 The
MSS. have a different reading, “If a king seize country and
climes,” etc. ↑


61
S͟hāhruk͟h was married to Jahāngīr’s
half-sister, S͟hakaru-n-nisā. He was a
Timurid. ↑


62 The
MSS. have Abū-l-walī, and this seems more
likely. ↑


63 The
MSS. have Bhīnā, and Price’s original seems also to
have Bhīnā. Muqarrab did not return for about seven months,
as this entry could not have been made till then. See p. 35 of Persian
text of Tūzuk. ↑


64 Text,
Suk͟hunān-i-past u buland. Cf. Steingass, s.v.
past. Words gentle and severe seem meant. ↑


65 See
Blochmann, p. 447. He is mentioned by Du Jarric as disputing with the
Catholic priests before Jahāngīr (see J.A.S.B. for 1896, p.
77). According to Badayūnī, iii, 98, it was
Naqīb’s father, ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, with whom
Akbar read (see Akbarnāma, ii, 19). ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf
and his family arrived in 963 (1556). Erskine understands
Jahāngīr’s remark to mean that Naqīb was his
(Jahāngīr’s) teacher, but probably Jahāngīr
means that it was Naqīb’s father who taught Akbar, or he has
confounded the father and son. As Naqīb lived till 1023 (1614), he
would probably be too young in 1556 to have been Akbar’s
teacher. ↑


66
Mān Singh was the adopted son of Bhagwān Dās, and it
would appear from this passage that he was his nephew
also. ↑


67 The
MSS. have Ḥātim s. Bābūī Manglī, and
this is right. See Blochmann, p. 370, n. i, and p. 473. ↑


68 The
MSS. have S͟hāhwār. ↑


69 I.O.
MSS. have Abū-l-walī. He was an Ūzbeg, and received the
title of Bahādur K͟hān. See Ma
ās̤iru-l-umarā, i, 400, and Akbarnāma, iii, 820 and
839, where he is called Abū-l-Baqā. The real name seems to be
Abūl Be or Bey, and this is how Erskine writes the
name. ↑


70 The
text seems corrupt. The I.O. MSS. say nothing about Shiraz, but merely
that Ḥusain Jāmī was a disciple who had a dervish
character (sīrat); nor does the R.A.S. MS. mention
Shiraz. ↑


71 That
is, descended from the famous Central Asian saint K͟hwāja
Aḥrār. ↑


72
Something seems to have fallen out of the text and MSS., for this
passage is obscure and not connected with the context. It is clearer in
Price’s version, where it is brought in as part of
Jahāngīr’s statements about promotions, and where (p.
40) we read as follows:—“I shall now return to the more
grateful subject of recording rewards and advancements.... On
K͟hwāja Zakariyyā, the son of K͟hwāja
Muḥammad Yaḥyā, although in disgrace, I conferred the
rank of 500. This I was induced to do on the recommendation of the
venerated S͟haik͟h Ḥusain Jāmī. Six months
previous to my accession,” etc. Evidently the statement about
Zakariyyā’s promotion has been omitted accidentally from the
Tūzuk. There is a reference to the S͟haik͟h’s
dream in Muḥammad Hādī’s preface to the
Tūzuk (p. 15). He says there that it was the saint
Bahāʾu-l-ḥaqq who appeared in a dream to Ḥusain
Jāmī and told him that Sult̤ān Salīm would
soon be king. ↑


73 I.e. of
Furj or Furg in Persia. But Furjī is a mistake for
Qūrchī (belonging to the body-guard). He was a Mogul. See
Blochmann, p. 457. ↑


74 Text
has wrongly Pak͟hta. See Blochmann, p. 469. He received the title
of Sardār K͟hān. ↑


75 Should
be Namakīn. See Blochmann, p. 199. ↑


76 This
passage has been translated by Elliot (vi, 289). See also Price (p.
44), where the discussion is fuller. ↑


77
Jahāngīr’s idea is somewhat vaguely expressed, but his
meaning seems to be that the ten incarnations do not illustrate any
attribute of God, for there have been men who performed similar
wonders. The corresponding passage in the text used by Major Price is
differently rendered by him, but his version is avowedly a paraphrase,
and it appears incorrect in this passage. ↑


78
Literally, “of the How and the Why.” ↑


79 Text,
s͟hīr-andām, ‘tiger-shaped,’ which I
think means thin in the flank (see Steingass, s.v.). I have taken the
translation of the words malāḥat and
ṣabāḥat from Elliot. See his note vi, 376,
where the two words seem wrongly spelt. ↑


80 Erskine
has “Let Sulaimān place his ring on his
finger.” ↑


81 Price
translates—










“In pleasure of the chase with thee, my soul
breathes fresh and clear;


But who receives thy fatal dart, sinks lifeless on his
bier.”












 ↑


82 Perhaps
referring to the name which Dāniyāl gave to his gun, and
which recoiled on himself, but the MSS. and text have
nagīrad, and not bagīrad. ↑


83 The
MSS. have S͟hakar-nis̤ār,
‘sugar-sprinkling.’ She lived into
S͟hāh-Jahān’s reign. ↑


84 She
died unmarried in Jahāngīr’s reign. ↑


85 This
must, I think, be the meaning, though according to the wording the
statement would seem to be that there is no room for Shias except in
Persia. Erskine has “None but Shias are tolerated in Persia,
Sunnis in Rūm and Tūrān, and Hindus in
Hindustan.” ↑


86 Kings
are regarded as shadows of God. ↑


87 The
chronogram is one year short, yielding 962 instead of
963. ↑


88
According to the T̤abaqāt, Elliot, v, 366, what the
Mīrzā said was “Where are the
elephants?” ↑


89 The
word for ‘face-guard’ is pīsh-rūy
(front-face), and Jahāngīr makes his father pun upon the
word, saying, “It has loosed (opened) my front-face.” Cf.
Price, p. 54. ↑


90
‘The helper.’ This is an allusion to Akbar’s patron
saint, Muʿīnu-d-dīn Chiṣhtī, whose name he
adopted as his battle-cry. ↑


91 The
reading in the lithograph seems wrong; the MSS. have az
bāzīcha, ‘in jest.’ ↑


92
Abū-l-faẓl is more moderate; he says (Blochmann, p. 116)
that Akbar killed 1,019 animals with Sangrām. ↑


93
Blochmann says, of Mashhad, p. 381. ↑


94 The
furriery. See Blochmann, pp. 87 n. and 616. Kurk means
‘fur’ in Turki. ↑


95 The
word yātish is omitted in text, but occurs in the
MSS. ↑


96
Ḥājī Koka was sister of Saʿādat Yār Koka
(Akbar-nāma, iii, 656). According to Price this passage refers to
a widows’ fund. ↑


97 This
was one of Akbar’s regulations (Blochmann p. 142). The amount was
ten dams on each muhr of the horse’s value, calculated on an
increase of 50 per cent. See also Price, p. 61. ↑


98 This
passage is not clear, but the peculiarity to which attention is drawn
seems rather the prominent forehead than the oozing fluid. Price (p.
62) has a fuller account of this elephant. ↑


99 See
Blochmann, pp. 176, 452, and the very full account of him in the
Maʾās̤ir, iii, 285. Amul is an old city south of the
Caspian and west of Astrabad. ↑


100 She
was Akbar’s first and principal wife, but bore him no children.
She long survived him. ↑


101 These
are the opening lines of an ode of
Ḥāfiz̤. ↑


102
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā. Yatīm instead of
Pīm or Bīm. See Blochmann, p. 470. Erskine has Saīn
Bahādur. ↑


103 MS.
181 has 34. ↑


104 I
think Jahāngīr means that though the K͟hān was an
excellent servant in his own line, he was hardly fit for the command of
2,000 or for the title of K͟hān. Cf. his praise of him at p.
71 (Blochmann, p. 498). He was called Pīs͟hrau probably from
his going on ahead with the advance camp, as being in charge of the
carpets, etc., as well as because of his personal
activity. ↑


105 In
Price’s Jahāngīr, p. 15, Jahāngīr states that
he had imprisoned K͟husrau in the upper part of the royal tower in
the castle of Agra. It from this confinement that K͟husrau
escaped. ↑


106 Du
Jarric says it was in this way that he was allowed to pass the
sentinels. Du Jarric gives the date of K͟husrau’s flight as
15th April, 1606 (this would be New Style). By Sunday night is meant
Saturday evening. Sunday was Akbar’s birthday. ↑


107 Elliot
(vii, 292) makes the Amīru-l-umarā envious of his peers, and
Jahāngīr apprehensive lest he should destroy K͟husrau,
but he had just told him that nothing he did against K͟husrau
would be wrong. Clearly Jahāngīr’s fear was that his
favourite should be destroyed by K͟husrau, or perhaps by the
Amīr’s treacherous associates. ↑


108 The
text has a curious mistake here: instead of ba Kābul it has
bakāwal (‘superintendent of the kitchen’) as
part of Dūst Muḥammad’s name. Dūst was not
bakāwal, but held higher office, and was later put in
charge of the fort of Agra and given the title of K͟hwāja
Jahān. ↑


109 Price,
p. 6, note. ↑


110
According to K͟hāfī K͟hān (i, 250) he was put
to death, unless the expression “claws of death” is merely
rhetorical. The Maʾās̤ir (iii, 334) says he was
imprisoned. ↑


111 The
above obscure passage is explained in Price, p. 69. ↑


112 Elliot
(vi, 293) observes that this is a very involved and obscure
passage. ↑


113
Blochmann, p. 418. ↑


114 The
word tiryāq means both opium and antidote. ↑


115
Blochmann, relying on K͟hāfi K͟hān, puts her death
in 1011, and the Akbar-nāma (iii, 826) puts it in 1012. The
chronogram in the K͟husrau Bāg͟h yields 1012. See
J.R.A.S. for July, 1907, p. 604. ↑


116 Where
Lord Bellomont died in 1656. See Manucci (Irvine), i,
71. ↑


117
Probably this means the grandsons. At p. 329 it is mentioned that the
grandsons had been confined in Gwalior up to the 16th
year. ↑


118
Pāra, qu. ‘a heap’? ↑


119 Narela
is said to be 15½ miles north-west of Delhi. William Finch, in
his itinerary, mentions the stage as Nalera, a name that corresponds
with Jahāngīr’s. ↑


120 53
miles north of Delhi. ↑


121
Instead of tāza the MSS. have pāra, and the
meaning seems to be that he accompanied K͟husrau for some
distance. In Price’s Jahāngīr (p. 81) it is said that
Niz̤ām received 6,000 rupees. ↑


122 This
is an interesting passage, because it is Jahāngīr’s
account of his father’s ‘Divine Faith.’ But it is
obscure, and copyists seem to have made mistakes. It is explained
somewhat by the MS. used by Price (trans., pp. 82, 83), where more
details are given than in the text. It is there stated that Aḥmad
was Mīr-i-ʿAdl of Jahāngīr before the
latter’s accession. ↑


123 The
text has dast u sīna (hand and bosom), but the correct
words, as is shown in the I.O. MS., No. 181, are s͟hast u
s͟habiha or s͟habah, and these refer to the ring
or token and the portrait given by Akbar to the followers of the
‘Divine Faith.’ See Blochmann, pp. 166 n. and 203; and
Badayūnī, ii, 338. Aḥmad appears to be the Aḥmad
Sūfī of Blochmann, pp. 208, 209, and of
Badayūnī, ii, 404, and Lowe, p. 418. He was a member of the
‘Divine Faith.’ ↑


124 Text,
pūj or pūch, but the manuscript reading
lūk is preferable. Erskine’s MS. has lūj,
naked. ↑


125 Price
(p. 83) has Anand or Anwand. Apparently Alūwa is right; it is a
place 18 miles north-west of Umballa. Cf. “India under
Aurangzib,” by J. N. Sarkar. ↑


126
Abū-l-Bey, the Abū-l-Baqā of Akbar-nāma, iii,
820. ↑


127 A
member of the ‘Divine Faith’ (Blochmann, p. 452,
etc.). ↑


128 The
text has qatl by mistake for qabl. ↑


129
Biryānī. See Blochmann, p. 60. ↑


130 The
Gundvāl of Tiefenthaler, i, 113. Cunningham, in his history of the
Sikhs, spells it Goīndwāl. It is on the Beas. ↑


131 The
text has singhāsan instead of sukhāsan.
Kāmgāar Ḥusainī has
sukhpāl. ↑


132
Instead of the basūzānād of the text, the MSS.
have bas͟hūrānad, he defiles. In the last line
they have jāy instead of tak͟ht. ↑


133 I.e.
the place to which to turn in prayer. ↑


134 Elliot
(vi, 299) has Jahān, and the word in the MSS. does not look like
Jaipāl. ↑


135 This
word appears to be a mistake; it is not in the MSS. ↑


136 When
the boat stuck, the boatmen swam ashore, and it was probably then that
Ḥusain shot at them. See Blochmann, p. 414, n. 2. ↑


137
“With a chain fastened from his left hand to his left foot,
according to the law of Chingīz K͟hān”
(Gladwin’s Jahāngīr, quoted by Elliot, vi, 507). But
apparently what is meant is that K͟husrau was led up from the left
side of the emperor. ↑


138 Du
Jarric, in his history of the Jesuit Missions, gives some details about
the punishment. The bullock and ass were slaughtered on the spot and
their skins were sewed on the bodies of the unhappy men. Horns and ears
were left on the skins. ↑


139
Perhaps the meaning is that the weather was bad. ↑


140 The
proper form seems to be Bhaironwāl, the Bhyrowal of the maps. It
is on the right bank of the Bīāh (Beas) on the road from
Jalandhar to Amritsar. See Blochmann, p. 414, note. ↑


141 The
words are omitted in the text. Erskine read in his MS. gāu
jizwan, which I do not understand. The I.O. MSS. and B.M. MS. Or
3276 have gāwān u k͟harān. Ḥusain Beg,
whose proper name was Ḥasan, was a brave soldier, and did good
service under Akbar. See his biography in Blochmann, p.
454. ↑


142 The
fifth Gūrū of the Sikhs and the compiler of the Granth. He
was the father of Har Govind. See Sayyid Muhammad
Lat̤īf’s history of the Punjāb, p. 253.
Arjun’s tomb is in Lahore. ↑


143 But
qas͟hqa is a Turkish word. The Hindi phrase seems to be
ṭīkā. ↑


144 The
cousin of Moses, famous for his wealth; the Korah of the
Bible. ↑


145
Gladwin has Nāgh. ↑


146
Blochmann, p. 50. ↑


147
Akbar-nāma, iii, 748, and Blochmann, p. 546. He was a man of piety
and learning, and Jahāngīr means that he restored him to his
former quiet life. The arbāb-i-saʿādat, or
auspicious persons, were those who offered up prayers for the
king’s prosperity and other blessings. ↑


148 Amba
was killed later by Nūr-Jahān’s husband, Shīr-Afgan (Tūzuk, pp. 54,
55). ↑


149
Blochmann, p. 310. ↑


150 These
words are not in the MSS., and they seem to have crept into the text by
mistake and to be a premature entry of words relating to
Hās͟him, etc. The brother of the former ruler (or king) of
K͟handesh could hardly be a
k͟hānazād. ↑


151 This
should be, according to the MSS., “army against the
Rānā,” not army of the Deccan. ↑


152 The
MSS. have “in the neighbourhood of Lahore.” Parwīz had
then charge of Bihar. ↑


153 Text,
wrongly, Bahman. Jahāngīr was born on the 21st of
S͟hahrīwar. ↑


154
Apparently, had long looked forward to the happy day when
Jahāngīr should be weighed as a king. ↑


155
Perhaps the meaning is that he was introduced along with
Dāniyāl’s children. ↑


156
Blochmann, p. 492. ↑


157 This
refers to his parentage. ↑


158 In the
MSS. this name seems to be Bhīm Mal. Manjholi is written Manjholah
in Blochmann, p. 175. ↑


159 ?
Nandanpur. These places are in Sindsagār, near
Multān. ↑


160 MS.
181 has Bahar, and it has 600 instead of 800 horse. ↑


161 Text,
Ūymāq pūrī (?). MS. 181 has
būrī, and 305 seems to have the same. Can it mean
‘red cavalry’? As Blochmann has pointed out, 371, n. 2, the
word Ūymāq does not always mean the tribe, but was used to
denote a superior kind of cavalry. ↑


162 The
qamargāh or ring-hunt produced 265 head of game; the rest
were shot at other times; the total of the list should be apparently
576. ↑








[Contents]



Feast of the Second New Year.






On Wednesday the 22nd Ẕī-l-qaʿda,
1015 (10th March, 1607), when 3½ gharis of the day had passed,
the sun rose to his House of Honour. They decorated the palace after
the usual fashion: a great entertainment was prepared, and having
seated myself at an auspicious hour on the throne of accession I
exalted the nobles and courtiers with kindness and favour. On this same
auspicious day it was learned from the reports sent from Qandahar that
the army sent under Mīrzā G͟hāzī, son of
Mīrzā Jānī, to succour (which had been appointed to
assist) S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, had entered the city of
Qandahar on the 12th of Shawwāl. When the Persians heard of the
arrival of the victorious army at the last stage before the aforesaid
city,1 they became surprised and wretched and repentant,
and did not draw rein until they had reached the Helmand, fifty or
sixty kos distant.


In the second place it became known that the governor of
Farāh and a number of the officers of that neighbourhood had taken
it into their heads, after the death of the late king, that in this
confusion Qandahar might easily fall into their hands, and without
waiting for an order from S͟hāh ʿAbbās had
collected together and won over the Chief of Sewistān
(Sīstān). Sending someone to [86]Ḥusain
K͟hān, the governor of Herat they asked for support from him.
He also sent a force. After that they turned to attack Qandahar.
S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, the governor of that place, seeing
that battle has two heads, and that if (which God forbid!) he should be
defeated he would lose possession of Qandahar, thought that to confine
himself in a fort would be better than to fight. He therefore
determined to hold the fort, and sent quick messengers to the Court. It
happened that at this time the royal standards had started from Agra in
pursuit of K͟husrau, and had arrived at Lahore. Immediately on
hearing this news (from S͟hāh Beg K͟hān), a large
force was sent off of amirs and mansabdars under Mīrzā
G͟hāzī. Before the Mīrzā reached Qandahar the
news had been carried to the S͟hāh (of Persia) that the
governor of Farāh, with some of the jagirdars of that
neighbourhood, had proceeded towards the province of Qandahar.
Considering this an improper proceeding, he sent Ḥusain Beg, a
well-known man and one of his own intimates to make enquiries. He also
sent a farman in their names that they should move away from the
vicinity of Qandahar and go to their own places and abodes, because the
friendship and amity of his ancestors with the dignified family of
Jahāngīr Pāds͟hāh were of old standing. That
body, before the arrival of Ḥusain Beg and the King’s
order, not being able to oppose the royal army, considered the
opportunity of returning a favourable one. The said Ḥusain Beg
censured the men and started off to wait on me, which he had the honour
to do at Lahore. He explained that the ill-fated army which had
attacked Qandahar had acted without the order of S͟hāh
ʿAbbās. God forbid (he said) that in consequence of this any
unpleasantness should remain in my mind. In short, after the victorious
troops reached Qandahar, they, according to orders, delivered the fort
over to Sardār K͟hān, and S͟hāh Beg
K͟hān returned to Court with the relieving force.
[87]


On the 27th Ẕī-l-qaʿda, ʿAbdu-llah
K͟hān, having brought Rām Chand Bandīlah into
captivity and chains, brought him before me. I ordered them to take the
fetters from his legs, and bestowed on him a robe of honour, and handed
him over to Rāja Bāso that he might take security and release
him and a number of his relations who had been captured with him. This
through my clemency and kindness came to pass. He had never imagined
such clemency and kindness as I showed to him.


On the 2nd Ẕī-l-ḥijja I gave my son
K͟hurram a tūmān u tūg͟h, a flag and
drums, and bestowed on him the rank of 8,000 personal and 5,000 horse,
and gave an order for a jagir. On the same day, having exalted Pīr
K͟hān,2 son of Daulat K͟hān Lodī, who
had come from K͟handesh with the children of Dāniyāl,
with the title of Ṣalābat K͟hān and honoured him
with the rank of 3,000 personal and 1,500 horse, and presented him with
a standard and drums, I promoted him to the distinction of sonship
(farzandī) beyond his fellows and equals. The ancestors and
uncles of Ṣalābat K͟hān’s grandfather had
been great and honourable among the tribe of Lodī. An earlier
Daulat K͟hān, uncle of Ṣalābat
K͟hān’s grandfather, when Ibrāhīm after his
father Sikandar’s death, began to behave ill to his
father’s amirs and destroyed many, became apprehensive, and sent
his younger son, Dilāwar K͟hān, to wait upon H.M.
Bābar in Kabul, and suggested to him the acquisition of Hindustan.
As Bābar also had this enterprise in mind, he at once proceeded in
that direction, and did not turn his rein till he reached the
neighbourhood of Lahore. Daulat K͟hān with his followers
obtained the good fortune to wait upon him, and performed loyal
service. As he was an old man, adorned with inward and outward
excellencies, he did much good service. He (Bābar) generally
called him “father,” and entrusting to him as [88]before3 the government of the Panjab
placed its amirs and jagirdars under his jurisdiction. Taking
Dilāwar K͟hān with him he (Bābar) returned to
Kabul. When he (Bābar) came a second time into the Panjab with
intent to invade Hindustan, Daulat K͟hān waited on him, and
about the same time died. Dilāwar K͟hān was honoured
with the title of K͟hānk͟hānān and was with
Bābar in the battle he had with Ibrāhīm. In the same way
he was permanently in waiting on the late king Humāyūn. In
the thānā of Mungir, at the time of his
(Humāyūn’s) return from Bengal, he fought bravely
against S͟hīr K͟hān Afg͟hān, and was made
prisoner on the field of battle. Although S͟hīr
K͟hān urged him to take service with him, he refused and
said, “Thy ancestors were always the servants of mine: how, then,
could I do this?” S͟hīr K͟hān was enraged,
and ordered him to be shut up in a wall.4


ʿUmar K͟hān, the grandfather of
Salābat K͟hān Farzand, who was cousin of Dilāwar
K͟hān, had been treated with respect in the time of
Salīm K͟hān. After Salīm K͟hān’s
death and the slaughter of Fīrūz, his son, at the hand of
Muḥammad K͟hān, ʿUmar K͟hān and his
brethren became suspicious of Muḥammad K͟hān and went
to Gujarat, where ʿUmar K͟hān died. Daulat
K͟hān, his son, who was a brave young man of pleasant
appearance, and good at all things, chose the companionship of
ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, son of Bairām K͟hān, who
had been dignified with the title of
K͟hānk͟hānān in the reign of Akbar, and
performed excellent service. The K͟hānk͟hānān
regarded him as his own brother, or even a thousand times better than
his brother, and dearer. Most of the
K͟hānk͟hānān’s victories were gained
through Daulat K͟hān’s valour and manliness.5
When my [89]revered father, having taken the province of
Khandesh and the fort of Āsīr, returned to Agra, he left
Dāniyāl in charge of that province and of all the provinces
acquired from the rulers of the Deccan. At this time Dāniyāl
had separated Daulat K͟hān from the
K͟hānk͟hānān, and was keeping him in
attendance on himself and handing over to him for disposal all the
business of the State. He showed him much favour and perfect affection
until he died in his service. He left two sons, one Muḥammad
K͟hān, and the other Pīr K͟hān; Muḥammad
K͟hān, who was the elder, died a short time after his father.
Dāniyāl, too, wore himself out with drinking. After my
accession I summoned Pīr K͟hān to Court. As I discovered
in him a good disposition and natural abilities, I raised the pedestal
of regard for him to the point that has been described. To-day there is
not in my government any person of greater influence than he, so much
so that on his representation I pass over faults which are not pardoned
at the intercession of any of the other servants of the Court. In
short, he is a young man of good disposition, brave, and worthy of
favour, and what I have done for him has been done rightly, and he will
be exalted by further favours.6


As I had made up my exalted mind to the conquest of
Māwarāʾa-n-nahr (Transoxiana), which was the hereditary
kingdom of my ancestors, I desired to free the face of Hindustan from
the rubbish of the factious and rebellious, and leaving one of my sons
in that country, to go myself with a valiant army in due array, with
elephants of mountainous dignity and of lightning speed, and taking
ample treasure with me, to undertake the conquest of my ancestral
dominions. In accordance with this idea, I despatched Parwīz to
drive back the Rānā, and intended to go myself to the Deccan,
when just at that moment the [90]improper action of K͟husrau took
place, and it became necessary to pursue him and put an end to that
disturbance. For the same reason, the undertaking of Parwīz did
not assume a promising appearance, and regarding the exigency of the
time he gave a respite to the Rānā. Bringing with him one of
the Rānā’s sons, he came to wait on me, and had the
bliss of attending me in Lahore. When I was at ease about
K͟husrau’s disturbance, and the repulse of the
Qizilbāshes, who had invested Qandahar, had been brought about in
a facile way, it came into my mind to make a hunting tour to Kabul,
which is like my native land. After that I would return to Hindustan,
when the purposes of my mind would pass from design to action. In
pursuance of these steps, on the 7th Ẕī-l-ḥijja, at an
auspicious hour, I left the fort of Lahore and took up my quarters in
the Dil-āmīz Garden, which is on the other side of the Ravi,
and stayed there four days. Sunday, the 19th Farwardīn, which is
the culmination of His Majesty the Sun, I passed in the garden, and
some of the servants of the Court were favourably and kindly honoured
with increased rank. Ten thousand rupees were bestowed on Hasan Beg,
the envoy of the ruler of Persia (S͟hāh ʿAbbās).
Leaving Qilīj K͟hān, Mīrān Ṣadr
Jahān, and Mīr S͟harīf Āmulī in Lahore, I
ordered them to settle in consultation any matters that might present
themselves. On Monday I marched from the garden mentioned, and encamped
at the village of Harhar, 3½ kos distant from the city. On
Tuesday the royal standards alighted at Jahāngīrpūr,
which is one of my fixed hunting-places. In this neighbourhood had been
erected by my order a manār at the head of the grave of an
antelope called Mansarāj,7 which was without equal in
fights with tame [91]antelopes and in hunting wild ones. On a stone of
that manar was carved this prose composition, written by Mullā
Muḥammad Ḥusain of Kashmir, who was the chief of the
elegant writers of the day: “In this enchanting place an antelope
came into the world-holding (jahān-gīrī) net of
the God-knowing ruler Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr
Pāds͟hāh. In the space of one month, having overcome his
desert fierceness, he became the head of the special antelopes.”
On account of the rare quality of this antelope, I commanded that no
person should hunt the deer of this plain, and that their flesh should
be to Hindus and Muhammadans as is the flesh of cows and pigs. They
made the gravestone in the shape of an antelope. I ordered Sikandar
Muʿīn, the jagirdar of the aforesaid pargana, to build a
strong fort in the village of Jahangirpur.


On Thursday, the 14th, I encamped in the pargana of
Chandāla.8 Thence on Saturday, the 16th, making one
stage in the middle, I came to
Ḥāfiz̤ābād.9 I stayed in
the station which had been erected by the exertions of the
karorī of that place, Mīr Qiyāmu-d-dīn.
Having reached the Chenāb in two marches on Thursday, the 21st
Ẕī-l-ḥijja, I crossed the river by a bridge which had
been built there and my camp was pitched in the neighbourhood of the
pargana of Gujrat. At the time when His Majesty Akbar went to Kashmir,
a fort had been built on that bank of the river. Having brought to this
fort a body of Gujars who had passed their time in the neighbourhood in
thieving and highway robbery, he established them here. As it had
become the abode of Gujars, he made it a separate pargana, and gave it
the name of Gujrat. They call Gujars a caste which does little manual
work and subsists on milk and curds. On Friday I pitched at
K͟hawāṣṣpūr, five kos from Gujrat, founded
by K͟hawāss [92]K͟hān, a slave of S͟hīr
K͟hān Afg͟hān. Thence, with two halts in the
middle, I pitched on the bank of the Bihaṭ (Jhelam). On that
night a great wind blew and a black cloud hid the face of the sky. The
rain was of such violence that old men remembered none such. It turned
to hail, and every hailstone was the size of a hen’s egg. From
the flooding of the river and the force of the wind and rain, the
bridge broke. I, with the inmates of the harem, crossed in a boat. As
there were few boats, I ordered the men not10 to cross in
these, but to rebuild the bridge. It was finished in a week, and the
whole army crossed with ease. The source of the Bihaṭ is a spring
in Kashmir called the Vīr-nāg; in the language of India a
snake is vīr-nāg. Clearly there had been a large snake
at that place. I went twice to the spring in my father’s
lifetime; it is 20 kos from the city of Kashmir. It is an octagonal
reservoir about 20 yards by 20. Near it are the remains of a place of
worship for recluses; cells cut out of the rock and numerous caves. The
water is exceedingly pure. Although I could not guess its depth, a
grain of poppy-seed is visible until it touches the bottom. There were
many fish to be seen in it. As I had heard that it was unfathomable, I
ordered them to throw in a cord with a stone attached, and when this
cord was measured in gaz it became evident that the depth was
not more than once and a half the height of a man. After my accession I
ordered them to build the sides of the spring round with stone, and
they made a garden round it with a canal; and built halls and houses
about it, and made a place such that travellers over the world can
point out few like it. When the river reaches the village of
Pāmpūr, at a distance of ten kos from the city, it increases,
and all the saffron of Kashmir is obtained in this village. I do not
know if there is so much saffron in any other place in the world.
[93]The annual crop is 500 maunds by Hindustan weight,
equal to 5,000 wilāyat (Persian) maunds. In attendance on
my revered father, I went to this place at the season when the saffron
was in flower. On other plants of the world, first the branches (stems)
shoot out and then the leaves and flowers. On the contrary, when the
saffron stem is four fingers breadth from the dry ground, its flowers
shoot out, of the colour of the iris,11 with four
petals, and in the middle are four threads (rīs͟ha) of
an orange colour like that of the flower, and of the length of a
finger-joint. This is the saffron. The land is not ploughed12 or irrigated, the plant springs up amongst the
clods. In some places its cultivation extends for a kos, and in others
for half a kos. It looks better from a distance. At the time of
plucking, all my attendants got headache from its sharp scent. Though I
drank wine and took a cup, I too got headache. I asked the animal-like
Kashmiris, who were employed in picking the flowers how they felt. I
ascertained that they had never experienced headache in their
lives.


The waters from the spring Vīr-nāg and of
other streams and nullahs that join from right and left form the river
Bihat, which passes through the heart of the city. Its breadth in most
places is not more than a bowshot.13 No one drinks its water,
because of its heaviness and indigestibility. All the people of Kashmir
drink the water of a lake that is near the city, and is called Dall.
The river Bihat enters this lake and flows through to the Panjab by the
Bārāmūla Pass, Paklī, and Dantūr. [94]


In Kashmir there is plenty of water from streams and
springs. By far the best is that of the Lār valley, which joins
the Bihat in the village of S͟hihābu-d-dīn-pūr.
This village is one of the celebrated places of Kashmir, and is on the
Bihat. About a hundred plane-trees (chanār) of graceful
form clustered14 together on one plot of ground, pleasant and
green, join each other so as to shade the whole plot, and the whole
surface of the ground is grass and trefoil15; so much so
that to lay a carpet on it would be superfluous and in bad taste. The
village was founded by Sult̤ān
Zainu-l-ʿābidīn, who for 52 years ruled Kashmir with
absolute sway. They speak of him as the great Pādshāh. They
tell many strange customs of his. There are many remains and traces of
buildings of his in Kashmir. One of these is in the midst of a lake
called Wulūr, and of which the length and breadth are more than
three or four kos. It is called Zain-lankā, and in making it they
have exerted themselves greatly. The springs of this lake are very
deep. The first time they brought a large quantity of stone in boats
and poured it on the place where now the building stands it had no
result. At last they sank some thousands of boats with stones, and with
great labour recovered a piece of ground 100 gaz by 100 gaz out of the
water, and made a terrace, and on one side thereof the Sultan erected a
temple for the worship of his supreme God. Than this there is no finer
place.16 He often came to the spot by boat and engaged in
worship of the King of Wisdom. They say he spent many “forty
days” in that place. One day a wicked son of his came to that
place to kill him, and finding him alone, drew a sword and went in.
When his eye fell on the Sultan, [95]however, on account of his
venerable dignity and the might of his virtues, he became confused and
bewildered and turned away. The Sultan shortly after came out and
seated himself in the boat with this same son, and started for the
city. On the way he said to his son, “I have forgotten my rosary;
get into a canoe and fetch it for me.” The son having gone into
the temple sees his father in the same place, and the graceless man
with complete shame of face falls at his father’s feet and asks
pardon for his fault. They have told many tales of such miracles as
this of him, and they say also that he had well practised the science
of k͟halaʿ.17 When, from the ways and methods
of his sons, he perceived in them signs of haste in seeking for rule
and government, he would say to them, “To me it is very easy to
abandon rule, and even to pass away from life, but when I am gone you
will do nothing and the time of your prosperity will not endure long,
but in a short time you will obtain the recompense of your evil deeds
and your own dispositions.” Having spoken thus, he gave up eating
and drinking, and passed forty days in this manner. He made not his eye
acquainted with sleep, and employed himself after the manner of men of
piety and austerity in the worship of God Almighty. On the fortieth day
he gave up the deposit of his existence, and entered into the mercy of
God. He left three sons—Ādam K͟hān,
Ḥājī K͟hān, and Bahrām K͟hān.
They quarrelled with each other, and all three were ruined. The
government of Kashmir was transferred to the tribe of the Chaks, who
belonged to the class of the common soldiers of the country. During
their dynasty three of the rulers constructed buildings on three sides
of the terrace formed by Zainu-l-ʿābidīn in the Wulur
Lake, but none of these is as strong as his. [96]


Autumn and Spring in Kashmir are things worthy to be
seen. I witnessed the Autumn season, and it appeared to me to be better
than what I had heard of it. I have never seen Spring in that province,
but hope to do so some day. On Saturday the 1st of Muḥarram (18th
April, 1607) I left the bank of the Bihat, and with one day between
reached the fort of Rohtās, which was built by S͟hīr
K͟hān Afg͟hān. This fort was founded in a cleft of
the ground, and the strength of it cannot be imagined. As the place is
near the Ghakhar territory, and they are a proud and rebellious people,
he had looked to this fort specially as a means of punishing and
defeating them. When a little of the building had been done
S͟hīr K͟hān died and his son, Salīm
K͟hān, obtained the grace to complete it. On each of the
gates18 they have carved on a stone the cost of erecting
the fort; 16 krors, 10 lakhs of dams, and more were expended, equal in
Hindustan reckoning to 4,025,000 rupees, and according to the currency
of Iran to 120,000 tūman, and in the currency of Turan to 1
arb, 21 lakhs and 75,000 k͟hānī, that are
now current.19


On Tuesday the 4th of the month, having travelled four
kos and three-quarters, I encamped at Tīla.20 Thence I
came down to the village of Bhakra. In the Ghakhar [97]tongue
bhakra21 is a jungle. The jungle was composed of
clusters of flowers, white and scentless. I came the whole way from
Tīla to Bhakra in the middle of the river-bed,22 which
had running water in it, with oleander flowers of the colour of
peach-blossom. In Hindustan this plant is always in full bloom
(purbār). There was much of it on the banks of this river.
The horsemen and men on foot who were with me were told to put bunches
of the flower on their heads, and whoever did not do so had his turban
taken off; a wonderful flower-bed was produced.


On Thursday the 6th of the month the halting-place was
at Hatyā. On this road many palās-trees (Butea
frondosa) were in blossom. This flower, too, is peculiar to the
jungles of Hindustan; it has no scent, but its colour is flaming
orange. The base of the flower is black; the flower itself is as big as
a red rose. It is so beautiful that one cannot take one’s eyes
off it. As the air was very sweet and clouds had hidden the sun, and
rain was gently sprinkled about, I felt an inclination to drink wine.
In short this road was traversed with great enjoyment and pleasure.
They call the place Hatyā because it was founded by a Ghakkar
named Hāthi (elephant). From Mārgala to Hatyā the
country is called Pothūwār.23 In these
regions there are few crows. From Rohtās to Hatyā is the
place and abode of the Bhūgyāls,24 who are
related to and of the same ancestry as the Ghakkars.


Marching on Friday the 7th, I travelled 4½ kos
and alighted at the station of Pakka.25 This place
is called [98]Pakka because the sarāy is of burnt
brick, and in the Hindi language what is ripe (that is, not raw
material) is called pakka. The station was strangely full of
dust and earth. The carts reached it with great difficulty owing to the
badness of the road. They had brought from Kabul to this place
rīwāj (rhubarb), which was mostly spoiled.


On Saturday the 8th we marched 4½ kos and
encamped at the village of Khar.26 Khar in the Ghakkar
language is a rent and breakage. There are few trees in this country.
On Sunday the 9th I halted beyond Rāwalpindī. This place was
founded by a Hindu named Rāwal, and pindī in the
Ghakkar tongue means a village. In the valley near this station there
was a stream flowing, the waters of which were collected in a pool. As
this halting-place was not devoid of freshness I alighted there for a
time, and I asked the Ghakkars the depth of the pool. They gave me no
precise answer, but said they had heard from their fathers that there
were alligators in the pool which wounded animals that came there, and
on that account no one had the boldness to go in. I ordered them to
throw in a sheep. It swam across the pool and came out. I then ordered
a farrās͟h to go in, and he also came out safe. It
thus became clear that there was no foundation for what the Ghakkars
had said. The pool was an arrow’s flight in width.


On Monday the 10th the village of
K͟harbūza27 was our stage. The Ghakkars in
earlier times had built a dome here and taken tolls from travellers. As
the dome was shaped like a melon it became known by that name. On
Tuesday the 11th I halted at Kāla-pānī, which in Hindi
means black water. There is a mountain pass (kotal) at this
place called Mārgalla; in Hindi mār means [99]to beat
and galla is a caravan, the name therefore means the place of
the plundering of the caravan. The boundary of the Ghakkar country is
here. This tribe are wonderfully like animals; they are always
squabbling and fighting with one another. Although I wished to put an
end to this fighting, I was unable to do so.




“The soul of the fool is doomed to
trouble.”28




On Wednesday the 12th the camp was at
Bābā Ḥasan Abdāl. One kos to the east of this
station there is a waterfall over which the stream rushes with great
force. There is no fall like it on the way to Kabul. On the road to
Kashmir there are two or three like it.29


In the middle of the basin, in which is the source of
the stream, Rāja Mān Singh has erected a small building.
There are many fish in the basin of the length of half a gaz and a
quarter gaz. I halted three days at this enchanting place, drinking
wine with those who were intimate with me and employing myself in
catching fish. Until now I had never thrown a sufra net, which
is a famous kind of net, and which in Hindi they call
bhanwar30 jāl. It is not easy to throw. I
threw it with my own hand and caught twelve fish, and putting pearls
into their noses,31 let them loose in the water. I enquired
[100]into the story of Bābā Ḥasan
from the story-tellers and from the inhabitants of the place, but no
one could tell me any particulars. The celebrated place at that station
is a spring which flows from the foot of a little hill, exceedingly
clear, sweet, and nice, as witness this couplet of Amīr
K͟husrau:—




“In the bottom of the water, from its clearness,
a blind man


Can count the sand-grains in the heart of the
night.”




K͟hwāja S͟hamsu-d-dīn
Muḥammad K͟hwāfī, who was for long employed as
Vizier by my revered father, had made a platform and a reservoir there,
into which is led the water from the spring, and thence is used in
cultivation and in gardens. On the edge of this terrace he had built a
dome for his own burial. By chance his destiny was not there, and (the
bodies of) Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ Gīlānī
and his brother Ḥakīm Humām, who were close to the
person and had the complete confidence of my revered father, were
placed in that dome in accordance with his order.


On the 15th the halt was at Amrohī.32 It is a wonderfully green place, in which no ups
and downs were visible. In this village and its neighbourhood there are
7,000 or 8,000 households of Khaturs and Dalāzāks. All kinds
of mischief and oppression and highway robbery take place through this
tribe. I ordered the government of this region and Attock to be given
to Z̤afar K͟hān, son of Zain K͟hān Koka, and
that by the time of the return of the royal standards from Kabul they
should march all the Dalāzāks to Lahore and capture the head
men of the Khaturs and keep them in prison. [101]


On Monday, the 17th, a march was made, and, with one
stage in between, the royal standards alighted near the fort of Attock
on the bank of the river Nīlāb (Indus). At this stage
Mahābat K͟hān was promoted to the rank of 2,500. This
fort was built by the late king Akbar, and was completed by the labours
of K͟hwāja S͟hamsu-d-dīn K͟hwāfī. It
is a strong fort. At this time the water of the Nīlāb was
low,33 and accordingly a bridge had been made with
eighteen boats, and the people crossed over easily. I left the
Amīru-l-umarā at Attock on account of weakness of body and
illness. An order was given to the bakhshis that, as the province of
Kabul could not support a large army, they should only allow the
immediate attendants of the Court to cross the river, and until the
return of the royal standards the royal camp should remain at Attock.
On Wednesday, the 19th, with the princes and some of the private
servants, having mounted on to a raft (with inflated skins underneath),
and having crossed the river Nīlāb safely, I alighted on the
bank of the river Kāma. The Kāma is a river that flows by the
qaṣba (fortified town) of Jalālābād. The
jāla is a structure they make of bamboos and grass and
place underneath it skins full of air. In this province they call them
s͟hāl (or sāl). In rivers and streams in
which there are rocks they are safer than boats. 12,000 rupees were
given to Mīr S͟harīf Āmulī and to a number of
men, who had been appointed to perform services at Lahore, to divide
amongst the faqirs. An order was given to ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq
Maʿmūrī34 and to Bihārī
Dās, bakhshi of the Ahadis, to complete the force that had been
appointed [102]to accompany Z̤afar K͟hān and
send them away. With one stage in between, the camp halted at the saray
of Bāra. On the other side of the river Kāma there is a fort
which Zain K͟hān Koka built at the time when he was appointed
to subjugate the Yūsufzaʾe Afghans, and called Naus͟hahr
(Newcastle). About 50,000 rupees were spent upon it. They say that
Humāyūn used to hunt rhinoceros in this region. I also heard
from my father that he had twice or thrice witnessed such a hunt in the
company of his father. On Thursday, the 25th, I alighted at the saray
of Daulatābād. Aḥmad Beg of Kabul, jagirdar of
Peshawar, with the Maliks of the Yūsufzaʾes and the
G͟horiya-khel, came and waited on me. As the service of
Aḥmad Beg was not approved, I transferred him from that territory
(wilāyat) and conferred it on S͟hīr K͟hān, the
Afghan. On Wednesday, the 26th, I encamped in the garden of Sardār
K͟hān, which he had made in the neighbourhood of Peshawar. I
walked round Ghorkhatrī, which is the worshipping-place of the
jogīs in this neighbourhood, with the idea that I might see some
faqirs from association with whom I might obtain grace. But that was
like looking for the phœnix or the philosopher’s stone. A
herd without any religious knowledge came to my view, from seeing whom
I derived nothing but obscurity of mind. On Thursday, the 27th, I
arrived at the halting-place of Jamrūd, and on Friday, 28th, at
the K͟haibar Kotal (Khyber Pass) and encamped at ʿAlī
Masjid, and on Saturday I traversed the tortuous
(mārpīch, i.e. snake-twisting) Pass, and alighted at
G͟harīb-k͟hāna. At this stage Abū-l-qāsim
Namakīn, Jagirdar of Jalālābād, brought an apricot,
which was not inferior in beauty to good Kashmir apricots. At the stage
of Daka they brought from Kabul gīlās (cherries),
which my revered father had entitled
S͟hāh-ālū. As I was much inclined to eat
them, inasmuch as I had not (hitherto?) obtained them, I ate them with
great zest as a relish to wine. On Tuesday, [103]2nd
Ṣafar, I encamped at Basāwal, which is on the bank of the
river. On the other side of the river there is a mountain which has no
trees or grass on it, and on that account they call this mountain the
hill of Bīdaulat (unfortunate). I heard from my father that in
mountains like this there are mines of gold. On the mountain of
Āla Būghān, at the time when my revered father went to
Kabul, I had had a qamargāh hunt, and killed
several35 red deer. As I had handed over the administration
of all civil affairs to the Amīru-l-umarā, and his illness
increased greatly, and forgetfulness came over his faculties to such an
extent that what was settled in one hour he forgot in the next, and his
forgetfulness was increasing day by day, on Wednesday, the 3rd
Ṣafar, I entrusted the duties of the viziership to
Āṣaf K͟hān, presenting him with a special robe of
honour, and inkstand and a jewelled pen. It was a remarkable
coincidence that twenty-eight years previously to this, at the same
halting-place, my revered father had promoted him36 to the rank
of Mīr Bak͟hs͟hī (chief paymaster). A ruby which
his brother37 Abū-l-qāsim had bought for 40,000
rupees and sent him, he presented as an offering on obtaining the
viziership. He petitioned that K͟hwāja
Abū-l-ḥasan, who held the offices of bakhshi and the
Qūr, etc., might go with him. Jalālābād was
transferred from Abū-l-qāsim Namakīn to Arab
K͟hān. A white rock was present in the river-bed; I ordered
them to carve it in the form of an elephant [104]and
cut upon its breast this hemistich, which agrees with the date of the
Hijra year: “The white stone elephant of Jahāngīr
Pāds͟hāh,” that is, 1016.


On the same day Kalyān, son of Rāja
Bikramājīt, came from Gujarat. Certain extraordinary
proceedings on the part of this rebellious rascal had been reported to
me. Amongst these was this. He had kept a Musulman
lūlī woman in his house, and for fear this affair
should become known had killed her father and mother and buried them in
his house. I ordered that he should be imprisoned until I could enquire
into his proceedings, and after ascertaining the truth I ordered first
that they should cut out his tongue and place him in perpetual
confinement, and that he should eat his food with dog-keepers and
outcasts. On Wednesday I encamped at Surk͟hāb. Thence I
alighted at Jagdalak. At this stage I saw many
ballūt̤38-trees (oak or chestnut), which
are the best wood for burning. Although this stage had neither passes
nor declivities there were plenty of rocks. On Friday, the 12th, I
encamped at Āb-i-bārīk, and Saturday, the 13th, at
Yūrt-i-pāds͟hāh. On Sunday, the 14th, I alighted at
K͟hūrd Kābul (little Kabul). At this stage I entrusted
the Chief Justiceship and Qaziship of the city of Kabul to
Qāẓī ʿĀrif, son of Mullā Sādiq
Halwāʾī. They brought some ripe
s͟hāh-ālū (cherries) from the village of
Gulbahār to this place; of these I ate with much enjoyment nearly
a hundred. Daulat, the head of the village of Jigrī39(?), brought some uncommon flowers, such as I had
never seen in my life. Thence I alighted at Bikrāmī. At this
place they brought to show me a piebald40 animal,
like the flying (i.e. jumping) mouse, which in the Hindi tongue they
call galahrī (squirrel), and said that mice would not
[105]frequent any house in which this animal was. On
this account they call this animal the master of mice. As I had never
seen one before, I ordered my painters to draw a likeness of it. It is
larger than a mongoose. On the whole it is very like a civet cat.
Having appointed Aḥmad Beg K͟hān to punish the Afghans
of Bangas͟h, I ordered ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq
Maʿmūrī, who was in Attock, to take 2,000,000 rupees
under the charge of Mohan Dās, son of Rāja
Bikramājīt, with him, and divide it among the auxiliaries of
the aforesaid army. One thousand musketeers were also ordered to
accompany this army.


S͟haik͟h ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān, son
of S͟haik͟h Abū-l-faẓl, was promoted to the rank
of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, and obtained the title of
Afẓal K͟hān. 15,000 rupees were presented to ʿArab
K͟hān, and 20,000 rupees more for the repair of the fort of
Pes͟h Bulāg͟h.41 I bestowed Sarkār
K͟hānpūr42 in fief on Dilāwar
K͟hān Afg͟hān. On Thursday, the 17th, from the
Mastān bridge as far as the S͟hahr-ārā garden,
which was the encamping place for the royal standards, scattering
rupees, half-rupees, and quarter-rupees to faqirs and indigent persons
on both sides of the road, I entered the aforesaid garden. It appeared
to be very green and fresh. As it was a Thursday I gave a wine
entertainment to my intimates, and on account of hilarity and
excitement ordered those who were of equal age to myself and had been
my playfellows to jump over the stream that flowed through the middle
of the garden and was about four gaz in width. Most of them could not
jump it, and fell on the bank or into the stream. Although I jumped it,
yet now that I was 40 years of age I could not jump it with the
[106]activity that I had shown in the presence of my
revered father when I was 30. On this day I perambulated seven of the
famous gardens of Kabul. I do not think that I ever walked so far
before.


First of all I walked round the
S͟hahr-ārā (city-adorning), then the Mahtāb
(moonlight) garden, then the garden that Bīka Begam, grandmother
of my father, had made, then passed through the
Ūrta-bāg͟h (middle garden), then a garden that
Maryam-makānī, my own grandmother, had prepared, then the
Ṣūrat-k͟hāna garden, which has a large
chanār-tree, the like of which there is not in the other
gardens of Kabul. Then, having seen the Chārbāg͟h, which
is the largest of the city gardens, I returned to my own abode. There
were abundance of cherries on the trees, each of which looked as it
were a round ruby, hanging like globes on the branches. The
S͟hahr-ārā garden was made by
S͟hahr-bānū43 Begam, daughter of
Mīrzā Abū Saʿīd, who was own aunt to the late
king Bābar. From time to time it has been added to, and there is
not a garden like it for sweetness in Kabul. It has all sorts of fruits
and grapes, and its softness is such that to put one’s
sandalled44 feet on it would be far from propriety or good
manners. In the neighbourhood of this garden an excellent plot of land
came to view, which I ordered to be bought from the owners. I ordered a
stream that flows from the guẕargāh (ferry, also
bleaching green) to be diverted into the middle of the ground so that a
garden might be made such that in beauty and sweetness there should not
be in the inhabited world another like it. I gave it the name of
Jahān-ārā (world-adorning). Whilst I was at Kabul I had
several entertainments in the S͟hahr-ārā garden,
[107]sometimes with my intimates and courtiers and
sometimes with the ladies of the harem. At nights I ordered the learned
and the students of Kabul to hold the cooking entertainment,45 bug͟hra, and the throwing of
bug͟hra, together with arg͟hus͟htak dances.


To each of the band of
Bug͟hrāʾiyān I gave a dress of honour, and
also gave 1,000 rupees to divide amongst themselves. To twelve of the
trustworthy courtiers I ordered 12,000 rupees to be given, to be
bestowed every Thursday, as long as I was in Kabul, on the poor and
needy. I gave an order that between two plane-trees that were on the
canal bank in the middle of the garden—to one of which I had
given the name of Farāḥ-bak͟hs͟h (joy-giver) and
the other Sāya-bak͟hs͟h (shade-giver)—they should
set up a piece of white stone (marble?) one gaz in length and
three-quarters of a gaz in breadth, and engrave my name thereon (and
those of my ancestors) up to Tīmūr. It was set forth on the
other side that I had done away with the whole of the customs dues and
charges of Kabul, and whichever of my [108]descendants and
successors should do anything contrary to this would be involved in the
wrath and displeasure of God. Up to the time of my accession these were
fixed and settled, and every year they took large sums on this account
from the servants of God (the Muhammadan people in general). The
abolition of this oppression was brought about during my reign. On this
journey to Kabul complete relief and contentment were brought about in
the circumstances of my subjects and the people of that place. The good
and leading men of G͟haznīn and that neighbourhood were
presented with robes of honour and dealt kindly with, and had their
desires excellently gratified.


It is a strange coincidence that (the words)
rūz-i-panjs͟hanba
hīz͟hdaham-i-Ṣafar,46 Thursday,
18th Ṣafar, which is the date of my entry into Kabul, give the
Hijra date thereof.


I ordered them to inscribe this date on the stone. Near
a seat (tak͟ht) on the slope of a hill to the south of the
city of Kabul, and which is known as Tak͟ht-i-s͟hāh,
they have made a stone terrace where Firdūs-makānī
(Bābar) used to sit and drink wine. In one corner of this rock
they have excavated a round basin which could contain about two
Hindustani maunds of wine. He caused his own blessed name with the date
to be carved on the wall of the terrace which is next to the hill. The
wording is, “The seat of the king, the asylum of the world,
Z̤ahīru-d-dīn Muḥammad Bābar, son of
ʿUmar S͟haik͟h Gūrgān, may God perpetuate his
kingdom, 914 (1508–9).” I also ordered them to cut out of
stone another throne parallel [109]to this, and dig another
basin of the same fashion on its side, and engrave my name there,
together with that of Ṣāḥib-qirānī
(Tīmūr). Every day that I sat on that throne I ordered them
to fill both of the basins with wine and give it to the servants who
were present there. One of the poets of Ghaznin found the date of my
coming to Kabul in this chronogram—“The king of the cities
of the seven climes” (1016). I gave him a dress of honour and a
present, and ordered them to engrave this date on the wall near the
aforesaid seat. Fifty thousand rupees were given to Parwīz;
Wazīr-al-mulk was made Mir Bakhshi. A firman was sent to
Qilīj K͟hān to despatch 170,000 rupees from the Lahore
treasury for expenses of the army at Qandahar. After visiting the
K͟hiyābān (avenue) of Kabul and the Bībī
Māh-rū, I ordered the governor of that city to plant other
trees in the place of those cut down by Ḥusain Beg
Rū-siyāh (the black-faced). I also visited the
Ūlang-yūrt of Chālāk and found it a very pleasant
place. The Ra’is of Chikrī (Jigrī?) shot with an arrow
a rang47 and brought it to me. Up to this time I had
never seen a rang. It is like a mountain goat, and there is a
difference only in its horns. The horns of the rang are bent, and those
of the goat are straight and convoluted.


In connection with the account of Kabul the commentaries
of Bābar48 passed in view before me. These were in his
own handwriting, except four sections (juzʾ49) that I wrote myself. At the end of the said
sections a sentence was written by me also in the Turkī character,
so that it might be known that these four sections were written by me
in my own hand. Notwithstanding that I grew up in Hindustan, I am not
ignorant of Turkī [110]speech and writing.50 On the 25th Ṣafar I with the people of the
harem visited the julgāh (plain) of Safīd-sang, a very
bright and enjoyable place. On Friday, the 26th, I enjoyed the blessing
of a pilgrimage to (the tomb of) H.M. Firdūs-makānī
(Bābar). I ordered much money and food, bread, and sweetmeats for
the souls of the departed to be distributed to faqirs. Ruqayya
Sult̤ān Begam, daughter of Mīrzā Hindāl, had
not performed a pilgrimage to her father’s tomb, and on that day
had the honour to do so. On Thursday, 3rd Rabīʿu-l-awwal, I
ordered them to bring my racehorses (āspān-i-dawanda)
to the K͟hiyābān (avenue). The princes and the Amirs
raced them. A bay Arab horse, which ʿĀdil K͟hān,
the ruler of the Deccan, had sent to me, ran better than all the other
horses. At this time the son of Mīrzā Sanjar Hazāra and
the son of Mīrzā Mās͟hī, who were the chief
leaders of the Hazāras, came to wait on me. The Hazāras of
the village of [111]Mīrdād produced before me two
rangs51 that they had killed with arrows. I had never
seen a rang of this size; it was larger by 20 per cent. than a large
mārk͟hūr (?).


News came that S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, the
governor of Qandahar, had reached the parganah of S͟hor,52 which is his jagir. I determined to give Kabul to
him and return to Hindustan. A petition came from Rāja
Bīrsing-deo that he had made a prisoner of his nephew, who had
been creating a disturbance and had killed many of his men. I ordered
him to send him to the fort of Gwalior to be imprisoned there. The
parganah of Gujrāt53 in the Panjab Sarkār I
bestowed on S͟hīr K͟hān, the Afghan. I promoted
Chīn Qilīj, son of Qilīj K͟hān, to the rank of
800 personal and 500 horse. On the 12th I sent for K͟husrau and
ordered them to take the chains off his legs that he might walk in the
S͟hahr-ārā garden. My fatherly affection would not
permit me to exclude him from walking in the aforesaid garden. I
transferred the fort of Attock and that neighbourhood from Aḥmad
Beg to Z̤afar K͟hān. To Taj K͟hān, who was
nominated to beat back the Afghans of Bangas͟h, I gave 50,000
rupees. On the 14th I gave ʿAlī K͟hān
Kaṛorī,54 who was one of my revered
father’s old servants and was the dārog͟ha of
the Naqārak͟hāna (drum-house), the title of Naubat
K͟hān, and promoted him to the rank of 500 personal and 200
horse. I made Rām Dās ātālīq to
Mahā Singh, grandson of Rāja Mān Singh, who had also
been nominated to drive back the rebels of Bangas͟h. On Friday,
the 18th, the wazn-i-qamarī (the weighing according to the
lunar year) for my 40th year took place. On that day the [112]assembly was held when two watches of the day
had passed. I gave 10,000 rupees of the money of the weighing to ten of
my confidential servants to divide amongst those who deserved it and
the needy. On this day a petition came from Sardār
K͟hān, governor of Qandahar, by way of Hazāra and
G͟haznīn, in twelve days; its purport was that the ambassador
of S͟hāh ʿAbbās, who had started for the Court, had
entered the Hazāra55 (country). The Shah had written
to his own people: “What seeker of occasion and raiser of strife
has come against Qandahar without my order? Perhaps he does not know
what is our connection with H.M. Sult̤ān Tīmūr, and
especially with Humāyūn and his glorious descendants. If they
by chance should have taken the country into their possession they
should hand it to the friends and servants of my brother
Jahāngīr Pāds͟hāh and return to their own
abodes.” I determined to tell S͟hāh Beg K͟hān
to secure the Ghaznin road in such a way that travellers from Qandahar
might reach Kabul with ease. At the same time I appointed
Qāẓī Nūru-d-dīn to the Ṣadārat of
the province of Malwah and Ujjain. The son of Mīrzā
S͟hādmān Hazāra and grandson of Qarācha
K͟hān, who was one of the influential Amirs of
Humāyūn, waited on me. Qarācha K͟hān had
married a woman from the Hazāra tribe, and this son56 had been born by her. On Saturday, the 19th,
Rānā S͟hankar, son of Rānā Ūday Singh,
was promoted to the rank of 2,500 personal and 1,000 horse. An order
was given for the rank of 1,000 personal and 600 horse for Rāy
Manohar. The S͟hinwārī Afghans brought a mountain ram
the two horns of which had become one and had become like a
rang’s horns. The same Afghans killed and brought [113]a
mārk͟hūr (Erskine translates this ‘a
serpent-eating goat’), the like of which I had never seen or
imagined. I ordered my artists to paint him. He weighed four Hindustani
maunds; the length of his horns was 1½ gaz.57 On
Sunday, the 27th, I gave the rank of 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse to
S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, and the
ḥawīlī (district surrounding) of Gwalior was
placed in the jagir of Iʿtibār K͟hān. I appointed
Qāẓī ʿIzzatu-llah with his brothers to the
Bangas͟h duty. At the end of the same day a petition came to me
from Islām K͟hān from Agra, together with a letter which
Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān had written to him from
Bihar. Its purport was that on the 3rd Ṣafar (30th May, 1607),
after the first watch, ʿAlī Qulī Istājlū had
wounded Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān at Bardwan, in the
province of Bengal, and that he had died when two watches of the same
night had passed. The details of this matter are that the aforesaid
ʿAlī Qulī was sufrachī (table servant) to
S͟hāh Ismāʿīl (the 2nd), ruler of Iran; after
his death he took to flight through his natural wickedness and habit of
making mischief, and came to Qandahar, and having met at Multan the
K͟hānk͟hānān, who had been appointed to the
charge of the province of Tulamba,58 started with him for that
province. The K͟hānk͟hānān in the
field59 placed him among the servants of the late king
(Akbar), and he having performed services in that campaign was promoted
to a rank in accordance with his condition, and was a long time in the
service of my revered father. At the time when he (Akbar) went in
prosperity to the provinces of the Deccan, and I was ordered against
the Rānā, he came and became servant to me. I gave him the
title of S͟hīr-afgan [114](tiger-throwing). When I came
from Allahabad to wait on my revered father, on account of the
unfriendliness that was shown me, most of my attendants and people were
scattered abroad, and he also at that time chose to leave my service.
After my accession, out of generosity I overlooked his offences, and
gave an order for a jagir for him in the Subah of Bengal. Thence came
news that it was not right to leave such mischievous persons there, and
an order went to Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān to send him to
Court, and if he showed any futile, seditious ideas, to punish him. The
aforesaid K͟hān had reason to know him (his character), and
with the men he had present, immediately the order arrived, went
hastily to Bardwan, which was his jagir. When he
(S͟hīr-afgan) became aware of the arrival of
Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān, he went out to receive him
alone with two grooms. After he arrived and entered into the midst of
his army (his camp) the aforesaid K͟hān surrounded him. When
from this proceeding on the part of Qut̤bu-d-dīn
K͟hān a doubt arose in his mind, he by way of deceiving him
said: “What proceeding is this of thine?”60 The
aforesaid K͟hān, keeping back his own men, joined him alone
in order to explain the purport of the order to him. Seeing his
opportunity he immediately drew his sword and inflicted two or three
severe wounds upon him. Amba K͟hān Kas͟hmīrī,
who was descended from the rulers of Kashmir and was connected (by
marriage?) with the aforesaid K͟hān, and had a great regard
for him by way of loyalty and manliness, rushed forward and struck a
heavy blow on ʿAlī Qulī’s head, and that vicious
fellow inflicted a severe wound on Amba K͟hān with the point
of his sword.61 When they saw Qut̤bu-d-dīn
K͟hān in this [115]state, his men attacked him
(S͟hīr-afgan), and cut him in pieces and sent him to hell. It
is to be hoped that the place of this black-faced scoundrel will always
be there. Amba K͟hān obtained martyrdom on the spot, and
Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka after four watches attained
the mercy of God in his quarters. What can I write of this
unpleasantness? How grieved and troubled I became!
Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka was to me in the place of a
dear son, a kind brother, and a congenial friend. What can one do with
the decrees of God? Bowing to destiny I adopted an attitude of
resignation. After the departure of the late King and the death of that
honoured one, no two misfortunes had happened to me like the death of
the mother of Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka and his own
martyrdom.


On Friday, the 6th Rabīʿu-l-āk͟hir,
I came to the quarters of K͟hurram (S͟hāh-Jahān),
which had been made in the Ūrta Garden. In truth, the building is
a delightful and well-proportioned one. Whereas it was the rule of my
father to have himself weighed twice every year, (once) according to
the solar and (once according to the) lunar year, and to have the
princes weighed according to the solar year, and moreover in this year,
which was the commencement of my son K͟hurram’s 16th lunar
year, the astrologers and astronomers62 represented
that a most important epoch according to his horoscope would occur, as
the prince’s health63 had not been good, I gave an
order that they should weigh him according to the prescribed rule,
against gold, silver, and other metals, which should be divided among
faqirs and the needy. The whole of that day was passed in enjoyment and
pleasure in the house of Bābā K͟hurram, and many of his
presents were approved. [116]


As I had experienced the excellencies of Kabul, and had
eaten most of its fruits, in consequence of important considerations
and the distance from the capital, on Sunday, the 4th
Jumādā-l-awwal, I gave an order that they should send out the
advance camp in the direction of Hindustan. After some days I left the
city, and the royal standards proceeded to the meadow of
Safīd-sang. Although the grapes were not yet fully ripe, I had
often before this eaten Kabul grapes. There are many good sorts of
grapes, especially the Ṣāḥibī and
Kis͟hmis͟hī. The cherry also is a fruit of pleasant
flavour, and one can eat more of it than of other fruits; I have in a
day eaten up to 150 of them. The term
s͟hāh-ālū means
gīlās64 (cherry), which are obtainable
in most places of the country, but since gīlās is like
gīlās, which is one of the names of the
chalpāsa (lizard), my revered father called it
s͟hāh-ālū. The zard-ālū
paywandī65 is good, and is abundant. There is
especially a tree in the S͟hahr-ārā garden, that
Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm, my uncle, planted, and
is known as the Mīrzāʾī. The apricots of this tree
are quite unlike the apricots of other trees. The peaches also are very
delicious and plentiful. They had brought some peaches from
Istālif. I had them weighed in my presence, and they came exactly
in weight to 25 rupees, which is 68 current mis̤qāl.
Notwithstanding the sweetness of the Kabul fruits, not one of them has,
to my taste, the flavour of the mango. The parganah of Mahāban was
given as jagir to Mahābat K͟hān.
ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, paymaster of the Ahadis, was promoted to
the rank of 700 personal [117]and 200 horse. Mubārak
K͟hān Sarwānī was appointed to the faujdārship
of the sarkar of Ḥiṣār. I ordered that Mīrzā
Farīdūn Barlās should have a jagir in the Subah of
Allahabad. On the 14th of the aforesaid month I gave Irādat
K͟hān, brother of Āṣaf K͟hān, the rank
of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and presenting him with a special robe
of honour and a horse, bestowed on him the paymastership of the Subah
of Patna and Ḥājīpūr. As he was my
qūrbegī, I sent by his hand a jewelled sword for my
son (farzand) Islām K͟hān, the governor of the
aforesaid Subah. As we were going along I saw near ʿAlī
Masjid and G͟harīb-k͟hāna a large spider of the
size of a crab that had seized by the throat a snake of one and a half
gaz in length and half strangled it. I delayed a minute to look on at
this, and after a moment it died (the snake).


I heard at Kabul that in the time of Maḥmūd
of Ghazni a person of the name of K͟hwāja
Tābūt66 had died in the neighbourhood of
Ẓuḥāk and Bāmiyān, and was buried in a cave,
whose limbs had not yet rotted asunder. This appeared very strange, and
I sent one of my confidential record writers with a surgeon to go to
the cave and, having seen the state of affairs as they were, to make a
special report. He represented that half of the body which was next the
ground had most [118]of it come asunder, and the other half
which had not touched the ground remained in its own condition. The
nails of the hands and feet and the hair of the head had not been shed,
but the hair of the beard and moustache as far as one side of the nose
had been shed. From the date that had been engraved on the door of the
cave it appeared that his death had occurred before the time of
Sult̤ān Maḥmūd. No one knows the exact state of
the case.


On Thursday, the 15th Arslān Bī, governor of
the fort of Kāhmard, who was one of the servants of middle rank
(?) of Walī Muḥammad K͟hān, ruler of
Tūrān, came and waited on me.67 I had
always heard that Mīrzā Ḥusain, son of
S͟hāhruk͟h Mīrzā, had been killed by the
Ūzbegs. At this time a certain person came and presented a
petition in his name, and brought a ruby of the colour of an onion,
which was worth 100 rupees, as an offering. He prayed that an army
might be appointed to assist him, so that he might take Badakhshan out
of the Ūzbegs’ hands. A jewelled dagger-belt was sent him,
and an order given that, as the royal standards had alighted in those
regions, if he really was Mīrzā Ḥusain, son of
Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, he should first hasten into
my presence, so that having examined his petitions and claims I might
send him to Badakhshan. Two hundred thousand rupees were sent for the
army that had been sent with Mahā Singh and Rām Dās
against the rebels of Bangash.


On Thursday, the 22nd, having gone to the Bālā
Ḥiṣār, I inspected the buildings in that place. As the
place was not fit for me I ordered them to destroy these buildings and
to prepare a palace and a royal hall of audience. On the same day they
brought a peach from Istālif, barābar sar-i-buh
bakalānī, “as big as an owl’s [119]head” (?).68 I had not
seen a peach of such a size, and ordered it to be weighed, and it came
to 63 Akbarī rupees, or 60 tolas. When I cut it in half its stone
also came into two pieces, and its substance was sweet. I had in Kabul
never eaten better fruit from any tree. On the 25th news came from
Malwa that Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h had bid farewell
to this transitory world, and God Almighty had submerged him in His
mercy. From the day on which he entered the service of my revered
father till the time of his departure, from no act of his could dust be
brought into the royal mind. He always did his duty with sincerity. The
aforesaid Mīrzā apparently had four sons: Ḥasan and
Ḥusain were born of the same womb (i.e. they were twins).
Ḥusain fled from Burhanpur and went by sea to Iraq, and thence to
Badakhshan, where they say he now is, as has been written about his
message and his sending some one to me. No one knows for certain
whether it is the same Mīrzā Ḥusain, or the people of
Badakhshan have raised up this one like other false Mīrzās
and given him the name of Mīrzā Ḥusain. From the time
when Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h came from Badakhshan and
had the good fortune to wait on my father until now, nearly 25 years
have passed. For some time the people of Badakhshan, on account of the
oppression and injury they have to undergo from the Ūzbegs, have
given notoriety to a Badakhshan boy, who had on his face the marks of
nobility, as really the son of Mīrzā
S͟hāhruk͟h and of the race of Mīrzā
Sulaimān. A large number of the scattered Ūymāqs, and
the hill-people of Badakhshan, [120]whom they call G͟harchal
(Georgians?), collected round him, and showing enmity and disputing
with the Ūzbegs, took some of the districts of Badakhshan out of
their possession. The Ūzbegs attacked that false Mīrzā
and captured him, and placing his head on a spear sent it round to the
whole country of Badakhshan. Again the seditious people of Badakhshan
quickly produced another Mīrzā. Up to now several
Mīrzās have been killed. It appears to me that as long as
there is any trace of the people of Badakhshan they will keep up this
disturbance. The third son of the Mīrzā is Mīrzā
Sult̤ān, who excels in appearance and disposition all the
other sons of the Mīrzā. I begged him from his revered
father, and have kept him in my own service, and having taken great
pains with him reckon him as my own child. In disposition and manners
he has no likeness to his brothers. After my accession I gave him the
rank of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and sent him to the Subah of
Malwa, which was his father’s place. The fourth son is
Badīʿu-z-zamān, whom he always had in attendance on
himself; he obtained the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse.


While I was at Kabul, no qamargāh hunt had
taken place. As the time for returning to Hindustan had come near, and
I was very desirous of hunting red deer, I ordered them to go forward
as soon as possible and surround the hill Faraq,69 which is
seven kos from Kabul. On Tuesday, the 4th Jumādā-l-awwal, I
went to hunt. Nearly 100 deer had come into the enclosure (qamargah).
About a half of these were taken, and a very hot hunt took place. I
gave 5,000 rupees in rewards to the ryots who were present at the hunt.
On the same day an increase of 500 horse was ordered to the rank of
S͟haik͟h [121]ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān, son of
S͟haik͟h Abū-l-faẓl, so as to bring it to 2,000
personal and (2,000) horse. On Thursday, the 6th, I went to the
throne-place of the late king Bābar. As I was to leave Kabul on
the next day I looked on that day as a feast day, and ordered them to
arrange a wine-party on the spot, and fill with wine the little
reservoir they had cut in the rock. Cups were given to all the
courtiers and servants who were present, and few days have passed in
such enjoyment and pleasure. On Friday, the 7th, when a watch of day
had passed, leaving the city auspiciously and with pleasure, a halt was
made at the julgāh (meadow) of the Safīd-sang. From
the S͟hahr-ārā as far as the julgah I scattered to
faqirs and poor people darb and charan, that is, half and
quarter rupees.70 On that day, when I mounted my elephant for
the purpose of leaving Kabul, the news arrived of the recovery of the
Amīru-l-umarā and S͟hāh Beg K͟hān. The
news of the good health of these two chief servants of mine I took as
an auspicious omen for myself. From the julgah of the Safīd-sang,
marching one kos on Tuesday, the 11th, I halted at Bikrām. I left
Tās͟h Beg K͟hān at Kabul to take proper care of
Kabul and neighbourhood until the coming of S͟hāh Beg
K͟hān. On Tuesday, the 18th, I marched two and a half kos
from the halting-place of Būtk͟hāk by the road
Dūʾāba,71 and encamped at a spring on the
bank of which there are four plane-trees. No one till now had looked to
the preparation of this halting-place, and they were ignorant of its
condition and suitability. It is in truth a most excellent spot, and
one fit to have a building erected in it. At this halting-place another
qamargah hunt took place, when about 112 deer, etc., were taken.
Twenty-four rang antelope and 50 red antelope and 16 mountain goats
were [122]taken. I had never till now seen a rang antelope
alive.72 It is in truth a wonderful animal of a beautiful
shape. Although the black buck of Hindustan looks very finely made, the
shape and fashion and appearance of this antelope is quite a different
thing. They weighed a ram and a rang; the ram came to a maund and 33
seers and the rang to two maunds and 10 seers. The rang, although of
this size, ran so that ten or twelve swift dogs were worn out and
seized it with a hundred thousand difficulties. The flesh of the sheep
of the Barbary goat in flavour does not surpass that of the rang. In
the same village kulangs (demoiselle crane) were also caught.


Although K͟husrau had repeatedly done evil actions
and deserved a thousand kinds of punishment, my fatherly affection did
not permit me to take his life. Although in the laws of government and
the ways of empire one should take notice of such disapproved deeds, I
averted my eyes from his faults, and kept him in excessive comfort and
ease. It became known that he was in the habit of sending men to
scoundrels who did not consider consequences, and of inciting them to
give trouble and attempt my life, and making them hopeful with
promises. A band of these ill-fated ones of little foresight having
joined together, desired to attack me in the hunts that took place in
Kabul and those parts. As the grace and protection of God Almighty are
the guardians and keepers of this sublime dynasty, they did not attain
to their end. On the day when the halt was at the Surk͟hāb,
one of that band went at the risk of his life to K͟hwāja
Waisī, the Dīwān of my son K͟hurram, and revealed
that nearly 500 men at K͟husrau’s instigation had conspired
with Fatḥu-llah, son of Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ,
Nūru-d-dīn, son of G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn
ʿAlī Āṣaf-k͟hān, and S͟harīf,
son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah (Nūr-Jahān’s
father), and were awaiting an opportunity [123]to carry out the
designs of the enemies and evil-wishers of the king. K͟hwāja
Waisī told this to K͟hurram, and he in great perturbation
immediately told me. I gave K͟hurram the blessing of felicity, and
prepared to get hold of the whole set of those short-sighted ones and
punish them with various kinds of punishment. Again, it came to my
mind, as I was on the march, and the seizure of these people would
create a disturbance and confusion in the camp,73 to order
the leaders of the disturbance and mischief to be apprehended. I handed
over Fatḥu-llah in confinement to certain trusty men, and ordered
capital punishment for the other two wretches, with three or four of
the chief among the black-faced (conspirators). I had dignified
Qāsim ʿAlī, who was one of the servants of the late king
Akbar, after my accession with the title of Dayānat
K͟hān. He always accused Fatḥu-llah of a want of
loyalty, and said things about him. One day he said to
Fatḥu-llah: “At the time when K͟husrau fled and the
king pursued him, you said to me: ‘The Panjab should be given to
K͟husrau and this quarrel cut short.’”
Fatḥu-llah denied this, and both resorted to oaths and curses (on
themselves). Ten or fifteen days had not passed after this altercation
when that hypocritical wretch was arrested, and his false oath did its
business.


On Saturday, the 22nd Jumādā-l-awwal, the news
came of the death of the Ḥakīm Jalālu-d-dīn
Muz̤affar Ardistānī, who was of a family of skill and
medicine and claimed to be a descendant of Galen. At all events he was
an unequalled healer. His experience added to his knowledge.74 As he was very handsome and well-made
[124]in the days of his youth
(sāda-rūʾīha)75 he
frequented the assemblies of S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp, and
the king recited this hemistich about him:—




“We have a pleasant physician: come, let as all
be ill.”




Ḥakīm ʿAlī, who was his
contemporary, exceeded him in skill. In short, in medical skill and
auspiciousness and rectitude and purity of method and disposition he
was perfect. Other physicians of the age could not compare with him. In
addition to his medical skill he had many excellencies. He had perfect
loyalty towards me. He built at Lahore a house of great pleasantness
and purity, and repeatedly asked me to honour it (with my presence). As
I was very fond of pleasing him I consented. In short, the aforesaid
Ḥakīm, from his connection with me and being my physician,
had great skill in the management of affairs and business of the world,
so that for some time at Allahabad I made him Diwan of my
establishment. On account of his great honesty he was very exacting in
important business, and people were vexed at this method of proceeding.
For about twenty years he had ulcerated lungs, and by his wisdom
preserved in some measure his health. When he was talking he mostly
coughed so much that his cheek and eyes became red, and by degrees his
colour became blue. I often said to him: “Thou art a learned
physician; why dost thou not cure thy own wounds?” He represented
that wounds in the lungs were not of such a nature that they could be
cured. During his illness one of his confidential servants put poison
into some medicine he was in the habit of taking every day and gave it
to him. When he perceived this he took remedies for it. He objected
very much to be bled, although this was necessary. It happened that he
was going to the privy when his cough overcame him and [125]opened the wounds in his lungs. So much blood
poured out of his mouth and brain that he became insensible and fell,
and made a fearful cry. An āftābachī
(ewer-bearer) becoming aware of this, came into the assembly-room, and
seeing him smeared with blood cried out: “They have killed the
ḥakīm.” After examining him it was seen that there was
no sign of wounds on his body, and that it was the same wound in the
lungs that had begun to flow. They informed Qilīj K͟hān,
who was the Governor of Lahore, and he, having ascertained the true
state of the affair, buried him. He left no capable son.


On the 24th, between the garden of Wafā and
Nīmlah, a hunt took place, and nearly forty red antelope were
killed. A female panther (yūz) fell into our hands in this
hunt. The zamindars of that place, Lag͟hmānīs,
S͟hālī, and Afghans, came and said that they did not
remember nor had they heard from their fathers that a panther had been
seen in that region for 120 years. A halt was made on the 2nd
Jumādā-l-āk͟hir, at the Wafā Garden, and the
assembly for the solar weighing was held. On the same day Arslān
Bī, an Ūzbeg who was one of the Sardars and nobles of
ʿAbdu-l-Mūmin K͟hān, and was at that time governor
of the fort of Kāhmard, having left his fort, had the blessing of
waiting on me. As he had come from friendship and sincerity, I exalted
him with a special robe of honour. He is a simple Ūzbeg, and is
fit to be educated and honoured. On the 4th of the month an order was
given that ʿIzzat K͟hān, the governor76 of
Jalālābād, should make the hunting-ground of the Arzina
plain into a qamargah (ring-hunting ground). Nearly 300 animals were
captured, [126]namely, 35 qūch (rams?), 25
qūs͟hqī (?), 90 arg͟halī (wild
sheep), 55 tūg͟hlī (yaks?), 95 antelope
(safīda).


As it was the middle of the day when I arrived at the
hunting-place and the air was very hot, the (tāzī)
Arabian dogs had been exhausted.77 The time for running dogs
is in the morning or at the end of the day. On Saturday, the 12th, the
halt was at Akūra Saray (?). At this stage S͟hāh Beg
K͟hān,78 with a good force, came and waited on me. He
was one who had been brought up by my father, the late king Akbar. In
himself he is a very brave man and energetic, so much so that
constantly in the time of my father he fought several single combats,
and in my own reign defended the fort of Qandahar from the hosts of the
ruler of Iran. It was besieged for a year before the royal army arrived
to his assistance. His manners towards his soldiers are those of an
Amīr (nobleman, umarāyāna), and not according to
discipline (qudrat), especially towards those who have helped
him in battles or are with him in campaigns. He jokes much with his
servants, and this gives him an undignified appearance.79 I have repeatedly warned him about this, but as
it is in his nature my remonstrances have had no effect.


On Monday, the 14th, I promoted Hās͟him
K͟hān, who is one of the household, born ones of our dynasty,
to [127]the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse, and I made
him governor of the province of Orissa. On the same day news came that
Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā
S͟hāhruk͟h, who was in the province of Malwa, through
folly and youth had started with a body of rebels to go to the province
of the Rānā and join him. ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān,
the governor of that place, being informed of this event went after
him, and having made him prisoner on the way, slew several of the
wretches who had joined with him. An order was given that Ihtimām
K͟hān should start from Agra and bring the Mīrzā to
the court. On the 25th of the aforesaid month news came that Imām
Qulī K͟hān, nephew of Walī K͟hān, ruler
of Māwarāʾa-n-nahr, had killed him who was called
Mīrzā Ḥusain, who had been reported to be the son of
Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h. In truth, the killing of the
sons of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h is like the killing
of the demons, as they say that from every drop of their blood demons
are produced. In the station of Dhaka, S͟hīr K͟hān,
the Afghan, whom when I left I had placed at Peshawar to guard the
Khaibar Pass, came and waited on me. He had made no default in
preserving and guarding the road. Z̤afar K͟hān, son of
Zain K͟hān Koka, had been appointed to move on the
Dalāzāk Afghans and the tribe of Khatur, who had perpetrated
all kinds of misdeeds in the neighbourhood of Attock and the Beas and
that vicinity. After performing that service and the conquest of those
rebels, who numbered about 100,000 houses, and sending them off towards
Lahore, he came and waited upon me at the same halting-place, and it
was evident that he had performed that service as it ought to have been
done. As the month of Rajab, corresponding with the Ilāhī
month of Ābān, had arrived,80 and it was
known that this [128]was one of the months fixed for the lunar
weighing (wazn-i-qamarī) of my father, I determined that
the value of all the articles which he used to order for his own
weighing in the solar and lunar years should be estimated, and that
what this came to should be sent to the large cities for the repose of
the soul of that enlightened one, and be divided amongst the
necessitous and the faqirs. The total came to 100,000 rupees, equal to
300 Irāq tumāns, and 300,000 of the currency of the people of
Māwarāʾa-n-nahr.


Trustworthy men divided that sum among the twelve chief
cities, such as Agra, Delhi, Lahore, Gujarat (Ahmadabad), etc. On
Thursday, the 3rd Rajab, I favoured with the title of
K͟hān-jahān my son (farzand) Ṣalābat
K͟hān, who is not less to me than my own sons, and ordered
that they should in all firmans and orders write of him as
K͟hān-jahān. A special robe of honour and a jewelled
sword were also given him. Also, having entitled S͟hāh Beg
K͟hān K͟hān-daurān, I presented him with a
jewelled waist-dagger, a male elephant, and a special horse. The whole
of the sarkars of Tīrah, Kabul, Bangash, and the province of
Sawād (Swat) Bajaur, with the (task of) beating back the Afghans
of those regions, and a jagir and the faujdārship were confirmed
to him. He took leave from Bābā Ḥasan Abdāl. I
also ordered Rām Dās Kachhwāha to receive a jagir in
this province and to be enrolled among the auxiliaries of this Subah. I
conferred on Kis͟han Chand, son of the Mota (fat) Rāja, the
rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. A firman was written to
Murtaẓā K͟hān (Sayyid Farīd), governor of
Gujarat, that as the good conduct and excellence and abstemiousness of
the son of Miyān Wajīhu-d-dīn81 had been
reported to me, he should hand over to him from me a sum of money, and
that he should write and send me some of [129]the names of God
which had been tested. If the grace of God should be with me I would
continually repeat82 them. Before this I had given
leave to Zafar K͟hān to go to Bābā Ḥasan
Abdāl to collect together game for sport. He had made a
s͟hāk͟hband (literally a tying together of horns
or branches). Twenty-seven red deer and 68 white ones came into the
s͟hāk͟hband. I myself struck with arrows 29
antelope, and Parwīz and K͟hurram also killed some others
with arrows. Afterwards orders were given to the servants and courtiers
to shoot. K͟hān Jahān was the best shot, and in every
case of his striking an antelope the arrow penetrated through and
through.83 Again, on the 14th of the month of Rajab, Zafar
K͟hān had arranged a qamargah at Rāwalpindī. I
struck with an arrow a red deer at a long distance, and was highly
delighted at the arrow striking him and his falling down. Thirty-four
red deer and 35 qarā-qūyrūg͟h (black-tailed)
antelope, which in the Hindi language they call chikāra,
and two pigs were also killed. On the 21st another qamargah had been
arranged within three kos of the fort of Rohtas by the efforts and
exertions of Hilāl K͟hān. I had taken with me to this
hunt those who were screened by the curtains of honour (the members of
the zanānah). The hunt was a good one and came off with great
éclat. Two hundred red and white antelope were killed.
Passing on from Rohtas, the hills of which contain these antelope,
there are in no place in the whole of Hindustan, with the exception of
Girjhāk and Nandanah, red deer of this description. I ordered them
[130]to catch and keep some of them alive, in order
that possibly some of them might reach Hindustan for breeding purposes.
On the 25th another hunt took place in the neighbourhood of Rohtas. In
this hunt also my sisters and the other ladies were with me, and nearly
100 red deer were killed. It was told me that S͟hams
K͟hān, uncle of Jalāl K͟hān84 Gakkhar
who was in that neighbourhood, notwithstanding his great age took much
delight in hunting, such that young men had not so much enjoyment in
it. When I heard that he was well-disposed towards faqirs and dervishes
I went to his house, and his disposition and manners pleased me. I
bestowed on him 2,000 rupees, and the same sum on his wives and
children, with five other villages with large receipts by way of
livelihood for them, that they might pass their days in comfort and
contentment. On the 6th S͟haʿban, at the halting-place of
Chandālah, the Amīru-l-umarā came and waited on me. I
was greatly pleased at obtaining his society again, for all the
physicians, Hindu and Musulman, had made up their minds that he would
die. Almighty God in His grace and mercy granted him the honour of
recovery, in order that it might be known to such as do not recognize
His will that for every difficult ill, which those who look on the
outside of causes only may have given up as hopeless, there is One who
is powerful to provide a cure and remedy out of His own kindness and
compassion. On the same day Rāy Rāy Singh,85 one of
the most considerable of the Rajput Amirs, ashamed on account of the
fault he had committed in the matter of K͟husrau, and who was
living at his home, came, and under the patronage of the
Amīru-l-umarā obtained the good [131]fortune of waiting on
me; his offences were pardoned. At the time that I left Agra in pursuit
of K͟husrau I had in full confidence left him in charge of Agra,
so that when the ladies (maḥalhā)86 should
be sent for he might come with them. After the ladies were sent for he
went for two or three stages with them, and in the village of Mathura,
on merely hearing foolish tales, separated from them, and went to his
native place (Bikanir). He thought that as a commotion had arisen he
would see where the right road was. The merciful God, who cherishes His
servants, in a short time having arranged that affair broke the rope of
the alliance of those rebels, and this betrayal of his salt remained a
burden on his neck. In order to please the Amīru-l-umarā I
ordered the rank which he formerly held to be confirmed to him, and his
jagir to remain as it was. I promoted Sulaimān Beg, who was one of
my attendants from the time when I was prince, to the title of
Fidāʾī K͟hān. On Monday, the 12th, a halt was
made at the garden of Dil-āmīz, which is on the bank of the
river Ravi. I waited on my mother in this garden. Mīrzā
G͟hāzī, who had done approved service in command of the
army at Qandahar, waited on me, and I bestowed great favour on him.


On Tuesday, the 13th, I auspiciously entered Lahore. The
next day Mīr K͟halīlu-llah, son of
G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn Muḥammad,
Mīrmīrān, who was of the descendants of S͟hāh
Niʿmatu-llah Walī, paid his respects.87 In the
reign of S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp there was no family of such
greatness in the whole country, for the sister of the Shah, by name
Jānish Begam, was in the house of (married to) Mīr
Niʿmatu-llah, the father of the Mīrmīrān.
[132]A daughter who was born to them, the Shah gave
in marriage to his own son Ismaʿīl Mīrzā, and
making the sons of that Mīrmīrān sons-in-law, gave his
younger daughter to his eldest son, who had the same name as his
grandfather, and connected (in marriage) the daughter of
Ismaʿīl Mīrzā, who was born of the niece of the
Shah, to another son, Mīr K͟halīlu-llah. After the death
of the Shah, by degrees the family went to decay, until in the reign of
S͟hāh ʿAbbās they became all at once extirpated,
and they lost the property and effects that they had and could no
longer remain in their own place. Mīr K͟halīlu-llah came
to wait upon me. As he had undergone trouble on the road, and the signs
of sincerity were apparent from his circumstances, having made him a
sharer of my unstinted favours I gave him 12,000 rupees in cash, and
promoted him to the rank of 1,000 personal and 200 horse, and gave an
order for a jagir.


An order was given to the civil department
(dīwāniyān) to confer the rank of 8,000 personal
and 5,000 horse on my son K͟hurram, and to provide a jagir for him
in the neighbourhood of Ujjain, and to assign the Sarkar of
Ḥiṣār Fīrūza to him. On Thursday, the 22nd,
on the invitation of Āṣaf K͟hān, I went with my
ladies to his house and passed the night there. The next day he
presented before me his own offerings, of the value of ten lacs of
rupees, in jewels and jewelled things, robes, elephants, and horses.
Some single rubies and jacinths and some pearls, also silk cloths with
some pieces of porcelain from China and Tartary, were accepted, and I
made a present of the rest to him. Murtaẓā K͟hān
from Gujarat sent by way of offering a ring made of a single ruby of
good colour, substance, and water, the stone, the socket, and the ring
being all of one piece. They weighed 1½ tanks and one surkh,
which is equal to one misqal and 15 surkh. This was sent to me and much
approved. Till that day no one had ever heard of [133]such
a ring having come to the hands of any sovereign. A single ruby
weighing six surkhs or two tanks and 15 surkhs,88 and of
which the value was stated to be £25,000, was also sent. The ring
was valued at the same figure.


On the same day the envoy of the Sharif of Mecca came to
wait on me with a letter and the curtain of the door of the
Kaʿbah. He showed great friendship towards me. The said envoy had
bestowed on him 500,000 dām, equal to 7,000 or 8,000
rupees, and I resolved to send the Sharif the equivalent of 100,000
rupees of the precious things of Hindustan. On Thursday, the 10th of
the month, a piece of the Subah of Multan was added to the jagir of
Mīrzā G͟hāzī, though the whole of the province
of Thattah had been given to him in jagir. He was also promoted to the
rank of 5,000 personalty and 5,000 horse. The government of Qandahar
and the protection of that region, which is the frontier of Hindustan,
were assigned to his excellent administration. Conferring on him a robe
of honour and a jewelled sword I gave him his leave. In fine,
Mīrzā G͟hāzī possessed perfection,89 and he made also good verses. He used
Waqārī as his tak͟halluṣ, or poetic name
(Rūz-i-rūshan, Bhopal 1297, p. 455; also
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, vol. iii, p. 347). This is one
of his couplets:—




“If my weeping should cause her to smile, what
wonder?


Though the cloud weep, the cheek of the rose-bush
smiles.”




[134]


On the 15th the offering of the Khankhanan was presented
to me: 40 elephants, some jewelled and decorated vessels, some Persian
robes, and cloth that they make in the Deccan and those parts, had been
sent by him, altogether of the value of 150,000 rupees. Mīrzā
Rustam and most of the office-holders of that Subah had also sent good
offerings. Some of the elephants were approved. News of the death of
Rāy Durgā,90 who was one of those who had
been brought up by my revered father, arrived on the 18th of the month.
He had been in attendance for forty years and more in the position of
an Amīr on my revered father, until, by degrees, he had risen in
rank to 4,000. Before he obtained the good fortune of waiting on my
father he was one of the trusted servants of Rānā Ūday
Singh. He died on the 29th. He was a good military man.
Sult̤ān S͟hāh, the Afghan, whose disposition was
turbulent and mischievous, passed his time in the service of
K͟husrau, and had his complete intimacy, so much so that this
rebel was the cause of the running away of that unfortunate one. After
the defeat and capture of K͟husrau he went off alone(?)91 into the skirts of the hills of
K͟hiẓrābād and that region. At last he was made
prisoner by Mīr Mug͟hal, the karorī of that
place. As he had been the cause of the destruction and ruin of such a
son, I ordered them to shoot him with arrows on the plain of Lahore.
The aforesaid karorī was promoted to higher rank, and
was dignified with a grand dress of honour. On the 29th S͟hīr
K͟hān, the Afghan, who was one of my old servants, died. One
might say that he took his own life, because he was continually
drinking wine, to the extent that in every watch he used to drink four
brimming cups of arrack of double strength. He had broken the fast of
the Ramaẓān of the past year, [135]and took it into his
head this year that he would fast in the month of Shaʿbān on
account of his having broken the fast of Ramaẓān, and would
fast for two months together. In abandoning his usual custom, which is
a second nature, he became weak and his appetite left him, and becoming
very weak he passed away in his 57th year. Patronising his children and
brothers according to their circumstances, I bestowed on them a portion
of his rank and jagir.


On the 1st of the month of S͟hawwāl I went to
visit Maulānā Muḥammad Amīn, who was one of the
disciples of S͟haik͟h Maḥmūd Kamāngar (the
bow-maker). The S͟haik͟h Maḥmūd92
mentioned was one of the great men of his age, and H.M.
Humāyūn had entire reliance on him, so much so that he once
poured water on his hands. The aforesaid Maulānā is a man of
good disposition, and is free, notwithstanding the attachments and
accidents (of the world), a faqir in manner and ways, and acquainted
with brokenness of spirit. His company pleased me exceedingly. I
explained to him some of the griefs that had entangled themselves in my
mind and heard from him good advice and agreeable words, and found
myself greatly consoled at heart. Having presented him with 1,000
bīghā and 1,000 rupees in cash by way of maintenance,
I took leave. One watch of day had passed on Sunday when I left Lahore
on my way to the capital of Agra. Having made Qilīj
K͟hān governor, Mīr Qawāmu-d-dīn diwan,
S͟haik͟h Yūsuf bakhshi, and Jamālu-d-dīn
kotwal, and presented each according to his circumstances with dresses
of honour, I turned towards my desired way. On the 25th, having passed
over the river at Sult̤anpūr, I proceeded two kos and halted
at Nakodar. My revered father had given [136]S͟haik͟h
Abū-l-faẓl93 gold of the weight of 20,000
rupees to build an embankment between these two parganahs and prepare a
waterfall, and in truth I found a halting-place exceedingly pleasant
and fresh. I ordered Muʿizzu-l-mulk, the jagirdar of Nakodar, to
erect a building and prepare a garden on one side of this embankment,
so that wayfarers seeing it might be pleased. On Saturday, 10th
Ẕī-l-qaʿda, Wazīru-l-mulk, who before my ascension
had the good fortune to serve me, and was Diwan of my establishment,
died of diarrhœa. At the end of his life a son of evil fortune
(lit footsteps) had been born in his house, who in the space of forty
days ruined94 (Erskine has ‘ate’) both his father
and mother, and who himself died when he was two or three years old. It
occurred to me that the house of Wazīru-l-mulk must not all at
once be ruined, and patronising Manṣūr, his brother’s
son, I gave him rank. Indeed,95 he showed no love to me (the
scent of love did not come from him). On Monday, the 14th, I heard on
the road that between Panipat and Karnal there were two tigers that
were giving much trouble to wayfarers. I collected the elephants and
sent them off. When I arrived at their (the tigers’) place I
mounted a female elephant, and ordered them to place the elephants
round them after the manner of a qamargah (enclosure), and by the
favour of Allah killed both with a gun, and thus got rid of the raging
tigers that had closed the road to the servants of God. On Thursday,
[137]the 18th,96 I halted at Delhi and
alighted at the residence which Salīm K͟hān, the Afghan,
had made in the days of his rule in the middle of the river Jumna and
called Salīmgaḍh. My revered father had given the place to
Murtaẓā K͟hān, who was originally an inhabitant of
Delhi. The aforesaid K͟hān had built on the margin of the
river a terrace of stone excessively pleasant and bright. Below that
building97 near the water there was made a square
chaukandī with glazed tiles by the order of H.M.
Humāyūn, and there are few places with such air. In the days
when the late king Humāyūn honoured Delhi with his presence,
he often sat there with his intimates, and associated with the members
of his assemblies. I passed four days in that place, and with my
courtiers and intimates enjoyed myself with wine parties.
Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān, who was governor of Delhi,
presented offerings. The jagirdars and citizens also made offerings and
presents, each according to his circumstances. I was desirous to employ
some days in a qamargah hunt in the parganah of Pālam, which is
one of the places near the aforesaid city and one of the fixed
hunting-grounds. As it was represented to me that the (fortunate) hour
for approaching Agra had come very near, and another proper hour was
not to be obtained at all near that time, I gave up the intention, and
embarking on board a boat went on by water. On the 20th of the month of
Ẕī-l-qaʿda four boys and three girls, children of
Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, whom he had not mentioned to
my father, were brought. I placed the boys among my confidential
servants, and made over the girls to the attendants of the ladies of
the harem in order that they might look after them. On the 21st of the
same month Rājā Mān Singh came and waited on me
[138]from the fort of Rohtas, which is in the
province of Patna and Behar, after orders had been sent to him six or
seven times. He also, like K͟hān Aʿz̤am, is one of
the hypocrites and old wolves of this State. What they have done to me,
and what has happened to them from me, God the knower of secrets knows;
possibly no one could mention such another case(?). The aforesaid Raja
produced as offerings 100 elephants, male and female, not one of which
was fit to be included among my private elephants. As he was one of
those who had been favoured by my father, I did not parade his offences
before his face, but with royal condescension promoted him.


On this day they brought a talking jal (lark)
which distinctly said “Miyān
T̤ūt̤ī.” It was very strange and wonderful.
In Turki they call this bird turghai.98










1 The MSS.
have the 6th stage instead of “last.” ↑


2 This is
the famous K͟hān Jahān Lodī of S͟hāh
Jahān’s reign. ↑


3 Text,
ba dastūr. ↑


4 I.e.
built him up in it. ↑


5
Jahāngīr did not like the
K͟hānk͟hānān, and so here belittles his
services. ↑


6 During
S͟hāh Jahān’s reign, K͟hān Jahān
Lodī fled from Court, was pursued, and killed. ↑


7 Perhaps
the antelope’s name was Rāj, and the syllable man the
pronoun ‘my,’ when the translation would be ‘my
antelope Raj.’ See Elliot, vi, 302, and R.A.S. MS., No.
124. ↑


8 Perhaps
the Jandiāla of the Indian Gazetteer, vii, 137. ↑


9 Indian
Gazetteer, v, 239. ↑


10 Text
omits the negative. ↑


11 Text,
sūsanī; apparently a blue iris. ↑


12 The
text has s͟humār wrongly for s͟hiyār,
and it seems that the negative of the text is wrong, since it does not
occur in the MSS. Abū-l-faẓl gives the number of petals and
stamens more correctly than Jahāngīr. ↑


13 Az
tikka andāzī; perhaps ‘the cast of a
javelin.’ ↑


14 Lit.
‘have joined hands.’ ↑


15
Sih-barga; but this reading seems doubtful; perhaps it is
sīr-i-barga, full of leaves. Jahāngīr says that
to lay a carpet on the grass would be bī-dardī,
unfeeling, unsympathetic, and kam
salīqagī. ↑


16 The
text has naqs͟h bar jāy, but the true reading seems to
be nafīẓtar. ↑


17
ʿIlm-i-k͟halaʿ-i-badan, ‘withdrawal of the
soul from the body’ (Erskine). ↑


18 So in
text, but the MSS. and Elliot, vi, 307, have “on one of the
gates.” ↑


19 The
figures seem wrong, and the MSS. differ. See Elliot, vi, 307.
Apparently the correct sum in rupees is 34 lakhs 25,000. At p. 61 the
khani of Turan is reckoned at one-third of a rupee. If the dam be taken
at its ordinary value of one-fortieth of a rupee, the number of rupees
should be 40 lakhs 25,000, and if the khani of Turan be one-third of a
rupee we should read one kror instead of one arb. Probably
Jahāngīr has used arb as meaning kror, and not 100 krors.
There is a valuable note on his expedition through the Ghakkar country
in Blochmann, p. 486. Blochmann takes the figures for the rupees to be
four krors, but probably this is due to wrong pointing. ↑


20 The
MSS. and text have Pila or Pīla. I adopt Tīla from Blochmann,
p. 487, note. Elliot has Tillah, vi, 307, and note. ↑


21 In
Tolbort’s account of Lūdhiyāna, J.A.S.B. for 1869, p.
86, bhakhra is given as the name of a creeping plant
(Pedalium murex). ↑


22
Rūd-k͟hāna; this, according to Blochmann, should
be the river Kahan, k͟hāna being a mistake for Kahan.
See p. 487 note. But all the MSS. have
k͟hāna. ↑


23 See
Elliot, vi, 309 note. ↑


24
Būgyāls; Elliot, vi, 309. They are descendants of Sultān
Būgā. ↑


25 Paka is
mentioned in Tiefenthaler, i, 114. ↑


26 Khor;
Elliot, vi, 309 note. Near the Mānikyāla tope. ↑


27
K͟harbūza Sarāy is marked on Elphinstone’s
map. ↑


28 Mr.
Rogers has “The soul of the fool thou canst purchase for
little.” Perhaps the sense is “God grants life to the fool
on hard terms.” Erskine has “To serve a fool is hard
indeed.” Possibly the literal meaning is “You buy the soul
of the fool at a high price,” that is, it costs a great deal to
win him over. Elliot had what is probably the best rendering,
“Barbarous characters should be treated with severity”;
though in Elliot, vi, 310, the translation is, “The life of fools
is held very cheap in troublous times.” ↑


29
Apparently this remark must have been written after
Jahāngīr’s visit to Kashmir by the Bāramūla
route in the fourteenth year. ↑


30
Bhanwar, as Mr. Lowe has pointed out, means in Hindi an eddy or
whirlpool. ↑


31 William
Finch says that at Ḥasan Abdāl there were many fish with
gold rings in their noses hung by Akbar, and that the water is so clear
that you may see a penny in the bottom. Jahāngīr’s
informants were apparently not versed in hagiography. Bābā
Ḥasan Abdāl is apparently the saint who was an ancestor of
Maʿṣūm Bhakarī, and is buried at Qandahar. See
Beale, and Jarrett’s translation of the Āyīn, ii, 324
note. The Sikhs identify the place with their Bābā
Nānak. It is not a wife of Akbar who is buried at Ḥasan
Abdāl, but Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ and his
brother. ↑


32 Elliot
has Amardī, but the MSS. have Amrohī. The
Maʾās̤ir, ii, 755, has Āhrūʾī. See
Blochmann, p. 522. ↑


33 Az
t̤ag͟hyān farūd āmada. Perhaps the meaning
is exactly the opposite, viz. ‘had come down in violence.’
But if so, could a bridge have been made, and with eighteen boats? The
time was the 4th or 5th May. Elliot has “the Nīlāb was
very full.” ↑


34
According to the Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, iii, 376,
Maʿmūr is a village in Arabia. ↑


35 The
MSS. have ṣad instead of chand, i.e.
100. ↑


36 This
Āṣaf K͟hān is Qawāmu-d-dīn Jaʿfar
Beg and the No. iii of Blochmann, p. 411. Apparently his appointment as
Mir Bakhshi was made in 989 (1581), in which year Akbar went to Kabul.
Blochmann says Āṣaf K͟hān was made Mir Bakhshi in
the room of Qāẓī ʿAlī, and we find at p. 372
of A. N., iii, that Qāẓī ʿAlī
Bak͟hs͟hī was appointed in that year to the Panjab.
Twenty-eight years before 1016 (to the beginning of which
Jahāngīr is referring) yields 988. Basāwal is on right
bank of Kabul River below Jalālābād. ↑


37 Text
baulī, but the MSS. have lūlī, i.e.
dancing-girl. ↑


38
Generally spelt ballūt̤, either the oak or the
chestnut. Cf. Erskine’s Baber, p. 145. Sir Alexander Burnes calls
the ballūt̤ the holly. ↑


39 See
below, p. 52, where the Raʾīs or headman of
Chikrī is mentioned. ↑


40 Cf.
Erskine’s Baber, p. 145. ↑


41 The
fort of Pes͟h Bulāq is mentioned in the third volume of the
Akbar-nāma, p. 512. It is marked on the map of Afghanistan between
Daka and Jalālābād. ↑


42
Sic in text, but should be Jaunpūr as in the
MSS. ↑


43 There
was also a S͟hahr-bānū who was Bābar’s
sister. Bīka Begam was Bābar’s widow and the lady who
carried his bones to Kabul. ↑


44
Bakafs͟h-pāy, which Erskine renders ‘with
slippers on’ and Elliot ‘with his shoes
on.’ ↑


45
Bāyazīd Biyāt describes Humāyūn as holding a
cooking festival in Badak͟hs͟hān. See A.N., i,
translation, p. 496, n. 2. They cooked bug͟hra, which
appears to be macaroni. The text wrongly has raqẓ az
ʿis͟hq (love-dances). The real word, as the MSS. show, is
arg͟hus͟htaq, which is a kind of dance (not a
child’s game as in Johnson). It is described in Vullers, s.v., in
accordance with the account in the Burhān-i-qāt̤iʿ.
It is a dance by girls or young men, and is accompanied with singing
and with clapping of hands, etc. Probably it is the dance described by
Elphinstone in his account of Kabul, i, 311, where he says: “The
great delight of all the western Afghans is to dance the Attun or
Ghoomboor. From ten to twenty men or women stand up in a circle (in
summer before their houses and tents, and in winter round a fire); a
person stands within the circle to sing and play on some instrument.
The dancers go through a number of attitudes and figures; shouting,
clapping their hands, and snapping their fingers. Every now and then
they join hands, and move slow or fast according to the music, all
joining in chorus. When I was showed this, a love-song was sung to an
extremely pretty tune, very simple, and not unlike a Scottish
air.” Erskine’s translation is: “Custards and
confections were presented, and the amusements of dancing girls and
arghustak were introduced.” ↑


46 The
words seem to me to yield 1066, but if we read pajs͟hanba
instead of panjs͟hanba we get 1016, which is the Hijra date
of Jahāngīr’s entry into Kabul and corresponds to 4th
June, 1607. A marginal note on I.O.M. 305 makes the chronogram clear by
writing rūz-i-panchanba hiz͟hdah-i-Ṣafar,
thereby getting rid of the mīm and the yā of
hīz͟hdaham and bringing out the figures
1016. ↑


47
Evidently a kind of sheep. ↑


48 This is
a reference to Bābar’s Memoirs. ↑


49 A
juzʾ is said to consist of eight leaves or sixteen pages.
Does Jahāngīr mean that he wrote sixty-four
pages? ↑


50
Probably the sections which Jahāngīr wrote were those printed
in the Ilminsky edition and which bring the narrative down to
Bābar’s death. They seem to have been in great measure
copied from the Akbar-nāma. Jahāngīr does not say if he
wrote them when he was in Kabul or previously. According to Blochmann,
J.A.S.B. for 1869, p. 134, one juzʾ = two sheets of paper.
The passage is translated in Elliot, vi, 315. Though Jahāngīr
does not say when he wrote the four sections, I think that his language
implies that these additions were in the manuscript when he was looking
at it in Kabul. Perhaps he made them when he was a student in India,
and for the sake of practice in Turkī. He may have translated the
sections from the Akbar-nāma. All, I think, he did in Kabul was to
put the Turkī note, stating that the sections were his. But
possibly even this was done before. Elliot, vi, 315, has the words
“to complete the work,” but these words do not occur in the
MSS. that I have seen. The translation in Elliot, seems to represent
Jahāngīr’s words as meaning that the work was complete,
but that the four sections were not, like the rest, in
Bābar’s handwriting, and so Jahāngīr re-copied
them. But it does not appear that there could be any object in his
doing this. There is a valuable article in the Zeitschrift d. Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch. for 1883, p.
141, by Dr. Teufel, entitled “Bâbur und
Abû’l-faẓl,” in which the fragments in
Ilminsky are discussed. But the passage in the
Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī is not referred
to. ↑


51 The
text mentions a horse, but the MSS. have not this, and it seems to be a
mistake. ↑


52
Apparently the Shorkot of I.G., xii, 424. In the Rechnau Dūāb
(Jarrett, ii, 321). It is north of Multan and in the Jhang
district. ↑


53
I.G., v,
188. ↑


54 Perhaps
the ʿAlī Dūst K͟hān of Blochmann, p.
533. ↑


55 The
MSS. have Herat, and this is probably correct. ↑


56 That
is, apparently, Mīrzā S͟hādmān, but perhaps
the meaning is that Qarācha had sought a wife for his son among
the Hazāras, and not that he had himself married an Hazāra
woman. ↑


57 The
MSS. have “less than 1½ gaz by ⅛
(nīm-pāo).” ↑


58 Should,
I think, be Tattah, i.e. Sind. ↑


59
G͟haibāna, ‘secretly.’ But the phrase
merely means that the appointment was not made in the Emperor’s
presence. ↑


60 Text
bargas͟ht, ‘he turned round.’ But the MSS. have
chi rawis͟h-i-tūzukast, “What kind of
arrangement is this?” ↑


61
S͟hams͟hīr-i-sīk͟hakī,
‘pointed sword, poniard’? ↑


62 The
meaning of two words being used probably is that both Hindu and Persian
astrologers are referred to. Blochmann, p. 311, says that
S͟hāh-Jahān’s birthday was 30th
Rabīʿu-l-awwal. ↑


63 Lit.,
“His disposition had changed from
equability.” ↑


64
Gīlās is a cherry in Kashmiri. See Blochmann’s
Āyīn, p. 616. Abū-l-faẓl mentions in the
Āyīn (Blochmann, p. 66) that Akbar called gīlās
s͟hāh-ālū. ↑


65
Paywandī means ‘to graft,’ and possibly this is
the meaning here, but Steingass gives paywandī as part of
the name of a plum. The text seems to be corrupt, and perhaps what
Jahāngīr wrote was “the zard-ālū
resembles the
k͟hūbānī.” ↑


66 Text
has Yāqūt, but it is clear from the Iqbāl-nāma, p.
25, and from I.O. MS. 181 that the name is K͟hwāja
Tābūt, ‘the coffin K͟hwāja.’ The author
of the Iqbāl-nāma was the person sent to make the inquiry,
and he gives a long account of what he saw. A surgeon was sent with
him, as the K͟hwāja was said to have been martyred, and it
was necessary to report on the wounds. The coffin story is mentioned in
the Āyīn, i, 194. See Jarrett, ii, 409–10, but the
translation is not quite accurate, I think. The punctuation of the text
seems to me to be correct. It is characteristic of Jahāngīr
and the author of the Iqbāl-nāma that they take no notice of
the colossal figures at Bāmiyān, though Abū-l-faẓl
does. See Jarrett’s note. It is stated in the
Iqbāl-nāma that K͟hwāja Tābūt was said to
have been killed in the time of Chingīz K͟hān. If so,
the Sult̤ān Maḥmūd mentioned by Jahāngīr
must be Sult̤ān Maḥmūd
G͟horī. ↑


67 He was
appointed governor of Sehwān (Iqbāl-nāma, p.
27). ↑


68 The MSS
merely have “of a size that I had never seen before.”
Probably the text is corrupt, and the meaning may be “as big as a
head.” Bih is a quince, and perhaps this is what is meant
here. Or the meaning may be “equal to the biggest for
size.” Or sar may be a mistake for sih and the
meaning be “equal in size to three (ordinary
peaches).” ↑


69 I.O.
MS. 181 has Qarqara mountains. There is also the reading
K͟haraq. ↑


70
Blochmann, p. 31. ↑


71
Dūʾāba is mentioned as a stage by W.
Finch. ↑


72 The
text omits the word zinda, ‘alive.’ ↑


73 The
urdū or camp was probably not with Jahāngīr then,
and he thought that if he sent to it for the capture of 500 there would
be confusion. He therefore contented himself at the time with arresting
the ringleaders. There is a full account of the conspiracy in the
Iqbāl-nāma, p. 27, etc. ↑


74
Possibly the meaning is “his experience was greater than his
skill.” ↑


75 Lit.,
when he was smooth-faced, i.e. beardless. ↑


76 The
I.O. MSS. do not call him governor, and the names of the animals
captured differ in the MSS. from those given in the text. The latter
are obviously wrong, and I have discarded them. The
Iqbāl-nāma, p. 30, has Arzana as the name of the
hunting-ground. Erskine has Arzina. ↑


77 Erskine
has “many of the hounds were destroyed.”
Sagān-i-tāzī probably means greyhounds, whether
bred in Arabia or elsewhere. ↑


78
Blochmann, p. 377, and Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 642.
He was an Arg͟hūn. ↑


79 The
passage is obscure and the text is corrupt. Erskine’s translation
is: “His manners towards the soldiers is frank and gallant, but
not according to the rules of discipline, especially towards those who
have been or are in the wars with him. He is much flattered by his
servants, which gives him a light appearance.” Evidently Erskine
read udzī or nāz instead of bāz as
in the text, and the MSS. support his reading. I think, however, that
nāz kas͟hīdan means ‘to jest.’
Instead of the tā bamāndand of text the MSS. have
yā namāyand, the meaning being those soldiers who have
served him well, or are doing so. We learn from Blochmann, p. 378, that
S͟hāh Beg was “a frank Turk.” ↑


80 The
peculiarity of this year was that the lunar month and the solar month
of Akbar’s birth, viz. Rajab and Ābān, coincided, so
that there was a double celebration. ↑


81
Wajīhu-d-dīn was a famous Gujarat saint. He died in
998. ↑


82 The
word used by Jahāngīr, and which has been translated
‘repeat continually,’ is mudāwamat, and Erskine
understood it to mean that Jahāngīr hoped to prolong his life
by this exercise. ↑


83 Har
ahūʾī kih zad bar sar-i-tīr raft. The literal
rendering apparently is: “whenever an antelope was struck by him
the arrow entered up to its (the arrow’s) head.” Perhaps
the meaning simply is every arrow (or bullet) that he shot went
home. ↑


84
Jalāl K͟hān was a grandson of Sultān Ādam
(Blochmann, pp. 455 and 486). ↑


85 See
infra for another notice of him in the chapter on
Gujrat. ↑


86 One of
Jahāngīr’s wives was a daughter of Rāy Rāy
Singh (of Bikanir). See Blochmann, p. 310. ↑


87 See
Rieu, Cat. ii, p. 634. ↑


88 There
is evidently something wrong in the text, for a ruby weighing 6 surkhs
could not weigh 2 tanks and 15 surkhs. I.O. MS. 181 has barja
instead of surk͟h, but I do not know what this means.
Perhaps s͟has͟h-gūs͟ha,
‘hexagonal,’ was intended. This view is confirmed by the
Iqbāl-nāma, p. 31, which has s͟has͟h
pahlū, ‘six-sided.’ Erskine’s MS. also had
‘six-sided,’ and he translates “a six-sided ruby
which weighed two tangs fifteen surkhs.” I.O. MS.
305 has s͟has͟h pārcha, and it is evident that
this word, as also the barja of No. 181, is the
pārche of Steingass, which means a segment or
facet. ↑


89 This
remark about Mīrzā G͟hāzī, and also the
quotation, do not occur in the two I.O. MSS. ↑


90
Blochmann, p. 417. ↑


91
Bayaktā, but the I.O. MSS have batagpāy,
‘rapidly.’ ↑


92
Properly Zainu-d-dīn Maḥmūd. See the story in
Badayūnī, Ranking, p. 589; also Akbar-nāma translation,
i, 611, and Blochmann, p. 539 and note. ↑


93 I do
not know if this is the author. There appears to be no mention of the
construction in the Akbar-nāma. Nakodar is in the Jalandhar
district (I.G., x, 180, and Jarrett, ii. 317). Perhaps the two tombs at
Nakodar mentioned in I.G. as of Jahāngīr’s time are
those of Muqīm the Wazīru-l-mulk and his wife. See
Tūzuk, pp. 6 and 64. ↑


94
K͟hwurd, lit. ‘devoured.’ Apparently he refers
to the fact of the birth as a misfortune. I.O. MS. 181 has
sar-i-mādar u pidar rā k͟hwurd, and the A.S. 124
has s͟hīr-i-mādar u pidar-i-k͟hūd,
‘the milk of his own mother and father’! ↑


95 This is
given as a quotation in No. 181. ↑


96 This
should be the 17th if Monday was the 14th. ↑


97 The
MSS. seem to have mutaṣṣil-i-mab-i-chaukandī,
‘in shape like a chaukandī(?).’ It was from the roof
of this building that Humāyūn fell. ↑


98
Turg͟hai or turg͟hei is a thrush according to
Vambéry, and was the name of Timur’s father. Perhaps the
bird was the large mainā, the Bhīmrāj or
Bhringraj(?) of the Āyīn, Jarrett, ii, p. 125 and note. In
Scully’s Glossary, turghai is said to be the lark. The
text arranges the words differently from the MSS. They have
mus͟hak͟hk͟haṣ Miyān
T̤ūt̤ī gufta, and Erskine translates
‘which said clearly Miyān T̤ut̤ī.’ But
possibly Jahāngīr meant that it spoke clearly like a
parrot. ↑








[Contents]



The Third New Year’s Feast from my
Accession.






On Thursday, the 2nd Ẕī-l-ḥijja,
corresponding with the 1st Farwardīn (19th March, 1608), the Sun,
which enlightens and heats the world with its splendour, changed from
the constellation of Pisces to the joyful mansion of Aries, the abode
of pleasure and rejoicing. It gave the world fresh brightness, and
being aided by the Spring clothed those who had been plundered by the
cold season, and tyrannised over by the Autumn, with the robes of
honour of the New Year and the garments of emerald green, and gave them
compensation and recuperation.




“Again to Not-Being came the world’s
lord’s order,


‘Restore what thou hast
devoured.’”




[139]


The feast of the New Year was held in the village of
Rankatta,1 which is five kos off (from Agra), and at the time
of transit (of the sun) I seated myself on the throne with glory and
gladness. The nobles and courtiers and all the servants came forward
with their congratulations. In the same assembly I bestowed on
K͟hānjahān the rank of 5,000 personal and horse. I
selected K͟hwāja Jahān for the post of bakhshi.
Dismissing Wazīr K͟hān from the Viziership of the
province of Bengal, I sent in his place Abū-l-ḥasan
S͟hihābk͟hānī; and Nūru-d-dīn
Qulī became kotwal of Agra. As the glorious mausoleum of the late
king Akbar was on the road, it entered my mind that if in passing by I
should have the good fortune of a pilgrimage to it, it might occur to
those who were short-sighted that I visited it because it was the place
where my road crossed. I accordingly had determined that this time I
would enter Agra, and after that would go on foot on this pilgrimage to
the shrine, which is two and a half kos off, in the same way that the
Ḥaẓrat (my father), on account of my birth, had gone from
Agra to Ajmir. Would that I might also traverse the same on my head!
When two watches of day had passed of Saturday, the 5th2
of the month, at an auspicious hour, I returned towards Agra, and
scattering with two hands 5000 rupees in small coins on the way,
entered the august palace which was inside the fort. On this day
Rāja Bīr Singh Deo brought a white cheeta to show me.
Although other sorts [140]of creatures, both birds and beasts, have
white varieties, which they call
t̤ūyg͟hān,3 I had never
seen a white cheeta. Its spots, which are (usually) black, were of a
blue colour, and the whiteness of the body was also inclined to
bluishness. Of the albino animals that I have seen there are falcons,
sparrow-hawks, hawks (s͟hikara) that they call
bīgū4 in the Persian language,
sparrows, crows, partridges, florican, podna5
(Sylvia olivacea), and peacocks. Many hawks in aviaries are
albinos. I have also seen white flying mice (flying squirrels) and some
albinos among the black antelope, which is a species found only in
Hindustan. Among the chikāra (gazelle), which they call
safīda in Persia, I have frequently seen albinos. At this
time Ratan, son of Bhoj-hāra, who is one of the chief Rajput
nobles, came to the camp and waited on me, bringing three elephants as
an offering. One of these was much approved, and they valued it in the
office at 15,000 rupees. It was entered among my private elephants, and
I gave it the name of Ratangaj. The value of elephants of the former
great Rajas of India was not more than 25,000 rupees, but they have now
become very dear. I dignified Ratan with the title of Sarbuland
Rāy. I promoted Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān to the rank
of 5,000 personal and 1,500 horse and Muʿaz̤z̤am
K͟hān to 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse. ʿAbdu-llah
K͟hān was promoted to 3,000 and 500 horse. Muz̤affar
K͟hān and Bhāo Singh each obtained the rank of 2,000
personal and 1,000 horse. Abū-l-ḥasan diwan had 1,000 and
500 horse. Iʿtimādu-d-daulah that of 1,000 personal and 250
horse. On the 25th Rāja Sūraj Singh, the maternal uncle of my
son K͟hurram, came and paid his respects to me. He brought with
him Shyām, the cousin of the turbulent [141]Umrā. In truth he possesses some skill and
understands well how to ride elephants. Rāja Sūraj Singh had
brought with him a poet who wrote verse in the Hindi tongue. He laid
before me a poem in my praise to the purport that if the Sun had a son
it would be always day and never would be night, because after his
setting that son would sit in his place and keep the world in light.
Praise and thanksgiving to God that God gave your father such a son
that after his death men should not wear mourning which is like the
night. The Sun had envy on this account, saying, “Would I might
also have a son who, taking my place, should not allow night to
approach the world, for from the light of your rising and the
illumination of your justice, notwithstanding such a misfortune, the
spheres are so bright that one might say ‘night had neither name
nor sign.’” Few Hindi verses of such freshness of purport
have ever reached my ear. As a reward for this eulogy I gave him an
elephant. The Rajputs call a poet Chāran (name of a caste who are
many of them poets). One of the poets of the age has turned6
these sentiments into (Persian) verse—




“If the world-illuminator had a son,


There would be no night; it would be always day;


For when his gold-crowned head was hidden


His son would display his tiara peak.


Thanks that after such a father


Such a son sits in his place.


For from the demise of that king


No one made black robes for mourning.”




On Thursday, the 8th Muḥarram, 10177
(24th April, 1608), Jalālu-d-dīn Masʿūd, who held
the rank of 400 personal and was not wanting in bravery, and who in
several battles had done great deeds, died at about the age of 50 or 60
years of diarrhœa. He was an opium-eater, and used to eat opium
after breaking it in pieces, like [142]cheese, and it is notorious
that he frequently ate opium from the hand of his own mother. When his
disease became violent and there was a prospect of his death, his
mother from excessive love for him ate more opium than was right out of
that which she used to give her son, and two or three hours after his
death she also died. I have never heard of such affection on the part
of a mother for her son. It is the custom among the Hindus that after
the death of their husbands women burn themselves, whether from love,
or to save the honour of their fathers, or from being ashamed before
their sons-in-law, but nothing like this was ever manifested on the
part of mothers, Musulman or Hindu. On the 15th of the same month I
presented my best horse by way of favour to Rāja Mān Singh.
S͟hāh ʿAbbās had sent this horse with some other
horses and fitting gifts by Minūchihr, one of his confidential
slaves, to the late king Akbar. From being presented with this horse
the Raja was so delighted that if I had given him a kingdom I do not
think he would have shown such joy. At the time they brought the horse
it was three or four years old. It grew up in Hindustan. The whole of
the servants of the Court, Moghul and Rajput together, represented that
no horse like this had ever come from Iraq to Hindustan. When my
revered father gave the province of Khandesh and the Subah of the
Deccan to my brother Dāniyāl, and was returning to Agra, he
by way of kindness told Dāniyāl to ask of him whatever he
desired. Seizing the opportunity, he asked for this horse, and he
accordingly gave it to him. On Tuesday, the 20th, a report came from
Islām K͟hān with the news of the death of
Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, the governor of the Subah
of Bengal, who was my special slave. On account of his natural
excellence and innate merit he had been enrolled in the list of the
great Amirs. I was much grieved at his death. I bestowed the rule of
Bengal and the tutorship [143]to Prince Jahāndār on my
farzand8 Islām K͟hān, and in his place
gave the government of the Subah of Behar to Afẓal
K͟hān (son of Abū-l-faẓl). The son of
Ḥakīm ʿAlī, whom I had sent on some duties to
Burhanpur, came and brought with him some Karnatic jugglers who had no
rivals or equals; for instance, one of them played with ten balls, each
of which was equal to an orange and one to a citron, and one to a
surk͟h,9 in such a way that
notwithstanding some were small and some large he never missed one, and
did so many kinds of tricks that one’s wits became bewildered. At
the same time a dervish from Ceylon came and brought a strange animal
called a deonak10 (or devang). Its face
was exactly like a large bat, and the whole shape was like that of a
monkey, but it had no tail. Its movements were like those of the black
tailless monkey which they call ban mānus͟h (jungle
man) in the Hindi language. Its body was like that of a young monkey
two or three months old. It had been with the dervish for five
years.11 It appeared that the animal would never grow
larger. Its food is milk and it also eats plantains. As the creature
appeared very strange, I ordered the artists to take a likeness of it
in various kinds of movement. It looked very ugly.


On the same day Mīrzā Farīdūn
Barlās was promoted to the rank of 1,500 personal and 1,300 horse.
An order was given that Pāyanda12
K͟hān Moghul, as he had reached old age after exerting
himself as a soldier, should receive a jagir equal to 2,000 personal.
Ilf K͟hān was promoted to the rank of 700 personal and 500
horse. The rank of Islām K͟hān, my son (farzand),
[144]the governor of the Subah of Bengal, was fixed
at 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse. The guardianship of the fort of
Rohtas was bestowed on Kis͟hwar K͟hān, son of
Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka. Ihtimām
K͟hān was raised to the rank of 1,000 personal and 300 horse,
and made mīr baḥr (admiral) and was appointed to the
charge of the nawāra (fleet) of Bengal. On the 1st
Ṣafar S͟hamsu-d-dīn K͟hān, son of
K͟hān Aʿz̤am, made an offering of ten elephants,
and, receiving the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, was selected
for the title of Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, and
Z̤afar K͟hān received the rank of 2,000 personal and
1,000 horse. As I had demanded in marriage the daughter of Jagat Singh,
eldest son of Rāja Mān Singh, I on the 16th sent 80,000
rupees for the sāchaq (a marriage present) to the house of
the aforesaid Raja in order to dignify him. Muqarrab K͟hān
sent from the port of Cambay a European curtain (tapestry), the like of
which in beauty no other work of the Frank painters had ever been seen.
On the same day my aunt, Najību-n-nisā Begam,13 died in the 61st year of her age of the disease
of consumption and hectic fever. I promoted her son, Mīrzā
Wālī, to the rank of 1,000 personal and 200 horse. A man of
Māwarāʾa-n-nahr, of the name of Aqam
Ḥājī, who for a long time had been in Turkey and was
not without reasonableness and religious knowledge, and who called
himself the ambassador of the Turkish Emperor, waited upon me at Agra.
He had an unknown writing (? illegible letter). Looking to his
circumstances and his proceedings none of the servants of the Court
believed in his being an ambassador. When Tīmūr conquered
Turkey, and Yildirīm Bāyazīd, the ruler [145]of
that place, fell alive into his hands, he, after levying tribute and
taking one year’s revenue, determined to hand back into his
possession the whole of the country of Turkey. Just at that time
Yildirīm Bāyazīd died, and (Tīmūr), having
handed over the kingdom to his son Mūsā Chelebī,
returned. From that time until now, notwithstanding such favours, no
one had come on the part of the emperors, nor has any ambassador been
sent: how, then, can it now be believed that this person from
Māwarāʾa-n-nahr should have been sent by the emperor? I
could in no way understand the affair, and no one could bear witness to
the accuracy of his claim: I therefore told him to go wherever he might
wish. On the 4th Rabīʿu-1-awwal the daughter of Jagat Singh
entered the harem, and the marriage ceremony was performed in the house
of Her Highness Maryam-zamānī. Amongst the things sent with
her by Rāja Mān Singh were 60 elephants.


As I had determined to conquer the Rānā, it
occurred to me that I should send Mahābat K͟hān. I
appointed 12,000 fully armed cavalry under able officers to go with
him, and in addition 500 ahadis, 2,000 musketeers on foot, with
artillery made up of 70 to 80 guns mounted on elephants and camels; 60
elephants were appointed to this duty. Two million rupees of treasure
were ordered to be sent with this army. On the 16th of the said month
Mīr K͟halīlu-llah, grandson of Mīr
Niʿmatu-llah Yazdī, the whole of whose circumstances and
family history has already been written, died of diarrhœa. In his
appearance the traces of sincerity and dervishhood were
manifest. If he had lived and passed a long time in my
service he would have risen to high rank. The bakhshi of Burhanpur had
sent some mangoes, one of which I ordered to be weighed; it came to
52½ tolas. On Wednesday, the 18th, in the house of
Maryam-zamānī, the feast of the lunar weighing of my 40th
year [146]was held. I ordered the money used in weighing
to be divided amongst women and needy persons. On Thursday, the 4th
Rabīʿu-l-āk͟hir, T̤āhir Beg, the bakhshi
of the Ahadis, was given the title of Muk͟hliṣ
K͟hān, and Mullā-i-Taqiyyā
S͟hūstarī,14 who was adorned with
excellencies and perfections, and was well acquainted with the science
of history and genealogy, that of Muʾarrik͟h K͟hān.
On the 10th of the same month, having given Bark͟hūrdār,
the brother of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, the title of
Bahādur K͟hān, I dignified him among his fellows.
Mūnis K͟hān, son of Mihtar K͟hān, presented me
with a jug of jasper (jade), which had been made in the reign of
Mīrzā Ulug͟h Beg Gūrgān, in the honoured name
of that prince. It was a very delicate rarity and of a beautiful shape.
Its stone was exceedingly white and pure. Around the neck of the jar
they had carved the auspicious name of the Mīrzā and the
Hijra year in riqāʿ15 characters.
I ordered them to inscribe my name and the auspicious name of Akbar on
the edge of the lip of the jar. Mihtar16
K͟hān was one of the ancient slaves of this State. He had the
honour of serving the late king Humāyūn, and during the reign
of my revered father had attained the rank of nobility. He regarded him
as one of his confidential servants. On the 16th a firman was issued
that the country of Sangrām,17 which had been given for a
year by way of reward to my son (farzand) Islām
K͟hān, should be handed over for the same purpose for a year
to Afẓal K͟hān, the governor of the Subah of Behar. On
this day I promoted Mahābat K͟hān to the rank of 3,000
personal and 2,500 horse, and Yūsuf K͟hān, son of
Ḥusain K͟hān Tukriyah, obtained that of 2,000
[147]personal and 800 horse. On the 24th I gave leave
to Mahābat K͟hān and the Amirs and men who had been
appointed to subdue the Rānā. The aforesaid K͟hān
was honoured with a robe of honour, a horse, a special elephant, and a
jewelled sword. Zafar K͟hān, having been honoured with a
standard, was presented with a private robe of honour and a jewelled
dagger. S͟hajāʿat K͟hān also was presented
with a standard, and I gave him a robe of honour and a special
elephant. Rāja Bīr Singh Deo received a robe of honour and a
special horse, and Manglī K͟hān a horse and jewelled
dagger. Narāyan Dās Kachhwāhah, ʿAlī Qulī
Darman, and Hizabr K͟hān Tahamtan obtained leave. On
Bahādur K͟hān and Muʿizzu-l-mulk the bakhshi
jewelled daggers were conferred, and in the same manner all the Amirs
and leaders, each one according to his degree, were honoured with royal
gifts. A watch of the day had passed when the Khankhanan, who had been
selected for the high honour of my Ātālīq (guardian),
came from Burhanpur and waited on me. Delight and happiness had so
overpowered him that he did not know whether he came on his head or his
feet. He threw himself bewildered at my feet. By way of favour and
kindness I lifted up his head and held it in an embrace of kindliness
and affection, and kissed his face. He brought me as offerings two
strings of pearls and some rubies and emeralds. The value of the jewels
was 300,000 rupees. Besides these he laid before me many valuable
things. On the 17th Jumādā-l-awwal Wazīr
K͟hān, the Diwan of Bengal, came and waited on me, and
offered 60 elephants, male and female, and one Egyptian18 ruby. As he was one of the old servants and he
performed every duty, I ordered him to remain in attendance on me. As
Qāsim K͟hān and his elder brother, Islām
K͟hān, could in no way [148]keep the peace together, I
had sent for the former to my own presence, and he yesterday came and
waited on me. On the 22nd, Āṣaf K͟hān, made me an
offering of a ruby of the weight of seven ṭānk, which
Abū-l-qāsim, his brother, had bought in the port of Cambay
for 75,000 rupees. It is of a beautiful colour and well-shaped, but to
my belief is not worth more than 60,000 rupees. Great faults had been
committed by Dulīp Rāy, son of Rāy Rāy Singh, but
as he took refuge with my farzand K͟hān Jahān his
offences were pardoned, and I knowingly and purposely passed over his
delinquencies. On the 24th the sons of
K͟hānk͟hānān, who had followed after him,
arrived and waited on me and produced as an offering the sum of 25,000
rupees. On the same day the said K͟hān offered 90 elephants.
On Thursday, the 1st Jumādā-s̤-s̤ānī, the
feast of my solar year was celebrated in the house of
Maryam-zamānī. Some of the money I divided among the women,
and an order was given that the balance should be distributed to the
poor of the hereditary kingdoms. On the 4th of the month I ordered the
Diwans to give a jagir, according to his rank, of 7,000 rupees to
K͟hān Aʿz̤am.


On this day a female antelope in milk was brought that
allowed itself to be milked with ease, and gave every day four seers of
milk. I had never seen or heard of anything of the kind before. The
milk of the antelope, of the cow, and the buffalo in no way differs.
They say it is of great use in asthma. On the 11th of the month
Rāja Mān Singh asked for leave to complete the army of the
Deccan to which he had been appointed, as well as to visit Amber, his
native place. I gave him a male elephant of my own called
Hus͟hyār-mast, and gave him leave. On Monday, the 12th, as it
was the anniversary of the death of the late king Akbar, in addition to
the expenses of that entertainment, which are fixed separately, I sent
4,000 rupees more to be divided among the faqirs and [149]dervishes who are present in the enlightened
mausoleum of the venerated one. On that day I exalted ʿAbdu-llah,
the son of K͟hān Aʿz̤am, with the title of
Sarfarāz K͟hān, and ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, son
of Qāsim K͟hān, with that of Tarbiyat K͟hān.
On Tuesday, the 13th, I sent for K͟husrau’s daughter, and
saw a child so like her father as no one can remember to have seen. The
astrologers used to say that her advent would not be auspicious to her
father, but would be auspicious to me. At last it became known that
they had augured rightly. They said that I should see her after three
years. I saw her when she had passed this age. On the 21st of the month
K͟hānk͟hānān determined to clear out the
province of the Nizāmu-l-mulk, into which, after the death of the
late king Akbar, some disturbances had found their way, and stated in
writing that “If I do not complete this service in the course of
two years, I shall be guilty (of a fault), on the condition that in
addition to the force that had been allotted to that Subah 12,000 more
horse with 1,000,000 rupees should be sent with me.” I ordered
that materials for the army and the treasure should be quickly
prepared, and he should be despatched. On the 26th Muk͟hliṣ
K͟hān, bakhshi of the ahadis, was appointed bakhshi of the
Subah of the Deccan, and I bestowed his place on Ibrāhīm
Ḥusain K͟hān, the Mīr Baḥr. On the 1st
Rajab, Pīs͟hrau K͟hān and Kamāl
K͟hān, who belonged to the servants who were in constant
attendance on me (rū-s͟hinās), died.
S͟hāh Tahmāsp had given Pīs͟hrau
K͟hān as a slave to my grandfather, and he was called
Saʿādat. When he was promoted in the service of the late king
Akbar to the daroghahship and superintendence of the
farrās͟hk͟hāna (carpet department), he
obtained the title of Pīs͟hrau. He was so well acquainted
with this service that one might say it was a garment they had sewn on
the stature of his capacity. When he was 90 years old he was quicker
than lads of 14. He had the good fortune [150]to serve my
grandfather, my father, and me. Until he breathed his last he was never
for a moment without the intoxication of wine.




“Besmeared with wine
Fig͟hānī19 went to the dust.


Alas! if the angels20 smelt his fresh
shroud!”




He left 1,500,000 rupees. He has one very stupid
son, called Riʿāyat. On account of his father’s claims
for services performed, I gave the superintendence of half the
farrashkhana to him and the other half to Tuk͟hmāq
K͟hān. Kamāl K͟hān was one of the slaves
sincerely devoted to my service; he is of the caste of the Kalāls
of Delhi. On account of the great honesty and trustworthiness that he
had shown I made him bakāwal-begī (chief of the
kitchen). Few such servants are ever met with. He had two sons, to both
of whom I showed great kindness, but where are there others like him?
On the 2nd of the said month Laʿl21
Kalāwant, who from his childhood had grown up in my father’s
service, who had taught him every breathing and sound that appertains
to the Hindi language, died in the 65th or 70th year of his age. One of
his girls (concubines) ate opium on this event and killed herself. Few
women among the Musulmans have ever shown such fidelity.


In Hindustan, especially in the province of
Sylhet,22 which is a dependency of Bengal, it was the
custom for the people of those parts to make eunuchs of some of their
sons and give them to the governor in place of revenue
(māl-wājibī). This custom by degrees has been
adopted in other provinces, and every year some children are thus
[151]ruined and cut off from procreation. This
practice has become common. At this time I issued an order that
hereafter no one should follow this abominable custom, and that the
traffic in young eunuchs should be completely done away with.
Islām K͟hān and the other governors of the Subah of
Bengal received firmans that whoever should commit such acts should be
capitally punished, and that they should seize eunuchs of tender years
who might be in anyone’s possession. No one of the former kings
had obtained this success. Please Almighty God, in a short time this
objectionable practice will be completely done away with, and the
traffic in eunuchs being forbidden, no one shall venture on this
unpleasant and unprofitable proceeding. I presented the
K͟hānk͟hānān with a bay horse out of those
sent me by S͟hāh ʿAbbās; it was the head of the
stable of my private horses. He was so rejoiced over it that it would
be difficult to describe. In truth a horse of this great size and
beauty has hardly come to Hindustan. I also gave him the elephant
Futūḥ, that is unrivalled in fighting, with twenty other
elephants. As Kis͟han Singh, who was accompanying Mahābat
K͟hān, performed laudable service, and was wounded in the leg
by a spear in the fight with the Rānā’s men, so that
about twenty noblemen of his were killed and about 3,000 made captive,
he was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. On the
14th of the same month I gave an order for Mīrzā
G͟hāzī to betake himself to Qandahar. A strange
occurrence was that as soon as the aforesaid Mīrzā started
from Bakhar for that province the news of the death of Sardār
K͟hān, the governor of that place, came. Sardār
K͟hān was one of the permanent and intimate attendants of my
uncle Muhammad Ḥakīm, and was known as Tuk͟hta23 Beg. I gave half his rank (the pay of it) to his
sons. On Monday, the 17th, I went on [152]foot on my pilgrimage
to the enlightened mausoleum of the late king. If it had been possible,
I would have traversed this road with my eyelashes and head. My revered
father, on account of my birth, had gone on foot on a pilgrimage to the
shrine of K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn Sanjari
Chis͟htī, from Fatḥpūr to Ajmir, a distance of 120
kos: if I should traverse this road with my head and eyes, what should
I have done? When I was dignified with the good fortune of making this
pilgrimage, I saw the building that had been erected in the cemetery.
It did not come up to my idea of what it ought to be, for that would be
approved which the wayfarers of the world should point to as one the
like of which was not in the inhabited world. Inasmuch as at the time
of erecting the aforesaid building the affair of the ill-starred
K͟husrau took place, I started for Lahore, and the architects had
built it after a design of their own. At last a certain expenditure was
made until a large sum was expended, and work went on for three or four
years. I ordered that experienced architects should again lay the
foundations, in agreement with men of experience, in several places, on
a settled plan. By degrees a lofty building was erected, and a very
bright garden was arranged round the building of the shrine, and a
large and lofty gateway with minarets of white stone was built. On the
whole they told me the cost of this lofty edifice was 1,500,000 rupees,
equivalent to 50,000 current tumans of Persia and 4,500,000 khanis,
according to the currency of Tūrān.


On Sunday, the 23rd, I went with a band of courtiers who
had not seen it to look at the reservoir in the house of
Ḥakīm ʿAlī like one that had been made at Lahore
in the time of my father. The reservoir is 6 gaz by 6 gaz. At its side
has been erected a well-lighted room, the entrance to which is through
the water, but the water does not get into it. Ten or twelve people
could meet in it. He made an offering of some [153]of
the cash and jewels that had accumulated24 in his
time. After looking at the room, and the entering of a number of
courtiers therein, I raised him to the rank of 2,000, and returned to
the palace. On Sunday, the 14th S͟haʿbān, the
K͟hānk͟hānān was honoured with a jewelled
sword for the waist, a robe of honour, and a special elephant, and was
given leave to go to his duty in the Deccan. Rāja Sūraj
Singh, who was attached to him in that service, was raised to the rank
of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. As it was again represented to me
that oppression was being committed by the brethren and attendants of
Murtazā K͟hān on the ryots and people of Ahmadabad in
Gujarat, and that he was unable properly to restrain his relations and
people about him, I transferred the Subah from him and gave it to
Aʿz̤am K͟hān, and it was settled that the latter
should attend at court, and that his eldest son Jahāngīr
Qulī K͟hān should go to Gujarat as his deputy. The rank
of Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān was fixed at 3,000
personal and 2,500 horse. An order was given that in company with Mohan
Dās dīwān and Masʿūd Beg
Hamaẕānī bak͟hs͟hī he should carry on
the business of the province. Mohan Dās was promoted to the rank
of 800 with 500 horse, and Masʿūd Beg to 300 with 150 horse.
Tarbiyat K͟hān, one of the personal servants, was given the
rank of 700 with 400 horse, and Naṣru-llah the same. Mihtar
K͟hān, whose circumstances have been related, died at this
time, and I promoted his son Mūnis K͟hān to the rank of
500 personal and 130 horse. On Wednesday, the 4th
Ẕī-l-ḥijja, K͟husrau had a son born to him by the
daughter of the K͟hān Aʿz̤am, and I gave him the
name of Buland-ak͟htar. On the 6th of the same month Muqarrab
K͟hān sent a picture (with a report) that the [154]belief of the Franks was this, that the picture
was that of Tīmūr. At the time when Yildirīm
Bāyazīd was taken prisoner by his victorious army, a
Nazarene, who at that time was ruler25 of
Constantinople, had sent an ambassador with gifts and presents in token
of submission and service, and an artist who had been sent with the
ambassador took his likeness and brought it away. If this story were
true, no better gift could be presented to me. But as the picture had
no resemblance to any of his descendants I was not satisfied of the
truth of the statement.










1
Blochmann, p. 332. Sikandra, Akbar’s tomb, lies half-way between
Rankattah and Agra. Tiefenthaler, i, 206, gives the name as Runcta, and
says it is a famous place, as Rām there took the figure of Paras
Rām. Jarrett, ii, 180, has Rangtah, and it is there described as a
village on the Jumna, near the city, and a much frequented place of
worship. The Agra volume of the N.W.P. Gazetteer, p. 764, spells it
Runkutta, and says it is 9 miles north-west of Agra. See also
Maʾās̤ir, ii, 407, art. Ṣaʿid
K͟hān, where mention is made of Rankatta and
Hilālābād, and Blochmann, p. 332. ↑


2 If
Thursday was the 2nd, Saturday would be the 4th. He went first to Agra
from Rangta, apparently. ↑


3
T̤ūyg͟hun or t̤ūyg͟hun is
given in Zenker as Turkī for the white falcon. See Elliot, vi,
317. ↑


4
Bīg͟hū, which is given in Zenker, is Turkī.
The text has līfū. The I.O. MSS. have
bīgū. ↑


5 Should
be būdana, ‘quail.’ ↑


6
Apparently this is a translation from the Hindi. ↑


7 Text
wrongly has 1014. ↑


8
Jahāngīr calls Islām farzand because he was the
son of his foster-brother. Jahāngīr Qulī means
‘slave of Jahāngīr.’ ↑


9 The seed
of Abrus precatorius. ↑


10 Or
devtaq. Qu. devanāyak? The MSS. have
yūnk and wabūnk. The text is corrupt and has
converted the word for ‘bat’ into a
‘lamb.’ ↑


11 The
text is corrupt. ↑


12
Blochmann, p. 387. ↑


13 Sister
of Mīrzā Ḥakīm, also known as
Fak͟hru-n-nisā (Blochmann, p. 322). The MSS. have
Bak͟htu-n-nisā, and it would seem that the
Najību-n-nisā of the text is a wrong reading. See Gulbadan
Begam’s Memoirs, p. 214. ↑


14 Text
wrongly has S͟hams͟hīrī. The MSS. have
S͟hūstarī, and this is right. See Blochmann, pp. 208,
209, and 518. ↑


15
Riqāʿ is a kind of writing (Blochmann, pp. 99,
100). ↑


16
Blochmann, p. 417. His name was Anīsu-d-dīn. ↑


17 This
must be Rāja Sangrām of K͟harakpur, who had been a
rebel. See Blochmann, p. 446 and note. ↑


18 Text
Qutbī, but I think the word is Qibt̤ī,
‘Egyptian.’ ↑


19
Fig͟hānī was a famous poet and also a drunkard. See
Rieu, ii, p. 651, and Sprenger, Oude Cat., p. 403.
Fig͟hānī also means lamentation, and there is a
play in the couplet on the double meaning. ↑


20 In the
Elliot MSS., B.M., the second line is translated “Alas! if the
angels made his shroud of another kind of odour!” The angels
meant are Nakīr and Munkar. ↑


21
Blochmann, p. 612. ↑


22 Cf.
Jarrett, ii, p. 122. ↑


23
Blochmann, p. 469. ↑


24
“What money and articles he could produce at the time”
(Elliot, vi, 320). ↑


25
Apparently the person spoken of as a Nazarene (Christian) was the
Emperor of Constantinople. Can this picture be the original of that
prefixed to White & Davey’s translation of
Tīmūr’s Institutes? ↑








[Contents]



The Fourth New Year’s Feast after the Auspicious
Accession.






The passing of the great star that illumines the
world into the constellation of Aries took place on the night of
Saturday, the 14th Ẕī-l-ḥijja, in Hijra 1017 (21st
March, 1609), and New Year’s Day that made brilliant the world
began with good auspices and rejoicing. On Friday, the 5th
Muḥarram, in the year 1018, Ḥakīm ʿAlī died.
He was an unrivalled physician; he had derived much profit from Arabic
sciences. He had written a commentary on the Canon (of Avicenna) in the
time of my revered father. He had greater diligence than understanding,
just as his appearance was better than his disposition, and his
acquirements better than his talents; on the whole he was bad-hearted,
and of an evil spirit. On the 20th Ṣafar I dignified
Mīrzā Bark͟hūrdār with the title of
K͟hān ʿĀlam. They brought from the neighbourhood of
Fatḥpūr a water-melon, greater than any I had ever seen. I
ordered them to weigh it, and it came to 33 seers. On Monday, the 19th
Rabīʿu-l-awwal, the feast of my annual lunar weighing
[155]was arranged in the palace of my revered mother;
a part of the money was divided among the women who had assembled there
on that day.


As it had been evident that in order to carry on the
affairs of the State in the Subah of the Deccan it was necessary to
send one of the princes there, it came into my mind to send my son
Parwīz there. I ordered them to send his equipments and fix the
hour for his departure. I summoned to Court Mahābat
K͟hān, who had been nominated to the command of the army
against the rebel Rānā to arrange certain matters at
headquarters, and appointed in his place ʿAbdu-llah
K͟hān, whom I exalted with the title of Fīrūz-jang.
I sent ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq bak͟hs͟hī to carry an
order to all the mansabdars of that army not to depart from the orders
of the aforesaid K͟hān, and to pay every heed to his thanks
and blame. On the 4th Jumādā-l-awwal one of the goatherds,
who are a particular tribe, brought before me a gelded goat that had
teats like a female, and gave every day sufficient milk to take with a
cup of coffee.1 As milk is one of the favours of Allah, and
the source which nourishes many animals, I looked on this strange
affair as an omen for good. On the 6th of the same month, having given
him the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, I sent K͟hurram,
son of K͟hān Aʿz̤am, to the government of the
province of Sorath, which is known as Jūnagaḍh (in
Kathiyawād). I honoured2 Ḥakīm
Ṣadrā with the title of Masihu-z-zamān, and gave him
the rank of 500 personal and 30 horse. On the 16th a jewelled
waist-sword was sent to Rāja Mān Singh. On the 22nd, having
handed over 2,000,000 rupees for the expenses of the army of the
Deccan, which had been ordered for Parwīz, to a separate
treasurer, 500,000 rupees more were given for [156]the
private expenses of Parwīz. On the 25th, Wednesday,
Jahāndār (his son), who previously to this had been
appointed, together with Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka,
to Bengal, came and waited on me. In reality it became known to me that
he was a born devotee.3 As my mind was taken up with the
preparations for the Deccan, on the 1st
Jumādā-l-āk͟hir I nominated the
Amīru-l-umarā as well to that duty. He was honoured with the
favour of a robe of honour and a horse. Having promoted Karam Chand,
son of Jagannāth, to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, I
sent him in company with Parwīz. On the 4th of the month 370 ahadi
horse were appointed with ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān to the
assistance of the army employed against the Rānā. One hundred
horses were also despatched from the government stables to be given as
he thought proper to the mansabdars and ahadis. On the 17th I gave a
ruby of the value of 60,000 rupees to Parwīz, and another ruby
with two single pearls, worth about 40,000 rupees, to K͟hurram. On
Monday, the 28th, Jagannāth was promoted to the rank of 5,000
personal and 3,000 horse, and on the 8th of Rajab, Rāy Jāy
Singh was promoted to that of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and was
dismissed for service in the Deccan. On Thursday, the 9th, Prince
S͟hahriyār from Gujarat came and waited on me. On Tuesday,
the 4th, I despatched my son Parwīz on the service of conquering
the country of the Deccan. He was presented with a robe of honour, a
special horse, a special elephant, a sword, and a jewelled dagger. The
Sardars and Amirs who were appointed with him each according to his
condition received and were made happy with the favour of a horse, a
robe of honour, an elephant, a sword, and a jewelled dagger. I
appointed 1,000 ahadis to be in [157]attendance on Parwīz for
the service of the Deccan. On the same day a representation came from
ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān that having pursued the rebel
Rānā into the hill country into rough places, he had captured
several of his elephants and horses. When night came on he had escaped
with difficulty with his life. As he had made things go hard with him,
he would soon be taken prisoner or killed. I promoted the said
K͟hān to the rank of 5,000 personal, and a rosary of pearls,
worth 10,000 rupees, was given to Parwīz. As I had given the
province of K͟handesh and Berar to the said son, I also conferred
on him the fort of Āsīr, and 300 horse were sent with him to
be given to ahadis, mansabdars, and whomever else he might consider
worthy of favour. On the 26th, Saif K͟hān Bārha was
given the rank of 2,500 personal and 1,350 horse, and appointed to the
faujdārship of the Sarkar of Hisar. On Monday, the 4th
Shaʿbān, an elephant was given to Wazīr K͟hān.
On Friday, the 22nd, I gave an order that as bang and
būza (rice spirit) were injurious, they should not be sold
in the bazars and that gambling should be abolished, and on this
subject I issued stringent orders. On the 25th they brought a tiger
from my private menagerie to fight with a bull. Many people gathered
together to see the show, and a band of Jogis (religious mendicants)
with them. One of the Jogis was naked, and the tiger, by way of sport,
and not with the idea of rage, turned towards him. It threw him on the
ground and began to behave to him as it would to its own female. The
next day and on several occasions the same thing took place. As no such
thing had ever been seen before and was exceedingly strange, this has
been recorded.4 On the 2nd of the month of
Ramaẓān, at the request of Islām [158]K͟hān, G͟hiyās5
K͟hān was promoted to the rank of 1,500 personal and 800
horse. Farīdūn K͟hān Barlās was promoted to
the rank of 2,500 with 2,000 horse. One thousand tolcha of gold
and silver and 1,000 rupees were given in alms on the day of the
procession of the sun into the constellation of the Scorpion, which,
according to the general acceptation of the Hindoos, is called the
Sankrānt. On the 10th of that month an elephant was presented to
S͟hāh Beg Yūzī6 (? the panther-keeper), and
Salāmu-llah, the Arab, who is a distinguished young man and a
relative (son-in-law?) of Mubārak, the ruler of Darful.7
On account of some suspicion that S͟hāh ʿAbbās had
entertained against him, he came to wait upon me. I patronised him, and
gave him the rank of 400 personal and 200 horse. Again, another force,
containing 193 mansabdars and 46 ahadis, I sent after Parwīz for
service in the Deccan. Fifty horses were also entrusted to one of the
servants of the Court to convoy to Parwīz.


On Friday, the 13th, a certain idea came into my mind,
and this rhymed g͟hazal was produced:—




“What shall I do, for the arrow of loss of thee
has pierced my liver!


So that the (evil) eye not reaching me again may reach
another?


Thou movest as if frenzied, and the world is frenzied
for thee.


I burn rue lest thy eye should reach me. [159]


I am frenzied at union with my friend, and in despair
at her absence.


Alas for the grief that has o’erwhelmed me!


I’ve grown mad that I may rush on the pathway of
meeting:


Woe for the time that brought me the news!


Jahāngīr, the time for humility and prayer is
every morning,8


I hope that some spark of light may take
effect.”




On Sunday, the 15th, I sent 50,000 rupees as
sāchaq to the house of the daughter of Muz̤affar
Ḥusain Mīrzā, son of Sult̤ān Ḥusain
Mīrzā, son of Bahrām Mīrzā, son of
S͟hāh Ismaʿīl Ṣafawī, who had been
demanded in marriage for my son K͟hurram. On the 17th of the month
Mubārak K͟hān Sarwānī was honoured with the
rank of 1,000 personal and 300 horse. Five thousand rupees were also
given to him, and 4,000 rupees to Ḥājī Bī
Ūzbeg. On the 22nd a ruby and a pearl were given to
S͟hahriyār. One hundred thousand rupees were given for the
subsistence of the Ūymāqs (special cavalry) who had been
appointed for service in the Deccan. Two thousand rupees were given to
Farruk͟h Beg, the painter, who is unrivalled in the age. Four
thousand rupees were sent for expenditure on Bābā Hasan
Abdāl. One thousand rupees were handed to Mullā
ʿAlī Aḥmad Muhrkan (engraver) and Mullā
Rūzbihān S͟hīrāzī to expend on the
anniversary festival of Hazrat S͟haik͟h Salīm at his
mausoleum. An elephant was given to Muhammad Ḥusain, the writer,
and 1,000 rupees to K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-Haqq
Anṣārī. I gave orders to the Diwans that having raised
the rank of Murtazā K͟hān to 5,000 personal and horse
they should give him a jagir. I ordered Bihārī Chand
Qānūngū, of the Sarkar of Agra, to take 1,000 footmen
and equipment from the Zamindars of Agra, and, fixing their monthly
pay, to send them to Parwīz in the Deccan, and 500,000 rupees more
were fixed for the expenses of Parwīz. On Thursday, the 4th
S͟hawwāl, [160]Islām K͟hān was promoted to
the rank of 5,000 personal and 5,000 horse, Abū-l-walī Beg
Ūzbeg to that of 1,500 and Z̤afar K͟hān to that of
2,500. Two thousand rupees were given to Badīʿu-z-zamān,
son of Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, and 1,000 rupees to
Pathān Miṣr. I ordered that drums should be given to all of
them as their rank had been raised to 3,000 and higher. Five thousand
rupees more of the money from my weighing were entrusted for the
construction of a bridge at Bābā Ḥasan Abdāl and
the building that is there to Abū-l-wafā, son of
Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ, in order that he might exert
himself and put the bridge and the aforesaid building in perfect order.
On Saturday, the 13th, when four gharis of day were left, the moon
began to be eclipsed. By degrees the whole of its body was obscured,
and it continued till five gharis of night had passed. In order to
avert the bad omen of this I had myself weighed against gold, silver,
cloth, and grain, and gave away in alms all kinds of animals, such as
elephants, horses, etc., the cost of all of which was 15,000 rupees. I
ordered them to be distributed among the deserving and the poor. On the
25th, at the request of her father, I took the daughter of Rām
Chand Bandīlab into my service (i.e. married her). I gave an
elephant to Mīr Fāẓil, nephew of Mīr
S͟harīf, who had been appointed to the faujdārship of
Qabūlah and those regions ʿInāyat-ullah was dignified
with the title of ʿInāyat K͟hān. On Wednesday, the
1st Ẕī-l-qaʿda, Bihārī Chand was granted the
rank of 500 personal and 300 horse. A khapwa (dagger), adorned
with jewels was given to my son Bābā K͟hurram.
Mullā Hayatī, by whom I had sent a message to the
K͟hānk͟hānān, with a verbal message containing
(expressions of) all kinds of condescension and affection, came and
brought before me a ruby and two pearls of the value of about 20,000
rupees, which the K͟hānk͟hānān had sent by
him. Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, who was in Burhanpur
and whom [161]I had sent for, came and waited on me. I
presented S͟hajāʿat K͟hān Dakhanī with
2,000 rupees. On the 6th of the aforesaid month, before Parwīz
arrived at Burhanpur, a petition came from the Khankhanan and the Amirs
that the Dakhanis had assembled together and were making disturbances.
When I discovered that, notwithstanding the nomination of Parwīz
and the army that had proceeded with him and been appointed to his
service, they were still in need of support and assistance, it occurred
to me that I should go myself, and by Allah’s favour satisfy
myself with regard to that affair. In the meanwhile a petition came
also from Āṣaf K͟hān that my coming there would be
for the advantage of the daily-increasing State. A petition from
ʿĀdil K͟hān, from Bijapur, also came, that if one
of the trusted ones of the Court could be appointed there to whom he
could tell his desires and claims, so that the envoy might convey them
to me, he hoped that it might become the means of affording profit to
these slaves (i.e. himself). On this account I consulted with the Amirs
and loyal men, and told them to represent whatever entered into
anyone’s mind. My son K͟hān Jahān represented that
inasmuch as so many Amirs had been despatched for the conquest of the
Deccan, it was not necessary for me to go in person. If he were
ordered, he himself would go and attend on the prince and would, please
God, perform this duty while serving him. Those words were approved of
by all those who were loyal. I had never contemplated separation from
him, but as the affair was an important one I necessarily gave him
permission, and ordered that as soon as matters had been arranged he
should return without delay, and should not remain more than a year in
those regions. On Tuesday, the 17th Ẕī-l-qaʿda, he was
free to go. I presented him with a special gold-embroidered robe of
honour, a special horse with a jewelled saddle, a jewelled sword, and a
special elephant [162]I also gave him a yak-tail standard
(tūmān ṭūg͟h). I appointed Fidā;
K͟hān, who was one of my faithful servants, and to whom I
gave a robe of honour and a horse and his expenses, promoting him to
the rank of 1,000 personal and 400 horse, original and extra, to go
with K͟hān Jahān, in order that if it were necessary to
send anyone to ʿĀdil K͟hān according to his
request, he might despatch him. Lankū Pandit, who in the time of
the late king Akbar had come with offerings from ʿĀdil
K͟hān, I also gave leave to go with K͟hān
Jahān, bestowing on him a horse, a robe of honour, and money. Of
the Amirs and soldiers who had been appointed with ʿAbdu-llah
K͟hān to the duty of beating back the Rānā, men
such as Rāja Bīr Singh Deo, S͟hajāʿat
K͟hān, Rāja Bikramājīt, and others, with 4,000
or 5,000 horse, were nominated to support K͟hān Jahān. I
sent Muʿtamad K͟hān with the announcement that I had
made him a sazāwal (i.e. one who urges on others), and that
he was to act along with K͟hān Jahān in Ujjain. Out of
the men of the palace, I sent 6,000 or 7,000 horse with him, such as
Saif K͟hān Bārha, Ḥājī Bī
Ūzbeg, Salamu-llah ʿArab, brother’s son of Mubārak
ʿArab, who had in his possession the province of
Jūtra(?)9 and Darfūl(?) and that neighbourhood,
and other mansabdars and courtiers. At the time of giving them leave I
gave each one an increase of rank and robe of honour and money for
their expenses. Making Muḥammad Beg paymaster of the army, I
provided him with 1,000,000 rupees to take with him. I sent to
Parwīz a special horse, and to the Khankhanan and other Amirs and
officers who were appointed to that Subah dresses of honour.


After carrying out these matters I left the city for the
purpose of hunting. One thousand rupees were given to [163]Mīr ʿAlī Akbar. As the
Rabīʿ Faṣl (Spring season) had arrived, for fear any
damage should happen to the cultivation of the ryots from the passage
of the army, and notwithstanding that I had appointed a
qūrīsāwul10 (Erskine has Kor, the
Yasawal) (probably a kind of provost marshal) with the band of ahadis
for the purpose of guarding the fields, I ordered certain men to see
what damage had been done to the crops from stage to stage and pay
compensation to the ryots. I gave 10,000 rupees to the daughter of the
Khankhanan, the wife of Dāniyāl, 1,000 rupees to
ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm K͟har (i.e. ass) for expenses, and
1,000 to Qāchā the Dakhani. On the 12th, K͟hānjar
K͟hān, brother of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, received
the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse original and extra, and
Bahādur K͟hān, another brother, that of 600 personal and
300 horse. On this day two antelopes with horns and one doe were taken.
On the 13th I bestowed on and sent to K͟hān Jahān a
special horse. Having promoted Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of
Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, to the rank of 1,000 and 500
horse, I gave him 5,000 rupees for expenses, and he was sent off with
K͟hān Jahān for service in the Deccan. On this day two
male and three female antelope were killed. On Wednesday, the 10th, I
killed a female nīlgāw and a black antelope with a
gun, and on the 15th a female nilgaw and a chikāra
(gazelle). On the 17th of the month two rubies and a pearl were brought
to me by Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān from Gujarat, as
well as a jewelled opium box, which Muqarrab K͟hān had sent
from the port of Cambay. On the 20th I killed with a gun a tigress and
a nilgaw. There were two cubs with the tigress, but they disappeared
from view in consequence of the thickness of the jungle and the number
of trees. An order was given that they should search for and bring
them. When I reached the [164]halting-place my son K͟hurram
brought me one of the cubs, and the next day Mahābat
K͟hān caught the other and brought it. On the 22nd, when I
had got within shot of a nilgaw, suddenly a groom
(jilaudār) and two kahār (bearers) appeared,
and the nilgaw escaped. In a great rage I ordered them to kill the
groom on the spot, and to hamstring11 the kahars and mount them
on asses and parade them through the camp, so that no one should again
have the boldness to do such a thing. After this I mounted a horse and
continued hunting with hawks and falcons, and came to the
halting-place.


Next day, under the guidance of Iskandar
Muʿīn, I shot a large nilgaw, and promoted him to the rank of
600 personal and 500 horse. On Friday, the 24th, Ṣafdar
K͟hān, who had come from the Subah of Behar, had the good
fortune to perform his obeisance to me. He presented as offerings a
hundred muhrs, a sword, and five female and one male elephant. The male
elephant was accepted. On the same day Yādgār
K͟hwāja of Samarkand came from Balkh and paid his respects.
He made offerings of an album, some horses, and other presents, and was
dignified with a robe of honour. On Wednesday, 6th
Ẕī-l-ḥijja, Muʿizzu-l-mulk, who had been removed
from the paymastership of the army against the rebel Rānā,
ill and miserable, waited on me. On the 14th of the said month, having
pardoned all the faults of ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm
K͟har,12 I promoted him to the rank of
yūzbās͟hī (centurion) and 20 horse, and
ordered him to go to Kashmir and in [165]company with the
bakhshi of that place hold a muster of the troops of Qilīj
K͟hān and all the jagirdars and Uymaks in the service or not,
and to bring the list. Kis͟hwar K͟hān, son of
Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān, came from the fort of Rohtas
and had the good fortune to pay his respects to me.










1 Perhaps
the meaning is enough milk to fill a coffee-cup. ↑


2
According to the contemporary, but anonymous, author quoted in Elliot,
vi, 448, this was in reward for restoring the sight of
K͟husrau. ↑


3
Majẕūb-i-mādar-zād. Probably the meaning is
that he was a born idiot. ↑


4 The
story is also told in the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 37, where it is said
that the tiger was one brought by a calendar as a present. It had the
name of Laʿl K͟hān and was very tame. It is added that
the tiger did no injury to the jogi with his claws or
teeth. ↑


5 The MSS.
have ʿInāyat. ↑


6 I.O. MS.
No. 181, S͟hāh Beg K͟hān. ↑


7
Salāmu-llah is mentioned later on (p. 78), and is described as
brother’s son of Mubārak, who held the country of Jotra (?)
and Darful. He is also mentioned in the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 38,
where Mubārak is described as ruler (ḥākim) of
Jūyza and Safūl (?). But a MS. of the Iqbāl-nāma in
my possession only mentions Jūyza or Jūyna. I think
Jūyza must be Juina or Juanny, which, according to Sir William
Jones, is one of the names of the island of Johanna or Hinzuan (one of
the Comorro Islands), and that Safūl must be Sofala, a town on the
east coast of Africa. Sir W. Jones was landed on Johanna, and has a
long account of the island (see his works). The Iqbāl-nāma
says that Salāmu-llah killed himself with drink. There is a short
notice of him in the Maʾās̤ir, ii, 641, where he is
called by his title of S͟hajāʿat
K͟hān. ↑


8 The I.O.
MSS. have a different reading here. Instead of ‘every
morning’ they have ‘renew (humility).’ The word
nūr, ‘light,’ in the last line probably refers
to Jahāngīr’s name of
Nūru-d-dīn. ↑


9 See note
above. Jūtra or Jotra is probably a mistake for the island of
Johanna, i.e. Hinzuan. Darfūl is Dazfūl in I.O. MS. No.
181. ↑


10
Possibly Qūr Yasāwul is right, but most probably it
was a yasāwul attached to the Qūr, for which
see Blochmann, p. 50. ↑


11
Jahāngīr’s conduct was sufficiently brutal, but the
text has made it worse than it was by omitting the word pay
before pāy. The back tendons of the bearers’ feet
were cut. Their feet were not cut off. Erskine translates the passage
rightly, and the I.O. MSS. agree with him. ↑


12 This
was the same ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm who was a companion of
K͟husrau, and after his capture was sweated in a skin. As he had
life left in him he escaped from that destruction, and, on being
released, became one of the personal servants, and served His Majesty
till by degrees the latter became gracious to him. (Note of Sayyid
Aḥmad.) ↑








[Contents]



The Fifth New Year’s Feast from the Auspicious
Accession.






On Sunday, the 24th Ẕī-l-ḥijja
(20th March, 1610), after two watches and three gharis the sun entered
into the constellation of Aries, which is the house of honour and good
fortune, and at this auspicious hour the New Year’s feast was
arranged at Bāk Bhal, one of the villages of the parganah of
Bārī, and according to the rules of my revered father I
mounted the throne. On that morning, which was the New Year’s Day
that lighted up the world, and coincided with the 1st of Farwardīn
of the 5th year from my accession, I held a public reception, and all
the nobles and servants of the Court had the good fortune to pay their
respects. Some of the nobles’ offerings were laid before me.
K͟hān Aʿz̤am gave a pearl worth 4,000 rupees;
Mirān Ṣadr Jahān, twenty-eight hawks and falcons, and
other gifts; Mahābat K͟hān, two European boxes, the
sides of which were made with slabs of glass, so that whatever was
placed inside could be seen from outside in a way that you might say
there was nothing between them; Kis͟hwar K͟hān,
twenty-two male and female elephants. In the same way each of the
servants of the Court laid before me the presents and offerings that
they had. Naṣru-llah, son of Fatḥu-llah
s͟harbatchī (in charge of the s͟harbat), was
placed in charge of the offerings. By Sārang Deo, who had been
appointed to carry orders to the victorious army of the Deccan, I sent
souvenirs (tabarruk) to [166]Parwīz and to each of
the officers. I presented Ḥusāmu-d-dīn, son of
G͟hāzī K͟hān1
Badak͟hs͟hī, who had taken to the ways of a dervish and
seclusion, with 1,000 rupees and a farjī shawl. The day
after the New Year’s Day I mounted and started for a tiger-hunt.
Two males and a female were killed. I gave rewards to the ahadis who
had shown bravery and gone in to the tigers, and increased their
monthly pay. On the 26th of the same month I went and busied myself
mostly with hunting nilgaw. As the air was hot and the (propitious)
hour for re-entering Agra had nearly arrived, I went to
Rūpbās, and hunted antelope in that neighbourhood for some
days. On Saturday, the 1st Muḥarram, 1019, Rūp
K͟hawāṣṣ, who was the founder of
Rūpbās, presented the offering that he had prepared. That
which pleased was accepted and what remained was given him back as a
reward. At the same time Bāyazīd Mankalī and his
brothers, who had come from the Subah of Bengal, were honoured with
paying their respects. Sayyid Ādam, son of Sayyid Qāsim
Bārha, who had come from Ahmadabad, also had the same good
fortune. He presented an elephant as an offering. The faujdārship
of the Subah of Multan was given to Walī Bī Ūzbeg in
place of Tāj K͟hān.


On Monday, the 3rd Muḥarram of the 5th year, I
halted at the Mandākar Garden, which is in the neighbourhood of
the city. On the morning on which was the auspicious hour of entry into
the city, after a watch and two gharis had passed I mounted and rode on
a horse to the beginning of the inhabited part, and when I came to the
immediate neighbourhood mounted on an elephant, so that the people from
far and near might see, and scattering money on both sides of the road,
at the hour [167]that the astrologers had chosen, after midday
had passed, entered with congratulation and happiness the royal palace.
In accordance with the usual custom of the New Year I had ordered them
to decorate the palace, which is like the courts of heaven. After
seeing the decorations, K͟hwāja Jahān laid before me the
offering that he had prepared. Having accepted out of the ornaments and
jewels, dresses and goods, whatever I approved of, I gave the rest as a
reward to him. I had ordered the clerks of the hunting department to
write out (a list of) all the animals that had been killed from the
time of my leaving until I re-entered the city. At this time they
represented that in 56 days 1,362 animals, quadrupeds, and birds had
been killed; the tigers were 7 in number; nilgaw, male and female, 70;
black buck, 51; does and mountain goats and antelope (rojh),
etc., 82; kulang (cranes); peacocks,
surk͟hāb,2 and other birds, 129; fish,
1,023. On Friday, the 7th, Muqarrab K͟hān came from the ports
of Cambay and Surat, and had the honour of waiting on me. He had
brought jewels and jewelled things, and vessels of gold and silver made
in Europe, and other beautiful and uncommon presents, male and female
Abyssinian slaves, Arab horses, and things of all kinds that came into
his mind. Thus his presents were laid before me for two and a half
months, and most of them were pleasing to me. On this day Ṣafdar
K͟hān, who held the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, had
an increase of 500 personal and 200 horse, and was presented with a
standard, and given leave to return to his former jagir. Standards were
also given to Kis͟hwar K͟hān and
Farīdūn3 K͟hān Barlās. A fighting
elephant for Afẓal K͟hān (Abū-l-faẓl’s
son) was handed over to his son Bis͟hūtan, to take to his
father. I bestowed [168]1,000 rupees on K͟hwāja
Ḥusain, a descendant of K͟hwāja
Muʿīnu-d-dīn Chis͟htī, as was usual for the
half-year. The Khankhanan had sent as an offering a “Yūsuf
and Zulaik͟hā” in the handwriting of Mullā
Mīr ʿAlī,4 with illustrations and in a
beautiful gilt binding, worth 1,000 muhrs. This Maʿṣūm,
his Wakil, brought and submitted. Up to the day of culmination, which
is the conclusion of the New Year’s feast, every day many
offerings were laid before me by the Amirs and servants of the Court.
Whichever of the rarities was approved of by me I accepted, and gave
back what was left. On Thursday, the 13th, corresponding to the 19th
Farwardīn, which is the day of culmination of the sun and of
gladness and pleasure, I ordered them to prepare an entertainment of
different kinds of intoxicating drinks, and an order was given to the
Amirs and servants of the Court that everyone might choose the kind of
drink he affected. Many took wine and some mufarriḥ
(exhilarating drinks), whilst some ate what they wished of the
preparations of opium. The assembly was successfully held.
Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān from Gujarat had sent as
an offering a throne of silver, inlaid and painted, of a new fashion
and shape, which was presented to me. A standard was also conferred on
Mahā Singh. In the commencement of my reign I had repeatedly given
orders that no one should make eunuchs or buy or sell them, and whoever
did so would be answerable as a criminal. At this time Afẓal
K͟hān sent some of these evildoers to Court from the Subah of
Behar, who were continually perpetrating this vile offence. I ordered
these unthinking ones (bī-ʿāqibatān) to be
imprisoned for life. [169]


On the night of the 12th an uncommon and strange event
took place. Some Delhi singers (Qawwālān, see Jarrett,
ii, 236) were singing songs in my presence, and Sayyidī5
S͟hāh was, by way of buffoonery, mimicking a religious dance.
This verse of Amīr K͟husrau was the refrain
(miyān-k͟hāna) of the song—




“Each nation has its right road of faith and its
shrine (qibla-gāhī).


I’ve set up my shrine (qibla) on the path
of him with the cocked cap.”




I asked what was the real meaning of the (last)
hemistich. Mullā ʿAlī Aḥmad,6 the seal
engraver, who in his own craft was one of the first of the age, and had
the title of K͟halīfa, and was an old servant, and with whose
father I had learned when I was little, came forward and said, “I
have heard from my father that one day S͟haik͟h
Niz̤āmu-d-dīn Auliyā had put his cap on the side of
his head, and was sitting on a terraced roof by the bank of the Jumna
and watching the devotions7 of the Hindus. Just then
Amīr K͟husrau appeared, and the S͟haik͟h turned to
him and said, ‘Do you see this crowd,’ and then he recited
this line:—




‘Each race has its right road of faith and its
shrine’ (qibla-gāhī).




The Amīr, without hesitating, respectfully
did homage to the S͟haik͟h, and addressing him
said—




‘I’ve set up my shrine in the direction of
him with the cocked cap.’”8




The aforesaid Mullā, when these words were
uttered, and the last words of the second hemistich passed over his
tongue, became senseless and fell down. Conceiving [170]a
great fear from his falling down, I went to his head. Most of those who
were present doubted whether he had not had an epileptic fit. The
physicians who were present distractedly made inquiry and felt his
pulse and brought medicine. However much they beat their hands and feet
and exerted themselves, he did not come to. Immediately he fell he had
delivered his soul to the Creator. As his body was quite warm, they
thought that possibly some life might be left in him. After a short
time it became evident that the thing was all over and he was dead.
They carried him away dead to his own house. I had never seen this kind
of death, and sent money to his sons for his shroud and burial, and the
next morning they sent him to Delhi and buried him in the burial-place
of his ancestors.


On Friday, the 21st, Kis͟hwar K͟hān, who
held the rank of 1,500, was promoted to 2,000 personal and horse, and,
having been presented with an Iraq horse out of my private stable, a
robe of honour and a private elephant, named
Bak͟ht-jīt,9 and the Faujdārship of the
country of Uch, was dismissed with a view to the punishment of the
rebels of that region. Bāyazīd Mankalī, having been
honoured with a robe and a horse, was sent off together with his
brothers in the company of Kis͟hwar K͟hān. An elephant
from my private stud, by name ʿĀlam-gumān, was entrusted
to Habību-llah for Rāja Mān Singh and sent. A special
horse was sent to Bengal for Kes͟ho Dās
Mārū,10 and a female elephant was now given to
ʿArab K͟hān, the jagirdar of Jalalabad. At this time
Iftik͟har K͟hān had sent an offering of a rare elephant
from Bengal. As I approved of it, it was entered among my private
elephants. I raised the rank of Aḥmad11 Beg
K͟hān, who [171]had been nominated to the command of the
army of Bangash on account of his good service and that of his sons,
from his original rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse by 500 more
personal. I sent a gold throne12 of jewelled work for
Parwīz, and a sarpīch, which was of rubies and pearls,
and made at a cost of 2,000 rupees, was sent for K͟hān
Jahān by the hand of Ḥabīb, son of Sarbarāh
K͟hān, to Burhanpur. At this time it became known that
Kaukab, son of Qamar K͟hān, had become intimate with a
Sanyasi, and by degrees his words, which were all blasphemous and
impious, made an impression on that foolish fellow. He had made
ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, son of Naqīb K͟hān, and
S͟harīf, his cousins, partners in that error. When this
affair was discovered, with only a slight frightening they revealed
certain circumstances with regard to themselves, the relation of which
would be extremely disgusting. Considering their punishment advisable,
I imprisoned Kaukab13 and S͟harīf after
giving them a whipping, and ordered ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf a
hundred lashes in my presence. This special chastisement (was given)
for the purpose of carrying out the Divine law in order that other
ignorant persons might not be disposed towards the same actions. On
Monday, the 24th, Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān was
despatched to Delhi to punish the rebels and disaffected of that
neighbourhood. Two thousand rupees were given to
S͟hajāʿat K͟hān Dakhanī. I had ordered
S͟haik͟h Ḥusain Dars͟hanī to proceed with
certain firmans to Bengal and presents to each of the Amirs of that
Subah. I now gave him his orders and despatched him. With an eye on his
actions and his approved services, I promoted Islām
K͟hān to the rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and bestowed
on him a special dress of honour. [172]I gave a special dress of
honour also to Kis͟hwar K͟hān, and presented Rāja
Kalyān with an Iraq horse, and similarly to the other Amirs there
were given robes of honour or horses. Farīdūn Barlās,
who held the rank of 1,500 personal and 1,300 horse, I promoted to
2,000 personal and 1,500 horse.


On the night of Monday, the 1st Ṣafar, through the
carelessness of the servants, a great fire occurred in the house of
K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, and before they became aware
of it and the fire could be put out many of his properties were burnt.
In order to afford consolation to the mind of the K͟hwāja and
to make up for the loss he had sustained, I gave him 40,000 rupees. On
Saif K͟hān Bārha, who had been cherished and brought up
by me, I bestowed a standard. I increased the rank of
Muʿizzu-l-mulk, who had been appointed to the Diwanship of Kabul,
from his original of 1,000 personal and 225 horse by 200 personal and
275 horse, and dismissed him. The next day I sent a
phūl-kaṭāra (dagger) studded with valuable
jewels to Burhanpur to K͟hān Jahān.


A widow woman complained that Muqarrab K͟hān
had taken her daughter by force in the port of Cambay, and after some
while, during which he had kept her in his own house, when she enquired
for the girl had said that she had died by an unavoidable death. I
ordered an enquiry to be made into the affair. After much search I
discovered that one of his attendants had been guilty of this outrage,
and had him put to death, and reduced Muqarrab K͟hān’s
mansab by one half, and made an allowance to the woman who had been
thus injured.


As on Sunday, the 7th of the month, a
qirān-i-naḥsīn (an unlucky conjunction) had
occurred, I gave alms of gold and silver and other metals, and
different kinds of cereals, to faqirs and indigent people to be divided
in most parts of the dominion. On the night of Monday, the 8th, having
sent for S͟haik͟h Ḥusain Sirhindī and [173]S͟haik͟h Muṣt̤afā, who
were celebrated for the adoption of the ways of dervishdom and the
state of poverty, a party was held, and by degrees the assembly engaged
warmly in samāʿ and wajd (dervish dancing and
ecstasy). Hilarity and frenzy were not wanting. After the meeting was
over I gave money to each and gave him leave. As Mīrzā
G͟hāzī Beg Tark͟hān repeatedly made
representations with regard to provisions for Qandahar and the monthly
pay of the musketeers of the said fort, I ordered 200,000 rupees to be
sent there from the treasury of Lahore.14


On the 19th Urdibihis͟ht, in the fifth year of my
reign, corresponding with the 4th Ṣafar, there occurred a strange
affair at Patna, which is the seat of government of the province of
Behar. Afẓal K͟hān, the governor of the Subah, went off
to the jagir to which he had just been appointed, and which was at a
distance of 60 kos from Patna, and handed over the fort and the city to
the charge of S͟haik͟h Banārasī and
G͟hiyās̤ Zain-k͟hānī, the Diwan of the
Subah, and to a number of other mansabdars. With the idea that there
were no enemies in that region he did not satisfy himself as he should
have with regard to the protection of the fort and city. By chance, at
that time an unknown man of the name of Qut̤b belonging to the
people of Uch, who was a mischievous and seditious fellow, came to the
province of Ujjainiyya,15 which is in the neighbourhood
of Patna, with the look of a dervish and the clothes of a beggar, and
having made acquaintance with men of that part, who were always
seditious, represented to them that he was K͟husrau, who had
escaped from prison and conveyed himself there; saying that if they
would accompany and assist him, after the affair had been completed
they would be the ministers of his State. In [174]short, deceiving those simpletons with foolish
words he brought them over to him and persuaded them that he was
K͟husrau. He showed those deceived ones the parts about his eyes,
where at some time he had produced scars, of which the marks were still
apparent, and told them that in the prison they had fastened cups
(kaṭorī) on them and those were the marks.16 Through these falsehoods and deceit a number of
foot- and horsemen had collected round him, and had obtained
information that Afẓal K͟hān was not at Patna.
Considering this a great opportunity, they made a raid, and when two or
three hours of the day had passed on Sunday came to the city, and being
hindered by nothing went for the fort. S͟haik͟h
Banārasī, who was in the fort, obtaining news of this, went
in a disturbed state to the gate of the fort. The enemy, who came on
with speed, did not give him time to close the gate of the fort.
Together with G͟hiyās̤, he betook himself to the side of
the river by a wicket gate, and procuring a boat proposed to go to
Afẓal K͟hān. Those rebels came with ease into the fort
and took possession of Afẓal K͟hān’s property and
the royal treasury; and some of those wretched creatures who wait on
events, who were in the city and its neighbourhood, [175]joined them. This news reached Afẓal
K͟hān at Gorakhpur (K͟harakpūr),17 and
S͟haik͟h Banārasī and G͟hiyās̤ also
came to him there by way of the river. Letters came from the city that
this wretch, who called himself K͟husrau, was in reality not
K͟husrau. Afẓal K͟hān, placing his trust on the
grace and mercy of Allah, and through my good fortune, started without
delay against those rebels. In five days he reached the neighbourhood
of Patna. When the news of Afẓal K͟hān’s coming
reached those scoundrels, they entrusted the fort to one of those whom
they had confidence in, and the horse and foot arraying themselves went
out for four kos to meet Afẓal K͟hān. A fight took
place on the bank of the river Pūn Pūn, and after a slight
skirmish the array of those ill-fated ones was broken and they became
scattered. In great bewilderment a second time that wretch was coming
into the fort with a few men. Afẓal K͟hān followed him,
and did not allow them to close the gate of the fort. Going to
Afẓal K͟hān’s house in a state of confusion, they
fortified the house and remained there for three watches, and fought.
They wounded about thirty people with arrows. After his companions had
gone to jahannam (hell) he himself became helpless, and asked
for quarter, and waited upon Afẓal K͟hān. In order to
put a stop to this affair, Afẓal K͟hān executed him on
the same day, and imprisoned some of his companions who had fallen
alive into his hand. These items of news one after another reached the
royal ear. I summoned to Agra S͟haik͟h Banārasī and
G͟hiyās̤ Zain-k͟hānī and the other
mansabdars who had made default in holding the fort and protecting the
city, and ordered their hair and beards [176]to be cut off, and
that they should be clothed in women’s clothes, seated on asses,
and paraded round the city of Agra and in the bazars, as a warning and
example to others.


At this time representations succeeded each other from
Parwīz and the Amirs appointed to the Deccan and those who were
well-wishers of the State, that ʿĀdil K͟hān
Bījāpūrī prayed that they would send to him
Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Injū, on whose words
and acts all the rulers of the Deccan had great reliance, that he might
associate himself with them and dispel the fear in their minds, and the
affairs of that place might be arranged as it might seem proper to
ʿĀdil K͟hān, who had chosen the way of loyalty and
service. In any case, he might drive out of their minds the fear that
was in them, and soothing them might give him hopes of the royal
favour. In order to obtain this end, on the 16th of the same month I
despatched the above-mentioned Mīr, giving him a present of 10,000
rupees. I increased the former rank of Qāsim K͟hān,
which was 1,000 personal and 500 horse, by 500 personal and horse, in
order that he might go to the support of his brother Islām
K͟hān in Bengal. At the same time, in order to punish
Bikramājīt, Zamindar of the province
Bāndhū,18 who had withdrawn his foot from the circle
of obedience and service, I appointed Mahā Singh, grandson of
Rāja Mān Singh, to proceed to put down the disaffection in
that region and at the same time administer the estate of the jagir of
the Raja, which was in that neighbourhood.


On the 20th of the month I gave an elephant to
S͟hajāʿat K͟hān Dakhanī. As the governor
of Jalalabad had written and represented the ruinous state of the fort
of that place, I ordered what might be required for the repair of the
said fort to be taken from the treasury of [177]Lahore. Iftik͟hār K͟hān had
done approved service in Bengal. On the request of the governor of that
Subah I increased his original rank, which was 1,500, by 500. On the
28th a representation came from ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān
Fīrūz-jang, containing recommendations in favour of some of
the zealous servants who had been sent with him to subdue the rebel
Rānā. As G͟haznīn K͟hān Jālwarī
had shown the greatest zeal of all in this service, I increased by 500
personal and 400 horse his former rank, which was 1,500 personal and
300 horse. In the same manner each one of those persons was promoted
according to his services.


Daulat K͟hān, who had been sent to Allahabad
to bring the throne of black stone, came on Wednesday, the 4th of the
month of Mihr (15th September, 1610), and had an audience and brought
the stone safe and sound. In truth it was a wonderful slab, very black
and shining. Many say it is of a species of touchstone; in length it
was one-eighth less than four cubits, and in breadth 2½ cubits
and one tasū,19 whilst its thickness may be
three tasū. I ordered stone-cutters to carve suitable
couplets on the sides of it. They had attached feet to it of the same
kind of stone. I often sat on that throne.


As the brothers of K͟hān ʿĀlam
became security for him, I brought out of prison
ʿAbdu-s-Subḥān K͟hān, who was in confinement
for certain offences, and promoted him to the rank of 1,000 personal
and 400 horse, and appointed him to the faujdārship of the Subah
of Allahabad, and gave him the jagir of Qāsim K͟hān, the
brother of Islām [178]K͟hān. I sent Tarbiyat
K͟hān to the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Alwar. On the
12th of the same month a representation arrived from K͟hān
Jahān that the Khankhanan, according to my order, had started for
the Court in company with Mahābat K͟hān, and that
Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, who had been nominated by
the Court to go to Bijapur, had also gone from Burhanpur, together with
the wakils of ʿĀdil K͟hān, to Bijapur. On the 21st
of the same month I promoted Murtaẓā K͟hān to the
subadarship of the Panjab, which is one of the largest charges in my
dominions, and gave him a special shawl. Having appointed Tāj
K͟hān, who was in the Subah of Multan to the governorship of
Kabul, I added 500 horse to the rank of 3,000 personal and 1,500 horse
already held by him. At the request of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān
Fīrūz-jang, the son of Rānā Shankar was also
promoted in rank. When Mahābat K͟hān, who had been sent
to Burhanpur to ascertain the numbers of the forces of the Amirs
appointed to the Deccan, and to bring the Khankhanan, arrived in the
neighbourhood of Agra, he left the Khankhanan some stages off the city
and came on in front himself, and was honoured with the good fortune of
paying his respects and kissing the threshold. After a few days, on the
12th Ābān, the Khankhanan came and waited on me. As many of
those who were loyal had represented the state of his affairs whether
true or false, according to their ideas, and I was displeased with him,
because the degree of favour and regard that I previously had observed
in his case and that I had seen in my revered father had not produced
its effect, I did justice in the matter, for previously to this a
letter of appointment to the service of the Deccan for a certain time
had been given to him, and he had proceeded there in attendance on
Sult̤ān Parwīz with other nobles for that important
matter. After he arrived at Burhanpur he had not looked to the
opportuneness of the time, and at an [179]improper season for
moving, and when forage and other necessaries had not been laid in, he
had taken Sult̤ān Parwīz and his forces above the Ghats,
and by degrees, in consequence of want of concert among the Sardars and
his treachery, and of conflicting opinions, things had come to such a
pass that grain was obtained with difficulty, and not a mān
was to be got for large sums of money. The affairs of the army became
so confused that nothing went on properly, and horses, camels, and
other four-footed beasts died. In consequence of the exigency of the
time he had patched up a kind of peace with the enemy and withdrawn
Sult̤ān Parwīz and the army to Burhanpur. As this
business did not turn out well, all the well-wishers of the State knew
that this division (of counsels) and confusion had arisen from
treachery and want of arrangement of the Khankhanan, and represented
this to the Court. Although this appeared altogether incredible, at
last this impression was left upon my mind, and a representation came
from K͟hān Jahān to the effect that all this mischief
and confusion had arisen through the treachery of the Khankhanan;
either this service should be left entirely in his control, or,
summoning him to Court, I should appoint to this duty this man whom I
had myself cherished and brought up, and appoint 30,000 horse to
support this slave (K͟hān Jahān himself), in order that
in the space of two years, having freed the whole of the royal
province, now in the possession of the enemy, and having brought the
fort of Qandahar20 and other forts on the border into the
occupation of the servants of the Court, he should include in the royal
dominions the province of Bijapur. If he did not complete this service
in that time, he might be debarred from the good fortune of paying his
respects (to me) and would not show his face to the servants of
[180]the Court. When the relations between the
Sardars and the Khankhanan reached this point, I did not consider it
advisable for him to be there any longer, and handed over the command
to K͟hān Jahān and sent for him to Court. In reality the
cause of my disinclination and want of favour to him was this. The
degree of inclination and disinclination towards him in future will be
in accordance with whatever may become clear.


I favoured and promoted Sayyid ʿAlī
Bārha, who is one of our distinguished young men, with an increase
of 500 personal and 200 horse beyond his previous rank, which was 1,000
personal and 500 horse, and gave Dārāb K͟hān, son
of the Khankhanan, the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, with the
Sarkar of Ghazipur as his jagir. Previously to this I had had the
daughter of Mīrzā Muz̤affar Ḥusain, son of
Sult̤ān Ḥusain Mīrzā Ṣafawī, ruler
of Qandahar, betrothed to my son Sult̤ān K͟hurram, and
on this date, the 17th Ābān, as the marriage meeting had been
arranged, I went to the house of Bābā K͟hurram and
passed the night there. I presented most of the Amirs with robes of
honour. Some of those confined in the fort of Gwalior I released, and
especially Ḥājī Mīrak. Islām K͟hān
had collected 100,000 rupees from the k͟hāliṣa
(directly managed) parganahs. As he was at the head of the army and the
service, I handed this over to him as a present. Giving a little gold
and silver and some of every kind of jewellery and grain to trustworthy
men, I determined that they should distribute them to the poor of Agra.
On the same day a report came from K͟hān Jahān that
Īraj, the son of the Khankhanan, had obtained leave from the
prince, and according to orders he had despatched him to Court. With
regard to what had been ordered in the case of Abū-l-fatḥ,
of Bijapur, as the above-mentioned was an experienced man, and his
being sent would cause despair to the other Sardars of the Deccan to
whom promises had been made, he [181]had (therefore) kept him
under surveillance.21 An order had been sent that as
Kes͟ho Dās, the son of Rāy Kalah(?), was in the service
of Parwīz, if any impediment should occur in sending him, he
(K͟hān Jahān) should despatch him whether he wished it
or not. Immediately on this becoming known to Parwīz, he gave him
leave and said to K͟hān Jahān: “These few words
from my mouth thou wilt represent, that as I would give my existence
and life for the service of my visible God (Jahāngīr), what
is there in the being or annihilation of Kes͟ho Dās22 that I should show any resistance in sending him?
When they (i.e. the king) send for my confidential servants for any
reason it produces a feeling of hopelessness and disquietude of mind in
the rest, and becoming known in these regions gives an idea of
disfavour on the part of our lord and Qibla (place looked towards in
worship). As for the rest, it is His Majesty’s order.” From
the date on which the fort of Ahmadnagar, by the efforts of my deceased
brother Dāniyāl, came into the possession of the heads of the
victorious State, up till now, the guardianship and preservation of
that place had been entrusted to K͟hwāja Beg Mīrzā
Ṣafawī, who was a relative of the asylum of pardon
S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp. After the disturbance of the rebel
Deccanis went to a great length, and they besieged the said fort, he
had committed no fault in the duties of devotedness and holding of the
fort. When the Khankhanan and the Amirs and other leaders who had
assembled at Burhanpur in waiting on Parwīz devoted themselves to
the driving back and defeat of the rebels, and from the differences of
opinion and quarrels of the Amirs, and the absence of provision of
forage and grain, [182]those who looked after matters of
importance brought this large army into improper roads and among hills
and difficult passes, they in a short space of time rendered it
wretched and impotent, and matters had come to such a pass and the
difficulty with regard to grain was such that they were giving a life
for a loaf. They then turned back helplessly with their objects
unfulfilled. The garrison of the fort, who were expecting aid from this
army, on hearing this news, lost heart and stability, and tumultuously
wished to vacate the fort at once. When K͟hwāja Beg
Mīrzā became aware of this he endeavoured to soothe and quiet
the men, but though he did his best it had no good result. At last,
under an agreement, he vacated the fort, and proceeded to Burhanpur,
and on the day mentioned waited on the prince. Representations with
regard to his coming reached me, and, as it was clear that he had not
been wanting in bravery and loyalty, I ordered his rank of 5,000
personal and horse to be confirmed and a jagir to be given him. On the
9th a petition came from some of the Amirs in the Deccan that on the
22nd S͟haʿbān Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn
Ḥusain had gone to Bijapur. ʿĀdil K͟hān sent
his wakil forward for 20 kos, and himself received him at a distance of
3 kos, and took the Mīr by the same road to his own residence.


As the desire to hunt overcame me, at a propitious hour
determined by the astrologers, when a watch and six gharis had passed
on the night of Friday, the 15th Ramaẓān, corresponding with
the 10th Āẕar in the 5th year (of my reign), I started to
hunt, and made my first halt in the Dahrah Garden, which is near the
city. At this stage I gave Mīr ʿAlī Akbar leave to go
into the city after bestowing on him 2,000 rupees and a special warm
wrapper (fargul). In order that the grain and cultivation should
not be trodden down by my men I ordered that all should remain in the
city but the men who were actually wanted and my personal servants.
[183]Having entrusted the charge of the city to
K͟hwāja Jahān I gave him his leave. On the 14th
Saʿdu-llah K͟hān, son of Saʿīd
K͟hān, was given an elephant. On the 28th, corresponding with
the 21st Ramaẓān, forty-four elephants, which
Hās͟him K͟hān, son of Qāsim K͟hān,
had sent as an offering from Orissa, were produced before me. Of these
one was very good and tame; this one I put in my private stud. On the
28th an eclipse (of the sun, kusūf) took place, in order to
do away with the unluckiness of which I weighed myself against gold and
silver; it came to 1,800 tolas of gold and 4,900 rupees. This, along
with several kinds of vegetables and sorts of animals such as elephants
and horses and cattle, I ordered to be divided among deserving people
who were unprovided for and helpless poor of the city of Agra and other
cities in the neighbourhood.


As the affairs of the army which had been nominated for
the subjugation of the Deccan under the command of Parwīz, and
leadership of the Khankhanan and other high Amirs such as Rāja
Mān Singh, K͟hān Jahān, Āṣaf
K͟hān, the Amīru-l-umarā, and other mansabdars, and
other leaders of every tribe and condition, had ended in this, that
they had turned back from half-way and returned to Burhanpur, and all
the confidential servants and news-writers who spoke the truth had sent
in reports to the Court, that although there were many causes for the
ruin of this army, yet the chief reason was the disagreement of the
Amirs, especially the treachery of the Khankhanan, it came into my mind
that I must send K͟hān Aʿz̤am with another fresh
and powerful army to make amends for and set to rights some of the
improper proceedings that had arisen from the disagreement of the Amirs
that has been described. On the 11th of Day he (K͟hān
Aʿz̤am) was honoured with the charge of this duty, and an
order was given to the Diwans to make preparations and send him off
quickly. I appointed K͟hān ʿĀlam, Farīdūn
K͟hān [184]Barlās, Yūsuf K͟hān,
son of Ḥusain K͟hān Tukriyah, ʿAlī
K͟hān Niyāzī, Bāz Bahādur Qalmāq,
and other mansabdars, near to the number of 10,000 horse, to accompany
him. It was settled that in addition to the ahadis who were appointed
to this duty 2,000 others should accompany him, making altogether
12,000 horse. Having sent with him thirty lakhs of rupees and several
elephants, I gave him his leave and presented him with a magnificent
dress of honour, a jewelled sword-belt, a horse with a jewelled
saddle,
a private elephant, and 500,000 rupees for expenses. An order was given
that the chiefs of the civil department should recover this from his
jagir. The Amirs who were under his orders were honoured with robes of
honour, horses, and presents. I increased by 500 more horse the rank
held by Mahābat K͟hān, of 4,000 personal and 3,000
horse, and ordered him to conduct K͟hān Aʿz̤am and
this army to Burhanpur, and having enquired into (the circumstances of)
the destruction of the army, should give the order of the appointment
of the K͟hān Aʿz̤am to the Amirs of those regions
and make them of one purpose and counsel with him. He was to see the
state of preparation of the army of those parts, and after arranging
all matters should bring the Khankhanan with him to Court. On Sunday,
the 4th S͟hawwal, when near the end of the day, I engaged in a
cheetah hunt. I had determined that on this day and Thursdays no
animals should be killed and I would eat no meat, on Sunday especially
because of the respect my revered father had for that day in not being
inclined to eat flesh on it, and in forbidding the killing of any
animals for the reason that on the night of Sunday his own honoured
birth had taken place. He used to say it was better on that day that
all animals should be free from the calamity of those of a butcherly
disposition. Thursday is the day of my accession. On that day also I
ordered that animals should not be killed, so that whilst sporting
[185]I should not shoot an arrow or a gun at wild
animals. In hunting with cheetahs Anūp Rāy, who is one of my
close attendants, was heading the men who were with him in the hunt at
a little distance23 from me and came to a tree on which some
kites were sitting. When his sight fell on those kites he took a bow
and some pointless arrows (tukkā) and went towards them. By
chance in the neighbourhood of that tree he saw a half-eaten bullock.
Near it a huge, powerful tiger got up out of a clump that was near and
went off. Though not more than two gharis of day remained, as he knew
my liking for tiger-hunting, he and some of those who were with him
surrounded the tiger and sent some one to me to give me the news. When
it reached me I rode there at once in a state of excitement and at full
speed, and Bābā K͟hurram, Rām Dās,
Iʿtimād Rāy, Ḥayāt K͟hān, and one
or two others went with me. On arriving I saw the tiger standing in the
shade of a tree, and wished to fire at him from horseback but found
that my horse was unsteady, and dismounted and aimed and fired my gun.
As I was standing on a height and the tiger below, I did not know
whether it had struck him or not. In a moment of excitement I fired the
gun again, and I think that this time I hit him. The tiger rose and
charged, and wounding the chief huntsman, who had a falcon on his wrist
and happened to be in front of him, sat down again in his own place. In
this state of affairs, placing another gun on a tripod,24 I took aim (majrā [186]giriftam25). Anūp Rāy stood
holding the rest, and had a sword in his belt and a baton
(kutaka) in his hand. Bābā K͟hurram was a short
distance off to my left, and Rām Dās and other servants
behind him. Kamāl the huntsman (qarāwul) loaded the
gun and placed it in my hand. When I was about to fire, the tiger came
roaring towards us and charged. I immediately fired. The ball passed
through the tiger’s mouth and teeth. The noise of the gun made
him very savage, and the servants who had crowded together could not
stand his charge and fell over one another, so that I, through their
pushing and shock, was moved a couple of paces from my place and fell
down. In fact, I am sure that two or three of them placed their feet on
my chest and passed over me. Iʿtimād Rāy and the
huntsman Kamāl assisting me, I stood up. At this moment the tiger
made for those who were on the left-hand side. Anūp Rāy let
the rest slip out of his hand and turned towards the tiger. The tiger,
with the same activity with which he had charged, turned on him, and he
manfully faced him, and struck him twice with both hands on the head
with the stick he had in his hand. The tiger, opening his mouth, seized
both of Anūp Rāy’s arms with it, and bit them so that
his teeth passed through both, but the stick and the bracelets on his
arms were helpful, and did not allow his arms to be destroyed. From the
attack and pushing of the tiger Anūp Rāy fell down between
the tiger’s fore-feet, so that his head and face were opposite
the tiger’s chest. At this moment Bābā K͟hurram
and Rām Dās came up to the assistance of Anūp Rāy.
The prince struck the tiger on the loins with his sword, and Rām
Dās also struck him twice with his sword, once on the
shoulder-blade. On the whole it was very warm work, and
Ḥayāt K͟hān struck the tiger several blows over
the head with a stick he had in his hand. Anūp Rāy with force
dragged his arms out of the tiger’s mouth [187]and
struck him two or three times on the cheek with his fist, and rolling
over on his side stood up by the force of his knees. At the time of
withdrawing his arms from the tiger’s mouth, as his teeth had
passed through them, they were partly torn, and both his paws passed
over his shoulders. When he stood up, the tiger also stood up and
wounded him on the chest with his claws, so that those wounds troubled
him for some days. As the ground was uneven, they rolled over each
other, holding on like two wrestlers. In the place where I was standing
the ground was quite level. Anūp Rāy says that God Almighty
gave him so much intelligence that he bore the tiger over deliberately
to26 one side (in the original, that side), and that
he knew no more. At this time the tiger left him and was making off. He
in that state of bewilderment raised up his sword and followed him and
struck him on the head. When the tiger turned his face round, he struck
him another blow on the face, so that both his eyes were cut, and the
skin of the eyebrows, which had been severed by the sword, fell over
his eyes. In this state of affairs, a lamp-man of the name of
Ṣāliḥ, as it was time to light the lamps, came in a
hurry and by a blind chance27 came across the tiger. The
tiger struck him one blow with his paw and knocked him down. To fall
and give up his life were the same thing. Other people came in and
finished the tiger’s business. As Anūp Rāy had done
this service to me and I had witnessed the way in which he offered his
life, after he had recovered from the pain of his wounds and had the
honour of waiting on me, I bestowed on him the title of
Anīrāʾī [188]Singh-dalan.
Anīrāʾī28 they call in the Hindi language
the leader of an army, and the meaning of Singh-dalan is a
tiger-slayer. Giving him a special sword of my own, I increased his
mansab. I gave K͟hurram, son of K͟hān Aʿz̤am,
who had been appointed to the governorship of the province of Junagadh,
the title of Kāmil K͟hān. On Sunday, the 3rd
Ẕī-l-qaʿda, I employed myself in fishing, and 766 fish
were caught; these were divided in my presence among the Amirs,
Ibachkiān (?),29 and most of the servants. I eat
no fish but those that have scales, but not because the professors of
the Shiah faith look on those without scales as unlawful, but the cause
of my aversion is this, that I have heard from old men, and it has
become known to me by experience as well, that fish without scales eat
the flesh of dead animals and fish with scales do not eat it. From this
cause, to eat them is contrary to my disposition. The Shiahs
know30 why they do not eat them and for what reason they
consider them unlawful. One of my home-bred camels that was with me in
the hunt carried five nilgaws that weighed 42 Hindustani maunds. I had
before this sent for Naz̤īrī of Nīshāpūr,
who excelled other men in the art of poetry, and passed his time in
Gujarat as a merchant. At this time he came and waited on me, and
imitating a poem of Anwarī,




“Again, what youth and beauty this is for the
world!”




laid before me a poem that he had
composed on me. I presented him with 1,000 rupees, a horse, and a robe
of honour as a gift for this poem. I had also sent for Ḥakīm
Hamīd Gujarātī, whom Murtaẓā K͟hān
greatly [189]praised, and he came and waited on me. His good
qualities and purity were better than his doctoring. He waited on me
for some time. When it became known that there was no physician but
himself in Gujarat, and I found he himself desired leave to go, I gave
him and his sons 1,000 rupees and some shawls, and set aside a whole
village for his maintenance; he went off to his native place quite
happy. Yūsuf K͟hān, son of Ḥusain K͟hān
Tukriyah, came from his jagir and waited on me. On Thursday, the 10th
Ẕī-l-ḥijja, was the festival of the Qurbān (the
sacrifice of Ishmael). As it is forbidden to take life on that day
(Thursday), I ordered that on the Friday they should kill the
sacrificial animals. Having sacrificed three sheep with my own hand, I
mounted to go hunting, and returned when six gharis of night had
passed. On this day was killed a nilgaw (commonly called blue bull) of
the weight of 9 maunds and 35 seers. The story of this nilgaw is
written because it is not devoid of strangeness. In the two past years,
during which I had come to this same place to wander about and hunt I
had shot at him each time with a gun. As the wounds were not in a fatal
place, he had not fallen, but gone off. This time again I saw that
nilgaw in the hunting-ground (s͟hikārgāh), and
the watchman recognized that in the two previous years he had gone away
wounded. In short, I fired at him again three times on that day. It was
in vain. I pursued him rapidly on foot for three kos, but however much
I exerted myself I could not catch him. At last I made a vow that if
this nilgaw fell I would have his flesh cooked, and for the soul of
K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn would give it to eat to
poor people. I also vowed a muhr and one rupee to my revered father.
Soon after this the nilgaw became worn out with moving, and I ran to
his head and ordered them to make it lawful (cut its throat in the name
of Allah) on the spot, and having brought it to the camp I fulfilled my
vow as I had proposed. They cooked [190]the nilgaw, and expending the
muhr and rupee on sweets. I assembled poor and hungry people and
divided them among them in my own presence. Two or three days
afterwards I saw another nilgaw. However much I exerted myself and
wished he would stand still in one place, so that I might fire at him,
I could get no chance. With my gun on my shoulder I followed him till
near evening until it was sunset, and despaired of killing him.
Suddenly it came across my tongue, “K͟hwāja, this
nilgaw also is vowed to you.” My speaking and his sitting down
were at one and the same moment. I fired at and hit him, and ordered
him, like the first nilgaw, to be cooked and given to the poor to eat.
On Saturday, the 19th Ẕī-l-ḥijja, I fished again. This
time about 330 fish were caught. On the night of Wednesday, the
28th31 of the same month, I encamped at
Rūpbās. As this was one of my fixed hunting-places and there
was an order that no one should hunt in the neighbourhood, a great
number of antelope had come together in the desert there, so much so
that they came into the inhabited parts and were not subject to any
kind of molestation. I hunted for two or three days in those desert
plains, and shot, and hunted with cheetahs many antelopes. As the hour
for entering the city was near, making two halts on the way, I alighted
on the night of Thursday, the 2nd Muharram, in the year 1020 (17th
March, 1611), at the garden of ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq
Maʿmūrī, which is near, in fact close to, the city. On
this night many of the servants of the Court, such as K͟hwāja
Jahān, Daulat K͟hān, and a number who had remained in
the city, came and waited on me. Īraj also, whom I had sent for
from the Subah of the Deccan, had the honour of kissing the threshold.
I stayed in that garden also on the Friday. On that day
ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq presented his own offerings. As this was the
last day for hunting, an order was given [191]that the duration of
the hunt and the number of animals killed should be counted up to me.
The time of the hunt was from the 9th of the month of Āẕar
to the 29th Isfandārmuẕ of the 5th year, or three months and
twenty days. In this time tigers 12, deer (gāwzan) 1,
chikārah (gazelle) 44, kūtāh-pācha
(hog-deer) 1 head, fawns 2 head, black buck 68 head, does 31 head,
foxes 4, kūrāra deer 8, pātal (?) 1, bears
5, hyænas 3, hares 6, nilgaw 108, fish 1,096, eagle 1, bustard 1,
peafowl 5, herons 5, partridges 5, brahminī ducks
(surk͟hāb) 1, sāras 5, dhīk
(?) 1; total, 1,414.


On Saturday, the 29th Isfandārmuẕ,
corresponding to the 4th Muḥarram, I mounted an elephant and went
to the city. From the garden of ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq to the palace
the distance is a kos and 20 tanāb. I scattered 1,500
rupees to the crowd. At the fixed hour I entered the palace. The bazars
had been decorated with cloths after the manner of the New Year’s
feast. As at the hunting-time an order had been given to
K͟hwāja Jahān to prepare in the Maḥall
(Zenanah) a building fit for me to sit in, the said K͟hwāja
had in the space of three months prepared and brought to perfection
this kind of lofty building, and with folded hands (in humility) had
done exceedingly active work. Coming off the dust of the road I entered
that Paradise-like building and went to look round that abode, and it
was very much to my taste. K͟hwāja Jahān was dignified
with much praise and commendation. The offerings he had prepared were
displayed to me in the same building. Some of these were approved and
accepted and the remainder presented to him.










1
G͟hāzī K͟hān was one of the famous officers of
Akbar. Ḥusām his son was married to
Abū-l-faẓl’s sister. See Blochmann, p.
440. ↑


2 Brahmini
ducks. ↑


3 A son of
Akbar’s officer, Muḥammad Qulī Barlās (Blochmann,
pp. 342 and 478). ↑


4 Mīr
ʿAlī was a famous calligrapher. See Rieu, Cat., ii, 531. Can
the copy mentioned by Jahāngīr be that in the Bodleian
Library, which Sir W. Jones praised so highly? A writer in the Journal
of the Moslem Institute for January-March, 1907, p. 186, suggests that
the copy is in the Bankipur Library. ↑


5 The
Iqbāl-nāma, p. 41, has S͟hayyādī, ‘a
dervish, a hypocrite,’ and the R.A.S. MS. has Sayyidī
S͟hayyād. S͟hayyād is used at p. 60 to mean an
impostor. Here, perhaps, it would mean a buffoon. ↑


6
ʿAlī Aḥmad’s father was S͟haik͟h
Ḥusain. See Blochmann, p. 53. ↑


7 It was
the bathing of the Hindus that the saint was watching. ↑


8 The
point of Amīr K͟husrau’s hemistich is that
kaj-kulāh literally means ‘the awry cap,’ and
so refers to the saint, who had his cap on his ear or on the side of
his head. But it also means one who is presumptuous, and has left the
true path of religion. It also means, according to Steingass, a beloved
person. ↑


9 I.O. MS.
181 has Tak͟ht-i-bak͟ht (Throne of
fortune). ↑


10
Kes͟ho Dās was perhaps the father of Karamsī, one of
Akbar’s wives. See Blochmann, p. 310. ↑


11
Blochmann, p. 465. ↑


12
Tak͟htī, qu. a signet? ↑


13 Kaukab
is mentioned again at the end of the twelfth year. For notice of his
father see Blochmann, p. 485. ↑


14 Elliot,
vi, 321. ↑


15
Ujjainiyya here means Bhojpūr. ↑


16
Apparently we may infer from this that Jahāngīr did blind or
attempt to blind his son K͟husrau, though he says nothing about
it. Else why should this impostor pretend that he had marks of the
blinding? Tavernier says K͟husrau was blinded. Du Jarric also
tells us that Jahāngīr blinded K͟husrau on his way back
from Kabul, when he came to the place where K͟husrau had fought
the battle. He was blinded by some juice of a plant being poured into
his eyes. The juice resembled milk (qu. Euphorbia). One of his
captains, who was also a judge, was likewise blinded there along with
his son. W. Finch, too, speaks of this outbreak. He also says that
K͟husrau was reported to have been blinded on the battlefield with
a glass. Another story was that Jahāngīr merely caused a
handkerchief to be tied over his eyes and had it sealed with his own
seal. It is mentioned in Whiteway’s “Rise of the Portuguese
Power in India,” p. 165, note, that fifteen relatives of the King
of Ormuz had been blinded by red-hot bowls having been passed close to
their eyes. ↑


17
K͟harakpūr. The word is written Gorak͟hpur in some MSS.,
but I think it is clear that K͟harakpūr is the place meant,
for ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān had lately got Sangrām’s
estate of K͟harakpūr in jagir. The fact, too, that he fought
with the impostor at the Pūn Pūn to the east of Patna shows
that he was coming back from down the Ganges. ↑


18 Text
wrongly has Māndhu. ↑


19 A
tasū, or t̤asū, is said in Wilson’s
Glossary to be the 24th part of a gaz or about a third of an inch. I.O.
MS. makes the breadth 3½ cubits 1 tasu. The slab is described in
Keene’s Guide and in the N.W.P. Gazetteer, Agra volume. One
inscription has the date 1011, or 1602. Archæological Report, lv,
pp. 132–5, says it is 10 ft. 7½ ins. long, 9 ft. 10 ins.
broad, and 6 inches thick. It is supported on octagonal pedestals. See
also Beale’s Miftāḥu-t-tawārīk͟h, pp.
300, 301, where a representation of the stone and copies of the
inscriptions are given. ↑


20 A fort
in the Deccan “sixty miles north of Bidar” (Elliot, vi,
70). ↑


21 So in
MSS. Apparently K͟hān Jahān’s meaning was that if
this Deccani man were sent to Agra (as if to be punished) the other
Deccani leaders would be discouraged. ↑


22 The
text seems corrupt. Apparently I.O. MS. has Sargala, and this may have
been Kes͟ho Dās’s title. ↑


23
Pāra dūrtar, but it would seem from the
Maʾās̤ir, ii, 231, five lines from foot, that
pāra, or bāra, is a word meaning a body of men.
Perhaps it is bārah, ‘twelve.’ ↑


24 At p.
256 we have the phrase majrā gīrand applied to the
directing of cannon against the buildings of Fort Ranthambhor. I
confess that I do not know whether Jahāngīr fired the gun
that was on the stand or the one that Kamāl loaded. ↑


25
Majrā giriftam seems rather to mean here ‘adjusted
the tripod,’ for from what follows it appears that the gun was
not then loaded. The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 47, has māsha
rā zīr kard, ‘applied the
match’(?). ↑


26
Apparently the meaning is that he rolled the tiger over to the side
furthest from Jahāngīr. ↑


27
Kūragī. The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 48, says the
night was dark, and so the lamplighter blindly (az
kūragī) fell upon the tiger and was killed. This tiger
hunt and Jahāngīr’s danger, etc., are described by
William Finch (Purchas, i, 430). ↑


28
Anīkini means an army in Sanskrit and Rai is a title meaning
leadership. ↑


29 Text,
Zangchiyān (?). I.O. 181 has Ibachkiyān, i.e.
people of the Ibachkī-k͟hāna or closet. See
Āyīn, Persian text, i, 42, and Blochmann, i,
46. ↑


30 This is
said ironically. ↑


31 The
text has 14th night, but I follow the I.O. MS. 181. ↑








[Contents]



The Sixth New Year’s Feast after my auspicious
Accession.






Two gharis and forty seconds of day had passed on
the Monday when the sun (lit. his honour the greatest star) entered his
tower of honour, which is in the constellation of [192]Aries. That day was the 1st Farwardīn,
corresponding with the 6th Muḥarram1 (21st March,
1611). The feast of the New Year having been prepared, I seated myself
on the throne of good fortune. The Amirs and all the servants of the
Court enjoyed the good fortune of waiting on me and gave their
congratulations. The offerings of the servants of the Court
Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān, ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān
Fīrūz-jang, and Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān,
were laid before me. On Wednesday, the 8th Muḥarram, the offering
of Rāja Kalyān, who had sent it from Bengal, was laid before
me. On Thursday, the 9th of the same month, S͟hajāʿat
K͟hān and some of the mansabdars, who had come on summons
from the Deccan, waited on me. I gave a jewelled waist-dagger to
Razzāq-wirdī Ūzbeg. On the same day the New Year’s
offering of Murtazā K͟hān was laid before me. He had
prepared all kinds of things. Having inspected all these, I took what I
approved in the shape of valuable jewels, fine cloths, elephants, and
horses and gave back the rest. I presented a jewelled dagger to
Abū-l-fatḥ Dakhanī, 3,000 rupees to Mīr
ʿAbdu-llah, and an Iraq horse to Muqīm K͟hān. I
increased the rank of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, which
was 1,500 personal and 100 horse, by 500 personal and horse. I had
summoned him from the Deccan for the purpose of sending him to Bengal
to Islām K͟hān, in reality to take his place
permanently, and I entrusted him with the charge of that Subah.
K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan laid before me (as offerings)
two rubies, one royal pearl, and ten rings. I gave Īraj, the son
of K͟hānk͟hānān, a jewelled dagger. The rank
of K͟hurram was 8,000 personal and 5,000 horse; I increased his
personal allowance by 2,000, and [193]increased that of
K͟hwāja Jahān, which was 1,500 personal, 1,000 horse by
500 personal, 200 horse. On 24th Muḥarram, 18th Farwardīn,
the day of the ascendant, Yādgār ʿAlī
Sult̤ān, ambassador of S͟hāh ʿAbbās,
ruler of Persia, who had come on a visit of condolence on the death of
the late king and with congratulations on my accession, had the honour
of waiting on me, and laid before me the gifts S͟hāh
ʿAbbās, my brother, had sent. He had brought good horses,
cloth stuffs, and every kind of fitting present. After he had presented
the gifts, on the same day I gave him a superb robe of honour and
30,000 rupees, which were equivalent to 1,000 Persian tumans. He handed
me a letter in which were mingled congratulations and condolences for
the death of my revered father. As in the letter of congratulation he
expressed the greatest friendship, and omitted no point of regard and
concord, it has pleased me to enter here an exact copy of it.




Copy of the letter of S͟hāh
ʿAbbās.


“May the sprinklings of the cloud of the grace of
God and the dropping of the favour of the Almighty impart freshness to
the gardens of wonderful men and inventors (of new things)! May the
flower-bed of sovereignty and rule and the mead of magnificence and
exalted happiness of his Honour of heavenly dignity, of sun-like
grandeur, the king whose fortune is young, of Saturn-like majesty, the
renowned prince, possessing the authority of the spheres, the Khedive,
the world-gripper (Jahāngīr) and country-conquering
sovereign, the prince of the exaltedness of Sikandar, with the banner
of Darius, he who sits on the throne of the pavilion of greatness and
glory, the possessor of the (seven) climes, the increaser of the joys
of good fortune and prosperity, adorner of the gardens of happiness,
decorator of the rose-parterre, lord of the happy conjunction (of the
planets), the opener of the countenance, [194]the perfection of
kinghood, expounder of the mysteries of the sky, the adornment of the
face of learning and insight, index of the book of creation, compendium
of human perfections, mirror of the glory of God, elevator of the lofty
soul, increaser of good fortune and of the beneficent ascension, sun of
the grandeur of the skies, the shadow of the benignity of the Creator,
he who has the dignity of Jamshīd among the stars of the host of
heaven, lord of conjunction, refuge of the world, river of the favours
of Allah, and fountain of unending mercy, verdure of the plain of
purity, may his land (lit. surface) be guarded from the calamity of the
evil eye; may his fountain of perfection be preserved in truth, his
desire and love; the tale of his good qualities and benevolence cannot
be written.




“‘The pen has not the tongue to express the
secret of love.’




Although outwardly the distance (between us)
prevents my attaining to the kaʿbah of desire, yet he is
the qiblah of my keen longing for spiritual intercourse. Thank
God that by virtue of essential oneness this humble supplicant and that
pure nursling of glory have in reality been united to one another. The
distance of space and outward separation of the body not having
prevented nearness of soul and spiritual union, my face is still
towards friendship, and accordingly the dust of sorrow has not settled
on the sun-like mirror of my mind, but it has received the reflection
of the beauty of that exhibitor of perfection, and the olfactory of my
soul has been ever scented with the sweet savour of friendship and love
and the ambergris-perfumed breezes of affection and concord, and
spiritual fellowship and perpetual union have rubbed off the rust from
friendship.




“‘I sit beside thee in thought, and my
heart is at ease,


For this is an union not followed by separation’s
pain.’




“Praise be given to the most mighty and pure
God that the plant of the desire of true friends hath borne the fruit
[195]of fruition. Success (maqṣūd),
that beauty who for years was hidden behind the veil, has by dint of
humility and supplication at the throne of the Almighty, come forth and
manifested herself from the hidden bridal chamber, and a ray of
perfection has been thrown on the plain of the hopes of the expectants;
she has ascended the auspicious throne and seated herself beside the
king who adorns the assembly and enhances the glory of the tribune of
the king of kings. The world-opening standard of the Caliphate and
rule, and the sky-scraping umbrella of justice and world-sway of that
creator of the diadem and throne, and that opener of the knots of
knowledge and wisdom have cast the shade of equity and sovereignty and
mercy over the heads of the inhabitants of the world. My hope is that
the chief of desire-granters may make the auspicious ascension of that
blessed rising of fortune brighten the crown and illuminate the throne,
making it of good omen and prosperous to all, and may the things that
appertain to kingship and rule of the world and the causes of dignity
and prosperity be ever on the increase! For long past the customs of
amity and the ways of intimacy, which have been in existence between
our ancestors, and now freshly have been re-established between this
one who is bent on friendship and him who is intent on equity, demanded
that when the good news of the accession of him who sits on the
Gūrgānī throne and is the heir of the crown of
Tīmūr reached this country, one of the confidants of the
royal palace should be quickly nominated to convey congratulations, but
inasmuch as the business of Āẕarbījān and the
conquest of the province of S͟hirwān just then occurred, and
until my loving mind was satisfied as to the affairs of that province,
I could not return to my capital, some delay took place in the
accomplishment of this important duty. Although outward ceremonial
observances and politenesses have not much weight with people of
knowledge and discernment, yet the observance of them is the observance
[196]of the dues of friendship. Of necessity,
therefore, at this auspicious time when the attention of the servants
of holy angels (?) has been withdrawn from the affairs of that
province, which have been arranged in accordance with the desires of my
well-wishers, and I am at ease in that quarter, I have returned and
settled down in my capital of Isfahan, which is the permanent seat of
rule. Therefore I have despatched Kamālu-d-dīn Yadgār
ʿAlī, who possesses the attributes of nobility, is perfect in
sincerity and fully reliable, who is moreover of the number of devoted
servants and Sūfīs of pure design of our family, to the most
exalted Court, that after he has obtained the good fortune to salute
you, to condole with you, and kissed the carpet of honour, and
performed the dues of inquiry (after health, etc.) and congratulations,
he may obtain leave to return, and may convey to the sincere mind of
your well-wisher the good tidings of the safety of your angelic person
and the health of your temperament that is of the brightness of the sun
and increases joy. It is hoped that the tree of hereditary friendship
and assiduousness, and the garden of intimacy and regard, both apparent
and spiritual, which by the irrigation of the rivers of affection and
the brooks of sincere regard acquire great splendour and greenness, not
casting their leaves, may set in motion the cord of intimacy and drive
away the misfortune of estrangement by the arrival of correspondence,
which is the communication of the soul, and may connect by spiritual
chains our visible friendship, and may favour the course and
accomplishment of business.


“May God Almighty give the assistance of the
secret powers to that living family of dignity and glory and that
household of grandeur and good fortune.”






Up to this is the copy of the letter of my brother
S͟hāh ʿAbbās.


My brothers Sult̤ān Murād and
Dāniyāl, who had died in the lifetime of my revered father,
people had called [197]by several names. I ordered that one of
them should be called S͟hāhzāda mag͟hfūr (the
pardoned prince), and the other S͟hāhzāda
marḥūm (the prince admitted to mercy). I promoted
Iʿtimādu-d-daulah and ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq
Maʿmūrī, who each held the rank of 1,500, to that of
1,800, and increased the horse-rank of Qāsim K͟hān,
brother of Islām Khankhanan, by 250. I dignified Īraj,
eldest son of the Khankhanan, with the title of
S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān, and Saʿdu-llah, son of
Saʿīd K͟hān, with the appellation of
Nawāzis͟h K͟hān.


At the time of my accession I had increased weights and
measures (lit. gaz), viz. to the extent of three ratis (small
weight equal to eight barleycorns), in the weight of muhrs and rupees.
At this time it was represented to me that in mercantile transactions
it would be for the convenience of the people that muhrs and rupees
should be of the same weight as previously. As in all affairs the
contentment and ease of the people are to be looked to, I gave an order
that from the present day, that is, the 11th Urdībihis͟ht in
the 6th year of my reign, they should strike muhrs and rupees of the
former weight in all the mints of my dominions. As before this, on
Saturday, the 2nd of the month of Ṣafar, in the year 1020, the
evil-dispositioned Aḥdād had heard that Kabul was deprived
of an eminent leader, that K͟hān Daurān2
was in the interior, and only Muʿizzu-l-mulk with a few servants
of the aforesaid was in Kabul, thinking it a good opportunity he
(Aḥdād) betook himself unexpectedly to Kabul with a large
number of horsemen and foot-soldiers. Muʿizzu-l-mulk, according to
the measure of his ability, displayed activity, and the Kabulis and
other inhabitants, especially the Farmulī3 tribe,
barricaded up the streets and fortified their houses. The Afghans with
some guns came in to the streets and bazars [198]from
different directions. The people from the shelter of their terraces and
houses killed many of these wretches with arrows and guns, and
Bargī,4 one of the confidential leaders of
Aḥdād, was killed. From the occurrence of this affair, for
fear that the people from all sides and quarters should assemble and
block the road for them to get out, giving up their hearts and feet (in
a state of distraction), in fear and confusion they turned back. About
800 of those dogs went to jahannam (hell), and 200, having caught
horses, hastily escaped with their lives from that deadly place.
Nād ʿAlī Maidānī, who was in Lahūgar, at
last on the same day arrived there, and pursued them for a short
distance. As the distance (between them) was too great and his band
small, he turned back. For the energy he had shown in coming quickly,
and for the activity displayed by Muʿizzu-l-mulk, they were both
promoted in rank; Nād ʿAlī, who held that of 1,000
personal to that of 1,500, and Muʿizzu-l-mulk, who held the rank
of 1,500, to 1,800. As it transpired that K͟hān Daurān
and the Kabulis were in the habit of passing their days in
carelessness, and the repelling of the evil disposition of
Aḥdād had taken a long time it occurred to me that as the
Khankhanan was without employment I might appoint him and his sons to
this duty. Soon after this idea occurred, Qilīj K͟hān,
to summon whom a firman had already been issued, came from the Panjab
and obtained the honour of an audience. It became evident from the
forehead of his circumstances (his manner) that he was annoyed at the
duty of driving back the ill-dispositioned Aḥdād being
assigned to K͟hānk͟hānān. As he faithfully
promised to take up this duty, it was settled that the governorship of
the Subah of the Panjab should belong to Murtaẓā
K͟hān, and that the Khankhanan should remain at home, and
that Qilīj K͟hān should be promoted to the rank of 6,000
personal and 5,000 horse, and be appointed [199]to
Kabul to drive back Aḥdād and the up-country robbers. I
ordered the Khankhanan to have a jagir in the Subah of Agra in the
Sarkars of Qanauj and Kalpi, that he might inflict condign punishment
on the rebels of that region and exterminate them (pull them out by the
roots). When I dismissed them I gave each of them special robes of
honour and horses and elephants, and having received the robes of
exaltation they started off. At the same time, on account of the sincerity
of his friendship and his old services, I bestowed on
Iʿtimādu-d-daulah the rank of 2,000 personal and 500 horse,
and presented him with a sum of 5,000 rupees by way of gift.
Mahābat K͟hān, whom I had sent to make the necessary
preparations for war for the victorious army of the Deccan and point
out to the Amirs the desirability of concord and unanimity, paid his
respects to me at the capital of Agra on the 12th of the month of
Tīr, the 21st of Rabīʿu-s̤-s̤ānī. It
was brought to notice in a letter from Islām K͟hān that
ʿInāyat K͟hān had performed approved service in the
Subah of Bengal; on this account I increased by 500 personal the rank
he already held of 2,000. I also increased by 500 personal and 300
horse, so as to make it up altogether to 1,500 personal and 800 horse,
the rank of Rāja Kalyān, who was one of the officials of that
Subah. I appointed Hās͟him K͟hān,5 who was
in Orissa, to the government of Kashmir, and sent his uncle,
K͟hwāja Muḥammad Ḥusain, there to look after the
affairs of that country until his arrival. In the time of my revered
father his father, Muḥammad Qāsim, had conquered Kashmir.
Chīn Qilīj, who was the eldest son of Qilīj
K͟hān, came from the Subah of Kabul and waited on me. As in
addition to his natural excellence he was a
k͟hānazād (houseborn one), he was honoured with
the title of K͟hān, and according [200]to
the prayer of his father, and on condition of his undertaking service
in Tīrah, I increased his rank by 500 personal and 300 horse. On
the 14th Amardād on account of the previous service and great
sincerity and ability of Iʿtimādu-daulah, I bestowed on him
the high rank of the viziership of the kingdom, and on the same day
presented a belt with a jewelled dagger to Yādgār
ʿAlī, ambassador of the ruler of Iran. As ʿAbdu-llah
K͟hān, who had been appointed to command the army against the
rebel Rānā, promised to enter the province of the Deccan from
the direction of Gujarat, I promoted him to be Subahdar of that
province, and at his request appointed Rāja Bāso to the
command of the army against the Rānā, increasing his rank by
500 horse. In place of Gujarat I conferred the Subah of Malwa on
K͟hān Aʿz̤am and sent 400,000 rupees to provide for
the army and warlike materials for the force that had been appointed to
accompany ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān by way of Nāsik, which
is near the province of the Deccan. Ṣafdar K͟hān, with
his brothers, came from the Subah of Behar, and had the honour of
kissing the threshold.


One of the royal slaves who was serving in the
seal-cutting departments prepared and laid before me a design such as I
had never seen or heard of before. As it is exceedingly strange, a
detailed6 description of it is given. In the shell of a
filbert four compartments had been carved out of ivory. The first
compartment was one of wrestlers, in which two men were engaged in
wrestling, a third was standing with a spear in his hand, a fourth with
a hard stone.7 Another was sitting with his hands placed on
the ground, while in front of him were laid a piece of wood, a bow and
a pot. In the second a throne had been made [201]above which a s͟hamiyāna (a
tent-fly or canopy) was depicted, and a man of wealth (a prince) was
seated on the throne with one leg placed over the other and a pillow at
his back. Five servants were standing around and before him, and
tree-boughs threw a shade over the throne. In the third compartment is
a company of rope-dancers, who have raised upright a pole with three
ropes fastened to it. A rope-dancer upon it (qu. on the ropes?8) has taken hold of his own right foot with his
left hand behind his head, and standing on one foot has placed a goat
on the top of the pole. Another person has thrown a drum on his neck
and is beating it, whilst another man is standing with his hands lifted
up and looking at the rope-dancer. Five other men are also standing, of
whom one has a stick in his hand. In the fourth compartment there is a
tree, below which the figure of the revered (ḥaẓrat)
Jesus is shown. One person has placed his head at Jesus’ feet,
and an old man is conversing with Jesus and four others are standing
by.9 As he had made such a masterpiece, I honoured him
with a present and with increased salary.


On the 30th S͟hahrīwar, Mīrzā
Sult̤ān, who had been sent for from the Deccan, came and
waited on me. Ṣafdar K͟hān had an increase of rank
conferred on him, and was appointed to go to the assistance of the army
against the rebel Rānā. As ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān
Bahādur Fīrūz-jang had proposed to enter the
neighbouring province of the Deccan by way of Nāsik, it occurred
to me to appoint Rām Dās Kachhwāha, who was one of the
sincere servants of my [202]revered father, to accompany him
in order that he might in every place look after him, and not allow him
to be too rash and hasty. For this purpose I bestowed on him great
favours, as well as the title of Raja, which he had not thought of for
himself. I also gave him drums and the fort of Ranthanbūr, which
is one of the noted castles in Hindustan, and honouring him with a
superb robe of honour and an elephant and horse I dismissed him. I
appointed K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, who had been
transferred from the chief Diwanship, to the duty of the Subahdarship
of the Deccan, as he had been for a long time in those regions in the
service of my deceased brother (Dāniyāl). I honoured
Abū-l-ḥasan, son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, with the
title of Iʿtiqād K͟hān, and having promoted the
sons of Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān to fitting ranks sent
them to Bengal to Islām K͟hān. At the request of
Islām K͟hān, Rāja Kalyān was appointed to the
government of the Sarkar of Orissa and had an increase in rank of 200
personal and horse. I presented S͟hajāʿat
K͟hān Dakhanī with 4,000 rupees. On the 7th
Ābān Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā
S͟hāhruk͟h, came from the Deccan and waited on me.


About this time, in consequence of the disturbances that
had occurred in the country of Māwarāʾa-n-nahr, many of
the Amirs and Ūzbeg soldiers, such as Ḥusain Bī,
Pahluwān Bābā, and Nauras Bī Darman, and Baram
Bī and others came to Court and waited on me. They were all
honoured with robes of honour, horses, cash, mansabs, and jagirs. On
the 2nd Āẕar Hās͟him K͟hān came from
Bengal and had the honour of kissing my threshold. I sent 500,000
rupees for the expenses of the victorious army of the Deccan, of which
the leader was ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, to Ahmadabad in Gujarat
by the hands of Rūp K͟hawāṣṣ and
S͟haik͟h Anbiyā. On the 1st day I went to the village of
Samonagar, which is one of my fixed hunting-places, to hunt. Twenty-two
antelope were killed, of which I myself killed sixteen and
K͟hurram the other six. Remaining [203]there two days and
two nights, on the night of Sunday I returned to the city in health and
safety, and one night this couplet threw its brilliance on my
mind:—




“As long as there’s in heaven light for the
sun,


Be not the reflection far from the Shah’s
umbrella.”




I ordered the lamplighters and the relators of
stories that at the time of their salutations and telling stories they
should commence with this couplet, and it is still in use. On Saturday,
the 3rd day, a letter came from K͟hān Aʿz̤am that
ʿĀdil K͟hān Bījāpūrī had given
up his evil ways and become penitent, and in the rank of servants was
now more loyal than ever. On the 14th day, corresponding with the last
day of S͟hawwāl, leave was given to Hās͟him
K͟hān to go to Kashmir. I gave a special wrapper10 (fargal) to Yādgār
ʿAlī, ambassador of Persia. I presented Iʿtiqād
K͟hān with one of my special swords called Sar-andāz
(thrower of heads). Having honoured S͟hādmān, son of
K͟hān Aʿz̤am, with the title of
S͟hādmān K͟hān, I increased his rank to 1,700
personal and 500 horse. He was also honoured with a standard.
Sardār K͟hān, brother of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān
Fīrūz-jang, and Arslān Bī Ūzbeg, who had been
appointed to the charge of Sīvistān,11 were also
presented with standards. I ordered that
jāʾi-namāz (prayer carpets) should be made of the
skins of the antelopes I had myself killed, and be kept in the public
audience hall for people to use in saying their prayers. By way of
special respect to the Law I ordered that the Mīr-i-ʿAdl and
Qāẓī, who are the pivot of affairs of the divine law,
should not kiss the ground (before me), which is a kind of
sijda. On Thursday, the 22nd day, I went again to Samonagar to
hunt. As many antelope had collected together in that neighbourhood I
had this time sent off K͟hwāja Jahān to prepare a
qamargah and drive in the antelope into a broad place from all sides,
to place canvas-walls [204](sarā-parda) and a
gulāl-bāṛ12 round it. They enclosed a
kos and half of ground with sarapardas. When news came that the
hunting-place had been prepared and a great deal of game had been
confined, I went there and began to hunt on the Friday. Until the next
Thursday I went every day to the qamargah with the ladies and hunted as
much as I liked. Some of the deer were taken alive and some killed with
arrows and guns. On the Sunday and Thursday, on which I do not fire
guns at animals, they took them alive in nets. In these seven days 917
head, male and female, were caught, and of these 641 deer were caught
alive. Four hundred and four head were sent to Fatḥpūr to be
let loose on the plain there, and with regard to 84 I ordered them to
put silver rings in their noses and set them free in the same place.
The 276 other antelope that had been killed with guns and arrows and by
cheetahs were divided from day to day among the Begams and the slaves
of the palace, and Amirs and servants of the palace. As I became very
tired (dilgīr) of hunting, I gave orders to the Amirs to go
to the s͟hikārgāh (hunting-place) and hunt all
that were left over, and myself returned in safety to the city. On the
1st Bahman, corresponding with the 17th Ẕī-l-qaʿda, I
ordered that in the large cities of my dominions, like Ahmadabad,
Allahabad, Lahore, Delhi, Agra, etc., they should arrange
bulg͟hur-k͟hānas (places for the distribution of cooked
food) for the poor; thirty mahalls (districts) had been ordered. Six
had already been established, and twenty-four other districts were now
ordered. On the 4th Bahman I increased the rank of Rāja Bīr
Singh Deo by 1,000 personal; it was previously 4,000 personal and 2,000
horse: I gave him a jewelled sword. Another sword out of my special
ones, that was called S͟hāh-bacha, (king’s child), was
presented to S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān. On the 16th
Isfandārmuẕ, Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of
Mīrzā S͟hāhruk͟h, [205]was
appointed to the army against the rebel Rānā and a sword sent
by his hand for Rāja Bāso. Having again heard that the Amirs
on the borders interfere with authority in matters that do not concern
them, and do not observe laws and regulations, I ordered13 that the Bakhshis should circulate orders, to be
obeyed amongst the Amirs of the borders, that hereafter they should not
interfere in such things, which are the private affair of kings. The
first thing is this, that they should not sit in the jharokha
(private window), and should not trouble their officers and captains of
the auxiliaries with keeping guard or saluting them, and should not
have elephant fights, and should not inflict the punishment of
blinding, and should not cut off ears and noses, and should not force
Islam on anyone, and should not confer titles on their servants, and
should not order the royal servants to do kūrnis͟h or
prostration, and should not force singers to remain on duty in the
manner customary in (royal) darbars, and should not beat drums when
they go out, and when they give a horse or elephant to anyone, whether
to the king’s attendants or to their own servants, they should
not place reins or elephant’s goads on their backs and make them
perform obeisance. In going in procession they should not take with
them on foot in their retinue the royal attendants. If they write
anything to them they should not put a seal on it.14 The
regulations which have been styled the rules of Jahāngīr
(Āyīn-i-Jahāngīrī) are now in force.15 [206]










1
Jahāngīr does not mention that it was in this year that he
married Nūr-Jahān. He saw her on New Year’s Day
(Iqbāl-nāma, p. 56), and it appears from a note of
Jahāngīr on p. 132 of B.M. MS. Or. 3276 that he married her
on 14th K͟hurdād (end of May, 1611). It was in the 11th year
that she got the title of Nūr-Jahān. Before that she was
known as Nūr-Maḥall. It would seem that Jahāngīr
married Nūr-Jahān four years and a few days after her first
husband’s death. ↑


2
K͟hān Daurān was away in the district of Ningnahar
(Iqbāl-nāma, p. 53). ↑


3 Text
wrongly has Qizilbāshes. ↑


4 Or
Bārkī. ↑


5 The text
has here the word g͟hāyatan, which does not seem to
have much meaning. Erskine has ‘without his knowledge,’ so
he probably had g͟hāʾībāna in his
MS. ↑


6 Compare
Elliot, vi, 324. ↑


7
Sang-i-durus͟htī. Elliot had the name reading and
translates ‘a heavy stone.’ But both MSS. have sang u
rasanī, ‘a stone and a cord,’ query a sling, and
this is certainly the right reading. See Iqbāl-nāma, p.
57. ↑


8 Text
bar pāy, but the I.O. MS. and Iqbāl-nāma, p. 58,
have bar bāzi (‘on the rope’? or perhaps
‘is doing gymnastics’) ↑


9 Note of
Sayyid Aḥmad (to the fourth compartment).—“Evidently
this masterpiece was not the work of a slave in the seal department,
for no reason appears why the portrait of Jesus should be introduced
into the fourth compartment. Probably this masterpiece was the work of
Frank artists and had fallen into the hands of the slave, and he had
ascribed it to his own workmanship. (Perhaps the scene depicted was the
Transfiguration.)” ↑


10 See
Blochmann, p. 89, note. It came from Europe. ↑


11 In
Scinde; it is the same as Sahwan, and is on the Indus. ↑


12
Blochmann, p. 45. ↑


13 Elliot,
vi, 325. ↑


14 Both
MSS. have bar rū instead of bar ū, ‘in
front’ or ‘in the face’ of the letter, and this is no
doubt the correct reading. See Iqbāl-nāma, p. 59. See
Blochmann, p. 263, for the different places where seals are to be put.
Jahāngīr’s order apparently was that the provincial
governors were not to impress their seals on the face of their letters
or other documents. ↑


15 The
reference seems to be, not to these subsidiary regulations, but to the
code of twelve rules promulgated by him at the commencement of his
reign. ↑








[Contents]



The Seventh New Year’s Festival after the
auspicious Accession.






On Tuesday, the 1st Farwardīn of the seventh
year from my accession on the 16th Muḥarram u-l-ḥarām
(19th March, 1612) in the year 1021, the New Year’s assembly that
illuminates the world, and the festival that brings joy, were held in
the capital of Agra. After four gharis of the night had passed on
Thursday, the 3rd of the aforesaid month, the hour that the astrologers
had chosen, I sat on the throne. I had ordered that, according to
annual custom, the bazars should be decorated and the assembly should
be kept up until the day of culmination
(rūz-i-s͟haraf). K͟husrau Bī Ūzbeg, who
was known among the Uzbegs as K͟husrau
Qimchī,1 came on these days and had the
honour of waiting on me. As he was one of the influential men of
Māwarāʾa-n-nahr, I bestowed many favours on him, and
gave him a fine robe of honour. I gave 15,000 rupees to
Yādgār ʿAlī, ambassador of the ruler of Iran, for
his expenses. On the same day the offering of Afẓal
K͟hān, which he had sent from the Subah of Behar, was laid
before me. There were 30 elephants and 18 ponies
(gūnṭh), and pieces of Bengal cloth, sandalwood, some
pods of musk, aloes-wood (Agallochum), and all kinds of things.
The offering of K͟hān Daurān was also produced before
me. He had sent 45 head of horse and two strings of camels, porcelain
from China, dressing-gowns (pūstīnhā2) of sable (sammūr), and other valuable
presents procurable in Kabul and its neighbourhood. The officers of the
palace had taken trouble about their offerings, and according to the
yearly custom from day to day of the festival the offerings of the
servants were laid before me. Having looked at them [207]in
detail, I took what I approved and gave them the remainder. On the 13th
Farwardīn, corresponding with the 29th Muḥarram, a
representation from Islām K͟hān arrived to the effect
that through the blessing of Allah’s favour and through the
benign influence of the royal grace, Bengal had been freed from the
disturbance of ʿUs̤mān, the Afghan. Before the
circumstances of this war are written down, some particulars with
regard to Bengal will be recorded.3 Bengal is a country of
great extent, and in the second clime its length, from the port of
Chittagong to Garī, is 450 kos; and its breadth, from the Northern
hills to the boundary of Sarkar Madāran, 220 kos. Its revenue is
about 60 krores of dams.4 The former rulers of this place
always had 20,000 horse, a lakh of foot-soldiers, 1,000 elephants, and
4,000 or 5,000 war-boats. From the time of S͟hīr
K͟hān and his son Salīm K͟hān, this country
was in the possession of the Afghans. When the throne of sovereignty of
Hindustan in the hands of my revered father acquired beauty and
splendour, he ordered the victorious forces (of the empire) into it,
and for a long time made the conquest of it his object, until the
aforesaid province, through the great efforts of the chiefs of the
victorious State, passed from the possession of Dāʾūd
Karānī, who was the last of its rulers. That wretch was
killed in the fight with K͟hān Jahān, and his army
became scattered and in desperate condition. From that date until now
the province is in the possession of the servants of the State. In the
end a few of the remaining Afghans had remained in the corners and
sides of the country, and kept a few distant places in their
possession, until, by degrees, most of that body became despised and
helpless, [208]and were captured by the chiefs of the State in
the places of which they had still possession. When the arrangement of
the affairs of rule and empire, simply through the grace of God, became
entrusted to this humble servant of the throne of Allah, in the first
year after my accession I sent for Rāja Mān Singh, who had
been appointed to the rule and government of that place, to Court, and
sent Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān, who, out of all the
officials, was distinguished as my foster-brother, in his place. As he
entered the province he attained to martyrdom at the hand of one of
those mischievous ones who had been appointed to that country, and that
man, who had not thought of the consequences, also obtained the reward
of his deeds, and was slain. I promoted Jahāngīr Qulī
K͟hān, who was governor and a Jagirdar in the province of
Behar, on account of his nearness to that neighbourhood, to the rank of
5,000 personal and horse, and ordered him to go to Bengal and take
possession of the province. I sent an order to Islām
K͟hān, who was at the capital of Agra, to go to Behar and
consider that province his jagir. When a short time had passed under
the rule of Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, he contracted
a severe illness, in consequence of the bad water and air of that
place, and by degrees the power of the disease and his weakness became
so great as to end in his destruction. When the news of his death came
to my hearing at Lahore, an order was issued in the name of Islām
K͟hān to proceed as soon as possible to Bengal. When I
appointed him to this important duty, most of the servants of the State
made remarks on his youth and want of experience. As the excellence of
his disposition and his natural capacity had been noticed by my
judicious eye, I myself chose him for this duty. As it happened, the
affairs of this province were carried on by him in such a manner as
from the time when it first entered into the possession of the Chiefs
of the everlasting State until this day has never been attained to by
any of the servants of [209]the Court. One of his noteworthy
deeds was the driving away of the rebel ʿUs̤mān, the
Afghan. He frequently in the time of the late king encountered the
royal forces, but his expulsion was not accomplished. When Islām
K͟hān made Dhaka (Dacca) his place of abode and made the
subjection of the Zamindars of that neighbourhood his chief object, it
occurred to him that he should send an army against the rebel
ʿUs̤mān and his province. If he agreed to serve loyally,
well and good, but if not, they should punish and annihilate him like
other seditious people. At that time S͟hajāʿat
K͟hān5 joined Islām K͟hān, and the
lot of leading in this service6 fell on his name. Several
others of the State servants were also appointed to go with him, such
as Kis͟hwar K͟hān, Iftik͟hār K͟hān,
Sayyid Ādam Bārha, S͟haik͟h Achhay,7
nephew of Muqarrab K͟hān, Muʿtamad K͟hān, the
sons of Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān Ihtimām
K͟hān, and others. He took with him also some of his own men.
At the hour when Mus͟htarī (Jupiter) was propitious, he
started off this band, and appointed Mīr Qāsim, son of
Mīrzā Murād, its chief paymaster and news-writer. He
took also some of the Zamindars with him to show the road. The
victorious armies started. When they reached the neighbourhood of
ʿUs̤mān’s fort and land, they sent some eloquent
men to admonish him and point out to him the way of loyalty, and bring
him back from the road of rebellion to the right path. As much pride
had seated itself in his brain-cup, and he had in his head a desire to
seize the country, beside other fancies, he turned a deaf ear to their
words and [210]prepared himself for conflict and fight. The
battlefield happened to be on the bank of a nullah in a place which was
a complete bog. On Sunday (12th March, 1612), the 9th Muḥarram,
S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, choosing the hour for the
fight, arrayed the victorious forces, so that everyone should go to his
place and be prepared for the battle. ʿUs̤mān had not
settled the battle for that day with himself. When he heard that the
royal army had come prepared for battle, having no remedy he himself
mounted and came to the bank of the nullah, and arrayed his own horse
and foot opposite the victorious army. When the affair grew hot, and
the two forces opposed each other, that foolish, obstinate man at the
first onset threw his own fighting raging elephant against the advanced
guard. After much fighting many of the leaders of the advanced guard,
as Sayyid Ādam8 Bārha and
S͟haik͟h Achhay, attained the dignity of martyrdom.
Iftik͟hār K͟hān, the leader of the right wing, was
in no way remiss in attacking, and sacrificed his own life. The band
that was with him fought to such a degree that they were all cut to
pieces. In the same way Kis͟hwar9
K͟hān and his band of the left wing bravely sacrificed
themselves in the affair of their master, but many of the enemy (lit.
those of dark fortune) were also wounded and killed. That evil one
(ʿUs̤mān) took account of the combatants and ascertained
that the leaders of the advanced guard and right and left wings were
killed. The centre alone remained. He took no account of the killed and
wounded on his own side, but attacked the centre (of the royal army)
with the same energy. On this side the son and brothers and sons-in-law
of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, as well as other officers,
stopped the advance of those lost ones, and attacked them like tigers
and leopards armed with claws and teeth. Some of them attained the
dignity of [211]martyrdom, and those that remained alive bore
away fatal wounds. At this time (ʿUs̤mān) drove a raging
elephant of the name of Gajpat,10 which was his premier
elephant, at S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, who laid hold of
his spear and struck the elephant. What does a raging elephant care for
a javelin. He then seized his sword and struck him two blows one after
another. How did he regard these either! He then drew his dagger and
struck him twice with it, but for this, too, he did not turn back, but
overthrew S͟hajāʿat K͟hān with his horse.
Immediately he was separated from his horse; calling out
“Jahāngīr S͟hāh,” he leapt up, and his
equerry struck the elephant on both front legs a blow with a two-handed
sword. As the elephant fell on his knees, the equerry pulled the
elephant driver down off the elephant, and S͟hajāʿat
with the dagger he had in his hand, and while on foot, struck such
blows on the trunk and forehead of the elephant that the elephant
roared out at the pain and turned round. As he was severely wounded, he
went to his own army and fell down. S͟hajāʿat
K͟hān’s horse got up safely. As he was mounting his
horse those vile ones drove another elephant at his standard-bearer,
and overthrew his horse and standard. S͟hajāʿat
K͟hān gave a manly shout and roused the standard-bearer,
saying: “Be bold: I’m alive and the standard is at my feet
(?).”11 At this critical moment all the servants of the
State who were present seized their arrows and daggers and swords, and
smote the elephant. S͟hajāʿat himself came up and
shouted to the standard-bearer to rise, and got another horse for the
standard-bearer and mounted him on it. The standard-bearer unfurled the
standard and maintained his ground. At the time of this struggle
[212]a (ball from a) gun struck that rebel on his
forehead. However much they enquired for the man who fired it he could
not be found. When this struck him, he recognized that he was a dead
man. Yet for two watches, notwithstanding this fatal wound, he urged on
his men to the fight, and the battlefield was still deadly and the
struggle warm. Afterwards the enemy turned their faces, and the
victorious army pursued them, and continually striking them drove back
those vile ones into the place where they had encamped. With arrows and
guns those wretches would not allow the royal troops to enter the place
where they were. When Walī, the brother of ʿUs̤mān,
and Mamrez, his (ʿUs̤mān’s) son and other
relations and followers became aware of ʿUs̤mān’s
wound, they made up their minds that he would not recover from it, and
that if they, defeated and put to flight, should go towards their fort
none would reach it alive. They thought it best to remain for the night
in the place where they had encamped, and towards the end of the night
seek an opportunity and get to their fort. Two watches of night had
passed when ʿUs̤mān went to hell. In the third watch
they raised his lifeless body, and leaving his tent and the things they
had with them in the camp, proceeded to their fortress. The scouts of
the victorious army, having obtained news of this, informed
S͟hajāʿat K͟hān. On the morning of Monday the
loyalists assembled and decided to follow them, and not allow
breathing-time to those of dark fortune. In the end, in consequence of
the tired state of the soldiers, and in order to bury the martyrs and
out of sympathy for the wounded, they were perplexed in their minds as
to going or settling down (where they were). Just at this time
ʿAbdu-s-Salām, son of Muʿaz̤z̤am
K͟hān, arrived with a body of servants of the State,
altogether 300 horse and 400 musketeers (tūpchī). When
this fresh body of men arrived it was determined to pursue, and they
accordingly went on. [213]When Walī, who after
ʿUs̤mān was the stock of the disturbance, learned that
S͟hajāʿat K͟hān with the victorious army had
come together with another fresh force, he saw no resource for himself
but to go to S͟hajāʿat K͟hān on the straight
line of faith and loyalty. In the end he sent a message that he who had
been the cause of the disturbance had gone, and that the body of those
who were left were servants and Musulmans. If he would give his word
they would wait upon him and would agree to serve the State, giving
their elephants as an offering. S͟hajāʿat
K͟hān and Muʿtaqid K͟hān, who had arrived on
the day of the battle and had done approved service, and all those who
were loyal, in accordance with the necessity of the time and with what
was best for the State, gave their word and encouraged them. On the
next day, Walī and the sons, brothers, and sons-in-law of
ʿUs̤mān all came and waited upon
S͟hajāʿat K͟hān and the other servants of the
State. They brought forty-nine elephants as an offering. After the
completion of this work S͟hajāʿat K͟hān,
leaving some of the royal servants in Adhār12 and the
neighbourhood which was in the [214]possession of that one of
evil fortune, took with him Walī and the other Afghans, and on
Monday, the 6th of the month of Ṣafar, came to
Jahāngīrnagar (Dacca) and joined Islām K͟hān.
When the joyful news reached in Agra this supplicant at the throne of
Allah, he performed the prostrations of gratitude, and recognized that
the driving away of this description of enemy was brought about simply
through the unstinted mercy of the Almighty Giver. As a reward for this
good service I promoted Islām K͟hān to the rank of 6,000
personal, and honoured S͟hajāʿat K͟hān with
the title of “Rustam of the age” (Rustam-zamān), as
well as increased his rank by 1,000 personal and horse. I also
increased the rank of other servants according to the measure of their
services, and they were selected for other honours.


When this news first came of the killing of
ʿUs̤mān it appeared to be a joke, but by way of
ascertaining the truth or falsehood of the words I took an omen from
the divān of the tongue of the unseen world, K͟hwāja
Ḥāfiz̤ of Shiraz, and this g͟hazal13 turned up:—




“I make my eyes red and throw patience to the
wilds,


And in such a case throw my heart into the sea.


I’m wounded by the shaft of heaven:


Give wine, so that intoxicated I may cast a knot in the
girdle of the Twins.”




[215]


As this couplet was very appropriate to the occasion, I
drew an omen from it. After some days news came again that the arrow of
Fate, or rather of God, had struck ʿUs̤mān, for however
much they enquired for him, he who fired the shot was not made
manifest. This has been recorded on account of its strange nature.


On the 16th Farwardīn, Muqarrab K͟hān,
who is one of my chief retainers and the old confidants of the
Jahangiri service, who had attained the rank of 3,000 personal and
2,000 horse, came from the fort of Cambay and had the honour of waiting
on me. I had ordered him, on account of certain business, to go to the
port of Goa14 and buy for the private use of the government
certain rareties procurable there. According to orders he went with
diligence to Goa, and remaining there for some time, took at the price
the Franks asked for them the rareties he met with at that port,
without looking at the face of the money at all (i.e. regardless of
cost). When he returned from the aforesaid port to the Court, he
produced before me one by one the things and rareties he had brought.
Among these were some animals that were very strange and wonderful,
such as I had never seen, and up to this time no one had known their
names. Although King Bābar has described in his Memoirs the
appearance and shapes of several animals, he had never ordered the
painters to make pictures of them. As these animals appeared to me to
be very strange, I both described them and ordered that painters should
draw them in the Jahāngīr-nāma, so that the amazement
that arose from hearing of them might be increased. One of these
animals in body is larger than a peahen and smaller than a
peacock.15 When [216]it is in heat and displays itself,
it spreads out its feathers like the peacock and dances about. Its beak
and legs are like those of a cock. Its head and neck and the part under
the throat are every minute of a different colour. When it is in heat
it is quite red—one might say it had adorned itself with red
coral—and after a while it becomes white in the same places, and
looks like cotton. It sometimes looks of a turquoise colour. Like a
chameleon it constantly changes colour. Two pieces of flesh it has on
its head look like the comb of a cock. A strange thing is this, that
when it is in heat the aforesaid piece of flesh hangs down to the
length of a span from the top of its head like an elephant’s
trunk, and again when he raises it up it appears on its head like the
horn of a rhinoceros, to the extent of two finger-breadths. Round its
eyes it is always of a turquoise colour, and does not change. Its
feathers appear to be of various colours, differing from the colours of
the peacock’s feathers. He also brought a monkey of a strange and
wonderful form. Its hands, feet, ears, and head are like those of a
monkey, and its face like that of a fox. The colour of its eyes is like
that of a hawk’s eye, but the eyes are larger than those of a
hawk. From its head to the end of its tail it is an ordinary cubit in
length. It is lower than a monkey and taller than a fox. Its hair is
like the wool of a sheep and its colour like that of ashes. From the
lobe of its ear to its chin it is red and of the colour of wine. Its
tail is two or three finger-breadths longer than half a cubit, quite
different from that of other monkeys. The tail of this animal hangs
down like the tail of a cat. Sometimes it makes a sound like a young
antelope. On the whole it is a very strange beast. Of the wild birds
which they call tadrū (pheasant) till now it has never been
heard that they breed in captivity. In the time of my revered father
they made great efforts to obtain eggs and young ones but it was
[217]not managed. I ordered them to keep some of
them, male and female, in one place, and by degrees they bred. I
ordered them to place the eggs under hens, and in a space of two years
sixty or seventy young were produced and fifty or sixty grew up.
Whoever heard of this matter was astonished. It was said that in the
Wilāyat (Persia?) the people there had made great efforts, but no
eggs were produced and no young were obtained.


In these days I increased the mansab of Mahābat
K͟hān by 1,000 personal and 500 horse, which thus became
4,000 personal and 3,500 horse. The mansab of
Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, original and increased, was fixed at 4,000
personal and 1,000 horse. To the mansab of Mahā Singh also an
increase of 500 personal and horse was given: it was originally and
with increase 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. The mansab of
Iʿtiqād K͟hān was increased by 500 personal and 200
horse, and made up to 1,000 personal and 300 horse. K͟hwāja
Abū-l-ḥasan in these days came from the Deccan and waited on
me. Daulat K͟hān, who had been appointed to the
faujdārship of Allahabad and of the Sarkar of Jaunpur, came and
paid his respects: an increase of 500 was made to his mansab, which was
1,000. On the day of culmination (rūz-i-s͟haraf),
which was the 19th Farwardīn, I raised the mansab of
Sult̤ān K͟hurram, which was 10,000, to 12,000, and made
that of Iʿtibār K͟hān, which was 3,000 personal and
1,000 horse, up to 4,000. I raised the mansab of Muqarrab
K͟hān from 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse by 500 personal and
horse; and increased that of K͟hwāja Jahān, which was
2,000 personal and 1,200 horse, by 500. As these were the days of the
New Year, many of the servants (of the State) obtained an increase of
their mansabs. On the same day Dulīp came from the Deccan and
waited on me. As his father Rāy Rāy Singh had died, I
honoured him with the title of Rāy and clothed him in a dress of
honour. Rāy Rāy Singh had another son, by [218]name
Sūraj Singh. Although Dulīp was his
ṭīkā (marked with the
ṭīkā) son, he wished Sūraj Singh to succeed
him, in consequence of the love that he bore to his mother. When the
circumstances of his death were reported to me, Sūraj Singh, in
consequence of his want of intelligence and tender years, represented
to me: “My father has made me his successor and given me the
ṭīkā.” This remark was not to my liking,
and I said: “If thy father has given the
ṭīkā to thee, we shall give it to
Dulīp.” Then marking the ṭīkā with my
own hand, I presented the latter with his father’s jagir and
hereditary possessions. I bestowed on Iʿtimādu-d-daulah an
inkstand and jewelled pen. Rūdar, the father of Lakhmī Chand,
Raja of Kumaon, who is one of the considerable Rajas of the hill
country, had come in the time of the late King Akbar,16 and when
he came had petitioned17 that the son of Rāja
Ṭoḍar Mal might take him by the hand and bring him to wait
on him. In consequence, the Raja’s (Ṭoḍar
Mal’s) son had been appointed to bring him. Lakhmī Chand now
similarly asked that the son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah might bring
him to pay his respects. I sent S͟hāpūr18 to bring him to wait on me. He laid before me
rare things from his own hill country, such as gūnṭh
ponies, and birds of prey, such as hawks, jurra (falcons), royal
falcons, qat̤ās (yaks), navels of musk, and skins of
the musk antelope with the musk-bags on them, swords which in their
language they call khānḍā, and daggers which
they call kaṭār, and all kinds of things. Amongst the
Rajas of this hill country this Raja is well known for the large
quantities of gold he has. They say there is a gold-mine in his
territory.19 [219]


In order to lay the foundation of a palace at Lahore, I
sent there K͟hwāja Jahān K͟hwāja Dūst
Muḥammad, who is well skilled in this kind of business.


As the affairs of the Deccan, in consequence of the
disagreements among the Sardars and the carelessness of K͟hān
Aʿz̤am, did not look well, and the defeat of ʿAbdu-llah
K͟hān had taken place, I had sent for K͟hwāja
Abū-l-ḥasan to make enquiries into the real state of these
quarrels. After much enquiry and investigation it became clear that the
defeat of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān had been caused by his pride
and his sharp temper, and not listening to words (of advice) and partly
by the quarrels and want of agreement between the Amirs. Briefly, it
had been determined that ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān should start
from the direction of Nāsik and Trimbak with the Gujarat army and
the Amirs who had been appointed to accompany him. This army had been
brought into proper order by trustworthy leaders and zealous Amirs,
such as Rāja Rām Dās, K͟hān Aʿlam, Saif
K͟hān, ʿAlī Mardān Bahādur, Z̤afar
K͟hān, and other servants of the State. The number of the
army had passed 10,000 and come up to near 14,000. On the side of Berar
it was settled that Rāja Mān Singh, K͟hān
Jahān, the Amīru-l-umarā, and many other leaders should
proceed. These two armies should be aware of each other’s marches
and halts, so that on an appointed day they might catch the enemy
between the two. If this rule had been observed and their hearts had
been in unison, and self-interest had not come between, it is most
probable that Almighty God would have given them the victory of the
day. When ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān passed the Ghats and entered
the enemy’s country, he did not take care to send runners
(qāṣidān) to bring intelligence from the other
army, nor did he, in accordance with the arrangements, make his
movements harmonise with theirs, so that on an appointed day they might
take the enemy between two armies. Rather he relied on his own
strength, [220]and considered that if he could gain the victory
alone it would be better. This idea fixed itself in his mind, and
however much Rām Dās desired him to promise to go forward
with due deliberation, it was of no use. The enemy, who were observing
him closely, had sent a large number of leaders and Bargīs
(Mahrattas) against him, and encounters took place with them every day.
They did not fail to throw rockets and different fireworks at night. At
last the enemy drew near, and yet he obtained no intelligence about the
other army, though he had approached Daulatabad, which was the place of
assembly of the Dakhanis. ʿAmbar, the black-faced, had raised to
sovereignty a child who, in his opinion, bore relationship to the
family of Niz̤āmu-l-mulk. In order that men might fully
accept his (the child’s) sovereignty, he raised him up and took
him by the hand, and made himself the Peshwa and leader. He sent men
again and again (against ʿAbdu-llah), and the number of the enemy
was continually increasing till at last they made an attack, and by
throwing rockets and other fireworks made matters hot for him.20 At length the loyalists thought it best, as no
assistance had come to them from the other army and all the Dakhanis
had turned against them, to retreat at once and try some other
arrangement. All agreed, and with one consent started off before dawn.
The Dakhanis followed them to the boundaries of their own country, and
the two armies, meeting every day, did not fail in fighting. In these
days several of the ambitious and zealous young men were killed.
ʿAlī Mardān K͟hān Bahādur, behaving like
a brave man, carried away terrible wounds and fell into the hands of
the enemy, and showed his companions an example of fidelity to his salt
and of life-sacrifice. Ẕū-l-faqār Beg also displayed
manly actions, and a rocket struck him on [221]the leg, and two days
afterwards he died. When they entered the country of Rāja
Bharjū,21 who was one of those loyal to the throne,
that body (the enemy) turned back, and ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān
proceeded towards Gujarat. The real truth is this, that if in going he
had drawn his rein (gone slowly) and allowed the other army to have
come up to him, the matter would have turned out according to the wish
of the chief men of the victorious State.22 As soon as
the news of the retreat of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān reached the
leaders of the army that was advancing from Berar, not seeing any
advantage from further stay, they also retired, and joined the camp of
Parwiz at ʿĀdilābād in the neighbourhood of
Burhanpur. When this intelligence reached me at Agra I was greatly
agitated, and proposed to go there myself and destroy root and branch
those servants who had become masters. The Amirs and other devoted ones
would in no way consent to this. K͟hwāja
Abū-l-ḥasan represented that as no one understood the
business of that region as the Khankhanan did I ought to send him, and
that he should again arrange matters that had fallen into disorder, and
according to the exigencies of the time should compose differences so
that affairs might return to their original condition. Other
well-wishers being consulted, all their opinions were at one in this,
that the Khankhanan must be sent and that K͟hwāja
Abū-l-ḥasan should accompany him. Agreeing with this
determination, those who had charge of the affairs of the Khankhanan
and his companions obtained leave to go on Sunday, the 17th
Urdībihis͟ht, in the 7th year. S͟hāh-nawāz
K͟hān, K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan,
Razzāq-birdī Ūzbeg, and several others of his associates
paid their parting salutations on the same day. The Khankhanan was
promoted to the rank of 6,000 personal, S͟hāh-nawāz
K͟hān [222]to that of 3,000 and horse, that of
Dārāb K͟hān increased by 500 personal and 300 horse
(altogether 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse), and to
Raḥman-dād, his (the Khankhanan’s) younger son, I also
gave a fitting mansab. I presented the Khankhanan with a grand dress of
honour, a jewelled dagger, a special elephant with talāyir
(accoutrements), and an Iraq horse. In the same way I bestowed on his
sons and companions dresses of honour and horses. In the same month
Muʿizzu-l-mulk came from Kabul with his sons, and had the good
fortune to kiss the threshold. S͟hyām Singh and Rāy
Mangat Bhadauriya, who belonged to the army of Bangash, according to
the request of Qilīj K͟hān, were promoted to higher
mansabs. S͟hyām Singh had 1,500 personal and was increased by
500, and Rāy Mangat was also raised to a higher rank.


For a long time past news had come of the illness of
Āṣaf K͟hān; sometimes the disease was got under
and sometimes recurred, until he died at Burhanpur in the 63rd year of
his age. His understanding and capacity were very good. He was very
quick-witted. He also wrote poetry. He composed “K͟husrau
and S͟hīrīn,” dedicating it to me, and called it
the “Nūr-nāma” (the writing of light).23 He had been ennobled in the time of my revered
father and made Vizier. In the days when I was a prince he had several
times done foolish things, and most men, and indeed K͟husrau
himself, were of opinion that after my accession I would do unpleasant
things (with regard to him). In a manner contrary to what had entered
the minds of himself and others, I favoured him and promoted him to the
rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and after he had for some time been
Vizier with full authority, neglected no point in increasing favour
towards him. After his death I gave mansabs to his sons and bestowed
kindnesses on them. At last [223]it was clear that his disposition
and sincerity were not as they should be, and, considering his own evil
deeds, he had always been suspicious with regard to me. They say he was
aware of the conspiracy and disturbance that took place on the Kabul
expedition, and had given support to the wretches. Indeed, I had no
confidence that notwithstanding my favour and kindness to him he was
not disloyal and of perverse fortune.


After a short space of time, on the 25th of the same
month of Urdībihis͟ht, the news of Mīrzā
G͟hāzī’s death arrived. The said Mīrzā
was of the ruling family of Thatta (Tatta), of the tribe of
Tark͟hānī. His father, Mīrzā Jānī,
in the time of my revered father became loyal, and with the Khankhanan,
who had been appointed to his province, he had the good fortune to have
the honour of waiting on Akbar near Lahore. By the royal favour he was
given his own province, and, choosing himself to serve at Court, he
sent his men to the charge and administration of Thatta, and remained
in the service while he lived. At last he died at Burhanpur.
Mīrzā G͟hāzī K͟hān, his son, who was
at Thatta, in accordance with the firman of the late king obtained the
government of that country. Saʿīd K͟hān, who was at
Bhakar (Bukkur), received an order to console him and bring him to
Court. The aforesaid K͟hān sent men to him to recommend
loyalty to him. At last, having brought him to Agra, he procured him
the honour of kissing the feet of my revered father. He was at Agra
when my father died and I ascended the throne. After I arrived at
Lahore for the pursuit of K͟husrau news came that the Amirs on the
borders of Khurasan had assembled together and proceeded against
Qandahar, and that S͟hāh Beg, the governor of that place, was
shut up in the fort and looking out for assistance. Of necessity an
army was appointed for the relief of Qandahar under the leadership of
Mīrzā G͟hāzī and other Amirs and generals.
When this army reached the [224]neighbourhood of Qandahar, the
army of Khurasan, not seeing in themselves the power to await it,
returned. Mīrzā G͟hāzī, having entered
Qandahar, handed over the country and the fort to Sardār
K͟hān, who had been appointed to the government of the place,
and S͟hāh Beg went to his own jagir. Mīrzā
G͟hāzī started for Lahore by way of Bhakar. Sardār
K͟hān was only a short time at Qandahar before he died, and
that province was again in need of a leader and master. This time I
added Qandahar to Thatta and handed it over to Mīrzā
G͟hāzī. From that time till his death he remained there
continuously in performance of the duties of its protection and
government. His conduct towards the disaffected was excellent. As it
was necessary to send a leader to Qandahar in the place of
Mīrzā G͟hāzī, I appointed Abū-l-bī
Ūzbeg,24 who was at Multan and in that neighbourhood, to
that post. I promoted him in rank from 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse
to 3,000 personal and horse, and honoured him with the title of
Bahād K͟hān and a standard. The governorship of Delhi
and the protection and administration of that province was conferred on
Muqarrab K͟hān. I dignified Rūp
K͟hawāṣṣ, who was one of the personal servants of
my revered father, with the title of K͟hawāṣṣ
K͟hān, and, giving him the rank of 1,000 personal and 500
horse, bestowed on him the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Qanuj. As
I had sought the daughter25 of Iʿtiqād
K͟hān, son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, in marriage for
K͟hurram, and the marriage [225]festival had been arranged
for, I went on Thursday, 18th K͟hūrdād, to his house,
and stayed there one day and one night. He (K͟hurram) presented
offerings (to me) and he gave jewels26 to the
Begams, and to his mothers (including stepmothers) and to the female
servants of the harem, and dresses of honour to the Amirs.


I sent ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq, the bakhshi of the
palace (dark͟hāna), to settle the country of Thatta
(Sind) until a Sardar should be appointed who could conciliate the
soldiery and the cultivators, and so bring the province into order. I
increased his rank and presented him with an elephant and a shawl
(parmnarm), and sent him off. I made Muʿizzu-l-mulk bakhshi
in his room. K͟hwāja Jahān, who had been sent to inspect
the buildings in Lahore and to arrange about them, came in the end of
this month and waited on me. Mīrzā ʿĪsā
Tark͟hān, one of the relations of Mīrzā
G͟hāzī, had been appointed to the army of the Deccan. I
sent for him to arrange about the business of Thatta, and on the same
day he had the good fortune to pay his respects. As he was deserving of
favour, he was given the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. The
disease [226]of k͟hūn-pāra27 had affected my health. By the advice of the
physicians on Wednesday, the (date not given) of the said month, I drew
about a sir (ās̤ār)28 of blood
from my left arm. As great lightness resulted, it occurred to me that
if they were to call blood-letting ‘lightening’ it would be
well. Nowadays this expression is made use of. To Muqarrab
K͟hān, who had bled me, I gave a jewelled khapwa
(dagger). Kis͟han Dās, accountant of the elephant department
and stable, who from the time of the late king until now has been the
clerk in charge of two departments, and for ages had been hopeful of
the title of Raja and the rank of 1,000 personal, and before this had
been gratified with a title, now had the rank of 1,000 conferred on
him. Mīrzā Rustam, son of Sultān Ḥusain
Mīrzā Ṣafawī, who had been appointed to the army
of the Deccan, I sent for at his request. On Saturday, the 9th of the
month of Tīr, he came with his sons and waited on me. He made an
offering of a ruby and forty-six royal pearls. I increased the rank of
Tāj K͟hān, the governor of Bhakar, who was one of the
old Amirs of this State, by 500 personal and horse.


The tale of the death of S͟hajāʿat
K͟hān is a very strange affair. After he had performed such
services and Islām K͟hān had given him leave to go to
the Sarkar of Orissa, one night on the road he was riding on a female
elephant chaukandī-dār29 (? in a
square howdah or four-pillared canopy), and had given a young eunuch a
place behind him. When he left his camp they had [227]fastened up an elephant that was in heat on the
road. From the noise of the horses’ hoofs and the movement of the
horsemen he attempted to break his chain. On this account a great noise
and confusion took place. When this noise reached the ear of the
eunuch, he in a state of bewilderment awoke S͟hajāʿat
K͟hān, who was asleep or in the insensibility of wine, and
said: “An elephant in heat has got loose and is coming in this
direction.” As soon as he heard this he became confused and threw
himself down from the front of the chaukandi. When he threw himself off
his toe struck against a stone and was torn open, and he died in two or
three days of that same wound. In short, from hearing this affair I was
completely bewildered. That a brave man on the mere hearing of a cry or
a word coming from a child should become so confused and throw himself
down without control from the top of an elephant is in truth a matter
of amazement. The news of this event reached me on the 19th of the
month of Tīr. I consoled his sons with kindnesses and the
conferring of offices. If this accident had not happened to him, as he
had done notable service, he would have obtained exaltation with
greater favours and kindnesses.




“One cannot strive against destiny.”




Islām K͟hān had sent 160 male and
female elephants from Bengal; they were brought before me and placed in
my private elephant stables. Rāja Tekchand, the Raja of Kumaon,
asked for leave to depart. As in the time of my father there had been
given to his father 100 horses, I gave him the same number as well as
an elephant, and while he was at Court bestowed on him dresses of
honour and a jewelled dagger. Also to his brothers I gave dresses of
honour and horses. I presented him with his territory according to
previous arrangements, and he went back to his home happy and
successful. [228]


It happened incidentally that this verse of the
Amīru-l-umarā was quoted:—




“Pass, O Messiah, o’er the heads of us
slain by love;


Thy restoring one life is worth a hundred
murders.”30




As I have a poetical disposition I sometimes
intentionally and sometimes involuntarily compose couplets and
quatrains. So the following couplet came into my head:—




“Turn not thy cheek, without thee I cannot live a
moment;


For thee to break one heart is equal a hundred
murders.”




When I had recited this, everyone who had a
poetical vein composed a couplet in the same mode. Mullā
ʿAlī Aḥmad,31 the seal-engraver, of whom an
account has been given previously, had not said badly—




“O Censor, fear the weeping of the old
vintner;


Thy breaking one jar is equal to a hundred
murders.”




Abū-l-fatḥ Dakhanī,32 who was one of the most considerable of
ʿĀdil K͟hān’s Amirs, and had two years
previously taken to being loyal and had entered himself among the
leaders of the victorious army, on the 10th [229]of
Amurdād waited on me, and being accepted by my grace and favour
had bestowed on him a special sword and a robe of honour, and after
some days I also gave him a special horse. K͟hwājagī
Muḥammad Ḥusain,33 who had gone to Kashmir as the
deputy for his brother’s son, when he was satisfied in his mind
with the state of affairs of that place, came on the same day and
waited on me. As a Sardar was needed to be sent for the governorship of
Patna and the rule of that place, it occurred to me to send
Mīrzā Rustam. Having raised his rank from 5,000 personal and
1,500 horse to 5,000 personal and horse, on the 26th
Jumādā-s̤-s̤ānī, corresponding to the 2nd
S͟hahrīwar, I gave him the government of Patna, and bestowing
on him a special elephant, a horse with a jewelled saddle, a jewelled
sword, and a superb dress of honour, I dismissed him. His sons and the
sons of his brother Muzaffar Ḥusain K͟hān
Mīrzāʾī were exalted with increased rank,
elephants, horses, and dresses of honour, and sent off with him. I
appointed Rāy Dulīp to support Mīrzā Rustam. As his
residence was near that place, he collected a good body of men for that
service. I increased his rank by 500 personal and horse, so that it
became 2,000 with 1,000 horse, and also gave him an elephant.
Abū-l-fatḥ Dakhanī had obtained a jagir in the Sarkar
of Nagpur and that neighbourhood. He was dismissed in order that he
might administer his jagir and look to the guarding and government of
that country as well. K͟husrau Bī Ūzbeg was appointed to
the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Mewar. His rank of 800 personal
and 300 horse was now increased to 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and I
also presented him with a horse. As I had my eye on the old service of
Muqarrab K͟hān, it occurred to me that I must not pass by the
desire of his heart. I had [230]increased his rank and he had
obtained good jagirs, but he longed for a standard and drums, and he
was now honoured with these as well. Ṣāliḥ, the
adopted son of K͟hwāja Beg-Mīrzā Ṣafawī,
was a youth of great bravery and zeal. I gave him the title of
K͟hanjar K͟hān, and made him eager in the service.


On Thursday, the 22nd S͟hahrīwar,
corresponding with 17th Rajab, 1021, the feast of my solar weighing
took place in the house of Maryam-zamānī. It is an approved
custom with me to weigh myself in this manner. The late king Akbar, who
was the place of manifestation of kindness and grace, also approved of
the custom, and twice in every year weighed himself against several
sorts of metals, gold, silver, and many precious articles, once
according to the solar and once according to the lunar year, and
divided their total value, which was worth about a lakh of rupees,
among faqirs and needy people. I also observe this annual custom and
weigh myself in the same manner, and give those valuables to faqirs.
Muʿtaqid K͟hān, Diwan of Bengal, who had been relieved
from that service, produced before me the sons and brothers and some of
the servants of ʿUs̤mān, whom Islām K͟hān
had sent with him to the Court. The charge of each one of the Afghans
was entrusted to a responsible servant. Then he (Muʿtaqid)
produced his own offering, which consisted of twenty-five elephants,
two rubies, a jewelled phūl kaṭāra34 (a kind of dagger), trustworthy eunuchs, Bengal
stuffs, etc. Mīr Mīrān, son of Sult̤ān
K͟hwāja, who was in the Deccan army, obtained the honour of
kissing the threshold and gave a ruby as an offering. As between
Qilīj K͟hān, leader of the army of Bangas͟h
[231]on the borders of Kabul, and the Amirs of that
Subah who had been sent as companions to him under his leadership,
there were quarrels, especially with K͟hān Daurān, I
sent K͟hwāja Jahān to make enquiry as to which side was
in fault. On the 11th of the month of Mihr, Muʿtaqid
K͟hān was appointed to the high dignity of bakhshi, and his
mansab was raised to 1,000 personal and 300 horse. Raising for the
second time the mansabs of Muqarrab K͟hān a little, I made it
2,500 personal and 1,500 horse by an increase of 500. On the
representation of the Khankhanan, Farīdūn K͟hān
Barlās was raised to the mansab, original and increase, of 2,500
personal and 2,000 horse. Rāy Manohar received that of 1,000
personal and 800 horse, and Rāja Bīr Singh Deo that of 4,000
personal and 2,200 horse. Bhārat, grandson of Rāmchand
Bandīlah, I, after the latter’s death, honoured with the
title of Raja. On the 28th Ābān, Zafar K͟hān,
having come according to summons from the Subah of Gujarat, waited on
me. He brought as offerings a ruby and three pearls. On the 6th
Āẕar, corresponding with the 3rd S͟hawwāl, news
came from Burhanpur that the Amīru-l-umarā had died on
Sunday, the 27th Ābān, in the parganah of Nihālpūr.
After the illness he had at Lahore his intelligence appeared to be
less, and a great loss of memory happened to him. He was very sincere.
It is sad that he left no son capable of patronage and favour.
Chīn Qilīj K͟hān came from his father, who was at
Peshawar, on the 20th Āẕar, and offered (on his
father’s behalf) 100 muhrs and 100 rupees, and also presented the
offerings he had of his own in the shape of a horse and cloth stuffs
and other things. To the government of Behar I promoted Zafar
K͟hān, who is one of the trustworthy house-born ones and
foster-children, and increasing his mansab by 500 personal and horse, I
made it up to 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, and also honouring his
brothers with robes of honour and horses, [232]allowed them to go
off to that province. He had always hoped that he might obtain some
separate service in order that he might show his natural ability. I
also desired to prove him and make this service the touchstone by which
to try him. As it was the season for travelling and hunting, on
Tuesday, the 2nd Ẕī-l-qaʿda (25th December, 1612),
corresponding with the 4th Day, I left Agra with the intention of
hunting and encamped in the Dahrah garden, remaining there four
days.35 On the 10th of the same month the news came of
the death of Salīma Sult̤ān Begam, who had been ill in
the city. Her mother was Gul-ruk͟h Begam, daughter of King
Bābar, and her father Mīrzā Nūru-d-dīn
Muḥammad, of the Naqs͟hbandī K͟hwājas. She
was adorned with all good qualities. In women this degree of skill and
capacity is seldom found. H.M. Humāyūn, by way of kindness
(to Bairām), had betrothed her who was his sister’s daughter
to Bairām K͟hān. After his death, in the beginning of
the reign of the late king Akbar, the marriage took place. After the
said K͟hān had been killed, my revered
father married her himself. She received mercy (died) in the 60th year
of her age.36 On the same day I marched from the Dahrah garden
and sent Iʿtimādu-d-daulah to bury her (lit. lift her up),
and ordered him to place her in the building in the Mandākar
[233]garden which she herself had made. On the 17th
of the month of Day, Mīrzā ʿAlī Beg
Akbars͟hāhī came from the army of the Deccan and waited
on me. K͟hwāja Jahān, whom I had despatched to the Subah
of Kabul, returned on the 21st of the same month and waited on me. The
time for his going and coming had extended to three months and eleven
days. He brought twelve muhrs and twelve rupees as an offering. On the
same day Rāja Rām Dās also came from the victorious army
of the Deccan and paid his respects, and made an offering of 101 muhrs.
As robes of honour for the winter season had not been sent to the Amirs
of the Deccan, they were forwarded by the hand of Ḥayāt
K͟hān. As the port of Surat had been assigned in jagir to
Qilīj K͟hān, he prayed that Chīn Qilīj (his
son) might be despatched for its guardianship and administration. On
the 27th Day he had a dress of honour, and being honoured with a dress
of honour and the title of K͟hān, and a standard, obtained
leave to go. For the purpose of advising the Amirs of Kabul, and on
account of the disagreements that had sprung up between them and
Qilīj K͟hān, I sent Rāja Rām Dās, and
bestowed on him a horse and robe of honour and 30,000 rupees for
expenses. On the 6th Bahman, when my camp was in the parganah of
Bārī, there came the news of the death of
K͟hwājagī Muḥammad Ḥusain, who was of the
ancient servants of this State. His elder brother, Muḥammad
Qāsim K͟hān, in the time of my revered father, found
great favour, and K͟hwāja Muḥammad Ḥusain as well
was one of his confidential servants, and held employments such as that
of superintendent of the kitchen (bakāwul) and such like.
He left no son and was beardless, and not a single hair of moustache or
whiskers appeared on him. At the time of speaking he spoke very
shrilly, and was looked upon as an eunuch. S͟hāh-nawāz
K͟hān, whom the Khankhanan had sent from Burhanpur to make
certain representations, [234]came on the 15th of the same month
and waited on me. He presented 100 muhrs and 100 rupees. As the affairs
of the Deccan, in consequence of the hasty proceedings of
ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān and the treachery of the Amirs, did not
present a good prospect, the Dakhanis obtained an opportunity for
speaking and began to talk of peace to the Amirs and well-wishers
there. ʿĀdil K͟hān embraced the robe of loyalty,
and prayed that if the affairs of the Deccan were entrusted to him he
would so arrange that some of the districts which had been taken out of
the possession of the officers of the State should be restored. The
loyal ones, looking to the necessities of the time, represented this,
and a settlement of some kind was arrived at, and the Khankhanan
undertook to settle matters. The K͟hān Aʿz̤am was
also desirous of putting down the rebel Rānā, and begged for
this service by way of obtaining merit (as a
g͟hāzī). He was ordered to go to Malwa, which was
his jagir, and after arranging matters there to take up this duty. The
mansab of Abū-l-bī Uzbeg37 was increased by 1,000
personal and 500 horse to 4,000 personal and 3,500 horse. My hunting
went on for 2 months and 20 days, and during that time I went out every
day to hunt. As not more than 50 or 60 days remained before the
world-illumining New Year, I returned, and on the 24th Isfandiyār
encamped in the Dahrah garden. The courtiers and some of the
mansabdars, who by order had remained in the city, came on that day and
waited on me. Muqarrab K͟hān presented a decorated jar, Frank
hats, and a jewelled sparrow (?). I remained three days in the garden,
and on the 27th Isfandiyār entered the city. During this
time38 223 head of deer, etc., 95 nilgaw, 2 boars, 36
cranes (or herons), etc., and 1,457 fish were killed. [235]










1
Qūruqchī in I.O. MS. and in Iqbāl-nāma, p.
60. Steingass gives it as meaning one who looks after the king’s
game, and as a sentinel. ↑


2 Text has
pūsthā, skins, but I.O. MS. has
pūstīnhā. ↑


3 Copied
from Āyīn. See Jarrett, ii, 115. See also Elliot, vi,
326. ↑


4 This is
equal to one krore, fifty lakhs of rupees. The Sarkar of Orissa was
included in Bengal, and its revenue is included in this. (Note of
Sayyid Aḥmad.) ↑


5 Also
called S͟haik͟h Kabīr Chis͟htī (Blochmann, p.
519; Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 630). ↑


6 Perhaps
this is only rhetoric, but Abū-l-faẓl describes how lots
were cast between him and Rāja Bīrbal as to who should go on
the Yūsufzai expedition. ↑


7
Ichī means a hawk, but the meaning may be a
S͟haik͟h of Uch. Acha is given in Zenker as meaning a
father in Turki. The Iqbāl-nāma has Ajha. ↑


8 Text
wrongly has Aʿz̤am. See Blochmann, p. 521,
note. ↑


9
Kis͟hwar was the son of Jahāngīr’s foster-brother
Qut̤bu-d-dīn, who was killed by
Shīr-afgan. ↑


10 The
Iqbāl-nāma and the B.M. MSS. call it
Bak͟hla. ↑


11 These
last words seem to be part of S͟hajāʿat’s speech,
but see Iqbāl-nāma, p. 63. See also Elliot, vi, 329, and the
translation of the Iqbāl-nāma account in Appendix L,
Stewart’s Cat. of Tippo Sultan’s MSS., p. 275. The
Iqbāl-nāma says that ʿUs̤mān’s
corpulence compelled him to ride on an elephant. ↑


12 The
text has dar adhār u t̤arf kih dar
taṣarruf-i-ān tīra-rūzgār būd. I do
not know if adhār is the name of a place or what its
meaning is. The I.O. MSS., Nos. 181 and 305, have arhād.
Blochmann, p. 520, on the authority of the
Mak͟hzan-i-Afg͟hānī, says the fight took place 100
kos from Dacca and in a place called Nek Ujyāl, and he points out
in a note that there are several Ujyāls in Eastern Bengal.
Possibly Adhār is Udhār or Uzār, and a corruption of
Ujyāl. The ‘hills of Dacca,’ referred to by Blochmann,
might be Ran Bhawal or the Madhūpūr jungle. The
Riyāẓu-s-salāt̤īn does not mention the site
of the battle, and the translator, Maulawī
ʿAbdu-s-Salām, has in his note at p. 175 confounded two
ʿĪsā K͟hāns, and so drawn groundless
inferences. Blochmann points out, p. 520, that the
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā says the prisoners were
afterwards put to death. The passage is at vol. ii, p. 632. It says
they were put to death by Jahāngīr’s orders by
ʿAbdu-llah (who certainly was brute enough for anything).
Jahāngīr, Tūzuk, p. 112, mentions the arrival of
ʿUs̤mān’s sons and brothers at Court, so that
Blochmann’s statement at p. 520 about their being executed on the
road is not correct. It appears, too, they came to Court after
S͟hajāʿat’s death. Jahāngīr says
(Tūzuk, p. 112) he made over the prisoners to responsible servants
of government. ʿAbdu-llah may have been one of these, and have got
rid of his prisoners by killing them. It would appear that the battle
with ʿUs̤mān took place to the east or south-east of
Dacca, and not near Orissa, as Stewart supposed. ↑


13 The
lines occur in Ḥāfiz̤ʾ divān, under the
letter M, Brockhaus’ ed., No. 396, but Jahāngīr has
missed out two lines in his quotation. An Indian lithograph has
rak͟ht in the first line instead of ṣabr, but
the latter reading occurs in Brockhaus. In the fourth line
nargis is a mistake for tīrkas͟h.
Tīr-i-falak, ‘the arrow of the spheres,’ is
also a name for the planet Mercury.
Tīrkas͟h-i-Jauzā means both a particular
constellation in the sign Gemini, which is supposed to resemble a
quiver in appearance, and also the strings of a musical instrument. The
meaning of the lines seems to be, “I have been wounded by the
shaft of heaven: give me wine that I may become intoxicated and be able
to tie a knot in the quiver-girdle of the Gemini.” The
appositeness of the fāl is not very apparent, but the
mention of an arrow was taken to be an allusion to the death of
ʿUs̤mān by a shot from an unknown hand. ↑


14 Elliot,
vi, 331. ↑


15 They
call this in the English language a turkey, and the people of India
call it pīrū; Persian-knowing Indians call it in
Persian fīlmurg͟h. They are now plentiful in India.
(Note of Sayyid Aḥmad.) ↑


16
Akbar-nāma, iii, 533. It was in the 33rd year. ↑


17 He
asked Ṭoḍar Mal’s protection, but the son was sent
(Akbar-nāma, iii, 533). ↑


18 This
name is not in all the MSS. It is another name for Iʿtiqād,
son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah. ↑


19
Blochmann, p. 508. ↑


20 Elliot,
vi, 333. ↑


21 Raja of
Baglāna. ↑


22 A
periphrasis for Jahāngīr himself. ↑


23 The
history of Nūr, i.e. the history of Nūru-d-dīn
Jahāngīr. ↑


24 Should
be Abū-n-nabī. See infra. ↑


25 This
was Arjumand Bānū or Mumtāz-maḥall, the favourite
wife of S͟hāh Jahān and the mother of fourteen of his
children. She was the niece of Nūr-Jahān, her father being
Nūr-Jahān’s brother, the Āṣaf
K͟hān IV and Abū-l-ḥasan of Beale, who also had
the names of Iʿtiqād K͟hān and
Yamīnu-d-daulah. There is an account of the betrothal and wedding
in the Pāds͟hāh-nāma, i, 388. It seems that the
betrothal took place five years and three months before the marriage,
and when S͟hāh Jahān was 15 years old. At the time of
the marriage S͟hāh Jahān was 20 years and 3 months old
and Arjumand Bānū was 19 years and 1 month. 18th
K͟hūrdād, 1021, would correspond to about the end of
May, 1612, but the Pāds͟hāh-nāma gives the eve of
Friday, 9th Rabīʿu-l-awwal of 1021, corresponding to 22nd
Urdībihis͟ht, as the day of the marriage. This would
correspond to 30th April, 1612, so that apparently
Jahāngīr’s visit to the house (apparently
Iʿtimādu-d-daulah’s, but possibly S͟hāh
Jahān’s) took place about a month after the marriage.
Arjumand Bānū died in childbed at Burhanpur in 1040, or July,
1631, the chronogram being one word, viz. g͟ham,
‘grief.’ She must have been born in 1591, and was in her
40th year when she died. She was not S͟hāh Jahān’s
first wife, for he was married to the daughter of Muz̤affar
Ḥusain Ṣafawī, a descendant of S͟hāh
Ismaʿīl of Persia, in September, 1610 (Rajab, 1019), but the
betrothal to Arjumand was earlier than this. It was in Arjumand’s
honour that the Tāj was built. ↑


26
Tūrhā. The corresponding passage in the
Iqbāl-nāma, p. 67, last line, shows that jewels are meant.
The text omits the preposition ba before
Begamān. ↑


27
K͟hūn-pāra, ‘congestion of blood’;
pāra or bāra is used to mean a collection or
gathering. See Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 221, where we
have bāra yaʿnī jamʿī. Erskine, in
spite of his MS., reads chūn pāra and translates
‘as quicksilver.’ ↑


28
Ās̤ār, which, according to Forbes, is a sir
weight. ↑


29 Perhaps
it was only what is called a chār-jāma and not an
enclosed howdah. ↑


30 The
reference is to the Messiah as the restorer to life by His breath. For
baguẕar, ‘pass by,’ Erskine had in his MS.
maguẕar, ‘pass not.’ Apparently the verse
means that it is more meritorious for the Messiah to restore one man to
life than it is for another to slay a hundred infidels. ↑


31
ʿAlī Aḥmad died suddenly two years before this, unless
indeed the passage at p. 169 refers to the mimic and not to
ʿAlī Aḥmad. Probably the meaning is that ʿAlī
Aḥmad had made this couplet on some previous occasion, and that
one of the courtiers now quoted it. His verse about the hundred murders
may contain a play on the word k͟hūn,
‘blood,’ and refer to the spilling of the blood-like wine.
It is difficult to understand how Jahāngīr came to introduce
the verse into his Memoirs here. It does not seem to have any
connection with the account of the Raja of Kumaon. Jahāngīr
says it was quoted ‘incidentally,’ bā
taqarrubī. Perhaps the word here means ‘by way of
parody,’ or ‘by way of paraphrase.’ In the MS. used
by Erskine the words of the first line seem to be Maguẕar
Masīḥ bar sar-i-mā, and so Erskine translates
“Pass not, O Messiah, over the heads of us victims of
love.” Perhaps maguẕar means ‘do not pass
by.’ ↑


32 This is
the Dakhanī chief mentioned previously at p. 192. ↑


33
Blochmann, p. 485. He acted in Kashmir for his brother
Hās͟him. ↑


34 The
kaṭāra was a long, narrow dagger. See
Blochmann’s Āyīn, pl. xli, fig. 9. But the word
phūl (flower) is obscure. Perhaps it means the knot or
crochet of jewels called by Chardin, iv, 164, ed. Rouen, “une
enseigne ronde de pierreries,” and which, he says, the Persians
called ‘rose de Poignard.’ ↑


35 He must
have remained more than four days, for he got the news of
Salīma’s death while in the garden. See infra.
Perhaps the date 10th refers to Day and not to Ẕī-l-qaʿda.
The Dahrah garden was in the environs of Agra. ↑


36 This
statement is wrong. Salīma was 76 when she died, she having been
born on 4th S͟hawwāl, 945, or 23rd February, 1539. She died
on or about 10th Ẕī-l-qaʿda, 1021 (2nd January, 1613),
so that she was 73 solar years old. See note in B.M. MS. Or. 171, Rieu,
257a, and an article in J.A.S.B. for 1906. The note is by the
author of the Tārīk͟h-i-Muḥammadī and is at
72a of the B.M. MS. Or. 171, and the corresponding passage
appears in MS. Or. 182, on p. 140. The chronogram of
Salīma’s birth was
K͟hūs͟h-ḥāl, which yields 945. She was
about 3½ years older than Akbar. ↑


37 The
real name appears to be Abū-n-nabī. He had the title of
Bahādur K͟hān. See
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, i, 400. In the Akbar-nāma,
iii, 820 and 839, he is called Abū-l-Baqā. ↑


38 This
must refer to the 2 months and 20 days of hunting. ↑








[Contents]



The Eighth New Year after the auspicious
Accession.






The eighth year after my accession, corresponding
with Muḥarram, 1022. On the night of Thursday, the 27th
Muḥarram, corresponding with the 1st Farwardīn in the eighth
year after my accession, after 3½ gharis of day had elapsed, his
honour the sun passed from the constellation of Pisces to that of
Aries, which is his abode of rejoicing and victory. Early in the
morning of the New Year’s Day the feast was prepared and adorned
after the custom of every year. At the end of that day I sat on the
throne of State, and the Amirs and ministers of the State and the
courtiers of the palace came to salute and congratulate me. On these
days of happy augury I sat the whole day in the public audience hall.
Those who had anything to ask or claim presented their petitions, and
the offerings of the servants of the palace were laid before me.
Abū-l-bī, governor of Qandahar, had sent for an offering Iraq
horses and hunting dogs, and they were brought before me. On the 9th of
the same month Afẓal K͟hān came from the Subah of
Behar, and in waiting on me presented 100 muhrs and 100 rupees, as well
as an elephant. On the 12th the offering of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah
was laid before me, consisting of jewels, cloths, and other things.
That which pleased me attained to the dignity of acceptance. Of the
elephants of Afẓal K͟hān’s offering ten others
were inspected on this day. On the 13th the offerings of Tarbiyat
K͟hān were laid before me. Muʿtaqid K͟hān
bought a house at Agra, and passed some days in that place. Misfortunes
happened to him one after another. We have heard that prosperity and
bad luck depend on four things: first, upon your wife; second, upon
your slave; third upon your house; fourth, upon your horse. In order to
know the prosperity or ill-luck of a house a rule has been established,
indeed they [236]say it is infallible. One must clear a small
piece of the site from earth, and again strew the earth upon the same
ground. If it cover it, one may call it middling good fortune for that
house, neither prosperity nor misfortune; if it become less (i.e. does
not cover it exactly) it points to ill-luck, and if it does more (than
cover it) it is fortunate and auspicious. On the 14th the mansab of
Iʿtibār K͟hān was raised from 1,000 and 300 horse
to 2,000 personal and 500 horse. I increased the mansab of Tarbiyat
K͟hān by 500 personal and 50 horse, so that it became 2,000
personal and 850 horse. Hūs͟hang, son of Islām
K͟hān, who was in Bengal with his father, came at this time
and paid his respects. He brought with him some Maghs, whose country is
near Pegu and Arracan, and the country is still in their possession. I
made some enquiries as to their customs and religion. Briefly they are
animals in the form of men. They eat everything there is either on land
or in the sea, and nothing is forbidden by their religion. They eat
with anyone. They take into their possession (marry) their sisters by
another mother. In face they are like the Qarā Qalmāqs, but
their language is that of Tibet and quite unlike Turkī. There is a
range of mountains, one end of which touches the province of
Kās͟hg͟har and the other the country of Pegu. They have
no proper religion or any customs that can be interpreted as religion.
They are far from the Musulman faith and separated from that of the
Hindus.


Two or three days before the S͟haraf (the
sun’s highest point) my son K͟hurram desired me to go to his
house that he might present his New Year’s offerings from that
place. I agreed to his request, and remained for one day and one night
at his house. He presented his offerings. I took what I approved of and
gave him back the rest. The next day Murtaẓā K͟hān
presented his offerings. Every day until the day of culmination
(rūz-i-s͟haraf) the offerings of one or of two or
three of the Amirs were laid before me. [237]On Monday, the 19th
Farwardīn, the assembly of the S͟haraf was held. On that
auspicious day I sat on the throne of State, and an order was given
that they should produce all sorts of intoxicating things, such as
wine, etc., so that every one according to his desire might take what
he liked. Many took wine. The offerings of Mahābat K͟hān
were on this day brought to me. I gave one gold muhr of 1,000 tolas,
which is called the star of destiny
(kaukab-i-t̤āliʿ), to Yādgār
ʿAlī K͟hān, the ambassador of the ruler of Iran.
The feast went off well. After the assembly broke up I ordered that
they might carry off the furniture and decorations. The offering of the
Muqarrab K͟hān had not been arranged on New Year’s Day.
All sorts of rareties and excellent presents were now produced which he
had collected together. Amongst others, twelve Iraq and Arab horses
that had been brought in a ship, and jewelled saddles of Frank
workmanship1 were produced before me. To the mansab of
Nawāzis͟h K͟hān 500 horse were added so as to make
it one of 2,000 personal and horse. An elephant called Bansībadan,
which Islām K͟hān had sent from Bengal, was brought to
me and put among my special elephants. On the 3rd
Urdībihis͟ht, K͟hwāja Yādgār, brother of
ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, came from Gujarat and waited on me; he
offered 100 Jahāngīrī muhrs. After he had been in
attendance a few days he was honoured with the title of Sardār
K͟hān. As a competent bakhshi had to be sent to the army of
Bangas͟h and those regions, I chose Muʿtaqid K͟hān
for this duty, and increased his mansab by 300 personal and 50 horse so
that it became 1,500 with 350 horse, and dismissed him. It was settled
that he must go quickly. I sent off Muḥammad Ḥusain
Chelebī, who understood the purchase of jewels and collecting
curiosities, with money to go by [238]way of Iraq to Constantinople
and buy and bring for the Sarkar curiosities and rareties. For this
purpose it was necessary that he should pay his respects to the ruler
of Iran. I had given him a letter and a memorandum (of what he was to
procure). Briefly, he saw my brother, S͟hāh ʿAbbās,
in Mashhad, and the king enquired from him what kind of things should
be brought for his master’s Sarkar. As he was urgent,
Chelebī showed the list he had brought with him. In that list
there were entered good turquoise and mūmīyā
(bitumen) from the mine of Ispahan. He told him that these two articles
were not to be bought, but he would send them for me. He authorized
Uwaisī Tūpchī (gunner), who was one of his private
servants, to hand over to him six bags (ambāncha) of
turquoise earth holding about 30 seers, with 14 tolas of mumiya and
four Iraq horses, one of which was a piebald, and he wrote a letter
containing many, many expressions of friendship. With regard to the
inferior quality of the turquoise dust (k͟hāka) and
the small quantity of mumiya he made many apologies. The khaka appeared
very inferior. Although the jewellers and makers of rings made every
endeavour, no stone that was fit to be made into a finger ring could be
produced. Probably in these days turquoise dust is not procurable from
the mines such as it was in the time of the late king
T̤ahmāsp. He mentioned all this in the letter. With regard to
the effect of mumiya I had heard much from scientists, but when I tried
it no result was apparent. I do not know whether physicians have
exaggerated its effect, or whether its efficacy had been lessened by
its being stale. At any rate, I gave it to a fowl with a broken leg to
drink in larger quantity than they said and in the manner laid down by
the physicians, and rubbed some on the place where it was broken, and
kept it there for three days, though it was said to be sufficient to
keep it from morning till evening. But after I had examined it, no
effect was produced, and [239]the broken place remained as it
was.2 In a separate letter the Shah had written a
recommendation of Salāmu-llah, the Arab. I immediately increased
his mansab and his jagir.


I sent one of my private elephants with trappings to
ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān and gave another to Qilīj
K͟hān. I ordered that assignments
(tank͟hwāh) should be made to 12,000 horse on the
establishment3 of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān at the
rate of three horses and two horses for each trooper. As previously
with a view to service in Junagarh I had increased the mansab of his
brother Sardār K͟hān by 500 personal and 300 horse, and
had afterwards assigned the duty to Kāmil K͟hān, I
ordered that he should retain his increase and that it should be
counted (permanently) in his mansab. I increased the rank of
Sarfarāz K͟hān, which was that of 1,500 personal and 500
horse, by 200 horse more. On the 27th Urdībihis͟ht,
corresponding with the 26th Rabīʿu-l-awwal, in the eighth
year of my reign, in the year 1022 of the Hijra era, on Thursday, the
meeting for my lunar weighing took place in the house of
Maryam-zamānī (his mother). Some of the money that was
weighed I ordered to be given to the women and the deserving ones who
had assembled in my mother’s house. On the same day I increased
by 1,000 the mansab of Murtaẓā K͟hān, so that it
came to 6,000 personal and 5,000 [240]horse. K͟husrau Beg, a
slave of Mīrzā K͟hān, came from Patna in the
company of ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq Maʿmūrī and waited
on me, and Sardār K͟hān, brother of ʿAbdu-llah
K͟hān, obtained leave to go to Ahmadabad. An Afghan had
brought from the Carnatic two goats that had pāzahar
(bezoar stones, an antidote against poison). I had always heard that an
animal that has pazahar is very thin and miserable, but these goats
were very fat and fresh. I ordered them to kill one of them, which was
a female. Four pazahar stones became apparent, and this caused great
astonishment.


It is an established fact that cheetahs in unaccustomed
places do not pair off with a female, for my revered father once
collected together 1,000 cheetahs. He was very desirous that they
should pair, but this in no way came off. He had many times coupled
male and female cheetahs together in gardens, but there, too, it did
not come off. At this time a male cheetah, having slipped its collar,
went to a female and paired with it, and after two and a half months
three young ones were born and grew up. This has been recorded because
it appeared strange. As cheetahs did not pair with cheetahs, (still
less) had it ever been heard in former times(?) that tigers mated in
captivity. As in the time of my reign wild beasts have abandoned their
savagery, tigers have become so tame that troops of them without chains
or restraint go about amongst the people, and they neither harm men nor
have any wildness or alarm. It happened that a tigress became pregnant
and after three months bore three cubs; it had never happened that a
wild tiger after its capture had paired. It had been heard from
philosophers that the milk of a tigress was of great use for
brightening eyes. Although we made every effort that the moisture of
milk should appear in her breasts, we could not accomplish it. It
occurs to me that as it is a raging creature, and milk appears in the
breasts of mothers by reason of the affection they have for their
[241]young, as milk4 comes into
their breasts in connection with their young ones drinking and sucking
at the time of their taking (the milk), their (the mothers’) rage
increases and the milk in their breasts is dried up.


At the end of Urdībihis͟ht, K͟hwāja
Qāsim, brother of K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz,
who is of the Naqs͟hbandī K͟hwājas, came from
Māwarāʾa-n-nahr and waited on me. After a few days
12,000 rupees were given to him as a present. As K͟hwāja
Jahān had made a melon-bed in the neighbourhood of the city, when
two watches of day had passed on Thursday, the 10th
K͟hūrdād, I got into a boat and went to inspect the
melon-bed, and took the ladies with me. We reached there when two or
three gharis of day were left, and passed the evening in walking among
the beds. A wonderfully sharp wind and whirlwind sprang up, so that the
tents and screens fell down. I got into the boat and passed the night
in it. I also passed part of the Friday in walking about the melon-bed,
and returned to the city. Afẓal K͟hān, who for a long
time had been afflicted with boils and other sores, died on the 10th
K͟hūrdād. I transferred the jagir and hereditary land of
Rāja Jagman, who had failed in his service in the Deccan, to
Mahābat K͟hān. S͟haik͟h Pīr, who is one
of the emancipated ones who hold aloof from the attachments of the age,
and who on account of the pure friendship that he bears towards me has
chosen to be my companion and servant, had before this founded a mosque
in the parganah of Mairtha, which is his native place. At this time he
took occasion to mention the circumstance. As I found his mind bent on
the completion of this building I gave him 4,000 rupees, so that he
himself might go and expend it, and also gave him a valuable
[242]shawl and dismissed him. In the public audience
hall there were two railings (maḥjar) of wood. Inside the
first, Amirs, ambassadors, and people of honour sat, and no one entered
this circle without an order. Within the second railing, which is
broader than the first, the mansabdars of inferior rank,5
ahadis, and those who had work to do are admitted. Outside this railing
stand the servants of the Amirs and all the people who may enter the
Diwankhana. As there was no difference between the first and second
railings, it occurred to me that I should decorate the first with
silver. I ordered this railing and the staircase that led from this
railing to the balcony of the Jharokha, as well as the two elephants
placed on the two sides of the seat of the Jharokha, which skilful
people had made of wood, to be decorated with silver. After this was
completed it was reported to me that 125 maunds of silver in Hindustani
weight, equal to 880 maunds of Persia, had been used up; indeed, it now
assumed a worthy appearance.


On the 3rd of the month of Tīr, Muz̤affar
K͟hān came from Thatta6 and waited on me. He made
an offering of twelve muhrs and a Koran with a jewelled cover, and two
jewelled roses(?) (dū gul). On the 14th of the same month
Ṣafdar K͟hān came from the Subah of Behar and waited on
me, offering 101 muhrs. After Muz̤affar K͟hān had been
some days in attendance, I increased his former mansab by 500 personal,
and giving him a standard and a private shawl dismissed him to
Thatta.7


I knew that every animal or living thing bitten by a mad
dog died, but this had not been ascertained in [243]the
case of an elephant. In my time it so happened that one night a mad dog
came into the place where was tied one of my private elephants,
Gajpatī8 by name, and bit the foot of a female
elephant that was with mine. She at once cried out. The
elephant-keepers at once ran in, and the dog fled away into a
thorn-brake that is there. After a little while it came in again and
bit my private elephant’s fore-foot as well. The elephant killed
it. When a month and five days had passed after this event, one day
when it was cloudy the growling of thunder came to the ear of the
female elephant, that was in the act of eating, and it of a sudden
raised a cry and its limbs began to tremble. It threw itself on the
ground, but rose again. For seven days water ran out of its mouth, then
suddenly it uttered a cry and showed distress. The remedies the drivers
gave it had no effect, and on the eighth day it fell and died. A month
after the death of the female elephant they took the large elephant to
the edge of the river in the plain. It was cloudy and thundery in the
same way. The said elephant in the height of excitement all at once
began to tremble and sat down on the ground. With a thousand
difficulties the drivers took it to its own place. After the same
interval and in the same way that had happened to the female elephant
this elephant also died. Great amazement was caused by this affair, and
in truth it is a matter to be wondered at that an animal of such size
and bulk should be so much affected by a little wound inflicted on it
by such a weak creature.


As K͟hānk͟hānan had repeatedly
begged for leave to be given to his son S͟hāh-nawāz
K͟hān, on the 4th Amurdād I gave him a horse and a robe
of honour and dismissed him to the Deccan. I promoted Yaʿqūb
Badak͟hs͟hī, whose [244]mansab was 150, to 1,500
personal and 1,000 horse, on account of the bravery he had displayed,
and gave him the title of K͟hān as well as a standard.


The Hindus are in four divisions, and each of these acts
according to its own rules and ways. In every year they keep a fixed
day. The first is the caste of the Brahmans,9 that is
those who know the Incomparable God. Their duties are of six
kinds—(1) to acquire religious knowledge, (2) to give
instructions to others, (3) to worship fire, (4) to lead men to the
worship of fire, (5) giving something to the needy, (6) taking gifts.
There is for this caste an appointed day, and that is the last day of
the month of Sāwan, the second month of the rainy season.10 They consider this an auspicious day, and the
worshippers go on that day to the banks of rivers and tanks, and recite
enchantments, breathe upon cords and coloured threads; on another day,
which is the first of the New Year, they fasten them on the hands of
the Rajas and great men of the time, and look on them as (good) omens.
They call this thread rākhī,11 that is,
preservation (nigāh-dās͟ht). This day occurs in
the month of Tīr, when the world-heating sun is in the
constellation of Cancer. The second caste is that of the Chhatrī,
which is known as Khatrī. Their duty is to protect the oppressed
from the evil of the oppressors. The customs of this caste are three
[245]things—(1) that they study religious
science themselves but do not teach others; (2) that they worship fire,
but do not teach others to do so; (3) that they give to the needy, but
although they are needy take nothing themselves. The day of this caste
is the Bijay dasamīn, ‘the victorious
tenth.’12 On this day with them it is lucky to mount
and go against one’s enemy with an army. Rām Chand, whom
they worship as their god, leading his army on that day against his
enemy won a victory, and they consider this a great day, and,
decorating their elephants and horses, perform worship. This day falls
in the month of S͟hahrīwar,13 when the
Sun is in the mansion of Virgo, and on it they give presents to those
who look after their horses and elephants. The third caste is that of
Bais͟h (Vais͟hya). Its custom is this, that they serve the other
two castes of which mention has been made. They practise agriculture
and buying and selling, and are employed in the business of profit and
interest. This caste has also a fixed day which they call the
Dewālī; this day occurs in the month of Mihr when the sun is
in the constellation of Libra, the 28th day of the lunar month. On the
night of that day they light lamps, and friends and those who are dear
assemble in each other’s houses and pass their time busily in
gambling. As the eyes of this caste are on profit and interest, they
consider carrying over and opening new accounts on that day auspicious.
The fourth caste is the Sudras, who are the lowest caste of the Hindus.
They are the servants of all, and derive no profit from those things
which are the specialities of every (other) caste. Thursday is the
Holī, which in their belief is the last day of the year. This day
occurs in the month of Isfandārmuẕ, when the sun is in the
constellation of Pisces. On the night of [246]this day they light
fires at the head of the streets and ways, and when it becomes day they
for one watch scatter the ashes on each other’s heads and faces,
and make a wonderful noise and disturbance, and after this wash
themselves, put on their apparel, and walk about in the gardens and on
the plains. As it is an established custom of the Hindus to burn the
dead, to light fires on this night, which is the last night of the year
that has passed, signifies that they burn the last year, which has gone
to the abode of the dead. In the time of my revered father the Hindu
Amirs and others in imitation of them performed the ceremony of rakhi
in adorning him, making strings of rubies and royal pearls and flowers
jewelled with gems of great value and binding them on his auspicious
arms. This custom was carried on for some years. As they carried this
extravagance to excess, and he disliked it, he forbade it. The brahmans
by way of auguries used to tie these strings and (pieces of) silk
according to their custom. I also in this year carried out this
laudable religious practice, and ordered that the Hindu Amirs and the
heads of the caste14 should fasten rakhis on my
arms. On the day of the rakhi, which was the 9th Amurdād, they
performed the same rites, and other castes by way of imitation did not
give up this bigotry; this year I agreed to it, and ordered that the
brahmans should bind strings (of cotton) and silk after the ancient
manner. On this day by chance fell the anniversary of the death of the
late king.15 The commemoration of such an anniversary is one
of the standing rules and customs in Hindustan. Every year on the day
of the death of their fathers and those who [247]are
dear to them, each according to his circumstances and ability prepares
food and all kinds of perfumes, and the learned men, the respectable
and other men assemble, and these assemblies sometimes last a week. On
this day I sent Bābā K͟hurram to the venerated tomb to
arrange the assemblage, and 10,000 rupees were given to ten trustworthy
servants to divide among fakirs and those who were in want.


On the 15th of the month of Amurdād the offering of
Islām K͟hān was laid before me. He had sent 28
elephants, 40 horses of that part of the country which are known as
ṭānghan, 50 eunuchs, 500 pargāla nafīs
sitārkāṅī.16


It had been made a rule that the events of the Subahs
should be reported according to the boundaries of each, and
news-writers from the Court had been appointed for this duty. This
being the rule that my revered father had laid down, I also observe it,
and much gain and great advantage are to be brought about by it and
information is acquired about the world and its inhabitants. If the
advantages of this were to be written down it would become a long
affair. At this time the news-writer of Lahore reported that at the end
of the month of Tīr ten men had gone from the city to
Amānābād, which lies at a distance of 12 kos. As the air
was very hot, they took shelter under a tree. Soon afterwards wind and
a dust-storm (chakrī) sprang up, and when it blew on that
band of men they trembled, and nine of them died under the tree, and
only one remained alive; he was ill for a long time, and recovered with
great difficulty. In that neighbourhood such bad [248]air
was created that numerous birds who had their nests in that tree all
fell down and died, and that the wild beasts (beasts of the plain,
perhaps cattle) came and threw themselves on to the cultivated fields,
and, rolling about on the grass, gave up their lives. In short, many
animals perished. On Thursday, the 13th Amurdād, having said my
prayers (lit. counted my rosary), I embarked on board a boat for the
purpose of hunting in the village of Samonagar, which is one of my
fixed hunting-places. On the 3rd S͟hahrīwar, K͟hān
ʿĀlam, whom I had sent for from the Deccan in order to
despatch him to Iraq in company with the ambassador of the ruler of
Iran, came and waited on me at this place. He offered 100 muhrs. As
Samonagar was in Mahābat K͟hān’s jagir, he had
prepared a delightful halting-place there on the bank of the river, and
it pleased me greatly. He presented offerings of an elephant and an
emerald ring. The former was put into my private stud. Up to the 6th
S͟hahrīwar I was employed in hunting. In these few days 47
head of antelope, male and female, and other animals were killed. At
this time Dilāwar K͟hān sent as an offering a ruby,
which was accepted. I sent a special sword for Islām
K͟hān. I increased the mansab of Hasan ʿAlī
Turkumān, which was 1,000 personal and 700 horse, by 500 personal
and 100 horse. At the end of Thursday, the 20th of the same month, in
the house of Maryam-zamānī, my solar weighing took place. I
weighed myself according to the usual custom against metals and other
things. I had this year attained to the age of 44 solar years. On the
same day Yādgār ʿAlī, ambassador of the ruler of
Iran, and K͟hān ʿĀlam, who had been nominated to
accompany him from this side, received their leave to go. On
Yādgār ʿAlī there were bestowed a horse with a
jewelled saddle, a jewelled sword, a vest without sleeves with gold
embroidery, an aigrette with feathers and a jīg͟ha
(turban ornament), and 30,000 [249]rupees in cash, altogether
40,000 rupees, and on K͟hān ʿĀlam a jewelled
khapwa or phūl kaṭāra (a sort of dagger)
with a pendant of royal pearls. On the 22nd of the same month I visited
the venerated mausoleum of my revered father at
Bihis͟htābād, riding on an elephant. On the way 5,000
rupees in small coin were scattered round, and I gave other 5,000
rupees to K͟hwāja Jahān to divide among the dervishes.
Having said my evening prayers, I went back to the city in a boat. As
the house of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah was on the bank of the river
Jumna, I alighted there until the end of the next day. Having accepted
what pleased me of his offerings, I went towards the palace;
Iʿtiqād K͟hān’s house was also on the bank of
the river Jumna; at his request I disembarked there with the ladies,
and walked round the houses he had lately built there. This delightful
place pleased me greatly. He had produced suitable offerings of cloth
stuffs and jewels and other things; these were all laid before me and
most of them were approved. When it was near evening I entered the
auspicious palace. As the astrologers had fixed an hour in this night
for starting for Ajmir, when seven gharis of the night of Monday, the
2nd S͟haʿbān, corresponding with the 24th
S͟hahrīwar, had passed, I started in happiness and prosperity
with intent to go there from the capital of Agra. In this undertaking
two things were agreeable to me, one a pilgrimage to the splendid
mausoleum of K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn
Chis͟htī, from the blessing of whose illustrious soul great
advantages had been derived by this dignified family, and whose
venerable shrine I had not visited after my accession to the throne.
The second was the defeat and beating back of the rebel Rānā
Amar Singh, who is one of the most considerable of the Zamindars and
Rajas of Hindustan, and whose headship and leadership and those of his
ancestors all the Rajas and Rays of this province agree to. The
administration has for long been in the [250]hands of this family,
and they have long borne rule towards the East, that is the Pūrab.
They became in that time well known under the title of Rajas. After
this they fell on the Deccan17 and took possession of many of
the countries of that region. In the place of Raja they have taken the
title of Rāwal. After this they came into the hill country of
Mewāt, and by degrees got into their possession the fort of
Chitor. From that date until this day, which is in the eighth year
after my accession, 1,471 years have passed.18


There are twenty-six others of this caste who have ruled
for 1,010 years. They have the title of Rāwal, and from the
Rāwal who was first known as Rāwal down to Rānā
Amar Singh, the present Rānā, there are twenty-six
individuals who have ruled for the space of 461 years. During this long
time they have never bent their necks in obedience to any of the kings
of the country of Hindustan, and have for most of the time been
rebellious and troublesome, so much so that in the reign of the late
king Bābar, Rānā Sāngā collected together all
the Rajas, Rays, and Zamindars of this province, and fought a battle in
the neighbourhood of Biyāna with 180,000 horse and several lakhs
of foot-soldiers. By the aid of Almighty God and the assistance of
fortune the victorious army of Islām prevailed against the infidel
forces, and a great defeat happened to them. The details of this battle
have been given in the Memoirs of King Bābar. My revered father
(may his bright tomb be the abode of unending Grace) exerted himself
greatly [251]to put down these rebels, and several times sent
armies against them. In the twelfth year after his accession he set
himself to capture the fort of Chitor, which is one of the strongest
forts of the inhabited world, and to overthrow the kingdom of the
Rānā, and after four months and ten days of siege took it by
force from the men of Amar Singh’s father, after much fighting,
and returned after destroying the fort. Every time the victorious
forces pressed him hard in order to capture him or make him a fugitive,
but it so happened that this was not effected. In the end of his reign,
on the same day and hour that he proceeded to the conquest of the
Deccan, he sent me with a large army and reliable Sardars against the
Rānā. By chance these two affairs, for reasons which it would
take too long to recount, did not succeed. At last I came to the
throne, and as this matter was only half done, the first army I sent to
the borders was this one. Making my son Parwīz its leader, the
leading nobles who were at the capital were appointed to this duty. I
sent abundant treasure and artillery with him. As every matter depends
on its own season, at this juncture the unhappy affair of K͟husrau
occurred, and I had to pursue him to the Panjab. The province and the
capital of Agra remained void. I had necessarily to write that
Parwīz should return with some of the Amirs and take charge of
Agra and the neighbourhood. In short, this time again the matter of the
Rānā did not go off as it should. When by the favour of Allah
my mind was at rest from K͟husrau’s disturbance, and Agra
became again the alighting place of the royal standards, a victorious
army was appointed under the leadership of Mahābat
K͟hān, ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, and other leaders,
and from that date up to the time when the royal standards started for
Ajmir his country was trodden under foot by the victorious forces. As
finally the affair did not assume [252]an approved form, it occurred
to me that, as I had nothing to do at Agra, and I was convinced that
until I myself went there the affair would not be set to rights, I left
the fort of Agra and alighted at the Dahrah garden. On the next day the
festival of the Dasahrā took place. According to the usual custom
they decorated the elephants and horses, and I had them before me. As
the mothers and sisters of K͟husrau repeatedly represented to me
that he was very repentant of his deeds, the feelings (lit. sweat) of
fatherly affection having come into movement, I sent for him and
determined that he should come every day to pay his respects to me. I
remained for eight days in that garden. On the 28th news arrived that
Rāja Rām Dās, who was doing service in Bangash and the
neighbourhood of Kabul with Qilīj K͟hān, had died. On
the 1st of the month of Mihr I marched from the garden, and dismissed
K͟hwāja Jahān to look after the capital of Agra and
guard the treasure and the palace, and gave him an elephant and a
special robe (fargul). On the 2nd Mihr news arrived that
Rāja Bāso had died in the thanah of Shahabad,19 which is on the border of the territory of Amar.
On the 10th of the same month I halted at Rūp Bās, which has
now been named Amānābād. Formerly this district had been
given as jagir to Rūp K͟hawāṣṣ. Afterwards,
bestowing it on Amānu-llah, son of Mahābat K͟hān, I
ordered it to be called by his name. Eleven days were passed at this
halting-place. As it is a fixed hunting-place, I every day mounted to
go hunting, and in these few days 158 antelopes, male and female, and
other animals were killed. On the 25th of the month I marched from
Amānābād. On the 31st, corresponding with the 8th
Ramaẓān, K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, whom I
had sent for from Burhanpur, came and waited on me, [253]and
presented as offerings 50 muhrs, 15 jewelled vessels, and an elephant,
which I placed in my private stud. On the 2nd Ābān,
corresponding with the 10th Ramaẓān, news came of the death
of Qilīj K͟hān. He was one of the ancient servants of
the State, and obtained the mercy of God in the 80th year of his age.
He was employed at Peshawar in the duty of keeping in order the Afghans
full of darkness.20 His rank was 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse.
Murtaẓā K͟hān Dakhanī was unrivalled in the
art of pūlta-bāzī, which in the language of the
Dakhanis they call yagānagī, and the Moguls
s͟hams͟hīr-bāzī,
‘sword-play’ (fencing). For some time I studied it with
him. At this time I exalted him with the title of Warzis͟h
K͟hān (Exercise-K͟hān). I had established a custom
that deserving people and dervishes should be brought before me every
night, so that I might bestow on them, after personal enquiry into
their condition, land, or gold, or clothes. Amongst these was a man who
represented to me that the name Jahāngīr, according to the
science of abjad (numerals reckoned by letters), corresponded to
the great name “Allah Akbar.”21 Considering
this a good omen, I gave him who discovered (this coincidence) land, a
horse, cash, and clothing. On Monday, the 5th S͟hawwāl,
corresponding to the 26th Ābān, the hour for entering Ajmir
was fixed. On the morning of the said day I went towards it. When the
fort and the buildings of the shrine of the revered K͟hwāja
appeared in sight, I traversed on foot the remainder of the road, about
a kos. I placed trustworthy men on both sides of the road, who went
along giving money to fakirs and the necessitous. When four gharis of
day had passed, I entered the city and its inhabited portion, and in
the fifth ghari had the honour of visiting the venerated mausoleum.
After visiting it I proceeded to [254]the auspicious palace, and
the next day ordered all those present in this honoured resting-place,
both small and great, belonging to the city, and travellers, to be
brought before me, that they might be made happy with numerous gifts
according to their real circumstances. On the 7th Āẕar I
went to see and shoot on the tank of Pushkar, which is one of the
established praying-places of the Hindus, with regard to the perfection
of which they give (excellent) accounts that are incredible to any
intelligence, and which is situated at a distance of three kos from
Ajmir. For two or three days I shot water-fowl on that tank, and
returned to Ajmir. Old and new temples which, in the language of the
infidels, they call Deohara22 are to be seen around this
tank. Among them Rānā S͟hankar, who is the uncle of the
rebel Amar, and in my kingdom is among the high nobles, had built a
Deohara of great magnificence, on which 100,000 rupees had been spent.
I went to see that temple. I found a form cut out of black stone, which
from the neck above was in the shape of a pig’s head, and the
rest of the body was like that of a man. The worthless religion of the
Hindus is this, that once on a time for some particular object the
Supreme Ruler thought it necessary to show himself in this shape; on
this account they hold it dear and worship it.23 I ordered
them to break that hideous form and throw it into the tank. After
looking at this building there appeared a white dome on the top of a
hill, to which men were coming from all quarters. When I asked about
this they said that a Jogī lived there, and when the simpletons
come to see him he places in their hands a handful24 of
flour, which they put into their mouths and imitate the cry
[255]of an animal which these fools have at some time
injured, in order that by this act their sins may be blotted out. I
ordered them to break down that place and turn the Jogī out of it,
as well as to destroy the form of an idol there was in the dome.
Another belief they have is that there is no bottom to this tank. After
enquiry it appeared that it is nowhere deeper than 12 cubits. I also
measured it round and it was about 1½ kos.


On the 16th Āẕar news came that the watchmen
had marked down a tigress. I immediately went there and killed it with
a gun and returned. After a few days a nilgaw (blue bull) was killed,
of which I ordered them to take off the skin in my presence and cook it
as food for the poor. Over 200 people assembled and ate it, and I gave
money with my own hand to each of them. In the same month news came
that the Franks of Goa had, contrary to treaty, plundered four cargo
vessels25 that frequented the port of Surat in the
neighbourhood of that port: and, making prisoners a large number of
Musulmans, had taken possession of the goods and chattels that were in
those ships. This being very disagreeable to my mind, I despatched
Muqarrab K͟hān, who is in charge of the port, on the 18th
Āẕar, giving him a horse and elephant and a dress of honour,
to obtain compensation for this affair. On account of the great
activity and good services of Yūsuf K͟hān and
Bahāduru-l-mulk in the Subah of the Deccan, I sent standards for
them.


It has been written that my chief object, after my visit
to the K͟hwāja, was to put a stop to the affair of the rebel
Rānā. On this account I determined to remain myself at
[256]Ajmir and send on Bābā K͟hurram,
my fortunate son. This idea was a very good one, and on this account,
on the 6th of Day, at the hour fixed upon, I despatched him in
happiness and triumph. I presented him with a qabā (outer
coat) of gold brocade with jewelled flowers and pearls round the
flowers, a brocaded turban with strings of pearls, a gold woven sash
with chains of pearls, one of my private elephants called Fatḥ
Gaj, with trappings, a special horse, a jewelled sword, and a jewelled
khapwa, with a phūl kaṭāra. In addition
to the men first appointed to this duty under the leadership of
K͟hān Aʿz̤am, I sent 12,000 more horse with my son,
and honoured their leaders, each according to his condition, with
special horses and elephants and robes of honour, and dismissed them.
Fidāʾī K͟hān was nominated to the
paymastership of this army. At the same time Ṣafdar
K͟hān was despatched to the government of Kashmir in place of
Hāshim K͟hān. He received a horse and robe of honour. On
Wednesday, the 11th, K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan was made
general paymaster (bak͟hs͟hī-kul), and received a
dress of honour. I had ordered them to make a large caldron26 at Agra for the revered mausoleum of the
K͟hwāja. On this day it was brought, and I ordered them to
cook food for the poor in that pot, and collect together the poor of
Ajmir to feed them whilst I was there. Five thousand people assembled,
and all ate of this food to their fill. After the food I gave money to
each of the dervishes with my own hand. At this time Islām
K͟hān, governor of Bengal, was promoted to the mansab of
6,000 personal and horse, and a flag was given to Mukarram
K͟hān, son of Muʿāz̤z̤am
K͟hān.


On the 1st of Isfandārmuẕ, corresponding with
the 10th Muḥarram, 1023 (20th February, 1614), I left
[257]Ajmir to hunt nilgaw, and returned on the 9th. I
halted at the fountain of Ḥāfiz̤ Jamāl,27 two kos from the city, and passed the night of
Friday28 there. At the end of the day I entered the city.
In these twenty days ten nilgaw had been killed. As the good service of
K͟hwāja Jahān and the smallness of his force for the
defence and government of Agra and that neighbourhood were brought to
my notice, I increased his mansab by 500 personal and 100 horse. On the
same day Abū-l-fatḥ Dakhanī came from his jagir and
waited on me. On the 3rd of the same month news came of the death of
Islām K͟hān; he had died on Thursday, the 5th Rajab, in
the year 1022 (21st August, 1613). In one day, without any previous
illness, this inevitable event occurred. He was one of those born and
brought up in the house (house-born). The naturally good disposition
and knowledge of affairs that showed themselves in him were seen in no
one else. He ruled Bengal with entire authority, and brought within the
civil jurisdiction of the province countries that had never previously
come under the sway of any of the jagirdars or into the possession of
any of the Chiefs of the State. If death had not overtaken him he would
have done perfect service.


The K͟hān Aʿz̤am had himself prayed
that the illustrious prince should be appointed to the campaign against
the Rānā, yet, notwithstanding all kinds of encouragement and
gratification on the part of my son (S͟hāh Jahān), he
would not apply himself to the task, but proceeded to act in his own
unworthy manner. When this was heard by me, I sent Ibrāhīm
Ḥusain, who was one of my most trusty attendants, to him, and
sent affectionate [258]messages to him to say that when he was at
Burhanpur he had daily begged this duty of me, as he considered it
equivalent to the happiness of both worlds, and had said in meetings
and assemblies that if he should be killed in this enterprise he would
be a martyr, and if he prevailed, a g͟hāzī. I had given
him whatever support and assistance of artillery he had asked for.
After this he had written that without the movement of the royal
standards to those regions the completion of the affair was not free of
difficulty. By his counsel I had come to Ajmir, and this neighbourhood
had been thus honoured and dignified. Now that he had himself prayed
for the prince, and everything had been carried out according to his
counsel, why did he withdraw his foot from the field of battle and
enter the place of disagreement? To Bābā K͟hurram, from
whom up till now I had never parted, and whom I sent in pure reliance
on his (K͟hān Aʿz̤am’s) knowledge of affairs,
he should show loyalty and approved good-will, and never be neglectful
day or night of his duty to my son. If, contrariwise, he should draw
back his foot from what he had agreed to, he must know that there would
be mischief. Ibrāhīm Ḥusain went, and impressed these
words on his mind in the same detailed way. It was of no avail, as he
would not go back from his folly and determination. When Bābā
K͟hurram saw that his being in the affair was a cause of
disturbance, he kept him under observation and represented that his
being there was in no way fitting, and he was acting thus and spoiling
matters simply on account of the connection he had with
K͟husrau.29 I then ordered Mahābat K͟hān
to go and bring him from Udaipur, and told Muḥammad Taqī,
the diwan of buildings, to go to Mandesūr and bring his children
and dependants to Ajmir.


On the 11th of the month news came that Dulīp, son
[259]of Rāy Singh, who was of a seditious and
rebellious disposition, had been heavily defeated by his younger
brother, Rāo Sūraj Singh, who had been sent against him, and
that he was making disturbance in one of the districts of the Sarkar of
Ḥiṣṣar. About this time Hāshim of K͟host,
the faujdār, and the jagirdars of that neighbourhood seized him,
and sent him as a prisoner to Court. As he had misbehaved repeatedly,
he was capitally punished, and this was a warning to many of the
seditious. In reward for this service an increase of 500 personal and
200 horse was made to the mansab of Rāo Sūraj Singh. On the
14th of the month a representation came from my son Bābā
K͟hurram that the elephant ʿĀlam-gumān, of which
the Rānā was very fond, together with seventeen other
elephants, had fallen into the hands of the warriors of the victorious
army, and that his master would also soon be captured.










1
Zīn-i-muraṣṣaʿ
kārī-i-Farangī. The MSS. in the B.M. seem to have
zaram instead of zīn. ↑


2
Jahāngīr’s words seem to imply that he caused the
fowl’s leg to be broken in order to try the experiment. Manucci,
i, 55, has a good deal to say about mūmīyā,
though he admits that he had not himself witnessed its effects. I do
not find that Ḥājī Bābā descants on its
virtues, though at the end of the first chapter he says that his mother
gave him an unguent which she said would cure all fractures. The
Persian translator, no doubt rightly, has rendered the word
‘unguent’ by mūmīyā. With regard to
the derivation of the word, may it not be connected with mom,
‘wax’? Vullers has a long article on the
word. ↑


3 The text
has birādārī, ‘brotherhood,’ but the
true reading, as shown by the B.M. MSS., is bar
āwardī, بر
آوردى, and this means either the
establishment of ʿAbdu-llah or a list submitted by him. Perhaps
‘list’ is a better translation, the word
āwardī being connected with the
āwarda-nawīs of Wilson’s
Glossary. ↑


4 The
sentence is very obscure. MS. No. 181 I.O. has k͟hūn,
‘blood,’ instead of chūn, ‘as,’ and
perhaps the meaning is blood in the breasts turns to milk on account of
love for their cubs, and then the sucking by the latter increases the
mother’s natural ferocity and the milk dries up. ↑


5 In the
B.M. MSS. the words are
manṣabdārān-i-rīzā-manṣab. These
last two words are wanting in the text. ↑


6 Text
Patna, but B.M. MSS. have Thatta. ↑


7 Text has
Patna. ↑


8 Text
Kachhī, but it is Gajpatī in B.M. MSS. ↑


9 This
seems taken from Abū-l-faẓl. See Jarrett, iii, 115. The
third duty, which Jahāngīr calls “worshipping
fire,” is by Abū-l-faẓl termed Yāg, i.e.
sacrifice. ↑


10 It is
the day of the full moon in Sāwan that is holy. ↑


11
Blochmann, p. 184, and Wilson’s Glossary. Badayūnī
(Lowe, p. 269) speaks of Akbar’s wearing the
rākhī on the 8th day of Virgo. I do not know why
Jahāngīr calls the day after the last day of Sāwan the
first day of the New Year. Perhaps rūz-i-duyam here means
‘another day,’ and not ‘the next day’; but
then, if so, why is it the rakhi day, for that is in Sāwan? The
Hindu New Year begins in Baisākh (April). It will be observed from
Jarrett, ii, 17, that Sāwan is also the name of a month of a
particular length. Perhaps Jahāngīr has confused the two
things. ↑


12 It is
the 10th of Aswīn (September). ↑


13 The
text wrongly has dar har māh instead of only dar
mah. ↑


14 The
negative in text is wrong apparently. It does not occur in MS. No. 181
I.O. nor in the B.M. MSS., which have ba instead of
na. ↑


15 That
is, 9th Amurdād corresponded with the Ḥijra date of
Akbar’s death, viz. 13th
Jumādā-s̤-s̤ānī, which this year, 1022,
occurred in July. According to the solar calendar Akbar’s death
was in October. ↑


16
Pargālas seem to be clothes of some sort. Perhaps the word
is another form of the fargūl of Blochmann, p. 89. The text
has sitārkāni. Sitār means a veil, but
probably we should read Sonargāoni, ‘of
Sonargaon.’ Both the MSS. give the number of elephants as 68
instead of 28 as in text. ↑


17 See
Jarrett, ii, 268, where it is said that an ancestor of Bāppa came
to Berar. ↑


18
According to Tod, Bāppa, the ancestor of the Rānā,
acquired Chitor in A.D. 728. Jahāngīr
makes twenty-six princes rule for 1,010 years and twenty-six others
only reign for 461 years! Tod says the legendary ancestor Kenek Sen,
the sixty-third from Loh, the son of Rām, emigrated from the
Panjab to Gujarat in 145 A.D. Perhaps the
Mewāt of the Tūzuk is a mistake for
Mewār. ↑


19
Probably the town of that name in the Rajputana State of Jhalāwar.
See “Rajputana Gazetteer,” ii, 211. ↑


20 The
Raus͟hanīs, called by their enemies the
Tārīkīs. ↑


21 Both
Jahāngīr and Allah Akbar yield 288. ↑


22
Sanskrit Devaharā, ‘an idol temple.’ ↑


23
“Rajputana Gazetteer,” ii, 69. ↑


24 Instead
of kaff ārdi, ‘a handful of flour,’ the R.A.S.
MS. has kaf az way, ‘his spittle,’ and this seems
more likely. ↑


25 Text
ajnabī, ‘foreign’ or ‘strange,’ and
Dowson had the same reading, for at vi, 337, we have the translation
‘ships engaged in the foreign trade of Surat.’ But I adopt
the reading of I.O. MS. 181, which is ajnāsī, as it
does not seem likely that Jahāngīr would interest himself
about ‘foreign’ ships. ↑


26
“Rajputana Gazetteer,” ii, 63. There are now two large
caldrons (dīg) inside the dargūh
enclosure. ↑


27
Ḥāfiz̤ Jamāl was the name of the saint
Muʿīnu-d-dīn’s daughter (“Rajputana
Gazetteer,” ii, 62). It lies at the back of the Taragarh hill,
and is now commonly called Nūr-chas͟hma. The fountains, etc.,
are in a ruined state. Sir Thomas Roe visited this place (id., p.
123). ↑


28
S͟hab-i-jumʿa, which is Friday eve according to
Blochmann. ↑


29
K͟husrau was married to his daughter. ↑








[Contents]



The Ninth New Year’s Feast after my auspicious
Accession.






The commencement of the ninth year after my
auspicious accession, corresponding with the Hijra year 1023
(1614).


Two watches and one ghari had passed on the night of
Friday, the 9th Ṣafar (21st March, 1614), when the world-warming
sun shed his rays on the constellation of Aries, which is his house of
dignity and honour; it was the first morning of the month of
Farwardīn. The assembly for the New Year’s festival took
place in the pleasant regions of Ajmir, and at the time of entry (of
the sun into Aries), which was the propitious hour, I seated myself on
the throne of good fortune. They had in the usual manner decorated the
palace with rare cloth-stuffs and jewels and gem-decked things. At this
[260]auspicious moment the elephant
ʿĀlam-gumān,1 which was fit to be entered in
the private stud, with the seventeen other male and female elephants
which my son Bābā K͟hurram had sent of the
Rānā’s elephants, were presented before me, and the
hearts of the loyal rejoiced. On the 2nd day of the New Year, knowing
it to be propitious for a ride, I mounted it and scattered about much
money. On the 3rd I conferred on Iʿtiqād K͟hān a
mansab of 3,000 personal and 1,000 horse, increasing thus that which he
had already, which was of 2,000 personal and 500 horse, and I
distinguished him with the title of Āṣaf K͟hān,
with which title two of his family had been previously honoured. I also
increased the mansab of Dayānat K͟hān by 500 personal
and 200 horse. At the same time I promoted Iʿtimādu-d-daulah
to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 2,000 horse. At the request of
Bābā K͟hurram I increased the mansab of Saif
K͟hān Bārha by 500 personal and 200 horse, that of
Dilāwar K͟hān by the same number, that of Kis͟han
Singh by 500 horse, and that of Sarfarāz K͟hān by 500
personal and 300 horse. On Sunday, the 10th, the offering of
Āṣaf K͟hān was produced before me, and on the 14th
Iʿtimādu-d-daulah produced his own offering. From these two
offerings I took what pleased me and gave back the rest. Chīn
Qilīj K͟hān, with his brothers, relations, and the army
and retinue of his father, came from Kabul2 and waited
on me. Ibrāhīm K͟hān, who had a mansab of 700
personal and 300 horse, having been promoted to that of 1,500 personal
and 600 horse, was appointed jointly with K͟hwāja
Abū-l-ḥasan to the exalted dignity of paymaster of the
household. On the 15th of this month Mahābat K͟hān, who
had been appointed to bring K͟hān Aʿz̤am and his
son ʿAbdu-llah, came and waited [261]on me. On the 19th
the assembly of honour was held. On that day the offering of
Mahābat K͟hān was laid before me, and I sent a private
elephant called Rūp Sundar for my son Parwīz. When that day
had passed I ordered them to deliver K͟hān Aʿz̤am
into the charge of Āṣaf K͟hān, that he might keep
him in the fort of Gwalior. As my object in sending him to the fort was
in case some disagreement and disturbance should occur in the matter of
the Rānā in consequence of the attachment that he had to
K͟husrau, I ordered him not to be kept in the fort like a
prisoner, but that they should provide everything necessary for his
comfort and convenience in the way of eating and clothing. On the same
day I promoted Chīn Qilīj K͟hān to a mansab of
2,500 personal and 700 horse. To the rank of Tāj K͟hān,
who had been appointed to the charge of the province of Bhakar, I added
500 personal and horse. On the 18th Urdībihis͟ht I forbade
K͟husrau to pay his respects. The reason was this, that through
the affection and fatherly love (I bore him) and the prayers of his
mother and sisters, I had ordered again that he should come every day
to pay his respects (kūrnis͟h). As his appearance
showed no signs of openness and happiness, and he was always mournful
and dejected in mind, I accordingly ordered that he should not come to
pay his respects. In the time of my revered father, Muz̤affar
Ḥusain Mīrzā and Rustam Mīrzā, sons of
Sult̤ān Ḥusain Mīrzā, nephews of
S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp Ṣafawī, who had in their
possession Qandahar and Zamīndāwar and that neighbourhood,
sent petitions to the effect that in consequence of the nearness to
Khurasan and the coming of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Ūzbeg
to that country, they could not leave the charge of looking after the
country and come (to pay their respects), but that if he (Akbar) would
send one of the servants of the palace they would hand over the country
to him, and themselves come to pay their respects. [262]As
they repeatedly made this request, he sent S͟hāh Beg
K͟hān, who is now honoured with the title of K͟hān
Daurān, to the governorship of Qandahar and Zamīndāwar
and that neighbourhood, and wrote firmans full of favour to the
Mīrzās summoning them to the Court. After their arrival
favours appropriate to the case of each were bestowed on them, and he
gave them a territory equal to two or three times the collections of
Qandahar. In the end, the management expected from them was not
achieved, and by degrees the territory deteriorated. Muz̤affar
Ḥusain Mīrzā died during the lifetime of my revered
father, and he sent Mīrzā Rustam with the Khankhanan to the
Subah of the Deccan, where he had a small jagir. When the throne was
honoured by my succession, I sent for him from the Deccan with the
intention of showing him favour and sending him to one of the border
territories. About the time he came Mīrzā
G͟hāzī Tark͟hān, who held the governorship of
Thatta and Qandahar and that neighbourhood, died. It occurred to me to
send him to Thatta, so that he might show there his natural good
qualities and administer that country in an approved manner. I promoted
him to a mansab of 5,000 personal and horse, 200,000 rupees were given
to him for expenses, and I despatched him to the Subah of Thatta. My
belief was that he would do good service3 on those
borders. In opposition to my expectation he did no service, and
committed so much oppression that many people complained of his
wickedness. Such news of him was heard that it was considered necessary
to recall him. [263]One of the servants of the Court was appointed
to summon him, and I sent for him to Court. On the 26th
Urdībihis͟ht they brought him. As he had committed great
oppression on the people of God, and inquiry into this was due
according to the requirements of justice, I handed him over to
Anīrāʾī Singh-dalan that he might enquire into the
facts, and that if guilty he might receive prompt punishment and be a
warning to others. In those days the news also came of the defeat of
Aḥdād, the Afghan. The facts are that Muʿtaqid
K͟hān came to Pūlam4 Guzar (ferry?), in the
district of Peshawar, with an army, and K͟hān Daurān
with another force in Afghanistan and blocked the path of that rascal
(lit. black-faced one). Meanwhile a letter came to Muʿtaqid
K͟hān from Pish Bulagh that Aḥdād had gone to
Koṭ Tīrāh, which is 8 kos from Jalalabad, with a large
number of horse and foot, and had killed a few of those who had chosen
to be loyal and obey, and made prisoners of others, and was about to
send them to Tīrāh, and intended to make a raid on Jalalabad
and Pish Bulagh. Immediately on hearing this news Muʿtaqid
K͟hān started in great haste with the troops he had with him.
When he arrived at Pish Bulagh he sent out spies to ascertain about the
enemy. On the morning of Wednesday, the 6th, news reached him that
Aḥdād was in the same place. Placing his trust on the favour
of God, which is on the side of this suppliant at the throne of Allah,
he divided the royal army into two, and went towards the enemy, who,
with 4,000 or 5,000 experienced men, had seated themselves haughtily in
complete carelessness, [264]and did not suspect that besides
K͟hān Daurān’s there was an army in the
neighbourhood that could oppose itself to them. When news came that the
royal forces were coming against that ill-fortuned man, and the signs
of an army were becoming manifest, in a state of bewilderment he
distributed his men into four bodies, and seating himself on an
eminence a gunshot away, to get to which was a difficult matter, he
sent his men to fight. The musketeers of the victorious army assailed
the rebel with bullets, and sent a large number to hell. Muʿtaqid
K͟hān took the centre of his army to his advanced guard, and,
not giving the enemy more than time to shoot off their arrows two or
three times, swept them clean away, and pursuing them for 3 or 4 kos,
killed nearly 1,500 of them, horse and foot. Those left of the sword
took to flight, most of them wounded and with their arms thrown away.
The victorious army remained for the night in the same place on the
battlefield, and in the morning proceeded with 600 decapitated
heads5 towards Peshawar and made pillars of the heads
there. Five hundred horses and innumerable cattle and property and many
weapons fell into their hands. The prisoners of Tīrāh were
released, and on this side no well-known men were killed. On the night
of Thursday, the 1st of K͟hūrdād, I proceeded towards
Pushkar to shoot tigers, and on Friday killed two of them with a gun.
On the same day it was represented to me that Naqīb
K͟hān had died. The aforesaid K͟hān was one of the
Saifī Sayyids, and was originally from Qazwin. The tomb of his
father, Mīr ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, is at Ajmir. Two months
before his death his wife,6 between whom and her husband
there was [265]a great affection, and who for twelve days was
ill with fever, drank the unpleasant draught of death. I ordered them
to bury him by the side of his wife, whom they had placed in the
K͟hwāja’s venerated mausoleum. As Muʿtaqid
K͟hān had done approved service in the fight with
Aḥdād, in reward he was exalted with the title of
Las͟hkar K͟hān. Dayānat K͟hān, who had
been sent to Udaipur in the service of Bābā K͟hurram and
to convey certain orders, came on the 7th K͟hūrdād and
gave good account of the rules and regulations made by Bābā
K͟hurram. Fidāʾī K͟hān, who in the days
of my princehood was my servant, and whom after my accession I had made
bakhshi in this army, and who had obtained favour, gave up the deposit
of his life on the 12th of the same month. Mīrzā Rustam, as
he showed signs of repentance and regret for his misdeeds, and
generosity demanded that his faults should be pardoned, was, in the end
of the month, summoned to my presence, and I satisfied his mind, and
having given him a dress of honour, ordered him to pay his respects to
me. On the night of Sunday, the 11th of the month of Tīr, a female
elephant in the private elephant stud gave birth to a young one in my
presence. I had repeatedly ordered them to ascertain the period of
their gestation; at last it became evident that for a female young one
it was 18 months and for a male 19 months. In opposition to the birth
of a human being, which is in most cases by a head delivery, young
elephants are born with their feet first. When the young one was born,
the mother scattered dust upon it with her foot, and began to be kind
and to pet it. The young one for an instant remained fallen, and then
rising, made towards its mother’s breasts. On the 14th the
assembly of Gulāb-pās͟hī (sprinkling of rose-water)
took place; from former times this has been known as
āb-pās͟hī (water-sprinkling), and has become
established from amongst customs of former [266]days. On the 5th Amurdād (middle July,
1614) came news of the death of Rāja Mān Singh.7
The aforesaid Raja was one of the chief officers of my revered father.
As I had sent many servants of the State to serve in the Deccan, I also
appointed him. After his death in that service, I sent for
Mīrzā Bhāo Singh, who was his legitimate heir. As from
the time when I was prince he had done much service with me, although
the chiefship and headship of their family, according to the Hindu
custom, should go to Mahā Singh, son8 of Jagat
Singh, the Raja’s eldest son, who had died in the latter’s
lifetime, I did not accept him, but I dignified Bhāo Singh with
the title of Mīrzā Rāja, and raised him to the mansab of
4,000 personal and 3,000 horse. I also gave him Amber, the native place
of his ancestors, and, soothing and consoling the mind of Mahā
Singh, increased his former mansab by 500, and gave him as an
inʿām the territory of Garha.9 I also sent
him a jewelled dagger belt, a horse, and dress of honour. On the 8th of
this month of Amurdād I found a change in my health, and by
degrees was seized with fever and headache. For fear that some injury
might occur to the country and the servants of God, I kept this secret
from most of those familiar with and near to me, and did not inform the
physicians and hakims. A few days passed in this manner, and I only
imparted this to Nūr-Jahān Begam than whom I did not think
anyone was fonder of me; I abstained from eating heavy foods, and,
contenting myself with a little light food, went every day, according
to my rule, to the public Dīwān-k͟hāna (hall of
audience), and entered the Jharokha and ghusal-k͟hāna
(parlour) [267]in my usual manner, until signs of weakness
showed themselves in my skin.10 Some of the nobles11 became aware of this, and informed one or two of
my physicians who were trustworthy, such as Ḥakīm
Masīḥu-z-zamān, Ḥakīm Abū-l-qāsim,
and Ḥakīm ʿAbdu-s͟h-S͟hakūr. As the
fever did not change, and for three nights I took my usual wine, it
brought on greater weakness. In the time of disquietude, and when
weakness prevailed over me, I went to the mausoleum of the revered
K͟hwāja, and in that blessed abode prayed to God Almighty for
recovery, and agreed to give alms and charity. God Almighty, in His
pure grace and mercy, bestowed on me the robe of honour of health, and
by degrees I recovered. The headache, which had been very severe,
subsided under the remedies of Ḥakīm
ʿAbdu-s͟h-S͟hakūr, and in the space of twenty-two
days my state returned to what it was before. The servants of the
palace, and indeed the whole of the people, made offerings for this
great bounty. I accepted the alms of no one, and ordered that everyone
in his own house should distribute what he wished among the poor. On
the 10th S͟hahrīwar news came that Tāj K͟hān,
the Afghan, governor of Thatta,12 had died; he was one of
the old nobles of the State.


During my illness it had occurred to me that when I
completely recovered, inasmuch as I was inwardly an ear-bored slave of
the K͟hwāja (Muʿīnu-d-dīn) and was indebted to
him for my existence, I should openly make holes in my ears and be
enrolled among his ear-marked slaves. On Thursday, 12th
S͟hahrīwar,13 corresponding to the month of
Rajab, I made holes in my ears and drew into each a shining pearl. When
the servants of the palace and my loyal friends saw this, both those
who [268]were in the presence and some who were in the
distant borders diligently and eagerly made holes in their ears, and
adorned the beauty of sincerity with pearls and rubies which were in
the private treasury, and were bestowed on them, until by degrees the
infection caught the Ahadis and others. At the end of the day of
Thursday, the 22nd of the said month, corresponding with the 10th
S͟haʿbān, the meeting for my solar weighing was arranged
in my private audience hall, and the usual observances were carried
out. On the same day Mīrzā Rāja Bhāo Singh,
gratified and prosperous, returned to his native country with the
promise that he would not delay (there) more than two or three months.
On the 27th of the month of Mihr news came that Farīdūn
K͟hān Barlās had died at Udaipur. In the clan of
Barlās no leader remained but he. As his tribe had many claims on
this State and endless connection with it, I patronised his son Mihr
ʿAlī, and raised him to the mansab of 1,000 personal and
horse. On account of the approved services of K͟hān
Daurān, I increased by 1,000 his mansab, which became 6,000
personal and 5,000 horse, original and increase. On the 6th
Ābān the qarāwuls
(s͟hikārīs) reported that three tigers had been
met at a distance of 6 kos. Starting after midday, I killed all three
of them with a gun. On the 8th of the month the festival of the
Dewālī came on. I ordered the attendants of the palace to
have games with each other for two or three nights in my presence;
winnings and losings took place. On the 8th of this month they brought
to Ajmir the body of Sikandar Muʿīn Qarāwul
(S͟hikārī), who was one of my old attendants and had
done much service for me when I was prince, from Udaipur, which was the
place where my son Sult̤ān K͟hurram was staying. I
ordered the qarawuls and his fellow-tribesmen to take his body and bury
it on the bank of Rānā S͟hankar’s tank. He was a
good servant to me. On the 12th Āẕar two daughters whom
[269]Islām K͟hān in his lifetime had
taken from the Zamindar of Kūch (Behar), whose country is on the
boundary of the eastern provinces, together with his son and 94
elephants, were brought before me. Some of the elephants were placed in
my private stud. On the same day, Hūs͟hang, Islām
K͟hān’s son, came from Bengal, and had the good fortune
to kiss the threshold, and presented as offerings two elephants, 100
muhrs, and 100 rupees. On one particular night in Day I dreamt that the
late king (Akbar) said to me: “Bābā, forgive for my
sake the fault of ʿAzīz K͟hān, who is the
K͟hān Aʿz̤am.” After this dream, I decided to
summon him from the fort (of Gwalior).


There is a ravine in the neighbourhood of Ajmir that is
very beautiful. At the end of this ravine a spring appears which is
collected in a long and broad tank, and is the best water in Ajmir.
This valley and spring are well known as Ḥāfiz̤
Jamāl. When I crossed over to this place I ordered a suitable
building to be made there, as the place was good and fit for
developing. In the course of a year a house and grounds were made
there, the like of which those14 who travel round the world
cannot point out. They made a basin 40 gaz by 40, and made the water of
the spring rise up in the basin by a fountain. The fountain leaps up 10
or 12 gaz. Buildings are laid on the edge of this basin, and in the
same way above, where the tank and fountain are, they have made
agreeable places and enchanting halls and resting-rooms pleasant to the
senses. These have been constructed and finished off in a masterly
style by skilled painters and clever artists. As I desired that it
should be called by a name [270]connected with my august name, I
gave it the name of Chas͟hma-i-Nūr, or ‘the fountain of
light.’ In short, the one fault it has is this, that it ought to
have been in a large city, or at a place by which men frequently pass.
From the day on which it was completed I have often passed Thursdays
and Fridays there. I ordered that they should think out a chronogram
for its completion. Saʿīdā Gīlānī, the
head of the goldsmiths, discovered it in this clever
hemistich:—




“The palace15 of S͟hāh
Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr” (1024).




I ordered them to put a stone with this carved
upon it on the top of the portico of the building.


In the beginning of the month of Day, merchants came
from Persia and brought pomegranates of Yazd and melons from
Kārīz, which are the best of Khurasan melons, so many that
all the servants of the Court and the Amirs of the frontiers obtained a
portion of them and were very grateful to the True Giver (God) for
them. I had never had such melons and pomegranates. It seemed as if I
had never had a pomegranate or a melon before. Every year I had had
melons from Badakhshan and pomegranates from Kabul, but they bore no
comparison with the Yazd pomegranates and the Kārīz melons.
As my revered father (may God’s light be his witness!) had a
great liking for fruit, I was very grieved that such fruits had not
come to Hindustan from Persia in his victorious time, that he might
have enjoyed and profited by them. I have the same regret for the
Jahāngīrī ʿit̤r (so-called otto of
roses), that his nostrils were not gratified with such essences. This
ʿit̤r is a discovery which was made during my reign through
the efforts of the mother of Nūr-Jahān Begam. When she was
making rose-water [271]a scum formed on the surface of the dishes
into which the hot rose-water was poured from the jugs. She collected
this scum little by little; when much rose-water was obtained a
sensible portion of the scum was collected. It is of such strength in
perfume that if one drop be rubbed on the palm of the hand it scents a
whole assembly, and it appears as if many red rosebuds had bloomed at
once. There is no other scent of equal excellence to it. It restores
hearts that have gone and brings back withered souls. In reward for
that invention I presented a string of pearls to the inventress.
Salīma16 Sult̤ān Begam (may the lights of God be
on her tomb) was present, and she gave this oil the name of
‘ʿit̤r-i-Jahāngīrī.’


Great difference appeared in the climates of India. In
this month of Day, in Lahore, which is between Persia and Hindustan,
the mulberry-tree bore fruit of as much sweetness and fine flavour as
in its ordinary season. For some days people were delighted by eating
it. The news-writers of that place wrote this. In the same days
Bak͟htar K͟hān Kalāwant, who was closely connected
with ʿĀdil K͟hān, inasmuch as he (ʿĀdil)
married his own brother’s daughter to him, and made him his
preceptor in singing and durpat17
guftan, appeared in the habit of a dervish. Summoning him and
enquiring into his circumstances, I endeavoured to honour him. In the
first assembly I gave him 10,000 rupees in cash and 50 pieces of cloth
of all sorts and a string of pearls, and having made him a guest of
Āṣaf K͟hān, ordered him to enquire into his
circumstances. It did not appear whether he had come without
ʿĀdil K͟hān’s permission, or the latter
[272]had sent him in this guise in order that he
might find out the designs of this Court and bring him news about them.
Considering his relationship to ʿĀdil K͟hān, it is
most probable that he has not come without ʿĀdil
K͟hān’s knowledge. A report by Mīr
Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain, who at this time was (our)
ambassador at Bijapur, corroborates this idea, for he writes that
ʿĀdil K͟hān has, on account of the kindness which
has been shown by H.M. (Jahāngīr) to Bak͟htar
K͟hān, been very gracious to him (Jamālu-d-dīn).
Every day he has shown him more and more favour, keeps him beside him
at nights, and recites to him durpats, which he (ʿĀdil
K͟hān) has composed, and which he calls
nauras18 (Juvenilia). “The remainder of the
facts will be written on the day when I get my dismissal.”


In these days they brought a bird from the country of
Zīrbād (Sumatra, etc., Blochmann, p. 616) which was coloured
like a parrot, but had a smaller body. One of its peculiarities is that
it lays hold with its feet of the branch or perch on which they may
have placed it and then makes a somersault, and remains in this
position all night and whispers to itself. When day comes it seats
itself on the top of the branch. Though they say that animals also have
worship, yet it is most likely that this practice is instinctive. It
never drinks water, and water acts like poison upon it, though other
birds subsist on water.


In the month19 of Bahman there came pieces of
good [273]news one after the other. The first was that the
Rānā Amar Singh had elected for obedience and service to the
Court. The circumstances of this affair are these. My son of lofty
fortune, Sult̤ān K͟hurram, by dint of placing a great
many posts, especially in some places where most people said it was
impossible to place them on account of the badness of the air and water
and the wild nature of the localities, and by dint of moving the royal
forces one after another in pursuit, without regard to the heat or
excessive rain, and making prisoners of the families of the inhabitants
of that region, brought matters with the Rānā to such a pass
that it became clear to him that if this should happen to him again he
must either fly the country or be made prisoner. Being without remedy,
he chose obedience and loyalty, and sent to my fortunate son his
maternal uncle, Subh Karan, with Haridās Jhālā, who was
one of the men in his confidence, and petitioned that if that fortunate
son would ask forgiveness for his offences and tranquillise his mind,
and obtain for him the auspicious sign-manual,20 he would
himself come and wait on my son, and would send his son and successor
Karan to Court, or he, after the manner of other Rajas, would be
enrolled amongst the servants of the Court and do service. He also
begged that he himself might be excused from coming to Court on account
of his old age. Accordingly my son sent them in company with his own
Diwan Mullā S͟hukru-llah, whom after the conclusion of this
business I dignified with the title of Afẓal K͟hān, and
Sundar Dās, his major-domo, who, after this matter was settled,
was honoured with the title of Rāy Rāyān, to the exalted
Court, and represented the circumstances. My lofty [274]mind
was always desirous, as far as possible, not to destroy the old
families. The real point was that as Rānā Amar Singh and his
fathers, proud in the strength of their hilly country and their abodes,
had never seen or obeyed any of the kings of Hindustan, this should be
brought about in my reign. At the request of my son I forgave the
Rānā’s offences, and gave a gracious farman that should
satisfy him, and impressed on it the mark of my auspicious
palm.21 I also wrote a farman of kindness to my son that
if he could arrange to settle the matter I should be much pleased. My
son also sent them22 with Mullā
S͟hukru-llah and Sundar Dās to the Rānā to console
him and make him hopeful of the royal favour. They gave him the
gracious farman with the sign-manual of the auspicious hand, and it was
settled that on Sunday, the 26th of the month of Bahman, he and his
sons should come and pay their respects to my son. The second piece of
good news was the death of Bahādur, who was descended from the
rulers of Gujarat, and was the leaven of disturbance and mischief
(there). Almighty God had annihilated him in His mercy: he died of a
natural illness. The third piece of news was the defeat of the
Warzā (Portuguese Viceroy), who had done his best to take the
castle and port of Surat. In the roadstead23 of the port
of Surat a fight took place between the English, who had taken shelter
there, and the Viceroy. Most of his ships were burnt by the English
fire. Being helpless he had not [275]the power to fight any more,
and took to flight. He sent some one to Muqarrab K͟hān, who
was the governor of the ports of Gujarat, and knocked at the door of
peace, and said that he had come to make peace and not to make war. It
was the English who had stirred up the war. Another piece of news was
that some of the Rajputs, who had determined to attack and kill
ʿAmbar (misprinted G͟hīr), had made an ambush, and
finding a good opportunity had gained access to him, when a slight
wound had been inflicted on him by one of them. The men who were round
ʿAmbar (again misprinted G͟hīr) had killed the Rajputs
and taken ʿAmbar to his quarters. A very little24 more
would have made an end of him. In the end of this month, when I was
employed in hunting in the environs of Ajmir, Muḥammad
Beg,25 an attendant on my fortunate son Sult̤ān
K͟hurram, came and brought a report from that son, and stated that
the Rānā had come with his sons and paid his respects to the
prince; “the details would be made known by the report.” I
immediately turned the face of supplication to the Divine Court, and
prostrated myself in thanksgiving. I presented a horse, an elephant,
and a jewelled dagger to the aforesaid Muḥammad Beg, and honoured
him with the title of Ẕū-l-faqār
K͟hān.25 From the
report it appeared that on Sunday, the 26th Bahman, the Rānā
paid his respects to my fortunate son with the politeness and ritual
that servants pay their respects, and produced as offerings a famous
large ruby that was in his house, with some decorated articles and
seven elephants, some of them fit for the private stud, and which had
not fallen into [276]our hands and were the only ones left him,
and nine horses.


My son also behaved to him with perfect kindness. When
the Rānā clasped his feet and asked forgiveness for his
faults, he took his head and placed it on his breast, and consoled him
in such a manner as to comfort him. He presented him with a superb
dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse with a jewelled saddle, and
a private elephant with silver housings, and, as there were not more
than 100 men with him who were worthy of complete robes of honour
(sar u pā), he gave 100 sarupa and 50 horses and 12
jewelled khapwa (daggers). As it is the custom of the Zamindars
that the son who is the heir-apparent should not go with his father to
pay his respects to a king or prince, the Rānā observed this
custom, and did not bring with him Karan, the son who had received the
ṭīkā. As the hour (fixed by astrology) of the
departure of that son of lofty fortune from that place was the end of
that same day, he gave him leave, so that, having himself gone, he
might send Karan to pay his respects. After he had gone, Karan also
came and did so. To him also he gave a superb dress of honour, a
jewelled sword and dagger, a horse with a gold saddle, and a special
elephant, and on the same day, taking Karan in attendance, he proceeded
towards the illustrious Court. On the 3rd Isfandārmuẕ my
return to Ajmir from hunting took place. From the 17th Bahman up to
that date, during which I was hunting, one tigress with three cubs and
thirteen nilgaw had been killed. The fortunate prince encamped on
Saturday, the 10th of the same month, at the village of
Devrānī, which is near the city of Ajmir, and an order was
given that all the Amirs should go to meet him, and that each should
present an offering according to his standing and condition, and on the
next day, Sunday, the 11th he should have the good fortune to wait upon
me. The next [277]day the prince, with great magnificence, with
all the victorious forces that had been appointed to accompany him on
that service, entered the public palace. The hour for him to wait on me
was when two watches and two gharis of the day had passed, and he had
the good fortune to pay his respects, and performed his prostrations
and salutations. He presented 1,000 ashrafis and 1,000 rupees by way of
offering, 1,000 muhrs and 1,000 rupees by way of charity. I called that
son forward and embraced him, and having kissed his head and face,
favoured him with special kindnesses and greetings. When he had
finished the dues of service and had presented his offerings and
charities, he petitioned that Karan might be exalted with the good
fortune of prostrating himself and paying his respects. I ordered them
to bring him, and the Bakhshis with the usual ceremonies of respect
produced him. After prostration and salutation were completed, at the
request of my son K͟hurram, I ordered them to place him in front
on the right hand of the circle. After this I ordered K͟hurram to
go and wait on his mothers, and gave him a special dress of honour,
consisting of a jewelled chārqab (sleeveless vest), a coat
of gold brocade, and a rosary of pearls. After he had made his
salutation, there were presented to him a special dress of honour, a
special horse with a jewelled saddle, and a special elephant. I also
honoured Karan with a superb robe of honour and a jewelled sword, and
the Amirs and mansabdars had the honour of prostrating themselves and
paying their respects, and presented their offerings. Each of these,
according to his service and rank, was honoured with favours. As it was
necessary to win the heart of Karan, who was of a wild nature and had
never seen assemblies and had lived among the hills, I every day showed
him some fresh favour, so that on the second day of his attendance a
jewelled dagger, and on the next day a special Iraqi horse with
jewelled saddle, were given [278]to him. On the day when he went to
the darbar in the female apartments, there were given to him on the
part of Nūr-Jahān Begam a rich dress of honour, a jewelled
sword, a horse and saddle, and an elephant. After this I presented him
with a rosary of pearls of great value. On the next day a special
elephant with trappings (talāyir) were given. As it was in
my mind to give him something of every kind, I presented him with three
hawks and three falcons, a special sword, a coat of mail, a special
cuirass, and two rings, one with a ruby and one with an emerald. At the
end of the month I ordered that all sorts of cloth stuffs, with carpets
and cushions (named takiya) and all kinds of perfumes, with
vessels of gold, two Gujrati carts, and cloths, should be placed in a
hundred trays. The Ahadis carried them in their arms and on their
shoulders to the public audience hall, where they were bestowed on
him.


S̤ābit K͟hān26 at the
paradise-resembling assemblies was always addressing unbecoming
speeches and making palpable allusions to Iʿtimādu-d-daulah
and his son Āṣaf K͟hān. Once or twice, showing my
dislike of this, I had forbidden him to do so, but this was not enough
for him. As I held very dear Iʿtimādu-d-daulah’s
good-will towards me, and was very closely connected with his family,
this matter became very irksome to me. As one night without reason and
without motive he began to speak unpleasant words to him, and said them
to such an extent that signs of vexation and annoyance became evident
in Iʿtimādu-d-daulah’s face, I sent him next morning,
in the custody of a servant of the Court, to Āṣaf
K͟hān to say that as on the previous evening he had spoken
unpleasant words to his father I handed him over to him, and he might
shut him up either there or in the fort of Gwalior, as he pleased;
until he [279]made amends to his father I would never forgive
his fault. According to the order Āṣaf K͟hān sent
him to Gwalior fort. In the same month Jahāngīr Qulī
K͟hān was promoted to an increased mansab, and was given that
of 2,500 personal and 2,000 horse. Aḥmad Beg K͟hān, who
is one of the old retainers of the State, committed some faults on the
journey to the Subah of Kabul, and Qilīj K͟hān, who was
the commander of the army, had repeatedly complained of his making
himself disagreeable. Necessarily I summoned him to Court, and in order
to punish him handed him over to Mahābat K͟hān to
confine him in the fort of Ranṭambhor. Qāsim
K͟hān, governor of Bengal, had sent two rubies as an
offering, and they were laid before me. As I had made a rule that they
should bring before me after two watches of the night had passed the
dervishes and necessitous people who had collected in the illustrious
palace, this year also after the same manner I bestowed on the
dervishes with my own hand and in my own presence 55,000 rupees and
190,000 bighas of land, with fourteen entire villages, and twenty-six
ploughs,27 and 11,000 k͟harwār28 (ass-loads) of rice; I presented as well 732
pearls, of the value of 36,000 rupees, to the servants who by way of
loyalty had bored their ears.


At the end of the aforesaid month news came that when
four and a half gharis of night had passed on Sunday the 11th of the
month, in the city of Burhanpur, God Almighty had bestowed on
Sultān Parwīz a son by the daughter of Prince Murād. I
gave him the name of Sultān Dūr-andīsh29
(long-thoughted). [280]










1 The
“Arrogant of the Earth” (Tod). ↑


2 Perhaps
this means Peshawar, for apparently Qilīj was there when he
died. ↑


3
According to the Maʾās̤ir, iii, 486, in the biography of
ʿĪsā K͟hān, Rustam was sent to put down the
Tark͟hāns, and succeeded in doing so. See also ibid., p. 438,
in the biography of Rustam, where it is said that Jahāngīr
told him to send away the Arghuns. Perhaps the passage in
Maʾās̤ir, p. 438, which according to Blochmann, p. 314,
means that Rustam ill-treated the Arghuns, rather means that he
intrigued with them but oppressed the peasantry. ↑


4 Though
the text has Pūlam, the real word seems to be Īlam or Ailam.
Ailam Guẕar appears to be a pass in a range of hills. It may,
however, be a ferry on the Kabul River. That river seems to be also
known as the S͟hāh ʿĀlam, and there is a ferry on
it of that name. The text speaks of Kot Tīrāh as 8 kos from
Jalalabad, but Tīrāh is much further away. The B.M. MSS. have
Kotal-i-Tīrāh, ‘the Tīrāh
defile.’ ↑


5 Compare
Price’s Jahāngīr, p. 94. It appears from that account
that Muʿtaqid alias Las͟hkar K͟hān was
originally called Abū-l-ḥusain. According to the account
there, the prisoners were brought to Jahāngīr with the
decapitated heads of 17,000 (!) suspended from their
necks! ↑


6 She was
a daughter of Mīr Maḥmūd, Akbar’s secretary
(Blochmann, p. 449). ↑


7 Mān
Singh died in the Deccan in 1614, and apparently in the month of
June. ↑


8 Text
pidar by mistake for pisar. ↑


9 Garha,
described as Bāndhū in Maʾās̤ir, ii, 175. It
is Garha-Katanga, i.e. Jabalpur. ↑


10 Perhaps
the meaning is that there was an eruption. ↑


11
Buzurgān, which perhaps here means elder ladies of the
harem. ↑


12 This is
Tās͟h Beg (Blochmann, p. 457). The text wrongly has
Patna. ↑


13
Jahāngīr was born in this month, which then corresponded to
Rajab. ↑


14 Is this
an allusion to some complimentary remark of Sir Thomas Roe? Sir Thomas
did not come to Ajmir till December, 1615, but Jahāngīr is
here apparently writing of what happened a year after his visit to
Ḥāfiz̤ Jamāl. The chronogram was 1024
(1615). ↑


15
Maḥall-i-S͟hāh Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr,
1024 (1615). See Proceedings A.S.B. for August, 1873, pp.
159–60. ↑


16
Salīma died in the 7th year, so that the discovery must have
occurred some time before this mention of it. ↑


17
Hindustani, dhurpad, “petit poëme
ordinairement composé de cinq hémistiches sur une
même rime.” “It was invented by Rāja
Mān of Gwalior” (Garçin de Tassy, Hist. Litt. Hindouie, i, 12). ↑


18 See
Rieu, 741b, who calls the nauras a treatise on music composed by
Ibrāhīm ʿĀdil S͟hāh II. This
ʿĀdil S͟hāh was Firis͟hta’s patron, and
reigned till 1626. Jamālu-d-dīn is the dictionary-maker and
friend of Sir T. Roe. The sentence about reporting the remainder of the
facts seems to be an extract from his report. Muḥammad
Wāris̤, in his continuation of the
Pāds͟hāh-nāma, B.M. MS. Add. 6556, p. 438,
mentions, with reprobation, that ʿĀdil S͟hāh had
given his niece in marriage to a singer. ↑


19
Translated Elliot, vi, 339. ↑


20 Lit.
procure for him the sign of the blessed panja (five fingers).
The sign-manual was that of Jahāngīr. See below. See also
Tod’s Rajasthan, reprint, i, 411, for a representation of the
panja; also p. 383, note id. ↑


21
Panja mubārak (Tod’s Rajasthan, i, 383 and
411). ↑


22 Perhaps
the uncle and Haridās, or the īnhā,
‘them’ may mean the farman. See Elliot, vi, 340, which has
‘my letters.’ Tod has translated this part of the
Tūzuk, i, 382. ↑


23 The
text has k͟haurmiyān, and I. O. 181 has
k͟haur-i-bandar. K͟haur means a bay or gulf in
Arabic. The battle is that between Captain Downton and the Portuguese,
which took place in January, 1615, and is described in Orme’s
Hist., Fragments, p. 351, etc. See also Danvers’
“Portuguese in India,” ii. 170. The engagement was in the
Swally channel. ↑


24 Elliot,
vi, 340. As Mr. Rogers remarks, the sentence is not easily
intelligible. Probably the translation should be, “No one
remained (all the Rajputs having been killed) who could finish off
Malik ʿAmbar.” ↑


25 Probably the
father or grandfather of the Muḥammad Beg
Ẕū-l-faqār who was a servant of Aurangzīb
(Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 89). ↑


26 R.A.S.
MS. has Dayānat K͟hān, and so has I.O. MS.
181. ↑


27
Qulba. It does not appear that this is a
land-measure. ↑


28
K͟harwār. It is a weight. See Jarrett, ii, 394, where
a kharwar is said to be equal to ten Hindustani maunds. ↑


29
Probably this was the son who died in the 14th year (Tūzuk, p.
282). ↑








[Contents]



The Tenth New Year’s Festival after my
auspicious Accession.






When 55 seconds had passed on Saturday, 1st
Farwardīn, in my 10th year, corresponding with the 8th1
of the month of Ṣafar (March, 1615), 1024 Hijra, the sun from the
constellation of Pisces entered the house of honour of Aries. When
three gharis had passed on the night of Sunday I seated myself on the
throne of State. The New Year’s feast and ceremonials were
prepared in the usual manner. The illustrious princes, the great
K͟hāns, the chief officers and Ministers of State made their
salutations of congratulation. On the 1st of the month the mansab of
Iʿtimādu-d-daulah was increased from 5,000 personal and 2,000
horse by 1,000 personal and horse. Special horses were given to the
Kunwar Karan, Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, and
Rāja Bīr Singh Deo. On the 2nd the offering of
Āṣaf K͟hān was laid before me; it was an approved
offering of jewels and jewelled ornaments and things of gold, of cloth
stuffs of all kinds and descriptions and was looked over in detail.
That which I approved was worth 85,000 rupees. On this day a jewelled
sword with a belt and band(?) (band u bār) was given to
Karan, and an elephant to Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān.
As I had made up my mind to proceed to the Deccan, I gave an order to
ʿAbdu-l-Karīm Maʿmūrī, to go to Mandu and
prepare a new building for my private residence and repair the
buildings of the old kings. On the 3rd day the offerings of Rāja
Bīr Singh Deo were laid before me and one ruby, some pearls, and
one elephant had the honour of being accepted. On the 4th day the
mansab of Mustafā K͟hān was increased by 500 personal
and 200 horse to 2,000 personal [281]and 250 horse. On the 5th I
gave a standard and drums to Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, and an order
was given him to beat his drums. The mansab of Āṣaf
K͟hān was increased by 1,000 personal and horse to 4,000
personal and 2,000 horse, and having increased the mansab of Rāja
Bīr Singh Deo by 700 horse, I dismissed him to his own country,
directing that he should present himself at Court at stated periods. On
the same day the offering of Ibrāhīm K͟hān was laid
before me. Some of all the kinds of things pleased me. Kishan Chand, of
the sons of the Rajas of Nagarkot, was honoured with the title of Raja.
On Thursday, the 6th, the offerings of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah were
laid before me at Chas͟hma-i-Nūr; a large meeting had been
arranged, and by way of favour the whole of his offerings were
inspected. Of the jewels and jewelled things and choice cloth stuffs
the value of 100,000 rupees was accepted, and the remainder given back.
On the 7th day I increased by 1,000 personal the mansab of Kishan
Singh, which had been 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse. On this day a
tiger was killed in the neighbourhood of Chas͟hma-i-Nūr. On
the 8th I gave Karan the mansab of 5,000 personal and horse, and gave
him a small rosary of pearls and emeralds with a ruby in the centre
which in the language of the Hindus is called smaran (Sanskrit
for ‘remembrance’). I increased the mansab of
Ibrāhīm K͟hān by 1,000 personal and 400 horse, so
as to make it 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, original and increase.
The mansab of Ḥājī Bī Ūzbeg was increased by
300 horse, and that of Rāja S͟hyām Singh by 500 personal
so as to make it 2,500 personal and 1,400 horse. On Sunday, the 9th,
there was an eclipse of the sun when twelve gharis of the day had
passed. It began from the west, and four out of five parts of the sun
were eclipsed in the knot of the dragon. From the commencement of the
seizure until it became light eight gharis elapsed. [282]Alms
of all kinds, and things in the shape of metals, animals, and
vegetables, were given to fakirs and the poor and people in need. On
this day the offering of Rāja Sūraj Singh was laid before me;
what was taken was of the value of 43,000 rupees. The offering of
Bahādur K͟hān, the governor of Qandahar, was also laid
before me on this day; its total value came to 14,000 rupees. Two
watches of the night had passed on the night of Monday, the 29th
Ṣafar (30th March, 1615), in the ascension of Sagittarius, when a
boy was born to Bābā K͟hurram by the daughter of
Āṣaf K͟hān; I gave him the name of Dārā
S͟hukūh. I hope that his coming will be propitious to this
State conjoined with eternity, and to his fortunate father. The mansab
of Sayyid ʿAlī Bārha was increased by 500 personal and
300 horse, so as to bring it to 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse. On the
10th the offering of Iʿtibār K͟hān was laid before
me, and what was of the value of 40,000 rupees was accepted. On this
day the mansab of K͟husrau Bī Ūzbeg was raised by 300
horse, and that of Manglī K͟hān by 500 personal and 200
horse. On the 11th the offering of Murtaẓā K͟hān
was laid before me. Of it seven rubies, one rosary of pearls, and 270
other pearls were accepted, and their value was 145,000 rupees. On the
12th the offerings of Mīrzā Rāja Bhāo Singh and
Rāwat S͟hankar were laid before me. On the 13th, out of the
offering of K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, one
qutbī (Egyptian?) ruby, one diamond, one string of pearls,
five rings, four pearls, and some cloths, altogether the value of
32,000 rupees, were accepted. On the 14th the mansab of
K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, which was 3,000 personal and
700 horse, was increased by 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and that of
Wafādār K͟hān, of 750 personal and 200 horse, by
2,000 personal and 1,200 horse. On the same day Mustafā Beg, the
ambassador of the ruler of Iran, had the good fortune to wait upon me.
After [283]completing the matter of Gurjistan (Georgia), my
exalted brother sent him with a letter consisting of expressions of
friendship and assurances of sincerity, with several horses, camels,
and some stuffs from Aleppo, which had come for that fortunate brother
from the direction of Rūm. Nine large European hunting dogs, for
which a request had gone, were also sent by him.


Murtaẓā K͟hān, on this day,
obtained leave to go for the capture of the fort of Kāngra, the
equal of which for strength they cannot point to in the hill country of
the Panjab or even all the habitable world. From the time when the
sound of Islam reached the country of Hindustan up to this auspicious
time when the throne of rule has been adorned by this suppliant at the
throne of Allah, none of the rulers or kings has obtained possession of
it. Once in the time of my revered father, the army of the Panjab was
sent against this fort, and besieged it for a long time. At length they
came to the conclusion that the fort was not to be taken, and the army
was sent off to some more necessary business. When he was dismissed, I
gave Murtaẓā K͟hān a private elephant with
trappings. Rāja Sūraj Mal, son of Rāja Bāso, as his
country was near that fort, was also appointed, and his previous mansab
was increased by 500 personal and horse. Rāja Sūraj Singh
also came from his place and jagir and waited on me, and presented an
offering of 100 ashrafis. On the 17th the offering of Mīrzā
Rustam was laid before me. Two jewelled daggers, one rosary of pearls,
some pieces of cloth, an elephant, and four Iraq horses were accepted,
and the rest returned; their value was 15,000 rupees. On the same date
the offering of Iʿtiqād K͟hān, of the value of
18,000 rupees, was laid before me. On the 18th the offering of
Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān was inspected. Of jewels
and cloth stuffs the value of 15,000 rupees was accepted. The mansab of
Iʿtiqād K͟hān, which was 700 personal and 200
horse, I increased [284]by 800 personal and 300 horse, so that with
original and increase it came to 1,500 personal and 500 horse.
K͟husrau Bī Ūzbeg, who was one of the distinguished
soldiers, died of the disease of dysentery. On the 8th day, which was
Thursday, after two watches and four and a half gharis had passed, the
s͟haraf (highest point of the sun’s ascension) began.
On this auspicious day I ascended the throne in happiness and
prosperity, and the people saluted and congratulated me. When one watch
of the day remained I went to the Chas͟hma-i-Nūr. According
to agreement the offering of Mahābat K͟hān was laid
before me at that place. He had arranged beautiful jewels and
jewellery, with cloth stuff and articles of all kinds that were
pleasing to me. Among these, a jewelled khapwa (dagger), which at his
request the royal artificers had made, and the like of which in value
there did not exist in my private treasury, was worth 100,000 rupees.
In addition to this, jewels and other things of the value of 138,000
rupees were taken. Indeed, it was a splendid offering. To
Muṣt̤afā Beg, the ambassador of the ruler of Iran, I
gave 20,000 darab, or 10,000 rupees. On the 21st I sent robes of
honour by the hand of ʿAbdu-l-G͟hafūr to fifteen of the
Amirs of the Deccan. Rāja Bikramājīt obtained leave to
go to his jagir, and a special shawl (parm narm2) was given to him. On the same day I gave a
jewelled waist-dagger to Muṣt̤afā Beg, the ambassador.
I increased the mansab of Hūshang, the son of Islām
K͟hān, which was 1,000 personal and 500 horse, by 500
personal and 200 horse. On the 23rd, Ibrāhīm K͟hān
was promoted to the Subah of Behar. Zafar K͟hān was ordered
to present himself at Court. To the mansab of Ibrāhīm
K͟hān, which was 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, I added 500
personal and 1,000 horse. Saif K͟hān on the same day was
dismissed to his jagir, as well as [285]Ḥājī Bī
Ūzbeg, who was honoured with the title of Ūzbeg
K͟hān. Bahāduru-l-mulk, who belonged to the army of the
Deccan and held the mansab of 2,500 personal and 2,100 horse received
an increase of 500 personal and 200 horse. An increase of 200 was made
in the mansab of K͟hwāja Taqī, which was 800 personal
and 180 horse. On the 25th an increase of 200 horse was made in the
rank of Salāmu-llah, the Arab, so that it became 1,500 personal
and 1,000 horse. I presented Mahābat K͟hān with the
black piebald horse out of my special horses which the ruler of Iran
had sent me. At the end of the day of Thursday I went to the house of
Bābā K͟hurram and remained there till a watch of the
night had passed. His second offering was laid before me on that day.
On the first day he paid his respects he laid before me a celebrated
ruby of the Rānā, which, on the day of his paying his
respects, he had made an offering of to my son, and which the jewellers
valued at 60,000 rupees. It was not worthy of the praise they had given
it. The weight of this ruby was eight tānk,3
and it was formerly in the possession of Rāy Maldeo, who was the
chief of the tribe of the Rāṭhors and one of the chief
rulers (or Rays) of Hindustan. From him it was transferred to his son
Chandar Sen, who, in the days of his wretchedness and hopelessness,
sold it to Rānā Ūday Singh. From him it went to
Rānā Partāp, and afterwards to this Rānā Amar
Singh. As they had no more valuable gift in their family, he presented
it on the day that he paid his respects to my fortunate son
Bābā K͟hurram, together with the whole of his stud of
elephants, which, according to the Indian idiom, they call gheta
chār.4 [286]I ordered them to engrave on the
ruby that at the time of paying his respects Rānā Amar Singh
had presented it as an offering to Sultān K͟hurram. On that
day certain other things from among the offerings of Bābā
K͟hurram were accepted. Among them was a little crystal box of
Frank work, made with great taste, with some emeralds, three rings,
four Iraq horses, and various other things, the value of which was
80,000 rupees. On the day on which I went to his house he had prepared
a great offering, in fact there were laid before me things and rarities
worth about four or five lakhs of rupees. Of these the equivalent of
100,000 rupees was taken away and the balance given to him.


On the 28th the mansab of K͟hwāja Jahān,
which was 3,000 personal and 1,800 horse, was increased by 500 personal
and 400 horse. In the end of the month I presented Ibrāhīm
K͟hān with a horse, a robe of honour, a jewelled dagger, a
standard and drums, and dismissed him to the province of Behar. The
office of ʿarẓ-mukarrir (reviser of petitions), that
belonged to K͟hwājagī Ḥājī Muhammad, as
he had died, I gave to Muk͟hliṣ K͟hān, who was in
my confidence. Three hundred horse were increased in the mansab of
Dilāwar K͟hān, who now had 1,000 personal and horse. As
the hour of the leave-taking of Kunwar Karan was at hand, I was
desirous of showing him my skill in shooting with a gun. Just at this
time the qarāwulān (shikaris) brought in news of a
tigress. Though it is an established custom of mine only to hunt male
tigers, yet, in consideration that no other tiger might be obtained
before his departure, I went for the tigress. I took with me Karan, and
said to him that I would hit it wherever he wished me to do so. After
this arrangement I went to the place where they had [287]marked down the tiger. By chance there was a
wind and disturbance in the air, and the female elephant on which I was
mounted was terrified of the tigress and would not stand still.
Notwithstanding these two great obstacles to shooting, I shot straight
towards her eye. God Almighty did not allow me to be ashamed before
that prince, and, as I had agreed, I shot her in the eye. On the same
day Karan petitioned me for a special gun, and I gave him a special
Turkish one.


As on the day for his departure I had not given
Ibrāhīm K͟hān an elephant, I now gave him a special
elephant, and I also sent an elephant to Bahāduru-l-mulk and one
to Wafādār K͟hān. On the 8th Urdībihis͟ht
the assemblage for my lunar weighing was held, and I weighed myself
against silver and other things, distributing them amongst the
deserving and needy. Nawāzis͟h K͟hān took leave to
go to his jagir, which was in Malwa. On the same day I gave an elephant
to K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan. On the 9th they brought
K͟hān Aʿz̤am, who had come to Agra from the fort of
Gwalior, and who had been sent for. Though he had been guilty of many
offences, and in all that I had done to him I was right, yet when they
brought him into my presence and my eye fell on him, I perceived more
shame in myself than in him. Having pardoned all his offences, I gave
him the shawl I had round my waist. I gave Kunwar Karan 100,000
darab. On the same day Rāja Sūraj Singh brought a
large elephant of the name of Ran-rāwat, which was a celebrated
elephant of his, as an offering. In fact, it was such a rare elephant
that I put it into my private stud. On the 10th the offering of
K͟hwāja Jahān, which he sent me from Agra by the hand of
his son, was laid before me. It was of all kinds of things, of the
value of 40,000 rupees. On the 12th the offering of K͟hān
Daurān, which consisted of forty-five5 horse
[288]two strings of camels, Arabian dogs
(greyhounds), and hunting animals (hawks?), was brought before me. On
the same day seven other elephants from Rāja Sūraj Singh were
also brought to me as an offering, and were placed in my private stud.
Taḥayyur K͟hān, after he had been in attendance on me
for four months, to-day got leave to go. A message was sent to
ʿĀdil K͟hān. I impressed on him the profit and loss
of friendship and enmity, and made an agreement (with Taḥayyur
K͟hān) that all these words should be repeated to
ʿĀdil K͟hān, and he should bring him back to the
path of loyalty and obedience. At the time of his taking leave I also
bestowed on him certain things. On the whole, in this short time, what
with the gifts bestowed on him by me privately, by the princes, and
those given him by the Amirs according to order, the account mounted up
to about 100,000 rupees that he had received. On the 14th the rank and
reward of my son K͟hurram were fixed. His mansab had been one of
12,000 personal and 6,000 horse, and that of his brother (Parwīz)
15,000 personal and 8,000 horse. I ordered his mansab to be made equal
with that of Parwīz, besides other rewards. I gave him a private
elephant of the name of Panchī Gaj,6 with
accoutrements of the value of 12,000 rupees. On the 16th an elephant
was given to Mahābat K͟hān. On the 17th the mansab of
Rāja Sūraj Singh, which was 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse,
was increased by 1,000, and it was raised to 5,000. At the request of
ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān the mansab of K͟hwāja
ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, which was 500 personal and 200 horse,
was raised by 200, and it was ordered to be 1,000 personal and 400
horse. ʿAbdu-llah, the son of K͟hān Aʿz̤am,
who was imprisoned in the fort of Ranṭambhor, was sent for at the
request of his father. He came to the Court, and [289]I
took the chains off his legs and sent him to his father’s house.
On the 24th, Rāja Sūraj Singh presented me with another
elephant, called Fauj-sangār (‘ornament of the army’),
by way of offering. Although this is also a good elephant, and has been
placed in my private stud, it is not to be compared with the first
elephant (he sent), which is one of the wonders of the age, and is
worth 20,000 rupees. On the 26th, 200 personal were added to the mansab
of Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā
S͟hāhruk͟h; it was 700 personal and 500 horse. On the
same day K͟hwāja Zainu-d-dīn, who is of the
Naqs͟hbandī K͟hwājas, came from
Māwarāʾa-n-nahr and waited on me, bringing as an
offering eighteen horses. Qizilbās͟h K͟hān, who was
one of the auxiliaries of the province of Gujarat, had come to Court
without the leave of the governor. I ordered that an ahadi should put
him into confinement, and that he be sent back to the governor of
Gujarat, so that others might not desire to do the same. The mansab of
Mubārak K͟hān Sazāwal I raised 500 personal, so
that it should be 1,500 personal and 700 horse. On the 29th I gave
K͟hān Aʿz̤am 100,000 rupees, and ordered that the
parganahs of Dāsna7 and Kāsna,7 which are equivalent to 5,000 personal, should be made
his jagir. At the end of the same month I gave leave to
Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, with his brothers and
other relatives, to go to Allahabad, which had been appropriated to
them as jagir. At this meeting twenty horse, a qabā
(parm narm) of Cashmere cloth, twelve deer, and ten Arabian dogs
were given to Karan. The next day, which was the 1st
K͟hūrdād, forty horse, the next day forty-one horse, and
the third day twenty, amounting in the space of three days to 101 head,
were given as a present to Kunwar Karan. In return for the elephant
Fauj-sangār, an elephant worth 10,000 rupees out of [290]my
private stud was presented to Rāja Sūraj Singh. On the 5th of
the month ten turbans (chīra), ten coats (qaba), and
ten waist-bands were given to Karan. On the 20th I gave him another
elephant.


In these days the news-writer of Kashmir had written
that a Mullā of the name of Gadāʾī, a disciplined
dervish, who for forty years had lived in one of the monasteries of the
city, had prayed the inheritors of that monastery two years8
before he was to deliver over the pledge of his life that he might
select a corner in that monastery as a place for his burial. They said,
“Let it be so.” In short, he selected a place. When the
time for his delivery came he informed his friends and relations and
those who were dear to him that an order had reached him that,
delivering over the pledge (of life) he had, he should turn towards the
last world. Those who were present wondered at his words, and said that
the prophets had no such information, and how could they believe such
words? He said, “Such an order has been given to me.” He
then turned to one of his confidants, who was of the sons of the
Qāẓīs of the country, and said: “You will expend
the price9 of my Koran, which is worth 700 tankas, in
carrying me (to the grave). When you hear the call to Friday’s
prayer you will enquire for me.” This conversation took place on
the Thursday, and he divided all the goods in his room among his
acquaintance and disciples, and went, and at end of the day bathed at
the baths. The Qāẓī-zāda aforesaid came before the
call for prayer, and enquired as to the health of the Mullā. When
he came to the door of the cell [291]he found the door closed and
a servant sitting there. He asked the slave what had happened, and the
servant said, “The Mullā has enjoined me that until the door
of the cell open of its own accord I must not go in.” Shortly
after these words were said the door of the cell opened. The
Qāẓī-zāda entered the cell with that servant and
saw that the Mullā was on his knees with his face turned toward
the qibla, and had given up his soul to God. Happy the state of the
freed who can fly away from this place of the snares of dependence with
such ease!


By the increase of 200 personal and 50 horse in the
mansab of Karam Sen Rāṭhor, I raised it to 1,000 personal
and 300 horse. On the 11th of this month the offering of Las͟hkar
K͟hān, which consisted of three strings of Persian camels and
twenty cups and plates from K͟hit̤ā (China) and twenty
Arabian dogs, was brought before me. On the 12th a jewelled dagger was
bestowed on Iʿtibār K͟hān, and to Karan I gave a
plume (kalgī) worth 2,000 rupees. On the 14th I gave a
dress of honour to Sar-10buland Rāy, and gave him
leave to go to the Deccan.


On the night of Friday, the 15th, a strange affair
occurred. By chance on that night I was at Pushkar. To be brief,
Kis͟han, own brother to Rāja Sūraj Singh, was in great
perturbation through Gobind Dās, the Vakil of the said Raja having
some time ago killed his nephew, a youth of the name of Gopāl
Dās. The cause of the quarrel it would take too long to tell.
Kis͟han Singh expected that, as Gopāl Dās was also the
nephew of the Raja (Sūraj Singh), the latter would kill Gobind
Dās. But the Raja, on account of the experience and ability of
Gobind Dās, relinquished the idea of seeking revenge for his
nephew’s death. When Kis͟han saw this neglect on the part of
the Raja, he resolved himself to take [292]revenge for his
nephew, and not allow his blood to pass away unnoticed. For a long time
he kept this matter in his mind, until on that night he assembled his
brothers, friends, and servants, and told them that he would go that
night to take Gobind Dās’s life, whatever might happen, and
that he did not care what injury might happen to the Raja. The Raja was
in ignorance of what was happening, and when it was near dawn
Kis͟han came with Karan, his brother’s son, and other
companions. When he arrived at the gate of the Raja’s dwelling he
sent some of the experienced men on foot to the house of Gobind
Dās, which was near the Raja’s. He himself (Kis͟han)
was on horseback, and stationed himself near the gate. The men on foot
entered Gobind Dās’s house, and killed some of those who
were there on guard. Whilst this fight was going on Gobind Dās
awoke, and seizing his sword in a state of bewilderment was coming out
from one side of the house to join the outside watchmen. When the men
on foot had finished killing some of the people, they came out of the
tent to endeavour to find out Gobind Dās, and, meeting him, they
finished his affair (killed him). Before the news of the killing of
Gobind Dās reached Kis͟han, he, unable to bear it any more,
dismounted and came inside the dwelling. Although his men protested in
a disturbed state that it was not right to be on foot, he would in no
way listen to them. If he had remained a little longer and the news of
his enemy having been killed had reached him, it is possible that he
would have escaped safe and sound, mounted as he was. As the pen of
destiny had gone forth after another fashion, as soon as he alighted
and went in, the Raja, who was in his maḥall (female
apartment), awoke at the uproar among the people, and stood at the gate
of his house with his sword drawn. People from all sides were aroused
and came in against the men who were on foot. They saw what the number
[293]of men on foot was, and came out in great
numbers and faced Kis͟han Singh’s men, who were about ten in
number. In short, Kis͟han Singh and his nephew Karan, when they
reached the Raja’s house, were attacked by these men and both of
them killed. Kis͟han Singh had seven and Karan nine wounds.
Altogether in this fight 66 men on the two sides were killed, on the
Raja’s side 30 and on Kis͟han Singh’s 36. When the sun
rose and illumined the world with its light, this business was
revealed, and the Raja saw that his brother, his nephew, and some of
his servants, whom he considered dearer than himself, were killed, and
the whole of the rest had dispersed to their own places. The news
reached me in Pushkar, and I ordered them to burn those who were
killed, according to their rites, and inform me of the true
circumstances of the affair. In the end it became clear that the affair
had happened in the manner in which it has been written here, and that
no further enquiry was necessary.


On the 8th Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān came
from his native place and waited on me with an offering of 100 muhrs.
Rāy Sūraj Singh was dismissed to his duty in the Deccan. I
presented him with a couple of pearls for his ears and a special
Kashmir shawl (parm narm). A pair of pearls were also sent to
K͟hān Jahān. On the 25th I increased the mansab of
Iʿtibār K͟hān by 600 horse, so as to bring it to
5,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the same day Karan obtained leave to
go to his jagir. He received a present of a horse, a special elephant,
a dress of honour, a string of pearls of the value of 50,000 rupees,
and a jewelled dagger which had been completed for 2,000 rupees. From
the time of his waiting on me till he obtained leave, what he had had
in the shape of cash, jewellery, jewels, and jewelled things was of the
value of 200,000 rupees, with 110 horses, five elephants, in addition
to what my son K͟hurram bestowed on him [294]at
various times. I gave Mubārak K͟hān Sazāwal a horse
and an elephant, and appointed him to accompany him. I sent several
verbal messages to the Rānā. Rāja Sūraj Singh also
obtained leave to go to his native country, with a promise to return in
two months. On the 27th, Pāyanda K͟hān
Mog͟hul,11 who was one of the old Amirs of the State,
gave up the deposit of his life.


At the end of this month news came that the ruler of
Iran had executed his eldest son Ṣafī Mīrzā. This
was a cause of great bewilderment. When I enquired into it they said
that at Daras͟h,12 which is one of the noted
cities of Gīlān, he ordered a slave of the name of
Bihbūd to kill Ṣafī Mīrzā. The slave found an
opportunity, early in the morning on the 5th of Muḥarram, in the
year 1024 (25th January, 1615), when the Mīrzā was returning
from the baths towards his house, and finished his affair for him with
two wounds from a sword (sīk͟hakī).13 After a great part of the day had passed, while
his body lay between the water and the mud, S͟haik͟h
Bahāʾu-d-dīn Muḥammad, who was the best known man
in the country for learning and holiness, and on whom the Shah had full
reliance, reported the affair, and, obtaining leave to lift him up,
took his corpse and sent it to Ardabīl, where was the
burial-ground of his ancestors. Although much enquiry was made of
travellers from Iran, no one would say a word of this affair that
satisfied my mind with regard to it. The killing of a son must have
some powerful motive in order to do away with the disgrace of it.
[295]


On the 1st of the month of Tīr I gave an elephant
of the name of Ranjīt with its trappings to Mīrzā Rustam
and another to Sayyid Alī Bārha. Mīrak Ḥusain, a
relation of K͟hwāja S͟hamsu-d-dīn, was appointed
bakhshi and news-writer of the Subah of Behar, and took leave to go. I
gave K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf
Qūs͟h-begī (the falconer) an elephant and a dress of
honour, and dismissed him to his jagir. On the 9th of the same month I
gave a jewelled sword to K͟hān Dauran, and a jewelled dagger
was sent for Allahdād, the son of Jalālā the Afghan, who
had become loyal. On the 13th took place the meeting for the festival
of the Āb-pās͟hān14 (rose-water
scattering), and the servants of the Court amused themselves with
sprinkling rose-water over each other. On the 17th, Amānat
K͟hān was appointed to the port of Cambay. As Muqarrab
K͟hān proposed to come to Court, the (charge of the)
aforesaid port was changed. On the same day I sent a jewelled
waist-dagger to my son Parwīz. On the 18th the offering of
K͟hānk͟hānān was laid before me. He had
prepared all kinds of jewellery and other things, jewels with jewelled
things, such as three rubies and 103 pearls, 100 rubies
(yāqūt), two jewelled daggers and an aigrette adorned
with rubies and pearls, a jewelled water-jar, a jewelled sword, a
quiver bound with velvet, and a diamond ring, altogether of the value
of about 100,000 rupees, in addition to jewels and jewelled things,
cloth from the Deccan and Carnatic, and all kinds of gilt and plain
things, with fifteen elephants and a horse whose mane reached the
ground. The offering of S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān (his
son) also, consisting of five elephants, 300 pieces of all kinds of
cloth, was brought before me. On the 8th I honoured Hūs͟hang
with the title of Ikrām K͟hān. Rūz-afzūn, who
was one of the princes of the Subah of Behar and who had [296]been
from his youth one of the permanent servants of the Court, having been
honoured by admission into Islam, was made Raja of the province of his
father, Rāja Sangrām.15 Though the latter had been
killed in opposing the leaders of the State, I gave him an elephant and
leave to go to his native place. An elephant was presented to
Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān. On the 24th, Jagat Singh,
son of Kunwar Karan, who was in his 12th year, came and waited on me,
and presented petitions from his grandfather, the Rānā Amar
Singh, and from his father. The signs of nobility and high birth were
evident on his face. I pleased him with a dress of honour and kindness.
To the mansab of Mīrzā ʿĪsā Tark͟hān
an addition of 200 personal was made, so that it attained to 1,200
personal and 300 horse. In the end of the month, having honoured
S͟haik͟h Ḥusain Rohīla with the title of
Mubāriz K͟hān, I dismissed him to his jagir. Ten
thousand darabs (5,000 rupees) were given to the relations of
Mīrzā S͟harafu-d-dīn Ḥusain
Kās͟hg͟harī, who at this time had come and had the
honour of kissing the threshold. On the 5th Amurdād, to the mansab
of Rāja Nathmal, which was 1,500 personal and 1,100 horse, an
addition of 500 personal and 100 horse was made. On the 7th,
Kes͟ho (Dās) Mārū, who had a jagir in the Sarkar of
Orissa, and who had been sent for to Court on account of a
complaint16 against the governor of the Subah of that place,
came and paid his respects. He produced as an offering four elephants.
As I had a great desire to see my farzand (son) K͟hān
Jahān (Lodī), and for the purpose of enquiring into important
matters connected with the Deccan, it was necessary for him to come at
once, I sent for him. On Tuesday, the 8th of the same [297]month, he waited on me, and presented as an
offering 1,000 muhrs, 1,000 rupees, 4 rubies, 20 pearls, 1 emerald, and
a jewelled phūl kaṭāra, the total value being
50,000 rupees. On the night of Sunday, as it was the anniversary of the
great K͟hwāja (Muʿīnu-d-dīn), I went to his
revered mausoleum, and remained there till midnight. The attendants and
Sufis exhibited ecstatic states, and I gave the fakirs and attendants
money with my own hand; altogether there were expended 6,000 rupees in
cash, 100 s̤aub-kurta (a robe down to the ankles), 70
rosaries of pearls,17 coral and amber, etc. Mahā
Singh, grandson of Rāja Mān Singh, was honoured with the
title of Raja, and a standard and drums given him. On the 16th an Iraq
horse out of my private stable and another horse were presented to
Mahābat K͟hān. On the 19th an elephant was given to
K͟hān Aʿz̤am. On the 20th, 200 horse were added to
the mansab of Kes͟ho (Dās) Mārū, which was 2,000
personal and 1,000 horse, and he was dignified with a dress of honour.
An increase of 200 personal and horse was made to the mansab of
K͟hwāja ʿĀqil, which was 1,200 personal and 600
horse. On the 22nd, Mirzā Rāja Bhāo Singh took leave to
go to Amber, which was his ancient native place, and had given him a
special Kashmir phūp (?) robe.18 On the
25th, Aḥmad Beg K͟hān, who was imprisoned at
Ranṭambhor, paid his respects to me, and his offences were
pardoned on account of his former services. On the 28th, Muqarrab
K͟hān came from the Subah of Gujarat and waited on me, and
offered an aigrette and a jewelled throne.19 An increase
of 500 personal and horse was made to the mansab of Salāamu-llah,
the Arab, and it was brought to 2,000 personal and 1,100 horse. On the
1st of the month of S͟hahrīwar the following increases were
made [298]in the rank of a number of men who were going on
service to the Deccan:—To Mubāriz K͟hān 300 horse,
making 1,000 personal and horse. Nāhir K͟hān was also
raised to 1,000 personal and horse. Dilāwar K͟hān was
raised by 300 horse to 2,500 personal and horse. Manglī
K͟hān’s rank was increased by 200 horse to 1,500
personal and 1,000 horse. Girdhar, the son of Ray Sāl, had the
rank of 800 personal and horse bestowed on him, and Ilf K͟hān
Qiyām K͟hān the same mansab, original and increase.
Yādgār Ḥusain was raised to 700 personal and 500 horse,
and Kamālu-d-dīn, son of S͟hīr K͟hān, to
the same mansab. One hundred and fifty horse were added to the rank of
Sayyid ʿAbdu-llah Bārha, which then came to 700 personal and
300 horse, original and increase. On the 8th of the said month I
bestowed one Nūr-jahānī muhr, which is equal to 6,400
rupees, on Muṣt̤afā Beg, the ambassador of the ruler of
Iran, and presented five cheetahs to Qāsim K͟hān,
governor of Bengal. Mīrzā Murād, eldest son of
Mīrzā Rustam, on the 12th of the same month was honoured with
the title of Iltifāt K͟hān. On the night of the 16th,
corresponding with the S͟hab-i-barāt (consecrated to
the memory of forefathers), I ordered them to light lamps on the hills
round the Ānā Sāgar tank and on its banks, and went
myself to look at them. The reflection of the lamps fell on the water
and had a wonderful appearance. I passed the most of that night with
the ladies of the mahall on the bank of that tank.


On the 17th, Mīrzā Jamālu-d-dīn
Ḥusain,20 who had gone as an ambassador to Bijapur,
came and waited on me, and presented three rings, the stone of one of
which was a cornelian from Yemen, of great beauty and pureness of
water, the like of which is seldom seen among the cornelians of Yemen.
ʿĀdil K͟hān sent a person of the name of Sayyid
Kabīr K͟hān on his own part with the said [299]Mir,
and forwarded as offerings elephants with gold and silver fittings,
Arab horses, jewels and jewelled things, and all kinds of cloth made in
that country. On the 24th of this month they were brought before me
with a letter he had brought. On the same day the assembly for my solar
weighing was held. On the 26th, Muṣt̤afā Beg, the
ambassador, took his leave. In addition to what had been bestowed on
him during the time of his attendance, I gave him 20,000 rupees more in
cash and a dress of honour, and in answer to the letter he had brought
sent a friendly letter written in the perfection of friendship. On the
4th of the month of Mihr the mansab of Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn
Ḥusain, which was 2,000 personal and 500 horse, was fixed at
4,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the 5th, Mahābat
K͟hān, in company with K͟hān Jahān, who had
been appointed to serve in the Deccan, at the hour that had been
appointed for him, took his leave; he was honoured with a dress of
honour, a jewelled dagger, a phūl kaṭāra, a
special sword, and an elephant. On the 8th, K͟hān Jahān
took his leave, and I presented him with a dress of honour, and a
special nādirī (a dress), and an ambling horse with a
saddle, a special elephant, and a special sword. On the same date 1,700
horse of those under the command of Mahābat K͟hān were
ordered to have assignments (tank͟hwāh) for two or
three horses given them. The whole of the men who were at this time
appointed for service in the Deccan were 330 mansabdars, 3,000 ahadis,
700 horse from the Ūymaqs, and 3,000 Dalazāk Afghans.
Altogether there were 30,00021 cavalry, and 3,000,000 rupees
of treasure, and an efficient artillery, and war elephants. They
proceeded on this duty. The mansab of Sarbuland Rāy was increased
by 500 personal and 260 horse, and came to 2,000 personal and 1,500
horse. Bāljū, nephew of Qilīj K͟hān, was
[300]promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 700
horse, original and increase. I also increased Rāja Kis͟han
Dās’s mansab by 500. At the request of K͟hān
Jahān, the mansab of S͟hāhbāz K͟hān
Lodī, who belonged to the Deccan force, was fixed, original and
increase, at 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse; and 200 horse were added
to the mansab of Wazīr K͟hān. The mansab of Suhrāb
K͟hān, son of Mīrzā Rustam, was fixed at 1,000
personal and 400 horse, original and increase. On the 14th of the same
month 1,000 was added to the mansab of Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn
Ḥusain, and by increasing it also by 500 horse he was raised to
the exalted rank of 5,000 personal and 2,500 horse. On the 19th,
Rāja Sūraj Singh, with his son Gaj Singh, who had gone home,
came and paid their respects, and presented as offerings 100 muhrs and
1,000 rupees. I gave Sayyid Kabīr, who had been sent by
ʿĀdil K͟hān, one Nūrjahānī muhr,
which weighed 500 tūlcha. On the 23rd, ninety elephants of
those which Qāsim K͟hān had acquired from the conquest
of the country of Kūch (Behar), and the conquest of the Maghs and
the zamindars of Orissa, were brought before me and placed in the
special elephant houses. On the 26th, Irādat K͟hān was
raised to the rank of Mīr-sāmānī (head butler),
Muʿtamad K͟hān to that of Bakhshi of the Ahadis,
Muḥammad Riẓā Jābirī to that of Bakhshi of
the Subah of the Panjab and news writer of that place. Sayyid
Kabīr, who had come on the part of ʿĀdil K͟hān
to beg pardon for the offences of the rulers
(dunyā-dārān) of the Deccan, and to promise the
restoration of the fort of Ahmadnagar and the royal territory which had
been taken out of the possession of the chiefs of the victorious State
through the rebellion of certain rebels, came and waited on me, and
obtained leave to go on this date; and, having received a dress of
honour, an elephant, and a horse, started off. As Rāja Rāj
Singh Kachhwāha had died in the Deccan, I promoted his son
Rām Dās [301]to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 400
horse. On the 4th of Ābān, drums were given to Saif
K͟hān Bārha and his mansab increased by 300 horse, so as
to bring it up to 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the same date I
released Rāja Mān, who was in confinement in the fort of
Gwalior, on the security of Murtaẓā K͟hān, and,
confirming his mansab, sent him to the said K͟hān for duty at
the fort of Kāngra. At the request of K͟hān Daurān,
an increase of 300 horse was ordered to the mansab of Ṣādiq
K͟hān, raising it to 1,000 personal and horse.
Mīrzā ʿĪsā Tark͟hān came from the
province of Sambhal, which was his jagir, and waited on me, and offered
100 muhrs. On the 16th, Rāja Sūraj Singh obtained leave to go
to his duty in the Deccan, and I increased his mansab by 300 horse, so
as to make it 5,000 personal and 3,300 horse; he received a dress of
honour and a horse, and started. On the 18th I confirmed the mansab of
Mīrzā ʿĪsā, original and increase, at 1,500
personal and 800 horse, and gave him an elephant and a dress of honour,
and he took leave to go to the Deccan.


On the same day the news of the death of the wretch
Chīn Qilīj was received by a letter from Jahāngīr
Qulī K͟hān. After the death of Qilīj
K͟hān, who was one of the old servants of this State, I had
made this inauspicious man an Amīr, and shown him great favour,
and given him in jagir such a place as Jaunpur. I also sent his other
brothers and relations with him and made them his deputies. He had one
brother of the name of Lahorī,22 of a very wicked
disposition. It was reported to me that the servants of God (people)
were greatly oppressed by his conduct. I sent an ahadi to bring him
(Lahorī) from Jaunpur. At the coming of the ahadi, suspicion
without any cause prevailed over Chīn Qilīj, and it came into
his mind to run away, taking [302]his misguided brother with him.
Leaving his mansab, his government, place, and jagir, money, property,
children, and people, he took a little money and gold and a few jewels
and went with a small body among the zamindars. This news arrived a few
days ago and caused great astonishment. In short, to whatever zamindar
he went he took money23 from him(?) and then let him
go(?), until news came that he had entered the country of
Johat.24 When this news reached Jahāngīr
Qulī K͟hān, he sent some of his men to take and bring
that thoughtless one. They took him as soon as they arrived, and were
intending to take him to Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān,
when he at that very moment went to hell. Some of those who had
accompanied him said that for some days previously he had contracted an
illness and it had killed him. But this was heard of him as well, that
he committed suicide, in order that they might not take him to
Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān in this state. In any
case, they brought his body with his children and servants who were
with him to Allahabad. They made away with most of the money that he
had, and the zamindars took it from him. Alas, that salt (i.e. loyalty)
should not have brought such black-faced wretches to condign
punishment!




“Behind the duty that lies on all people is the
duty to the sovereign and benefactor”(?).25




[303]


On the 22nd, at the request of K͟hān
Daurān, 200 horse were added to the mansab of Nād
ʿAlī Maidānī, one of the officers appointed to
Bangas͟h, which brought it to 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse; 100
horse were also added to the mansab of Las͟hkar K͟hān,
which was 2,000 personal and 900 horse. On the 24th I confirmed the
mansab of Muqarrab K͟hān, which was 3,000 personal and 2,000
horse, and increased it to 5,000 personal and 2,500 horse. On the same
day I bestowed the title of K͟hān on Qiyām, son of
S͟hāh Muḥammad Qandahārī, who was an
Amīr-zāda, and was in service as a huntsman. On the 5th of
the month of Āẕar a jewelled dagger was given to
Dārāb K͟hān, and by the hand of Rāja
Sārang Deo dresses of honour were bestowed on the Amirs of the
Deccan. As some (evil) things had been heard about Ṣafdar
K͟hān, governor of Kashmir, I dismissed him from the
government, and favouring Aḥmad Beg K͟hān on account of
his previous services, I promoted him to be Subadar of Kashmir, and
confirmed his mansab of 2,500 personal and 1,500 horse, honoured him
with a jewelled waist-dagger and a dress of honour, and gave him leave.
By the hand of Ihtimām K͟hān I sent winter dresses of
honour to Qāsim K͟hān, governor of Bengal, and the Amirs
that were attached to that province. On the 15th of the month there was
laid before me the offering of Makaʾī, son of
Iftik͟hār K͟hān, consisting of an elephant,
goṭ26 horses, and pieces of cloth. He was honoured
with the title of Muruwwat K͟hān. At the request of
Iʿtimādu-d-daula, I had sent for Dayānat
K͟hān, who was in the fort of Gwalior, and he had the good
fortune to pay his respects; his property, which had been confiscated,
was restored to him.


At this time K͟hwāja Hās͟him, of
Dahbīd, who at this day vigorously maintains in Transoxiana the
profession [304]of a dervish, and in whom the people of that
country have great belief, sent a letter by the hand of one of his
disciples pointing out his old devotion (to the royal family) and
connection and friendship of his ancestors with this illustrious
family, together with a farjī27 and a bow
and a couplet which the late king Bābar had made for a saint of
the name of K͟hwājagī, who also belonged to that sect of
dervishes. The last hemistich is as follows:—




“We are bound to the K͟hwājagī and
are servants to the K͟hwājagī.”




I also with my own pen wrote some lines in the
style of that writing, and sent impromptu quatrains with 1,000
Jahāngīrī muhrs to the said K͟hwāja—




“O thou whose kindness to me is ever more and
more,


The State has remembrance of thee, O Dervish,


As from good tidings our heart is rejoiced,


We are glad that thy kindness passes all
bounds.”




As I ordered that whoever had the poetic
temperament should recite (compose?) this quatrain,28
Ḥakīm Masīḥu-z-zamān said, and said very
well—




“Although we have the business of kingship before
us,


Every moment more and more we think on the
dervishes.


If the heart of our Dervish be gladdened by us


We count that to be the profit of our
kingship.”




I gave the Ḥakīm 1,000 muhrs for the
composition of this quatrain. On the 7th of the month of Day, when I
was coming back from Pushkar and returning to Ajmir, on the way
forty-two wild pigs were taken.


On the 20th, Mīr Mīrān came and waited on
me. A summary of his circumstances and of his family is [305]now
written. On the side of his father29 he is the grandson of
Mīr G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn Muḥammad Mīr
Mīrān, son of S͟hāh Niʿmatu-llah Walī.
During the reigns of the Ṣafawī kings the family had
attained to great respect, so that S͟hāh T̤ahmāsp
gave his own sister Jānish30 K͟hānim to
S͟hāh Niʿmatu-llah, and so on account of his being a
great Shaikh and of his being an instructor he was made a relative and
a son-in-law (of kings). On the side of his mother he was the
daughter’s son of S͟hāh Ismaʿīl
K͟hūnī (Ismaʿīl II, the Bloody). After the
death of S͟hāh Niʿmatu-llah, his son
G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn Muḥammad Mīr
Mīrān received great consideration, and the late
S͟hāh (T̤ahmāsp) gave to his eldest son in marriage
a daughter from the royal family. He gave the daughter of the
above-mentioned S͟hāh Ismaʿīl to another son of
his, K͟halīlu-llah, to whom Mīr Mīrān was
born. The aforesaid Mīr K͟halīlu-llah, seven or eight
years before this, had come from Persia and waited on me at Lahore. As
he belonged to a high and saintly family, I was much interested in his
affairs, and gave him a mansab and a jagir, and honoured and cherished
him. After the seat of government was at Agra, in a short time he was
attacked by bilious31 diarrhœa from eating too
many mangoes, and in ten or twelve days gave up his soul to the
Creator. I was grieved at his going, and ordered what he had left in
cash and jewels to be sent to his children in Persia. Meanwhile
Mīr Mīrān, who was 22 years old, became a qalandar and
dervish, and came to me at Ajmir in a way that nobody on the road could
recognize him. I soothed all the troubles of his mind and the miseries
of his inward and outward condition, [306]and gave him a mansab
of 1,000 personal and 400 horse, and presented him with 30,000 darabs
in cash. He is now in waiting and attendance on me.


On the 12th, Z̤afar K͟hān, who had been
removed from the Subah of Behar, came and waited on me, and made an
offering of 100 muhrs, as well as three elephants. On the 15th of Day I
increased the mansab of Qāsim K͟hān, the Subahdar of
Bengal, by 1,000 personal and horse, so as to make it 4,000 personal
and horse. As the diwan and bakhshi of Bengal, Ḥusain Beg and
T̤āhir, had not done approved service, Muk͟hliṣ
K͟hān, who was one of the confidential servants of the Court,
was nominated to these duties. I conferred on him a mansab of 2,000
personal and 700 horse, and also gave him a standard. The duty of
ʿarẓ-mukarrir (reviser of petitions) I ordered to be
given to Dayānat K͟hān. On the 25th, Friday, the
weighing of my son K͟hurram took place. Up to the present year,
when he is 24 years old, and is married and has children, he has never
defiled himself with drinking wine. On this day, when the assembly for
his weighing was held, I said to him: “Bābā, thou hast
become the father of children, and kings and kings’ sons have
drunk wine. To-day, which is the day of thy being weighed, I will give
thee wine to drink, and give thee leave to drink it on feast days and
at the time of the New Year, and at all great festivals. But thou must
observe the path of moderation, for wise men do not consider it right
to drink to such an extent as to destroy the understanding, and it is
necessary that from drinking only profit should be derived.”
Bū ʿAlī (Avicenna), who is one of the most learned of
hakims and physicians, has written this quatrain—




“Wine is a raging enemy, a prudent friend;


A little is an antidote, but much a snake’s
poison.


In much there is no little injury,


In a little there is much profit.”




[307]


With much trouble wine was given to him. I had not drunk
it till I was 1532 years old, except when in the time of my
infancy two or three times my mother and wet-nurses gave it by way of
infantile remedy. They asked for a little spirit from my revered
father, and gave it me to the extent of a tola mixed with water and
rosewater to take away a cough, designating it as medicine. At the time
when the camp of my revered father had been pitched in order to put
down the disturbance of Yūsufzaʾe Afghans at the fort of
Attock, which is on the bank of the Nīlāb (Indus) River, one
day I had mounted to go out to hunt. When I had moved about a good deal
and the signs of weariness had set in, a gunner of the name of
Ustād S͟hāh-qulī, a wonderful gunner out of those
under my revered uncle Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm,
said to me that if I would take a cup of wine it would drive away the
feeling of being tired and heavy. It was in the time of my youth, and
as I felt disposed towards it I ordered Mahmūd, the
Āb-dār (person in charge of drinking water, etc.), to go to
the house of Ḥakīm ʿAlī and bring me an
intoxicating draught. He sent me33 the amount of one and a
half cups of yellow wine of a sweet taste in a little bottle. I drank
[308]it, and found its quality agreeable. After that
I took to drinking wine, and increased it from day to day until wine
made from grapes ceased to intoxicate me, and I took to drinking arrack
(ʿaraq, spirits), and by degrees during nine years my
potions rose to twenty cups of doubly distilled spirits, fourteen
during the daytime and the remainder at night. The weight of this was
six Hindustani sirs or one and a half maunds of Iran. The extent of my
eating in those days was a fowl34 with bread and vegetables
(lit. radish).35 In that state of matters no one had the
power to forbid me, and matters went to such a length that in the
crapulous state from the excessive trembling of my hand I could not
drink from my own cup, but others had to give it me to drink, until I
sent for Ḥakīm Humām, brother of Ḥakīm
Abū-l-fatḥ, who was of the most intimate with my revered
father, and informed him of my state. He, with excessive sincerity and
unfeigned burning of heart, said to me without hesitation, “Lord
of the world, by the way in which you drink spirits, God forbid it, but
in six months matters will come to such a pass that there will be no
remedy for it.” As his words were said out of pure good-will, and
sweet life was dear to me, they made an impression on me, and from that
day I began to lessen my allowance and set myself to take
filūnīyā.36 In [309]proportion as I diminished my liquor, I
increased the amount of filuniya.


I also ordered that the arrack should be diluted with
wine of the grape so that there should be two parts wine and one part
arrack. Every day I diminished the quantity I took, and in the course
of seven years I brought it down to six cups. The weight of each cupful
was 18¼ misqals. It is now fifteen years that I have drunk at
this rate, neither more nor less. And my drinking time is the night
except on the day of Thursdays, as it is the day of the blessed
accession. Also on the eve37 of Friday, which is the most
blessed eve of the week, and is the prelude to a blessed day (I do not
drink). I drink at the end of each day with these two38
exceptions, for it does not appear right that this eve (Thursday night)
should be spent in neglect, and that there should be an omission (on
Friday) of returning thanks to the True Benefactor. On the day of
Thursday and on the day of Sunday I do not eat [310]meat. Not on Thursday, because it is the day of
my auspicious accession, and not on Sunday, because it is the birthday
of my revered father, and he greatly honoured and held dear the day.
After some time I substituted opium for filuniya. Now that my age has
arrived at 46 solar years and 4 months, I eat eight surkhs (a red berry
used as a weight) of opium when five gharis of day have passed, and six
surkhs after one watch of night.


I gave a jewelled dagger to ʿAbdu-llah
K͟hān by the hand of Maqṣūd ʿAlī.
S͟haik͟h Mūsā, a relation of Qāsim
K͟hān, was dignified with the title of K͟hān, and
promoted to the mansab of 800 personal and 400 horse, and was allowed
to go to Bengal. The mansab of Z̤afar K͟hān was
increased to 500 personal and horse, and he was appointed to duty in
Bangash. On the same day Muḥammad Ḥusain, brother of
K͟hwāja Jahān, was given the faujdārship of the
Sarkar of Ḥiṣṣār and dismissed, his mansab being
increased by 200 horse to raise it to 500 personal and 400 horse, with
the gift of an elephant. On the 5th Bahman an elephant was conferred on
Mīr Mīrān. When the merchant ʿAbdu-l-Karīm
left Iran for Hindustan, my exalted brother S͟hāh
ʿAbbās sent me by his hand a rosary of cornelian from Yemen
and a cup of Venetian workmanship, which was very fine and rare. On the
9th of the same month they were laid before me. On the 18th some
offerings of many kinds of jewelled ornaments, etc., which
Sult̤ān Parwīz had sent to me, were laid before me. On
the 7th Isfandārmuẕ, Ṣādiq, nephew of
Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, who was permanently employed as Bakhshi,
was honoured with the title of K͟hān. I had also conferred
this title on K͟hwāja ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz. According
to what was right, I called him by the title of
ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K͟hān and Ṣādiq by
that of Ṣādiq K͟hān. On the 10th, Jagat Singh, son
of Kunwar Karan, who had obtained leave [311]to go to his native
country, when he took leave was presented with 20,000 rupees, a horse,
an elephant, a dress of honour, and a special shawl. Five thousand
rupees, a horse, and a dress of honour were also given to Haridās
Jhālā, who was one of the confidants of the Rānā
and tutor to Karan’s son. By his hand I also sent a mace of gold
(s͟has͟hparī) for the Rānā.


On the 20th of the same month, Rāja Sūraj
Singh, son of Rāja Bāso, who on account of the nearness of
his dwelling-place to it had been sent with Murtaẓā
K͟hān to capture the fort of Kāngra, came on my summons
and waited on me. The aforesaid K͟hān had entertained certain
suspicions with regard to him, and on this account, considering him an
undesirable companion, had repeatedly sent petitions to the Court, and
wrote things about him until an order was received to summon him.


On the 26th, Niz̤āmu-d-dīn
K͟hān came from Multan and waited on me. In the end of this
year news of victory and prosperity came in from all sides of my
dominions. In the first place, this was with regard to the disturbance
of Aḥdād, the Afghan, who for a long time past had been in
rebellion in the hill country of Kabul, and round whom many of the
Afghans of that neighbourhood had assembled, and against whom from the
time of my revered father until now, which is the 10th year after my
accession, armies have always been employed. He by degrees was
defeated, and, falling into a wretched state, a part of his band was
dispersed and a part killed. He took refuge for some time in
Chark͟h, which was a place on which he relied, but K͟hān
Daurān surrounded it and closed the road for entry and exit. When
there remained no grass for his beasts or means of living for men in
the fortress, he at night brought down his animals from the hills and
grazed them on the skirts, and accompanied them himself, in order that
he might set an example to his men. At last this [312]intelligence reached K͟hān
Daurān. He then appointed a body of his leaders and experienced
men to go into ambush on an appointed night in the neighbourhood of
Chark͟h. That band went and hid itself at night in places of
refuge, and K͟hān Daurān rode on the same day in that
direction. When those ill-fated ones brought out their cattle and let
them loose to graze, and the ill-conditioned Aḥdād himself
passed by the places of ambush with his own band, suddenly a dust rose
in front of him. When they enquired it became known that it was
K͟hān Daurān. In a state of bewilderment he endeavoured
to turn back, and the scouts announced to the aforesaid K͟hān
that it was Aḥdād. The K͟hān gave his horse the
reins and went at Aḥdād; the men who were in ambush also
blocked the road and attacked him. The fight lasted till midday in
consequence of the broken nature of the ground and the thickness of the
jungle; at last defeat fell on the Afghans and they betook themselves
to the hill: about 300 fighting men went to hell and 100 were taken
prisoners. Aḥdād could not regain the stronghold and hold on
there. Necessarily he turned his face towards Qandahar. The victorious
troops entering Chark͟h, burnt all the places and houses of those
ill-fortuned ones, and destroyed and rooted them up from their
foundations.


Another39 piece of news was the defeat of
the ill-starred ʿAmbar and the destruction of his unfortunate
army. Briefly, a band of the influential leaders and a body of
Bargīs (Mahrattas), who are a hardy lot and who are the centre of
resistance in that country, becoming angry with ʿAmbar, showed an
intention to be loyal, and begging for quarter from
S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān, who was in
Bālāpūr with an army of royal troops, agreed to
interview the said K͟hān, and being satisfied, Ādam
K͟hān, Yāqūt K͟hān, [313]and
other leaders, and the Bargīs Jādo40 Rāy
and Bāpū Kāṭiyā, came and interviewed him.
S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān gave each of them a horse,
an elephant, money, and dress of honour, according to their quality and
condition, made them hot in duty and loyalty, and marching from Balapur
started against the rebel ʿAmbar in their company. On the road
they fell in with an army of the Dakhanis, whose leaders were
Maḥalldār,41 Dānis͟h
(Ātas͟h?), Dilāwar, Bijlī, Fīrūz, and
others, and routed it.




“With broken arms and loosened loins,


No strength in their feet, no sense in their
heads.”42




They reached the camp of that ill-starred one, and
he from excessive pride determined to fight with the victorious troops.
Having collected those rebels who were with him and ʿĀdil
K͟hān’s army and that of Qut̤bu-l-mulk together,
and preparing their artillery, he started to meet the royal troops
until a space of not more than 5 or 6 kos remained between. On Sunday,
the 25th Bahman, the armies of light and darkness approached each other
and the scouts became visible. Three watches of day had passed when
cannon and rocket firing began. In the end Dārāb
K͟hān, who was in command of the vanguard, with other leaders
and zealous men such as Rāja Bīr Singh Deo, Rāy Chand,
ʿAlī K͟hān the Tatar, Jahāngīr Qulī
Beg Turkmān, and other lions of the forest of bravery, drew their
swords and charged the vanguard of the enemy. Performing the dues of
manliness and bravery, they scattered this army like the
Banātu-n-naʿs͟h (‘Daughters of the Bier,’
i.e. the Great Bear); and not stopping there they attacked [314]the
enemy’s centre. Turning on the army opposed to them, such a
hand-to-hand struggle took place that the onlookers remained
bewildered. For nearly two gharis this combat went on. Heaps of the
dead lay there, and the ill-starred ʿAmbar, unable to offer
further opposition, turned his face to flight. If darkness43 and gloom had not come on at the cry of those
black-fortuned ones, not one of them would have found the road to the
valley of safety. The crocodiles of the river of conflict followed the
fugitives for 2 or 3 kos. When horses and men could move no more and
the defeated were scattered, they drew rein and returned to their
places. The whole of the enemy’s artillery, with 300 laden camels
that carried rockets, war elephants, Arab and Persian horses, weapons
and armour beyond reckoning, fell into the hands of the servants of the
State, and there was no counting the slain and the fallen. A great many
of the leaders fell alive into their hands. The next day the victorious
troops, marching from the place of victory, proceeded to Karkī,
which was the nest of those owlish ones, and seeing no trace of them
they encamped there, and obtained news that they during that night and
day had fallen miserably in different places. For some days the
victorious army, delayed at Karkī, levelled with the dark earth
the buildings and houses of the enemy, and burnt that populous place.
In consequence of the occurrence of certain events, to describe which
in detail would take too long here, they returned from that place and
descended by the Rohan Khanḍa Pass. In reward for this service I
ordered increases to be made in the mansabs of a number who had shown
zeal and bravery.


The third piece of news was the conquest of the province
of Khokharā44 and the acquisition of the diamond
[315]mines, which were taken by the excellent
exertions of Ibrāhīm K͟hān. This province is one of
the dependencies of the Subah of Behar and Patna. There is a river
there from which they procure diamonds. At the season when there is
little water, there are pools and water-holes, and it has become known
by experience to those who are employed in this work that above every
water-hole in which there are diamonds, there are crowds of flying
animals of the nature of gnats, and which in the language of India they
call jhīngā(?).45 Keeping the bed of the
stream in sight as far as it is accessible, they make a collection of
stones (sangchīn) round the water-holes. After this they
empty the water-holes with spades and shovels to the extent of a yard
or 1½ yards and dig up the area. They find among the stones and
sand large and small diamonds46 and bring them out. It
occasionally happens that they find a piece of diamond worth 100,000
rupees. Briefly, this province and this river were in possession of a
Hindu Zamindar of the name of Durjan Sāl, and although the
governors of the Subah frequently sent armies against him and went
there themselves, in consequence of the difficult roads and thickness
of the jungles they contented themselves with taking two or three
diamonds and left him in his former condition. When the aforesaid Subah
was transferred from Z̤afar K͟hān, and Ibrāhīm
K͟hān was [316]appointed in his place, at the time of his
taking leave I ordered him to go and take the province out of the
possession of that unknown and insignificant individual. As soon as he
arrived in the province of Behar he assembled a force and went against
that Zamindar. According to former custom he sent some of his men with
a promise to give some diamonds and some elephants, but the
K͟hān did not agree to this and entered impetuously into the
province. Before the fellow could collect his men he found guides and
invaded it. Just when the zamindar received this news, the hills and
vales that are his abode were beleaguered. Ibrāhīm sent men
about to find him and they got hold of him in a cave with several
women, one of whom was his mother, while others were also his
father’s wives. They arrested him, and also one of his brothers.
They searched and took from them the diamonds they had with them.
Twenty-three male and female elephants also fell into
Ibrāhīm’s hands. In reward for this service the mansab
of Ibrāhīm K͟hān original and increase, was made up
to 4,000 personal and horse, and he was exalted with the title of
Fatḥ-jang. Orders were also given for an increase in the mansabs
of those who accompanied him on this service and had shown bravery.
That province is now in possession of the imperial servants of the
State. They carry on work in the bed of the stream, and bring to Court
whatever diamonds are found. A large diamond, the value of which has
been estimated at 50,000 rupees, has lately been brought from there. If
a little pains are taken, it is probable that good diamonds will be
found and be placed in the jewel-room. [317]










1 Should
be 18th. See Elliot, vi, 341. I.O. 181 has 20th, and this is probably
correct, bīstam and has͟htam being often
mistaken for one another by the copyists. B.M. MS. Add. 26215 has
dūs͟hamba, Monday, instead of s͟hamba,
Saturday. ↑


2 Akbar
used the word parm narm, ‘very soft,’ as a
substitute for ‘shawl’ (Blochmann, p. 90). ↑


3
According to Gladwin, 96 tanks = one sir. Four mashas make a tank, and
a masha is about 18 grains troy. ↑


4 Text
كهيته
چار, kheta chār. But the two B.M.
MSS. which I have consulted have no yā, and have
khatta or ghatta chār. I think that the word must be
घटा, ghaṭā,
which in Sanskrit means a troop of elephants assembled for war. I am
not sure what the word chār means, but perhaps it is only
an affix. According to Abū-l-faẓl a herd of (wild) elephants
is called sahn (Blochmann, p. 122). ↑


5 Panj
tuqūz, i.e. 9 by 5. The text has تاقور,
tāqūr. ↑


6 The B.M.
MSS. seem to have panch kunjar, ‘five elephants,’
i.e. equal to five elephants(?). ↑


7 In Sarkār
Delhi (Jarrett, ii, 287). ↑


8 The text
does not expressly say that the dervish foretold two years before his
death the period of his death, but apparently Jahāngīr means
this, for he goes on to speak of the time mentioned for his delivery.
See also Iqbāl-nāma, p. 81, where the dervish is called
Ḥāfiz̤, and where it is added that the whole population
of Srinagar followed the bier. ↑


9 Lit.
give it, for the Koran cannot be directly sold. ↑


10 Text
pisar, ‘son of Buland Rāy.’ but from the B.M.
MSS. it appears that pisar is a mistake for Sar. ↑


11
Blochmann, p. 387. Possibly he was the part author of a translation of
Bābar’s Commentaries. ↑


12 The
name is wrong. The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 84, has Ras͟ht
(Ras͟hd), which is a well-known town on the
Caspian. ↑


13
According to the Iqbāl-nāma the true reading is sanjakī
(see p. 84). But Olearius, who gives a full account of the murder (p.
352 of English translation, ed. 1662), says Bihbūd gave him two
stabs with a chentze, which is a kind of poniard. ↑


14 A
Persian festival in memory of a rain which fell on the 13th Tīr
and put an end to a famine (Bahār-i-ʿajam). ↑


15
Sangrām was Raja of Khurkpur in Behar, and was killed in battle
with Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān (Blochmann, p. 446,
note). ↑


16
S͟hakwāʾi-ṣāḥib-i-Sūba. I
presume it means a complaint against the governor, and perhaps one made
by Kes͟ho. ↑


17 The
pearls are omitted in the MSS. ↑


18 It is
phūl in MS. No. 181. ↑


19
Tak͟htī, qu. a signet? No. 181 has a lāl
tak͟htī. ↑


20 Sir
Thomas Roe’s friend. ↑


21 Text
wrongly has 3 instead of 30. ↑


22
Apparently because born in Lahore (see Blochmann, p.
500). ↑


23
According to I.O. MS. 181 every zamindar took some money from Chīn
Qilīj and sent him out of his estate, and this seems to be the
probable meaning, for we are told later on that the zamindars plundered
Chīn Qilīj. ↑


24 Tirhut.
R.A.S. MS. has “It chanced that the zamindar of this place was
with Jahāngīr Qulī, and the latter sent him with some
people to seize Chīn Qilīj.” I.O. MS. has the same, and
this seems correct. The text has “It chanced that the zamindar of
that place was spending some days in that neighbourhood(?).”
Perhaps a negative has been omitted before ‘spending.’ I.O.
MS. seems to have Johirhat as the name of the zamindar’s
estate. ↑


25
Apparently the verse is quoted with reference to Jahāngīr
Qulī’s failure to exact retribution from the zamindars,
There is an account of Chīn Qilīj in the
Maʾās̤ir, iii, 351. ↑


26
Gūnṭh, a breed of small horses or
ponies. ↑


27 A
farjī is a coat (see Blochmann, p. 89). ↑


28 Text
īn rubāʿī, ‘this quatrain,’
which does not seem to make sense. Perhaps īn here should
be āyīn-i-rubāʿī, ‘the rules or
the custom of a quatrain.’ Similarly, īn kitābat
five lines down may be āyīn-i-kitābat, ‘the
rules of writing.’ ↑


29 His
father was K͟halīlu-llah, previously mentioned in the
Tūzuk, and who had lately died (Iqbāl-nāma, p, 84, and
Tūzuk, pp. 62 and 69). T̤ahmāsp gave
Niʿmatu-llah’s daughter in marriage to his own son
Ismaʿīl. ↑


30
K͟hānis͟h K͟hānim in Maʾās̤ir,
iii, 339. ↑


31
Ishāl-i-kabd. ↑


32 Two
I.O. MSS. and the R.A.S. MS. have 18 instead of 15. Elliot has
“up to my fourteenth” year. Jahāngīr was born in
Rabīʿ, 977, or 31st August, 1569, and the beginning of
wine-drinking to which he refers must have taken place at earliest in
January, 1586. He tells us that it was after the death of
Muḥammad Ḥakīm, and at the time when his father was at
Attock. Now Akbar arrived there on 15th Muḥarram, 994, according
to Niz̤āmu-d-dīn, and on 12th Day, 994, according to
Abū-l-faẓl, iii, 976, i.e. about the end of December, 1585,
and at that time Jahāngīr was 17 years and 4 months of age,
or in his 18th year. He continued to drink heavily for nine years, i.e.
till he was 26 (17 + 9), then he moderated for seven years, i.e. till
he was 33, and he kept to that for fifteen years more, i.e. till he was
48. These years were lunar years, and he tells that at the time of
writing he was 47 years and 9 months old, according to the lunar
calendar. It seems to follow that the MSS. are right, and that we
should read 18. ↑


33 Elliot,
vi, 341. ↑


34 The two
good I.O. MSS. have, not murg͟h or
murg͟hī, but tughdarī or
tūg͟hdarī, a ‘bustard,’ unless indeed
the word be tag͟haddī, ‘breakfast.’ But
probably the word is tughdarī, a bustard, and the reference
is to the particular memorable day when he first drank wine. His food
that day, he says, was a bustard with bread and a radish
(turb). ↑


35
Blochmann. Calcutta Review, 1869, has
‘turnips.’ ↑


36
Filūnīyā. The word is not given in ordinary
dictionaries, but it is explained in Dozy’s Supplement. It is
stated there that it is a sedative electuary, and that the word is
derived from the Greek, being φιλωνια, which
is the name of an antidote or drug invented by Philon of Tarsus. There
is an account of Philon and a reference to his drug in Smith’s
Classical Dictionary. Philon lived in or before the first century after
Christ, and is referred to by Galen and others. The word as given there
is φιλωνειον.
We are not told what it was made of. In Price’s
Jahāngīr, filuniya, misread there as Kelourica, is described
by Jahāngīr as brother’s son to tiryāq,
i.e. theriaca (see Price, p. 6). Tiryāk or
t̤iryāq is supposed to be a Greek word (see Lane), and
means an antidote against poison, etc. It is so used in the verse from
Avicenna quoted by Jahāngīr to his son S͟hāh
Jahān. See D’Herbelot, s.v. Teriak. But it is also
often used apparently as a synonym for opium. The mixing of wine with
spirits was intended to dilute the potation, for hitherto
Jahāngīr had been taking raw spirit. A
mis̤qāl is said to be 63½ grains troy, and so
18 misqals would be about 3 ounces, and the six cups would be about
1½ lb. troy. In Elliot, Jahāngīr is made to say that
he does not drink on Thursdays and Fridays. But the
s͟hab-i-jumʿa, as Blochmann has pointed out elsewhere,
Āyīn translation, p. 171, n. 3, means Thursday night or
Friday eve, and this is clearly the case here, for Jahāngīr
speaks of the eve’s being followed by a blessed day. It should be
noted that there is no connection in Jahāngīr’s mind
between abstaining from wine and abstaining from meat. He did not eat
meat on Thursdays or Sundays because he did not approve of taking life
on these days, but he drank on both of them. ↑


37 Cf.
Blochmann’s translation and Calcutta Review for
1869. ↑


38 I
understand the two exceptions (dū chīz) to be that on
Thursdays he drank in the daytime, contrary to the general rule of only
drinking at night, and that on Thursday evenings he did not
drink. ↑


39 Elliot,
vi, 343. ↑


40 The
MSS. have Jādūn Rāy and Bābā Chokanth
(Jīū Kanth?). The Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii,
646, has Mālūjī Kāntiya. The text has
Bābū Kāntiya. ↑


41 The
text is corrupt. The Maʾās̤ir, id., has Ātas͟h
instead of Dānis͟h. ↑


42 The
text is corrupt. In the second line of the verse the text has
guft, which seems meaningless, and two I.O. MSS. and B.M. MS.
Add. 26,215 have jang, ‘battle.’ The R.A.S.
MS. has
pāy, ‘feet,’ which seems to me the best
reading. Possibly guft should be read kift,
‘shoulder.’ ↑


43 It will
be remembered that Jahāngīr has called ʿAmbar’s
army the army of darkness, alluding perhaps to ʿAmbar’s
being an Abyssinian. ↑


44 Elliot,
vi, and Blochmann, p. 479, n. 3. ↑


45 Perhaps
it should be phangā or feringha, a grasshopper, or
it may be jhīngur, a cockroach. Presumably the country was
covered with thick jungle, and the cloud of insects indicated where
water was. Erskine’s MS. has chika. B.M. Or. 3276 has
chika or jika. Possibly the word is jhīngur,
a cockroach (see Blochmann in J.A.S.B. for 1871, vol. xl). He quotes a
Hindustani Dict., which says that the jhīngā is what
in Arabic is called the jarādu-l-baḥr or
water-locust. The river referred to by Jahāngīr is the Sankh
of I.G., xii, 222. V. Ball, Proc. A.S.B. for 1881, p. 42, suggests that
the jhīngā may be thunder-stones! ↑


46 Compare
Tavernier’s account of the searching for diamonds in Sambhalpur
(vol. ii, p. 311, of ed. of 1676). ↑








[Contents]



The Eleventh New Year’s Feast after the
auspicious Accession.






Fifteen gharis of day had passed on Sunday, the
last day of Isfandārmuẕ, corresponding with the 1st
Rabīʿu-l-awwal (19th March, 1616), when from the mansion of
Pisces the sun cast the ray of prosperity on the palace of Aries. At
this auspicious hour, having performed the dues of service and
supplication at the throne of Almighty God, I ascended the throne of
State in the public audience hall, the area of which was laid out with
tents and canopies (s͟hāmiyānahā), and its
sides adorned with European screens, painted gold brocades, and rare
cloths. The princes, Amirs, the chief courtiers, the ministers of
State, and all the servants of the Court performed their congratulatory
salutations. As Ḥāfiz̤ Nād ʿAlī,
gūyanda (singer), was one of the ancient servants, I
ordered that whatever offerings were made on the Monday by anyone in
the shape of cash or goods should be given to him by way of reward. On
the 2nd day (of Farwardīn) the offerings of some of the
employés were laid before me. On the 4th day the offering of
K͟hwāja Jahān, who had sent them from Agra, and which
consisted of several diamonds and pearls, of jewelled things, cloth
stuffs of all kinds, and an elephant, worth altogether 50,000 rupees,
was brought before me. On the 5th day, Kunwar Karan, who had been given
leave to go to his home, returned and waited on me. He presented as
offering 100 muhrs, 1,000 rupees, an elephant with fittings, and four
horses. To the mansab of Āṣaf K͟hān, which was
4,000 personal and 2,000 horse, I on the 7th made an addition of 1,000
personal and 2,000 horse, and honoured him with drums and a standard.
On this day the offering of Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn
Ḥusain was laid before me; what he offered was approved and
accepted. Among the things was a jewelled dagger which had [318]been
made under his superintendence.1 On its hilt was a yellow
ruby2 (yāqūt-i-zard), exceeding clear
and bright, in size equal to half a hen’s egg. I had never before
seen so large and beautiful a yellow ruby. Along with it were other
rubies of approved colour and old emeralds. Brokers
(muqīmān) valued it (the dagger) at 50,000 rupees. I
increased the mansab of the said Mīr by 1,000 horse, which brought
it to 5,000 personal and 3,500 horse. On the 8th I increased the mansab
of Sādiq Ḥāẕiq by 300 personal and horse, and
that of Irādat K͟hān by 300 personal and 200 horse, so
as to raise each to 1,000 personal and 500 horse. On the 9th the
offering of K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan was laid before
me; of jewelled ornaments and cloth stuffs, what was of the value of
40,000 rupees was accepted, and the remainder I made a present to him.
The offering of Tātār K͟hān Bakāwul-begī,
consisting of one ruby (laʿl), one yāqūt,
a jewelled tak͟htī (signet?), two rings, and some
cloths, was accepted. On the 10th three elephants which Rāja
Mahā Singh sent from the Deccan, and 100 and odd pieces of gold
brocade, etc., which Murtaẓā K͟hān sent from
Lahore, were laid before me. On this date Dayānat K͟hān
presented his offering of two pearl rosaries, two rubies, six large
pearls, and one gold tray, to the value of 28,000 rupees. At the end of
Thursday, the 11th, I went to the house of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah
in order to add to his dignity. He then presented me with his offering,
and I examined it in detail. Much of it was exceedingly rare. Of jewels
there were two pearls worth 30,000 rupees, one qut̤bī
ruby which had been purchased for 22,000 rupees, with other pearls and
rubies. [319]Altogether the value was 110,000 rupees. These
had the honour of acceptance, and of cloth, etc., the value of 15,000
rupees was taken. When I had finished inspecting the offering I passed
nearly one watch of the night in conviviality and enjoyment. I ordered
that cups (of wine) should be given to the Amirs and servants. The
ladies of the maḥall (harem) were also with me, and a
pleasant assembly was held. After the festive assembly was over I
begged Iʿtimādu-d-daulah to excuse me, and went to the hall
of audience. On the same day I ordered Nūr-maḥall Begam to
be called Nūr-Jahān Begam. On the 12th the offering of
Iʿtibār K͟hān was laid before me. They had made a
vessel (z̤arf) in the form of a fish, jewelled with
beautiful gems, exceedingly well shaped and calculated to hold my
allowance.3 This, with other jewels and jewelled things and
cloth stuffs, the value of which was worth 56,000 rupees, I accepted
and gave back the rest. Bahādur K͟hān, governor of
Qandahar, had sent seven Iraq horses and nine tuqūz (81?)
of cloth stuffs. The offerings of Irādat K͟hān and
Rāja Sūraj Mal, son of Rāja Bāso, were laid before
me on the 13th. ʿAbdu-s-Subḥān, who held a mansab of
1,200 personal and 600 horse, was promoted to 1,500 personal and 700
horse. On the 15th the Subahdarship of the province of Thatha was
transferred from S͟hams͟hīr K͟hān Ūzbeg
to Muz̤affar K͟hān. On the 16th the offering of
Iʿtiqād K͟hān, son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah,
was laid before me. Of this the equivalent of 32,000 rupees was taken,
and I gave back the rest to him. On the 17th the offering of Tarbiyat
K͟hān was inspected. Of jewels and cloth what was valued at
17,000 rupees was approved. On the 18th I went to the house of
Āṣaf K͟hān, and his offering was presented to me
there. From the palace [320]to his house was a distance of
about a kos. For half the distance he had laid down under foot velvet
woven with gold and gold brocade and plain velvet, such that its value
was represented to me as 10,000 rupees. I passed that day until
midnight at his house with the ladies. The offerings he had prepared
were laid before me in detail. Jewels, jewelled ornaments, and things
of gold and beautiful cloth stuffs, things of the value of 114,000
rupees, four horses, and one camel were approved of. On the 19th
(Farwardīn), which was the day of honour
(rūz-i-s͟haraf) of the sun, a grand assembly was held
in the palace. In order to observe the auspicious hour, when 2½
gharis of day were left of the aforesaid day, I seated myself on the
throne. My son Bābā K͟hurram at this blessed hour laid
before me a ruby of the purest water and brilliancy, which they
pronounced to be of the value of 80,000 rupees. I fixed his mansab,
which was 15,000 personal and 8,000 horse, at 20,000 personal and
10,000 horse. On the same day my lunar weighing took place. I increased
the mansab of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, which was 6,000 personal and
3,000 horse, to 7,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and bestowed on him a
tūmān tūg͟h (horse-tail standard), and
ordered his drums to be beaten after those of my son K͟hurram. I
increased the mansab of Tarbiyat K͟hān by 500 personal and
horse, so as to bring it to 3,500 personal and 1,500 horse. The mansab
of Iʿtiqād K͟hān was increased by 1,000 personal
and 400 horse. Niz̤āmu-d-dīn K͟hān was
promoted to 700 personal and 300 horse, and appointed to the Subah of
Behar. Salāmu-llah, the Arab, was honoured with the title of
S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, and, being dignified with a
necklace of pearls, became one of the royal4 servants. I
promoted Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn Injū to the title of
ʿAẓudu-d-daulah (Arm of the State). On the [321]21st
Almighty God gave K͟husrau a son by the daughter of Muqīm,
son of Mihtar Fāẓil Rikāb-dār (stirrup-holder). To
Allah-dād, the Afghan, who, accepting my service, had separated
himself from the evil-minded Aḥdād and come to Court, I gave
20,000 darabs (10,000 rupees). On the 25th came the news of the death
of Rāy Manohar, who had been attached to the army of the Deccan.
Giving his son a mansab of 500 personal and 300 horse, I bestowed upon
him his father’s place and property. On the 26th the offering of
Nād ʿAlī Maidānī, consisting of nine horses,
several bits (? dahāna kīs͟h5), and
four Persian camels (wilāyatī), was brought before me.
On the 28th I presented Bahādur K͟hān, governor of
Qandahar, Mīr Mīrān, son of K͟halīlu-llah, and
Sayyid Bāyazīd, governor of Bhakar, each with an elephant. On
the 1st Urdībihis͟ht, at the request of ʿAbdu-llah
K͟hān, I presented drums to his brother Sardār
K͟hān. On the 3rd I gave Allah-dād K͟hān, the
Afghan, a jewelled khapwa (dagger). On the same day news came
that Qadam,6 one of the Afrīdī Afghans who had been
loyal and obedient, and to whom the rāh-dārī
(transit dues) of the Khaibar Pass belonged, from some slight suspicion
had withdrawn his feet from the circle of obedience and raised his head
in sedition. He had sent a force against each of the posts
(thāna), and wherever he and his men went, through the
carelessness of those men (in the posts), had plundered and killed many
of the people. Briefly, in consequence of the shameful action of this
senseless Afghan, a new disturbance broke out in the hill country of
Kabul. When this news arrived I ordered Hārūn, brother of
Qadam, and Jalāl, his son, who were at Court, to be apprehended
and handed over to Āṣaf K͟hān to be imprisoned in
the fort of Gwalior. By the [322]manifestation of the Divine mercy
and kindness and the signs of God’s favour, an affair took place
at this time which is not devoid of strangeness. After the victory over
the Rānā my son presented me in Ajmir with an exceedingly
beautiful and clear ruby, valued at 60,000 rupees. It occurred to me
that I ought to bind this ruby on my own arm. I much wanted two rare
pearls of good water of one form to be a fit match for this kind of
ruby. Muqarrab K͟hān had procured one grand pearl of the
value of 20,000 rupees, and given it to me as a New Year’s
offering. It occurred to me that if I could procure a pair to it they
would make a perfect bracelet. K͟hurram, who from his childhood
had had the honour of waiting on my revered father, and remained in
attendance on him day and night, represented to me that he had seen a
pearl in an old turban (sar-band) of a weight and shape equal to
this pearl. They produced an old sar-pīch (worn on the
turban), containing a royal pearl of the same quality, weight, and
shape, not differing in weight even by a trifle, so much so that the
jewellers were astonished at the matter. It agreed in value, shape,
lustre, and brilliance; one might say they had been shed from the same
mould. Placing the two pearls alongside of the ruby, I bound them on my
arm, and placing my head on the ground of supplication and humility, I
returned thanks to the Lord that cherished His slave, and made my
tongue utter His praise—




“Who succeeds with hand and tongue?


He who performs the dues of thanks.”




On the 5th (Urdībihis͟ht) 30 Iraq and
Turki horses that Murtazā K͟hān had sent from Lahore
were brought before me, as also 63 horses, 15 camels, male and female,
a bundle of crane’s (kulang) plumes, 9
ʿāqirī(?),7 [323]9
veined8 fish-teeth, 9 pieces of china from Tartary, 3
guns, etc., from K͟hān Daurān, which he had sent from
Kabul, were accepted. Muqarrab K͟hān presented an offering of
a small elephant from Abyssinia which they had brought by sea in a
ship. In comparison with the elephants of Hindustan it presents some
peculiarities. Its ears are larger than the ears of the elephants of
this place, and its trunk and tail are longer. In the time of my
revered father Iʿtimād K͟hān of Cujarat sent a
young elephant9 as an offering; by degrees it grew up and was
very fiery and bad-tempered. On the 7th a jewelled dagger was given to
Muz̤affar K͟hān, governor of Thatha. On the same day
news came that a band of Afghans10 had attacked
ʿAbdu-s-Subḥān, brother of K͟hān
ʿĀlam, who was stationed at one of the posts, and had laid
siege to his post. ʿAbdu-s-Subḥān, with certain other
mansabdars and servants who had been appointed to go with him had
behaved valiantly. But at last, in accordance with the
saying—




“When gnats get wings they smite the
elephant,”




those dogs overcame them, and elevated
ʿAbdu-s-Subḥān with several of the men of the post to
the dignity of martyrdom.11 As a condolence for this affair
a gracious farman and a special dress of honour were sent to
K͟hān ʿĀlam, who had been appointed ambassador to
Iran (and was still in that country). On the 14th the offering of
Mukarram K͟hān, son of Muʿazzam K͟hān, came
from Bengal. It consisted of jewels and articles procurable in that
province, and was brought before me. I increased the mansab of some of
the jagirdars of Gujarat. Of these, [324]Sardār
K͟hān, whose mansab was that of 1,000 personal and 500 horse,
was raised to 1,500 personal and 30012 horse, and
had a standard given to him as well. Sayyid Qāsim, son of Sayyid
Dilāwar Bārha, was raised to an original and increased mansab
of 800 personal and 450 horse, and Yār Beg, nephew of Aḥmad
Qāsim Koka, to one of 600 personal with 250 horse. On the 17th
there came the news of the death of Razzāq of Merv, the Ūzbeg
who belonged to the army of the Deccan. He was well skilled in war, and
one of the distinguished Amirs of Māwarāʾa-n-nahr. On
the 21st, Allah-dād, the Afghan, was honoured with the title of
K͟hān, and his mansab, which was 1,000 personal and 600
horse, was raised to 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. Three hundred
thousand rupees out of the treasury of Lahore were ordered as a reward
and for expenses to K͟hān Daurān, who had greatly
exerted himself in the Afghan disturbance. On the 28th, Kunwar Karan
obtained leave to go home for his marriage. I conferred on him a dress
of honour, a special Iraq horse with a saddle, an elephant, and a
jewelled waist-dagger. On the 3rd of this month
(K͟hūrdād) the news of the death of Murtaẓā
K͟hān came. He was one of the ancients of this State. My
revered father had brought him up and raised him to a position of
consequence and trust. In my reign also he obtained the grace of
noteworthy service, namely the overthrow of K͟husrau. His mansab
had been raised to 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse. As he was at this
time Subahdar of the Panjab, he had undertaken the capture of
Kāngra, to which in strength no other fort in the hill country of
that province or even in the whole inhabited world can be compared. He
had obtained leave to go on this duty. I was much grieved in mind at
this news; in truth, grief at the death of such [325]a
loyal follower is only reasonable. As he had died after spending his
days in loyalty, I prayed to God for pardon for him. On the 4th
K͟hūrdād the mansab of Sayyid Niz̤ām was
fixed, original and increase, at 900 personal and 650 horse. I gave
Nūru-d-dīn Qulī the post of entertainer to the
ambassadors from all parts. On the 7th news came of the death of Saif
K͟hān Bārha; he was a brave and ambitious young man. He
had exerted himself in an exemplary way in the battle with
K͟husrau. He bade farewell to this perishable world in the Deccan
through cholera (haiẓa). I conferred favours on his sons.
ʿAlī Muḥammad, who was the eldest and most upright of
his children, was given the mansab of 30013 personal
and 400 horse, and his (ʿAlī Muḥammad’s) brother,
by name Bahādur, that of 400 personal and 200 horse. Sayyid
ʿAlī, who was his nephew, received an increase in rank of 500
personal and horse. On the same day K͟hūb-Allah, son of
S͟hāh-bāz K͟hān Kambū, received the title
of Ran-bāz K͟hān. On the 8th14 the mansab
of Hāshim K͟hān, original and increase, was fixed at
2,500 personal and 1,800 horse. On this date I bestowed 20,000
darabs (10,000 rupees) on Allah-dād K͟hān, the
Afghan. Bikramājīt, Raja of the province of Bāndhū,
whose ancestors were considerable zamindars in Hindustan, through the
patronage of my fortunate son Bābā K͟hurram, obtained
the blessing of paying his respects to me, and his offences were
pardoned. On the 9th,15 Kalyān of Jesalmīr,
to summon whom Rāja Kishan Dās had gone, came and waited on
me. He presented 100 muhrs and 1,000 rupees. His elder brother
Rāwal Bhīm was a person of distinction. When he died he left
a son 2 months old, and he too did not live [326]long. In the time when I was prince I had taken
his daughter in marriage, and called her by the title of
Malika-Jahān16 (queen of the world). As the ancestors of
this tribe had come of ancient loyal people, this alliance took place.
Having summoned the aforesaid Kalyān, who was the brother of
Rāwal Bhīm, I exalted17 him with the
tīka of Rāja and the title of Rāwal. News came
that after the death of Murtaẓā K͟hān loyalty was
shown by Rāja Mān, and that, after giving encouragement to
the men of the fort of Kāngra an arrangement had been made that he
should bring to Court the son of the Raja of that country, who was 29
years old. In consequence of his great zeal in this service, I fixed
his mansab, which was 1,000 personal and 800 horse, at 1,500 personal
and 1,000 horse. K͟hwāja Jahān was promoted from his
original and increased mansab to that of 4,000 personal and 2,500
horse. On this date18 an event occurred such that,
although I was greatly desirous of writing it down, my hand and heart
have failed me. Whenever I took my pen my state became bewildered, and
I helplessly ordered Iʿtimādu-d-daulah to write it.


“An ancient sincere slave,
Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, by order writes in this auspicious
volume19 that on the 11th20
K͟hūrdād the traces of fever were seen in the pure
daughter21 of S͟hāh K͟hurram of lofty
fortune, for whom His Majesty showed much affection as the early fruit
of [327]the garden of auspiciousness. After three days
pustules (ābila) appeared, and on the 26th of the same
month, corresponding with Wednesday, the 29th Jumādā-l-awwal
(15th June, 1616), in the year 1025, the bird of her soul flew from her
elemental cage and passed into the gardens of Paradise. From this date
an order was given that Chār-s͟hamba (Wednesday) should be
called Kam-s͟hamba (or Gum-s͟hamba). What shall I
write as to what happened to the pure personality of the shadow of God
in consequence of this heartburning event and grief-increasing
calamity? Inasmuch as it happened after this manner to that soul of the
world, what must be the condition of those other22 servants
whose life was bound up with that pure personality? For two days the
servants were not received in audience, and an order was given that a
wall should be built in front of the house which had been the abode of
that bird of paradise, so that it might not be seen. In addition to
this he did not adorn the gate of the hall of audience (did not come
there). On the third day he went in an agitated state to the house of
the illustrious prince, and the servants had the good fortune to pay
their salutations and found fresh life. On the road, however much the
Ḥaẓrat (the Emperor) desired to control himself, the tears
flowed from the auspicious eyes, and for a long time it was so that at
the mere hearing of a word from which came a whiff of pain, the state
of the Ḥaẓrat became bewildered. He remained for some days
in the house of the prince of the inhabitants of the world, and on
Monday23 of Tīr, Divine month, he went to the house
of Āṣaf K͟hān, and turned back thence to the
Chas͟hma-i-Nūr, and for two or [328]three days employed
himself there. But as long as he was in Ajmir he could not control
himself. Whenever the word ‘friendship’ reached his ear,
the tears would drop from his eyes unrestrained, and the hearts of his
faithful followers were torn in pieces. When the departure of the
cortège of fortune to the Subah of the Deccan took place, he
gained a little composure.”


On this date Prithī Chand, son of Rāy Manohar,
obtained the title of Ray and the mansab of 500 personal and 400 horse,
and a jagir in his native place. On Saturday, the 11th, I went from the
Chas͟hma-i-Nūr to the palace at Ajmir. On the eve of Sunday,
the 12th, after 37 seconds had passed, at the time of the ascension of
Sagittarius to the 27th degree, by the calculations of the Hindu
astronomers, and the 15th degree of Capricorn, by the calculations of
the Greeks, there came from the womb of the daughter of Āṣaf
K͟hān (wife of K͟hurram) a precious pearl into the world
of being. With joy and gladness at this great boon the drums beat
loudly, and the door of pleasure and enjoyment was opened in the face
of the people. Without delay or reflection the name of S͟hāh
S͟hajāʿat came to my tongue. I hope that his coming will
be auspicious and blessed to me and to his father. On the 12th a
jewelled dagger24 and an elephant were bestowed on Rāwal
Kalyān of Jesalmīr. On the same day arrived the news of the
death of K͟hawāṣṣ K͟hān, whose jagir
was in the Sarkar of Qanauj. I gave an elephant to Rāy Kunwar,
Diwan of Gujarat. On the 22nd of the same month (Tīr) I added 500
personal and horse to the mansab of Rāja Mahā Singh, so as to
make it one of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse. The mansab of
ʿAlī K͟hān Tatārī, who before this had
been exalted with the title of Nuṣrat K͟hān, was fixed
at 2,000 personal and 500 horse, and [329]a standard was also
conferred on him. With a view to the accomplishment of certain
purposes, I had made a vow that they should place a gold railing with
lattice-work at25 the enlightened tomb of the revered
K͟hwāja. On the 27th of this month it was completed, and I
ordered them to take and affix it. It had been made at a cost of
110,000 rupees. As the command and leading of the victorious army of
the Deccan had not been carried out to my satisfaction by my son
Sult̤ān Parwīz, it occurred to me to recall him, and
send Bābā K͟hurram as the advanced guard of the
victorious army, inasmuch as the signs of rectitude and knowledge of
affairs were evident in him, and that I myself would follow him, so
that this important matter would be carried through in one and the same
campaign. With this object a farman had already been sent in the name
of Parwīz ordering him to start for the Subah of Allahabad, which
is in the centre of my dominions. Whilst I was engaged in the campaign,
he would be entrusted with the guarding and administration of that
region. On the 29th of the same month a letter came from
Bihārī Dās, the news-writer of Burhānpūr, that
the prince on the 20th had left the city safely and well and gone
towards the aforesaid Subah. On the 1st Amurdād I bestowed a
jewelled turban on Mīrzā Rāja Bhāo Singh. An
elephant was conferred on the shrine of Kus͟htīgīr. On
the 18th, Las͟hkar K͟hān had sent four ambling
(rāhwār) horses, and they were brought before me.
Mīr Mughal was appointed to the faujdārship of the Sarkar of
Sambal in the place of Sayyid ʿAbdu-l-Wāris̤, who had
obtained the governorship of the Subah of Qanauj in the place of
K͟hawāṣṣ K͟hān. His mansab, in view of
that duty, was fixed at 500 personal and horse. On the 21st the
offering of Rāwal Kalyān of Jesalmīr was laid before
[330]me; it was 3,000 muhrs, 9 horses, 25 camels, and
1 elephant. The mansab of Qizil-bās͟h K͟hān was
fixed original and increase, at 1,200 personal and 1,000 horse. On the
23rd, S͟hajāʿat K͟hān obtained leave to go to
his jagir that he might arrange the affairs of his servants and his
territory, and present himself at the time agreed upon. In this
year,26 or rather in the 10th year after my accession, a
great pestilence appeared in some places in Hindustan. The commencement
of this calamity was in the parganahs of the Panjab, and by degrees the
contagion spread to the city of Lahore. Many of the people, Musulmans
and Hindus, died through this. After this it spread to Sirhind and the
Dūʾāb, until it reached Delhi and the surrounding
parganahs and villages, and desolated them. At this day it had greatly
diminished. It became known from men of great age and from old
histories that this disease had never shown itself in this
country27 (before). Physicians and learned men were
questioned as to its cause. Some said that it came because there had
been drought for two years in succession and little rain fell: others
said it was on account of the corruption of the air which occurred
through the drought and scarcity. Some attributed it to other causes.
Wisdom is of Allah, and we must submit to Allah’s decrees!




“What does a slave who bows not his neck to the
order?”




On 5th S͟hahrīwar 5,000 rupees towards
her expenses were sent to the mother of Mīr Mīrān, the
daughter of S͟hāh Ismaʿīl II, by merchants who were
proceeding to the province of Iraq. On the 6th a letter came from
ʿĀbid K͟hān,28 bakhshi and news-writer of
Ahmadabad, [331]to the purport that ʿAbdu-llah
K͟hān Bahādur Fīrūz-jang had quarrelled with
him because he had recorded among (current) events certain affairs that
had been unpleasing to him, and had sent a body of men against him, and
had insulted him by carrying him away to his house, and had done this
and that to him. This matter appeared serious to me, and I was desirous
at once to cast him out of favour and ruin him. At last it occurred to
me to send Dayānat K͟hān to Ahmadabad to enquire into
this matter on the spot from disinterested people to see if it had
actually occurred and if so, to bring ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān
with him to the Court, leaving the charge and administration of
Ahmadabad to Sardār K͟hān, his brother. Before
Dayānat K͟hān started, the news reached
Fīrūz-jang, and he in a state of great perturbation confessed
himself an offender and started for the Court on foot. Dayānat
K͟hān met him on the road, and seeing him in a strange
condition, as he had wounded his feet with walking, he put him on
horseback, and taking him with him came to wait on me. Muqarrab
K͟hān, who is one of the old servants of the Court, from the
time when I was a prince had continually wanted the Subah of Gujarat.
It thus occurred to me that, as this kind of action on the part of
ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān had come about, I might fulfil the hope
of an ancient servant and send him to Ahmadabad in the place of the
aforesaid K͟hān. A fortunate hour was chosen in these days,
and I appointed him to be ruler of the Subah. On the 10th the mansab of
Bahādur K͟hān, governor of Qandahar, which was 4,000
personal and 3,000 horse, was increased by 500 personal.


S͟hauqī, the mandolin player, is the wonder of
the age. He also sings Hindi and Persian songs in a manner that clears
the rust from all hearts. I delighted him with the title of Ānand
K͟hān: Ānand in the Hindi language means pleasure and
ease. [332]


Mangoes29 used not to be in season in the
country of Hindustan after the month of Tīr (June–July),
(but) Muqarrab K͟hān had established gardens in the parganah
of Kairāna,30 which is the native place of his ancestors,
and looked after the mangoes there in such a manner as to prolong the
season for more than two months, and sent them every day fresh into the
special fruit store-house. As this was altogether an unusual thing to
be accomplished, it has been recorded here. On the 8th a beautiful Iraq
horse of the name of Laʿl Bī-bahā (priceless ruby) was
sent for Parwīz by the hand of S͟harīf, one of his
attendants.


I had ordered quick-handed stone-cutters to carve
full-sized figures of the Rānā and his son Karan out of
marble. On this day they were completed and submitted to me. I ordered
them to be taken to Agra and placed in the garden31 below the
jharoka (exhibition-window). On the 26th the meeting for my
solar weighing was held in the usual manner. The first weight came to
6,514 tūlcha of gold. I was weighed twelve times against
different things; the second weighing was against quicksilver, the
third against silk, the fourth against various perfumes, such as
ambergris and musk, down to sandalwood, ʿūd,
bān, and so on, until twelve weighings were completed. Of
animals, according to the number of [333]years that I had
passed, a sheep, a goat,32 and a fowl (for each year) were
given to fakirs and dervishes. This rule has been observed from the
time of my revered father up to the present day in this enduring State.
They divide after the weighing all these things among the fakirs and
those in need to the value of about 100,000 rupees.


This day a ruby which Mahābat K͟hān had
purchased at Burhanpur for 65,000 rupees from ʿAbdu-llah
K͟hān Fīrūz-jang was laid before me, and was
approved of. It is a ruby of beautiful form. The special mansab of
K͟hān Aʿz̤am was fixed at 7,000 personal, and an
order was passed that the diwani establishment should pay an equivalent
to that in a tank͟hwāh jāgīr. At the request
of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, what had been deducted from the mansab
of Dayānat on account of former proceedings was allowed to remain
as before. ʿAẓudu-d-daulah, who had obtained the Subah of
Malwa in jagir, took his leave, and was dignified with the gift of a
horse and a dress of honour. The mansab of Rāwal Kalyān of
Jesalmir was fixed at 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, [334]and
it was ordered that that province (Jesalmir) should be given him as
tankhwah. As the (auspicious) hour of his departure was on that same
day, he took leave to depart for his province well pleased and exalted
with the gift of a horse, an elephant, a jewelled sword, a jewelled
khapwa (dagger), a robe of honour, and a special Kashmir shawl.
On the 31st Muqarrab K͟hān took leave to go to Ahmadabad, and
his mansab, which was 5,000 personal and 2,500 horse, was fixed at
5,000 personal and horse, and he was honoured with a dress of honour, a
nādirī (a kind of dress), a takma33 of pearls, whilst two horses from my private
stable, a special elephant, and a jewelled sword were also bestowed on
him. He went off to the aforesaid Subah with delight and in a state of
happiness. On the 11th of Mihr, Jagat Singh, son of Kunwar Karan, came
from his native place and waited on me. On the 16th, Mīrzā
ʿAlī Beg Akbars͟hāhī came from the province of
Oudh, which had been given him in jagir, and waited on me. He presented
as offerings 1,000 rupees, and he produced before me an elephant which
one of the zamindars of that province possessed, and which he had been
ordered to take from him. On the 21st the offering of Qutbu-l-mulk, the
ruler of Golcondah, consisting of some jewelled ornaments, was
inspected by me. The mansab of Sayyid Qāsim Bārha was fixed,
original and increase, at 1,000 personal and 600 horse. On the eve of
Friday, the 22nd, Mīrzā ʿAlī Beg, whose age had
passed 75 years, gave up the deposit of his life. Great34 services had been performed by him for this
State. His mansab rose by degrees to 4,000. He was one of the
distinguished heroes of this [335]family (jawānān-i
īn ulūs)35 and of a noble disposition. He
left neither son nor other descendants. He had the poetic temperament.
As his inevitable destiny had been fulfilled36 on the day
on which he went to pay his devotions at the venerated mausoleum of
K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn, I ordered them to bury
him in the same blessed place.


At the time when I gave leave to the ambassadors of
ʿĀdil K͟hān of Bijapur, I had requested that if in
that province there were a wrestler, or a celebrated swordsman, they
should tell ʿĀdil K͟hān to send him to me. After
some time, when the ambassadors returned, they brought a Mughal, by
name S͟hīr ʿAlī, who was born at Bijapur, and was a
wrestler by profession and had great experience in the art, together
with certain sword-players. The performances of the latter were
indifferent, but I put S͟hīr ʿAlī to wrestle with
the wrestlers and athletes who were in attendance on me, and they could
none of them compete with him. One thousand rupees, a dress of honour,
and an elephant were conferred on him; he was exceedingly well made,
well shaped, and powerful. I retained him in my own service, and
entitled him “the athlete of the capital.” A jagir and
mansab were given him and great favours bestowed on him. On the 24th,
Dayānat K͟hān, who had been appointed to bring
ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Bahādur Fīrūz-jang,
brought him and waited on me, and presented as an offering 100 muhrs.
On the same date Rām Dās, the son of Rāja Rāj
Singh, one of the Rajput Amirs who had died on duty in the Deccan, was
promoted to a mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. As
ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān had been guilty of faults, he made
Bābā K͟hurram his intercessor, and on the 26th, in order
to please him, I ordered the former [336]to pay his respects
to me. He waited upon me with a face of complete shame, and presented
as offerings 100 muhrs and 1,000 rupees. Before the coming of
ʿĀdil K͟hān’s ambassadors I had made up my
mind that, having sent Bābā K͟hurram with the vanguard,
I should myself proceed to the Deccan and carry out this important
affair, which for some reasons had been put off. For this reason I had
given an order that except the prince no one should represent to me the
affairs of the rulers of the Deccan. On this day the prince brought the
ambassadors and laid their representation before me. After the death of
Murtaẓā K͟hān, Rāja Mān and many of the
auxiliary Sardars had come to Court. On this day, at the request of
Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, I appointed Rāja Mān as the
leader in the attack on the fort of Kāngṛa. I appointed all
the men to accompany him, and according to the condition and rank of
each made him happy with a present—a horse, an elephant, a robe
of honour, or money—and gave them leave. After some days I
conferred on ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, at the request of
Bābā K͟hurram, a jewelled dagger, as he was exceedingly
broken-hearted and grieved in mind, and an order was passed that his
mansab should continue as it was before, and that he should remain in
attendance on my son among those appointed for duty in the Deccan. On
the 3rd Ābān I ordered the mansab of Wazīr
K͟hān, who was in attendance on Bābā Parwiz, to be,
original and increase, 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. On the 4th,
K͟husrau, who was in the charge, for safe keeping, of
Anīrāʾī Singh-dalan, for certain considerations was
handed over to Āṣaf K͟hān. I presented him with a
special shawl. On the 7th (Ābān), corresponding with the 17th
S͟hawwāl (28th October, 1616), a person of the name of
Muḥammad Riẓā Beg, whom the ruler of Persia had sent
as his representative, paid his respects. After performing the dues of
prostration and salutation (kūrnis͟h, [337]sijda, taslīm), he laid before me the
letter he had brought. It was decided that he should produce before me
the horses and other presents he had brought with him. The written and
verbal messages sent were full of friendship, brotherhood, and
sincerity. I gave the ambassador on that same day a jewelled tiara
(tāj) and a dress of honour. As in the letter much
friendliness and affection were displayed, an exact copy is recorded in
the Jahāngīr-nāma.37


On Sunday, the 18th S͟hawwāl, corresponding to
the 8th Ābān,38 the camp equipage of my son
Bābā K͟hurram left Ajmir for the purpose of the conquest
of the provinces of the Deccan, and it was decided that my son
aforesaid should start by way of advanced guard, followed by the
glorious standards (of Jahāngīr). On Monday, the 19th,
corresponding with the 9th Ābān, when three gharis of day had
passed, the auspicious palace moved in the same direction in the like
manner. On the 10th the mansab of Rāja Sūraj Mal, who had
been appointed to accompany the prince, was made up, original and
increase, to 2,000 personal and horse. On the night of the 19th
Ābān, after my usual custom, I was in the
g͟husul-k͟hāna. Some of the Amirs and attendants,
and by chance Muḥammad Riẓā Beg, the ambassador of the
ruler of Persia, were present. When six gharis had passed, an owl came
and sat on top of a high terrace roof belonging to the palace, and was
hardly visible, so that many men failed [338]to distinguish it. I
sent for a gun and took aim and fired in the direction that they
pointed out to me. The gun, like the decree of heaven, fell on that
ill-omened bird and blew it to pieces. A shout arose from those who
were present, and involuntarily they opened their lips in applause and
praise. On the same night I talked with the ambassador of my brother
S͟hāh ʿAbbās, and at last the conversation turned
on the slaying of Ṣafī Mīrzā, his (the
Shah’s) eldest son. I asked him because this was a difficulty in
my mind. He represented that if his slaughter had not been carried out
at that time he would certainly have attempted the Shah’s life.
As this intention became manifest from his behaviour, the Shah was
beforehand with him and ordered him to be killed. On the same day the
mansab of Mīrzā Ḥasan, son of Mīrzā Rustam,
was fixed, original and increase, at 1,000 personal and 300 horse. The
mansab of Muʿtamad K͟hān,39 who had
been appointed to the post of paymaster of the army with Bābā
K͟hurram, was settled at 1,000 personal and 250 horse. The time
for the leave-taking of Bābā K͟hurram had been fixed as
Friday, the 20th (Ābān). At the end of this day he paraded
before me the pick of his men armed and ready in the public hall of
audience. Of the distinguished favours bestowed on the aforesaid son
one was the title of S͟hāh, which was made a part of his
name. I ordered that thereafter he should be styled S͟hāh
Sult̤ān K͟hurram. I presented him with a robe of honour,
a jewelled chārqab, the fringe and collar of which were
decorated with pearls, an Iraq horse with a jewelled saddle, a Turki
horse, a special elephant called Bansī-badan,40 a
carriage, according to the English fashion,41 for him to
sit and travel about [339]in, a jewelled sword with a special
pardala (sword-belt) that had been taken at the conquest of the
fort of Ahmadnagar and was very celebrated, and a jewelled dagger. He
started with great keenness. My trust in Almighty God is that in this
service he may gain renown (lit. become red-faced). On each of the
Amirs and mansabdars, according to his quality and degree, a horse and
an elephant were conferred. Loosening a private sword from my own
waist, I gave it to ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān
Fīrūz-jang. As Dayānat K͟hān had been
appointed to accompany the prince, I gave the duty of
ʿarẓ-mukarrir (reviser of petitions) to
K͟hwāja Qāsim Qilīj K͟hān.
Previously42 to this a band of thieves had carried off a
certain sum of money from the royal treasury in the
kotwālī chabūtara (Police Office). After some
days seven men of that band, with their leader, of the name of Nawal,
were caught, and a portion of that money was recovered. It occurred to
me that as they had been guilty of such boldness I ought to punish them
severely. Each was punished in exemplary fashion, and I ordered Nawal,
the leader of them all, to be thrown under the feet of an elephant. He
petitioned that if I would give the order he would fight the elephant.
I ordered it to be so. They produced a very furious elephant. I bade
them put a dagger into his hand and bring him in front of the elephant.
The elephant several times threw him down, and each time that violent
and fearless man, although he witnessed the punishments of his
comrades, got up again and bravely and with a stout heart struck the
elephant’s trunk with the dagger, so that the animal refrained
from attacking him. When I had witnessed this pluck and manliness, I
ordered them to inquire into his history. After a short time, according
to his evil nature and low disposition, he ran away in his longing
[340]for his own place and abode. This annoyed me
greatly, and I ordered the jagirdars of that neighbourhood to hunt him
up and apprehend him. By chance he was caught a second time, and this
time I ordered that ungrateful and unappreciative one to be hanged. The
saying of S͟haik͟h Muṣliḥu-d-dīn
Saʿdī accords with his case—




“In the end a wolf’s cub becomes a
wolf,


Although he be brought up with man.”




On Tuesday,43 the 1st
Ẕī-l-qaʿda (10th November, 1616), corresponding with
the 21st Ābān, after two watches and five gharis of the day
had passed, in good condition and with a right purpose I mounted the
Frank carriage, which had four horses attached to it, and left the city
of Ajmir. I ordered many of the Amirs to accompany me in carriages, and
at about sunset alighted at a halting-place about 1¾ kos
distant, in the village of Deo Rāy (Dorāī?).44 It is the custom of the people of India that if
the movement of kings or great men for the conquest of a country is
towards the east they should ride a tusked elephant, and if the
movement is towards the west on a horse of one colour; if towards the
north in a palanquin or a litter (singhāsan), and if
towards the south, that is, in the direction of the Deccan (as on this
occasion), on a rath, which is a kind of cart
(arāba) or bahal (two-wheeled car). I had stayed at
Ajmir for five days less than three years.45 They
consider the city of Ajmir, which is the place of the blessed tomb of
the revered K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn, to be in the
second clime. Its air is nearly equable. The capital of Agra is to the
east of it; on the north are the townships (district) of [341]Delhi, and on the south the Subah of Gujarat. On
the west lie Multan and Deālpūr. The soil of this province is
all sandy; water is found with difficulty in the land, and the reliance
for cultivation is on moist46 soil and on the rainfall. The
cold season is very equable, and the hot season is milder than in Agra.
From this subah in time of war 86,00047 horse and
304,000 Rajput foot are provided. There are two large lakes in this
city; they call one of these the Bīsal48 and the
other the Ānāsāgar. The Bīsal tank is in ruins and
its embankment is broken. At this time I ordered it to be repaired. The
Ānāsāgar at the time that the royal standards were there
was always full of water and waves. This tāl is 1½
kos and 5 t̤anāb (lit. tent-ropes) (in
circumference?). Whilst at Ajmir I visited nine times the mausoleum of
the revered K͟hwāja, and fifteen times went to look at the
Pushkar lake; to the Chashma-i-Nūr I went thirty-eight times. I
went out to hunt tigers, etc., fifty times. I killed 15 tigers, 1
cheetah, 1 black-ear (lynx), 53 nilgaw, 33 gazelle (gawazn), 90
antelope, 80 boars, and 340 water-fowl. I encamped seven times at Deo
Rāy (Deo Rānī) (Dorāī?). At this halt 5 nilgaw
and 12 water-fowl were killed. Marching on the 29th from Deo Rāy,
my camp was pitched at the village of Dāsāwalī, 2 kos
and 1½ quarters distant from Deo Rāy. On this day I gave an
elephant to Muʿtamad K͟hān. I stayed the next day at
this village. On this day a nilgaw was killed, and I sent two of my
falcons to my son K͟hurram. I marched from this village on the
[342]3rd Āẕar, and pitched at the village
of Bādhal (Māwal?), 2¼ kos distant. On the road six
water-fowl, etc., were killed. On the 4th, having gone 1½ kos,
Rāmsar,49 which belongs to Nūr-Jahān Begam,
became the place for the alighting of honour and glory. A halt was made
at this place for eight days. In the place of K͟hidmat-gār
K͟hān I here appointed Hidāyatu-llah
mīr-tūzak (master of ceremonies). On the 5th day 7
antelope, 1 kulang (crane), and 15 fish were killed. The next day Jagat
Singh, son of Kunwar Karan, received a horse and a robe of honour and
took leave for his native place. A horse was also given to Kes͟ho
Dās Lālā and an elephant to Allah-dād
K͟hān Afg͟han. On the same day I killed a gazelle, 3
antelope, 7 fish, and 2 water-fowl. On that day was heard the news of
the death of Rāja Syām Singh, who belonged to the army of
Bangash. On the 7th day 3 antelope, 5 water-fowl, and a
qas͟hqaldāg͟h50 (coot) were killed. On
Thursday and the eve of Friday, as Rāmsar belongs to the jagir of
Nūr-Jahān, a feast and entertainment were prepared. Jewels,
jewelled ornaments, fine cloths, sewn tapestry, and every kind of
jewellery were presented as offerings. At night on all sides and in the
middle of the lake, which is very broad, lamps were displayed. An
excellent entertainment was arranged. In the end of the said Thursday,
having also sent for the Amirs, I ordered cups for most51 of the servants. On my journeys by land some
boats are always taken along with the victorious camp; the boatmen
convey them on carts. On the day after this entertainment I went to
fish in these boats, and in a short time 208 large fish came into one
net. [343]Half of these were of the species of
rakū. At night I divided them among the servants in my own
presence. On the 13th Āẕar I marched from Rāmsar, and
hunting for 4 kos along the road, the camp was pitched at the village
of Balodā.52 Here I stayed for two days. On the 16th,
moving 3¼ kos, I alighted at the village of Nihāl.53 On the 18th the march was one of 2¼ kos.
On this day I gave an elephant to Muḥammad Riẓā Beg,
ambassador of the ruler of Persia. The village of Jonsā became the
halting-place of the tents of greatness and prosperity. On the 20th I
marched to the halting-place of Deogāon; I hunted along the road
for a distance of 3 kos. I stayed at this place for two days, and at
the end of the day went out to hunt. At this stage a strange affair was
witnessed. Before the royal standards arrived at this halting-place, an
eunuch went to the bank of a large tank there is in the village, and
caught two young sāras, which are a kind of crane; at
night, when we stopped at this halting-place, two large saras appeared
making loud cries near the ghusul-khana (parlour), which they had
placed on the edge of the tank, as if somebody were exercising
oppression on them. They fearlessly began their cries and came forward.
It occurred to me that certainly some kind of wrong had been done to
them, and probably their young had been taken. After enquiry was made
the eunuch who had taken the young saras brought them before me. When
the saras heard the cries of these young ones, they without control
threw themselves upon them, and suspecting that they had had no food,
each of the two saras placed food in the mouths of the young ones, and
made much lamentation. Taking the two young ones between them, and
stretching out their wings and fondling them, they went off to their
nest. Marching on the 23rd 3¾ kos, I alighted at the
[344]village of Bahāsū (Bhālū?).
Here there was a halt of two days, and each day I rode to hunt. On the
26th the royal standards moved and the halt was outside of the village
of Kākal. A halt was made after traversing 2 kos. On the 27th the
mansab of Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā
S͟hāhruk͟h, original and increased, was fixed at 1,500
personal and 750 horse. Marching on the 29th 2¾ kos, a halt was
made at the village of Lāsā, near parganah Boda.54 This day corresponded with the festival of
Qurbān (19th December, 1616). I ordered them to observe the
ordinances of that day. From the date on which I left Ajmir up to the
end of the aforesaid month, viz. the 30th Āẕar, 67 nilgaw,
antelope, etc., and 37 water-fowl etc., had been killed. A march was
made from Lāsā on the 2nd Day, and I marched and hunted for 3
kos 10 jarīb, and halted in the neighbourhood of the
village of Kānṛā. On the 4th a march of 3¼ kos
was made to the village of Sūraṭh. Marching 4½ kos on
the 6th, a halt was made near the village of Barora
(Bardaṛā?). On the 7th, when there was a halt, 50 water-fowl
and 14 qashqaldagh (coot) were killed. The next day was a halt as well.
On this day 27 water-fowl became a prey. On the 9th a march of 4⅛
kos was made. Hunting and overthrowing prey, I alighted at the
halting-place of K͟hūs͟h Tāl. At this stage a
report came from Muʿtamad K͟hān that when the territory
of the Rānā became the halting-place of S͟hāh
K͟hurram, though there had been no agreement to this effect (i.e.
to the Rānā’s meeting him), the fame and dignity of the
victorious army had introduced a commotion into the pillars of his
patience and firmness, and he had come and paid his respects to him
when he halted at Dūdpūr,55 which was on the border of
his jagir, [345]and observing all the dues and ceremonies of
service he had neglected not the smallest portion of them.
S͟hāh K͟hurram had paid him every attention, and pleased
him with the gift of a dress of honour, a chārqab, a
jewelled sword, a jewelled khapwa, Persian and Turki horses, and an
elephant, and dismissed him with every honour. He had also favoured his
sons and relations with dresses of honour, and out of his offering,
which consisted of five elephants, twenty-seven horses, and a tray full
of jewels and jewelled ornaments, had taken three horses and given back
the remainder. It was settled that his son Karan should attend on the
stirrup of Bābā K͟hurram in this expedition with 1,500
horse. On the 10th the sons of Rāja Mahā Singh came from
their jagir and native place (Amber) and waited on me in the
neighbourhood of Ranṭambhor, making an offering of three
elephants and nine horses. Each one of them, according to his
condition, received an increase of mansab. As the neighbourhood of the
said fort became a halting-place for the royal standards, I released
some of the prisoners who were confined in that fort. At this place I
halted for two days and each day went to hunt. Thirty-eight water-fowl
and qashqaldagh (coot) were taken. On the 12th I marched, and after
going 4 kos halted at the village of Koyalā. On the road I killed
fourteen water-fowl and an antelope. On the 14th, having traversed
3¾ kos, I halted in the neighbourhood of the village of
Ekṭorā,56 killing on the road a blue
bull, twelve herons (karwānak), etc. On the same day
Āg͟hā Fāẓil, who had been appointed deputy
for Iʿtimādu-d-daulah at Lahore, was dignified with the title
of Fāẓil K͟hān. At this stage they had erected the
royal lodging (daulat-k͟hāna) on the bank of a tank,
which was exceedingly bright and pleasant. On account of the
pleasantness of the place [346]I halted two days there, and at
the end of each went to hunt water-fowl. To this place the younger son
of Mahābat K͟hān, by name Bahra-war, came from the fort
of Ranṭambhor, which is his father’s jagir, to pay his
respects to me. He had brought two elephants, both of which were
included in my private stud. I promoted Ṣafī, son of
Amānat K͟hān, to the title of K͟hān, and,
increasing his mansab, made him bakhshi and news-writer of the Subah of
Gujarat. Having travelled 4½ kos on the 17th, I halted at the
village of Lasāyā.57 During the halt I killed one
water-fowl and twenty-three sand-grouse (durrāj). As I had
sent for Las͟hkar K͟hān to Court on account of the
disagreement that had occurred between him and K͟hān
Daurān, I at this place appointed ʿĀbid
K͟hān,58 bakhshi and news-writer, in his stead. On
the 19th, having made a march of 2¼ kos, an encampment was made
in the neighbourhood of the village of Kūrāka
(Korāṉ?),59 which is situated on the bank
of the Chambal. On account of the excellence of the place and the
pleasantness of its air and water, a halt took place here for three
days. Every day I sat in a boat and went to hunt water-fowl and to
wander over the river. On the 22nd60 there was a march, and
having traversed 4½ kos, shooting on the road, the victorious
camp was pitched at the villages of Sult̤ānpūr and
Chīla Mala (Chīlāmīlā?). On this day of halt I
bestowed on Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān 5,000 rupees, and
gave him leave to proceed to the place assigned to him as his jagir.
Another 1,000 rupees were given to S͟haik͟h Pīr. On the
25th I marched and hunted for 3½ kos and encamped at the village
of Bāsūr.61 According to fixed rules one
halt and one march took place, and on the 27th I marched and hunted
4⅛ kos and encamped at the village of Chārdūha
(Varadhā?). [347]Two days halt took place here. In this
month of Day 416 animals were killed, namely, 97 sand-grouse (durraj),
192 qashqaldagh, 1 saras, 7 herons, 118 water-fowl, and 1 hare. On the
1st Bahman, corresponding with the 12th Muharram, 1026 (20th January,
1617), seating myself in boats with the ladies, I went forward one
stage. When one ghari of day remained I arrived at the village of
Rūpāheṛā, the halting-place, the distance being 4
kos and 15 jarib. I shot five sand-grouse. On the same day I sent by
the hands of Kaikana winter dresses of honour to twenty-one Amirs on
duty in the Deccan, and ordered him to take 10,00062 rupees
from those Amirs as a thanksgiving for the dresses of honour. This
halting-place had much verdure and pleasantness. On the 3rd a march
took place. As on the previous day, I embarked in a boat, and after
traversing 2⅛ kos the village of Kākhā-dās
(Kākhāvās?)63 became the encamping place of
the victorious camp. As I came hunting on the way, a sand-grouse fell
flying into a thicket. After much search it was marked, and I ordered
one of the beaters to surround the thicket and catch it, and went
towards it myself. Meanwhile another sand-grouse rose, and this I made
a falcon seize. Soon afterwards the beater came and laid the
sand-grouse before me. I ordered them to satisfy the falcon with this
sand-grouse, and to keep the one we had caught, as it was a young bird.
(But) before the order reached him the head huntsman fed the falcon
with the sand-grouse (the second one, viz. that which the falcon had
caught). After a while the beater represented to me that if he did not
kill the sand-grouse it would die (and then could not be eaten as not
properly killed). I ordered him to kill it if that was the case. As he
laid his sword on its throat, it with a slight movement freed itself
from the sword and flew away. After I had [348]left the boat and
mounted my horse, suddenly a sparrow (kunjis͟hk) by the
force of the wind struck the head of an arrow that one of the beaters
who was in my retinue had in his hand, and immediately fell down and
died. I was amazed and bewildered at the tricks of destiny; on one side
it preserved the sand-grouse, whose time had not arrived, in a short
time from three such dangers, and on the other hand made captive in the
hand of destruction on the arrow of fate the sparrow whose hour of
death had come—




“The world-sword may move from its place,


But it will cut no vein till God wills.”




Dresses of honour for the winter had also been
sent by the hand of Qarā, the yasāwul (usher), to the
Amirs at Kabul. I halted at this place on account of the pleasantness
of the spot and the excellence of the air. On this day there came the
news of the death of Nād ʿAlī K͟hān
Maidāni at Kabul. I honoured his sons with mansabs, and at the
request of Ibrāhīm K͟hān
Fīrūz-jang64 increased the mansab of
Rāwat S͟hankar by 500 personal and 1,000 horse. On the 6th
there was a march, and going for 4⅛ kos by the pass known as
Ghāṭe Chāndā, the royal camp was pitched at the
village of Amḥār (Amjār?). This valley is very green
and pleasant and good trees are seen in it. Up to this stage, which is
the limit of the country of the Subah of Ajmir, 84 kos had been
traversed. It was also a pleasant stage. Nūr-Jahān Begam here
shot with a gun a qarīs͟ha(?), the like of which for
size and beauty of colour had never been seen. I ordered them to weigh
it, and it came to 19 tolas and 5 mashas. The aforesaid village is the
commencement of the Subah of Malwa, which is in the second clime. The
length65 of this Subah from the extremity of the province
of Gaṛha to the province of Bānswāla
(Bānswaṛā?) is 245 kos, and its [349]breadth from the parganah of Chanderī to
the parganah of Nandarbār is 230 kos. On the east is the province
of Bāndho, and on the north the fort of Narwar, on the south the
province of Baglānā, and on the west the Subahs of Gujarat
and Ajmir. Malwa is a large province abounding in water and of a
pleasant climate. There are five rivers in it in addition to streams,
canals, and springs, namely, the Godavarī,66
Bhīmā, Kālīsindh, Nīrā, and Narbada. Its
climate is nearly equable. The land of this province is low, but part
of it is high. In the district of Dhār, which is one of the noted
places of Malwa, the vine gives grapes twice in the year, in the
beginning of Pisces and the beginning of Leo, but the grapes of Pisces
are the sweeter. Its husbandmen and artificers are not without arms.
The revenue of the province is 24,700,000 dams. When needful there are
obtained from it about 9,30067 horse and four lakhs, 70,300
foot-soldiers, with 100 elephants. On the 8th, moving on 3½ kos,
an encampment was made near K͟hairābād. On the road 14
sand-grouse and 3 herons were killed, and having traversed and shot
over 3 kos the camp was pitched at the village of Sidhārā. On
the 11th, while there was a halt, I mounted at the end of the day to
hunt, and killed a blue bull. On the 12th, after traversing 4¼
kos, a halt was made at the village of Bachhayārī. On that
day Rānā Amar Singh had sent some baskets of figs. In truth
it is a fine fruit, and I had never seen such delicious figs in India.
But one must eat only a few of them; it does harm to eat many. On the
14th there was a march; having traversed 4⅛ kos, I encamped at
the village of Balbalī. Rāja Jānbā who is an
influential zamindar in these [350]regions, had sent two
elephants as an offering, and they were brought before me. At the same
stage they brought many melons grown in Kārīz near Herat.
K͟hān ʿĀlam had also sent 50 camels. In former
years they had never brought melons in such abundance. On one tray they
brought many kinds of fruit—Kārīz melons, melons from
Badakhshan and Kabul, grapes from Samarkand68 and
Badakhshan, apples from Samarkand, Kashmir, Kabul, and from Jalalabad,
which is a dependency of Kabul, and pineapples, a fruit that comes from
the European ports, plants of which have been set in Agra. Every year
some thousands are gathered in the gardens there which appertain to the
private domains
(k͟hāliṣa-i-s͟harīfa)69; kaula,70 which are
similar in form to an orange, but smaller and better in flavour. They
grow very well in the Subah of Bengal. In what language can one give
thanks for such favours? My revered father had a great liking for
fruit, especially for melons, pomegranates, and grapes. During his time
the Kārīz melons, which are the finest kind, and pomegranates
from Yezd, which are celebrated throughout the world and Samarkand
grapes had not been brought to Hindustan. Whenever I see these fruits
they cause me great regret. Would that such fruit had come in those
days, so that he might have enjoyed them!


On the 15th, which was a halting day, news came of the
death of Mīr ʿAlī, son of Farīdūn
K͟hān Barlās, who was one of the trusted
amīr-zādas (descended from amirs) of this family (the
Timurides). On the 16th a march took place. Having traversed 4⅛
kos, the camp of heavenly dignity was pitched near the village of
Girī. On the road the scouts brought news that there was
[351]a lion in this neighbourhood. I went to hunt him
and finished him with one shot. As the braveness of the lion
(shīr babar) has been established, I wished to look at his
intestines. After they were extracted, it appeared that in a manner
contrary to other animals, whose gall-bladder is outside their livers,
the gall-bladder of the lion is within his liver(?). It occurred to me
that the courage of the lion may be from this cause. On the 18th, after
traversing 2¾ kos, the village of Amriyā was our
halting-place. On the 19th, which was a halt, I went out to hunt. After
going 2 kos, a village came to view exceedingly sweet and pleasant.
Nearly 100 mango-trees were seen in one garden; I had seldom seen
mango-trees so large and green and pleasant. In the same garden I saw a
bar-tree (a banyan), exceedingly large. I ordered them to
measure its length, breadth, and height in yards (gaz). Its
height from the surface to the highest branch
(sar-s͟hāk͟h) was 74 cubits
(z̤iraʿ). The circumference of its trunk was
44½ cubits and its breadth71 175½ measured by
the gaz. This has been recorded as it is very unusual. On the 20th was
a march, and on the road a blue bull was shot with a gun. On the 21st,
which was a halt, I went out to hunt at the end of the day. After
returning, I came to the house of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah for the
festival of K͟hwāja K͟hiẓr, whom they call
K͟hiẓrī; I remained there till a watch of the night had
passed, and then feeling inclined for food I went back to the royal
quarters. On this day I honoured Iʿtimādu-d-daulah as an
intimate friend by directing the ladies of the harem not to veil their
faces from him. By this favour I bestowed everlasting honour on him. On
the 22nd an order was given to march, and after 3⅛ kos were
traversed the camp was pitched at the village of Būlgharī
(Nawalkheṛī?). On the road two blue [352]bulls were killed. On the 23rd day of Tīr,
which was a halt, I killed a blue bull with a gun. On the 24th,
traversing 5 kos, the village of Qāsim-kheṛā was the
halting-place. On the road a white animal72 was killed,
which resembled the kūtāh pāya (hog-deer); it had
four horns, two of which were opposite the extremities of its eyes, and
two finger-breadths in height, and the two other horns four
finger-breadths towards the nape of the neck. These were four
finger-breadths in height. The people of India call this animal
dūdhādhārīt (dudhāriyā?).
The male has four horns and the female none. It was said that this kind
of antelope has no gall-bladder, but when they looked at its intestines
the gall-bladder was apparent, and it became clear that this report has
no foundation. On the 25th, which was a halt, at the end of the day I
rode out to hunt and killed a female nilgaw with my gun.
Bāljū, nephew of Qilīj K͟hān, who held the
mansab of 1,000 personal and 850 horse, and had a jagir in Oudh, I
promoted to 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse, dignified him with the
title of Qilīj K͟hān, and appointed him to the Subah of
Bengal. On the 26th a march took place, and after traversing 4¾
kos a halt was made at the village of Dih Qāẓiyān,
which is in the neighbourhood of Ujjain. A number of mango-trees in
this place had blossomed. They had pitched the [353]tents on the bank of a lake, and had prepared an
enchanting place. Pahāṛ, son of G͟haznīn73 K͟hān, was capitally punished at this
stage. Cherishing this unlucky one after the death of his father, I had
given him the fort and province of Jālaur, which was the place of
his ancestors. As he was of tender years, his mother used to forbid him
certain evil practices. That eternally black-faced one with some of his
companions one night came into the house and killed his own full mother
with his own hand. This news reached me and I ordered them to bring
him. After his crime was proved against him, I ordered them to put him
to death (kih ba biyāsā rasānīdand). At this
halting-place a tamarind74-tree came to view, the form and
habit of which were somewhat strange. The original tree had one trunk;
when it had grown to 6 gaz, it turned into two branches, one of which
was 10 and the other 9½ gaz. The distance between the two
branches was 4½ gaz. From the ground to the place where the
branches and leaves came to an end(?), there were on the side of the
large branch 16 gaz, and on the other branch 15½ gaz. From the
place whence the branches and green leaves began(?) to the top (trunk?)
of the tree was 2½ gaz, and the circumference was 2¾ gaz.
I ordered them to make a chabūtara (platform) round it of
the height of 3 gaz. As the trunk was very straight and well-shaped, I
told my artists to depict it in the illustrations to the
Jahāngīr-nāma. A march was made on the 27th. After
traversing 2⅛ kos, a halt was made [354]at the village of
Hinduwāl75; on the road a blue bull was killed. On the
28th, after traversing 2 kos, the village of Kāliyādaha
became the halting-place. Kāliyādaha is a building which was
made by Nāsiru-d-dīn, son of
G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn, son of Sult̤ān
Maḥmūd K͟haljī, who was ruler of Malwa. In the
time of his rule he had made it in the neighbourhood of Ujjain, which
is one of the most celebrated cities in the Subah of Malwa. They say
that the heat overcame him so much that he passed his time in the
water. He made this building in the middle of the river, and divided
its waters into canals, and brought the water on all sides, as well as
inside and outside, of the house, and made large and small reservoirs
suited to the place. It is a very pleasant and enjoyable place, and one
of the noted habitations of Hindustan. Before it was decided to halt at
this place I sent architects and ordered them to clean up the place
again. On account of its pleasantness I remained in this place for
three days. At the same place S͟hajāʿat K͟hān
came from his jagir and waited on me. Ujjain is one of the old cities,
and is one of the seven established places of worship of the Hindus.
Rāja Bikramājīt, who introduced the observation of the
heavens and stars into Hindustan, lived in this city and province. From
the time of his observations until now, which is the 1026th Hijra year
(1617 A.D.) and the 11th year from my
accession, 1,67576 years have passed. The deductions of the
astronomers of India are all based on his observations. This city is on
the bank of the River Sipra. The belief77 of the
[355]Hindus is that once in some year at an uncertain
time the water of this river turns into milk. In the reign of my
revered father, at the time when he had sent Abū-l-faẓl to
set in order the affairs of my brother S͟hāh Murād, he
sent a report from that city that a large body of Hindus and Musulmans
had borne testimony that some days previously at night this river had
become milk, so that people who took water from it that night found in
the morning their pots full of milk.78 As this
obtained currency it has been recorded, but my intelligence will in no
way agree to it. The real truth of this affair is known to Allah. On
the 2nd Isfandārmuẕ I embarked in a boat from
Kāliyādaha, and went to the next stage. I had frequently
heard that an austere Sanyāsī79 of the name
of Jadrūp many years ago retired from the city of Ujjain to a
corner of the desert and employed himself in the worship of the true
God. I had a great desire for his acquaintance, and when I was at the
capital of Agra I was desirous of sending for and seeing him. In the
end, thinking of the trouble it would give him, I did not send for him.
When I arrived in the neighbourhood of the city I alighted from the
boat and went ⅛ kos on foot to see him. The place he had chosen
to live in was a hole on the side of a hill which had been dug out and
a door made. At the entrance there is an opening in the shape of a
miḥrāb,80 which [356]is
in length (? height) 1 gaz and in breadth 10 gira, (knots, each
1/16 of a gaz), and the distance from this door to a hole which is his
real abode is 2 gaz and 5 knots in length and in breadth 11¼
knots. The height from the ground to the roof is 1 gaz and 3 knots. The
hole whence is the entrance to the abode is in length 5½ knots
and its breadth 3½ knots. A person of weak body (thin?) can only
enter it with a hundred difficulties. The length and breadth of the
hole are such. It has no mat and no straw. In this narrow and dark hole
he passes his time in solitude. In the cold days of winter, though he
is quite naked, with the exception of a piece of rag that he has in
front and behind, he never lights a fire. The Mulla of Rūm
(Jalālu-d-dīn) has put into rhyme the language of a
dervish—




“By day our clothes are the sun,


By night our mattress and blanket the moon’s
rays.”




He bathes twice a day in a piece of water near his
abode, and once a day goes into the city of Ujjain, and nowhere but to
the houses of three brahmins whom he has selected out of seven, who
have wives and children and whom he believes to have religious feelings
and contentment. He takes by way of alms five mouthfuls of food out of
what they have prepared for their own eating, which he swallows without
chewing, in order that he may not enjoy their flavour; always provided
that no misfortune has happened to their three houses, that there has
been no birth, and there be no menstruous woman in the house. This is
his method of living, just as it is now written. He does not desire to
associate with men, but as he has obtained great notoriety people go to
see him. He is not devoid of knowledge, for he has thoroughly mastered
the science of the Vedānta, which is the science of Sufism. I
conversed with him for six gharis; he spoke well, so much so as to make
a great impression on me. My society also suited him. [357]At
the time when my revered father conquered the fort of Āsīr,
in the province of Khandesh, and was returning to Agra, he saw him in
the very same place, and always remembered him well.


The learned of India have established four modes of life
for the caste of brahmins, which is the most honoured of the castes of
Hindus, and have divided their lives into four periods. These four
periods they call the four āsram.81 The boy who
is born in a brahmin’s house they do not call brahmin till he is
7 years old, and take no trouble on the subject. After he has arrived
at the age of 8 years, they have a meeting and collect the brahmins
together. They make a cord of mūnj grass, which they call
mūnjī, in length 2¼ gaz, and having caused
prayers and incantations to be repeated over it, and having had it made
into three strands, which they call sih tan, by one in whom they
have confidence, they fasten it on his waist. Having woven a
zunnār (girdle or thread) out of the loose threads, they
hang it over his right82 shoulder. Having given into his
hand a stick of the length of a little over 1 gaz to defend himself
with from hurtful things and a copper vessel for drinking-water, they
hand him over to a learned brahmin that he may remain in his house for
twelve years, and employ himself in reading the Vedas, which they
believe in as God’s book. From this day forward they call him a
brahmin. During this time it is necessary that he should altogether
abstain from bodily pleasures. When midday is passed he goes as a
beggar to the houses of other brahmins, and bringing what is given him
to his preceptor, eats it with his permission. For clothing, with the
exception of a loin cloth (lungī) of cotton to cover his
private parts, and 2 or 3 more gaz of cotton [358]which he throws over his back, he has nothing
else. This state is called brahmacharya, that is, being busied
with the Divine books. After this period has passed, with the leave of
his preceptor and his father, he marries, and is allowed to enjoy all
the pleasures of his five senses until the time when he has a son who
shall have attained the age of 16 years. If he does not have a son, he
passes his days till he is 48 in the social life. During this time they
call him a grihast, that is, householder. After that time,
separating himself from relatives, connections, strangers, and friends,
and giving up all things of enjoyment and pleasure, he retires to a
place of solitude from the place of attachment to sociality
(taʿalluq-i-ābād-i-kas̤rat), and passes his
days in the jungle. They call this condition
bānprasta,83 that is, abode in the jungle.
As it is a maxim of the Hindus that no good deed can be thoroughly
performed by men in the social state without the partnership of the
presence of a wife, whom they have styled the half of a man, and as a
portion of the ceremonies and worshippings is yet before him (has to be
accomplished), he takes his wife with him into the jungle. If she
should be pregnant, he puts off his going until she bear a child and it
arrive at the age of 5 years. Then he entrusts the child to his eldest
son or other relation, and carries out his intention. In the same way,
if his wife be menstruous, he puts off going until she is purified.
After this he has no connection with her, and does not defile himself
with communication with her, and at night he sleeps apart.84 He passes twelve years in this place, and lives
on vegetables which may have sprung up of themselves in the desert and
jungle. He keeps his zunnar by him and worships fire. He does not waste
his time in looking [359]after his nails or the hair of his head, or
in trimming his beard and moustaches. When he completes this period in
the manner related, he returns to his own house, and having commended
his wife to his children and brothers and sons-in-law, goes to pay his
respects to his spiritual guide, and burns by throwing into the fire in
his presence whatever he has in the way of a zunnar, the hair of his
head, etc., and says to him: “Whatever attachment
(taʿalluq) I may have had, even to abstinence and
worshipping and will, I have rooted up out of my heart.” Then he
closes the road to his heart and to his desires and is always employed
in contemplation of God, and knows no one except the True Cause of
Being (God). If he speak of science it is the science of Vedānta,
the purport of which Bābā Fig͟hānī has
versified in this couplet—




“There’s one lamp in this house, by whose
rays


Wherever I look there is an assembly.”




They call this state
sarvabiyās,85 that is, giving up all. They
call him who possesses it sarvabiyāsī.


After interviewing Jadrūp I mounted an elephant and
passed through the town of Ujjain, and as I went scattered to the right
and left small coins to the value of 3,500 rupees, and proceeding
1¾ kos alighted at Dāʾūd-k͟heṛā,
the place where the royal camp was pitched. On the 3rd day, which was a
halting day, I went, from desire for association with him, after
midday, to see Jadrūp, and for six gharis enjoyed myself in his
company. On this day also he uttered good words, and it was near
evening when I entered my palace. On the 4th day I journeyed 3¼
kos and halted at the village of Jarāo86
[360]in the Pārāniyā garden. This is
also a very pleasant halting-place, full of trees. On the 6th there was
a march; after proceeding for 4¾ kos I halted on the bank of the
lake of Debālpūr Bheriyā. On account of the pleasantness
of the place and the delights of the lake, I halted at this stage for
four days, and at the end of each day, embarking in a boat, employed
myself in shooting ducks (murg͟hābī) and other
aquatic animals. At this halting-place they brought
fak͟hrī grapes from Ahmadnagar. Although they are not
as large as the Kabul fakhri grapes, they do not yield to them in
sweetness.


At the request of my son Bābā K͟hurram
the mansab of Badīʿu-z-zamān, son of Mīrzā
S͟hāhruk͟h, was fixed at 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse.
On the 11th I marched, and after proceeding for 3¼ kos halted in
the parganah Daulatabad. On the 12th, which was a halt, I rode out to
hunt. In the village of S͟haik͟hūpūr, which
belonged to the said parganah, I saw a very large and bulky
banyan-tree, measuring round its trunk 18½ gaz, and in height
from the root to the top of the branches 128¼ cubits. The
branches spread a shade for 203½ cubits. The length of a branch,
on which they have represented the tusks of an elephant, was 40 gaz. At
the time when my revered father passed by this, he had made an
impression of his hand by way of a mark at the height of 3¾ gaz
from the ground. I ordered them also to make the mark of my hand 8 gaz
above another root. In order that these two hand-marks might not be
effaced in the course of time, they were carved on a piece of marble
and fastened on to the trunk of the tree. I ordered them to place a
chabūtara and platform round the tree.


As at the time when I was prince I had promised Mīr
Ẓiyāʾu-dīn Qazwīnī, who was one of the
Saifī Sayyids, and whom during my reign I have honoured with the
[361]title of Muṣt̤afā
K͟hān, to give the parganah of Maldah, which is a famous
parganah in Bengal, to him and his descendants87 in
āl tamg͟hā (perpetual royal grant), this great
gift was bestowed in his honour at this halting-place. On the 13th a
march took place. Going separately from this camp to look round the
country and hunt with some of the ladies and intimates and servants, I
proceeded to the village of Ḥāṣilpūr, and whilst
the camp was pitched in the neighbourhood of Nālcha
(Bālchha?) I halted at the village of Sāngor. What shall be
written of the beauty and sweetness of this village? There were many
mango-trees, and its lands were altogether green and delightful. On
account of its greenness and pleasantness I halted here for three days.
I gave this village to Kamāl K͟hān, the huntsman, in
place of Kes͟ho Dās Mārū. An order was passed that
they should hereafter call it Kamālpūr. At this same
halting-place occurred the night of S͟hīvrāt
(Shivrātri). Many Jogis collected. The ceremonies of this night
were duly observed, and I met the learned of this body in social
intercourse. In these days I shot three blue bulls. The news of the
killing of Rāja Mān reached me at this place. I had appointed
him to head the army that had been sent against the fort of
Kāngṛā. When he arrived at Lahore he heard that
Sangrām, one of the zamindars of the hill-country of the Panjab,
had attacked his place and taken possession of part of his province.
Considering it of the first importance to drive him out, he went
against him. As Sangrām had not the power to oppose him, he left
the country of which he had taken possession and took refuge in
difficult hills and places. Rāja Mān pursued him there, and
in his great pride, not looking to the means by which he himself could
advance and retreat, came up to him with [362]a small force. When
Sangrām saw that he had no way to flee by, in accordance with this
couplet—




“In time of need when no (way of) flight is
left,


The hand seizes the edge of the sharp
sword.”88




A fight took place, and according to what was
decreed, a bullet struck Rāja Mān and he delivered his soul
to the Creator thereof. His men were defeated and a great number of
them killed. The remainder, wounded, abandoned their horses and arms,
and with a hundred alarms escaped half-dead.


On the 17th I marched from Sāngor, and after
proceeding 3 kos came again to the village of
Ḥāṣilpūr. On the road a blue bull was killed.
This village is one of the noted places in the Subah of Malwa. It has
many vines and mango-trees without number. It has streams flowing on
all sides of it. At the time I arrived there were grapes contrary to
the season in which they are in the Wilāyat (Persia or
Afghanistan). They were so cheap and plentiful that the lowest and
meanest could get as much as they desired. The poppy had flowered and
showed varied colours. In brief, there are few villages so pleasant.
For three days more I halted in this village. Three blue bulls were
killed with my gun. From Ḥāṣilpūr on the 21st in
two marches I rejoined the big camp. On the road a blue bull was
killed. On Sunday, the 22nd, marching from the neighbourhood of
Nālcha (Bālchha?), I pitched at a lake that is at the foot of
the fort of Māndū. On that day the huntsmen brought news that
they had marked down a tiger within 3 kos. Although it was Sunday, and
on these two days, viz. Sunday and Thursday, I do not shoot, it
occurred to me that as it is a noxious animal it ought to be done away
with. I proceeded towards him, and when I arrived at the place it was
sitting [363]under the shade of a tree. Seeing its mouth,
which was half open, from the back of the elephant, I fired my gun. By
chance it entered its mouth and found a place in its throat and brain,
and its affair was finished with that one shot. After this the people
who were with me, although they looked for the place where the tiger
was wounded, could not find it, for on none of its limbs was there any
sign of a gunshot wound. At last I ordered them to look in its mouth.
From this it was evident that the bullet had entered its mouth and that
it had been killed thereby. Mīrzā Rustam had killed a male
wolf and brought it. I wished to see whether its gall-bladder was in
its liver like that of the tiger, or like other animals outside its
liver. After examination it was clear that the gall-bladder was also
inside the liver. On Monday, the 23rd, when one watch had passed in a
fortunate ascension and a benign hour, I mounted an elephant and
approached the fort of Māndū. When a watch and three gharis
of day had passed, I entered the houses which they had prepared for the
royal accommodation. I scattered 1,500 rupees on the way. From Ajmir to
Māndū, 159 kos, in the space of four months and two days, in
forty-six marches and seventy-eight halts, had been traversed. In these
forty-six marches our halts were made on the banks of tanks or streams
or large rivers in pleasant places which were full of trees and
poppy-fields in flower, and no day passed that I did not hunt while
halting or travelling. Riding on horseback or on an elephant I came
along the whole way looking about and hunting, and none of the
difficulties of travelling were experienced; one might say that there
was a change from one garden to another. In these huntings there were
always present with me Āṣaf K͟hān, Mīrzā
Rustam, Mīr Mīrān, Anīrāʾī,
Hidāyatu-llah, Rāja Sārang Deo, Sayyid Kāsū,
and K͟hawāṣṣ K͟hān. As before the
arrival of the royal standards in these [364]regions I had sent
ʿAbdu-l-Karīm, the architect, to look to the repair of the
buildings of the old rulers in Māndū, he during the time the
camp halted at Ajmir had repaired some of the old buildings that were
capable of repair, and had altogether rebuilt some places. In short, he
had made ready a house the like of which for pleasantness and sweetness
has probably not been made anywhere else. Nearly 300,000 rupees, or
2,000 Persian tumans, were expended on this. There should be such grand
buildings in all great cities as might be fit for royal accommodation.
This fort is on the top of a hill 10 kos in circumference; in the rainy
season there is no place with the fine air and pleasantness of this
fort. At nights, in the season of the qalbu-l-asad (Cor leonis
of Regulus, the star α of Leo), it is so cold that one cannot
do without a coverlet, and by day there is no need for a fan
(bād-zan). They say89 that before the time of
Rāja Bikramājīt there was a Raja of the name of Jai
Singh Deo. In his time a man had gone into the fields to bring grass.
While he was cutting it, the sickle he had in his hand appeared to be
of the colour of gold. When he saw that his sickle had been transmuted,
he took it to a blacksmith of the name of Mādan90 to be
repaired. The blacksmith knew the sickle had been turned into gold. It
had before this been heard that there was in this country the
alchemist’s stone (sang-i-pāras), by contact with
which iron and copper became gold. He immediately took the grass-cutter
with him to that place and procured the stone. After this he brought to
the Raja of the time this priceless jewel. The Raja by means of this
stone made gold, and spent part of it on the buildings of this fort
[365]and completed them in the space of twelve years.
At the desire of that blacksmith he caused them to cut into the shape
of an anvil most of the stones that were to be built into the wall of
the fort. At the end of his life, when his heart had given up the
world, he held an assembly on the bank of the Narbada, which is an
object of worship among the Hindus, and, assembling brahmins, made
presents to each of cash and jewels. When the turn of a brahmin came
who had long been associated with him, he gave this stone into his
hand. He from ignorance became angry and threw the priceless jewel into
the river. After he came to know the true state of the affair he was a
captive to perpetual sorrow. However much he searched, no trace of it
was found. These things are not written in a book; they have been
heard, but my intelligence in no way accepts this story. It appears to
me to be all delusion. Māndū91 is one of
the famous Sarkars of the Subah of Malwa. Its revenue is 1,390,000
dams. It was for a long time the capital of the kings of this country.
There are many buildings and traces of former kings in it, and up till
now it has not fallen into ruin.


On the 24th I rode to go round and see the buildings of
the old kings, and went first to the Jāmiʿ mosque, which is
one built by Sult̤ān Hūs͟hang
G͟hūrī. A very lofty building came to view, all of cut
stone, and although 180 years have passed since the time of its
building, it is as if the builder had just withdrawn his hand from it.
After this I went to the building containing the tombs of the
K͟haljī rulers. The grave of Naṣīru-d-dīn,
son of Sult̤ān G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn, whose
face is blackened for ever, was also there. It is well known that that
wretch advanced himself by the murder of his own father,
G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn, who was in his 80th year. Twice
[366]he gave him poison, and he twice expelled it by
means of a zahr-muhra (poison antidote, bezoar) he had on his
arm. The third time he mixed poison in a cup of sherbet and gave it to
his father with his own hand, saying he must drink it. As his father
understood what efforts he was making in this matter, he loosened the
zahr-muhra from his arm and threw it before him, and then turning his
face in humility and supplication towards the throne of the Creator,
who requires no supplication, said: “O Lord, my age has arrived
at 80 years, and I have passed this time in prosperity and happiness
such as has been attained to by no king. Now as this is my last time, I
hope that Thou wilt not seize Naṣīr for my murder, and that
reckoning my death as a thing decreed Thou wilt not avenge it.”
After he had spoken these words, he drank off that poisoned cup of
sherbet at a gulp and delivered his soul to the Creator. The meaning of
his preamble was that he had passed the time of his reign in enjoyment
such as has not been attained to by any of the kings. When in his 48th
year he came to the throne, he said to his intimates and those near
him, “In the service of my revered father I have passed thirty
years in warfare and have committed no fault in my activity as a
soldier; now that my turn to reign has arrived, I have no intention to
conquer countries, but desire to pass the remainder of my life in ease
and enjoyment.” They say that he had collected 15,000 women in
his harem. He had a whole city of them, and had made it up of all
castes, kinds, and descriptions—artificers, magistrates, qazis,
kotwals, and whatever else is necessary for the administration of a
town. Wherever he heard of a virgin possessed of beauty, he would not
desist (lit. did not sit down from his feet) until he possessed her. He
taught the girls all kinds of arts and crafts, and was much inclined to
hunt. He had made a deer park and collected all kinds of animals in it.
[367]He often used to hunt in it with his women. In
brief, in the period of thirty-two years of his reign, as he had
determined, he went against no enemy, and passed this time in ease and
enjoyment. In the same way no one invaded his country. It is reported
that when S͟hīr K͟hān, the Afghan, in the time of
his rule, came to the tomb of Naṣīru-d-dīn, he, in
spite of his brutish nature, on account of
Naṣīru-d-dīn’s shameful conduct, ordered the head
of the tomb to be beaten with sticks. Also when I went to his tomb I
gave it several kicks, and ordered the servants in attendance on me to
kick the tomb. Not satisfied with this, I ordered the tomb to be broken
open and his impure remains to be thrown into the fire. Then it
occurred to me that since fire is Light, it was a pity for the Light of
Allah to be polluted with burning his filthy body; also, lest there
should be any diminution of torture for him in another state from being
thus burnt, I ordered them to throw his crumbled bones, together with
his decayed limbs, into the Narbada. During his lifetime he always
passed his days in the water in consequence of the heat that had
acquired a mastery over his temperament. It is well known that in a
state of drunkenness he once threw himself into one of the basins at
Kāliyādaha, which was very deep. Some of the attendants in
the harem exerted themselves and caught his hair in their hands and
drew him out of the water. After he had come to his senses they told
him that this thing had happened. When he had heard that they had
pulled him out by the hair of his head, he became exceedingly angry,
and ordered the hands of the attendants to be cut off. Another time,
when an affair of this kind took place, no one had the boldness to pull
him out and he was drowned. By chance, after 110 years had passed since
his death, it came to pass that his decayed limbs also became mingled
with the water. [368]


On the 28th, as a reward for the buildings of
Māndū having been completed through his excellent exertions,
I promoted ʿAbdu-l-Karīm to the rank of 800 personal and 400
horse, and dignified him with the title of Maʿmūr
K͟hān (the architect-K͟hān). On the same day that
the royal standards entered the fort of Māndū, my son of
lofty fortune, Sult̤ān K͟hurram, with the victorious
army, entered the city of Burhanpur, which is the seat of the governor
of the province of Khandesh.


After some days, representations came from Afẓal
K͟hān and the Rāy Rāyān, to whom at the time
of leaving Ajmir my son had given leave to accompany the ambassador to
ʿĀdil K͟hān, reporting that when the news of our
coming reached ʿĀdil K͟hān he came out for 7 kos to
meet the order and the litter of the prince, and performed the duties
of salutation and respect which are customary at Court. He did not omit
a hair’s point of such ceremonies. At the same interview he
professed the greatest loyalty, and promised that he would restore all
those provinces that ʿAmbar of dark fate had taken from the
victorious State, and agreed to send to the Court with all reverence a
fitting offering with his ambassadors. After saying this he brought the
ambassadors in all dignity to the place that had been prepared for
them. On the same day he sent some one to ʿAmbar with a message of
the matters it was necessary to acquaint him with. I heard this news
from the reports of Afẓal K͟hān and the Rāy
Rāyān.


From Ajmir up to Monday, the 23rd of the
aforesaid92 month, during four months, 2 tigers, 27 blue
bulls, 6 chītal (spotted deer), 60 deer, 23 hares and
foxes, and 1,200 water-fowl and other animals had been killed. On these
nights I told the story of my former hunting expeditions and the liking
I had for this occupation to [369]those standing at the foot of the
throne of the Caliphate. It occurred to me that I might make up the
account of my game from the commencement of my years of discretion up
to the present time. I accordingly gave orders to the news-writers, the
hunt-accountants and huntsmen, and others employed in this service to
make enquiries and tell me of all the animals that had been killed in
hunting. It was shown that from the commencement of my 12th year, which
was in 988 (1580), up to the end of this year, which is the 11th year
after my accession and my 50th lunar year, 28,532 head of game had been
taken in my presence. Of these, 17,167 animals I killed myself with my
gun or otherwise, viz.: Quadrupeds, 3,203; viz., tigers, 86; bears,
cheetahs, foxes, otters (ūdbilāo), and hyænas,
9; blue bulls, 889; mhāka, a species of antelope, in size
equal to a blue bull, 35 head; of antelope, male and female,
chikāra, chītal, mountain goats, etc.,
1,67093; rams (qūj) and red deer, 215;
wolves, 64; wild buffaloes, 36; pigs, 90; rang, 26; mountain
sheep, 22; arg͟halī, 32; wild asses, 6; hares, 23.
Birds, 13,964; viz., pigeons, 10,348; lagaṛjhagaṛ (a
species of hawk), 3; eagles, 2; qalīwāj
(g͟halīwāj, kite), 23; owls
(chug͟hd), 39; qautān (goldfinch?), 12; kites
(mūs͟h-khwur, mice-eaters), 5; sparrows, 41; doves,
25; owls (būm), 30; ducks, geese, cranes, etc., 150; crows,
3,276. Aquatic animals, 10 magar machha, that is,
crocodiles94 (nahang). [370]










1 Text,
k͟hūd-hunarkārī, ‘his own
workmanship,’ but the MSS. have
k͟hūd-sarkārī. See also
Iqbāl-nāma, p. 87, which says that Jamālu-d-dīn had
had it made in Bījāpūr. ↑


2 Really a
topaz. Tavernier points out that the natives call various precious
stones rubies, distinguishing them by their colour. ↑


3 Text,
ba-andāza-i-muʿtād-i-man, ‘of capacity
corresponding to my custom.’ Presumably it was a drinking-cup,
and held Jahāngīr’s customary potation. ↑


4
Ḥalqa ba-gūshān. Apparently referring to his
being one of those who bored their ears in imitation of
Jahāngīr. ↑


5 The text
is corrupt. The true reading seems to be ṣad
dāna-i-kīs͟h, ‘one hundred pieces of
muslin’ (?). I.O. 181 seems to have kabs͟h,
‘rams’. ↑


6 Here
follow two unintelligible words, Pagāna
Bankāna. ↑


7 Perhaps
this should be fag͟hfūrī,
‘porcelain.’ ↑


8
Jauhar-dār, defined by Vullers as bone or wood bearing
veins, i.e. striated. ↑


9 See
Akbar-nāma, ii, 315. It was sent before Jahāngīr was
born. It, too, was an African elephant. ↑


10 Here
the two words referred to at note 2 on p. 321 are
repeated. ↑


11
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā. i, 736. K͟hān
ʿĀlam’s name was Mīrzā
Bark͟hūrdār. ↑


12 This
seems wrong; the number of horse would probably not be
reduced. ↑


13 So in
text, but No. 181 has 600, and this is more likely, for the number of
horse is never, I think, larger than the zāt
rank. ↑


14 I.O.
MSS. have 18th. ↑


15 I.O.
MSS. have 20th. ↑


16 The two
I.O. MSS. have the following sentence here: “On this day it
happened that however much I tried to write, my heart and hand would
not act. Whenever I seized the pen my condition altered. At last I had
to tell Iʿtimādu-d-daulah to write.” ↑


17 This
sentence is not in the I.O. MSS. ↑


18 Here
comes the passage which the two I.O. MSS. enter higher
up. ↑


19 I.O.
MS. 181 has “writes that on the 11th,” etc. ↑


20 The
I.O. MSS. add here “of the 11th year.” ↑


21
Probably this is the Chimnī Begam, a daughter of S͟hāh
Jahān, whose grave is near that of the saint K͟hwāja
Muʿīnu-d-dīn Chis͟htī (“Rajputana
Gazetteer,” ii, 62). Probably Chimnī should be Chamanī,
which means ‘verdant’ and comes from chaman, a
garden. Perhaps she died of smallpox. It was in the
summer. ↑


22
Apparently the reference is to the parents of the child and to the
grandfather, that is, the writer of this notice. ↑


23 I.O.
MSS. have Monday, the 6th Tīr, and say that Jahāngīr
went to Chas͟hma-i-Nūr on the 9th, which they say was a
Thursday. And we see later that Jahāngīr speaks of Saturday
as the 11th. ↑


24 The
word ‘dagger’ is omitted in the text. ↑


25 I.O.
MSS. have bar daur, ‘round.’ ↑


26 Elliot,
vi, 346. There is a better account of the plague in the
Iqbāl-nāma, pp. 88, 89. ↑


27 The
words are dar wilāyat, and may mean ‘any
country’ or ‘any foreign country.’ ↑


28 The son
of the historian Niz̤āmu-d-dīn. Sir T. Roe refers to
this affair. ↑


29 Text
Anand, but this makes no sense. The I.O. MSS. have amba,
mangoes, and though the remark seems abrupt this is no doubt the
correct reading. Jahāngīr was particularly fond of mangoes,
and perhaps he is here playing on the similarity between the words
amba and anand. ↑


30 In
Sarkār Sahāranpur (Jarrett, ii, 292). It is now in the
Muz̤affarnagar district (I.G., vii, 308). ↑


31
“It is a pity that no trace of these is left at Agra. Had there
been, they would have been the wonder of the age” (note of Sayyid
Aḥmad). Perhaps they are the two figures which have generally
been supposed to have been put up by Akbar and to represent Chitor
heroes. The word tarkīb in the text may mean that they were
mounted statues. But then the description of them as marble statues
would be wrong. ↑


32 Text
has gūsfand-i-nar, ‘a ram,’ but the MSS. have
gūsfand u bar, or buz, and it is evident that the true
reading is ‘a sheep, a goat.’ See Blochmann, p. 266, where
goats are mentioned among the animals distributed by Akbar. The number
of animals distributed corresponded with the years of
Jahāngīr’s age (48) multiplied by 3, and so would be 48
× 3 = 144 (see Blochmann, l.c.). The weight of Jahāngīr
was 6,514 tulchas, and Blochmann (p. 267, n.) takes this to be the same
as tolas, and estimates Jahāngīr’s weight at
210½ lb. troy or 15 stone. Probably this is excessive, and his
weight might be 82 sir or about 2 maunds, i.e. 164 lb. or 11½
stone. The perfumes against which he was weighed were ambergris, not
amber (which has no scent), ʿūd, i.e. lignum aloes,
and bān (not pān as in text), which apparently
is the same as lubān, ‘frankincense’ (see the
chapter on perfumes in Blochmann, p. 77). I am not sure of the meaning
of the phrase ba-dast nihāda. The MSS. have not the
preposition ba. Perhaps the meaning is ‘put them into the
hands of the fakirs.’ Jahāngīr was born on the 18th
S͟hahrīwar, 977 = 31st August, 1569. The weighings described
in the text took place on the 26th S͟hahrīwar. Perhaps this
was because his birthday was on the 24th S͟hahrīwar according
to the Jalālī year. ↑


33
Generally written tag͟hma, ‘a badge of honour,’
‘a medal,’ etc. ↑


34 See
Tūzuk, p. 11, Blochmann, p. 482, and
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, iii, 355. The statement at Tūzuk,
p. 11, about Delhi seems a mistake, and is not in the MSS.
Mīrzā ʿAlī came from Badakhshan. He is frequently
mentioned in vol. iii of the Akbar-nāma. ↑


35 This is
the same phrase as, according to the MSS., occurs at p. 11. Apparently
the ulūs referred to is the Timuride family to which
Jahāngīr belonged. It is connected with Mīrzā
ʿAlī’s title of
Akbars͟hāhī. ↑


36 See in
Blochmann, l.c., the affecting story of his death. ↑


37 This
letter being of the usual Persian style, and having nothing to do with
Jahāngīr’s history, is omitted. It relates to the
sending of Muḥammad Ḥusain Chelebī with presents to
the emperor, and to the offering his services for the purchase of
jewels, etc. ↑


38 Text
20th Ābān, but the MSS. have 8th, and this is clearly right.
By the latter part of the sentence Jahāngīr means that
S͟hāh Jahān was to start first, and that he himself was
to leave afterwards. The “auspicious palace” referred to in
the next sentence is apparently S͟hāh Jahān’s
establishment. Jahāngīr did not leave for about a fortnight.
Though S͟hāh Jahān and the establishment
(daulat-k͟hāna-i-humāyūn) made a start on
the 8th or 9th Ābān, he did not finally leave till the 20th
Ābān. See infra. ↑


39 Author
of Iqbāl-nāma. ↑


40
‘Of body like Krishna, or like a flute’? ↑


41
According to Roe, it was not the English carriage, but a copy. Perhaps
Jahāngīr had the original carriage and S͟hāh
Jahān the copy. ↑


42 Elliot,
vi, 346. ↑


43 The day
was Saturday, not Tuesday, and it is Saturday in the
MSS. ↑


44 Elliot
has Deo Rānī, and it is Deo Rānī in I.O. MS.
305. ↑


45
Jahāngīr arrived in Ajmir on the 26th Ābān, 1022,
and left it on the 21st Ābān, 1025. The Muhammadan dates are
5th S͟hawwāl, 1022, and 1st Ẕī-l-qaʿda, 1025
= 18th November, 1613, and 10th November, 1616. ↑


46 Text
tar, but MSS. have abtar, i.e. inferior and perhaps low
land. The text seems corrupt. ↑


47 MSS.
have 86,500 horse and 347,000 foot, and this agrees with the
Āyīn (Jarrett, ii, 272). ↑


48 Text
wrongly has Nīl. The tank in question is the Bīsalya tank of
the Rajputana Gazetteer, ii, 4, which was made by Bīsal Deo
Chohān about 1050 A.D. It is described in
Tod’s “Personal Narrative,” i, 824, of Calcutta
reprint. It is, or was, about 8 miles in circumference and is about a
mile west of the Ānāsāgar, which was made by Bīsal
Deo’s grandson. ↑


49 About
20 miles south-east of Ajmir. ↑


50 This is
the name of a water-bird in Turkī. It is also called
māg͟h and water-crow
(zāg͟h-i-āb), and in Hindī
jalkawā (note of Sayyid Aḥmad). ↑


51
Probably the meaning is that he allowed those who wished to drink to do
so. Many, or at least some, would be abstainers. ↑


52
Namūda in MSS. ↑


53
Sahāl in MSS. ↑


54 In
Sarkār Marosor (Jarrett, ii, 208). It was in Malwa. But the I.O.
MSS. have Nauda. ↑


55 Text
Ūdaipūr, but this was not on the border of the
Rānā’s territory, and the MSS. have
Dūdpūr. ↑


56 Perhaps
the Toda of Sir T. Roe. ↑


57
Lyāsa in MSS. ↑


58 Son of
Niz̤āmu-d-dīn the historian. ↑


59
Gorāna in MSS. and the distance 2¼ kos and 1
jarīb. ↑


60 23rd in
MSS. ↑


61
Mānpūr in text. ↑


62 MSS.
2,000 rupees. ↑


63 Perhaps
Kānha Dās. ↑


64 Should
be Fatḥ-jang as in MSS. ↑


65
Jarrett, ii, 195. ↑


66 The
name seems to be wrong. Jahāngīr is evidently copying from
the Āyīn, and the rivers mentioned there (Jarrett, ii, 195)
are the Narbada, Sipra, Kālīsindh, Betwa, and the Kodī
(or Godī). ↑


67 29,668
(Jarrett, ii. 198). ↑


68 The
MSS. also have sweet pomegranates from Yezd, and sub-acid
(may-k͟hwus͟h) ones from Farāh, and pears from
Badakhshan (see Elliot, vi, 348). ↑


69 The
MSS. have
k͟hāṣṣa-i-s͟harīfa. ↑


70 Qu.
komla? Instead of qābiltar the MSS. have
māʾiltar. ↑


71
Pahnāʾī. Its area or shade. Perhaps the
175½ are yards, not cubits. ↑


72
Evidently the four-horned antelope, the Tetracerus quadricornis
of Blanford, p. 520, and which has the Hindustani name of doda.
Blanford describes its colour as dull pale brown. “The posterior
horns are much larger than the anterior ones, which are situated
between the orbits and are often mere knobs. It is the only Indian
representative of the duikarbok of Africa. Another Indian name
is chausingha. In jungle this species and the hog-deer may
easily be mistaken the one for the other. It is not gregarious, and
moves with a peculiar jerky action.” The resemblance between the
four-horned antelope and the hog-deer—the kūtāh
pāycha or short-legged deer of Bābar and
Jahāngīr—may account for Blanford’s giving
doda as a native name for the hog-deer (Cervus porcinus).
For Bābar’s description of the kūtāh
pāya or pāycha see Erskine, p. 317. Gladwin in his
history of Jahāngīr writes the native name as
Dirdhayan. ↑


73
Blochmann, p. 493. ↑


74 Text,
k͟hurmā, a date, but evidently the
k͟hurmā-i-Hind or the tamarind, i.e. ‘the palm
of India,’ is meant (see Bābar’s Mem., Erskine, p.
324). I do not understand the measurements. The word yak,
‘one,’ before the word s͟hāk͟h is not
in the MSS. and is, I think, wrong. I think the 16 gaz and 15½
gaz are the lengths of the two branches, and that the measurements
2½ and 2¾ gaz refer to the length and circumference of
the two branches at the place when they started from the trunk and
before they put out leaves. ↑


75 Hindwas
or Hindāwas in MSS. ↑


76 This is
in accordance with and probably derived from Bābar’s
Commentaries, Erskine, p. 51, where he says that 1,584 years have
elapsed from the time when Bikramājīt made his observatory.
Erskine takes this to show that Bābar was writing in 934, and if
we add 92 years, or the difference between 934 and 1026, we get 1,676
years (or 1,675 if we take the year to be 1025). ↑


77 See
Jarrett, ii, 196. Abū-l-faẓl says there that the flow
occurred a week before his arrival at Ujjain. ↑


78 Cf.
Jarrett, ii, 196. ↑


79
Sanyāsī-i-murtāẓ. ↑


80 Text,
miḥrābī-s͟hakl uftāda, ‘a place
like a prayer-niche.’ Possibly the true reading is majrā
bī-s͟hakl uftāda, ‘a passage without
form.’ However, the MSS. have miḥrāb. The
account in the text may be compared with the
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, i, 574, and with the
Iqbāl-nāma, p. 94. The measurements of the mouth of the hole
in the Maʾās̤ir are taken from the Iqbāl-nāma,
and differ from the account in the Tūzuk. The
Maʾās̤ir, following the Iqbāl-nāma, calls the
ascetic Achhad or Ajhad. It also gives his subsequent history. He went
to Mathura and was there cruelly beaten by Ḥākim Beg.
Jahāngīr’s visit to Jadrūp is referred to by Sir
Thomas Roe, who mentions a report that the saint was said to be 300
years old. Jahāngīr does not say any such
nonsense. ↑


81 See
Jarrett, iii, 271, etc. The Sanskrit word is Āsrama, or
Ās͟hrama. ↑


82 Left
shoulder in Āyīn. ↑


83
Sanskrit, Vānaprastha. ↑


84 Text
qat̤ʿī dar miyān ālat nihāda, but
apparently this should be ālat qat̤ʿ ba miyān
nihāda: that is, “membrum virile in
involucris reponens.” ↑


85 Text,
sarb biyāsī, which may mean ‘distributing
everything.’ The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 96, has sarb
nāsī, ‘destroying everything.’ ↑


86 I.O.
MS. No. 306 says nothing about a garden, but speaks of a village
Khirwār and of halting under a mango-tree. Nor does No. 305
mention a garden. ↑


87 Cf.
Elliot, vi, 348. The MSS. say nothing about two sons. ↑


88 From
the “Gulistān.” ↑


89 Cf.
Jarrett, ii, 197. The story is also told with many more details in
Price’s Jahāngīr, p. 108 etc. ↑


90 Text,
Mādan. But the name is Māndan, as MS. No. 181
and the Āyīn-i-Akbarī (Jarrett, ii, 197) show. The
legend is intended to show how Māndū got its name (see also
Tiefenthaler, i, 353). ↑


91 Elliot,
vi. 348. ↑


92 Monday,
the 23rd Isfandārmuẕ, the day on which he reached
Māndū. It was about the 6th March, 1617. ↑


93 The
MSS. have 1,672. ↑


94 See
Elliot, vi, 351 and 362, note. Jahāngīr only gives details of
the 17,167 animals killed by himself. The mhāka is possibly
a clerical error for mār-k͟hwur. The text says it is
allied to the gawazn, but the MSS. have gūr, a wild
ass. The details of the quadrupeds come to 3,203, the total stated by
Jahāngīr. The details of the birds come to 13,954, but the 10
crocodiles bring up the figures to 13,964, and the total 3,203 + 13,964
comes to the 17,167 mentioned. It has been suggested to me that the
mhāka of the text is the mahā or swamp-deer of
the Terai, Rucervus Duvaucelli. ↑








[Contents]



The Twelfth New Year’s Feast after my auspicious
accession.






One ghari of day remained of Monday, the 30th of
the aforesaid (Isfandīyār) month, corresponding to the 12th
Rabīʿu-l-awwal, 1026 (20th March, 1617), when the sun changed
from the constellation of Pisces into the pleasure-house of Aries,
which is his abode of honour and good fortune. At the very time of
transit, which was a fortunate hour, I sat upon the throne. I had
ordered that according to the usual custom they should decorate the
public audience hall with fine cloths, etc. Notwithstanding that many
of the Amirs and chief men of the State were in attendance on my son
K͟hurram, a meeting was arranged which was not inferior to those
of previous years. I presented the offerings of Tuesday1
to Ānand K͟hān. On the same day, which was the 1st
Farwardīn of the 12th year (21st or 22nd March, 1617) a
representation arrived from S͟hāh K͟hurram to the effect
that the New Year’s festival had been arranged for in the same
manner as in previous years, but as the days of travelling and service
had occurred the annual offerings of the servants would be remitted.
This proceeding of my son was much approved. Remembering my dear son in
my prayers, I besought for him from the throne of Allah his welfare in
both worlds, and ordered that on this New Year’s Day no one
should present offerings.


In consequence of the disturbance that tobacco brings
about in most temperaments and constitutions, I had ordered that no one
should smoke it (lit. draw). My brother S͟hāh
ʿAbbās had also become aware of the mischief arising from it,
and had ordered that in Iran no one should venture to smoke. As
K͟hān ʿĀlam [371](ambassador to Persia) was
without control in continual smoking of tobacco, he frequently
practised it. Yādgār ʿAlī Sult̤ān,
ambassador of the ruler of Iran, represented to S͟hāh
ʿAbbās that K͟hān ʿĀlam could never be a
moment without tobacco, and he (S͟hāh ʿAbbās) wrote
this couplet in answer—




“The friend’s envoy wishes to exhibit
tobacco;


With fidelity’s lamp I light up the
tobacco-market.”




K͟hān ʿĀlam in answer wrote
and sent this verse—




“I, poor wretch, was miserable at the tobacco
notice;


By the just Shah’s favour the tobacco-market
became brisk.”




On the 3rd of the same month, Ḥusain Beg,
the diwan of Bengal, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and
made an offering of twelve elephants, male and female.
T̤āhir, bakhshi of Bengal, who had been accused of several
offences, obtained the favour of paying his respects to me, and
presented before me an offering of twenty-one elephants. Twelve of
these were approved and the remainder I conferred on him. On this day a
wine-feast was arranged, and I gave wine to most of the servants who
were engaged in waiting on me, and made them all heated with the wine
of loyalty. On the 4th the huntsmen sent news that they had marked down
a lion in the neighbourhood of the Shakkar2 tank, which
is inside the fort and one of the famous constructions of the rulers of
Malwa. I at once mounted and went towards that game. When the lion
appeared he charged the ahadis and the retinue and wounded ten3
or twelve of them. At last I finished his business with three
shots4 (lit. arrows) from my gun, and removed his evil
from the servants of God. On the 8th the mansab of Mīr
Mīrān, which was 1,000 personal and 400 horse, was
[372]fixed at 1,500 personal and 500 horse. On the
9th, at the request of my son K͟hurram, I increased the mansab of
K͟hān Jahān by 1,000 personal and horse, making it thus
6,000 personal and horse; that of Yaʿqūb K͟hān,
which was 1,500 personal with 1,000 horse, was made 2,000 personal and
1,500 horse; that of Bahlūl K͟hān Miyāna5
was increased by 500 personal and 300 horse to 1,500 personal and 1,000
horse; and that of Mīrzā S͟harafu-d-dīn
Kās͟hg͟harī, by whom and his son great bravery had
been shown in the Deccan, was increased to 1,500 personal and 1,000
horse. On the 10th Farwardīn, corresponding with the 22nd
Rabīʿu-l-awwal, 1026, my lunar weighing took place. On this
day two ʿIraq horses from my private stable and a dress of honour
were conferred on my son K͟hurram and sent to him by Bahrām
Beg. I increased the mansab of Iʿtibār K͟hān to
5,000 personal and 3,000 horse. On the 11th, Ḥusain Beg, of
Tabriz, whom the ruler of Iran had sent to the ruler of Golconda by way
of embassy, as, in consequence of the quarrel of the Franks with the
Persians, the road of the Mīr had been closed,6 waited
upon me with the ambassador of the ruler of Golconda. Offerings came
from him of two horses and some tuqūz7
(nine-pieces?) of cloth from the Deccan and Gujarat. On the same day an
ʿIraq horse from my private stable was bestowed on K͟hān
Jahān. On the 15th, 1,000 personal were added to the mansab of
Mīrzā Rāja Bhāo Singh, raising it to 5,000 personal
and 3,000 horse. On the 17th, 500 horse were added to the mansab of
Mīrzā Rustam, and I made it up to 5,000 personal and 1,000
horse; that of Sādiq K͟hān was fixed at 1,500 personal
and 700 horse, original and increase; Irādat K͟hān in
the same manner was raised to the mansab of 1,500 and [373]600
horse. To the mansab of Anīrāʾī 500 personal and
100 horse were added, and it was made one of 1,500 personal and 500
horse. Three gharis of Saturday, the 19th, remained when the beginning
of the s͟haraf (day of sun’s culmination) occurred,
and at the same time I again took my seat on the throne. Of the
thirty-two prisoners from the army of the rebel ʿAmbar who had
been captured by the servants of the victorious State in the battle won
by S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān and the defeat of that
disastrous man (ʿAmbar), I had handed one man over to
Iʿtiqād K͟hān. The guards who had been appointed to
keep him showed carelessness and let him escape. I was much annoyed at
this, and I forbade Iʿtiqād K͟hān to come to wait
on me for three months. As the said prisoner’s name and condition
were unknown, he was not caught again, although they showed activity in
the matter. At last I ordered the captain of the guards who had been
careless in keeping him to be capitally punished. Iʿtiqād
K͟hān on this day, at the request of
Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, had the good fortune to pay his respects
to me.


As for a long time no good had been heard of the affairs
of Bengal and of the conduct of Qāsim K͟hān, it entered
my mind to send to the Subah of Bengal Ibrāhīm
K͟hān Fatḥ-jang, who had carried on successfully the
affairs of the Subah of Behar and had brought a diamond mine into the
possession of the State, and to despatch Jahāngīr Qulī
K͟hān, who had a jagir in the Subah of Allahabad, in his
place to Behar. I sent for Qāsim K͟hān to Court. At the
same hour on the auspicious day (the day of culmination) an order was
given that they should write royal farmans to the effect that
sazāwalān (revenue collectors) should be appointed to
take Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān to Behar and to send
Ibrāhīm K͟hān Fatḥ-jang to Bengal.
Patronizing Sikandar,8 the [374]jeweller, I promoted him to the mansab of 1,000
personal and 300 horse.


On the 21st I gave leave to Muḥammad
Riẓā, ambassador of the ruler of Iran, and bestowed on him
60,000 darbs, equal to 30,000 rupees, with a dress of honour. As an
equivalent to the souvenir (yād-būdī) that my
brother S͟hāh ʿAbbās had sent to me, I forwarded
with the aforesaid ambassador certain presents of jewelled things which
the rulers of the Deccan had sent, with cloths and rare things of every
kind fit for presentation, of the value of 100,000 rupees. Among these
was a crystal cup that Chelebī9 had sent from ʿIraq.
The Shah had seen this cup and said to the ambassador that if his
brother (Jahāngīr) would drink wine out of it and send it to
him it would be a great mark of affection. When the ambassador
represented this, having drunk wine several times out of the cup in his
presence, I ordered them to make a lid and a saucer for it and sent it
along with the presents. The lid was of enamel
(mīnā-kārī). I ordered the Munshis of
mercurial writing (ʿUt̤ārid-raqm) to write in due
form an answer to the letter he had brought.


On the 22nd the scouts brought in news of a tiger.
Mounting immediately, I went against the tiger and with three shots I
delivered the people from his wickedness, and himself from the
wickedness of his vile nature. Masīḥu-z-zamān produced
before me a cat, and represented that it was a hermaphrodite, and that
in his house it had young ones, and that when it had connection with
another cat, young were born to the latter.


On the 25th the contingent of
Iʿtimādu-d-daulah passed before me in review on the plain
under the jharoka. There were 2,000 cavalry well horsed, most of whom
[375]were Moghuls, 500 foot armed with bows and guns,
and fourteen elephants. The bakhshis reckoned them up and reported that
this force was fully equipped and according to rule. On the 26th a
tigress was killed. On Thursday, the 1st Urdībihis͟ht, a
diamond that Muqarrab K͟hān had sent by runners was laid
before me; it weighed 23 surkh, and the jewellers valued it at
30,000 rupees. It was a diamond of the first water, and was much
approved. I ordered them to make a ring of it. On the 3rd the mansab of
Yūsuf K͟hān was, at the request of Bābā
K͟hurram, fixed at 1,000 with 1,500 horse and in the same way the
mansabs of several of the Amirs and mansabdars were increased at his
suggestion. On the 7th, as the huntsmen had marked down four tigers,
when two watches and three gharis had passed I went out to hunt them
with my ladies. When the tigers came in sight Nūr-Jahān Begam
submitted that if I would order her she herself would kill the tigers
with her gun. I said, “Let it be so.” She shot two tigers
with one shot each and knocked over the two others with four shots. In
the twinkling of an eye she deprived of life the bodies of these four
tigers. Until now such shooting was never seen, that from the top of an
elephant and inside of a howdah (ʿamārī) six
shots should be made and not one miss, so that the four beasts found no
opportunity to spring or move.10 As a reward for this good
shooting I gave her a pair of bracelets11
(pahunchī) of diamonds worth 100,000 rupees and scattered
1,000 ashrafis (over her). On the same day Maʿmūr
K͟hān (the architect-K͟hān) [376]obtained leave to go to Lahore to complete the
buildings of the palace there. On the 10th the death of Sayyid
Wāris̤, who was faujdār of the Subah of Oudh, was
reported. On the 12th, as Mīr Maḥmūd asked for a
faujdārship, I dignified him with the title of Tahawwur
K͟hān, and, increasing his mansab, appointed him to the
faujdārship of some of the parganahs of the Subah of Multan. On
the 22nd, T̤āhir, the bakhshi of Bengal, who had been
forbidden to pay his respects, waited upon me and presented his
offerings. Eight elephants were also presented as the offering of
Qāsim K͟hān, governor of Bengal, and two as that of
S͟haik͟h Modhū. On the 28th, at the request of
K͟hān Daurān, an order was given for the increase of the
mansab of ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K͟hān by 500. On the
5th K͟hurdād the duty of the Diwanship of Gujarat was given
to Mīrzā Ḥusain in supercession of Kes͟ho. I
dignified him with the title of Kifāyat K͟hān. On the
8th, Las͟hkar K͟hān, who had been appointed bakhshi of
Bangash, came and waited on me; he offered 100 muhrs and 500 rupees.
Some days before this Ūstād Muḥammad Nāyī
(flute-player), who was unequalled in his craft, was sent by my son
K͟hurram at my summons. I had heard some of his musical
pieces12 (majlis-sāz), and he played a tune
which he had composed for an ode (g͟hazal) in my name. On
the 12th I ordered him to be weighed against rupees; this came to 6,300
rupees. I also gave him an elephant with a howdah,13 and I
ordered him to ride on it and, having packed14 his rupees
about him, to proceed to his lodging. Mullā Asad, the
story-teller, [377]one of the servants of Mīrzā
G͟hāzī, came on the same day from Tattah and waited on
me. As he was a reciter and story-teller full of sweetness and
smartness, I liked his society, and I made him happy with the title of
Maḥz̤ūz̤ K͟hān, and gave him 1,000
rupees, a dress of honour, a horse, an elephant, and a palanquin. After
some days I ordered him to be weighed against rupees, and his weight
came up to 4,400. He was raised to the mansab of 200 personal and 20
horse. I ordered him always to be present at the meetings for talk
(gap). On the same day Las͟hkar K͟hān brought his
men to the dars͟han jharoka before me. There were 500
horse, 14 elephants, and 100 musketeers. On the 24th news came that
Mahā Singh, grandson of Rāja Mān Singh, who was entered
among the great officers, had died from excessive wine-drinking at
Bālāpūr in the province of Berar. His father also had
died at the age of 3215 from the drinking of wine
beyond measure. On the same day they had brought to my private
fruit-house many mangoes from all parts of the province of the Deccan,
Burhanpur, Gujarat, and the parganahs of Malwa. Although this province
is well known and celebrated for the sweetness, freedom from
stringiness, and size of its mangoes, and there are few mangoes that
equal its mangoes—so much so that I often ordered them to be
weighed in my presence, when they were shown to come to a seer or
1¼ seer or even more—yet in sweetness of water and
delicious flavour and digestibility the mangoes of
Chaprāmau,16 in the province of Agra, are superior to all
the mangoes of this province and of all other places in India.


On the 28th I sent for my son Bābā
K͟hurram a special gold-embroidered nādirī of a
fineness such as had never [378]been produced before in my
establishment; I ordered the bearer to tell him that as this rarity had
the speciality that I had worn it on the day I quitted Ajmir for the
conquest of the Deccan, I had sent it to him. On the same day I placed
the turban from my own head, just as it was, on the head of
Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, and honoured him with this favour. Three
emeralds, a piece of jewelled ūrbasī,17 and a ruby signet ring that Mahābat
K͟hān had sent by way of offering were laid before me. They
came to 7,000 rupees in value. On this day, by the mercy and favour of
Allah, continued rain fell. Water in Māndū had become very
scarce and the people were agitated about the matter so that most of
the servants had been ordered to go to the bank of the Narbada. There
was no expectation of rain at that season. In consequence of the
agitation of the people I turned by way of supplication to the throne
of God, and He in His mercy and grace gave such rain that in the course
of a day and a night tanks, ponds (birkahā), and rivers
became full, and the agitation of the people was changed to complete
ease. With what tongue can I render thanks for this favour? On the 1st
of Tīr a standard was presented to Wazīr K͟hān. The
offering of the Rānā, consisting of two horses, a piece of
Gujarati cloth, and some jars of pickles and preserves, was laid before
me. On the 3rd, Muʿazzā18(?) brought news of the
capture of ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, a descendant of the rulers of
Gujarat, who had always been the originator of mischief and disturbance
in that Subah. As his capture was a reason for the contentment of the
people, praise was given to God, and I ordered Muqarrab K͟hān
to send him to Court [379]by one of his mansabdars. Many of the
zamindars in the neighbourhood of Māndū, came and waited on
me, and laid offerings before me. On the 8th, Rām Dās, son of
Rāja Rāj Singh Kachhwāha, was given the
ṭīka of a Raja, and I honoured him with that title.
Yādgār Beg, who was known in Māwarāʾa-n-nahr
(Transoxiana) as Yādgār Qūrchī, and had not been
without connection and influence with the ruler of that country, came
and waited on me. Of all his offerings a white china cup on a stand was
the most approved. The offering of Bahādur K͟hān,
governor of Qandahar, consisting of nine horses, nine tuqūz
of fine cloth (81 pieces?), two black foxes’ skins, and other
things, was brought before me. Also on this day the Rāja of
Gadeha, Pem19 Narāyan, had the good fortune to wait on me,
and made an offering of seven elephants, male and female. On the 10th a
horse and dress of honour were given to Yādgār
Qūrchī. On the 13th was the feast of rose-water scattering
(gulāb-pās͟hān). The rites due to that day
were performed. S͟haik͟h Maudūd Chis͟htī, one
of the officers of Bengal, was honoured with the title of
Chis͟htī K͟hān, and I presented him with a horse.
On the 14th, Rāwal Samarsī (Samarsiṃha), son of
Rāwal Ūday Singh, zamindar of Bānswāla, waited on
me; he gave as offering 30,000 rupees, three elephants, a jewelled
pān-dān (box for betel), and a jewelled belt. On the
15th nine diamonds which Ibrāhīm K͟hān
Fatḥ-jang, the governor of Behar, had sent along with Muhammad
Beg from the mine, and from the collections of the zamindars of that
place, were laid before me. Of these, one weighed 14½ tanks, and
was of the value of 100,000 rupees. On the same day Yādgār
Qūrchī was presented with 14,000 darbs, [380]and
I promoted him to the mansab of 500 personal and 300 horse. I fixed the
mansab of Tātār K͟hān,
bakāwul-begī (chief steward), original and increase,
at 2,000 personal and 300 horse, and each of his sons was separately
promoted to an increased mansab. At the request of Prince
Sult̤ān Parwīz, I increased the personal mansab of
Wazīr K͟hān by 500.


On the 29th, which was the auspicious day of Thursday,
Sayyid ʿAbdu-llah Bārha, the envoy of my son of good fortune,
Bābā K͟hurram, waited on me, and presented a letter from
that son containing news of a victory over the provinces of the Deccan.
All the chiefs, laying the head of duty in the noose of obedience, had
consented to service and humility, and laid before him the keys of
forts and strongholds, especially the fort of Ahmadnagar. In gratitude
for this great favour and beneficence, placing the head of supplication
on the throne of that God who requires no return, I opened my lips in
thankfulness, and, humbling myself, ordered them to beat the drums of
rejoicing. Thanks be to Allah that a territory that had passed out of
hand has come back into the possession of the servants of the
victorious State, and that the seditious, who had been breathing the
breath of rebellion and boasting, have turned towards supplication and
weakness, and become deliverers of properties and payers of tribute. As
this news reached me through Nūr-Jahān Begam, I gave her the
parganah of Boda (Ṭoḍā?),20 the revenue
of which is 200,000 rupees. Please God, when the victorious forces
enter the province of the Deccan and its forts, and the mind of my
excellent son K͟hurram is satisfied with regard to their
possession, he will bring with the ambassadors such an offering from
[381]the Deccan as no other king of this age has
received. It was ordered that he should bring with him the Amirs who
were to receive jagirs in this Subah, in order that they might have the
honour of waiting on me. They will thereafter get leave to depart, and
the glorious royal standards will return with victory and rejoicing to
the capital of Agra. Some days before the news of this victory reached
me, I took one night an augury from the diwan of K͟hwāja
Ḥāfiz̤ as to what would be the end of this affair, and
this ode turned up—




“The day of absence and night of parting from the
friend are o’er.


I took this augury; the star passed and fulfilment
came.”21




When the secret tongue
(lisānu-l-g͟haib) of Ḥāfiz̤ showed
such an ending it gave me a strong hope, and accordingly, after
twenty-five days, the news of victory arrived. In many of my desires I
have resorted to the K͟hwāja’s diwan, and (generally)
the result has coincided with what I found there. It is seldom that the
opposite has happened.


On the same day I added 1,000 horse to the mansab of
Āṣaf K͟hān, and raised it to that of 5,000
personal and horse. At the end of the day I went with the ladies to
look round the building of the Haft Manz̤ar22 (seven
storeys), and at the beginning of the evening returned to the palace.
This building was founded by a former ruler of Malwa, Sult̤ān
Maḥmūd K͟haljī. It has seven storeys, and in each
storey there are four chambers (ṣuffa) containing four
windows. The height of this tower (mīnār) is
54½ cubits, and its circumference 50 yards (gaz). There
are 171 steps from the ground [382]to the seventh storey. In
going and returning I scattered 1,400 rupees.23


On the 31st I honoured Sayyid ʿAbdu-llah with the
title of Saif K͟hān, and having exalted him with a dress of
honour, a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled dagger, gave him leave and
sent him to do duty with my son of lofty fortune. I also sent by him a
ruby of the value of more than 30,000 rupees for my son. I did not
regard its value, but as for a long time I used to bind it on my own
head, I sent it him by way of good augury, considering it lucky for
him. I appointed Sult̤ān Maḥmūd, a son-in-law of
K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan bakhshi, to be bakhshi and
news-writer of the Subah of Behar, and when he took leave I gave him an
elephant. At the end of the day of Thursday, 5th Amurdād, I went
with the ladies to see the Nīl-kunḍ, which is one of the
most24 pleasant places in the fort of Mandu
(Mānḍogaṛh). S͟hāh-budāg͟h
K͟hān, who was one of my revered father’s most
considerable Amirs, at the time when he held this province in jagir,
built in this place an exceedingly pleasing and enjoyable building.
Delaying there till two or three gharis of night had passed I returned
to the auspicious palace.


As several indiscretions on the part of
Muk͟hliṣ K͟hān diwan and bakhshi of the Subah of
Bengal, had come to my ears, I reduced his mansab by 1,000 personal and
200 horse. On the 7th a war (mastī) elephant from among
those sent as offerings by ʿĀdil K͟hān, by name
Gaj-rāj, was sent to Rānā Amr Singh. On the 11th, I went
out to hunt and came one stage from the fort. There was excessive rain,
and the mud was such that there was hardly any moving. For the
convenience of the people and the comfort of the animals I gave up
[383]this undertaking, and passing the day of
Thursday outside, returned on Friday eve. On the same day
Hidāyatu-llah, who is very well suited to carry out the rules and
movements (in travelling) of the headquarters (lit. presence), was
honoured with the title of Fidāʾī K͟hān. In
this rainy season rain fell in such quantities that old men said that
they did not remember such rain in any age. For nearly forty days there
was nothing but cloud and rain, so that the sun only appeared
occasionally. There was so much wind that many buildings, both old and
new, fell down. On the first night there was25 such rain
and thunder and lightning as has seldom been heard of. Nearly twenty
women and men were killed, and the foundations even of some of the
stone buildings were broken up. No noise is more terrifying than this.
Till the middle of the month was passed, wind and rain increased. After
this they gradually became less. What can be written of the verdure and
self-grown fragrant plants? They covered valley and plain and hill and
desert. It is not known if in the inhabited world there exists another
such place as Mandu for sweetness of air and for the pleasantness of
the locality and the neighbourhood, especially in the rainy season. In
this season, which lasts for months and extends up to the hot weather,
one cannot sleep inside houses without coverlets, and in the day the
temperature is such that there is no need for a fan or for change of
place. All that could be written would still fall short of the many
beauties of the place. I saw two things that I had not seen in any
other place in Hindustan. One was the tree of the wild plantain that
grows in most of the uncultivated places in the fort, and the other the
nest of the wagtail (mamūla), which they call in Persian
the dum-sīcha (tail-wagger). Up till now none of the
hunters had pointed out its nest. By [384]chance in the
building I occupied there was its nest, and it brought out two young
ones.


Three watches of day had passed on Thursday, the 19th,
when I mounted with the ladies in order to go round and see the courts
and buildings on the Shakkar tank, founded by former rulers of Malwa.
As an elephant had not been conferred on Iʿtimādu-d-daulah on
account of his government of the Panjab, I gave him on the road one of
my private elephants of the name of Jagjot. I remained in this
enchanting place until the evening, and was much delighted with the
pleasantness and greenness of the surrounding open spaces. After
performing my evening prayer and counting my rosary, we returned to our
fixed residence. On Friday an elephant named Ran-bādal (cloud of
war?), which Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān had sent as
an offering, was brought before me. Having adopted for myself certain
special cloths and cloth-stuffs, I gave an order that no one should
wear the same but he on whom I might bestow them. One was a
nādirī coat that they wear over the qabā
(a kind of outer vest). Its length is from the waist down to below the
thighs, and it has no sleeves. It is fastened in front with buttons,
and the people of Persia call it kurdī (from the country of
the Kurds). I gave it the name of nadiri. Another garment is a
T̤ūs shawl, which my revered father had adopted as a dress.
The next was a coat (qaba) with a folded collar (batū
girībān). The ends of the sleeves were embroidered. He
had also appropriated this to himself. Another was a qaba with a
border, from which the fringes of cloth were cut off and sewn round the
skirt and collar and the ends of the sleeve. Another was a qaba of
Gujarati satin, and another a chīra and waistbelt woven
with silk, in which were interwoven gold and silver threads.


As the monthly pay of some of Mahābat
K͟hān’s horsemen, according to the regulation of three
and two [385]horsed men, for the performance of duty in the
Deccan, had become increased and the service26 had not
been performed, I gave an order that the civil officers
(dīwāniyān) should levy the difference from his
jagir. In the end of Thursday, the 26th, corresponding with the 14th
S͟haʿbān, which is the S͟hab-i-barāt, I held a
meeting in one of the houses of the palace of Nūr-Jahān
Begam, which was situated in the midst of large tanks, and summoning
the Amirs and courtiers to the feast which had been prepared by the
Begam, I ordered them to give the people cups and all kinds of
intoxicating drinks according to the desire of each. Many asked for
cups, and I ordered that whoever drank a cup should sit according to
his mansab and condition. All sorts of roast meats, and fruits by way
of relish, were ordered to be placed before everyone. It was a
wonderful assembly. In the beginning of the evening they lighted
lanterns and lamps all round the tanks and buildings, and a lighting up
was carried out the like of which has perhaps never been arranged in
any place. The lanterns and lamps cast their reflection on the water,
and it appeared as if the whole surface of the tank was a plain of
fire. A grand entertainment took place, and the drinkers of cups took
more cups than they could carry.




“A feast was arranged that lighted up the
heart,


It was of such beauty as the heart desired.


They flung over this verdant mead


A carpet broad as the field of genius.


From abundance of perfume the feast spread far,


The heavens were a musk-bag by reason of incense,


The delicate ones of the garden (the flowers) became
glorious,


The face of each was lighted up like a
lamp.”27




[386]


After three of four gharis of night had passed, I
dismissed the men and summoned the ladies, and till a watch of night
(remained?) passed the time in this delightful place, and enjoyed
myself. On this day of Thursday several special things had happened.
One was that it was the day of my ascension of the throne; secondly, it
was the S͟hab-i-barāt, thirdly, it was the day of the
rākhī, which has already been described, and with the
Hindus is a special day. On account of these three pieces of good
fortune I called the day Mubārak-s͟hamba.


On the 27th, Sayyid Kāsū was dignified with
the title of Parwaris͟h K͟hān. Wednesday in the same way
that Mubārak-s͟hamba had been a fortunate one for me had
fallen out exactly the opposite. On this account I gave this evil day
the name of Kam-s͟hamba, in order that this day might always fail
from the world (lessen). On the next day a jewelled dagger was
conferred on Yādgār Qūrchī, and I ordered that
after this he should be styled Yādgār Beg. I had sent for Jay
Singh, son of Rāja Mahā Singh. On this day he waited on me
and presented an elephant as an offering. A watch and three gharis of
Mubārak-s͟hamba, the 2nd of S͟hahriyār, had passed,
when I rode to look round the Nīl-kund and its neighbourhood;
thence I passed on to the plain of the ʿĪd-gāh on the
top of a mound that was very green and pleasant. Champa flowers and
other sweet wild herbs of that plain had bloomed to such a degree that
on all sides on which the eye fell the world looked like a world of
greenery and flowers. I entered the palace when a watch of night had
passed.


As it had been several times mentioned to me that a kind
of sweetmeat was obtained from the wild plantain such that dervishes
and other poor people made it their food, I wished to enquire into the
matter. What I found was that the fruit of the wild plantain was an
exceedingly hard and tasteless thing. The real fact is that in the
[387]lower part (of the trunk) there is a thing
shaped like a fir-cone from which the real fruit of the plantain comes
out. On this a kind of sweetmeat forms which has exactly the juiciness
and taste of pālūda. It appears that men eat this and
enjoy it.28


With regard to carrier pigeons
(kabūtar-i-nāma-bar), it had been stated to me in the
course of conversation that in the time of the Abbaside Caliphs they
taught29 the Baghdad pigeons who were styled
‘letter-carriers’ (nāma-bar), and were one-half
larger30 than the wild pigeon. I bade the pigeon-fanciers
to teach their pigeons, and they taught some of them in such a manner
that we let them fly from Mandu in the early morning, and if there was
much rain they reached Burhanpur by 2½ pahars (watches) of the
day, or even in 1½ pahars. If the air was very clear most of
them arrived by one pahar of the day and some by four gharis (hours) of
the day.


On the 3rd a letter came from Bābā
K͟hurram, announcing the coming of Afẓal K͟hān and
Rāy Rāyān and the arrival of the ambassadors of
ʿĀdil K͟hān, and their bringing suitable offerings
of jewels, jewelled things, elephants, and horses, offerings such as
had never come in any reign or time, and expressing much gratitude for
the services and loyalty of the aforesaid K͟hān, and his
faithfulness to his word and duty. He asked for a gracious royal firman
bestowing on him the title of farzand (son) and for other
favours, which had never [388]yet been vouchsafed in his honour.
Since it was very gratifying to me to please my son, and his request
was reasonable, I ordered that the Munshis of the mercurial pen should
write a farman in the name of ʿĀdil K͟hān,
conveying every kind of affection and favour, and exceeding in his
praise ten or twelve times what had been previously written. They were
ordered in these farmans to address him as farzand. In the body of the
farman I wrote this couplet with my own hand—




“Thou’st become, at S͟hāh
K͟hurram’s request,


Renowned in the world as my son”
(farzandī).




On the 4th day this farman was sent off with its
copy, so that my son S͟hāh K͟hurram might see the copy
and send off the original. On Mubārak-s͟hamba, the 9th, I
went with the ladies to the house of Āṣaf K͟hān.
His house was situated in the valley, and was exceedingly pleasant and
bright. It had several valleys round it; in some places there were
flowing waterfalls, and mango and other trees exceedingly green and
pleasant and shady. Nearly 200 or 300 keora shrubs
(gul-i-keoṛā, Pandanus odoratissimus) grew in
one valley. In fine that day passed in great enjoyment. A wine party
was held and cups were presented to the Amirs and intimates, and an
offering from Āṣaf K͟hān was laid before me. There
were many rare things. I took whatever I approved, and the remainder
was given to him. On the same day K͟hwāja Mīr, son of
Sult̤ān K͟hwāja, who had come on a summons from
Bangash, waited on me, and presented as an offering a ruby, two pearls,
and an elephant. Rāja Bhīm Narāyan, a zamindar of the
province of Gadeha, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and
500 horse. An order was given that a jagir should be provided him out
of his native country. On the 12th a letter came from my son
K͟hurram that Rāja Sūraj Mal, son of Rāja
Bāso, whose territory is near the fort of Kangra, had promised
that in the course of a year he would [389]bring that fort into
the possession of the servants of the victorious State. He also sent
his letter which covenanted for this. I ordered that after
comprehending his desires and wishes, and satisfying himself with
regard to them, he should send off the Raja to wait on me, so that he
might set about the said duty. On the same day, which was Monday, the
11th, corresponding with the 1st Ramaẓān (2nd September,
1617), after four gharis and seven pals had passed, a daughter was born
to my son by the mother of his other children, who was the daughter of
Āṣaf K͟hān. This child was named
Rūs͟hanārā Begam. As the Zamindar of Jaitpūr,
which is in the jurisdiction31 of Mandu, in consequence of
wickedness had not had the felicity of kissing the threshold I ordered
Fidāʾī K͟hān to proceed against him with some
mansabdars and 400 or 500 musketeers and plunder his country. On the
13th one elephant was given to Fidāʾī K͟hān
and one to Mīr Qāsim, son of Sayyid Murād. On the 16th
Jay Singh, son of Rāja Mahā Singh, who was 12 years old, was
promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and horse. To Mīr
Mīrān, son of Mīr K͟halīlu-llah, I gave an
elephant which I had myself approved, and another to Mullā
ʿAbdu-s-Sattār.32 Bhoj, son of Rāja
Bikramājīt Bhadauriyā, after his father’s death,
came from the Deccan and waited on me, and presented 100 muhrs as an
offering. On the 17th it was represented that Rāja Kalyān had
come from the province of Orissa, and proposed to kiss my threshold. As
some unpleasant stories had been told with regard to him, an order was
given that they should hand him over with his son to [390]Āṣaf K͟hān to enquire into
the truth of what had been said about him. On the 19th an elephant was
given to Jay Singh. On the 20th 200 horses were added to the mansab of
Kes͟ho Dās Mārū, so that it came, original and
increase, to 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse. On the 23rd, having
distinguished Allah-dād, the Afghan, with the title of
Ras͟hīd K͟hān, I gave him a parm-narm
(shawl). The offering of Rāja Kalyān Singh, consisting of
eighteen elephants, was brought before me; sixteen elephants were
included in my private elephant stud, and I presented him with two. As
the news had arrived from Iraq of the death of the mother of Mīr
Mīrān, daughter of S͟hāh Ismaʿīl II, of
the race of the Ṣafawī kings, I sent him a dress of honour
and brought him out of the robes of mourning. On the 25th
Fidāʾī K͟hān received a dress of honour, and,
in company with his brother Rūhu-llah and other mansabdars,
obtained leave to go to punish the Zamindar of Jaitpur. On the 28th,
having come down from the fort with the intention of seeing the Narbada
and to hunt in its neighbourhood, I took the ladies with me and halted
two stages down on the bank of the river. As there were many mosquitoes
and fleas, I did not stay more than one night. Having come the next day
to Tārāpūr I returned on Friday, the 31st. On the 1st of
the month of Mihr, Muḥsin K͟hwāja, who at this time had
come from Transoxiana, received a dress of honour and 5,000 rupees. On
the 2nd, after enquiry into the matters of Rāja Kalyān, with
regard to which a report had been received, and which Āṣaf
K͟hān had been appointed to investigate, as he appeared
innocent, he enjoyed the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and
presented as an offering 100 muhrs and 1,000 rupees. His offering of a
string of pearls, consisting of eighty pearls and two rubies with a
bracelet with a ruby and two pearls, and the golden figure of a horse
studded with jewels, was laid before [391]me. A petition from
Fidāʾī K͟hān arrived stating that when the
victorious army entered the province of Jaitpur the zamindar had
elected to run away. He could not oppose Fidāʾī, and his
country was ravaged. He now repented of what he had done, and intended
to come to the Court, which was the asylum of the world, and proffer
service and obedience. A force with Rūḥu-llah was sent in
pursuit of him to capture and bring him to Court, or to lay waste and
ruin his domain and imprison his women and dependants, who had gone
into the country of the neighbouring zamindars. On the 8th
K͟hwāja Niz̤ām came and laid before me fourteen
pomegranates from the port of Muk͟hā (Mocha), which they had
brought to Surat in the space of fourteen days, and in eight days more
to Mandu. The size of these was the same as that of the Thatta
pomegranates. Though the pomegranates of Thatta are seedless and these
have seeds,33 yet they are delicate, and in freshness excel
those of Thatta. On the 9th news came that while Rūḥu-llah
was passing through the villages, he came to know that the women and
dependants of the Jaitpūrī zamindar were in a certain
village. He remained outside, and sent men into the village to make
enquiries and to bring out the persons who were there. Whilst he was
making enquiries, one of the devoted servants of the zamindar came
along with the villagers. Whilst his men were scattered here and there,
and Rūḥu-llah with some servants had brought out his
furniture and was sitting on a carpet, that devoted servant came behind
him and struck him with a spear; the blow was fatal and the spearhead
came out at his breast. The pulling out of the spear and the
reverting34 to his original (dying) of Rūḥu-llah
took place together. Those who were present sent that wretch to hell.
All the men who had been [392]scattered about put on their
armour and attacked the village. Those doomed men
(k͟hūn-giriftahā) had the disgrace of
harbouring35 rebels and sedition-mongers, and were killed in
the course of an astronomical hour. They brought into captivity their
wives and daughters, and, setting fire to the village, made it so that
nothing was seen but heaps of ashes. They then lifted up the body of
Rūḥu-llah and went and joined Fidāʾī
K͟hān. With regard to the bravery and zeal of
Rūḥu-llah, there was no dispute; at the most, his
carelessness brought about this turn of fortune. No traces of
habitation remained in that region; the zamindar of that place went
into the hills and jungles and concealed and obliterated himself. He
then sent someone to Fidāʾī K͟hān and begged
for pardon for his offences. An order was given that he should be
allowed quarter and brought to Court.


The mansab of Muruwwat K͟hān was fixed,
original and increase, at 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, on condition
that he should destroy Harbhān,36 Zamindar of
Chandra-koṭa, from whom travellers endured great annoyance. On
the 13th Rāja Sūraj Mal, together with Taqī, the bakhshi
who was in attendance on Bābā K͟hurram, came and waited
on me. He represented all his requirements. His engagement to perform
the work was approved, and at the request of my son he was honoured
with a standard and drums. To Taqī, who had been appointed with
him, a jewelled khapwa (dagger) was given, and it was arranged
that he should finish his own affairs and start off quickly. The mansab
of K͟hwāja ʿAlī Beg Mīrzā, who had been
appointed to the defence and [393]administration of Ahmadnagar, was
fixed at 5,000 personal and horse. An elephant apiece was given to
Nūru-d-dīn Qulī, K͟hwājagī
T̤āhir, Sayyid K͟hān Muḥammad,
Murtaẓā K͟hān, and Walī Beg. On the 17th the
mansab of Ḥākim Beg was fixed, original and increase, at
1,000 personal and 200 horse. On the same day, after presenting
Rāja Sūraj Mal with a dress of honour, an elephant, and a
jewelled khapwa, and Taqī with a dress of honour, I gave them
leave to proceed on duty to Kangra. When those who had been sent by my
son of lofty fortune, S͟hāh K͟hurram, with the
ambassadors of ʿĀdil K͟hān and his offerings,
arrived at Burhanpur, and my son’s mind was completely satisfied
with regard to the affairs of the Deccan, he prayed for the
Subahdarship of Berar, Khandesh, and Ahmadnagar for the
Commander-in-Chief, the Khankhanan, and sent his son
S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān, who is really Khankhanan
junior, with 12,000 cavalry to hold possession of the conquered
provinces. Every place and estate were put as jagirs into the hands of
reliable men, and fitting arrangements were made for the government of
the province. He left, out of the troops that were with him, 30,000
horse and 7,000 musketeer infantry, and took with him the remainder,
amounting to 25,000 horse and 2,000 gunners, and set off to wait on me.
On Thursday (Mubārak-s͟hamba), the 20th37 of the
month of Mihr (Divine month), in the twelfth year from my accession,
corresponding with the 11th S͟hawwāl, 1026 Hijra (12th
October, 1617), after three watches and one ghari had passed, he
entered the fort of Mandu auspiciously and joyfully, and had the honour
of waiting on me. The duration of our separation was 1138 months and 11 days. After he had [394]performed the dues of salutation and kissing the
ground, I called him up into the jharokha, and with exceeding kindness
and uncontrolled delight rose from my place and held him in the embrace
of affection. In proportion as he strove to be humble and polite, I
increased my favours and kindness to him and made him sit near me. He
presented 1,000 ashrafis and 1,000 rupees as nazar and the same
amount by way of alms. As the time did not allow of his presenting all
his offerings, he now brought before me the elephant Sarnāk (?)
(snake-head?), that was the chief of the elephants of ʿĀdil
K͟hān’s offering, with a casket of precious stones.
After this the bakhshis were ordered to arrange according to their
mansabs the Amirs who had come with my son to pay their respects. The
first who had the honour of audience was K͟hān Jahān.
Sending for him above, I selected him for the honour of kissing my
feet. He presented 1,000 muhrs and 1,000 rupees as nazr, and a casket
filled with jewels and jewelled things as an offering
(pīs͟h-kas͟h). What was accepted of his offering
was worth 45,000 rupees. After this ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān
kissed the threshold, and presented 100 muhrs as nazr. Then
Mahābat K͟hān had the honour of kissing the ground, and
presented an offering of 100 muhrs and 1,000 rupees, with a parcel
(gaṭhṛī)39 of precious stones and
jewelled vessels, the value of which was 124,000 rupees. Of these one
ruby weighed 11 miskals; an European brought it last year to sell at
Ajmir, and priced it at 200,000 rupees, but the jewellers valued it at
80,000 rupees. Consequently the bargain did not come off, and it was
returned to him and he took it away. When he came to Burhanpur,
Mahābat K͟hān bought it from him for 100,000 rupees.
After this Rāja Bhāo Singh waited on me, presenting 1,000
rupees as nazr and some jewels and jewelled things as a
pīs͟h-kas͟h. [395]In the same manner
Dārāb K͟hān, son of the Khankhanan, Sardār
K͟hān, brother of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān,
S͟hajāʿat K͟hān the Arab, Dayānat
K͟hān, S͟hāh-bāz K͟hān,
Muʿtamad K͟hān bakhshi, Ūdā Rām,40 who was one of the chief Amirs of
Niz̤āmu-l-mulk, and who came on the promise of my son
S͟hāh K͟hurram and joined the ranks of the loyal, waited
on me in the order of their mansabs. After this the Wakils of
ʿĀdil K͟hān had the honour of kissing the ground,
and presented a letter from him. Before this, as a reward for the
conquest of the Rānā, a mansab of 20,000 personal and 10,000
horse was conferred on my son of lofty fortune. When he had hastened to
the capture of the Deccan he had obtained the title of Shah, and now,
in reward for this distinguished service, I gave him a mansab of 30,000
personal and 20,000 horse and bestowed on him the title of
S͟hāh Jahān. An order was given that henceforth they
should place a chair in the paradise-resembling assemblies near my
throne for my son to sit upon. This was a special favour for my son, as
it had never been the custom heretofore. A special dress of honour with
a gold-embroidered chārqab, with collar, the end of the
sleeves and the skirt decorated with pearls, worth 50,000 rupees, a
jewelled sword with a jewelled pardala (belt), and a jewelled
dagger were bestowed upon him. In his honour I myself came down from
the jharokha and poured over his head a small tray of jewels and a tray
of gold (coins).41 Having called Sarnāk elephant to me, I
saw without doubt that what had been heard in its praise and of its
beauty was real. It stood all the tests in size, form, and beauty. Few
elephants are to be seen of such beauty. As it appeared acceptable to
me, I myself mounted (i.e. drove it) and took it into my private
palace, and scattered a quantity of gold coins on its head,
[396]and ordered them to tie it up inside the royal
palace. With regard to this I gave it the name of
Nūr-bak͟ht42 (light of fortune). On Friday,
the 24th, Rāja Bharjīv, Zamindar of Baglāṇa, came
and waited on me. His name is Partāp; every Raja there has been of
that place they call Bharjīv. He has about 1,500 horse in his pay
(mawājib-k͟hwār), and in time of need he can
bring into the field 3,000 horse. The province of Baglāṇa
lies between Gujarat, Khandesh, and the Deccan. It has two strong
forts, Sāler and Māler (Muler), and as Māler is in the
midst of a populous country he lives there himself. The country of
Baglāṇa has pleasant springs and running waters. The mangoes
of that region are very sweet and large, and are gathered for nine
months from the beginning of immaturity43 until the
end. It has many grapes, but not of the best kinds. The aforesaid Raja
does not drop the thread of caution and prudence in dealing with the
rulers of Gujarat, the Deccan, and Khandesh. He has never gone himself
to see any of them, and if any of them has wished to stretch out his
hand to possess his kingdom, he has remained undisturbed through the
support of the others. After the provinces of Gujarat, the Deccan, and
Khandesh came into the possession of the late king (Akbar),
Bharjīv came to Burhanpur and had the honour of kissing his feet,
and after being enrolled among his servants was raised to the mansab of
3,000. At this time, when S͟hāh Jahān went to Burhanpur,
he brought eleven elephants as an offering. He came to Court in
attendance on my son, and in accordance with his friendship and service
was dignified with royal favours, and had presented to him a jewelled
sword, an elephant, a horse, and dress of honour. After some days I
conferred on him three rings of jacinth (yāqūt),
diamond, and ruby. On Mubārak-s͟hamba [397](Thursday), the 27th, Nūr-Jahān Begam
prepared a feast of victory for my son S͟hāh Jahān, and
conferred on him dresses of honour of great price, with a
nādirī with embroidered flowers, adorned with rare
pearls, a sarpīch (turban ornament) decorated with rare
gems, a turban with a fringe of pearls, a waistbelt studded with
pearls, a sword with jewelled pardala (belt), a phūl
kaṭāra (dagger), a sada (?) of pearls, with two
horses, one of which had a jewelled saddle, and a special elephant with
two females. In the same way she gave his children and his ladies
dresses of honour, tūquz (nine pieces) of cloth with all
sorts of gold ornaments, and to his chief servants as presents a horse,
a dress of honour, and a jewelled dagger. The cost of this
entertainment was about 300,000 rupees. Presenting on the same day a
horse and dress of honour to ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān and
Sardār K͟hān, his brother, I gave them leave to go to
the Sarkar of Kalpi, which had been given them in jagir, and also
dismissed S͟hajāʿat K͟hān to his jagir, which
was in the Subah of Gujarat, with a dress of honour and an elephant. I
dismissed Sayyid Ḥājī, who was a jagirdar of Behar,
with a gift of a horse.


It was frequently reported to me that K͟hān
Daurān had become old and weak, so as to be unfit for active duty,
and the Subahs of Kabul and Bangash is a land of disturbance, and to
subdue the Afghans required riding and active movement. Inasmuch as
caution is the condition of rule, I appointed Mahābat
K͟hān, Subahdar of Kabul and Bangash, giving him a dress of
honour, and promoted K͟hān Daurān to the governorship of
the province of Thatta. Ibrāhīm K͟hān
Fatḥ-jang had sent as an offering from Behar forty-nine
elephants; these were submitted to me. On this day they brought some
sōna-kela (golden plantains, bananas) for me. I had never
eaten such plantains before. In size they are one finger, and are very
sweet and of good flavour; they [398]have no resemblance to
plantains of other descriptions, but are somewhat indigestible, so that
from the two that I ate I experienced heaviness, whilst others say they
can eat as many as seven or eight. Though plantains are really unfit to
eat, yet of all the kinds this is the one fit to eat. This year, up to
the 23rd of the month of Mihr, Muqarrab K͟hān sent Gujarat
mangoes by post (ḍāk-chaukī).


On this date I heard that Muḥammad
Riẓā, ambassador of my brother S͟hāh
ʿAbbās, gave up the deposit of his life at Agra through the
disease of ishāl (diarrhœa). I made the merchant
Muḥammad Qāsim, who had come from my brother, his executor,
and ordered that according to the will he should convey his goods and
chattels to the Shah, so that he might grant them in his own presence
to the heirs of the deceased. Elephants and dresses of honour were
conferred on Sayyid Kabīr and Bak͟htar K͟hān,
Wakils of ʿĀdil K͟hān. On
Mubārak-s͟hamba, the 13th Ābān, Jahāngīr
Qulī Beg, Turkmān, who is dignified with the title of
Jān-sipār K͟hān, came from the Deccan and waited on
me. His father was included among the Amirs of Iran. He had come from
Persia in the time of the late king Akbar, and having a mansab
conferred on him was sent to the Deccan. He was brought up in that
Subah. Although he had been appointed to a duty, yet as my son
S͟hāh Jahān came at this time to pay his respects and
represented his sincerity and devotion, I ordered that he should come
post to Court and have the good fortune to wait upon me and then
return. On this day I promoted Ūdā Rām44 to the
rank of 3,000 personal and 1,500 horse. He is a brahmin by caste, and
was much relied on by ʿAmbar. At the time when
S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān went against ʿAmbar,
Ādam K͟hān Ḥabs͟hī, Jādū
Rāy, Bābū Rāy Kāyath, Ūdā Rām,
and some other Sardārs of Niz̤āmu-l-mulk [399]left
him and came to S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān. After
ʿAmbar’s defeat they, by the persuasions of ʿĀdil
K͟hān and the deceit of ʿAmbar, left the right road
again and gave up their loyalty and service. ʿAmbar took an oath
on the Koran to Ādam K͟hān and put him off his guard,
and, capturing him deceitfully, imprisoned him in the fort of
Daulatabad, and at last killed him. Bābū Rāy Kāyath
and Ūdā Rām came away and went to the borders of
ʿĀdil K͟hān’s dominions, but he would not
admit them into his territory. About that time Bābū Rāy
Kāyath lost his life (lit. played away the coin of existence) by
the deceit of his intimates, and ʿAmbar sent a force against
Ūdā Rām. He fought well and defeated ʿAmbar’s
army. But afterwards, as he could not remain in that country, he threw
himself on to the borders of the royal dominions, and, having got a
promise, came with his family and dependants and entered the service of
my son S͟hāh Jahān. That son distinguished him with
favours and kindnesses of all sorts, and made him hopeful by giving him
a mansab of 3,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and brought him to Court.
As he was a useful servant, I increased this by 500 horse. I also
increased the mansab of S͟hāh-bāz K͟hān, who
had one of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, by 500 more horse, and gave
him the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Sārangpūr and a
part of the Subah of Malwa. A special horse and elephant were given to
K͟hān Jahān. On Mubārak-s͟hamba (Thursday),
the 10th of the month, my son S͟hāh Jahān produced his
own offerings—jewels and jewelled things and fine cloths and
other rare things. These were all laid out in the courtyard of the
jharokha, and arranged together with the horses and elephants adorned
with gold and silver trappings. In order to please him I came down from
the jharokha and looked through them in detail. Among all these there
was a fine ruby they had bought for my son at the port of Goa for
200,000 rupees; its weight was 19½ tanks, or [400]17
miskals, and 5½ surkhs. There was no ruby in my establishment
over 12 tanks, and the jewellers agreed to this valuation. Another was
a sapphire, among the offerings of ʿĀdil K͟hān; it
weighed 6 tanks and 7 surkhs and was valued at 100,000 rupees. I never
before saw a sapphire of such a size and good colour. Another was the
Chamkoṛa diamond, also of ʿĀdil
K͟hān’s; its weight was 1 tank and 6 surkhs, which they
valued at 40,000 rupees. The name of Chamkoṛa is derived from
this, that there is in the Deccan a plant called
sāg-i-chamkoṛa.45 At the time when
Murtaẓā Niz̤āmu-l-mulk conquered Berar he had gone
one day with his ladies round to look at the garden, when one of the
women found the diamond in a chamkora vegetable, and took it to
Niz̤āmu-l-mulk. From that day it became known as the Chamkora
diamond, and came into the possession of the present Ibrāhīm
ʿĀdil K͟hān during the interregnum
(fatarāt) of Ahmadnagar. Another was an emerald, also among
ʿĀdil K͟hān’s offerings. Although it is from
a new mine, it is of such a beautiful colour and delicacy as I have
never before seen. Again, there were two pearls, one of the weight of
64 surkhs, or 2 miskals and 11 surkhs, and it was valued at 25,000
rupees. The other weighed 16 surkhs, and was of exceeding roundness and
fineness. It was valued at 12,000 rupees. Another was a diamond from
the offerings of Qut̤bu-l-mull, in weight 1 tank, and valued at
30,000 rupees. There were 150 elephants, out of which three had gold
trappings, chains, etc., and nine had silver trappings. Though
twenty46 elephants were put into my private stud, five
were very large and celebrated. The first, Nūr-bak͟ht, which
my son presented on the day of meeting, was worth 125,000 rupees. The
second, Mahīpati,47 from the offerings of
ʿĀdil K͟hān, was valued [401]at
100,000 rupees; I gave it the name of Durjansāl. Another, also
from his offerings, was Bak͟ht-buland, and valued at 100,000
rupees; I called it Girān-bār. Another was Qaddūs
K͟hān, and the fifth was Imām Riẓā. They were
from the offerings of Qut̤bu-l-mulk. Each of the two was valued at
100,000 rupees. Again, there were 100 Arab and Iraq horses, most of
which were good horses. Of these, three had jewelled saddles. If the
private offerings of my son and those of the rulers of the Deccan were
to be written down in detail, it would be too long a business. What I
accepted of his presents was worth 2,000,000 rupees. In addition to
this he gave his (step-)mother,48 Nūr-Jahān Begam,
offerings worth 200,000 rupees, and 60,000 rupees to his other mothers
and the Begams. Altogether my son’s offerings came to 2,260,000
rupees, or 75,000 tumans of the currency of Iran or 6,780,000 current
Tūrān-khānīs. Such offerings had never been made
during this dynasty. I showed him much attention and favour; in fact,
he is a son who is worth grace and kindness. I am very pleased and
satisfied with him. May God Almighty allow him to enjoy long life and
prosperity!


As I had never in my life had any elephant-hunting, and
had a great desire to see the province of Gujarat and to look on the
salt sea, and my huntsmen had often gone and seen wild elephants and
fixed on hunting-places, it occurred to me to travel through Ahmadabad
and look on the sea, and having hunted elephants on my return, when it
was hot and the season for hunting them to go back to Agra. With this
intention I despatched to Agra Ḥaẓrat Maryamu-z-zamān
(his mother) and the other Begams and people of the harem with the
baggage and extra establishments, and betook myself to a tour in the
Subah of Gujarat to hunt, with such as were indispensable [402]with
me. On the eve of Friday in the month of Ābān (precise date
not given, but apparently the 10th), I marched auspiciously and happily
from Mandu, and pitched on the bank of the tank of Nālchhā.
In the morning I went out to hunt and killed a blue bull with my gun.
On the eve of Saturday, Mahābat K͟hān was presented with
a special horse and an elephant, and obtained leave to go to his Subah
of Kabul and Bangash. At his request I conferred on Ras͟hīd
K͟hān a robe of honour, a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled
dagger, and appointed him to assist him. I promoted Ibrāhīm
Ḥusain to the post of bakhshi in the Deccan, and Mīrak
Ḥusain to that of news-writer in the same Subah. Rāja
Kalyān,49 son of Rāja Toḍar Mal, had come
from the Subah of Orissa; on account of some faults which had been
attributed to him he had for some days been forbidden the honour of
paying his respects. After enquiry his innocence appeared clear, and
having given him a dress of honour and a horse, I appointed him to do
duty together with Mahābat K͟hān in Bangash. On Monday I
gave the Wakils of ʿĀdil K͟hān jewelled turban
fringes after the fashion of the Deccan, one of the value of 5,000
rupees and the other worth 4,000 rupees. As Afẓal K͟hān
and Rāy Rāyān had performed the duties of Wakils to my
son S͟hāh Jahān in a becoming manner, I raised them both
in mansab and honoured Rāy Rāyān with the title of
Bikramājīt, which among Hindus is the highest title. In truth
he is a servant worthy of patronage. On Saturday, the 12th, I went to
hunt and shot two female nilgaw. As the hunting-ground was a long way
from this halting-place, I on Monday marched 4½ kos50 and pitched at the village of Kaid Ḥasan.
On Tuesday, the 15th, I killed three blue bulls, the larger one of
which weighed 12 maunds. On this day Mīrzā [403]Rustam escaped a great danger.51 It seems
that he had taken aim at a mark and fired his gun. Then he reloaded,
and as his bullet was very flexible, he rested the gun on his chest and
put the bullet between his teeth in order that he might contract it and
put it right. By chance the match reached the pan, and his chest at the
place where the gun was resting was burnt to the extent of the palm of
the hand, and the grains of powder got into his skin and flesh and a
wound was made, and he suffered much pain.52


On Sunday (?), the 16th,53 four nilgaw
were killed, three females and one būkra54 nilgaw.
On Mubārak-s͟hamba (Thursday) I went to look round a hill
valley in which there was a waterfall near the camp. At this season it
had but little water, but as for two or three days they had dammed the
watercourse and, about the time of my reaching the place, let it loose,
it flowed over very well. Its height might be 20 gaz. It
separates at the top of the hill and flows down. In this way it is a
great boon (g͟hanīmat) on the road. Having enjoyed the
usual cups on the edge of the stream and the shade of the hill, I came
back to the camp at night. On this day the Zamindar of Jaitpur, whose
offences I had forgiven at the request of my son S͟hāh
Jahān, had the good fortune of kissing the threshold. On Friday,
the 18th, a large blue bull and a bukra, and on Saturday, the 19th, two
females, were killed. [404]As my huntsmen represented that
there was much game in the parganah of Ḥāṣilpūr,
I left my large camp at this halting-place, and on Sunday, the 20th,
and with some of my close attendants, hastened to
Ḥāṣilpūr, a distance of 3 kos. Mīr
Ḥusāmu-d-dīn, son of Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn
Ḥusain Injū, who has the title of
ʿAẓudu-d-daulah, was promoted to the mansab, original and
increase, of 1,000 personal and 400 horse. I presented Yādgār
Ḥusain Qūs͟h-begi and Yādgār
Qūrchī, who had been appointed to do duty in Bangash, with an
elephant each. On this day some Ḥusainī grapes without seeds
arrived from Kabul; they were very fresh. The tongue of this suppliant
at the throne of God fails in gratitude for the favours by which,
notwithstanding a distance of three months, grapes from Kabul arrive
quite fresh in the Deccan. On Monday, the 21st, three small blue bulls,
on Tuesday, the 22nd, one blue bull and three cows, and on
Kam-s͟hamba (Wednesday), the 23rd, one cow, were killed. On
Mubārak-s͟hamba, the 24th, a feast of cups was held on the
bank of the tank of Ḥāṣilpūr. Cups were presented
to my son S͟hāh Jahān and some of the great Amirs and
private servants. On Yūsuf K͟hān, son of Ḥusain
K͟hān (Tukriyah), who was of the houseborn ones worthy of
patronage, was bestowed the mansab of 3,000 personal and 1,500 horse,
original and increase, and he was dismissed to the faujdārship of
Gonḍwāna, dignifying him with a gift of a dress of honour
and an elephant. Rāy Bihārī Dās, the diwan of the
Subah of the Deccan, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On
Friday Jān-sipār K͟hān was exalted with a standard,
presented with a horse and a dress of honour, and despatched to the
Deccan. This day I made a remarkable shot with a gun. By chance there
was inside the palace a khirnī tree (Mimusops
Kauki). A qurīs͟ha55 (?) came
[405]and sat on a high branch, and I saw its breast
in the midst of it. I fired at it and struck it in the middle of its
breast; from where I stood to the top of the branch was 22 gaz. On
Saturday, the 26th, marching about 2 kos, I pitched at the village of
Kamālpūr. On this day I shot a blue bull.56 Rustam
K͟hān, who was one of the principal attendants of my son
S͟hāh Jahān, and who had been appointed from Burhanpur
with a body of the royal servants against the zamindars of
Gonḍwāna, having taken a tribute of 110 elephants and
120,000 rupees, came this day to wait upon me. Zāhid, son of
S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, was given the mansab of 1,000
personal and 400 horse, original and increase. On Sunday, the 27th, I
hunted with hawks and falcons. On Monday I killed a large blue bull and
a bukra; the bull weighed 12½ maunds. On Tuesday, the 29th, a
blue bull was killed. Bahlūl Miyāna and Allah-yār came
from service in Gonḍwāna, and had the good fortune to wait
upon me. Bahlūl K͟hān is the son of Ḥasan
Miyāna, and Miyāna is an Afghan tribe. In the commencement of
his career Hasan was a servant of Ṣādiq K͟hān, but
a servant who recognized the king (worthy of a king’s service),
and was at last included among the royal servants and died on service
in the Deccan. After his death his sons were granted mansabs. He had
eight sons, and two of them became famous as swordsmen. The elder
brother in his youth gave up the deposit of his life. Bahlūl by
degrees was promoted to the mansab of 1,000. At this time my son
S͟hāh Jahān arrived at Burhanpur, and, finding him
worthy of patronage, made him hopeful with a mansab of 1,500 personal
and 1,000 horse. As he had not yet waited on me and was very desirous
to kiss the threshold, I summoned him to Court. He is in truth
[406]a good K͟hāna-zāda
(household-born one), inasmuch as his heart is adorned with the
perfection of bravery and his exterior is not wanting in good
appearance. The mansab my son S͟hāh Jahān had bespoken
for him was granted at his request, and he was honoured with the title
of Sar-buland K͟hān. Allah-yār Koka was also a brave
youth and a servant worthy of patronage. Finding him fit and suitable
for service in my presence, I sent for him to Court. On
Kam-s͟hamba (Wednesday), the 1st of the month of Āẕar,
I went out to hunt and shot a blue bull. On this day the
Kashmir57 reports were laid before me. One was that in the
house of a certain silk-seller two girls were born with teeth, and with
their backs as far as the waist joined together, but the heads, arms,
and legs were separate; they lived a short time and died. On
Mubārak-s͟hamba, the 2nd, on the bank of a tank where my
tents were, a feast of cups was held. Presenting Las͟hkar
K͟hān with a dress of honour and an elephant, I promoted him
to the duty of diwan of the Subah of the Deccan, and gave him the
mansab of 2,500 personal and 1,500 horse, original and increase. To
each of the Wakils of ʿĀdil K͟hān two58 kaukab-i-t̤āliʿ (horoscope
star) muhrs, the weight of each of which was 500 ordinary muhrs, were
given. I gave a horse and robe of honour to Sar-buland K͟hān.
As fitting service and approved activity were manifest in
Allah-yār Koka, I honoured him with the title of Himmat
K͟hān and gave him a dress of honour. On Friday, the 3rd, I
marched 4¼ kos and halted the royal standards in the parganah of
Dik͟htān.59 On Saturday also I marched
4¼ kos and halted at the township of Dhār.


Dhār is one of the old cities, and Rāja Bhoj,
who was [407]one of the great Rajas of Hindustan, lived in
it. From his time 1,00060 years have passed, and in the
time of the Sultans of Malwa it was for a long time the capital. At the
time when Sult̤ān Muḥammad Tug͟hluq was proceeding
to the conquest of the Deccan, he built a fort of cut stone on the top
of a ridge. Outside it is very showy and handsome, but inside the fort
is devoid of buildings. I ordered them to measure its length, breadth,
and height. The length inside the fort was 12 t̤anāb,
7 gaz; the breadth, 17 tanab, 13 gaz, and the breadth of the fort wall
19½ gaz. Its height up to the battlements appeared to be
17½ gaz. The length of the outer circuit (?) of the fort was 55
tanabs. ʿAmīd S͟hāh G͟horī, who was
called Dilāwar K͟hān, and who in the time of
Sult̤ān Muḥammad, son of Sult̤ān
Fīrūz, king of Delhi, had complete authority over the
province of Malwa, built the Jāmiʿ mosque in the inhabitable
part outside the fort, and opposite the gate of the mosque fixed a
quadrangular iron column. When Sult̤ān Bahādur of
Gujarat took the province of Malwa into his own possession, he wished
to transfer this column to Gujarat. The artificers did not take proper
precautions when they lowered it, and it fell and broke into two
pieces, one of them of 7½ gaz and the other of 4¼ gaz.
The column was 1¼ gaz round. As it was lying there useless, I
ordered them to take the larger piece to Agra and put61 it up in
the courtyard of the mausoleum of H.M. Akbar, and to burn a lamp on the
top of it at night. The aforesaid mosque has two gates. In front of the
arch of one gate some sentences in prose have been carved on a stone
tablet; their purport is that Amīd S͟hāh
G͟horī founded this mosque in the [408]year
870,62 and on the arch of the other gate a
qaṣīda has been written, and these few couplets are
from it—




“The lord of the age the star of the sphere of
glory,


Centre of the people of the earth, sun of the zenith of
perfection,


Asylum and support of religious law, ʿAmīd
S͟hāh Dāʾūd,63


In whose excellent qualities G͟hor glories,


Helper and protector of the Faith of the Prophet,
Dilāwar K͟hān,


Who has been chosen by the most mighty Lord (God),


Founded the Jāmiʿ mosque in the city of
Dhār,


At a fortunate, auspicious time, on a day of happy
omen.


The date of eight hundred and seven64 had
passed


When the Court of hopes was completed by
Fortune.”




When Dilāwar K͟hān gave up the
deposit of his life there was no king with full dominion over
Hindustan, and it was a time of confusion. Hūs͟hang, son of
Dilāwar K͟hān, who was just and possessed of courage,
seeing his opportunity, sat on the throne of sovereignty in Malwa.
After his death through destiny the rule was transferred65 to Maḥmūd K͟haljī, son of
K͟hān Jahān, who had been Vizier to Hūs͟hang
and passed from him to his son G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn, and
after him to Nāṣiru-d-dīn, son of
G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn, who gave his father poison and sat
on the throne of infamy. From him it passed to his son
Maḥmūd. Sult̤ān Bahādur of Gujarat took from
Maḥmūd the province of Malwa. The succession of kings of
Malwa ended with the aforesaid Maḥmūd.


On Monday, the 6th, I went to hunt and shot a female
nilgaw. Presenting an elephant to Mīrzā
S͟harafu-d-dīn Ḥusain Kās͟hg͟harī,
I dismissed him to duty in the Subah of Bangash. A present of a
jewelled dagger, a muhr of 100 tolas, and 20,000 darbs was made to
Ūdā Rām. On Tuesday, the 7th, I shot an alligator in the
tank at Dhār. Though only the top of his snout was visible and the
rest of his body was hidden in the water, I fired [409]at a
guess and hit him in his lungs and killed him with a single shot. An
alligator is of the crocodile species and exists in most of the rivers
of Hindustan, and grows very large. This one was not so very big. An
alligator has been seen (by me) 8 gaz long and 1 gaz in breadth. On
Sunday, marching 4½ kos, I halted at Saʿdalpūr. In
this village there is a stream over which Nāṣiru-d-dīn
K͟haljī built a bridge and erected buildings. It is a place
like Kāliyāda, and both are his works. Although his building
is not worthy of praise, yet as it has been built in the river-bed and
they have made rivulets and reservoirs, it is somewhat remarkable. At
night I ordered them to place lamps all round the canals and streams.
On Mubārak-s͟hamba (Thursday), the 9th, a feast of cups was
held. On this day I made a present to my son S͟hāh Jahān
of a ruby of one colour, weighing 9 tanks and 5 surkh, of the value of
125,000 rupees, with two pearls. This is the ruby which had been given
to my father at the time of my birth by Ḥaẓrat
Maryam-makānī, mother of H.M. Akbar, by way of present when
my face was shown, and was for many years in his sarpīch
(turban ornament). After him I also happily wore it in my sarpich.
Apart from its value and delicacy, as it had come down as of auspicious
augury to the everlasting State, it was bestowed on my son. Having
raised Mubāriz K͟hān to a mansab of 1,500 personal and
horse, I appointed him to the faujdārship of the province of
Mewāt, distinguishing him with the present of a dress of honour, a
sword, and an elephant. A sword was given to Himmat K͟hān,
son of Rustam K͟hān. I gave Kamāl K͟hān, the
huntsman, who is one of the old servants and is always present with me
on hunting expeditions, the title of S͟hikār K͟hān
(hunting-K͟hān). Appointing Ūdā Rām to service
in the Subah of the Deccan, I conferred on him a dress of honour, an
elephant, and Iraq horses (lit. wind-footed ones), and sent with him
for the [410]Commander-in-Chief, Khankhanan, the
Ātālīq, a special gilt dagger
(zar-nis͟hān). On Friday, the 10th, I halted. On
Saturday, the 11th, I marched 3¾ kos and halted at the village
of Ḥalwat.66 On Sunday, the 12th, marching 5 kos, I
halted in the parganah67 of Badnor. This parganah from
the time of my father had been in the jagir of Kes͟ho Dās
Mārū,68 and in fact had become a kind of
wat̤an (native country) to him. He had constructed gardens
and buildings. Out of these one was a well (bāolī)
(step-well probably) on the road, which appeared exceedingly pleasant
and well made. It occurred to me that if a well had to be made anywhere
on a roadside it should be built like this one. At least two such ought
to be made.


On Monday, the 13th, I went to hunt and shot a blue
bull. From the day on which the elephant Nūr-bak͟ht was put
into the special elephant stables, there was an order that he should be
tied up in the public palace (court). Among animals elephants have the
greatest liking for water; they delight to go into the water,
notwithstanding the winter and the coldness of the air, and if there
should be no water into which they can go, they will take it from a
water-bag (mas͟hk) with their trunks and pour it over their
bodies. It occurred to me that however much an elephant delights in
water, and it is suited to their temperament, yet in the winter the
cold water must affect them. I accordingly ordered the water to be made
lukewarm (as warm as milk) before they (the elephants) poured it into
their trunks. On other days when they poured cold water over themselves
they evidently shivered, but with warm water, on the contrary they were
delighted. This usage is entirely my own. [411]


On Tuesday, the 14th, marching 6 kos, I halted at
Sīlgaṛh (Sabalgaṛh ?). On Wednesday, the 15th,
crossing the Mahī River, a halt was made near Rāmgaṛh.
A march of 6 kos was made on Thursday, the 16th, and a halt was made
and a feast of cups held at a waterfall near the camp. Distinguishing
Sar-buland K͟hān with a standard and giving him an elephant,
I dismissed him to do duty in the Deccan. His mansab, original and
increase, was fixed at 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse. Rāja
Bhīm Narāyan, Zamindar of Gadeha, who had been promoted to
the mansab of 1,000 horse, obtained leave to go to his jagir. Having
raised Rāja Bharjīv, Zamindar of Baglāṇa, to the
mansab of 4,000, I gave him leave to go to his native country, and an
order was given that when he arrived there he should send to Court his
eldest son, who was his successor, that he might do duty in my
presence. I honoured Ḥājī Balūch, who was the
chief of the huntsmen and was an active and old servant, with the title
of Balūch K͟hān. On Friday, the 17th, marching 5 kos, I
alighted at the village of Dhāvala. On Saturday, the 18th, which
was the feast of Qurbān, after the Qurbān rites had been
performed, marching 3¼ kos, I halted on the bank of the tank of
the village of Nāgor.69 On Sunday, the 19th, marching
about 5 kos, the royal standards were erected on the bank of the tank
of the village of Samriya. On Monday, the 20th, marching 4¼ kos,
we alighted at the chief place of the Doḥad70 parganah.
This parganah is on the boundary between Malwa and Gujarat. Until I
passed Badnor the whole country was a jungle, with an abundance of
trees and stony land. On Tuesday, the 21st, I halted. On
Kam-s͟hamba (Wednesday), the 22nd, marching 5¼ kos, I
halted at the village of Ranyād (Renāv ?). On Thursday, the
23rd, I halted and held a feast of cups on the bank of [412]the
village tank. On Friday, the 24th, marching 2½ kos, the royal
standards were hoisted at the village of Jālot. At this halt some
jugglers from the Carnatic came and showed their tricks. One of them
placed one end of an iron chain, 5½ gaz in length and weighing 1
seer and 2 dams,71 in his throat and slowly swallowed it with
the aid of water. It was for a while in his stomach; after this he
brought it up. On Saturday, the 25th, there was a halt. On Sunday, the
26th, marching 5 kos, I alighted at the village of Nīmdah. On
Monday, the 27th, also marching 5 kos, I pitched on the bank of a tank.
On Tuesday, the 28th, marching 3¾ kos, the royal standards
alighted near the township of Sahrā72 on the edge
of a tank. The flower of the lotus, which in the Hindi language they
call kumudinī, is of three colours—white, blue, and
red. I had already seen the blue and white, but had never seen the red.
In this tank red flowers were seen blooming. Without doubt it is an
exquisite and delightful flower, as they have said—




“From redness and moistness it will melt
away.”73




The flower of the kaṇwal74 is larger than the kumudini. Its flower is red. I
have seen in Kashmir many kanwal with a hundred leaves (petals). It is
certain that it opens during the day and becomes a bud at night. The
kumudini, on the contrary, is a bud during the day and opens at night.
The black bee, which the people of India call
bhauṇrā, always sits on these flowers, and goes
inside them to drink the juice that is in both of them. It often
happens that the kanwal flower closes and [413]the bee remains in it
the whole night. In the same manner it remains in the kumudini flower.
When the flower opens it comes out and flies away. As the black bee is
a constant attendant on these flowers, the poets of India look on it as
a lover of the flower, like the nightingale, and have put into verse
sublime descriptions of it. Of these poets the chief was Tān Sen
Kalāwant, who was without a rival in my father’s service (in
fact, there has been no singer like him in any time or age). In one of
his compositions he has likened the face of a young man to the sun and
the opening of his eyes to the expanding of the kanwal and the exit of
the bee. In another place he has compared the side-glance of the
beloved one to the motion of the kanwal when the bee alights on it.


At this place figs arrived from Ahmadabad. Although the
figs of Burhanpur are sweet and well-grown, these figs are sweeter and
with fewer seeds, and one may call them 5 per cent. better. On
Kam-s͟hamba, the 29th, and Mubārak-s͟hamba, the 30th, we
halted. At this stage Sar-farāz K͟hān came from
Ahmadabad and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Out of his
offerings a rosary of pearls, bought for 11,000 rupees, two elephants,
two horses, two bullocks and a riding cart, and some pieces of
Gujaratī cloth, were accepted, and the remainder presented to him.
Sar-farāz K͟hān is a grandson of Musāḥib Beg,
by which name he was called by Akbar after his grandfather, who was one
of the Amirs of Humāyūn. In the beginning of my reign I
increased his mansab and appointed him to the Subah of Gujarat. As he
had an hereditary connection with the Court as a Khana-zada (one born
in the house), he proved himself efficient in the Subah of Gujarat.
Considering him worthy of patronage, I gave him the title of
Sar-farāz K͟hān and raised him in the world, and his
mansab has risen to 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. On Friday,
[414]the 1st of Day, I marched 3¾ kos and
halted on the bank of the tank of Jhasod.75 At this
stage Rāy Mān, captain of the Khidmatiya,76 caught a
rohū fish and brought it. As I am particularly partial to
the flesh of fish, especially that of the rohu, which is the best kind
of fish in Hindustan, and I had never, notwithstanding much enquiry,
had one for eleven months from the time of crossing the pass of
Ghātī Chand77 until the present time, and now
obtained it, I was greatly delighted. I presented a horse to Rāy
Mān. Although the parganah of Dohad is reckoned as within the
boundary of Gujarat, yet, in fact, it was from this stage that all
things appeared different. The open plains and soil are of a different
kind; the people are different and the language of another description.
The jungle that appeared on the road, has fruit-bearing trees, such as
the mango and khirnī and tamarind, and the method of
guarding the cultivated fields is with hedges of zaqqūm.
The cultivators separate their fields with cactus, and leave a narrow
road between them for coming and going. Since all this country has a
sandy soil, when any movement takes place, so much dust rises that the
faces of people are seen with difficulty, so that one should call
Ahmadabad ‘Gardābād’78 (abode of
dust). On Saturday, the 2nd, having marched 3¾ kos, I encamped
on the bank of the Mahī. On Sunday, the 3rd, again after a march
of 3¾ kos, I halted at the village of Bardala. At this stage a
number of mansabdars who had been appointed to serve in Gujarat had the
good fortune to kiss the threshold. Marching 5 kos on Monday, the 4th,
the royal [415]standards halted at Chitrasīmā, and
the next day, Tuesday, after a march of 5 kos, in parganah
Mondā.79 On this day three blue bulls were killed; one was
larger than the others and weighed 13 maunds and 10 seers. On
Wednesday, the 6th, I marched 6 kos and halted in parganah
Naryād.80 In passing through the town I scattered
1,500 rupees. On Thursday, the 7th, marching 6½ kos, I halted in
the parganah of Pitlād.81 In the country of Gujarat there
is no larger parganah than this; it has a revenue of 700,000 rupees,
equal to 23,000 current tumans of Iraq. The population of the town
(qaṣba), too, is dense. Whilst I passed through it I
scattered 1,000 rupees. All my mind is bent upon this, that under any
pretext the people of God may be benefited. As the chief way of riding
among the people of this country is in carts, I also wished to travel
in a cart. I sat for 2 kos in a cart, but was much troubled with the
dust, and after this till the end of the stage rode on horseback. On
the road Muqarrab K͟hān came from Ahmadabad, and had the good
fortune to wait on me, and presented an offering of a pearl he had
bought for 30,000 rupees. On Friday, the 8th, marching 6½ kos,
the place of the descent of prosperity was on the shore of the salt
sea.


Cambay82 is one of the old ports.
According to the brahmins, several thousand years have passed since its
foundation. In the beginning its name was Trimbāwatī, and
Rāja Tryambak Kunwar had the government of the country. It would
take too long to write in detail the circumstances of the aforesaid
Raja as the brahmins relate it. In brief, when the turn to the
government came round [416]to Rāja Abhay
Kumār,83 who was one of his grandsons, by the decree of
heaven a great calamity happened to this city. So much dust and earth
were poured on it that all the houses and buildings were hidden, and
the means of livelihood of many people was destroyed. Before the
arrival of this calamity, an idol (but), which the Raja
worshipped, came in a dream and announced this event. The Raja with his
family embarked in a ship, and carried away the idol with them with a
pillar it had behind it for a support. By chance the ship also was
wrecked by a storm of misfortune. As there was left still a term of
life for the Raja, that pillar bore the boat of his existence in safety
to the shore, and he proposed to rebuild the city. He put up the pillar
as a mark of repopulation and the coming together of the people. As in
the Hindi language they call a pillar istambh and khambh,
they called the city Istambhnagarī and Khambāwatī, and
sometimes also Trimbāwatī, in connection with the
Raja’s name; Khambāwatī has by degrees and much use
become Khambāyat (Cambay). This port is one of the largest
ports84 in Hindustan and is near a firth, which is one of
the firths of the Sea of Oman. It has been estimated to be 7 kos in
width, and nearly 40 kos in length. Ships cannot come inside the firth,
but must cast anchor in the port of Gogā, which is a
dependency85 of Cambay and situated near the sea. Thence,
putting their cargoes into ghurābs86 (commonly
called ‘grabs’) they bring them to the port of Cambay. In
the same way, at the time of loading a ship they carry the cargo in
ghurabs and put it in the ships. Before the arrival of the victorious
host some ghurabs from European ports had come to Cambay to buy and
sell, and were about to return. On Sunday, [417]the
10th, they decorated them and showed them to me. Taking leave they went
about their business. On Monday, the 11th, I myself went on board a
ghurab for about a kos on the face of the water. On Tuesday, the 12th,
I went out with cheetahs (yūz), and captured two87 antelope. On Wednesday, the 13th, I went to see
the tank of Tārangsar (Narangsar?),88 and passed
through the streets and bazaar on the way, scattering nearly 5,000
rupees. In the time of H.M. Akbar (may Allah’s lights be his
testimony), Kalyān Rāy, the superintendent of the port, by
His Majesty’s order built a wall of brick and cement round the
city, and many merchants came from various quarters and settled there,
and built fine houses and employed themselves in gaining their
livelihood under easy circumstances. Although its market is small, it
is clean and full of people. In the time of the Sultans of Gujarat the
customs of this port came to a large sum. Now in my reign it is ordered
that they should not take more than one in forty. In other ports,
calling it a tithe, they take one in ten or one in eight, and give all
kinds of trouble to merchants and travellers. In Jeddah, which is the
port of Mecca, they take one in four or even more. One may imagine from
this what the customs of the ports of Gujarat must have come to in the
time of the former rulers. God be praised that this suppliant at the
throne of God obtained the grace to remit the whole of the customs dues
of his dominions, which came to a countless sum, and the very name of
customs (tamg͟hā) has passed away from my empire. At
this time an order was given that tankas89 of gold and
silver should be coined twice the weight of ordinary muhrs and rupees.
The legend [418]on the gold coin was on one side the words
“Jahāngīr-s͟hāhī, 1027” (1618),
and on the reverse “Struck in Cambay in the 12th year of the
reign.” The legend for silver coins was on one side “Sikka,
Jahāngīr-s͟hāhī, 1027”; round it this
hemistich, “King Jahāngīr of the conquering ray struck
this”; and on the reverse, “Coined at Cambay in the 12th
year of the reign,” with this second hemistich round
it—




“When after the conquest of the Deccan he came to
Gujarat from Māndū.”




In no reign except mine have tankas been coined
except of copper90; the gold and silver tankas are my
invention. I ordered it to be called the Jahāngīrī
coinage. On Mubārak-s͟hamba (Thursday), the 14th the offering
of Amānat K͟hān, the superintendent
(mutaṣaddī) of Cambay, was laid before me in the
women’s apartments. His mansab was fixed, original and increase,
at 1,500 personal and 400 horse. Nūru-d-dīn Qulī was
honoured with the mansab, original and increase, of 3,000 personal and
600 horse. On Friday, the 15th, mounted on the elephant
Nūr-bak͟ht, I made it run after a horse. It ran exceedingly
well, and when it was stopped stood well. This is the third time that I
myself have ridden it. On Saturday, the 16th, Rām Dās, son of
Jay Singh91, was promoted to the mansab, original and
increase, of 1,500 personal and 700 horse. On Sunday, the 17th, an
elephant each was given to Dārāb K͟hān. Amānat
K͟hān, and Sayyid Bāyazīd Bārha. In these few
days during which I was encamped on the shore of the salt sea,
merchants, traders, indigent people, and other inhabitants of the port
of Cambay having been summoned before me, I gave each according to his
condition a dress of honour or a horse or travelling money or
assistance [419]in living. On this day, Sayyid Muḥammad,
Ṣāḥib Sajjāda (Lord of the prayer carpet) of
S͟hāh ʿĀlam (a mosque near Ahmadabad), the sons of
S͟haik͟h Muḥammad G͟haus̤, S͟haik͟h
Ḥaidar, grandson of Miyān Wajīhū-d-dīn, and
other Shaikhs living at Ahmadabad came to meet me and pay their
respects. As my desire was to see the sea and the flow and ebb of the
water, I halted for ten days, and on Tuesday, the 19th (Day, about 30th
December, 1618), the royal standards started for Ahmadabad. The best
description of fish procurable in this place, the name of which is
ʿarbīyat,92 was caught and frequently
brought for me by the fishermen. Without doubt these fish, are, as
compared with other fish of this country, more delicious and better,
but they are not of the flavour of the rohū. One might say as nine
to ten or even eight to ten. Of the food which is peculiar to the
people of Gujarat there is the khichṛī of
bājrā (a mixture of split peas and millet boiled
together); this they also call laẕīẕa. It is a
kind of split grain, which does not grow in any other country but
Hindustan, and which in comparison with many other regions of India is
more abundant in Gujarat; it is cheaper than most vegetables. As I had
never eaten it, I ordered them to make some and bring it to me. It is
not devoid of good flavour, and it suited me well. I ordered that on
the days of abstinence, when I partake of dishes not made with flesh,
they should frequently bring me this khichri On the said Tuesday having
marched 6¼ kos, I halted at the village of Kosālā. On
Wednesday, the 20th, I passed through the parganah of
Bābrā93 and halted on the bank of the river. This
was a march of 6 kos. On Mubārak-s͟hamba, the 21st, I halted
and held a feast of cups. In this river I caught many fish, and divided
them among the servants who were present at the feast. On Friday, the
22nd, having moved on 4 kos, I pitched at [420]the village of
Bāṛīchā. On this road, walls came in sight from
2½ to 3 gaz in length, and on enquiry it appeared that
people had made them from the desire of spiritual reward. When a porter
is tired on the road he places his burden on the wall and gains his
breath a little, and lifting it up again with ease and without
assistance from anyone proceeds towards his destination. This is one of
the peculiar ideas of the people of Gujarat. The building of these
walls pleased me greatly, and I ordered that in all large
towns94 they should make walls of this kind at the
imperial expense. On Saturday, the 23rd marching 4¾ kos, the
camp was pitched at the Kānkrīya tank. Qut̤bu-d-dīn
Muḥammad, grandson of Sult̤ān Aḥmad, the founder
of the city of Ahmadabad, made this tank, and placed round it steps of
stone and cement. In the middle of the tank he constructed a little
garden and some buildings. Between the bank of the tank and these
buildings he had made a causeway, which was the way for entering and
leaving, Since this occurred a long time ago, most of the buildings had
become dilapidated, and there was no place left fit to sit in. At the
time when the host of prosperity was about to proceed towards
Ahmadabad, Ṣafī K͟hān, bakhshī of Gujarat,
repaired at the expense of government what was broken down and in
ruins, and clearing out the little garden erected a new building in it.
Certainly it is a place exceedingly enjoyable and pleasant. Its style
pleased me. On the side where the causeway is,
Niz̤āmu-d-dīn Aḥmad,95 who was for
a while bakhshi of Gujarat in my father’s time, had made a garden
on the bank of the tank. At this time a representation was made to me
that ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, in consequence of a dispute that
he had with ʿĀbid, son of Niz̤āmu-d-dīn
Aḥmad, cut down the trees of this garden. I also heard that
during his government [421]he, at a wine party, signed to a
slave, and cut off the head of an unfortunate man who was not wanting
in fun and jesting, merely because in a state of drunkenness he had
uttered some improper expressions by way of a joke. On hearing these
two reports, my sense of justice was shocked, and I ordered the Diwans
to change one thousand of his two-horsed and three-horsed cavalry into
one-horsed, and to deduct from his jagir the difference (of pay), which
came to 7,000,000 dams.


As at this stage the tomb of S͟hāh
ʿĀlam was by the roadside, I recited the
fātiḥa in passing by it. About 100,000 rupees had
been spent in building this mausoleum. S͟hāh ʿĀlam
was the son of Qut̤b ʿĀlam, and their family goes back
to Mak͟hdūm-i-Jahāniyān96 (a saint).
The people of this country, high and low, have a wonderful belief in
him, and they say that S͟hāh ʿĀlam used to raise
the dead. After he had raised several dead men, his father became aware
of this and sent him a prohibition, saying it was presumption in him to
meddle with the workshop of God, and was contrary to true obedience. It
happened that S͟hāh ʿĀlam had an attendant (female)
who had no children, but at S͟hāh ʿĀlam’s
prayer God Almighty bestowed a son on her. When he reached his
27th97 year he died, and that slave came weeping and
wailing into his presence, saying, “My son has died, and he was
my only son; since God Almighty gave him to me by your favour, I am
hopeful that through your prayer he may become alive.”
S͟hāh ʿĀlam fell into thought for a time and went
into his cell, and the attendant went to his son, who greatly loved
her, and besought him to ask the S͟hāh to make his son alive.
The son, who was of tender years, went into his cell, and used much
entreaty. [422]S͟hāh ʿĀlam said, “If
you are content to give up your life for him, perhaps my petition may
be accepted.” He represented “I am perfectly contented with
what may be your wish and the desire of God.” S͟hāh
ʿĀlam took his son’s hands, and lifting him up from the
ground turned his face towards heaven and said, “O God, take this
kid in place of that one.” Instantaneously the boy surrendered
his soul to God, and S͟hāh ʿĀlam laid him down on
his own bed and covered his face with a sheet, and coming out of the
house said to that attendant, “Go home, and get news of thy son;
perhaps he may have been in a trance and not have died.” When she
arrived at her house she saw her son alive. In short, in the country of
Gujarat they say many things of this sort of S͟hāh
ʿĀlam. I myself asked Sayyid Muḥammad, who is lord of
his prayer carpet (in charge of the mausoleum), and who is not wanting
in excellence and reasonableness, what was the real state of the case.
He said, “I have also heard the same from my father and
grandfather, and it has come down in succession, and wisdom is from
Allah.” Although this affair is beyond the laws of understanding,
yet, as it has attained great notoriety among men, it has been recorded
as a strange occurrence. His departure from this perishable mansion to
the eternal world took place in 880 (1475), in the time of the reign of
Sult̤ān Maḥmūd Bīgara, and the buildings of
this mausoleum are the memorial of Tāj K͟hān
Tariyānī,98 who was one of the Amirs of
Sult̤ān Muzaffar, the son of Maḥmūd.


As an hour on Monday had been chosen for my entry into
the city, on Sunday, the 24th, I halted. At this place some melons came
from Kāriz, which is a town dependent on Herat, and it is certain
that in Khurasan there are no melons better than those of Kāriz.
Although [423]this is at a distance of 1,400 kos, and kafilahs
(caravans) take five months to come, they arrived very ripe and fresh.
They brought so many that they sufficed for all the servants. Together
with these there came oranges (kauṇlā) from Bengal,
and though that place is 1,000 kos distant most of them arrived quite
fresh. As this is a very delicate and pleasant fruit, runners bring by
post as much as is necessary for private consumption, and pass it from
hand to hand. My tongue fails me in giving thanks to Allah for
this.




“Thankfulness for Thy favours is one of Thy
favours.”




On this day Amānat K͟hān presented
two elephants’ tusks; they were very large, one of them being 3
cubits 8 t̤assū (finger-breadths) in length and 16
tassu in circumference; it weighed 3 maunds and 2 seers, or 24½
Iraq maunds. On Monday, the 25th, after six gharis, I turned towards
the city in pleasure and prosperity at the propitious hour, and mounted
the elephant Ṣūrat-gaj, a favourite elephant of mine, which
is perfect in appearance and disposition. Although he was fractious
(mast), I had confidence in my own riding and his pleasant paces
(?).99 Crowds of people, men and women, had assembled,
and were waiting in the streets and bazars and at the gates and the
walls. The city of Ahmadabad did not seem to me so worthy of praise as
I had heard. Although they had made the main road of the bazar wide and
spacious, they had not suited the shops to this breadth. Its buildings
are all of wood and the pillars of the shops slender and mean
(zabūn). The streets of the bazar were full of dust, and
there was dust from the Kānkriyā tank up to the citadel,
which in the dialect of the country they call Bhadar. I hastened along
scattering [424]money. The meaning of Bhadar is
‘blessed’ (bhadra). The houses of the Sultans of
Gujarat, which were inside the Bhadar, have fallen into ruin within the
last fifty or sixty years, and no trace of them is left. However, our
servants who have been sent to the government of this country have
erected buildings. When I was proceeding from Māndū to
Ahmadabad, Muqarrab K͟hān had done up the old buildings and
prepared other places for sitting that were necessary, such as a
jharokha, a public audience hall, etc. As to-day was the auspicious day
for the weighing of my son S͟hāh Jahān, I weighed him in
the usual manner against gold and other things, and the 27th year from
his blessed birth began in pleasure and enjoyment. I hope that the
Giver of gifts will bestow him on this suppliant at His throne and let
him enjoy life and prosperity. On the same day I gave the province of
Gujarat in jagir to that son. From the fort of Māndū to the
fort of Cambay, by the road we came, it is 124 kos, which were
traversed in twenty-eight marches and thirty halts. I remained at
Cambay for ten days; from that place to the city of Ahmadabad is 21
kos; which we traversed in five marches with two halts. Altogether,
from Māndū to Cambay and from Cambay to Ahmadabad by the road
we came is 145 kos, which we accomplished in two months and fifteen
days; this was in thirty-three marches and forty-two halts.


On Tuesday, the 26th, I went to see the Jāmiʿ
mosque, and gave with my own hand in alms to the fakirs who were
present there about 500 rupees. This mosque was one of the memorials of
Sult̤ān Aḥmad, the founder of the city of Ahmadabad. It
has three gates,100 and on each side a bazar. Opposite the gate
that looks towards the east is the mausoleum of the said
Sult̤ān Aḥmad. In that dome Sult̤ān
Aḥmad, his son Muḥammad, and his [425]grandson Qut̤bu-d-dīn are laid to
rest. The length of the court of the mosque, excluding
maqṣūra (the holy of holies), is 103101 cubits, and its breadth 89 cubits. Round this
they have made an aywān (portico), in breadth 4¾
cubits. The flooring of the court is of trimmed bricks, and the pillars
of the portico of red stone. The maqsura contains 354102
pillars, above which there is a dome. The length of the maqsura is 75
cubits, and its breadth 37 cubits. The flooring of the maqsura, the
mihrāb (arch towards which the face is turned in prayer),
and the pulpit are made of marble. On both sides of the main arch
(pīsh-t̤āq) are two polished minarets of cut
stone, containing three āshyāna (stories) beautifully
shaped and decorated. On the right-hand side of the pulpit near the
recess of the maqsura they have made a separate seat for the king. The
space between the pillars has been covered in with a stone platform,
and round this up to the roof of the maqsura they have put stone
cages103 (in which women sit so as not to be seen). The
object of this was that when the king came to the Friday service or the
ʿĪd he went up there with his intimates and courtiers, and
performed his devotions. This in the dialect of the country they call
the Mulūk-k͟hāna (King’s chamber). This practice
and caution were on account of the crowding of the people. Truly this
mosque is a very noble building.104


On Wednesday,105 the 27th, I went to the
monastery of S͟haik͟h Wajīhu-d-dīn, which was near
the palace, and the fātiḥa was read at the head of
his shrine, which is in the court of the monastery. Ṣādiq
K͟hān, who was one of the chief Amirs of my father, built
this monastery. [426]The Shaikh was a successor of
S͟haik͟h Muḥammad G͟haus̤,106 but a
successor against whom the teacher disputed.
Wajīhu-d-dīn’s loyalty to him is a clear proof107 of the greatness of S͟haik͟h
Muḥammad G͟haus̤. S͟haik͟h
Wajīhu-d-dīn was adorned with visible excellencies and
spiritual perfection. He died thirty years ago in this city
(Ahmadabad), and after him S͟haik͟h ʿAbdu-llah,
according to his father’s will, took his place. He was a very
ascetic dervish. When he died his son S͟haik͟h Asadu-llah sat
in his place, and also quickly went to the eternal world. After him his
brother S͟haik͟h Ḥaidar became lord of the prayer
carpet, and is now alive, and is employed at the grave of his father
and grandfather in the service of dervishes and in looking after their
welfare. The traces of piety are evident on the forehead of his life.
As it was the anniversary festival of S͟haik͟h
Wajīhu-d-dīn, 1,500 rupees were given to S͟haik͟h
Ḥaidar for the expenses of the anniversary, and I bestowed 1,500
rupees more on the band of fakirs who were present in the monastery,
with my own hand in charity, and made a present of 500 rupees to the
grandson (?) of S͟haik͟h Wajīhu-d-dīn. In the same
way I gave something for expenses, and land to each of his relatives
and adherents according to his merit. I ordered S͟haik͟h
Ḥaidar to bring before me the body of dervishes and deserving
people who were associated with him, in order that they might ask for
money for expenses and for land. On Thursday, the 28th, I went to look
round the Rustam-K͟hān-bāṛī, and scattered
1,500 rupees on the road. They call a garden a
bāṛī in the language of India. This is
[427]a garden that my brother S͟hāh
Murād made in the name of his son Rustam. I made a Thursday
entertainment in this garden, and gave cups to some of my private
servants. At the end of the day I went to the little garden of the
ḥawālī (mansion) of S͟haik͟h Sikandar,
which is situated in the neighbourhood of this garden, and which has
exceedingly good figs. As picking the fruit with one’s own hand
gives it quite a different relish, and I had never before plucked figs
with my own hand, their excellence in this respect was approved.
S͟haik͟h Sikandar108 is by origin a Gujarati, and
is not wanting in reasonableness, and has complete information about
the Sultans of Gujarat. It is now eight or nine years since he has been
employed among the servants (of the State). As my son S͟hāh
Jahān had appointed to the government of Ahmadabad Rustam
K͟hān, who is one of his chief officers, at his request I, in
accordance with the association of his name, presented him with (the
garden) Rustam-bāṛī. On this day Rāja Kalyān,
zamindar of the province of Īḍar, had the good fortune to
kiss my threshold, and presented an elephant and nine horses as an
offering; I gave him back the elephant. He is one of the most
considerable zamindars on the frontier of Gujarat, and his country is
close to the hill-country of the Rānā. The Sultans of Gujarat
constantly sent armies against the Raja of that place. Although some of
them have professed obedience and presented offerings, for the most
part none of them have come to see anyone personally. After the late
king Akbar conquered Gujarat, the victorious army was sent to attack
him. As he understood that his deliverance lay in obedience and
submission, he agreed to serve and be loyal, and hastened to enjoy the
good fortune of kissing the threshold. From that date he has been
enrolled among the servants (of the [428]State). He comes to
see whoever is appointed to the government of Ahmadabad, and when work
and service are necessary appears with a body of his men. On Saturday,
the 1st of the month of Bahman, in the 12th year of my reign, Chandar
Sen, who is one of the chief zamindars of this country, had the good
fortune to kiss the threshold, and presented an offering of nine
horses. On Sunday, the 2nd, I gave elephants to Rāja Kalyān,
zamindar of Īḍar, to Sayyid Muṣt̤afā, and
Mīr Fāẓil. On Monday I went out hawking, and scattered
nearly 500 rupees on the road. On this day pears came from Badakhshan.
On Mubārak-s͟hamba, the 6th, I went to see the “garden
of victory” at the village of Sair-khaiz (Sarkhej), and scattered
1,500 rupees on the way. As the tomb of S͟haik͟h Aḥmad
K͟haṭṭū109 is on the road, I first went
there and the fātiḥa was read.
K͟haṭṭū is the name of a town in the Sarkar of
Nāgor, and was the birthplace of the Shaikh.110 The Shaikh
lived in the time of Sult̤ān Aḥmad, who founded the
city of Ahmadabad, and the latter had a great respect for him. The
people of this country have a strange belief in him, and consider him
one of the great saints. Every Friday night a great crowd of people,
high and low, go to visit his shrine. Sult̤ān Muḥammad,
son of the aforesaid Sult̤ān Aḥmad, [429]built lofty buildings in the shape of
mausoleums, mosques, and monasteries at the head of his tomb, and near
his mausoleum on the south side made a large tank, and surrounded it
with stone and lime (masonry). This building was completed in the time
of Qut̤bu-d-dīn, son of the aforesaid Muḥammad. The
shrines of several of the Sultans of Gujarat are on the bank of the
tank by the feet of the Shaikh. In that dome there have been laid at
rest Sult̤ān Maḥmūd Bīgara, Sult̤ān
Muz̤affar, his son, and Maḥmūd, the martyr, grandson of
Sult̤ān Muz̤affar, and who was the last of the Sultans
of Gujarat. Bīgara, in the language of the people of Gujarat,
signifies ‘turned-up moustache,’ and Sult̤ān
Maḥmūd had a large turned-up moustache; on this account they
call him Bīgara. Near his (S͟haik͟h
K͟haṭṭū’s) tomb is the dome of his
ladies.111 Without doubt the mausoleum of the Shaikh is a
very grand building and a beautiful place. It is estimated that 500,000
rupees were spent on it. God only knows what is true.


After performing this visitation I went to
Fatḥ-bāg͟h (garden of victory). This garden is situated
on the ground on which the Commander-in-Chief,
K͟hānk͟hānān Ātālīq fought with
and defeated Nabū (Nannū? Nanhū?), who gave himself the
title of Muz̤affar K͟hān. On this account he called it
Bāg͟h-i-fatḥ; the people of Gujarat call it
Fatḥ-bāṛī. The details of this are that when, by
means of the good fortune of the late king Akbar, the country of
Gujarat was conquered, and Nabū fell into his hands,
Iʿtimād K͟hān represented that he was the son of a
carter. As no son was left by Sult̤ān Maḥmūd, and
moreover there was no one of the descendants of the Sultans of Gujarat
whom he could raise to the throne, he (Iʿtimād) had accepted
the most available course, and had made out that this was the son of
Maḥmūd. He gave him [430]the name of Sult̤ān
Muz̤affar, and raised him to the sovereignty. Men from necessity
consented to this. As His Majesty considered the word of
Iʿtimād K͟hān of weight, he ignored Nabū, and
for some time he did duty among the servants, and the king paid no
attention to his case. In consequence of this he ran away from
Fatḥpūr, and coming to Gujarat lived for some years under
the protection of the zamindars. When S͟hihābu-d-dīn
Aḥmad K͟hān was turned out from the government of
Gujarat and Iʿtimād K͟hān installed in his place, a
body of the servants of S͟hihābu-d-dīn K͟hān,
who were attached to Gujarat, separated from him, and remained at
Ahmadabad in the hope of service with Iʿtimād. After
Iʿtimād entered the city they had recourse to him, but had no
good luck with him. They had not the face to go to
S͟hihābu-d-dīn, and had no prospects in Ahmadabad. As
they were without hope they thought their remedy lay in betaking
themselves to Nabū, and in making him an excuse for disturbance.
With this intent 600 or 700 horsemen from among them went to Nabū
and carried him off along with Lonā Kāthī, under whose
protection he was living, and proceeded to Ahmadabad. When he arrived
near the city many wretched men on the look out for an occasion joined
him, and nearly 1,000 horsemen, Mughals and Gujaratis, collected
together. When Iʿtimād K͟hān became aware of this
he left his son S͟hīr K͟hān in the city, and
hastened off in search of S͟hihāb K͟hān, who was
proceeding towards the Court, in order that with his help he might
quiet the disturbance. Many of the men had separated themselves from
him, and he read on the faces of those who were left the signs of
unfaithfulness, but S͟hihābu-d-dīn, in company with
Iʿtimād K͟hān, turned his rein. It happened that
before their arrival Nabū had entered the fort of Ahmadabad. Those
who were loyal drew up their troops near the city, and the rebels came
out of the fort and hastened to the [431]battlefield. When the
army of the rebels showed itself, those of the servants of
S͟hihāb K͟hān who were left took the wrong road and
joined the enemy. S͟hihāb K͟hān was defeated and
hastened towards Paṭan (Pātan?), which was in the possession
of the royal servants. His retinue and camp were plundered, and
Nabū, bestowing mansabs and titles on the rebels, went against
Qut̤bu-d-dīn Muḥammad K͟hān, who was in
Baroda. The servants of the latter, like the servants of
S͟hihāb K͟hān, took the road of faithlessness and
chose separation, as is related in detail in the Akbar-nāma. In
the end, after giving his word to Qut̤bu-d-dīn
Muḥammad, he sent him to martyrdom, and his goods and property,
which were equal to the treasure of his courtesy and grandeur, were
plundered. Nearly 45,000 horsemen collected round Nabū.


When this state of affairs was represented to H.M. Akbar
he sent against him Mīrzā K͟hān, son of Bairām
K͟hān, with a force of brave warriors. On the day when
Mīrzā K͟hān arrived near the city, he drew up the
ranks of good fortune. He had about 8,000 or 9,000 horse, and Nabū
met him with 30,000, and drew up his host tainted with ruin. After
prolonged fighting and slaughter the breeze of victory blew on the flag
of the loyal, and Nabū, being defeated, fled in wretched plight.
My father, in reward for this victory, gave Mīrzā
K͟hān a mansab of 5,000 with the title of
K͟hānk͟hānān and the government of the country
of Gujarat. The garden that K͟hānk͟hānān made
on the field of battle is situated on the bank of the River
Sābarmatī. He founded lofty buildings along that eminence on
the river, and made a strong wall of stone and cement round the garden.
The garden contains 120 jarīb of land, and is a charming
resort. It may have cost 200,000 rupees. It pleased me greatly. One may
say that in the whole of Gujarat there is no garden like this.
Arranging a Thursday feast, I bestowed cups on my private servants, and
remained there for the [432]night. At the end of the day, on
Friday, I entered the city, scattering about 1,000 rupees on the road.
At this time the gardener represented that a servant of Muqarrab
K͟hān had cut down some champā trees above the
bench alongside the river. On hearing this I became angry, and went
myself to enquire into the matter and to exact satisfaction. When it
was established that this improper act had been committed by him, I
ordered both his thumbs to be cut off as a warning to others. It was
evident that Muqarrab K͟hān knew nothing of this affair, or
otherwise he would have punished him there and then. On Tuesday, the
11th, the Kotwal of the city caught a thief and brought him. He had
committed several thefts before, and each time they had cut off one of
his members; once his right hand, the second time the thumb of his left
hand, the third time his left ear, and fourth time they hamstringed
him, and the last time his nose; with all this he did not give up his
business, and yesterday entered the house of a grass-seller in order to
steal. By chance the owner of the house was on the look out and seized
him. The thief wounded the grass-seller several times with a knife and
killed him. In the uproar and confusion his relatives attacked the
thief and caught him. I ordered them to hand over the thief to the
relatives of the deceased, that they might retaliate on him.




“The lines of the face show the thought of your
head (?).”




On Wednesday, the 12th, 3,000 rupees were handed
over to ʿAz̤amat K͟hān and Muʿtaqad
K͟hān, that they might go the next day to the tomb of
S͟haik͟h Aḥmad K͟haṭṭū, and
divide it among the fakirs and indigent people who had taken up their
abode there. On Thursday, the 13th, I went to the lodging of my son
S͟hāh Jahān, and held a Mubārak-s͟hamba
entertainment there, and distributed cups among my private servants. I
gave my son the elephant Sundar Mathan,112 which was
[433]superior to all my private elephants in speed
and beauty and pleasant paces, and competed with horses, and was the
first among the elephants, and one much liked by King Akbar. My son
S͟hāh Jahān had a great liking for him, and frequently
asked him of me, and seeing no way out of it I gave it to him with its
gold belongings of chains, etc., together with a female elephant. A
present of 100,000 of darbs was given to the wakils of ʿĀdil
K͟hān. At this time it was represented113 to me that
Mukarram K͟hān, son of Muʿaz̤z̤am
K͟hān, who was the governor of Orissa, had conquered the
country of K͟hūrdā, and that the Raja of that place had
fled and gone into the Rājmahendra. As he was a
k͟hāna-zād (houseborn one) and worthy of
patronage, I ordered his mansab, original and increase, to be 3,000
personal and 2,000 horse, and honoured him with drums, a horse, and a
dress of honour. Between the province of Orissa and Golconda there were
two zamindars, one the Raja of K͟hūrdā and the second
the Raja of Rājmahendra. The province of K͟hūrdā
has come into the possession of the servants of the Court. After this
it is the turn of the country of Rājmahendra. My hope in the grace
of Allah is that the feet of my energy may advance farther. At this
time a petition from Qut̤bu-l-mulk reached my son S͟hāh
Jahān to the effect that as the boundary of his territory had
approached that of the King, and he owed service to this Court, he
hoped an order would be issued to Mukarram K͟hān not to
stretch out his hand, and to acquire possession of his country. It was
a proof of Mukarram’s valour and energy that such a one as
Qut̤bu-l-mulk should be apprehensive about his (Mukarram) becoming
his neighbour.


On this day Ikrām K͟hān, son of
Islām K͟hān, was appointed faujdār of
Fatḥpūr and its neighbourhood, and presented with a dress of
honour and an elephant; Chandar [434]Sen, the zamindar of
Haloẕ (Halwad?),114 was given a dress of honour, a
horse, and an elephant. An elephant was also given to Lāchīn
Qāqs͟hāl. At the same time Muz̤affar,115 son of Mīrzā Bāqī
Tark͟hān, had the honour of kissing the threshold. His mother
was the daughter of Bārha (Bhārā), the zamindar of
Kachh. When Mīrzā Bāqī died and the government of
Thatta went to Mīrzā Jānī, Muz̤affar was
apprehensive of Mīrzā Jānī, and he took refuge with
the aforesaid zamindar. He had remained from his childhood until now in
that country. Now that the fortunate retinue had reached Ahmadabad, he
came and did homage. Though he had been reared among men of the wilds,
and was unfamiliar with civilized ways and ceremonies, yet as his
family had had the relations of service with our exalted dynasty from
the times of Timur116—may God make his proof
clear!—I considered it right to patronize him. For the present I
gave him 2,000 rupees for expenses, and a dress of honour. A suitable
rank will be given to him, and perhaps he will show himself efficient
as a soldier.


On Thursday, the 20th, I went to the “Garden of
Victory,” and contemplated the red roses. One plot had bloomed
well. There are not many red roses (gul-i-surk͟h) in this
country, so it was pleasant to see so many here. The anemone117 bed, too, was not bad, and the figs had
[435]ripened. I gathered some figs with my own hands,
and weighed the largest one. It came to 7½ tolas. On this day
there arrived 1,500 melons from Kārīz. The K͟hān
ʿĀlam had sent them as a present. I gave a thousand of them
to the servants in attendance, and five hundred to the women of the
harem. I spent four days in this garden in enjoyment, and on Monday
eve, the 24th, I came to the city. Some of the melons were given to the
Shaikhs of Ahmadabad, and they were astonished to see how inferior were
the Gujarat melons. They marvelled at the goodness of the Deity.


On Thursday, the 27th, I held a wine-feast in the
Nagīna118 garden, which is inside the palace grounds, and
which one of the Gujarat Sultans had planted. I made my servants happy
with flowing bowls. A pergola (tak͟hta) of grapes had
ripened in this garden, and I bade those who had been drinking to
gather the bunches with their own hands and partake of them.


On Monday, the 1st of Isfandārmuẕ, I left
Ahmadabad and marched towards Malwa. I scattered money on the road till
we reached the bank of the Kānkriyā tank, where I halted for
three days. On Thursday, the 4th, the presents of Muqarrab
K͟hān were laid before me. There was nothing rare among them,
nor anything that I took a fancy to, and so I felt ashamed. I gave them
to my children to take into the harem. I accepted jewellery and
decorated vessels and cloths to the value of a lakh, and gave him back
the rest. Also about one hundred Kachhi horses were taken, but there
was none of great excellence.


On Friday, the 5th, I marched 6 kos, and encamped on the
bank of the Ahmadabad River. As my son S͟hāh Jahān was
leaving Rustam K͟hān, one of his chief servants, in charge of
the government of Gujarat, I, at my son’s request, gave him a
standard, drums, a dress [436]of honour, and a decorated dagger.
Up till now it had not been the custom in this dynasty to give to the
prince’s servants standards or drums. For instance, H.M. Akbar
with all his affection and graciousness to me, did not decide upon
giving to my officers a title or a standard. But my consideration for
this son is so unbounded that I would do anything to please him, and,
in fact, he is an excellent son, and one adorned with every grace, and
in his early youth has accomplished to my satisfaction, everything that
he has set his hand to.


On this day Muqarrab K͟hān took leave to go to
his home.


As the shrine of Qut̤b ʿĀlam, the father
of S͟hāh ʿĀlam Buk͟hārī, was in the
village of Batoh,119 and on my way, I went there and gave 500
rupees to the guardians. On Saturday, the 6th, I entered a boat on the
Mahmūdābād River and went a-fishing. On the bank is the
tomb of Sayyid Mubārak Buk͟hārī. He was one of the
leading officers of Gujarat, and his son Sayyid Mīrān erected
this monument to him. It is a very lofty cupola, and there is a very
strong wall of stone and lime round it. It must have cost more than two
lakhs of rupees. None of the tombs of the Gujarat Sultans that I saw
came up to one-tenth of it. Yet they were sovereigns, and Sayyid
Mīrān was only a servant. Genius and the help of God have
produced this result. A thousand blessings on a son who has made such a
tomb for his father:120




“That there may remain a memorial of him upon
earth.”




On Sunday I halted and fished, and caught 400
fish. One of them had no scales, and is called the
sang-māhī, [437]‘the stone-fish.’ Its
belly was very large and swollen, so I ordered them to cut it open in
my presence. Inside was a fish with scales which it had recently
swallowed and which had as yet undergone no change. I told them to
weigh both fish. The stone-fish came to 6½ seers and the other
to nearly 2.


On Monday, the 8th, I marched 4¼ kos, and
encamped in the village of Moda (Mahāondat). The inhabitants
praised the rainy season of Gujarat. It happened that on the previous
night and on this day before breakfast some rain fell, and the dust was
laid. As this is a sandy country, it is certain that there would not be
any dust in the rainy season, nor would there be any mud. The fields
would be green and cheerful. At any rate, a specimen of the rainy
season has been seen by me. On Tuesday I marched 5½ kos, and
halted at the village of Jarsīma (Jarīsamā).121


At this stage news came that Mān Singh
Sewṛā had surrendered his soul to the lords of hell. The
account of this in brief is that the Sewras122 are a
tribe of infidel Hindus who always go with their head and feet bare.
One set of them root out their hair, their beards, and moustaches,
while another set shave them. They do not wear sewn garments, and their
central principle is that no living creature should be injured. The
Banyans regard them as their pīrs and teachers, and even
worship them. There are two sects of Sewras, one called Patā
(Tapā) and the other Kanthal (Kartal). Mān Singh was the head
of the latter, and Bāl Chand the head of the Patās.123 Both of them used to attend upon H.M. Akbar.
When he died and K͟husrau fled and I pursued him, Rāy Singh
Bhurṭiyā, zamindar of Bikanir, who had been made an
Amīr by Akbar’s kindness, asked Mān Singh what
[438]would be the duration of my reign and the
chances of my success. That black-tongued fellow, who pretended to be
skilled in astrology and the extraction of judgments, said to him that
my reign would, at most, last for two years. The doting old idiot
(Rāy Singh) relied upon this, and went off without leave to his
home. Afterwards, when the glorious God chose out this suppliant and I
returned victorious to the capital, he came, ashamed and downcast, to
Court. What happened to him in the end has been told in its proper
place.124 In fine, Mān Singh, in the course of three
or four months, was struck with leprosy (juẕām), and
his limbs fell off him till he was in such a state that death was by
many degrees preferable to life. He was living at Bikanir, and now I
remembered him and sent for him. On the road he, out of excessive fear,
took poison, and surrendered his soul to the lords of hell. So long as
the intentions of this suppliant at God’s courts are just and
right, it is sure that whoever devises evil against me will receive
retribution according to his merits.


The sect of the Sewras exists in most of the cities of
India, but is especially numerous in Gujarat. As the Banyans are the
chief traders there, consequently the Sewras also are plentiful.
Besides making idol-temples for them, they have built houses for them
to dwell in and to worship in. In fact, these houses are the
headquarters of sedition. The Banyans send their wives and daughters to
the Sewras, who have no shame or modesty. All kinds of strife and
audacity are perpetrated by them. I therefore ordered that the Sewras
should be expelled, and I circulated farmans to the effect that
wherever there were Sewras in my empire they should be turned out.
[439]


On Wednesday, the 10th, I went out to hunt, and shot two
nilgaw, one male and one female. On this day the son of Dilāwar
K͟hān came from Pattan, which was his father’s fief,
and paid his respects. He presented a Kachhī horse. It was a very
handsome animal, and pleasant to ride. Till I came to Gujarat no one
had presented me with so fine a horse. Its value was 1,000 rupees.


On Thursday, the 11th, I had a wine party on the bank of
the tank, and bestowed many favours on those servants who had been
appointed to the province, and then dismissed them. Among the
promotions was that of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, the
Arab, to the rank of 2,500 personal and 2,000 horse. I also gave him
drums, a horse, and a robe of honour. Himmat K͟hān was raised
to the rank of 1,500 with 800 horse, and had a robe of honour and an
elephant. Kifāyat K͟hān, who was made Diwan of the
province, received the rank of 1,200 with 300 horse. Ṣafī
K͟hān bakhshi received a horse and a robe of honour.
K͟hwāja ʿĀqil had the rank of 1,500 with 650 horse,
and was made bakhshi of the Ahadis, and had the title of
ʿĀqil K͟hān. Thirty thousand darbs were given to
the wakil of Qut̤bu-l-Mulk, who had brought the tribute.


On this day my son S͟hāh Jahān presented
pomegranates and quinces that had been sent to him from Farāh. I
had never seen such large ones, and I ordered them to be weighed. The
quince weighed 29 tolas 9 mashas and the pomegranate 40½ tolas.
On Friday, the 12th, I went a-hunting and shot two nilgaw, a male and a
female. On Saturday, the 13th, I shot three nilgaw, two males and one
female. On Sunday, the 14th, I gave S͟haik͟h
Ismāʿīl, the son of S͟haik͟h Muḥammad
G͟haus̤, a robe of honour and 500 rupees. On Monday, the
15th, I went a-hunting and shot two female nilgaw. On Tuesday, the
16th, I again presented the Shaikhs of Gujarat, who were in attendance,
with robes of honour and maintenance-lands. To each of them I gave a
book from my special [440]library, such as the
Tafsīr-i-kas͟hs͟hāf,125 the
Tafsīr-i-Ḥusainī,126 and the
Rauẓatu-l-aḥbāb.127 I wrote on the back of
the books the day of my arrival in Gujarat and the day of presentation
of the books.


At the time that Ahmadabad was adorned by the setting up
of the royal standards my employment by day and by night was the seeing
of necessitous persons and the bestowing on them of money and land. I
directed S͟haik͟h Aḥmad the Ṣadr and some other
tactful servants to bring before me dervishes and other needy persons.
I also directed the sons of S͟haik͟h Muhammad
G͟haus̤, the grandson of S͟haik͟h
Wajīhu-d-dīn, and other leading Shaikhs to produce whatever
persons they believed to be in want. Similarly I appointed some women
to do the same thing in the harem. My sole endeavour was that as I a
king had come to this country after many years, no single person should
be excluded. God is my witness that I did not fall short in this task,
and that I never took any rest from this duty. Although I have not been
delighted with my visit to Ahmadabad, yet I have this
satisfaction—that my coming has been the cause of benefit to a
large number of poor people.


On Tuesday, the 16th, they caught Kaukab, the son of
Qamar K͟hān. He had in Burhanpur put on a faqir’s dress
and gone off into the wilds. The brief account of his case is
this:—He was the grandson of Mīr
ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, who was one of the Saifī Sayyids
and was attached to this Court. Kaukab had been appointed to the Deccan
army, and had spent some days with it in poverty and wretchedness. When
for a long time he did not get promotion he suspected that I was
unfavourable to him, and foolishly took the dress of asceticism and
went off to the wilderness. In the course of six months he [441]traversed the whole of the Deccan, including
Daulatabad, Bidar, Bijapur, the Carnatic, and Golconda, and came to the
port of Dābul.128 From there he came by ship to
the port of Gogā, and after visiting the ports of Surat,
Broāch, etc., he reached Ahmadabad. At this time Zāhid, a
servant of S͟hāh Jahān, arrested him and brought him to
Court. I ordered them to bring him before me heavily bound. When I saw
him I said to him, “Considering the obligations of service of
your father and grandfather, and your position as a houseborn one, why
have you behaved in such an inauspicious manner?” He replied that
he could not tell a lie in the presence of his qibla and real
teacher, and that the truth was that he had hoped for favours, but as
he was unlucky he had left outward ties and gone into the wilderness of
exile. As his words bore the marks of truth they made an impression on
me, and I abandoned my harsh tone and asked him if in his misfortunes
he had waited upon ʿĀdil K͟hān, or
Qut̤bu-l-Mulk, or ʿAmbar. He replied that though he had been
unsuccessful at this Court and had remained thirsty in this boundless
ocean of beneficence, he had never—God forbid that he
should—approached with his lips other fountains. Might his head
be cut off if it had bowed at this Court and then lowered itself at
another! From the time that he went into exile he had kept a diary
showing what he had done, and by examining it it would be seen how he
had conducted himself. These words of his increased my compassion for
him, and I sent for his papers and read them. It appeared from them
that he had encountered great hardship, and that he had spent much time
on foot, and that he had suffered from want of food. On this account I
felt kindly disposed towards him. Next day I sent for him and ordered
them to remove the bonds from his arms and legs, and gave him a robe of
honour, a horse, [442]and 1,000 rupees for his expenses. I also
increased his rank by one half, and showed him such kindness as he
never had imagined. He repeated this verse—




“What I see, is it, O God, waking or in a
trance?


Do I behold myself in such comfort after such
torture?”




On Wednesday, the 17th, I marched 6 kos and halted
at the village of Bārasīnor (Bālasīnor). It has
already been mentioned that the plague had appeared in Kashmir. On this
day a report of the chronicler of events arrived, stating that the
plague had taken firm hold of the country and that many had died. The
symptoms were that the first day there was headache and fever and much
bleeding at the nose. On the second day the patient died. In the house
where one person died all the inmates were carried off. Whoever went
near the sick person or a dead body was affected in the same way. In
one instance the dead body was thrown on the grass, and it chanced that
a cow came and ate some of the grass. It died, and some dogs that had
eaten its flesh also all died. Things had come to such a pass that from
fear of death fathers would not approach their children, and children
would not go near their fathers. A strange thing was that in the ward
in which the disease began, a fire broke out and nearly 3,000 houses
were burnt. During the height of the plague, one morning when the
people of the city and environs got up, they saw circles on their
doors. There were three large circles, and on the face of these (i.e.
inside them) there were two circles of middle size and one small one.
There were also other circles which did not contain any
whiteness129 (i.e. there were no inner circles). These
figures were found on all the houses and even on the mosques. From the
day when the fire took place and these circles appeared, they say there
was a diminution of the plague. This has been [443]recorded as it seems a strange affair. It
certainly does not agree with the canons of reason, and my intellect
cannot accept it. Wisdom is with God! I trust that the Almighty will
have mercy on his sinful slaves, and that they will be altogether freed
from such calamity.


On Thursday, the 18th, I marched 2½ kos and
halted on the bank of the Mahī. On this day the Jām
zamindar130 had the good fortune to kiss the ground. He
presented 50 horses, 100 muhrs, and 100 rupees. His name is Jassā,
and Jām is his title. Whoever succeeds is called Jām. He is
one of the chief zamindars of Gujarat, and, indeed, he is one of the
noted rajas of India. His country is close to the sea. He always
maintains 5,000 or 6,000 horse, and in time of war can supply as many
as 10,000 or 12,000. There are many horses in his country; Kachhī
horses fetch as much as 2,000 rupees. I gave him a dress of honour.


On the same day Lachmī Narāyan, Raja of
Kūch (Bihār), which adjoins Bengal, did homage and presented
500 muhrs. He received a dress of honour and an ornamented dagger.


Nawāzish K͟hān, son of Saʿīd
K͟hān, who had been appointed to Jūnagaṛh, had the
good fortune to pay his respects. On Friday, the 19th, I halted, and on
Saturday, the 20th, I marched 3¾ kos and halted at the tank of
Jhanūd. On Sunday I marched 4½ kos and halted at the tank
of Badarwālā. On this day there came the news of the death of
ʿAz̤amat K͟hān Gujarātī. On account of
illness he had remained in Ahmadabad. He was a servant who knew
one’s disposition, and did good work. As he had thorough
knowledge of the Deccan and Gujarat, I was grieved at his death. In the
tank above mentioned I noticed a plant which at the approach of the
finger or the end of a stick contracts its leaves. After a while it
opens them out again. Its leaves resemble those of [444]the
tamarind, and it is called in Arabic
S͟hajaru-l-ḥayā, ‘the plant of
modesty.’ In Hindī it is called Lajvantī.
Lāj means modesty. It is certainly not void of strangeness.
They also call it nag͟hzak, and say that it also grows on
dry land.


On Monday, the 22nd, I halted. My scouts reported that
there was a tiger in the neighbourhood which vexed wayfarers, and in
the forest where it was they had seen a skull and some bones lying.
After midday I went out to shoot it, and killed it with one discharge.
Though it was a large tiger, I had killed several that were larger.
Among them was a tiger which I killed in the fort of Māndū,
and which was 8½ maunds. This one weighed 7½ maunds, or 1
maund less.


On Tuesday, the 23rd, I marched over 3½ kos and
alighted on the bank of the River Bāyab.131 On
Wednesday I marched nearly 6 kos and halted at the tank of
Hamda.132 On Thursday I ordered a halt and had a wine
party, and gave cups to my special servants. I promoted Nawāzish
K͟hān to the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse, which was an
increase of 500 personal, and gave him a robe of honour and an
elephant, and allowed him to go to his fief. Muḥammad
Ḥusain Sabzak,133 who had been sent to Balkh to
buy horses, came to Court to-day and paid his respects. Of the horses
he brought, one was piebald and was of fine shape and colour. I had
never seen a piebald horse of this colour before. He had also brought
other good roadsters. I therefore gave him the title of
Tijāratī K͟hān.


On Friday, the 26th, I marched 5¼ kos and halted
at the village of Jālod.134 Rāja Lachmī
Narāyan, the paternal uncle of the Raja of Kūch, to whom I
had now given the territory of Kūch, was presented with a horse.
On [445]Saturday I marched 3 kos and halted at
Boda.135 On Sunday I marched 5 kos and set up the royal
standards at Doḥad. It is on the borders of Malwa and
Gujarat.


Pahluwān Bahāʾu-d-dīn, the
musketeer, brought a young monkey (langūr) with a goat, and
represented that on the road one of his marksmen had seen the female
langur with a young one in its arms on a tree. The cruel man had shot
the mother, which on being struck had left the young one on a branch,
and had herself dropped on the ground and died. Pahluwān
Bahāʾu-d-dīn had then come up and taken down the young
one, and had put it beside the goat to be suckled. God had inspired the
goat with affection for it, and it began to lick the monkey and to
fondle it. In spite of difference of species she showed such love as if
it had come out of her own womb. I told them to separate them, but the
goat immediately began to lament, and the young langur also became much
distressed. The affection of the monkey is not so remarkable, as it
wanted to get milk, but the affection of the goat for it is remarkable.
The langur is an animal belonging to the monkey tribe. But the hair of
the monkey (maimūn) is yellowish and its face is red, while
the hair of the langur is white and its face is black. Its tail, too,
is twice as long as the maimun’s. I have written these things on
account of their strangeness. On Monday, the 29th, I halted and went to
hunt nilgaw. I shot two, one male and one female. On Tuesday also, the
30th, I halted.






End of the twelfth year of the Emperor’s reign, in
the Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī. [447]










1 The MSS.
have Saturday instead of Tuesday, and this seems reasonable, for there
were no offerings on Tuesday (see infra). ↑


2 Text,
Sakar. Now locally called the Sāgan, ‘sea,’
tank. ↑


3 The MSS.
only speak of twelve. ↑


4 The MSS.
seem to have merely ba tīr-i-banduq, ‘with
bullets.’ ↑


5
Biyāna in text. ↑


6 That is,
apparently, the journey back by sea from the Deccan. The MSS. have
Ḥasan instead of Ḥusain, and say the route by Ormuz was
closed. Perhaps the ba Mīr of text is a mistake for bar
baḥr, ‘by sea.’ ↑


7
Tuqūz means nine in Turkī. ↑


8 The I.O.
MSS. seem to have Sakakdar or Sakakandar. ↑


9 It
appears from S͟hāh ʿAbbās’s letter to
Jahāngīr (Tūzuk, p. 165) that Muḥammad
Ḥusain Chelebī had been employed by Jahāngīr to
collect curios in Persia. ↑


10 Note by
Sayyid Aḥmad. They say that a poet recited this impromptu
couplet—










“Though Nūr-Jahān be in form a
woman,


In the ranks of men she’s a
tiger-slayer.”












The point of this couplet is that before
Nūr-Jahān entered Jahāngīr’s harem she was
the wife of S͟hīr-afgan, the tiger-slayer. The line may also
read “In battle she is a man-smiter and a
tiger-slayer.” ↑


11 The two
I.O. MSS. have “a pair of pearls and a
diamond.” ↑


12 There
is a fuller account of this flute-player in Price’s
Jahāngīr, p. 114. The melody which he composed in
Jahāngīr’s name is there called by Price Saut
Jahāngīrī. (The text does not give the name
Jahāngīrī.) It is there stated that S͟hāh
Jahān brought the flute-player with him from Burhanpur and
introduced him. ↑


13
Hauza-dāri, ‘with a basin-shaped litter on
it.’ ↑


14 The
word pās͟hīda, ‘scattered,’ does not
occur in the I.O. MSS. But perhaps the word has two opposite
meanings. ↑


15 Father
and son both died apparently at the same age. ↑


16 It was
in Sarkar Qanauj (Jarrett, ii, 185). It is Chibrāmau of I.G., iii,
97, and is in Farrukhabad district. ↑


17
Urvasi is the name of an Apsara or celestial nymph. Probably it
is here the name of a dress. (In Forbes’s Hindustani Dictionary
ūrbasī is said to denote a particular kind of ornament
worn on the breast.) ↑


18 The
MSS. have mag͟hra, which may be connected with the Arabic
mag͟hr, ‘travelling quickly.’ It may be the
name of a courier, or merely mean ‘quickly.’ ↑


19
Apparently it should be Bhīm; see infra. Gadeha is probably
Gadhī in Khandesh; see Lethbridge’s “Golden Book of
India,” p. 138. It is the Garvī of I.G., v, 33, and is one
of the Bhīl States in the Dāng Tract. ↑


20 There
was a Bodah in Sarkār Marosor in Malwa, but its revenue was only
2½ lakhs of dams (Jarrett, ii, 208). The two I.O. MSS. and Debi
Prasad’s Hindi version have Ṭoḍā.
Ṭoḍā was in Ajmir, Ranṭambhor Sarkar, and its
revenue in Akbar’s time was 1½ lakhs of rupees (Jarrett,
ii, 275). ↑


21 Ode 192
of Brockhaus’ edition, p. 112, first couplet. ↑


22 This is
the building described by William Finch. See the Journal of John
Jourdain, ed. by Foster for the Hakluyt Society, App. D. Finch speaks
of a high turret 170 steps high. The tower was the Tower of Victory
erected by Sult̤ān Maḥmūd I in 1443 to commemorate
a victory over the Raja of Chitor. “The stump of it has been
found.” Jourdain speaks of six storeys. It was built of green
stone like marble. ↑


23 Two
hundred rupees per storey(?). ↑


24
Blochmann, p. 371, and Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 537.
Now locally called the Nīl-kanṭh, ‘blue
neck.’ ↑


25 The
text misses out a conjunction before
ṣadā. ↑


26
Apparently the meaning is that the standard of two and three horses had
not been kept up. ↑


27 Some
lines of this agree with the verses in the Akbar-nāma, ii, 190.
The last two lines are quoted again in the account of the 15th year (p.
299 of Persian text). ↑


28 The
account is obscure. Elliot’s translation is “In the root of
the tree is found a lump of sweet substance which is exactly like that
of Faluda. It is eaten by the poor.” The text and some MSS. have
yak pārcha-i-s͟hīrīnī, but B. M. Or.
3276 has yak pāra. Roxburgh says nothing about any such
growth on the wild plantain. Fālūdā or
pālūda is the name of a sweetmeat. ↑


29 It is
curious that the word amūk͟hta, ‘taught,’
in the text, and which appears to be almost necessary for the sense,
does not occur either in the two I. O. MSS. or in the R. A. S. one.
Burhanpur is about 100 miles as the crow flies south-south-east of
Mandu. ↑


30 The
text has par, ‘feathers,’ instead of the sign of the
comparative tar, but the MSS. have
kalāntar. ↑


31 The
word is ḥawālī, which is sometimes translated
‘neighbourhood,’ and has been so translated here by Mr.
Rogers. But either Jahāngīr has made a mistake or the word
ḥawālī is capable of a wide interpretation, for
Jaitpūr appears to be Jaitpūr in Kathiawar. See Jarrett, ii,
258. and I. G., vii, 192. Possibly Mandu is a mistake for
Bāndhū. But there is a Jetgarh in Malwa (Jarrett, ii,
200). ↑


32
Probably this was the author who collaborated with Jerome Xavier. See
Rieu’s Catalogue, iii, 1077. ↑


33 I. O.
MS. 305 has dānā-ī-nāzikī, ‘soft
(or small) seeds.’ ↑


34 Note
181 has wāṣil gas͟htan. ‘becoming
united’ (to the Deity). ↑


35
Jā dādan, ‘to give way,’ the meaning
apparently being that they had protected Rūḥu-llah’s
murderers. But I. O. MS. 305 seems to have jāwidān,
‘eternal,’ which would mean that they were killed and also
eternally disgraced as rebels. The
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, iii, 13, has a different account
of the manner of Rūḥu-llah’s death. He was
Fidāʾī’s elder brother. ↑


36 The I.
O. MSS. have Pīr Bahār and Chandra Kona, which latter may be
the place in Midnapur. ↑


37 Text
8th, but should be 20th. See p. 196, where the next Thursday is
mentioned as the 27th. See Elliot, vi, 351. ↑


38 Text 15
months and 11 days, but it should be 11 months. S͟hāh
Jahān left his father at Ajmir on the last day of
S͟hawwāl, 1025, and he rejoined him on 11th
S͟hawwāl of the following year. ↑


39 So in
text, but I.O. MSS. have kursī, ‘a chair or
stool’ (l. 37). ↑


40 Text
būdand, but Ūdā Rām is the only Dakhani
officer mentioned. ↑


41 The
MSS. have zar-baft, ‘gold brocade.’ ↑


42 In
reference to his own name of Nūru-d-dīn. ↑


43
Ghāragī, ‘unripeness.’ ↑


44 The
Ūdājī Rām of Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā,
i, 142. ↑


45
Jamkūra is given in Forbes as the Dakhani word for a
covering made of reeds or palm-leaves and used in rainy
weather. ↑


46 The MS.
has eight. ↑


47 In the
MSS. the name seems to be Hansomat (swan-like?). ↑


48 Text
has wālida-i-k͟hūd, ‘his own
mother.’ ↑


49 A
repetition. ↑


50 The
MSS. have 3¾ kos. ↑


51 Text
k͟hat̤aʾ, ‘fault,’ but the MSS. show
that the word is k͟hatar,
‘danger.’ ↑


52 The
passage is obscure, and the MSS. do not throw much light on it.
Fortunately for the Mīrzā, there was no bullet in his gun.
The word which I have translated by ‘flexible’ is
rawān. Perhaps the meaning is quite different. Possibly it
is “he would fire a shot and then reload. As many of his bullets
had been shot away, he put a pellet (g͟halulā) into
his mouth and was shaping it,” etc. ↑


53 He has
just spoken of Tuesday as the 15th! And as Jahāngīr did not
shoot on Sundays, Sunday must be a mistake for Wednesday. It is
Wednesday in I.O. MS. 305. ↑


54 Perhaps
būkra here means a male nilgaw; būkra means
also a he-goat. ↑


55 This is
the same kind of bird that Nūr-Jahān is mentioned as having
shot. Perhaps a green pigeon is meant. ↑


56 Text
nīla, without the addition of gaw. The MSS. have
gor or chor, a pheasant (?). ↑


57 Elliot,
vi, 352. ↑


58 The
‘two’ is omitted in text. ↑


59 In
Sarkār Māndū (Jarrett, ii, 207) Debi Prasad’s
Hindi version has Daknā. ↑


60 The
MSS. have “more than 1,000.” Rāja Bhoj’s date,
according to Tod, is 567 A.D. (Jarrett, ii,
211). ↑


61 This
iron pillar is not now in existence at the mausoleum of Akbar (Note of
Sayyid Aḥmad). The pieces of the pillar are still lying at
Dhār, outside the Lāt Musjid (I.G., new ed., xi,
295). ↑


62 The
MSS. have 807, and this is correct, for Dilāwar conquered Malwa in
803 = 1400. ↑


63
Probably this means that ʿAmīd was the son of
Dāʾūd. ↑


64 Text
70, but should be 7. 807 = 1405. ↑


65 A son
of Hūs͟hang. Muḥammad S͟hāh,
intervened. ↑


66 The
MSS. have Jalot (as in the Hindi version). ↑


67 Text,
“the parganah aforesaid.” But the MSS. have Badnor. See
infra, p. 204 of text. (In this passage the Hindi version has
Madlor.) ↑


68
Blochmann, p. 502. ↑


69 MSS.
Bākor. ↑


70
Daḥūt in MSS. But Doḥad seems right, as it means two
boundaries. ↑


71 The
dam was also used as a weight, and was equal to 5
tānk or 1 tola, 8 masha, 7 surk͟h
(Blochmann, p. 31). ↑


72
Apparently Sahrā is the name of a town, and does not mean an open
space here. ↑


73 Perhaps
the line refers to the bee, and means that the bee wishes to suck the
moisture of the flower. ↑


74 The
MSS. have gul-i-kūl, ‘the flower of the tank.’
It seems to be a water-lily. ↑


75 Query
“the tank of Yasodā,” the foster-mother of
Krishna? ↑


76
Blochmann, p. 252. ↑


77
Jahāngīr crossed the Ghātī Chand or Chānd,
between Ajmere and Malwa, in the 11th year (see p. 172), but he does
not speak of having had any rohu fish there. Perhaps the reference is
to his halt at Rāmsar shortly before coming to Ghātī
Chand. He got 104 rohu at Rāmsar. See p. 169. ↑


78 Elliot,
vi, 353. ↑


79 Mondah
of Jarrett, ii, 253. ↑


80 Text
Nīlāo. No such parganah is mentioned in the Āyīn;
the two I.O. MSS. have Naryād. ↑


81
Pitlād is mentioned in Bayley’s Gujarat, p. 9, as having a
very large revenue. It is the Patlād of Jarrett, ii, 253. Text
wrongly has Nīlāb. Possibly Bhīl is the parganah
meant. ↑


82 Elliot,
vi, 353. ↑


83 The
I.O. MSS. have Abhay or Abhī Kār. ↑


84
Tiefenthaler, i, p. 380, etc., has an interesting notice of Cambay. He
also gives a sketch of its bay (plate xxxii). ↑


85 Now so
silted up that no tolerably large vessel can approach
it. ↑


86
Abū-l-faẓl calls them tāwarī (Jarrett, ii,
241). ↑


87 I.O.
MSS. have ‘ten.’ ↑


88
Tāl tārang. Possibly tārang should read
tarang (waves), and the meaning be that Jahāngīr went
to see the famous bore in the Gulf of Cambay. ↑


89 See
Elliot, vi, 355, and note. ↑


90 In the
text aḥdī occurs by mistake instead of
ʿahdī, and man instead of
mas. ↑


91 Wrongly
so in text, but Jay Singh should be corrected to Rāj
Singh. The son of Jay Singh, Raja of Ajmir, was Rām Singh, who
was born in Sambat, 1692. ↑


92 Or
ʿArabī (Arabian?). ↑


93
Mātar or Nātar in I. O. MSS. ↑


94 I. O.
MS. 181 has “in all the cities of Upper
India.” ↑


95 The
historian. ↑


96 A saint
of Multan who died in 1384. See Beale, s.v. S͟haik͟h
Jalāl, and Jarrett, iii, 369. ↑


97 So in
text, but surely it should be “8th or 7th”? It appears from
the K͟hazīnatu-l-aṣfiyā, ii, 71, that the
attendant who lost the child was a female disciple, and that the child
was young. ↑


98
According to Bayley’s Gujarat, p. 238, and Index, p. 515, the
name is either Tāj K͟hān Tūrpāli or
Narpāli. ↑


99
Suwārī-i-k͟hūd u
k͟hwus͟h-jalū-i-ū, “my own riding and his
pleasant paces (?).” It does not seem likely that
Jahāngīr would himself drive the elephant. The meaning here
probably is that Jahāngīr trusted to his being on the
elephant. K͟hwus͟h-jalū is used lower down about
another elephant, and seems to refer to the elephant’s paces. See
p. 214. ↑


100 Or
doors. The Iqbāl-nāma, 108, has “in front of each gate
there is a bazar.” ↑


101 123 in
Iqbāl-nāma. ↑


102 350 in
I.O. MSS. ↑


103
Panjara-i-sang, presumably lattice-work in stone. ↑


104 See
for dimensions of the mosque Bayley’s Gujarat, p. 92 and note,
and the authorities there quoted. ↑


105 Text
wrongly has Sunday. ↑


106
Muḥammad G͟haus̤ was accused of heresy by some of the
Gujarātī mullas. He was much respected by Humāyūn,
and is buried at Gwalior. ↑


107
Jahāngīr means that Wajīhu-d-dīn was a very learned
man, and that his devotion to Muḥammad G͟haus̤, who was
an ignorant man (ummī), shows what a great personality the
latter was. Cf. Iqbāl-nāma, 169, and
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 583, where we are told that
Wajīhu-d-dīn thanked God that both his Prophet and his
Pīr were ignorant. ↑


108 He
wrote a history of Gujarat—the Mirāt-i-Sikandarī. Rieu,
Cat., i, 287. ↑


109
Blochmann, 507, note. ↑


110
“S͟haik͟h Aḥmad K͟haṭṭū,
who had the title of Jamālu-d-dīn, was born at Delhi of a
noble family in 737 A.H. (1336–7). He was
the disciple and successor of Bābā Isḥāq (Isaac)
Mag͟hribī. His name was Naṣīru-d-dīn. By the
jugglery of the heavens he was separated from his home in a storm, and
after a while entered the service of Bābā Isḥāq.
Mag͟hribī. He acquired from him spiritual and secular
learning, and came to Gujarat in the time of Sult̤ān
Aḥmad. High and low accepted him, and paid him homage. Afterwards
he travelled to Arabia and Persia, and made the acquaintance of many
saints. He is buried at Sarkhech, near
Aḥmadabad.”—Āyīn-i-Akbarī (vol.
ii, p. 220, of Bib. Ind., ed. Jarrett, iii, 371). See Bayley’s
Gujarat, p. 90, note, and K͟hazīnatu-l-aṣfiyā, ii,
314, and Blochmann, 507, note, where the reference to the
K͟hazīna, 957, seems wrong. The story told in the
K͟hazīna is that S͟haik͟h Aḥmad belonged to
the royal family of Delhi, and was, as a baby, blown out of his
nurse’s arms into the street during a storm. ↑


111 Text
k͟hawānīn, ‘khans,’ but evidently
this is a mistake for k͟hawātīn, the plural of
k͟hātūn, ‘a lady.’ ↑


112 I.O.
MSS. have Sundar Sen. ↑


113 See
Elliot, vi, 355. ↑


114 This
name is doubtful, for the MSS. have a different reading, apparently
Namūd. There is a Halōd in Gujarat (Jarrett, ii, 242). See
also Bayley’s Gujarat, 439. Perhaps it is the Halol of the Indian
Gazetteer. ↑


115 The
existence of this son of Bāqī Tark͟hān does not
seem to have been known to Abū-l-faẓl or to Blochmann. Nor
is he mentioned in the Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā. See
Jarrett, ii, 347, where only Payanda is spoken of as the son of
Bāqī K͟hān, and Blochmann, p. 362. See also
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, iii, 485, the biography of
Mīrzā ʿĪsā Tark͟hān. His name
appears, however, in the pedigree of his house in the
Tarkhān-nāma of Jamāl
Shīrāzī. ↑


116 The
word s̤ānī in
Ṣāḥīb-qirān-i-s̤ānī in
text is a mistake. ↑


117
S͟haqāʾiq, which perhaps means tulips. In
Price’s Jahangir, p. 115, there is much more said about the
“Garden of Victory,” and Jahāngīr’s
entertainment there by his wife K͟hairu-n-nisā, the daughter
of the K͟hānk͟hānān. ↑


118
Bagīna in text. Debi Prasad has
Bakīnā. ↑


119 Banoh
in text. See Bayley’s Gujarat, p. 237; also Tiefenthaler, i, 377,
who speaks of it as being 3 leagues south of Ahmadabad. See also
Jarrett, ii, 240, n. 7. ↑


120 For
Sayyid Mubārak and his son see Bayley’s Gujarat. Sayyid
Mubārak was the patron of the author of the
Mirāt-i-Sikandarī. See loc. cit., p. 454. ↑


121 It is
the Chandsuma of Bayley’s map. ↑


122
Jarrett, iii, 210; and Akbar-nāma, translation, i, 147, n.
2. ↑


123 This
should be Tapā. See Addenda. ↑


124 I.O.
MS., instead of k͟hātimat-i-aḥwāl-ū,
has chunānchih aḥwāl, “as has been stated
in its place.” This is probably correct, as Jahāngīr
has already referred to his death. See also the account of the 2nd
year, where he speaks of Rāy Singh’s going home without
leave. ↑


125
Perhaps an explanation of Zamak͟hs͟hari’s
Commentary. ↑


126 A
Persian commentary on the Koran (Rieu, p. 96). ↑


127 A life
of Muhammad (Rieu, i, 147). ↑


128
Dābhol (I.G., new ed., xi, 100). ↑


129
Biyāẓ. The meaning is not clear. Perhaps what is
meant is that there was no writing, only the circles. ↑


130
Elliot, vi, 356. ↑


131 MSS.
seem to have Mānīb. ↑


132 MSS.
seem to have Nīmda. ↑


133 The
MSS. have Muḥammad Ḥusain Saudāgar
(trader). ↑


134 The
Jhallod of Bayley’s map. ↑


135 MSS.
have Ranūd. ↑












[Contents]



Errata and Addenda.






Page 15, line
7 from foot. The figure 1 should be placed at
Sult̤ānu-n-nisā Begam.


p. 24, l. 5.
For my read his. With reference to n. 2, p. 120, l. 13,
shows that the father meant is S͟hāhruk͟h.


p. 34, l. 2 of
verse. Solomon’s greatness depended on the possession of a ring.
When that was lost his power departed. See the story of its loss and
recovery in Mīr K͟hwānd (Rehatsek’s translation,
pt. i, 100). Probably then the line should be rendered ‘Call him
the ring-wearing Solomon.’


p. 38, near foot.
The words ‘the news,’ etc., are not a verse, and
Naz̤ar-jīvī should be Naz̤ar Chūlī, i.e.
the Naz̤ar who accompanied Humāyūn through the desert
(chūl). See Akbar-nāma translation, i, 657, n. 3.


p. 39, l. 2.
For near Lahore read a dependency of Lahore.
Kalānūr is the Kalanaur of the maps, and is 15 miles west of
Gurdāspūr (I.G., new ed., xiv, 297).


p. 43, note.
For lithograph read text.


p. 46, l. 8.
For Mīrzā read Mīrān.


p. 50, l. 1, and
note 1. I.O. MSS. seem to have Tanam Bahādur. The reference to
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā is ii, 140. The name of
Muz̤affar Gujarātī’s son was Bahādur.


p. 54, n. 1.
For Price, p. 6 read Price, p. 68. The
Iqbāl-nāma and
Khulās̤atu-t-tawārīk͟h say he was put in
charge of Ihtimām Kotwāl.


p. 58, n. 2. It is
Nīlera in I.O. MS. No. 181.


p. 60, l. 6. The
meaning is that ʿĀbidīn was the son of ʿAbdu-llah
K͟hān’s spiritual adviser. ʿĀbidīn is
called ʿĀbidī in Akbar-nāma, iii, 832. He came to
India in 1013 (1604–5), and Akbar gave him the rank of 1,000 and
500 horse (iii, 834).


p. 65, l. 11.
For know read knew.


p. 66, l. 7. The
MSS. seem to have Jaihāl.


p. 66, last line.
Kilīn means ‘daughter-in-law’ in Turkī. Perhaps
Kīlan here is a synonym for ‘son-in-law.’


p. 67, l. 8. The
words ‘which in Hindustani is called ballī’ are
not in the I.O. MSS. I do not know the word ballī as
meaning a pole. Perhaps it is a mistake for laggī.


p. 76, l. 3 from
foot. Omit the words ‘who is one of the
k͟hānazādas of the State.’


p. 79, l. 6.
For and cash read in cash.


p. 81, n. 1. Delete
question mark and the words ‘near Multān.’ Nandanpur,
i.e. Nandana (I.G., xviii, 349), and Girjhāk are in the Jhelam
district. The Rām Dās garden was some place near Lahore,
where Jahāngīr took up his residence on the way to the
hunting-ground. He spent 3½ months in hunting.


p. 84, l. 19.
For ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, read
ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān. [448]


p. 87, l. 21.
Firis͟hta in his account of Bābar says the Daulat
K͟hān of that time was descended from the Daulat
K͟hān who in 816 A.H. (1413–14)
was Sultan of Delhi. See Elliot, iv, 45.


p. 90, l. 4 from
foot. Jahāngīrpūr is mentioned in account of 15th year,
p. 317, last line (text). It is the S͟hek͟hopura of the maps,
and is 22 miles from Ḥāfiz̤ābād and 18 miles
west of Lahore. It was called S͟haik͟hūpūra in
allusion to Jahāngīr’s pet name of
S͟haik͟hū Bābā, and also in honour of
S͟haik͟h Salīm. See K͟hulāṣa T. in
account of Jahāngīr’s reign. The I.G., xxii, 270,
wrongly ascribes its origin to Dārā S͟hukūh.
Mullā Ḥusain Kashmīrī, mentioned on p. 91, died in
1037 (1627–8), Rieu, ii, 7756. The minaret is still standing. See
Eastwick’s “Panjab Handbook,” 200. Instead of
‘the gravestone in the shape of an antelope’ we should
render, I think, ‘a stone tomb with the figure of an antelope
(engraved upon it).’ The I. O. MSS. have Marrāj as the name
of the antelope. Perhaps we should read Manorāj
‘mind’s lord.’


p. 99, l. 3 from
foot. I. O. MSS, have bahūr بهور as the name of the net.


p. 109, n. 1.
Delete note. The rang is the ibex.


p. 110, n. 1. See
J.A.S.B. for February, 1908, p. 39.


p. 117. The
Iqbāl-nāma mentions in connection with the story of the
mummified saint that many Sabzawār saints lived in
Bāmiyān. See also Kāmgār Ḥusainī.


p. 120, l. 1.
Delete word ‘Georgians.’ I. O. MS. No. 181 has
g͟hurja.


p. 122, l. 10.
Insert ‘and’ after ‘sheep.’


p. 125, l. 13.
For garden read gardens.


p. 133, l. 4.
For £ read rupees.


p. 134, l. 15.
For he died on the 29th read he died in his ninth decade
(i.e. between 80 and 90). The Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā,
ii, 143, says he was 82 when he died.


p. 134, l. 13 from
foot. Instead of ‘he went off alone’ the MSS. have
‘carrying off his life’ (i.e. escaping) with
difficulty.


p. 136, n. 1. The
opinion expressed in this note is proved to be wrong by General
Cunningham’s Report, Arch. S., xiv, p. 58. The tombs are those of
a musician and his pupil.


p. 140, l. 8.
Delete Sylvia olivacea.


p. 143, l. 7.
Apparently there were twelve balls, or at least objects, ten being as
large as an orange, another being a citron, and the twelfth a
surk͟h. So instead of ‘one to a citron’ we
should read, perhaps, ‘a citron and a
surḵh.’


p. 143, l. 3 from
foot. For Ilf read Alf.


p. 147, l. 4 from
foot. Delete the word ‘Egyptian’ and also n. 1. It appears
from the G͟hiyās̤u-l-log͟hāt that a
Qut̤bī ruby is a broad ruby suitable for a ring
(signet?).


p. 153, l. 13 from
foot. For Hamaẕānī read
Hamadānī.


p. 156. According
to Terry, Jahāndār was called Sultan Tak͟ht because born
when Jahāngīr first sat on his throne.


p. 158, l. 9.
Perhaps Yūzī = Yūz-bāshī, i.e. centurion. But
I. O. 181 has not the word, only saying ‘S͟hāh Beg
K͟hān,’ and No. 305 has S͟hāh Beg
K͟hān Būrī(?).


p. 158, l. 10. The
passage is wrongly translated. No elephant was [449]presented to Salāmu-llah. The sentence
should end on l. 9 after the word ‘panther-keeper,’ which
word is probably a mistranslation. Then this new sentence should come,
i.e. ‘Salāmu-llah ʿArab, who is a young man of a
distinguished Arabian family (kih az
jawānān-i-qarār-dāda-i-ʿArab ast) and
related to Mubārak, the governor of Dizfūl, came to wait upon
me on account of his being suspicious of the designs of S͟hāh
ʿAbbās (against himself).’ ‘I patronized
him,’ etc. (as on p. 158).


p. 158, n. 3, and
p. 162, n. 1. Both notes are wrong. The place meant by
Jahāngīr is Dizfūl, a town in the
K͟hūzistān province of Persia, and Jūyza is
evidently a copyist’s error for K͟hūz or
K͟hūza, another name for K͟hūzistān.
Dizfūl is an ancient name, and according to Yāqūt,
Barbier de Meynard’s translation, p. 231, the proper spelling is
Dizpūl, i.e. ‘the Bridge of the Citadel,’ the town
being named after a famous bridge built over the river. For
K͟hūz see B. de Meynard, 216.


p. 160, l. 12 from
foot. Qabūlah was a town in the Bet Jālandhar
Dūʾāb.


p. 163, l. 9. It is
2,000 rupees in I. O. MSS.


p. 163, l. 12. It
is not Qāchā Dakhanī in I. O. MSS., but I am not sure
what the clause, as given by them, means. No. 181 seems to have
bafatāhāīgī for ‘assistance’
(?). Two B. M. MSS. have apparently bafatāhāī
kapī, but Add. 26,215 has the Arabic ḥa, while
Or. 3276 has the ordinary h, so that the words possibly mean
‘the young of the monkey’ (kapī).


p. 166, l. 2.
Ḥusāmu-d-dīn was married to
Abū-l-faẓl’s sister, Blochmann, 441.


p. 167, l. 16. The
word rojh in brackets is wrong. The MSS. have
qara-quyrag͟h and qarā-quyrāg͟h. P.
de Courteille gives quyrūg͟h as meaning a tail, so
perhaps qarā-qūyrūg͟h means a black-tailed
sheep or deer. See p. 129, l. 17, where the
qarā-qūyrūg͟h is said to be the
chikāra.


p. 168, last line.
The MSS. has ḥabs-i-mazīd, which does not necessarily
mean imprisonment for life.


p. 170, n. 2.
For Akbar’s wives read Jahāngīr’s
wives.


p. 172, l. 21 seq.
Is this the story referred to by Hawkins (Purchas), about Muqarrab
having taken a Banian’s daughter?


p. 177, note.
For one-third of an inch read one and a third inches.


p. 183, l. 8. This
is the annular eclipse entered in Dr. R. Schramm’s Tables,
Sewell’s Indian Calendar, as having occurred on 5th December,
1610, which corresponds to 28th Ramaẓān, 1019.


p. 185, n. 3.
Persian text, p. 309, l. 11, has the phrase majrā girifta
ātas͟h dādand, ‘took aim and fired’ (a
cannon).


p. 188, l. 7 from
foot. For Naz̤īrī, see Rieu, ii, 807b, and
Blochmann, 579. He died in 1622 (1613).


p. 191, l. 10.
For dhīk (?) read dhīk, i.e. adjutant bird.


p. 191, l. 8.
Pātal means ‘red’ or
‘rose-coloured’ in Sanskrit. Query ‘red
deer.’


p. 192, l. 2. Add
year 1020.


p. 195, last line.
The passage is rather obscure, but the meaning seems to be that though
formalities are not regarded by the wise, yet weak persons
(qāwāsir, which apparently is a plural of
qāṣir), regard [450]externals as the means of
paying the dues of friendship (and so we must attend to them). Hence
when at this auspicious time a province which had gone out of my
(ʿAbbās’s) possession has been settled by the exertions
of angelic servants in accordance with the hopes of well-wishers, I
(ʿAbbās) have returned to the capital, and have despatched
Kamālu-d-dīn, etc.


p. 197, l. 7.
For Khankhānān read K͟hān.


p. 197, l. 12. The
I.O. MSS. have a different reading here. They say nothing about three
ratis. What they say is, “At this time I had made some increase
in the amounts of weights and measures. For instance, I added
one-fourth (siwāʾī) to the weight of the muhrs
and rupees.” The sih ratī of text is a mistake for
siwāʾī.


p. 197, l. 12 from
foot. I.O. MSS. have ‘Sunday in Ṣafar,’ but they
wrongly have 1022.


p. 197, l. 9 from
foot. Both I.O. MSS. have ‘Neknahar’ instead of ‘in
the interior.’


p. 198, l. 11.
Or Lohgar.


p. 205, l. 14. I do
not think that the translation ‘should not force Islam on
anyone,’ or the version in Elliot, vi, 325, ‘Not to
forcibly impose Musulman burdens on anyone,’ gives the full force
of the words taklīf-i-Musalmānī bar kasī
nakunand. I think the reference clearly is to circumcision, and
that the words taklīf-i-Musalmānī should be
rendered ‘the Muhammadan ceremonial.’ This explains why the
injunction comes in immediately after the prohibitions against blinding
and mutilation. It has been said, and I believe with truth, that the
members of the Delhi royal family never were circumcised. Probably one
reason for this was that in many instances they had Hindu mothers. As
pointed out in Elliot, the passage is omitted in the
Iqbāl-nāma. It also does not occur in the version given in
ʿAlī Muḥammad’s “History of Gujarat,”
vol. i, p. 200 of lithograph.


p. 214, verse.
For red read a river.


p. 216. See picture
of a turkey in Havell’s “Indian Sculpture,” pp.
214–15.


p. 218, l. 10 from
foot. About S͟hāpūr see
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, i, 180.


p. 224, n. 1.
For infra read supra, pp. 27 and 30, note.


p. 229, ll. 9 and
14. For Patna read Tatta.


p. 229, note.
For brother read brother’s son.


p. 231, l. 14 from
foot. For Nihālpūr substitute Thālner as
in the MSS. The news of the death seems to have reached Agra very
quickly.


p. 232, l. 1.
Insert the word ‘and’ before ‘allowed.’


p. 234, l. 2 from
foot. The word translated ‘cranes’ is
kārwānak, and probably means ‘a little
crane.’ In Blochmann, 63, karwānak is rendered by
‘stone-curlew.’


p. 234, l. 5 from
foot. The word seems to be kunjis͟hk,
‘sparrow,’ in the MSS., but probably it should be
kunjak, ‘a curiosity, a rarity.’


p. 235, l. 2. It is
Thursday, the 28th, in the MSS., and instead of ‘night’ we
should read ‘eve.’ The English date corresponding to
28th Muḥarram is 10th March, 1613.


p. 237, l. 8. It is
1,000 in the MSS., and this is probably correct, though B.M. MS. 1645
has changed the word for 1,000 into one for 100. [451]The
ordinary kaukab-i-t̤āliʿ was 100 tolas in weight,
see p. 11. At p. 406 two kaukab-i-tali’s are mentioned of 500
tolas each. It is a mistake, I think, to regard the word muhr as always
implying gold. The ordinary kaukab-i-taliʿ was of silver, and
these large muhrs were no doubt also of silver. The note 1 to Elliott,
vi, 355, is probably incorrect.


p. 237, l. 10.
‘The feast went off well,’ etc. The passage is obscure, but
probably the translation should be ‘There was a splendid
assemblage (majis s͟higufta gas͟ht), and after it was
over I ordered that they should arrange an illumination.’ The
words in text, p. 116, l. 3, are ḥukm kardam kih asbāb u
āyīn bār kunand. The MSS. have
asbāb-i-āyīn rā. No. 181 seems to have
bāz kunand, and so has B.M. MS. 1645, but No. 305 has
bār kunand, as in text. It may be that the meaning is that
Jahāngīr told the servants they might appropriate the
decorations, but I rather think the order was to make an illumination.
It may also simply mean that he ordered the decorations to be taken
down. Bāz kunand ordinarily means ‘to open
out,’ bār kunand ‘to load.’


p. 237, l. 12.
Delete ‘the’ before Muqarrab.


p. 237, note. I.O.
MSS. seem to have zarīn, ‘golden’(?).


p. 241, l. 5 from
foot. I.G., new ed., xvii, 309, speaks of a handsome mosque in Mairtha
having been founded by Akbar, but probably it is this one of
S͟haik͟h Pīr. Perhaps S͟haik͟h Pīr is the
old beggar referred to in Roe’s Journal.


p. 247, l. 5 from
foot. For chakrī read jhakkaṛ. It was not
necessarily a dust-storm.


p. 250, l. 6. The
MSS. have Rūp instead of Rāwal, and so has Elliot, vi, 335.
They have ‘hill country of Mewāt,’ as in text. They
have Chitor, and not Jaipūr, as in Elliot, and they make (by
error) Jahāngīr speak of the year as the 10th, instead of the
8th. Instead of ‘have’ at l. 12 we should read
‘had,’ and instead of ‘from the Rāwal who was
first known as Rāwal,’ they have, as also has Elliot,
‘Rahab, who was the first to take the title of
Rānā.’ Rahab is the Rahup of Tod, who says he came to
the throne in 1201 A.D.


p. 253, ll. 10 and
11. I cannot find the word pūlta-bāzī. My friend,
Mr. Irvine, suggests that we should read paṭṭā
bāzī. Paṭṭā means a
‘foil,’ or ‘wooden sword,’ and
paṭṭā bāz is given in Forbes as meaning a
‘fencer.’ Paltha mārnā occurs in Forbes as
meaning a ‘peculiar posture.’ The yagānagī
of l. 11 should be yakāngagi, meaning ‘one
body,’ or ‘one limb,’ and corresponds to the
yakhāth of Blochmann, 252, both phrases meaning apparently
‘that the fencer fights with one hand,’ that is,
‘without using a shield.’


p. 260, l. 8. This
Iʿtiqād is the father of Mumtāz-maḥall, the wife
of S͟hāh Jahān. He now became Āṣaf
K͟hān, and apparently the title of Iʿtiqād was
transferred to his younger brother (or cousin?)
S͟hāhpūr, who was afterwards governor of Kashmir. See
Maʾās̤ir, i, 180. The two previous Āṣaf
K͟hāns of the family are G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn
of Qazwīn (Blochmann, 433), and Mīrzā Jaʿfar Beg,
who was G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn’s nephew. The father
of Nūr-Jahān was G͟hiyās̤ Beg of Tīhran
(Blochmann, 508). Blochmann, in his Table, 512, has not mentioned
S͟hāhpūr, i.e. the Iʿtiqād who became governor
of Kashmir. [452]


p. 261, l. 17 from
foot. For mother read mothers (i.e. stepmothers).


p. 261, l. 10 from
foot. For nephews read nephew.


p. 278, l. 13.
For named read namad, and it should be in
italics.


p. 281, l. 2. The
permission to beat his drums is explained by the Iqbāl-nāma,
p. 79, where it is said that he was permitted to beat his drums in the
capital, dar pāy-i-tak͟ht.


p. 281, l. 6 from
foot. This eclipse is noted in Dr. Schram’s Tables as occurring
on 19th March, 1615.


p. 282, l. 10 from
foot. Delete word ‘Egyptian.’


p. 286, l. 6.
For Frank read Venetian. Kār-i-Wanadik, as in
MSS.


p. 288, l. 5.
Chatūr, instead of Taḥayyur, in No. 305, and Bak͟htar
(?) in No. 181.


p. 293. According
to the Iqbāl-nāma, 80, Kunwar Karan, son of Rānā
Amar Singh, became an officer of Jahāngīr, receiving the rank
of 5,000 personal and horse. He was the first of the direct royal line
of his family to accept office.


p. 293, l. 2 from
foot. No. 181 has 102 horses.


p. 294, n. 2. No.
181 has Ras͟ht.


p. 300, l. 18.
According to Vullers’ Dict., i, 482, a tūlcha is 96
grains or about half a tola. The
G͟hīyas̤u-l-log͟hāt, however, says that
tūlcha is merely the Persian form of the
Hindustānī tūlā. According to the
Burhan-i-qātiʾ a tola is only 2½ māsha in Upper
India. Generally it is reckoned as 12 māsha. According to Sir
Thomas Roe 2½ tolas were equal to 1 ounce.


p. 317, MS. No. 181
has A.H. date 1025.


p. 321, l. 11.
For several bits read some marten skins. See Tūzuk
text, p. 308, l. 3 from foot, and Vullers’ Dict, ii, 6. The MS.
No. 181 has ṣad dāna-i-kīsh, ‘one hundred
marten skins.’


p. 321, l. 13 from
foot. For transit dues read for keeping open the Pass
(rāh-dārī).


p. 321, n. 2. The
words in I.O. MSS. seem to be īgāna begāna, which
is perhaps a mere jingle on the word afghāna, but may mean
‘known, unknown.’ Jahāngīr puns on the name
Qadam, which means ‘a foot, a pace.’ The words occur again
at p. 323.


p. 322, last line.
Probably ʿāqirī is, or is derived from,
ʿaqār, which means a bird whose feathers were used for
ornamentation. According to P. de Courteille, Turkī Dict., 384,
ʿaqār is a heron.


p. 328, l. 13 from
foot. For S͟hāh S͟hajāʿat read
S͟hāh S͟hujāʿ. He was S͟hāh
Jahān’s second son, and was born at Ajmir on the eve of
Sunday, and on 11th Tīr. Apparently this corresponds to 24th June,
1616, which is the date of birth mentioned by Sir Thomas Roe.
Beale’s date of 12th May is wrong.


p. 332, l. 6 from
foot. Here the word tūlcha is used again, and apparently as
meaning the same thing as tola; 6,514 tūlchas or tolas
would be about 82 sīrs, or over 2 maunds and about 12 stone. Next
year Sir Thomas Roe saw Jahāngīr weighed, and he understood
that his weight was 9,000 rupees. If so, his weight would appear to
have considerably increased during the twelve months. Perhaps we should
read 8,514, instead of 6,514 tūlchas. Has͟ht (8) and
s͟has͟h (6) are often confounded. [453]


p. 341, l. 8 from
foot. For times read days, the word rūz
(days) having been omitted from the text.


p. 344, n. 1.
Apparently we should read Toda. The difference between it and
Nauda is, in Persian writing, only one dot. Toda is mentioned by Roe as
the place where he overtook Jahāngīr, and the stages given by
him come to 21 kos, counting from Rāmsar, and this agrees very
nearly with Jahāngīr’s stages from the same place.


p. 351, l. 15 from
foot. The MS. No. 181 has the word gaz twice, and makes the
pahnāʾī, or width, 175½ gaz
(yards).


p. 351, last line.
For Būlgharī read Pūlkharī.


p. 352, l. 1.
Delete the words ‘of Tīr.’ The month was Bahman,
corresponding to January-February, 1617, and 23rd Bahman would be about
1st February. In Sayyid Aḥmad’s edition the word
Tīr is a mistake for nīz, ‘also,’
the meaning being that the 23rd was a halt as well as the 22nd.


p. 353, l. 2.
G͟haznīn K͟hān is mentioned by Finch under the name
of Gidney K͟hān, and he is said to have been originally a
Hindu. But this seems doubtful, as his father’s name is given in
the Mirʾāt-i-Aḥmadī as Malik
K͟hānjī Afg͟hān. See also Bayley’s
“Gujarat,” p. 15. Jālor is now in Jodhpūr. It is
described by Finch.


p. 353, l. 2. This
seems to be the case of matricide mentioned in Terry’s
“Voyage,” p. 362, of ed. of 1777. His statement that it
occurred at Aḥmadabad is presumably an oversight. Terry says the
matricide was put to death by being bitten by two snakes. See also
Irvine’s “Manucci,” iv, 422. Apparently the
punishment recorded by Jahāngīr took place on the 4th
February, for Sir Thomas Roe mentions that they reached
Kāliyādaha, the next stage, on 6th February. The bi in
biyāsa should be deleted. Jālaur, or Jalor, is in
Jodhpūr (I.G., xiv, 29). It used to be in Ajmir. It is not quite
clear if Terry was with Roe at Kāliyādaha, but if not he was
with him at Ujjain. The execution may have taken place there.


p. 355, l. 16.
For ‘from the city of Ujjain,’ etc., read
‘to a rural spot near the city of Ujjain.’


p. 360, l. 22.
For 128¼ cubits read 28¼ cubits. I.O. MS.
181 has 28¼ yards. The printed text of Sayyid Aḥmad has
128¼ cubits.


p. 362, l. 8 from
foot. Delete (Bālchha?).


p. 373, l. 11 seq.
This Iʿtiqād was the younger brother or perhaps cousin of
Āṣaf K͟hān, the brother of Nūr-Jahān. He
was also known as S͟hāhpūr. See
Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, i, 180.


p. 375, n. 2.
Read two diamonds.


p. 406, n. 3.
Dīk͟htān or Daik͟htān seems right. It is so in
both the I.O. MSS.


p. 406, l. 11 from
foot. These muhrs were probably of silver, and were called muhrs
because they were medals rather than coins. Dr. Kehr has given an
account of a large muhr which is now apparently in Dresden. See also
Richardson’s Dict., article Sikka.


p. 407, l. 4. This
is Jūna K͟hān, son of
G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn Tug͟hluq. He ascended the
throne in 1325 under the title of Muḥammad bin Tug͟hluq.


p. 407, l. 15. This
is the prince known as Naṣīru-d-dīn. He ascended the
throne as Muḥammad bin Fīrūz in 1387, and again in
1390. [454]


p. 413, ll. 11 and
3 from foot. I.O. MSS. show that Sar-farāz should be
Sarafrāz; apparently his present was ‘seven
bullock-carts’ (haft rās gāw bahal) and not two
bullocks.


p. 417, n. 2.
Cancel note. Nārangsar seems right.


p. 417, l. 2 from
foot. The words are dah bīst wazn muhr u rūpiya
maʿmūl. Elliot, p. 354, renders this ‘ten and
twenty times heavier than the current gold muhr and rupee.’


p. 418, l. 10. See
n. 2 in Elliot, vi, 355. Apparently Jahāngīr means that he
was the first person to coin double muhrs and double rupees. There is
an account of tankas in the Bahār-i-ʿAjam, 261, col 2, p.
421, n. 2. But it is 27 in I.O. MSS. 113, p. 423, l. 14. A
t̤assū is more than a finger-breadth, it is the 1/24
of a gaz or yard, and should be about 1⅓ inches.


p. 437. I am
indebted to my friend Dr. Hoernle for the explanation of the names of
the two sects of Sewras. They should be Tapā and Kharatara.
Mān Singh’s name in religion was Jīn-simha. See
Epigraphia Indica, i, 37, and Ind. Antiquary, xi, 250.
Mān Singh died at Mairtha (in Jodhpūr) according to the Jain
books, in the beginning of 1618. The head of the Tapā sect in
Jahāngīr’s time was Vījayasena. There is an
elaborate paper on the Jains of Gujarat and Marwar by Colonel Miles in
the Transactions R.A.S., iii, pp. 335–71.


p. 442, l. 8. There
is no previous reference to the outbreak of plague in Kashmir, though
there is one to its occurrence in the Panjab. There is an interesting
account of the plague in K͟hāfī K͟hān, i,
286–8, in which the description is carried down to the time of
Aurangzīb. [455]






[Contents]



Index.


[Contents]



A






ʿAbbās S͟hāh I, king of
Persia, prohibits servants from attacking Qandahar, 86;

his written orders, 112;

sent Akbar horses, 142;

ambassador brings presents, 193;

letters from, 193–6,
337;

sends mūmīyā and turquoise-earth, 238;

sends presents, 282–3,
310;

kills his son, 294;

talk with his ambassador about Ṣafī Mīrzā’s
murder, 338;

forbids smoking, 370.


ʿAbdu-l-Karīm Maʿmūrī, directed
to make buildings at Māndū, 280;

promoted, 368.


ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, Akbar’s teacher,
28, n. 2;

tomb at Ajmir, 264.


ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, son of Naqīb
K͟hān, whipped, 171.


ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, K͟hwāja,
promoted, 288;

rewarded, 295.


ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, descendant of rulers of
Gujarat, captured, 378.


ʿAbdu-l-Wahhāb, S͟haik͟h, removed as
incompetent, 75 and n. 1.


ʿAbdu-llah, son of K͟hān
Aʿz̤am, receives title of Sarfarāz K͟hān,
149;

brought to Court and promoted, 260;

sent for from Ranṭambhor prison, 288;

unchained and sent to his father’s house, 289.


ʿAbdu-llah Bārha, Sayyid, promoted, 298;

brings news of victory, 380;

styled Saif K͟hān, 382.


ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, Fīrūz-jang,
Naqs͟hbandī K͟hwāja, began as an ahadi, 27;

promoted, 72, 140, 157,
200;

takes prisoner Rāja Rām Chand, 82;

produces him in Court, 87;

captures Badīʿu-z-zamān, 127;

appointed to act against Rānā and receives title of
Fīrūz-jang, 155;

said to have killed prisoners, 213
note;

defeated in Deccan, 219–21,
234;

elephant sent to, 239 and n. 2,
310;

misbehaviour, 331;

pardoned, 335–6;

quarrel with ʿĀbid and punishment, 420–1. [456]


ʿAbdu-n-Nabī, S͟haik͟h,
Jahāngīr read the “Forty Sayings” with, 22.


ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm,
K͟hānk͟hānān, son of Bairām, message sent
to, 28;

enlists S͟hīr-afgan, 113;

presents forty elephants, etc., 134, 148;

comes to Court, 147;

his sons, 148;

undertakes to subdue Deccan, 149;

given an elephant and a superb horse, 151;

daughter, the wife of Dāniyāl, receives 10,000 rupees,
163;

sends manuscript of “Yūsuf and Zulaik͟hā” in
Mīr ʿAlī’s handwriting, 168;

unsatisfactory conduct, 178–9;

given jagir in Agra province, 199;

sent to Deccan by advice of K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan,
221;

promoted, 221;

applies for son’s leave, 243;

offering of, 295;

at Aḥmadābād, 429;

defeats Muz̤affar, 431.


ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm K͟har (ass), joins
K͟husrau and receives title of Malik Anwar, 59;

sewn up in ass’s hide, but survives, 68–9;

given 1,000 rupees, 163;

pardoned and sent to Kashmir, 164.


ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, son of Qāsim
K͟hān, paymaster of ahadis, 116;

receives title of Tarbiyat K͟hān, 149.

See Tarbiyat.


ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān, son of
Abū-l-faẓl, promoted, 17, 121;

receives title of Afẓal K͟hān, 105;

made governor of Behar, 143;

given K͟harakpur in fief for a year, 146;

fighting elephant sent to, 167;

sends to Jahāngīr makers of eunuchs, 168;

quells Patna rebellion, 173–5;

sends presents, 206;

comes to Court and presents elephants, etc., 235;

death, 241.


ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq Maʿmūrī, made
bakhshi, 13, 16;

made Court bakhshi
(bak͟hs͟hī-Ḥuẓūr), 82;

sent to army, 155;

his garden near Agra, 190.


ʿAbdu-s-Salām, son of
Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān, arrives opportunely with
reinforcements, 212. [457]


ʿAbdu-s-Sattār, Mullā, 389.


ʿAbdu-s-Subḥān K͟hān, brother
of K͟hān ʿĀlam, released and promoted,177, 319;

killed in Afghanistan, 323.


Abhay Rām, son of Akhayrāj, makes riot and is
slain, 29–30.


ʿĀbid, son of Niz̤āmu-d-dīn,
historian, ill-treated, 331;

appointed to Kabul, 346;

quarrel with ʿAbdu-llah, 420.


ʿĀbidīn K͟hwāja, promoted,
60.

See also Addenda.


Abjad, 11, n.
3;

of words Allah Akbar and Jahāngīr, 253.


Āb-pās͟hī, festival of,
265, 295.


Abū-l-bī Ūzbeg, sent to Qandahar,
224;

(qu. perhaps should be Abū-n-nabī?), 234 and n. 1;

governor of Qandahar and sends presents, 235.


Abū-l-fatḥ, of Bijapur, also called
Dekhanī, 180;

dagger presented to, 192;

waits on Jahāngīr, 228,
257;

obtains fief in Nagpur, 229.


Abū-l-fatḥ Gīlānī, buried at
Ḥasan Abdāl, 100.


Abū-l-faẓl, S͟haik͟h, son of
Mubārak, account of, 24;

killed by Bīr Singh Deo, 25;

referred to, 93, n. 2;

built embankment, 136 and n.
1;

sister of, 166 and n. 1;

report by, 355.


Abū-l-ḥasan (Āṣaf K͟hān
IV), son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah and brother of Nūr Jahan,
receives title of Iʿtiqād, 202;

given sword, 203;

house of, 249;

comes from Burhanpur and waits on Jahāngīr, 252;

receives title of Āṣaf K͟hān, 260, 278;

sends Dayānat to Gwalior, 279;

offerings of, 281, 283, 319;

magnificent offerings, 320;

pays his respects, 373;

promoted, 381;

Jahāngīr visits, 388.


Abū-l-ḥasan, K͟hwāja,
Dāniyāl’s diwan, had an audience, 79;

produces a letter of ʿAzīz Koka, 80;

joined with Āṣaf K͟hān, 103;

fire in his house, 172;

makes offering, 192;

appointed to Deccan as he had long served Sultān Dāniyāl
there, 202;

sent to Deccan to inquire into cause of ʿAbdu-llah’s defeat,
219;

recommends dispatch of ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, 221;

advice [458]accepted and the K͟hwāja sent with
ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, 221;

made bak͟hs͟hī-kul, 256;

appointed along with Ibrahīm K͟hān to be paymaster of
household, 260;

promoted, 282, 287, 318,
320.


Abū-l-ḥasan Shihābk͟hānī,
made vizier of Bengal in room of Wazīr K͟hān
(Muqīm), 139.


Abū-l-qāsim, brother of Āṣaf
K͟hān, Muhammad Jaʿfar, 103.


Abū-l-qāsim Namakīn, his numerous
children, 31;

assists in capture of K͟husrau, 67;

Jagirdar of Jalālābād, 102;

removed from there, 103.


Abū-l-wafā, given money for building bridge,
etc., at Ḥasan Abdāl, 160.


Abū-l-walī, promoted, 160.


Abū-n-nabī (?), Ūzbeg, formerly governor
of Mashhad, promoted, 27 and n.
1;

remark of, 30 and n. 1;

appointed to assist Farīd, 61
and n. 3.


Adhār, place in East Bengal, 213 and note.


ʿĀdil K͟hān, of
Bījāpūr, horse sent by, wins race, 110;

offers loyalty, 176, 182, 203, 234;

gives niece in marriage to singer, 271;

musical compositions of, 272 and
n. 1, 288;

sends offering, 299, 335, 368;

styled farzand, 388;

his diamond, 400;

presents elephants, 400–1.


Afẓal K͟hān, son of
Abū-l-faẓl. See ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān.


Afẓal K͟hān, title of Mullā
S͟hukru-llah, the Mīrzā Sowcolla of Roe, S͟hāh
Jahān’s diwan, report from, 368, 387;

promoted, 402.


Agra, description of, 3–5, 7.


Aḥdād, Afghan, creates disturbance, 197;

defeated, 263, 311–12.


Aḥmad Beg, Kābulī, reports
K͟husrau’s march, 53;

removed, 102;

appointed to Bangas͟h, 105;

Attock transferred from, 111;

confined at Ranṭambhor, 279;

released, 297;

governor of Kashmir, 303.


Aḥmad K͟hān, brother of
K͟hiẓr K͟hān, who was formerly ruler of
K͟handesh, 76.


Aḥmad K͟haṭṭū,
S͟haik͟h, a saint, 428
and note. [459]


Aḥmad Lāhorī, S͟haik͟h, made
Mīr-i-ʿAdl, 60 and n.
2.


Aḥmad, Sayyid, editor of Tūzuk, notes by,
164, 200, 215, 332, 428.


Aḥmad, Sultān of Gujarat, 420, 424.


Aḥmadābād, 401;

styled Gardābād, 414;

description of, 423;

mosque of, 424.


Ahmadnagar, 181;

grapes of, 360.


Aimāqs, cavalry, 55;

present to leaders, 58, 61;

killed, 64, 82 and note, 119,
159.


Ajmir, entered, 253;

description of, 340.


Akbar, emperor, desire for a son, 1;

makes Sīkrī his capital, 2;

styled after death
ʿArs͟h-ās͟hyānī, 5;

illiterate, 33;

personal appearance, 33–4;

children of, 34;

good qualities, 37–8;

declines to kill Hemū, 40;

march to Gujarat, 40–1;

account of, 42–5;

abstinence of, 45;

‘Divine Faith,’ 60 and
n. 2;

builds fort on Chenāb, 91;

changed name for cherries, 116;

anniversary of birth, 127;

of death, 148;

tomb of, visited by Jahāngīr, 152;

orders about Sunday, 184;

weighed twice a year, 230;

kept 1,000 cheetahs, 240;

appears to Jahāngīr in a dream, 269;

fondness for fruit, 270;

in Gujarat, 429, 436.


Akhayrāj, son of Bhagwān Dās, riot by his
sons, 29.


ʿĀlam-gumān, name of elephant, 259, 260.


ʿAlāʾu-d-dīn, S͟haik͟h,
grandson of S͟haik͟h Ṣalīm, receives title of
Islām K͟hān, 31.

See Islām K͟hān.


Albino birds and beasts, 140.


ʿAlī Aḥmad, Mullā, son of
S͟haik͟h Ḥusain, seal-engraver, 1,000 rupees given to,
159;

sudden death of, 169;

couplet by, 228 and n. 2.


ʿAlī Akbars͟hāhī,
Mīrzā, promoted and given Sambhal in fief, 25 and note;

sent in pursuit of K͟husrau, 65;

given 1,000 rupees, 163;

reward to, 182;

comes from Deccan, 233;

death, 334.


ʿAlī Aṣg͟har Bārha, son of
Sayyid Maḥmūd, styled Saif K͟hān, 32.

See Saif K͟hān.


ʿAlī Bārha, Sayyid, promoted, 282. [460]


ʿAlī K͟hān Kaṛorī,
receives title of Naubat K͟hān, 111 and n. 4.


ʿAlī K͟hān Niyāzī, sent to
Deccan, 184.


ʿAlī K͟hān, ruler of K͟handesh,
letter of ʿAzīz Koka to, 79–80.


ʿAlī Mardān K͟hān Bahādur,
wounded and made prisoner, 220.


ʿAlī Masjid, fort of, 102, 117.


ʿAlī Qulī Istājlū, table
servant of Ismāʿīl II, 113.

See S͟hīr-afgan.


Allahdād, son of Jalālā, presents to,
295, 321, 324, 390.


Allah-yār Koka, styled Himmat K͟hān,
406.


Alligator, 408.


Altūn-tamg͟hā, meaning of term,
23.


Alūwa Sarai (11 miles south-east of Sirhind),
61.


Amānābād, strange occurrence at, 247.


Amānat K͟hān, superintendent of Cambay,
418, 423.


Amānu-llah, son of Mahābat K͟hān,
Rūp Bās called Amānābād after him, 252.


Amar Singh, Rānā, of Udaipūr, defeat of,
249–51;

submits, 273, 276, 285;

statue of, 332;

sends figs, 349.


Ambā, an oppressor (Sikh?), heavily fined, 73.


Amba K͟hān Kashmīrī, receives rank
of 1,000, 75;

wounds S͟hīr-afgan and is himself killed, 115.


ʿAmbar, Malik, 220.

See Malik ʿAmbar.


ʿAmīd S͟hāh G͟horī or
Dilāwar K͟hān, ruler of Malwa, 407.


Amīnu-d-daula, made Ātis͟h-i-begī,
or perhaps Yātis͟h-begī, 13, 14 and n. 1.


Amīr K͟husrau, verses by, 100, 169.


Amīru-l-Umarā, see S͟harīf
K͟hān.


Amrohī, halt at, 100.


Ananās (pineapple), 5.


Ānand K͟hān, title of S͟hauqī,
331;

given one day’s offerings, 370.


Anīrāʾī Singh-dalan, title of
Anūp Rāy, saves Jahāngīr at tiger hunt, 185–7;

receives his title, 188;

in charge of Rustam Ṣafawī, 263;

charge of K͟husrau transferred from, to Āṣaf
K͟hān (compare Sir T. Roe’s account), 336;

promoted, 373. [461]


Anjū or Injū, see
Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain.


Antelopes, 83;

grave of antelope at Jahāngīrpūr
(S͟haik͟hūpūra), 90, 91, 122, 129;

milk of antelope, 148;

prayer carpet made of skins of, 203.


Anūp Rāy, see
Anīrāʾī.


Āqā Mullā, brother of Āṣaf
K͟hān, i.e. Muḥammad Jaʿfar Āṣaf (No.
iii), rank fixed, 58.


Aqam Ḥājī, pretended Turkish ambassador,
144.


ʿĀqil, K͟hwāja, made bakhshi,
71;

promoted, 297;

made a K͟hān, 439.


ʿArab K͟hān, made fief-holder of
Jalālābād, 103,
105;

given elephant, 170.


Ārām Bānū, daughter of Akbar and
Bībī Daulat-S͟hād, 36;

character of, 36.


Arg͟hus͟htak (Afghan dance), 107 and note.


Arjumand Bānū (Mumtāz Maḥall),
married to K͟hurram, Sult̤ān (S͟hāh
Jahān), 224 and note;

birth of Dārā, 282.


Arjun, Sikh, fifth Gūrū, favours
K͟husrau, 72:

put to death, 73 and n. 1.


ʿArs͟h-ās͟hyānī
(title of Akbar), 5.


Arslān Bī, governor of Kāhmard fort,
118;

waited upon Jahāngīr, 125;

appointed to Sahwan, 203.


Asad Mullā, story-teller, 377.


Āṣaf K͟hān (No. iii), otherwise
Mīrzā Jaʿfar Beg, son of Badīʿu-z-zamān,
of Qazwīn (the Āṣaf No. iii of Blochmann), couplet on
coins, 11;

nephew of Muk͟htār Beg, 16;

made vizier, 16, 42, 103 and n.
2;

given fief in Panjab, 47;

with Parwīz, 74;

left to guard K͟husrau, 82;

house visited by Jahāngīr, 132;

presents ruby, 148;

dies at Burhanpur, 222–3;

suspected of privity to Kabul plot of K͟husrau, 223.


Āṣaf-k͟hān (No. ii), see
G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn ʿAlī.


Āṣaf K͟hān (No. iv), see
Abū-l-ḥasan.


Āsīrgarh, 34.


Attock, fort of, 101.


Avicenna quoted about wine-drinking, 306. [462]


Āyīn-i-Jahāngīrī,
Jahāngīr’s regulations, 205.


ʿAz̤āmat K͟hān, 432; death, 443.


ʿAzīz Koka, K͟hān Aʿz̤am,
son of S͟hamsu-d-dīn and Jījī Angā, rescued by
Akbar, 40–2;

accompanies Jahāngīr in pursuit of K͟husrau, 54;

discovery of his letter to ʿAlī K͟hān, 79–81;

hypocritical character, 138;

governor of Gujarat, 153;

sent to Deccan, 183;

governor of Malwa, 200;

S͟hādmān, his son, 203;

letter from, 203;

begs to be sent against the Rānā, 234, 256;

behaves badly, 257–8;

made over to Āṣaf K͟hān (No. iv) to be confined in
Gwalior, but to be made comfortable, 261;

Akbar appears to Jahāngīr in a dream and begs forgiveness for
ʿAzīz, 269;

brought from Gwalior and pardoned, 287;

gets lakh of rupees, etc., 289.






[Contents]



B






Bābā K͟hurram, see
K͟hurram Bābā and S͟hāh Jahān.


Bābar, emperor, defeats Ibrāhīm,
Sult̤ān, 4;

makes garden, 4;

styled Firdūs-makānī, 5;

waited on by Dilāwar K͟hān, 87;

his stone terrace at Kabul, 108;

his Memoirs, 109, 110 note, 215;

Jahāngīr visits his tomb, 110;

revisits stone terrace, 121;

defeats Rānā Sāngā, 250;

verse by, 304.


Bad luck, four causes of, 235.


Badīʿu-z-zamān, fourth son of
S͟hāhruk͟h, 120;

goes off to join Rānā, arrested and sent to Court, 127;

gets 2,000 rupees, 160;

promoted, 163, 289, 360;

waits on Jahāngīr, 202;

appointed to expedition against Rānā, 204.


Bāgha, son of Rānā, 74.


Baglāna, account of, 396.


Bahādur, son of Muz̤affar Gujarātī,
makes disturbance, 49;

death, 274.


Bahādur, Sultan of Gujarat, 408.


Bahādur K͟hān Qūrbegī,
promoted, 81;

governor of Qandahar, 282,
319;

makes offering, 379. [463]


Bahāduru-l-mulk, given standard, 255;

promoted, 285.


Bahlūl K͟hān, 372, 405.


Bahra-war, son of Mahābat K͟hān, 346.


Bairām K͟hān, Akbar’s tutor,
38;

kills Tardī Beg, 39;

advises Akbar to kill Hemū, 40;

married to Salīma Sult̤ān Begam, 232.


Bais͟h (Vais͟hya), Hindu caste, 245.


Bāk Bhal, village, 165.


Bak͟htar K͟hān Kalāwant,
ʿĀdil K͟hān’s favourite, 271.


Bālā Ḥiṣār, of Kabul,
inspected, 118.


Bāmīyān, 117 and note.


Banārasī, S͟haik͟h, misconduct at
Patna and punishment, 175–6.


Bang and būza, forbidden, 157.


Bansībadan, elephant sent by Islām
K͟hān, 237.


Bāppa, 250 n.
2.


Bāqī K͟hān, ruler of Transoxiana,
26.


Bargīs (Mahrattas), 220.


Bārha Sayyids, 64.


Bark͟hūrdār, son of
ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān, son of Muʾayyid Beg, ordered back
to his fief, 21;

given title of K͟hān ʿĀlam, 154.

See also K͟hān ʿĀlam.


Bark͟hūrdār, brother of ʿAbdu-llah
Fīrūz-jang, gets title of Bahādur K͟hān,
146;

promoted, 163.


Basāwal, 103.


Bāso, Raja of Māu, promoted, 49;

sent in quest of K͟husrau, 65;

in charge of Rām Chand Bandīlah, 87;

appointed to army against Rānā, 200;

death, 252.


Batoh, village in Gujarat, 436.


Bāyazīd, S͟haik͟h, grandson of
S͟haik͟h Salīm, promoted, 32;

receives title of Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān, 79;

governor of Delhi, 137;

promoted and sent to Delhi, 171;

sons promoted, 202.


Bāyazīd Bārha, 418.


Bāyazīd Biyāt, quoted, 107 note.


Bāyazīd Mankalī, pays respects along with
his brothers on coming from Bengal, 166;

sent off after getting dress, 170.


Bāysung͟har, son of Dāniyāl,
75.


Bāz Bahādur, title of Lāla Beg, son of
Niz̤ām librarian to Humayūn, 21;

held fief in Bihar, 21.
[464]


Bāz Bahādur Qalmāq, waits on
Jahāngīr, 79;

appointed to Deccan, 184.


Bengal, account of, 207.


Bezoar stones, goats with them brought from Carnatic,
240.


Bhadar, name of Aḥmadābād citadel,
423.


Bhagwān Dās, Rāja, son of
Bihārī Mal, uncle (and adoptive father) of Mān Singh,
16, 29;

in battle in Gujarat, 42.


Bhakra, village in Ghakhar country, 96.


Bhanwar, net, 99.


Bhāo Singh, son of Mān Singh, promoted
24, 140, 372;

made Mīrzā Rāja, 266;

goes home, 268;

offering of, 282;

goes to Amber, 297;

given a turban, 329.


Bhārat, grandson of Rām Chand Bandīlah,
made Raja, 231.


Bharjū, Raja of Baglāna, 221, 396,
411.


Bhīm Narāyan, of Gadeha, 411.


Bhoj, Rāja, 406.


Bhoj, son of Bikramājīt Bhadauriyā,
389.


Bhūgyāl tribe, 97.


Bīd mūllā (willow-tree), 7.


Bīgara, meaning of title, 429.


Bihār Bānū Begam, daughter of
Jahāngīr, 19.


Bihārī Chand Qānūngū, to send
infantry to Parwīz, 159;

promoted, 160.


Bihārī Mal, Rāja, first Rājpūt
to serve Akbar, 16.


Bihaṭ River, source of, 92–3.


Bihis͟htābād, that is, Sikandra, 249.


Bijay Rām, riot by, 29.


Bīka Begam, (step) great-grandmother of
Jahāngīr, wife of Bābar, her garden at Kabul, 106 and n. 1.


Bikramājīt, Rāja, title of Patr Dās,
22;

sent to Gujarat, 50. See Patr
Dās.


Bikramājīt, Sundar Dās, Rāja,
325, 402.


Bikramājīt, of Ujjain, founder of
observatories, 22, 354.


Bikramājīt, zamindar of Bāndhū,
176.


Bīr Singh Deo, of Bandela, promoted, 24, 204. 231, 281;

kills Abū-l-faẓl, 25;

reports from, [465] 111;

brings white cheeta, 139;

present to, 147.


Bird, strange, from Zīrbād (Sumatra, etc.),
272.


Birthday, Jahāngīr’s, 9 and n. 1.


Bis͟hūtan, grandson of Abū-l-faẓl,
167.


Blackstone throne, account of, 177.


Blochmann quoted, 6
notes, and passim.


Bokul, a tree, 6 note.


Brahmans, duties of, 244, 357.


Bug͟hra, cooking entertainment, 107 and note.


Buland-ak͟htar, son of K͟husrau, 153.


Bulg͟hur-k͟hānas, free
eating-houses, 75, 204.






[Contents]



C






Caldron, large, for Ajmir shrine, 256.


Cambay, account of, 415–17.


Carrier-pigeons, 387.


Carving, curious, 200.


Chain of Justice, 7.


Chaks, dynasty, in Kashmir, 95.


Chambelī (white jessamine), 6.


Champa (sweet-scented flower), 5.


Chanār-tree (plane), 7.


Chandar Sen, zamindar, 428, 434.


Chandwālah, minaret erected at, 83;

the Chandāla or Jandiāla of, 91, 130.


Chaprāmau in Qanauj, mangoes of, 377.


Chāran, Hindī poet, 141.


Chardin, J., traveller, quoted, 230 note.


Charities, 128.


Chaudharīs rewarded, 69.


Chaukandī, on Jumna, made by
Humāyūn, 137.


Cheetas, 139,
240.


Chelebī, Muḥammad Ḥusain, sent to make
purchases in Persia, 237–8.


Chhatrī or Khatrī, Hindu caste, 244.


Chīmnī (?) Begam, daughter of S͟hāh
Jahān, dies at Ajmir, 326
(perhaps the name is Chamanī).


Chīn Qilīj, promoted, 111, 261;

made a K͟hān, 199,
231;

sent to administer Surat, 233,
261;

waits on Jahāngīr, 260;

misconduct and death, 301.


Chingīz K͟hān, customs of, 23, 68,
76. [466]


Chitor, Akbar killed Jitmal at, 45, 250;

taken, 251.


Chronograms, 11,
12 and note, 38, 104, 108, 109, 270.


Coinage, gold and silver, 10–12, 197;

new coinage at Cambay, 417–18.


Column, iron, at Dhār, 407.


Customs, abolition of, 47, 107–8,
417.


Cypress, 6.






[Contents]



D






Dahr, village, 76.


Dahrah, garden near Agra, 182, 232, 234, 252.


Dalāzāk, Afghan tribe, 100, 127.


Dall, lake in Kashmir, 93.


Dancing, religious, 173.


Dāniyāl, Sult̤ān, son of Akbar,
birth, 34;

account of, 35–6;

his elephants, 46;

children, 75;

employs Daulat K͟hān, 89;

gets horse from Akbar, 142;

Jahāngīr directs that he be styled S͟hāhzāda
marhūm, 197.


Dārā S͟hukūh, birth of, 282.


Dārāb, son of ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm
the K͟hānk͟hānān, dress given to, 21;

promoted and receives Ghazipur in fief, 180;

receives dagger, 303;

his bravery, 313;

receives an elephant, 418.


Darfūl, country, 158 and n. 3, 162
and n. 1;

properly Dīzfūl, the Desful of the maps, in Khuzistān,
Persia.

See Addenda.


Dāʾūd Karānī, Afghan ruler of
Bengal, 207.


Daulat K͟hān, ancestor of K͟hān
Jahān Lodī, 87.


Daulat K͟hān, father of K͟hān
Jahān Lodī, serves ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, 88.


Daulat K͟hān brings blackstone throne from
Allahabad, 177;

faujdār of Allahabad and Jaunpur, 217.


Daulat-S͟hād, mother of
S͟hakaru-n-nisā and Ārām Bānū, 36.


Dayānat K͟hān, title of Qāsim
ʿAlī, 123;

promoted, 260, 265;

insults Iʿtimādu-d-daulah and is punished (text wrongly calls
Dayānat S̤ābit), 278–9;

released, 303, 306, 318;

sent to Gujarat, 331;

rank restored, 333;

brings ʿAbdu-llah, 335.
[467]


Deonak, a kind of monkey, 143.


Dhār, account of, 407;

inscription at, 408.


Dhīrdhar, Rāja, 58.


Dhurpad, or durpat, Hindī verse or
song, 271 and n. 1.


Diamond, called Chamkoṛa, 400;

nine diamonds sent from Bihar, 379.


Diamond mines, 315.


Dīk͟htān, village in Malwa, 406.


Dil-āmīz Garden, near Lahore, 90;

Jahāngīr meets his mother there, 131.


Dilāwar, title of Ibrāhīm K͟hān
Kākar, 29, 30;

promoted, 49, 77, 286,
298;

opposed K͟hugrau, 59, 62;

given Jaunpūr, 105;

sends ruby, 248.


Dilāwar K͟hān, son of Daulat
K͟hān and servant of Bābar, put to death by
S͟hīr S͟hāh, 88.


Dilāwar K͟hān, or ʿAmīd
S͟hāh G͟horī, founder of Malwa dynasty, 407–8.


Divine Faith, Akbar’s, account of, 60 and n. 2, 61.


Diwālī festival, 245, 268.


Dogs, 126, 283, 288.


Doḥad parganah, 414, 445.


Downton, Captain, 274 note.


Drinking, Jahāngīr’s rules for, 8;

resolves not to drink on Friday eves, 20.


Dulīp, son of Rāy Rāy Singh, rebels,
76;

defeated, 84;

pardoned, 148;

given dress of honour, 217;

made Raja, 218;

sent to support Mīrzā Rustam, 229;

put to death, 259.


Durgā, Rāy, death and account of, 134 and Addenda.


Durjan Sāl, zamindar of Khokharā, 315.


Dūst Muḥammad, see K͟hwāja
Jahān.


Dust storm, 247.






[Contents]



E






Ear-boring, 267–8.


Eclipse, of moon, 160;

of sun, 183, 281.

See also Addenda.


Elephants, rock near Jalālābād carved
into shape of elephant, 103;

prices of elephants, 140;

death of two elephants from [468]bite of a mad dog, 243;

birth of an elephant, 265;

elephant hunting, 401.


English, victory of, 274.


Erskine, W., quoted, 5 n. 1;

6 notes 2 and 4, etc.


Eunuchs, custom of making in Sylhet, abolished by
Jahāngīr, 150–1,
168;

but see Islām’s presents, 247, unless indeed they were sent under orders mentioned
in 151.






[Contents]



F






Farāh, governor of, designs attack on
Qandahar, 85.


Farḥat K͟hān, strikes Muḥammad
Ḥusain, 44.


Farīd Buk͟hārī, S͟haik͟h,
confirmed in post of Mīr Bak͟hs͟hī, 13;

raised to rank of 5,000, 20;

assists in quelling Rajput riot, 30;

sent in pursuit of K͟husrau, 53, 57;

victory over K͟husrau, 64;

given Bhairawal and title of Murtaẓā K͟hān,
69;

receives charge of Arjun Gūrū’s children and houses,
72;

firman issued to, 128;

sends ruby ring, 132;

made terrace on Jumna, 137;

removed from Gujarat on account of servant’s oppression, 153;

appointed to the Panjab, 178;

presents New Year’s gifts, 192;

settled that he should be governor of Panjab, 198;

offerings of, 236, 282, 318;

promoted to 6,000 with 5,000 horse, 239;

sent to Kāngra, 283;

suspects Sūraj Singh, 311;

death and character of, 324.


Farīdābād, 57.


Farīdūn, son of Muḥammad Qulī
Barlās, promoted, 32, 143, 158, 231;

gets fief in Allahabad, 117;

given standard, 167;

sent to Deccan, 184;

dies at Udaipur, 268.


Farmulī, Afghan tribe, barricade Kabul streets,
197.


Farruk͟h Beg, painter, gets present, 159.


Fatḥ-bāg͟h, garden, 429, 434.


Fatḥ Gaj, elephant, 256.


Fatḥpūr, so called after conquest of Gujarat,
2. [469]


Fatḥu-llah, son of Ḥakīm
Abū-l-fatḥ, involved in K͟husrau’s plot and
imprisoned, 123.


Fatḥu-llah, Ḥakīm, promoted, 71.


Fatḥu-llah, K͟hwājagī, confirmed as
bak͟hs͟hī, 13.


Fāẓil, Mīr, faujdār of
Qabūlah, 160.


Fāẓil K͟hān, i.e.
Āg͟hā Fāẓil, 345.


Fidāʾī K͟hān, title of
Sulaimān Beg, 131;

promoted and sent to Deccan, 162;

made bak͟hs͟hī of S͟hāh
Jahān’s army, 256;

dies, 265.


Fidāʾī K͟hān, title of
Hidāyatu-llah, 383, 389;

sent against the Jamindar of Jaitpur, 390, 391.


Fig͟hānī, poet, 150 and n. 1;

quoted, 359.


Filūnīyā, explained, 308 and n. 3.


Finch, W., quoted, 99 note, 121 n. 2,
174 note, 381 note.


Firdūs-makānī, 5.

See Bābar.


Fishing, 188,
436.


Flowers, Indian, superior to all others, 5.


Frank ports, pineapples grown at, 5.


Frank saddles, 237.


Franks of Goa plunder four vessels, 255.


Fruits, 5;

Jahāngīr’s partiality for mangoes, 5, 116;

description of fruits, 116,
270, 350, 397, 422, 435, 439.






[Contents]



G






Gadā ʿAlī, captures Muḥammad
Ḥusain, 44.


Gadāʾī, Mullā, account of, 290.


Galahrī (squirrel), animal called
‘master of mice,’ 104–5.


Game-bag, 83,
126, 167, 191, 204, 234, 369.


Ghakkar tribe, 99.


G͟harchal, Badakhshan tribe, 120.


G͟harīb-k͟hāna, in the Khyber,
11 (now known as
Landī-Kotal).


G͟haus̤, Muḥammad, 426 and note.


G͟hāzī, Mīrzā, son of
Jānī Beg, sister betrothed by Akbar to K͟husrau,
20;

account of, 71;

rewarded with 30 lakhs of dams,
75;

sent to Qandahar, 86;

waits on Jahāngīr, 131;

poetry of, 133;

ordered to Qandahar, 151;

reports about Qandahar, 173;

death and character, 223–4.
[470]


G͟hiyās̤ Beg, father of Nūr
Jahān, styled Iʿtimādu-d-daula, 22 and n. 2;

put in charge of Agra, 57;

his son S͟harīf executed, 122;

rank of 2,000, 199;

made Vizier, 200;

house of, 249;

receives rank of 5,000 with 2,000 horse, 260;

affronted by Dayānat, 278;

promoted, 280, 281;

offering of, 318;

records death of grandchild, 326;

contingent reviewed 374;

Jahāngīr gives his own turban to, 378.


G͟hiyās̤ Zain-k͟hānī,
diwan of Patna, 173;

punished, 176.


G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn, Sult̤ān
of Māndū, murder of, 365.


G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn ʿAlī,
see Naqīb K͟hān.


G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn ʿAlī
Āṣaf-k͟hān (No. ii), father of
Nūru-d-dīn, 122.


Ghorkhatrī, near Peshawar, ignorance of faqirs at,
102.


Gīlās (cherry), 116 and n. 1.


Gladwin, F. referred to, 8 n. 2.


Goa, 215, 255.


Gobind Dās, Vakil, killed, 292.


Gobindwāl, news of victory received at, 63;

residence of Arjun Gūrū, 72.


Grapes, 5, 404, etc.


Gujars, caste, 91.


Gul-afs͟hān, Bābar’s garden at
Agra, 4–5.


Gul-ruk͟h Begam, mother of Salīma
Sult̤ān Begam, 232.


Gulāb-pās͟hī, ceremony of, 265.


Gulbahār, cherries of, 104.


Gwalior, 4, etc.






[Contents]



H






Ḥabs͟hī, kind of grape,
5.


Hādī, Muḥammad, quoted, 15 n. 4, 19 n.
6.


Ḥāfiz̤, omens taken from, 214, 381.


Ḥāfiz̤ Jamāl, fountain near Ajmir,
257, 269 n. 1.


Ḥaidar, S͟haik͟h, of Ahmadabad, 426.


Hailstorm, 92.


Ḥajī Bī Ūzbeg, given 4,000 rupees,
159;

promoted, 281;

gets title of Ūzbeg K͟hān, 285.


Ḥājī Koka, sister of
Ṣaʿādat Yār Koka, foster-sister of Akbar, 46.


Ḥājī Mīrak and others released from
Gwalior, 180. [471]


Ḥakīm ʿAbdu-s͟h-S͟hakūr,
267.


Ḥakīm ʿAlī, physician, learned in
mathematics, 68;

subaqueous chamber, 152;

death and character, 154.

See also p. 124, where the
‘Yād’ is a mistake of text.


Ḥakīm Muz̤affar, 58;

rank fixed, 79.

See Jālālu-d-dīn Ḥakīm.


Ḥakīm Ṣadrā, receives title of
Masīḥu-z-zamān, 155, 267;

produces hermaphrodite cat, 374.


Ḥakīm Yād ʿAlī,
124. The Yād is a
mistake of text. The name is Ḥakīm ʿAlī, and he is
the man who treated Akbar in his last illness.


Ḥamīd Gujarātī, physician, 188–9.


Haridās Jhālā, servant of the
Rānā, 273.


Ḥasan, Mīrzā, one of
S͟hāhruk͟h’s twin sons, seized as he was going to
join K͟husrau, 54 and n. 2
(apparently he was put to death, as no more is heard of him).


Ḥasan, S͟haik͟h, son of
S͟haik͟h Bahā, 27
and n. 2.

See Muqarrab K͟hān.


Ḥasan Abdāl, place, 99.


Ḥasan ʿAlī Turkumān promoted,
248.


Ḥasan and Ḥusain, twin sons of
S͟hāhruk͟h, 54,
119;

for Ḥusain see also 118, 127.


Ḥasan Beg, ambassador of the king of Persia,
receives 10,000 rupees, 90.


Ḥasan Miyāna, 405.


Hās͟him, K͟hwāja, of Dahbīd,
303.


Hās͟him K͟hān, governor of Orissa,
127;

sends forty-four elephants, 183;

made governor of Kashmir, 199;

has leave to go there, 203;

Ṣafdar K͟hān substituted for him, 256.


Ḥāṣilpūr, village, 362, 404.


Ḥātim, son of Manglī, or Manklī,
29.


Hatyā, village, 97.


Hazāra, a soothsayer, 43.


Hazāras, 110.


Hemū, rebel, 38, 39;

killed, 40, 59.


Hidāyatu-llah, styled Fidāʾī
K͟hān, 383.


Hilāl K͟hān, sazāwal,
67;

makes ring-hunt at Rohtas in Panjab, 129. [472]


Himmat K͟hān, promoted, 439;

he is Allah-yār Koka, 406.


Hindāl, father of Ruqayya Sult̤ān Begam,
48;

tomb of, at Kabul, 110.


Hindu castes, 244.


Hoḍal, Jahāngīr arrives at, 57.


Holī ceremonies, 245.


Humām, Ḥakīm, buried at Ḥasan
Abdāl, 100.


Humāyūn, emperor, 5;

gave title of S͟hīrīn-qalaṃ to
ʿAbdu-ṣ-Ṣamad, 15;

death of, 38;

hunted rhinoceros near the Kāma, 102;

poured water on saint’s hands, 135;

betrothed Salīma Sult̤ān Begam to Bairām, 232.


Hunting, Jahāngīr prefers shooting with a gun,
and on one day killed eighteen deer, 45;

hunted for 3 months 6 days, 83,
120, 121, 125, 130, 191, 202, 204, 234, 248, 276, 342, 344, 369.


Ḥusain Beg, diwan of Bengal, makes offering,
371.


Ḥusain Beg, sent by S͟hāh
ʿAbbās, 86;

makes offering, 372.


Ḥusain (properly Ḥasan) Beg
Badak͟hs͟hī joins K͟husrau, 54;

suggests going to Kabul, 66;

shoots at boatmen, 67;

produced before Jahāngīr, 68;

sewn up in ox-hide and dies, 69;

reference to, 109.


Ḥusain Chelebī sent to Persia, 237–8.


Ḥusain Jāmī, his dream, 30;

disciples rewarded, 46;

gets twenty lakhs of dams, 72.


Ḥusain K͟hān, governor of Herat,
86.


Ḥusain Mīrzā, son of
S͟hāhruk͟h, alleged petition from, 118;

killed, 127.


Ḥusainī (kind of grape), 5 n. 1, 404.


Ḥusāmu-d-dīn, dervish, son of
G͟hāzī K͟hān Badak͟hs͟hī,
married to Abū-l-faẓl’s
sister, 166 and n. 1.


Ḥusāmu-d-dīn, son of
Jamālu-d-dīn Injū, 404.


Hūs͟hang, son of Islām K͟hān,
comes from Bengal, 269;

produces Maghs, 236;

promoted, 284;

styled Ikrām K͟hān, 295.


Hūs͟hang G͟hūrī, Sultan of
Māndū, 365, 408.


Hydrophobia, death of two elephants from, 243. [473]






[Contents]



I






Ibachkiān, 188.


Ibrāhīm, S͟haik͟h, son of
Qut̤bu-d-dīn Koka, promoted and styled Kis͟hwar
K͟hān, 76;

governor of Rohtas, 144;

faujdār of Uch, 170;

joins army against ʿUs̤mān, 209;

killed in battle, 210.

See also Kis͟hwar K͟hān.


Ibrāhīm Bābā, S͟haik͟h,
the Afghan, confined in Chunar, 77.


Ibrāhīm Ḥusain, Mīr Baḥr,
bak͟hs͟hī of ahadis, 149;

sent to ʿAzīz Koka, 257–8.


Ibrāhīm Ḥusain, Mīrzā, rebel,
40.


Ibrāhīm K͟hān, promoted and made
joint-paymaster of household, 260;

his offering, 281;

sent to Behar, 284;

conquers Khokharā, 315;

sent to Bengal, 373;

sends diamonds, 379.


Ibrāhīm K͟hān Kākar, 29.

See Dilāwar K͟hān.


Ibrāhīm Lodī, Sult̤ān, son of
Sikandar Lodī, killed, 4,
58;

tyranny of, 87.


Iftik͟hār K͟hān, father of
Muʿtaqid K͟hān, sends rare elephant, 170;

promoted for good service in Bengal, 177;

joins army against ʿUs̤mān, 209;

killed in battle, 210.


Ihtimām K͟hān (Kotwāl), sent to
bring Badīʿu-z-zamān to Court, 127;

promoted and appointed to the charge of the Bengal fleet, 144;

in expedition against ʿUs̤mān, 209. According to the Iqbāl-nāma he had charge
of Mīr Ḥasan, son of S͟hāhruk͟h.


Ik͟htiyāru-l-mulk, thrown from his horse and
killed, 44.


Ikrām K͟hān, son of Islām
K͟hān, 433.


Ilf K͟hān, promoted, 143, 298.


Imām Qulī, ruler of Transoxiana, puts
Mīrzā Ḥusain, or at least the pretended Mīrzā
Ḥusain, to death, 127.


ʿInāyat Beg, mistake for
G͟hiyās̤ Beg, 22.


ʿInāyat K͟hān (text has
G͟hiyās̤), promoted, 158 and n. 1, 199;

made ʿInāyat K͟hān, 160.


Injū, see Jamālu-d-dīn
Ḥusain.


Iqbāl-nāma quoted, passim.


Irādat K͟hān, brother of Āṣaf
K͟hān (Jaʿfar), made bak͟hs͟hī of
Patna [474]and Ḥājīpūr, 117;

promoted, 300, 372.


Īraj, eldest son of
K͟hānk͟hānān, dress of honour sent to,
21;

obtains leave from Parwīz, 180;

waits on Jahāngīr, 190;

given jewelled dagger, 192;

styled S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān, 197;

given sword, 204;

sent again to Deccan, 221;

promoted, 222;

comes to Court, 234;

sent back to Deccan, 243;

offering of, 295;

defeats Malik ʿAmbar, 313,
etc.


Irvine, W., quoted, 22 n. 3, etc.


ʿĪsā Tark͟hān, Mīrzā,
promoted, 225, 296;

came from Sambhal and honoured, 301.


Islām, K͟hān, original name
ʿAlāʾu-d-dīn, 31;

letters from, 113, 199;

sword sent to, 117, 248;

promoted, 144, 171;

he and his brother Qāsim could not agree, 147;

presented with a lakh of rupees collected by him, 180;

sent to Behar and to Bengal, in spite of objections about his youth,
208;

made Dacca his headquarters, 209;

sends 160 elephants, 227;

sends the elephant Bansībadan, 237;

sends elephants and fifty eunuchs, 247;

made officer of 6,000, 256;

death and character, 257.


Ismāʿīl, son of Muḥammad
G͟haus̤, 439.


Iʿtibār K͟hān, given Gwalior in
fief, 113;

offering of, 282, 319;

promoted, 372.


Iʿtimād K͟hān, of Gujarat, 429, 430.


Iʿtimādu-d-daula, 22.

See G͟hiyās̤ Beg.


Iʿtiqād K͟hān, title of
Āṣaf K͟hān, the father of Nūr-Jahān, and
the Āṣaf No. iv of Blochmann, 260.

See Abū-l-ḥasan.


Iʿtiqād K͟hān, a younger brother (?)
of Āṣaf No. iv, and also known as S͟hāpūr,
218 n. 3;

he became governor of Kashmir, 319;

his presents, 319;

promoted, 320;

censured for allowing prisoners to escape, 373.

(For this Iʿtiqād see Maas̤iru-l-Umarā, i,
180.)






[Contents]



J






Jadrūp, Sanyāsī, 355, 359.


Jagannāth, Raja, son of Bihārī Mal,
dress, etc., presented to, 16.
[475]


Jagat Gosāʾīn (Jodh Bāī)
daughter of Mota Raja, mother of Sult̤ān K͟hurram, that
is S͟hāh Jahān, 19.


Jagat Singh, eldest son of Mān Singh, marriage-gift
of 8,000 rupees sent to, on the marriage of his daughter to
Jahāngīr, 144;

father of Mahā Singh, 266.


Jagat Singh, grandson of Rānā Amar, 296, 311, 334.


Jagdalak, Afghanistan, 104.


Jagman, Rāja (of Dhandhera, Akbar-nāma,
trans., ii, 354);

his jagir given to Mahābat K͟hān, 241.


Jahān-ārā, garden at Kabul made by
Jahāngīr, 106.


Jahāndār, younger son of Jahāngīr,
20;

Islām K͟hān made his tutor, 143;

examined by Jahāngīr and found to be a born devotee (?),
156. (He died unmarried.
Apparently he is the Sultan Tak͟ht of Terry.)


Jahāngīr, his accession, 1 and note;

birth, 2, 9 and n. 1;

named Sult̤ān Salīm, 2;

always called by Akbar S͟haik͟hū Bābā,
2;

assumes title of Jahāngīr and Nūru-d-dīn, 3;

fondness for mangoes, 5;

Chain of Justice, 7;

establishes twelve Regulations, 7–10;

drinking habits, 8;

forbids mutilations and slaughter of beasts on birthday, etc., 9;

coinage of, 10–12;

releases State prisoners, 10 and n.
2;

eldest child, Sult̤ānu-n-nisā, 15 and n. 1;

K͟husrau, 15 and n. 1;

his son Parwīz, 18;

other children, 19;

abstains from wine on Friday eves, 20;

orders names of God to be collected, 21;

reads with ʿAbdu-n-Nabī, 22;

orders about grants of land and about seals, 23;

favours Mīrzā Sult̤ān, son of Mīrzā
S͟hāhruk͟h, 24;

causes Abū-l-faẓl to be
murdered, 24–5;

S͟haik͟h Bāyazīd’s mother his nurse for one
day, 32;

his sisters, 36;

abolishes fees on presents, 46;

excuses nobles from making gifts, 49;

abolishes transit dues, 47;

celebrates New Year, 48;

told of flight of K͟husrau, 52;

pursues him next [476]morning, 53;

account of Divine Faith, 60–1;

advantage of acting on his own judgment, 68;

establishes free eating-houses, 75;

meets his mother, 76;

solar weighment, 77;

hunting, details of, 83;

resolves to take Transoxiana, 89;

marches towards Kabul, 90;

monument to antelope, 90;

march through Ghakkar country, 96;

encamps at Alī Masjid, and traverses Khyber, 102;

has an elephant carved in stone, 103;

describes stages to Kabul, 104–5;

enters Kabul city, 105;

visits gardens, 106;

makes Jahān-ārā garden, 106;

records abolition of customs, 107;

visits Bābar’s seat, 108;

engraves name there, 109;

knows Turkī and adds to Bābar’s Memoirs, 109, 110 and note;

visits Bābar’s tomb, 110;

lunar weighment, 111;

visits K͟hurram (S͟hāh-Jahān) in
Ūrta-Bāgh, 115;

arranges to leave Kabul, 116;

large spider, 117;

visits Bābar’s throne-place, 121;

K͟husrau’s plot, 122;

solar weighment, 125;

sends for names of God, 129;

saw mother at Dil-āmīz Garden, near Lahore, 131;

asks Jagat Singh’s daughter in marriage, 144;

marries her, 145;

aunt’s death, 144;

lunar weighment, 146;

visits father’s tomb and account of building there, 152;

character of son Jahāndār, 156;

composes ode, 158;

marries Rām Chand Bandīlah’s daughter, 160;

cruelty to servants, 164;

game-bag, 167;

orders about eunuchs, 150,
168;

black-stone throne, 177;

about damage to crops, 163,
182;

does not shoot or eat meat on Sundays and Thursdays, 184;

dangerous tiger hunt, 185–7;

does not eat fish which have no scales, 188;

fishing, 188;

hunting, 188;

game-bag, 191;

order to lamplighters, 203;

relieves Mīr-i-ʿAdl and Qāẓī from ceremony of
prostration, 203;

prohibits certain practices of Amirs, 205;

illness, 226;

composes a couplet, 228;

experiment on fowl, 238;

gives money [477]to S͟haik͟h Pīr for a mosque,
241;

walked 2 miles to Ajmir, 253;

visits Pushkar lake, 254;

caldron for Ajmir shrine, 256;

shooting at Pushkar, 264;

illness, 266;

bores his ears, 267;

Akbar appears to him in a dream, 269;

visits Ḥāfiz̤ Jamāl, 269;

Akbar’s fondness for fruit, 270;

Jahāngīrī ʿit̤r, 270;

description of strange bird, 272;

sends Rānā farman bearing impression of his fingers, 273 and note, 274;

receives Sult̤ān K͟hurram, 277;

gifts to dervishes, 279;

resolves to go to Deccan, 280;

gives name of Dārā S͟hukūh to Sult̤ān
K͟hurram’s son, 282;

receives S͟hāh Jahān’s offerings, 285–6;

shows his skill to Kunwar Karan, 286–7;

visits Ajmir shrine, 297;

lights up Ānā Sāgar, 298;

drinking habits, 307;

visits Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, 318;

ruby and pearls, 322;

account of Abyssinian elephant, 323;

married when prince a daughter of Rāwal Bhīm, 325;

death of granddaughter, 326;

his grief and order that Wednesday be called Kam-s͟hamba, 327;

birth of grandson, S͟hāh S͟hajāʿat, 328;

puts railing round Muʿīnu-d-dīn’s tomb, 329;

recalls Parwīz, 329;

describes outbreak of plague, 330;

has marble statues made of Rānā and his son, 332;

is weighed, 332;

wrestler’s performances, 335;

conversation about death of Ṣafī Mīrzā, 338;

anecdote about a thief, 339;

rides in an English (?) carriage, 340;

leaves Ajmir, 340;

account of what he did there, 341;

at Rāmsar, 342;

account of sāras birds, 343;

hunting, 344;

Nūr-Jahān shoots a bird, 348;

Persian melons, 350;

honours Iʿtimādu-d-daulah by allowing ladies to unveil before
him, 351;

large banyan-tree, 351;

account of four-horned antelope, 352;

executes a matricide, 353;

large tamarind-tree, 353;

visits Ujjain, 359;

large banyan, 360;

renamed Sāngor Kamālpūr, [478]361;

tiger-shooting, 363;

arrives at Māndū, 363;

legend about Māndū, 364;

game-bag, 369;

remits offerings by servants, 370;

shoots lion, 371;

executes captain of the guard, 373;

sends cup to S͟hāh ʿAbbās, 374;

shoots tiger, 374;

takes his turban off and gives it to G͟hiyās̤ Beg,
378;

prays for rain, 378;

takes omen from Ḥafiz̤, 381;

visits Haft Manz̤ar in Māndū, 381;

visits buildings, 384;

invents nādirī dress, 384;

gives feast, 385;

styles Thursday Mubārak-s͟hamba, 386;

wild plantain, 386;

carrier-pigeons, 387;

receives pomegranates from Mecca, 391;

receives S͟hāh Jahān, and honours him, 393–5;

opinion about bananas (plantains), 397;

receives S͟hāh Jahān’s gifts, 399–401;

goes to Gujarat, 401;

seedless grapes, 404;

hunting and good shot, 404;

at Dhār, 406–7;

orders removal of iron column, 407;

prescribes lukewarm water for elephants, 410;

describes lotus, 412;

liking for rohū fish, 414;

at Cambay, 415;

on board a g͟hurāb, 417;

strikes new coins, 418;

leaves Cambay, 419;

describes Gujarat fish and vegetables, 419;

fishes, 436;

expels Sewras, 438;

bestows books on Gujarat S͟haik͟hs, 439;

charities, 440;

at Doḥad, 445.


Jahāngīr Qulī Beg, Turkmān, also
called Jān-sipār K͟hān, 398.


Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, eldest son
of ʿAzīz Koka, gets title of S͟hamsu-d-dīn,
144;

sent to Gujarat as father’s deputy, 153;

sends jewels, 163;

sends silver throne, 168;

promoted, 279, 280;

offering of, 283;

goes to Allahabad, 289, 302;

sent to Behar, 373.


Jahāngīrī ʿit̤r (otto of
roses), 270.


Jahāngīrpūr, hunting-box, 90–1. (The Shakhopura of the maps; it is also
called Jahāngīrābād; it is west of Lahore.)


Jāʾi-namāz (prayer carpets),
203.


Jaitpūr, zamindar of, 389;

pardoned, 391;

comes to Court, 403.


Jāla (a raft), described, 101.


Jalāl Gakkhar, 130.


Jalālābād mentioned, 125, 176.
[479]


Jalālu-d-dīn Masʿūd, death of, and
his mother’s devotion, 141.


Jalālu-d-dīn Muhammad, see Akbar.


Jalālu-d-dīn, Muz̤affar Ḥakīm,
79;

death and account of, 123.


Jālnāpur, S͟hāh Murād’s
death at, 34.


Jām, the, zamindar, 443.


Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Anjū (or
Injū), author of dictionary, rewarded, 46, 58;

sent to advise K͟husrau, 64;

waits on Jahāngīr, 160–1;

ʿĀdil K͟hān asks for, 176;

received at Bijapur, 182;

report by, 272;

arrives from Bijapur, 298;

promoted, 299, 300;

offering of, 317;

styled ʿAẓudu-d-daulah, 320;

his son, 404.


Jamīl Beg gets 7,000 rupees to distribute among the
cavalry, 61 (apparently the
Wazīr Jamīl of p. 17 of
text).


Jān Beg (or K͟hān Beg),
Wazīru-l-mulk, 20 and n.
3;

hears of flight of K͟husrau, 52, 57;

death of, 136.


Jānī, Mīrzā, account of, 223;

death at Burhanpur, 223.


Jarric, Du, quoted, 28 n. 2, 52 n. 1,
69 n. 1.


Jay Singh, son of Mahā Singh, 386;

promoted, 389.


Jay Singh Deo, Raja, 364.


Jeddah, customs at, 417.


Jesus, carving of, on a filbert, 201.


Jharokha (exhibition window), 205, 242,
266.


Jhīngā, insect (?), 315 and n. 2.


Jījī Angā, mother of ʿAzīz
Koka, 40.


Jilaudār cruelly put to death, 164.


Jilawāna (bridle-money), perquisite of,
abolished, 46 and n. 3.


Jitmal shot by Akbar at Chitor, 45.


Jogī and tiger, strange story, 157.


Jogī near Pushkar, 254.


Jugglers, 143.


Jumna River, source of, 4.


Jumping competition, 105.


Jūtra, a mistake for K͟huzistan (see
Addenda), 158 n. 3, 162 note.






[Contents]



K






Kabīr, S͟haik͟h, of
S͟haik͟h Salīm’s family, 29.

See S͟hajāʿat.


Kabul, Jahāngīr visits, 105;

fruits, 116.


Kahārs (bearers) hamstrung, 164. [480]


Kalind, hill, source of the Jumna, 4.


Kāliyādaha, description of, 354.


Kalyān, son of Rāja Bikramājīt, i.e.
Patr Dās, misconduct and punishment, 104.


Kalyān, Rāja, official of Bengal, offering of,
192;

promoted, 199;

governor of Orissa, 202;

promoted and made Rāja, 326;

inquiry about, 389;

pronounced innocent, 390, 402.


Kalyān, Rāja, of Īdar, 427.


Kalyān Rāy, superintendent of port, Cambay,
417.


Kāma, river, 101.


Kamāl Chaudharī, 67.


Kamāl K͟hān, slave, died, 149, 150.


Kamāl, qarāwul (huntsman) at
tiger-hunt, 186;

styled S͟hikār K͟hān, 409.


Kamāl, Sayyid, failed to stop K͟husrau,
59;

distinguished himself in battle, 60, 64.


Kamālu-d-dīn Yādgār ʿAlī,
Persian ambassador, 196.


Kāmil K͟hān, title of K͟hurram, son
of ʿAzīz Koka, 188.


Kāmrān’s garden, Lahore, 68.


Kānkriya tank, Aḥmadābād, 420.


Karam Chand, son of Jagannāth, promoted, 156.


Karam Sen Rāṭhor, promoted, 291.


Karamsī, wife of Jahāngīr, mother of
Bihār Bānū Begam, 19
and n. 3.


Karan, son of Rānā Amar Singh, 26, 273;

waits on S͟hāh Jahān, 276 (cf. Roe), 277–8;

Jahāngīr exhibits his skill to, 286–7;

receives present of 50,000 rupees, 287;

gifts to, 289;

gets leave, 293;

returns, 317;

statue of, 332.


Kārīz, near Herat, melons of, 270, 422,
435.


Kashmir, account of, 94, 96;

strange births at, 406;

plague in, 442.


Kaukab, son of Qamar K͟hān, whipped and
imprisoned, 171;

escapes and is recaptured, 440;

account of, 440–2.


Kaukab-i-t̤āliʿ, silver coin,
11;

large coin (though called a muhr, it probably was silver) given
to Persian ambassador, 237.


Keoṛā, flower (Pandanus),
6.


Kes͟ho Dās, son of Rāy Kalah, 181. [481]


Kes͟ho Dās Mārū, 19 n. 3;

promoted, 21, 79, 296,
297, 390, 410;

horse sent to Bengal for, 170.


Ketkī, flower (Pandanus), 6 and n. 4.


K͟halīlu-llah, son of
G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn, pays his respects, 131;

account of, 131;

death of, 145, 305.


K͟hān ʿĀlam, title of
Bark͟hūrdār, son of ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān,
154;

appointed ambassador to Persia, 248;

S͟hāh ʿAbbās allows him to smoke, 371;

sends melons, 435.

See also Bark͟hūrdār.


K͟hān Aʿz̤am, see
ʿAzīz Koka.


K͟hān Daurān, see S͟hāh
Beg.


K͟hān Jahān Lodī, original name
Pīr K͟hān, received title of Ṣalābat
K͟hān, 87;

character of, 89;

given title of K͟hān Jahān, 128;

skill as shot, 129;

raised to rank of 5,000, 139;

offers to go to Deccan, 161;

sent for, 296;

takes leave, 299;

promoted, 372.


K͟hānī, value of coin, 96 and n. 2.


K͟hānjar K͟hān, brother of
ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Fīrūz Jang, promoted,
163.


K͟hānjar K͟hān, title of
Ṣāliḥ, 230.


K͟hānK͟hānān, see
ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm.


Khar, village, 98
and n. 1.


Kharatara, Sewra sect, 437.


K͟hawāṣṣ K͟hān,
jagirdār of Qanauj, death of, 328.


K͟hiẓr K͟hān, late ruler of
K͟hāndesh, presents to, 76.


K͟hiẓrābād, apparent source of
Jumna, 4, 134.


K͟hūb-Allah, son of S͟hāh-bāz
Kambū, promoted, 325.


Khūn-pāra (congestion of blood),
226 and n. 1.


K͟hūrdā conquered, 433.


K͟hurram, Bābā, name of S͟hāh
Jahān, birth of, 19;

brought up by Ruqayya Begam, 48;

rank of 8,000, 87;

lunar weighment in Ūrta garden, 115;

reveals K͟husrau’s plot, 123;

given fief, 132;

jewels given to, 156;

marriage present of 50,000 rupees sent to house of Muz̤affar
Ḥusain Mīrzā, whose daughter was engaged to
K͟hurram, 159;

marriage took place, 180;

his rank increased from 8,000 to 10,000, 192;

helps Anūp Rāy with tiger, 186;

rank increased [482]from 10,000 to 12,000, 217;

his marriage with Iʿtiqād’s daughter Arjumand
Bānū (Mumtāz-maḥall), 224 and n. 2;

makes New Year’s offering, 236;

sent to visit Akbar’s tomb on anniversary, 247;

sent against the Rānā, 256, 258, 259, 260, 265;

his success, 273, 276;

waits on Jahāngīr, 277;

birth of son (Dārā), 282;

presents rare ruby, 285;

promoted to equal rank with Parwīz, 288;

his weighment, 306;

tastes wine, 306;

increase of rank, 320;

leaves for Deccan, 337;

gets title of S͟hāh Sult̤ān K͟hurram, 338;

enters Burhanpur, 368;

given a dress, 377;

birth of daughter (Rūs͟hanārā), 389;

his reception, 393–4;

increased rank, 395;

gives ruby, etc., to Jahāngīr, 399;

his weighment, 424;

presents fruit, 439.


K͟hurram, son of ʿAzīz Koka, promoted
from 2,000 to 2,500, 23;

appointed governor of Sorath or Jūnagadh, 155;

gets title of Kāmal K͟hān, 188.


K͟hūs͟h-k͟habar K͟hān,
title given to S͟hamsī, 64.


K͟husrau, Sult̤ān, eldest son of
Jahāngīr, given a lakh of rupees, 12;

his flight, 51;

cause of mother’s suicide, 55, 58, 59;

attendants seized, 61;

attacks Lahore, 62;

defeated, 64;

captured, 66, 67;

brought before Jahāngīr, 68, 70, 72;

chains removed, 111;

his plot, 122, 130;

his daughter inspected by Jahāngīr, 149;

son born to him by daughter of ʿAzīz Koka and called by
Jahāngīr Buland-ak͟htar, 153;

personated by one Qut̤b, 173;

note about blinding, 174 n. 1,
222;

allowed to pay his respects, 252;

forbidden to do so, 261;

has a son by the daughter of Muqīm, 321;

made over to Āṣaf K͟hān, 336.


K͟husrau Beg, slave of Mīrzā
K͟hān (ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm), came from Patna and
waited on Jahāngīr, 240.


K͟husrau Bī Ūzbeg, waited on
Jahāngīr and received dress, [483] etc., 206;

appointed to Sarkar of Mewar and promoted, 229, 282;

death, 284.


K͟hwāja, Muḥammad Ḥusain, the
brother of K͟hwāja Muḥammad Qāsim.

See Muḥammad Ḥusain K͟hwāja.


K͟hwāja Beg Mīrzā Ṣafawī,
governor of Ahmadnagar, 181;

good conduct, 182;

his adopted son Ṣaliḥ, 230.


K͟hwāja Jahān, title of Dūst
Muḥammad, 46, 53, 57;

makes offering, 167;

ordered to make a house, 191;

promoted, 217, 219, 286,
326;

waits on Jahāngīr, 225;

sent to make inquiries, 231;

his melon-bed, 241;

5,000 rupees given him for distribution, 249;

offering, 317.


K͟hwāja Mīr, son of Sult̤ān
K͟hwāja, 388.


K͟hwāja Tābūt, or ‘coffin
K͟hwāja,’ mummy of, 117.


K͟hwāja Yādgār, brother of
ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, receives title of Sardār
K͟hān, 237;

promoted, 239.


Kifāyat K͟hān, title of Mīrzā
Ḥusain, 376;

promoted, 439.


Kis͟han Chand, son of Mota Rāja, made officer
of 1,000, 128.


Kis͟han Chand, son of the Raja of Nagarkot, made a
Raja, 281.


Kis͟han Dās, accountant of stables, received
the rank of 1,000, 226.


Kis͟han Singh, did good service, and was wounded in
fight with Rānā, 151;

promoted, 151, 281;

death of, 291–3.


Kis͟hmis͟hī, kind of grape,
5 n. 1.


Kis͟hwar K͟hān, son of
Qut̤bu-d-dīn, governor of Rohtas, 144;

presented twenty-two elephants, 165;

promoted and made faujdār of Uch, 170;

killed, 210.

See also Ibrāhīm S͟haik͟h.


Koṭ Tīrāh, 8 kos from Jalālābād, 263.


Kūch Bihār, two daughters of this zamindar who
had been taken by Islām K͟hān, together with a son and
ninety-four elephants, produced before Jahāngīr, 269;

zamindar of, 443, 444.


Kumaon, Raja of, 218. [484]






[Contents]



L






Lāchīn Qāqs͟hāl, 434.


Lachmī Narāyan of Kūch Bihār,
443, 444.


Lahore, grapes abundant at, 5;

news from, 247.


Lakhmī Chand, Raja of Kumaon, brought to Court,
218.


Laʿl Kalāwant died, and a concubine poisoned
herself, 150.


Lāla Beg, styled Bāz Bahādur, 21, 47.

See Bāz Bahādur.


Lankū Pandit, envoy of ʿĀdil
K͟hān, 162.


Las͟hkar K͟hān, 265.

See Muʿtaqid K͟hān.


Leyden, J., quoted, 5
note, etc.


Lotus flowers, 412.


Lunar weighing, 239, etc.






[Contents]



M






Mādan, blacksmith, of Māndū,
364.


Mādho Singh, brother’s son of Mān Singh,
presented with flag, 17;

misconduct, 55.


Maghs, brought by Hūs͟hang, account of,
236.


Mahā Singh, grandson of Mān Singh, son of
Jagat Singh, promoted to 2,000, 17;

appointed to Bangas͟h, and Rām Dās made his tutor,
111;

sent to Bangas͟h, 118;

given standard, 168;

sent to quell Bikramājīt of Bāndhū, 176;

does not succeed Mān Singh, but is promoted, and given
Garha-Katanga in fief, 266 and n.
3;

receives title of Raja, 297;

sends elephants, 318;

promoted, 328;

sons wait upon Jahāngīr, 345;

dies of drink, 377.


Mahāban, parganah assigned to Mahābat,
116.


Mahābat, title of Zamāna Beg, son of
G͟hayūr Beg of Kabul, promoted, 24 and n. 3;

appointed to pursue K͟husrau, 65;

given 15,000 rupees, 66;

promoted, 77;

promoted to 3,000 with 2,500 horse, 146;

received robe of honour, etc., 147;

sent for to Court, 155;

brings tiger-cub, 164;

pays his respects, 199;

promoted, 217;

fief given to, [485]241;

prepares halting-place at Samonagar, 248;

ordered to bring ʿAzīz Koka from Udaipur, 258;

presents offering, 261;

receives charge of Aḥmad Beg, 279;

splendid offerings, 284;

given horse, 285, 297;

given presents, 299;

pay reduced, 385;

appointed to Kabul, 402.


Maḥmūd, Sultan of Ghazni, 117 and note.


Maḥmūd Kamāngar, saint,
Humāyūn’s respect for, 135 and note.


Mahtāb garden at Kabul, 106.


Maktūb K͟hān, librarian, verse by,
12.


Malik ʿAmbar, defeats ʿAbdu-llah, 220;

attempt to assassinate, 275;

defeat of, 312, 368, 373.


Malwa, account of, 348.


Mān, Rāja, released, 301;

loyalty of, 326, 336;

killed, 361.


Mān Singh, son (originally nephew) of Bhagwān
Dās, 16;

maternal uncle to K͟husrau, confirmed in government of Bengal,
15, 53;

sent a dress of honour, 75;

built house at Ḥasan Abdāl, 99;

waits on Jahāngīr after being sent for six or seven times,
137;

character, 138;

presents 100 elephants, 138;

presented with a horse, 142;

sends sixty elephants, 145;

gets leave on appointment to Deccan, 148;

sword presented to, 155;

summoned to Court, 208;

death, 266.


Mān Singh Darbārī at battle at
Aḥmadābād, 43.


Mān Singh Sewṛā, 437–8.


Māndū, account of, 364–5, 381,
384;

storm at, 383.


Manglī or Mankalī K͟hān, receives
horse and dagger, 147;

promoted, 282, 298.


Mangoes received from Kairāna, 332.


Manohar Sekhāwat Kachhwāha, son of Raja
Lonkaran, Persian scholar and poet, 17;

promoted, 112, 231;

death of, 321.


Manṣūr K͟hān, nephew of
Wazīru-l-mulk (Jān Beg), 136.


Manucci, quoted, 239 n. 1, etc.


Mārk͟hūr (wild goat), 113.


Maryam Makānī (Ḥamīda
Bānū), Akbar’s mother, given charge of [486]
S͟hāhzāda K͟hānam, 34;

presents ruby to Akbar, 409.


Maryam-zamānī, Jahāngīr’s
mother, Jahāngīr pays his respects to her at Dahr, 76;

solar weighing takes place in her house, 78, 230, and
Parwīz’s marriage, 81,
and Jahāngīr’s marriage, 145;

sent to Agra, 401.


Masīḥu-z-zamān, title of
Ḥakīm Ṣadrā, 155.


Masʿūd, son of Saʿd, poet, his couplet,
4 and n. 2.


Masʿūd Beg Hamaẕānī, promoted,
153.


Maʿṣūm, Wakil of the Khankhanan, brings
MS., 168.


Mathura, 54.


Matricide, punishment of, 353.


Maudūd Chis͟htī, styled
Chis͟htī K͟hān, 379.


Melons, 5;

one from near Fatḥpūr weighed 33 seers, 154;

of Kārīz, 270.


Mihtar K͟hān, account of, 146;

death of, 153.


Mihtar Saʿādat, name of Pīs͟hrau
K͟hān, 50.

See Pīs͟hrau.


Mīr ʿAlī, calligrapher, 168 and note.


Mīr ʿAlī, son of Farīdūn,
death, 350.


Mīr Mīrān, son of
K͟halīlu-llah, 304;

promoted, 371;

gifts to, 389.


Mīr Mīrān, son of Sult̤ān
K͟hwāja, belonging to Deccan army, presents ruby, 230, 388.


Mīrān, see Ṣadr Jahān.


Mīrān, Sayyid, his monument to his father,
436.


Mīrzā, Sult̤ān, son of
S͟hāhruk͟h, character, 120;

came from Deccan, 201.


Mīyān Tūt̤ī, speech of a
bird, 138.


Mohan Dās, son of Raja Bikramājīt,
153


Monkey, strange, 216;

story of affection of a goat for young monkey, 445.


Mosque of Ahmadabad, 424–5.


Muʾarrik͟h K͟hān, title of
Mullā-i-Taqiyyā S͟hūstarī, 146.


Muʿaz̤z̤am, see
Bāyazīd.


Mubārak ʿArab, possessor of land in Khuzistan,
etc., 158 and note, and 162 and note.


Mubārak K͟hān Sazāwal promoted,
289;

gifts to, 294.


Mubārik Buk͟hārī, his tomb, 436. [487]


Mubāriz K͟hān, title of
S͟haik͟h Ḥusain, 296;

promoted, 298, 409.


Muḥammad Amīn, Maulānā, 135.


Muḥammad Beg, styled Ẕū-l-faqār
K͟hān, 275. He is
mentioned under this title by Sir T. Roe.


Muḥammad Beg, bak͟hs͟hī,
162.


Muḥammad Ḥakīm, uncle of
Jahāngīr, his sons, 57
and n. 2;

planted an apricot-tree, 116.


Muḥammad Ḥusain, K͟hwāja, uncle of
Hās͟him K͟hān, superintendent of kitchen, sent to
Kashmir to act for his nephew, 199;

returns, 229;

personal appearance and death of, 233.


Muḥammad Ḥusain Chelebī, sent to make
purchases in Persia, 237–8.


Muḥammad Ḥusain Mīrzā, rebel,
40;

put to death, 44.


Muḥammad Riẓā, ambassador of King of
Persia, 374;

death, 398.


Muḥammad Riẓā Sabzwārī given
20,000 rupees for distribution, 20.


Muḥammad S͟hāh, emperor, reinstitutes
Chain of Justice, 7 n. 1.


Muḥammad Taqī, diwan, sent to bring
ʿAzīz K͟hān’s family from Mandesūr,
258.


Muhr, gold(?) coin of 1,000 tolas weight given
Yādgār ʿAlī, ambassador of Persia, called
kaukab-i-t̤ālīʿ, 237.


Mūʿīnu-d-dīn Chis͟htī, of
Ajmir, great saint, 1, 34, 42
n. 2, 249.


Muʿizzu-l-mulk, Sayyid of Bāk͟harz, in
charge of buildings, 45;

recalls S͟harīf, 53,
63;

bak͟hs͟hī, 76;

fief-holder of Nakodar, 136;

ill and miserable, 164;

diwan of Kabul, and promoted, 172;

at Kabul, 197;

came from Kabul with his sons, 222.


Mukarram K͟hān son of
Muʿāz̤z̤am K͟hān, given a flag, 256;

his offering, 323;

conquers K͟hūrdā, 433.


Muk͟hliṣ K͟hān,
bak͟hs͟hī of Deccan, 149;

punished, 382.


Muk͟hliṣ K͟hān, 306.


Muk͟htār Beg, diwan of Parwīz, 16.


Mulberry fruited at Lahore in December-January, 271.


Mūlsarī, flower, 6.


Mūmīyā, bitumen, 238. [488]


Munʿim K͟hān, his house, 12.


Mūnis K͟hān, son of Mihtar
K͟hān, presents jug of jade, 146;

promoted, 153.


Muqarrab K͟hān, title of S͟haik͟h
Ḥasan, son of S͟haik͟h Bahā or Bhīnā,
account of, 27;

brings Dāniyāl’s children from Burhanpur, 28, 75;

sends Emperor tapestry, 144;

sends picture of Tīmūr, 153–4 and note;

brings curiosities from Cambay and Surat, 167;

a widow complains against, 172;

brings turkey, etc., from Goa, 215;

governor of Delhi, 224;

bleeds Jahāngīr, 226;

gets standard and drums, 230;

promoted, 231;

presents of, 234;

New Year’s offering, 237;

sent to inquire into affair at Surat, 255;

arrives from Gujarat, 297;

promoted, 303;

presents Abyssinian elephant, 323;

made governor of Gujarat, 331;

sends mangoes, 332;

presents pearl, 415, 424, 432;

has presents, 435.


Muqīm, styled by Akbar Wazīr K͟hān,
confirmed in appointment, 13;

made co-vizier, 20;

diwan of Bengal, 22;

dismissed, 139;

presents sixty elephants, 147.


Murād, Mīrzā, son of Mīrzā
Rustam, styled Iltifāt K͟hān, 298.


Murād, S͟hāh, second son of Akbar,
nicknamed Pahārī, birth and account of, 34;

styled S͟hāhzāda maghfūr after death, 197.


Murs͟hid Qulī K͟hān, musketeer,
abets drinking of Sult̤ān Dāniyāl, 35.


Murtaẓā K͟hān Dakhanī,
distinguished fencer, receives title of Warzis͟h K͟hān,
253.


Muṣt̤afā Beg, ambassador from Persia,
282, 284;

gets a Nūr-jahānī muhr, 298;

takes leave, 299.


Muṣt̤afā K͟hān, 280;

name of Ẓīyarʾu-d-dīn Qazwīnī, which
see.


Muʿtamid K͟hān, author of the
Iqbāl-nāma, 117
note;

promoted, 300.


Muʿtaqid K͟hān, son of Iftikhār
K͟hān, distinguished in battle with ʿUs̤mān,
213;

had been [489]diwan of Bengal, brought
ʿUs̤mān’s sons, etc., to Court, 230;

produced offering of twenty-five elephants, 230;

made bak͟hs͟hī, 231;

buys house in Agra, his misfortunes, 235;

went as bak͟hs͟hī to Bangas͟h, 237;

defeats Aḥdād Afghan, 263–4;

received title of Las͟hkar K͟hān, 265;

offering of, 291;

promoted, 303, 377;

made diwan of Deccan, 406;

sent to distribute alms, 432.


Muz̤affar, Sultan of Gujarat, alleged son of
Sult̤ān Maḥmūd, originally Nannū, causes
disturbance in Gujarat, 429–31.


Muz̤affar Ḥakīm, see
Ḥakīm Muz̤affar.


Muz̤affar Tark͟hān, son of
Mīrzā Bāqī Tark͟hān, belonged to the
Tark͟hān family of Scinde, waits upon Jahāngīr,
434 and n. 2.






[Contents]



N






Nād ʿAlī Maidānī,
198;

promoted, 303, 317;

offerings, 321 (the entry here
should be dāna kis͟h, marten-skins);

death, 348.


Nagīna garden, Ahmadabad, 435.


Najību-n-nisā or Fak͟hru-n-nisā,
sister of Muḥammad Ḥakīm and aunt of
Jahāngīr, death of, 144.


Nakodar, 135,
136 and n. 1.


Nandanah, red deer of, 129.

See I.G., xviii, 349.


Nannū or Nabū, styled Muz̤affar
K͟hān, 429.


Naqīb K͟hān, of Qazwīn, son of
ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤īf, original name
G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn, death of, 264;

buried beside his wife, 265.


Naryād, parganah in Gujarat, 415.


Nāṣiru-d-dīn, K͟haljī,
buildings made by, 354;

evil behaviour, 365–7,
408, 409.


Naṣru-llah, given rank of 700 with 400 horse, 153.


Nathu Māl, Rāja of Manjholi, 79 and n. 4;

promoted, 296.


Nauras, musical compositions of ʿĀdil
K͟hān, 272 and n. 1.


Naus͟hahr, fort on the Kāma, 102.


Nawāzis͟h K͟hān, title of
Saʿdu-llah, son of Saʿīd K͟hān, 197;

promoted, 237, 444;

leave to depart, 287, 443. [490]


Naz̤ar-jīvī, brought Akbar news of
Humāyūn’s death, 38
(‘jīvī’ should be
‘chūlī’).


Naz̤īrī of Nīshāpūr, poet,
188 (Rieu, ii. 817b).


New Year Feasts, 48,
85, 138, 154, 165, 191, 206, 235, 259, 280, 317, 370.


News-writers, 247.


Nīlāb, river (Indus), 101.


Nīlgaw, Jahāngīr’s cruelty in
connection with hunt of, 164;

incident about shooting one, 189.


Niʿmatu-llah, married to Jānish Begam, sister
of T̤ahmāsp, 131.


Niz̤ām, Humāyūn’s librarian,
21.


Niz̤ām, K͟hwāja, brings
pomegranates, 391.


Niz̤ām, of Shiraz, story-teller, receives
3,000 rupees, 77.


Niz̤ām Thaneswari, dismissed to Mecca,
60.


Niz̤āmu-d-dīn, historian, 420.


Niz̤āmu-d-dīn Auliyā, saint,
169.


Niz̤āmu-d-dīn K͟hān, 311;

promoted, 320.


Nūr-bak͟ht elephant, 396, 410, 418.


Nūr Gaj, name of elephant and its description,
47


Nūr-Jahān, 192 note;

name first mentioned in Tūzuk, 266;

makes presents to Karan, 278;

name changed from Nūr-maḥall to Nūr-Jahān,
319;

Rāmsar belongs to, 342;

shoots a bird, 348;

shoots four tigers, 375;

given parganah of Ṭoḍā, 380;

gives a feast, 385;

entertains S͟hāh Jahān, 397;

receives presents from S͟hāh Jahān, 401.


Nūr-nāma, poem, 222.


Nūru-d-dīn, son of
G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn ʿAlī
Āṣaf-K͟hān (No. ii), plots with K͟husrau and
is put to death, 122–3.


Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr
Pāds͟hāh, title assumed, 3.


Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad,
Naqs͟hbandī, father of Salīma Sult̤ān Begam,
232.


Nūru-d-dīn Qulī, promoted, 418.






[Contents]



O






Oranges, 423.


Orders about fiefs, 23;

about compensation to peasants for damage to crops, 163, 182;

about Amīrs, 205.
[491]






[Contents]



P






Pahāṛ, son of G͟haznīn
K͟hān, matricide, put to death, 353.


Pahārī, see Murād
S͟hāh.


Pahluwān Bahāʾu-d-dīn, 445.


Palās-tree, 97.


Pāmpūr, village in Kashmir, famous for
saffron, 92.


Pandanus, see Keoṛā and
Ketkī.


Pandits, religious discussion with, 32, 33.


Panipat, battles at, 39, 58.


Pargāla, fargul (kind of garment), 247 and note, 252.

See 182, 203.


Parwīz, Sultan, son of Jahāngīr, sent
against Rānā, 16;

used to keep Jahāngīr’s seal, 18;

birth of, 18–19 and n. 1;

directions to, 26;

report from about Rānā, ordered to Agra, 70;

joins Jahāngīr, 73,
74;

given sword, 75;

130,000 rupees sent as marriage present for Murād
S͟hāh’s daughter, betrothed to Parwīz, 78;

solar weighing of, 81;

sent to Deccan, 156;

ruby worth 60,000 rupees given to, 156;

K͟handesh, Berar, and Āsīr, given to, 157;

pearl rosary given to, 157;

unsatisfactory results, 161;

tak͟htī sent to, 171;

failure of, 183;

son born to, 279;

offering of, 310.


Patā, properly Tapā, a Sewra sect, 437.

See Addenda.


Pathān Miṣr, 1,000 rupees given to, 160.


Patr Dās, styled Rāy Rāyān, receives
title of Raja Bikramājīt and made Master of Ordnance,
22;

appointed to Gujarat, 50;

honoured, 284.


Pāyanda K͟hān Moghul, to receive a jagir,
143;

death, 294.


Peaches, 116,
118.


Pes͟h Bulāg͟h, fort, 105, 263.


Phūl kaṭāra, what is it, 230 and note.


Pīm Bahādur, killed, 50.


Pineapples, 5.


Pīr, S͟haik͟h, built mosque at Mairtha,
241 (see also Addenda);

given 1,000 rupees, 346.


Pīr K͟hān, see K͟hān
Jahān Lodī.


Pīs͟hrau K͟hān, styled Mihtar
Saʿādat, 50;

came from Persia with Humāyūn, 50;

death, 149–50. [492]


Pitlād, parganah in Gujarat, 415.


Plague, outbreak of, in Panjab, 330;

in Kashmir, 442.


Plantains (bananas), wild, at Māndū, 383, 386–7;

golden plantains (sōna-kela), 397.


Poplar, white, 7.


Portuguese Viceroy, defeat of, 274.


Price, Major, quoted, 15 n. 2;

23 n. 1 and passim.


Prithī Chand, son of Rāy Manohar, promoted,
328.


Prosperity, four causes of, 235.


Pushkar, lake and temples, 254;

Jahāngīr visits, 264.


Pūn Pūn, fight on bank of, 175.






[Contents]



Q






Qabūlah, town in Bet-Jālandhar
Dūāb, 160.


Qadam, Afghan, deserts, 321.


Qamargāh (ring-hunt), 120, 125,
129, 203–4.


Qandahar, in Afghanistan, 70, 86, etc.;

in Deccan, 179.


Qarā K͟hān Turkmān promoted,
17.


Qarācha K͟hān, Amīr of
Humāyūn, 112.


Qāsim, K͟hwāja, came from Transoxiana and
waited on Jahāngīr and given 12,000 rupees, 241.


Qāsim ʾAlī, styled Dayānat
K͟hān, 123.

See Dayānat.


Qāsim K͟hān, disagrees with his brother
Islām, sent for, 148;

promoted, 176, 177;

gets present, 298;

sends elephant, 300;

dress of honour sent to, 303;

promoted, 306;

dismissed, 373.


Qāsim K͟hān, Muḥammad, servant of
Akbar, 233.


Qilīj (should be Qulīj) K͟hān,
appointed to Gujarat, and given a lakh of rupees, 21;

recalled to Court, 50;

ordered a fief, 84;

buries Ḥakīm Muz̤affar, 125;

governor of Lahore, 135;

promoted to 6,000 with 5,000 horse, sent to Kabul, 198–9;

quarrels with Amirs, 230–1;

death of, 253; 279.


Qirān-i-naḥsīn (unlucky
conjunction of planets), 172.


Qizilbās͟h K͟hān disgraced, 289.


Qut̤b personates K͟husrau at Patna, 173. [493]


Qut̤b ʿĀlam, father of S͟hāh
ʿĀlam, 421;

his shrine, 436.


Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān Koka, given
dagger worth 6,000 rupees, 77;

promoted and appointed to Bengal, 78;

mother dies, 84–5;

killed by S͟hīr-afgan at Bardwan, 113.


Qut̤bu-d-dīn Muḥammad, maker of
Kānkriya tank, 420.


Qut̤bu-d-dīn Muḥammad K͟hān
killed at Baroda, 431.


Qut̤bu-l-mulk, king of Golconda, 433.






[Contents]



R






Racing, horse, at Kabul, 110.


Rāe bel (flower), 6 and n. 2.


Rāgho Dās Kachhwāha killed at Ahmadabad
battle, 43.


Raḥman-dād, younger son of Khankhanan, given
suitable mansab, 222.


Railings in the public audience hall, construction of,
242.


Rājmahendra, Raja of, 433.


Rājū, Sikh, put to death, 73.


Rākhī (bracelet), custom of wearing,
244.


Rām Chand, Bandīlah, capture of, 82;

released, 87;

Jahāngīr marries his daughter, 160.


Rām Dās Kachhwāha, promoted to rank of
3,000, 21, 29;

to receive fief, 128;

at tiger-hunt, 186;

sent to accompany ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān, 201–2;

given Ranthanbūr, 202;

advice unheeded, 220;

sent to adjust disputes between Qilīj and Amirs, given horse,
robes, and 30,000 rupees for expenses, 233;

reported death of, 252;

made Raja, 379;

promoted, 418.


Rāmsar in Ajmir, 342.


Rānā Amar Singh, 249.

See Amar Singh.


Rang, kind of goat (ibex), description of,
109, 122.


Rankatta, village, 139 and n. 1.


Ras͟hīd K͟hān, 402.


Ratan, son of Bhoj-hāra, waits on
Jahāngīr and presents valuable elephants, given title of
Sarbuland Rāy, 140.


Raus͟hanīs or Tārīkīs, 253 and n. 1.


Rāwal Sāl Darbāri, given flags, 17. [494]


Rāwal Samarsī, of Bānswāla, 379.


Rāwalpindī, 98;

hunting at, 129.


Rāy ʿAlī Bhatī, killed in Gujarat,
50.


Rāy Mān, captain of Khidmatiya, 414.


Rāy Rāy Singh, son of Rāy Kalyān
Māl, of Bikanir, has charge of Mīrzā Muḥammad
Ḥusain, 44;

promoted to 5,000, 49;

his rebellion, 76, 84;

his misconduct in matter of K͟husrau, 130–1;

comes to Court and is pardoned, 131 and n. 1;

death, 217;

wished to make Sūraj Singh his heir, 218;

his folly, 438.


Regulations (dastūru-l-ʿamal), 7–10, 205.


Release of prisoners, 10 and n. 2.


Riqāʿ (kind of writing), 146 and n. 2.


Rodgers, C. J., quoted, 12 n. 1.


Rohtās, fort in Panjāb, 96 and n. 2.


Rohū (fish), 414.


Ruby, historic, 409.


Rūdar, Raja of Kumaon, 218.


Rūḥu-llah, 390;

death, 391.


Ruknu-d-dīn, Afghan S͟haik͟h, styled
S͟hīr K͟hān, promoted, 17;

given Peshawar, 102;

given Gujrat in Panjab, 111;

waits on Jahāngīr at Dhaka in Khaibar, 127;

dies of drink, 134–5.


Rūp K͟hawās̤s̤, founder of
Rūpbās, presented offering, 166, 202;

gets title of K͟hawāṣṣ K͟hān and made
faujdār of Qanuj, 224.


Rūpbās, near Agra, hunting at, 166;

numerous antelopes at, 190;

afterwards called Amānābād, 247, 252.


Ruqayya Sult̤ān Begam, daughter of Hindāl
and first wife of Akbar, given a garden, 48;

brings up S͟hāh Jahan, 48;

visits father’s tomb at Kabul, 110.


Rūs͟hanārā Begam, birth of, 389.


Rustam, Mīrzā, son of Mīrzā
Sult̤ān Ḥusain, dress of honour sent to, 21;

waits on Jahāngīr, 226;

given government of Scinde, 229,
261;

sent by Akbar to Deccan, 262;

sent by Jahāngīr to Scinde, 262 and n. 1;

misconduct, 263;

pardoned, 265;

accident to, 403.


Rustam K͟hān, servant of S͟hāh
Jahān, 405;

given garden, 427;

promoted, 435.


Rustam-K͟hānbārī, 426. [495]


Rūz-afzūn, of Behar, becomes Muhammadan,
295.


Rūzbihān S͟hirāzī, Mullā,
given money to expend on anniversary of S͟haik͟h Salīm,
159.






[Contents]



S






Sābar Mahī (Sābarmatī), river
in Gujarat, 41.


S̤ābit K͟hān, see
Dayānat K͟hān.


Saʿdu-llah K͟hān, son of Saʿd
K͟hān, promoted, 73;

given elephant, 183;

styled Nawāzis͟h K͟hān, 197.


Ṣādiq K͟hān, promoted, 301, 310, 372;

built monastery, 425.


Ṣadr Jahān, Mīrān, to produce
deserving poor before Jahāngīr, 10;

promoted to 4,000, 22;

given a lakh of dāms for distribution, 46;

made Ṣadr, 46;

promoted to 5,000, 140;

waits on Jahāngīr, 293.


Ṣafdar K͟hān, waits on
Jahāngīr, 164;

promoted, 167;

comes from Bihar, 200, 242;

sent to Kashmir, 256;

dismissed, 303.


Saffron, cultivation of, 93.


Ṣafī K͟hān,
bak͟hs͟hī of Gujarat, 420, 439.


Ṣafī Mīrzā, son of S͟hāh
ʿAbbās, murder of, 294;

reason for killing him, 338.


Safīd-sang, meadow of, 121.


Ṣāḥib qirānī, title of
Timūr, 5.


Ṣāḥibī, kind of grape,
5.


Saʿid K͟hān, officer appointed to
Kashmir, and opportunely reaches Lahore, 62.


Saʿīd K͟hān Chag͟hatai,
governor of Panjab, 13;

report from, 20;

directed to bring Mīrzā G͟hāzī to Court,
223.


Saif K͟hān, title of ʿAlī
Aṣg͟har Bārha son of Sayyid Maḥmūd
Bārha, 32;

received seventeen wounds, 64;

promoted and made faujdār of Hisar, 157;

receives standard, 172, 284;

death from cholera, 325.


Saif K͟hān Kokaltāsh, brother of Zain
K͟hān Koka, killed in battle, 43.


Salābat K͟hān, title of K͟hān
Jahān Lodī, 87.


Salāmu-llah, Arab, 158 and n. 3;

sent to Deccan, 162;

promoted, [496]285, 297;

styled S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, 320, 397.


Sālbāhan comes with Dāniyāl’s
elephants, 46. (In Muḥammad
Hādi’s preface, p. 11,
he is called Raja Shālbāhan.)


Sāliḥ, adopted son of K͟hwāja Beg
Ṣafawī, styled K͟hanjar K͟hān, 230.


Salīm, S͟haik͟h, of Sīkrī,
promises Akbar three sons, 2.


Salīm K͟hān, son of S͟hir
K͟hān, 88, 137.


Salima Sult̤ān Begam, daughter of
Nūru-d-dīn Muḥammad and Gul-ruk͟h Begam, account
of, and death, 232 and n. 2;

gave name of ʿit̤r Jahāngīrī to otto of
roses, 271.


Salīmgadh, fort in the Jumna, 137.


Sandal-tree, 7.


Sāngā, Rānā, defeated by Bābar,
4, 250.


Sāngor village, beauty of, and name changed to
Kamālpūr, 361.


Sangrām, hill Raja, kills Rāja Mān,
361.


Sangrām, name of Akbar’s gun, 45.


Sangrām, zamindar of Bihar, killed, 83.


Sāras (birds), account of, 343.


Sarbuland Rāy promoted, 299, 406, 411.


Sardār K͟hān, see Yādgār
K͟hwāja.


Sar-farāz K͟hān, grandson of
Muṣāhib Beg (apparently should be Sar-āfrāz),
413.


Sarkhej, 428.


Sati, custom of, referred to, 142.


Sayyid Muḥammad, descendant of S͟hāh
ʿĀlam, 422.


Sayyids of Bārha, bearing of, 64.


Sensitive plant, 443.


S͟hādmān, son of ʿAzīz Koka,
made K͟hān, 203.


S͟hāh ʿĀlam, saint, raises the dead,
421.


S͟hāh Beg K͟hān, governor of
Qandahar, promoted to 5,000, 49;

reports intended Persian attack on fort, 70;

bravery of, 71;

defends fort and makes it over to Sardār K͟hān, 86;

comes to S͟hor, 111 and n.
2;

recovers from illness, 121;

account of, 126;

styled K͟hān-daurān, 128;

offering of, 206, 287–8;

originally [497]sent to Qandahar by Akbar, 262;

present to, 295;

defeats Aḥdād, Afghan, 311;

transferred to Sind, 397.


S͟hāh Begam, title given to
K͟husrau’s mother, daughter of Bhagwān Dās, takes
poison, 56.


S͟hāh-budāg͟h K͟hān,
382.


S͟hāh Jahān, see K͟hurram,
Sult̤ān.


S͟hāh Mīrzā, rebel, 40.


S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān, 197.

See Īraj.


S͟hāh Qulī K͟hān Maḥram,
seizes Hemū, 39;

his garden, 48.


S͟hāh S͟hajāʿat, birth of,
328;

he was born on the eve of Sunday, the 12th Tir = June 24th, 1616.


Shahabad in Rājputana, 252 and note.


S͟hahr-ārā garden at Kabul, 105–6, 111, 121.


S͟hahr-bānū, aunt of Bābar, maker of
S͟hahr-ārā garden, 106.


S͟hāhruk͟h, Mīrzā, of
Badakhshan, son of Ibrāhīm, grandson of Sulaimān,
account of, 26–7;

given province of Malwa, 27;

death, 119;

account of family, 119;

his seven children brought to Court, 137.


S͟hahryār, son of Jahāngīr, 20 and n. 1;

comes from Gujarat, 156.


S͟hāhzāda K͟hānam, daughter of
Akbar, born three months after Jahāngīr, made over to Maryam
Makānī, 34.


S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, title of
Kabīr Chis͟htī, 29;

in battle at Ahmadabad, 44;

promoted, 113;

promoted and sent to Bengal, 192;

account of battle against ʿUs̤mān, Afghan, 209–14;

receives title of Rustam-zamān, 214;

death of, 227.


S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, title of
Salāmu-llah, Arab (which see), 320;

promoted, 439.


S͟hajāʿat K͟hān Dakhanī,
171, 176.


S͟hakaru-n-nisā, daughter of Akbar, character
of, 36.


S͟hāk͟hband, a kind of fence,
129.


S͟hams K͟hān Gakkhar, 130.


S͟hamsu-d-dīn, son of ʿAzīz Koka,
made Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, which
see.


S͟hamsu-d-dīn K͟hwāfī, officer
of Akbar, 100, 101.


S͟hankar, Rānā, son of Udai Singh, cousin
of the Rānā, 16;

promoted, [498]112;

given 12,000 and 30,000 rupees, 49,
58;

his son promoted, 178;

temple destroyed, 254;

tank, 268.


S͟hāpūr, son of K͟hwājagī
K͟hwāja, 218;

perhaps a nephew of G͟hiyās̤, but
Maʾās̤ir, i, 180,
calls him son of Iʿtimādu-d-daula, and it may be another name
for Iʿtiqād.


S͟harafu-d-dīn Kās͟hg͟harī
promoted, 372;

sent to Bangash, 408.


S͟harīf, son of Iʿtimādu-d-daula,
plots with K͟husrau, 122;

put to death, 123.


S͟harīf Āmulī, account of, 47–8;

receives 2,000 rupees, 61;

9,000 rupees, 81;

and 12,000 rupees, 101.


S͟harīf K͟hān,
Amīru-l-umarā, son of ʿAbdu-ṣ-Ṣamad, couplet
by, 11;

account of, 14 and n. 2, 15;

seal entrusted to, 18;

remark of, 25–6;

employed to quell riot, 29;

directed to pursue K͟husrau, 52;

recalled, 53;

left ill at Lahore, 82;

at Attock, 101;

gets worse, 103;

recovers, 121;

waits on Jahāngīr at Chandālah, 130;

sent to Deccan, 156;

verse by, 228;

death in Deccan, 231.


S͟hauqī, mandolin-player, 331.


S͟hihābu-d-dīn Aḥmad
K͟hān, officer of Akbar, 430–1.


S͟hīr K͟hān, ruler of Bengal,
367.


S͟hīr-afgan, title given by Jahāngīr
to ʿAlī Qulī Istājlū, husband of
Nūr-Jahān, 113;

account of him and of his killing Qut̤bu-d-dīn, 113–15.


S͟hukru-llah, Mullā, S͟hāh
Jahān’s diwan, 273,
274.

See Afẓal K͟hān.


Shyām Rām, riot by, 29.


Shyām Singh, cousin of Umrā, 140–1;

promoted, 222, 281.


Sikandar Muʿīn, ordered to build fort at
Jahāngīrpūr (S͟haik͟hūpūra),
91;

helps Jahāngīr to shoot nilgaw, 268;

buried at Rānā S͟hankar’s tank, having died at
Udaipur, 268.


Sikandar Munshī, author, 427.


Sikandra, building of, 152.


Siyar al-mutaʾak͟hk͟hirīn, quoted,
7 note.


Solar weighments, 230, 248.


Spider, large, 117.
[499]


Squirrel, flying, 104.


Statues, marble, of Rānā and son, erected at
Agra, 332.


Subh Karan, maternal uncle of Rānā Amar,
273.


Subḥān Qulī, Turk, 41.


Sudras, Hindu caste, 245.


Sufra net, 99.


Sulaimān Beg, 131.

See Fidāʾī K͟hān.


Sult̤ān, Mīrzā, son of
S͟hāhruk͟h, favoured by Jahāngīr, 24.


Sult̤ān K͟hurram, i.e. S͟hāh
Jahān, see K͟hurram Bābā.


Sult̤ān Maḥmūd, son-in-law of
K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, 382.


Sult̤ān Maḥmūd Bīgara,
429.


Sult̤ān S͟hāh, Afghan, shot to death
with arrows, 134.


Sult̤ānu-n-nisā, eldest child of
Jahāngīr, 15 and n.
1.


Sundar Dās, styled Rāy Rāyān,
273, 274, 368;

styled Bikramājīt, 402.


Sūraj Mal, son of Rāja Bāso, 283, 311, 337, 388, 393.


Sūraj Singh, Rāja, maternal uncle of
K͟hurram Bābā (S͟hāh Jahān), 140–1;

promoted, 153;

fights with his brother, 291;

sent to Deccan, 293.


Sūraj Singh, son of Rāy Rāy Singh,
younger brother of Dulīp, 218, 259;

offering of, 282–3, 288;

presents elephants, 289;

given one in, return, 290;

promoted, 288, 301.


Surk͟hāb, discovery of plot at, 122.


Sylhet, eunuchs in, 150.






[Contents]



T






Taḥayyur K͟hān, 288. The name appears as Bāk͟htar or
Chattar in I.O. MSS.


T̤āhir, bak͟hs͟hī of
Bengal, makes offering, 371.


T̤āhir Beg, styled Muk͟hliṣ
K͟hān, bak͟hs͟hī of the Ahadis,
146;

bak͟hs͟hī of Deccan, 149.


T̤ahmāsp, king of Persia, anecdote of,
124;

gives sister in marriage to Niʿmatu-llah, 131.


Tahmūras̤, son of Dāniyāl, 75;

marries Bihār Bānū, 19 n. 3.


Tāj K͟hān Tariyānī, 422.


Tak͟hta Beg Kābulī, 31.


Tān Sen Kalāwant, musician, 413. [500]


Taqiyyā S͟hūstarī, Mullā,
146.


Tarbiyat K͟hān, title of
ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, son of Qāsim K͟hān,
paymaster of Ahadis, 116;

receives title of Tarbiyat, 149;

promoted, 153;

made faujdār of Alwar, 178;

promoted, 236, 320.


Tardī Beg K͟hān, defeated and put to
death, 39.


Tardī K͟hān Dīwāna, at battle
of Ahmadabad, 42.


Tās͟h Beg Furjī (should be
Qūrchī), styled by Akbar Tāj K͟hān, promoted
to 3,000, 31;

left at Kabul, 121;

removed from Multan, 166;

promoted, 178, 226, 261;

appointed to Bhakar, 261;

death, 267.


Tasū (measure), 177 and note. The note is wrong, instead of one-third of
an inch read one and a third inch.


Tātār K͟hān, offering of, 318.


Tekchand, Raja of Kumaon, 227.


Teufel, Dr., quoted, 110 n. 1.


Thief, story of, 432.


Tiger, strange story of, 157.


Tigress’s milk, 240.


Tīmūr, picture of, 154.


Toḍar Mal, his son Rāja Kalyān honoured,
402.


Tomān, value of, 3.


Topchī (gunner), 23 note.


Topk͟hāna-i-rikāb, 22 n. 3.


Trees, large, 353,
360.


Trimbāwatī, old name of Cambay, 416.


Tughluq, Sult̤ān Muḥammad, built fort at
Dhār, 407.


Turkey, bird, account of, 216.


Turquoises, 238.






[Contents]



U






Ūdā Rām, 398–9;

presents to, 408, 409.


Ulug͟h Beg, a jade jar of, 146.


ʿUmar K͟hān, grandfather of
K͟hān Jahān Lodī, 88.


ʿUs̤mān, Afghan, 209–15.


Ūymāqs, 119.

See Aimāqs.






[Contents]



V






Vīr-nāg, spring in Kashmir, 92, 93.
[501]






[Contents]



W






Wagtail’s nest, 383.


Waisī, K͟hwāja, diwan of
Sult̤ān K͟hurram, reveals K͟husrau’s plot,
122.


Wajīhu-d-dīn, Gujarati saint, 128, 425–6.


Walī, brother of ʿUs̤mān, 212, 213, 230.


Wālī, Mīrzā, son of
Najību-n-nisā, promoted, 144.


Walī Bī Ūzbeg, faujdār of Multan,
166.


Walī Muḥammad K͟hān, ruler of
Tūrān, 118.


Waqārī, pen-name of Mīrzā
G͟hāzī, 133.


Wazīr Jamīl, promoted, 17;

given 7,000 rupees, 61.


Wazīr K͟hān, see Muqīm
K͟hān.


Weights and measures, 12, 197, 417.


Wulūr Lake, Kashmir, 94–5.






[Contents]



Y






Yādgār, K͟hwāja, brother of
ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān Firūz-jang and father of the
historian Kāmgār Ḥusainī, comes from Gujarat and
gets title of Sardār K͟hān, 237.


Yādgār ʿAlī K͟hān, Persian
ambassador, receives muhr (silver?) of 1,000 tolas in weight, 237.


Yādgār Beg Qūrchī, of Transoxiana,
makes offering, 379;

given presents and title, 386,
404.


Yādgār Ḥusain Qūs͟h-begi,
404.


Yādgār K͟hwāja of Samarkand,
presents an album, 164.


Yaʿqūb Badak͟hs͟hī, promoted
for bravery and given title of K͟hān, 244;

promoted, 372. [502]


Yildirīm Bāyazīd, Sultan of Turkey,
145.


Yūsuf and Zulaik͟hā, splendid copy,
168 and note.


Yūsuf K͟hān, son of Ḥusain
Tukriyah, promoted, 146, 375, 404;

sent to Deccan, 184;

waited on Jahāngīr, 189;

standard sent to, 255.






[Contents]



Z






Zafar K͟hān, son of Zain K͟hān
Koka, Attock given to, 100,
111;

does good service, 127;

arranges ring-hunt, 129;

receives dress, 147;

promoted, 160, 310;

comes from Gujarat, 231;

appointed to Behar, 231;

sent for, 284;

waits on Jahāngīr, 306.


Zāhid, son of S͟hajāʿat
K͟hān, promoted, 405.


Zāhid K͟hān, son of S̤ādiq,
promoted, 17;

raised to rank of 2,000, 46;

defeats Dulīp, 84;

servant of S͟hāh Jahān, 441.


Zain K͟hān Koka, Akbar’s foster-brother,
19;

built Naus͟hahr fort on the Kāma, 102.


Zain-lankā, island in Wulūr Lake, 94.


Zainu-d-dīn, K͟hwāja, comes from
Transoxiana, 289.


Zainu-l-ʿābidīn, Sult̤ān, king
of Kashmir, 94.


Zamāna Beg, 24.

See Mahābat K͟hān.


Ẓiyāʾu-d-dīn of Qazwīn,
promoted and made accountant of stables, 25;

receives title of Muṣt̤afā K͟hān and given
parganah of Maldah in Bengal, 360.


Ẕū-l-faqār K͟hān, title of
Muhammad Beg, 275.












Colophon


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Metadata





Title:
The Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī, Or: Memoirs of
Jahāngīr, volume 1 of 2





Author:
Jahāngīr (1569–1627)
Info




Editor:
Henry Beveridge (1837–1929)
Info




Translator:
Alexander Rogers (1825–1911)
Info




Language:
English





Original publication date:
1909





Keywords:
India -- History 1526-1765






India -- Kings and rulers -- Biography






Jahangir, -- Emperor of Hindustan, -- 1569-1627






Mogul Empire






Catalog entries





Related WorldCat catalog page:
2696773




Related Open Library catalog page (for source):
OL22895796M




Related Open Library catalog page (for work):
OL371088W





Encoding


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as follows:








Encoding
Appearance
Meaning






‘
‘
Left single quote.




’
’
Right single quote.




'
’
Apostrophe.




′
′
Single prime.




&hamza;
ʾ
Representation of the Arabic letter hamza.




&ayin;
ʿ
Representation of the Arabic letter
ayin.










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Corrections


The following corrections have been applied to the text:





Page
Source
Correction




xiv
Munshi
Munshī




xiv
As
At




9
manṣabs
mansabs




23
Turki
Turkī




70,
500
.
,




71
Mirza
Mīrzā




75
Shīr Afgan
Shīr-Afgan




84
Sankar
S͟hankar




85
[Not in source]
”




104
Musulmān
Musulman




111,
143, 184, 451
[Not in source]
,




134
karori
karorī




145,
245, 299, 313,
334, 421, 475
[Not in source]
.




197
Kkankhanan
Khankhanan




199
of
off




226
,
.




232
Ẕī-qaʿda
Ẕī-l-qaʿda




232
Khan
K͟hān




234
Abū-l-baqā
Abū-l-Baqā




471
:
;




472
Abūl-l-faẓl’s
Abū-l-faẓl’s




474
,
;




475
Abūl-l-faẓl
Abū-l-faẓl