The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Chronicles of Enguerrand De Monstrelet Vol. VII, translated by Thomas Johnes.

Beginning at the Year MCCCC. where that of Sir JOHN FROISSART finishes, and ending
at the Year MCCCCLXVII. and continued by others to the Year MDXVI.

PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER-ROW;
AND J. WHITE AND CO. FLEET-STREET.

SOME CAPTAINS ATTACHED TO SIR JOHN DE LUXEMBOURG SURPRISE THE CASTLE OF ST MARTIN, WHEREIN THEY ARE ALL TAKEN AND SLAIN.

At the commencement of this year, some of the captains attached to sir John de Luxembourg, such as sir Simon de Lalain, Bertrand de Manicain, Enguerrand de Crequi, Enguerrand de Gribauval marched from the borders of the Laonnois with four hundred combatants to the abbey of St Vincent, near Laon, wherein were a body[Pg 2] of French. They gained it by surprise, and on their entrance they set up a loud shout, which awakened part of the enemy within a strong gateway, who instantly defended themselves with vigour; and, during this, the lord de Pennesac, then in Laon, was told what had happened. He immediately collected a force to succour those in the gate, who were gallantly defending themselves; and his men at arms, enraged to find the enemy so near, lost no time in putting on their armour.

They soon marched out of Laon to the assistance of their friends then fighting; but a part of the Burgundians, without finishing their enterprise, or providing for what might happen, had quitted the combat to plunder the abbey. They were, therefore, unexpectedly attacked by these men at arms, and with such vigour that they were totally defeated, and sixty of the principal were left dead on the spot: in the number were Bertrand de Manicain and Enguerrand de Gribauval. The last offered a large ransom for his life; but it was refused, by reason of the great hatred the common people bore him for the very many mischiefs he had long before done them.

Sir Simon de Lalain was made prisoner, and had his life spared through the means of a gallant youth of the garrison named Archanciel, who was much beloved by the commonalty. Enguerrand de Crequi was taken at the same time with sir Simon and a few others; but the remainder, witnessing their ill success, retreated to the places whence they had come.

Sir John de Luxembourg was much afflicted at this event, and not without cause, for he had lost in the affair some of his ablest captains. The brother of the lord de Pennesac, called James, was killed.

At the same time, the castle of Rambures, belonging to the lord de Rambures, then a prisoner in England, was won by the French, under the command of Charles des Marests, who took it by scalado. Ferry de Mailly was the governor of it for king Henry. The French, by this capture, opened a free communication with the country of Vimeu and those adjoining, as shall hereafter be shewn.

POTON DE SAINTRAILLES AND SIR LOUIS DE VAUCOURT ARE MADE PRISONERS BY THE ENGLISH.

In this year, the marshal de Bousac, Poton de Saintrailles, sir Louis de Vaucourt, and others of king Charles's captains, set out from Beauvais with about eight hundred combatants to seek adventures, and to forage the country near to Gournay. With them was a very young shepherd's boy, who was desirous to raise his name in the same way that the Maid had done.

The earl of Warwick had notice of their march, and collected with all haste about six hundred fighting men, whom he led toward Beauvais to meet the enemy. He came up with them, unexpectedly, near to Gournay, and commenced a sharp conflict, in which so little resistance was made by the French that they were soon put to the rout, and Poton de Saintrailles, sir Louis de Vaucourt, and about sixty combatants, were made prisoners. The rest,[Pg 5] with the exception of eight or ten who were slain, made their escape with the marshal to Beauvais.

The English pursued them to the walls of that town, when the earl of Warwick, assembling his men, returned to Gournay, happy at his good success; and thence he went to the duke of Bedford in Rouen, by whom he was joyfully congratulated on his victory.

On the 20th day of June in this year, a combat took place in the town of Arras, and in the presence of the duke of Burgundy, between Maillotin de Bours, appellant, and sir Hector de Flavy, defendant. Maillotin had charged sir Hector, before the duke of Burgundy, with having said, that he was desirous of becoming the duke's enemy, and of turning to the party[Pg 6] of king Charles; and also, that he had required of him to accompany him in his flight, and to seize Guy Guillebaut, the duke's treasurer, or some other wealthy prisoner, to pay for their expenses.

The duke, on this charge, had ordered Maillotin to arrest sir Hector, and bring him prisoner to Arras, which he did in the following manner. Having received this order, he went, accompanied by a competent number of men, to a village near Corbie called Bonnay, and thence sent to sir Hector to come to him. Sir Hector, not knowing that any accusations had been made against him, came thither with a very few attendants, for Maillotin had pretended that he wanted only to speak with him; but no sooner did he appear than he laid hands on him, and carried him prisoner to Arras, where he remained in confinement a considerable time. However, by the exertions of his friends, he was conducted to the presence of the duke in Hesdin,—when he ably defended himself against the charges brought against him, and declared that it was Maillotin himself who made the proposals that he had mentioned. Words at[Pg 7] last ran so high that Maillotin threw down his glove, which sir Hector, by leave of the prince, took up. The 20th day of June was fixed on for the combat, and there might be forty days before its arrival. Sufficient pledges were mutually given for their due appearance in person on the appointed day.

The duke of Burgundy came from his palace in Arras about ten o'clock of the 20th of June, grandly attended by his nobles and chivalry, to the seat which had been prepared for him in the centre of the lists, in the great market-square, the usual place for tournaments. The counts de St Pol, de Ligny, and others of rank, entered the seat with the duke. Two handsome tents were pitched at each end of the lists, and without them were two great chairs of wood for the champions to repose in. That of Maillotin, as appellant, was on the right hand of the duke, and sir Hector's on the left. Sir Hector's tent was very richly ornamented with sixteen emblazoned quarterings of his arms, and of those of his ancestors, on each side. There was also a representation of a sepulchre, because sir[Pg 8] Hector had been made a knight at the holy sepulchre of Jerusalem.

Shortly afterward, Maillotin was summoned by the king at arms to appear in person and fulfil his engagements. About eleven o'clock, he left his mansion, accompanied by the lord de Chargny, the lord de Humieres, sir Peter Quierel lord de Ramencourt, and many other gentlemen, his relations and friends. He was mounted on a horse covered with the emblazonments of his arms, having on plain armour, his helmet on and his vizor closed, holding in one hand his lance and in the other one of his two swords; for he was provided with two, and a large dagger hanging by his side. His horse was led by the bridle by two knights on foot; and on his arrival at the barriers, he made the usual oaths in the hands of sir James de Brimeu, who had been appointed for the purpose. This done, the barriers were thrown open, and he entered with his companions on foot, who then presented themselves before the duke of Burgundy. After this, he rode to his chair, where he dismounted, and entered his pavilion to repose himself and wait his[Pg 9] adversary. The lord de Chargny, who was his manager to instruct him how to act, entered the tent with him, as did a few of his confidential friends.

Artois, king at arms, now summoned sir Hector de Flavy in the same manner as he had done the other; and within a quarter of an hour sir Hector left his house and came to the barriers on horseback, fully armed like his opponent, grandly accompanied by gentlemen, among whom were the two sons of the count de St Pol, Louis and Thibault, who led sir Hector's horse by the bridle. The other lords followed behind on foot, namely, the lord d'Antoing, the vidame of Amiens, John de Flavy, brother to sir Hector, Hugh de Launoy, the lord de Chargny, the lord de Saveuses, sir John de Fosseux, the lord de Crevecoeur, and many more nobles and esquires of rank. On sir Hector's arrival at the barriers, he took the oath, and then presented himself to the duke. He went to his chair, dismounted, and entered his pavilion. Soon after, they both advanced on foot before the duke, and swore on the evangelists that their quarrel was good, and that they[Pg 10] would combat fairly, and then returned again to their pavilions.

Proclamation was now made by the king at arms for all persons, under pain of death, to quit the lists, excepting such as had been charged to guard them. The prince had ordered that eight persons on each side, relations or friends of the champions, should remain within the lists unarmed, in addition to the eight that had been before appointed to raise them, or put an end to the combat, according to the prince's pleasure.

The chairs being removed, proclamation was again made for the champions to advance and do their duty. On hearing this, Maillotin de Bours, as appellant, first stepped forth, and then sir Hector, each grasping their lances handsomely. On their approach, they threw them, but without either hitting. They then, with great signs of courage, drew nearer, and began the combat with swords. Sir Hector, more than once, raised the vizor of his adversary's helmet by his blows, so that his face was plainly seen, which caused the spectators to believe sir Hector had the best of[Pg 11] the combat. Maillotin, however, without being any way discouraged, soon closed it, by striking it down with the pummel of his sword, and retreating a few paces.

The two champions shewed the utmost valour; but at this moment, before any blood had been drawn, the duke ordered further proceedings to be stopped, which was instantly done by those who had been commissioned for the purpose. They were commanded to withdraw to their lodgings, which they obeyed, by quitting the lists at opposite ends; and on the morrow they dined at the duke's table, sir Hector sitting on his right hand. When dinner was over, the duke ordered them, under pain of capital punishment, to attempt nothing further against each other, their friends or allies, and to lay aside all the malice and hatred that was between them. In confirmation of which, he made them shake hands.

About this time, some of king Charles's captains, namely, the lord de Longueval, Anthony de Chabannes, Blanchefort, Alain Guion, and others, advanced to the town of Corbie, thinking to take it by surprise. By the activity of the abbot, the place was well defended; and it was also succoured by John de Humieres, Enguerrand de Gribauval, with some more gentlemen in their company, so that the French were repulsed with the loss of many of their men. Alain Guion was so badly wounded that he was in great peril of death. They caused, however, a very handsome suburb toward Fouilloy to be burnt. They retreated to forage the countries on the banks of the Somme, where they took the castles of Morcourt and Lyon belonging to the lord de Longueval, committing also much damage to the lands.

They soon quitted these castles, for[Pg 13] fear of being besieged in them, and returned to the places they had come from; but the duke of Burgundy, on their departure, had them razed to the ground.

THE LORD DE BARBASAN LAYS SIEGE TO THE CASTLE OF ANGLURE, HELD BY THE BURGUNDIANS.

In this year, the lord de Barbasan, who had resided a considerable time with the duke of Bar on the borders of Champagne, laid siege to the Burgundians in the castle of Anglure,[1]—and he had approached so near as to batter the walls with his cannon and other artillery. The duke of Bedford, on hearing this, sent to their relief the earl of Arundel, with the eldest son of the earl of Warwick, the lord de l'Isle-Adam, the lord de Châtillon, the lord de Bonneul, and other captains, with sixteen hundred men. After some days march, they came[Pg 14] to Anglure, and found that the lord de Barbasan, having had intelligence of their motions, had retreated to a strong post, which he had also strengthened by outworks.

Some skirmishes took place, in which from sixteen to twenty men were killed on both sides, and the lord de l'Isle-Adam was wounded. The English and Burgundians, seeing that they could not force the enemy to battle without great disadvantage to themselves, withdrew the garrison, with the lady of the castle, and set fire to it; after which, they returned to Paris, and to the other parts whence they had come.

The lord de Barbasan had been constituted by king Charles governor of the countries of Brie, the Laonnois and Champagne. Before he laid siege to Anglure, he had conquered Noeville in the Laonnois, Voisines and other places. He had remained about a month before this castle of Anglure, having with him the lord de Conflans, sir John bastard de Dampierre, and a great number of common people.

When the English and Burgundians were on their march to raise this siege, in one of the many skirmishes, the French[Pg 15] gained possession of the outworks of the castle,—but were soon driven thence by the English, who in consequence set the castle on fire, as has been related.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Anglure, eight leagues to the north of Troyes.

Joan the Maid had sentence of death passed on her in the city of Rouen, information of which was sent by the king of England to the duke of Burgundy, a copy of whose letter now follows:

'Most dear and well beloved uncle, the very fervent love we know you to bear, as a true Catholic, to our holy mother the church, and your zeal for the exaltation of the faith, induces us to signify to you by writing, that in honour of the above, an act has lately taken place at Rouen, which will tend, as we hope, to the strengthening of the catholic faith, and the extirpation of pestilential heresies.

'It is well known, from common re[Pg 16]port, and otherwise, that the woman, erroneously called the Maid, has, for upward of two years, contrary to the divine law, and to the decency becoming her sex, worn the dress of a man, a thing abominable before God; and in this state she joined our adversary and yours, giving him, as well as those of his party, churchmen and nobles, to understand that she was sent as a messenger from Heaven,—and presumptuously vaunting that she had personal and visible communications with St Michael, and with a multitude of angels and saints in paradise, such as St Catherine and St Margaret. By these falsehoods, and by promising future victories, she has estranged the minds of persons of both sexes from the truth, and induced them to the belief of dangerous errors.

'She clothed herself in armour also, assisted by knights and esquires, and raised a banner, on which, through excess of pride and presumption, she demanded to bear the noble and excellent arms of France, which in part she obtained. These she displayed at many conflicts and sieges; and they consisted of a shield having two flower[Pg 17] de luces or on a field azure, with a pointed sword surmounted with a crown proper.

'In this state she took the field with large companies of men at arms and archers, to exercise her inhuman cruelties by shedding Christian blood, and stirring up seditions and rebellions of the common people. She encouraged perjuries, superstitions and false doctrines, by permitting herself to be reverenced and honoured as a holy woman, and in various other manners that would be too long to detail, but which have greatly scandalized all Christendom wherever they have been known.

'But divine Mercy having taken pity on a loyal people, and being no longer willing to suffer them to remain under such vain errors and credulities, permitted that this woman should be made prisoner by your army when besieging Compiègne, and through your affection she was transferred to our power.

'On this being known, she was claimed by the bishop in whose diocese she had been taken; and as she had been guilty of the highest treason to the Divine Majesty, we delivered her up to be tried and punished[Pg 18] by the usual ecclesiastical judges, not only from respect to our holy mother the church, whose ordinances we shall ever prefer to our own, but also for the exaltation of our faith.

'We were unwilling that the officers of our secular justice should take cognizance of the crime, although it was perfectly lawful for us so to do, considering the great mischiefs, murders, and detestable cruelties, she has committed against our sovereignty, and on a loyal obedient people.

'The bishop having called to his aid in this matter the vicar of the inquisitor of errors and heresies in the faith, with many able doctors in theology and in the canon law, commenced with much solemnity and gravity the trial of the said Joan. After these judges had for several days interrogated her on her crimes, and had maturely considered her confessions and answers, they sent them for the opinion of our beloved daughter the university of Paris, when they all determined that this Joan was superstitious, a sorceress of the devil, a blasphemer of God and of his saints, a schismatic, and guilty of many errors against the faith of Jesus Christ.

'To recal her to the universal faith of our holy church, to purge her from her pernicious errors, and to save her soul from perpetual damnation, and to induce her to return to the way of truth, she was long and frequently charitably preached to; but that dangerous and obstinate spirit of pride and presumption, which is alway endeavouring to prevent the unity and safety of Christians, held the said Joan so fast bound that no arguments nor exhortations could soften the hardness of her heart, so that she boasted that all which she had done was meritorious, and that it had been done by the command of God and the aforesaid holy virgins, who had personally appeared to her. But what was worse, she refused to acknowledge any power on earth but God and his saints, denying the authority of our holy father the pope, and of the general councils of the universal church militant.

'The ecclesiastical judges, witnessing her obstinacy and hardness of heart, had her brought forth before the people, who, with the clergy, were assembled in great numbers, when she was again preached to[Pg 20] by an able divine. Having been plainly warned of the doctrines of our holy religion, and the consequences of heresies and erroneous opinions concerning it to the welfare of mankind, she was charitably admonished to make her peace with the church, and renounce her errors, but she remained as obstinate as before.

'The judges, having considered her conduct, proceeded to pronounce sentence upon her, according to the heinousness of her crimes; but before it was read her courage seemed to fail her, and she said she was willing to return to the church. This was heard with pleasure by the judges, clergy and spectators, who received her kindly, hoping by this means to preserve her soul from perdition.

'She now submitted herself to the ordinances of the church, and publicly renounced and abjured her detestable crimes, signing with her own hand the schedule of her recantation and abjuration. Thus was our merciful mother the church rejoiced at the sinner doing penance, anxious to recover the lost sheep that had wandered in the desert. Joan was ordered to perform her penance in close confinement.

'But these good dispositions did not last long; for her presumptuous pride seemed to have acquired greater force than before,—and she relapsed, with the utmost obstinacy, into all those errors which she had publicly renounced. For this cause, and that she might not contaminate the sound members of our holy communion, she was again publicly preached to; and, proving obstinate, she was delivered over to the secular arm, who instantly condemned her to be burnt. Seeing her end approach, she fully acknowledged and confessed that the spirits which had appeared to her were often lying and wicked ones; that the promises they had made to set her at liberty were false,—and that she had been deceived and mocked by them.

'She was publicly led to the old market-place in Rouen, and there burnt in the presence of the people!'

This notice of her sentence and execution was sent by the king of England to the duke of Burgundy, that it might be published by him for the information of his subjects, that all may henceforward be advised not to put faith in such or similar errors as had governed the heart of the Maid.

In this year, a general council of the holy church, which had been moved for during the pontificate of pope Martin, was ordered by the pope to be held in the city of Basil. Basil is a handsome city, abounding in wealth, and seated on the banks of the Rhine; whither came crowds from all parts to attend the council, more especially many notable clerks from the university of Paris, and numberless ambassadors from the emperor of Germany, different kings, princes and prelates.

Pope Eugenius, however, was desirous of deferring this council for a year and a half, and wished to have it transferred to Bologna la Grassa, for the accommodation of the Greeks, who he was in hopes would attend it. The emperor, when he heard of this, wrote letters to the pope, containing in substance as follows.

In the first place, he was unwilling that the council should be transferred from Basil, or any way delayed on account of the Greeks; for as much pains had been taken in vain to unite them with the holy church, it would be better to extirpate reigning heresies.

Item, the members of the council had written to those of Prague called Hussites to attend this council,—and he, the emperor, had likewise written to them, and sent them passports for their coming and return. The Hussites had shewn intentions of compliance with these requests, for they had suffered great losses in Hungary, having been twice defeated by the duke of Austria.

Item, as the Hussites knew that this council was chiefly held for the abolition of their heresies, could it be expected that any sincere conversions would take effect, without the points of the disputed doctrines having been fully and publicly argued?

Item, should it happen that they be converted by force of reason, as the members of the council are from various countries, they will admonish their countrymen when returned to destroy these Hussites.

Item, because the Hussites declare their sect to be founded on the Holy Scriptures, should the council be delayed, they will naturally conclude that this is done through a consciousness of inability to controvert their doctrines, and will become more hardened and obstinate in their errors.

Item, because common report has bruited it abroad that this council was assembled for the reformation of public manners and the state of the church, it is to be feared that many who have loudly spoken of these matters will say, if the council be adjourned, that it is a mockery and farce, and will end as unprofitably to the church as those of Pisa and of Constance.

Item, since this council has been called to appease dissentions that have arisen between the clergy and laity in many towns of Christendom,—and since the members have summoned the attendance of several of the chief inhabitants of different towns in Saxony, particularly of Magdebourg, who had expelled the bishop and his clergy from their town, and of others who had rebelled against their bishops because they leaned to the doctrines of the Hussites,—[Pg 25]it is to be feared, should the council be deferred, that they will form such strong connexions with the Hussites that it will be no longer possible to remedy the mischief.

Item, although several towns and princes situated amidst these heretics have made truces with them, nevertheless the majority of them are firmly united with the Hussites, in hopes that the council will decide on their doctrines; but should they find it is adjourned for so long a time as a year and a half, they will be for ever lost to the church.

Item, it was hoped that this council would employ itself in the pacification of many kings and princes now waging war against each other, and in taking proper measures for a secure and lasting peace. Should it now separate, these princes would continue a cruel warfare, and no hope remain of again assembling it for the prevention of seditions and heresies, and thus very many things profitable to the Christian church will be delayed, if not totally obstructed; and greater slanders and mischiefs will arise than he was willing to write.

These arguments having been adduced in the letters from the emperor, he thus concludes:

'We therefore require of your holiness, that you instantly write to the president and members of the council, that they do not on any account separate, but that they do accomplish that which they have begun, and for which they have been assembled in the name of the Lord,—and that you do recal and annul whatever you may have written to the contrary. Have the goodness to consider also that the heretics are increasing in arms, and that if you do not disband them by clerical measures, and replace them in their primitive state, there will not be left a possibility of doing it by any other means whatever.

'Those who have advised you to adjourn the council have not assuredly understood the grievous evils that may result from that measure. Would to God they were sensible of the dangerous consequences at this moment arising from delay! Should they fear that laics would usurp power belonging to the church, they would de[Pg 27]ceive themselves,—for this is only a subtlety to retard the council; which measure, if carried into effect, would indeed force the laics to act against the church.

'This can only be prevented by continuing the sittings of the council; for then the laics will be effectually restrained, when they shall see the clergy abstain from all considerations of personal profit. You should also consider, that perhaps the holy council will not consent to adjourn itself, and that in this it will be followed by the kings, princes and common people; and your holiness, who has hitherto been held in respect, and considered as spotless by the members of the Christian church, will fall under suspicion, and your mandates be disregarded. For this adjournment, without any essential cause, will stain your innocence; and it may be said that you nourish heresies among Christians, a perseverance in wickedness and in the sins of the people. Disobedience may therefore be consequently expected to the church of God; for there are some who will not scruple to publish that you have been the cause of these evils,—and many more than you are aware of will agree with them.

'It would be very useful and good, if your holiness would attend the council in person; but if that cannot be, send your immediate commands for it to continue its sittings in the manner in which it has commenced; for there are measures before it affecting the very vitals of Christianity that can not, and ought not, to suffer a moment's delay.

'Should your holiness require, in future, any measures to be discussed that do not demand such haste, such as touching an union with the Greek church, another council may be called better inclined towards it; for should this council be now dissolved, it is to be doubted whether another can be assembled within the eighteen months, from events that may arise.

'Your holiness will be pleased to weigh maturely all that we have written to you, and give directions for the continuation of this council; and have the goodness to receive our admonitions paternally and kindly, for it has been our conscience, and the great difficulties into which the church of God has fallen, and also our anxiety that your character may not be liable to the least sus[Pg 29]picion, that have urged us to make them. This we will more clearly demonstrate to you when we shall be in your presence, which we hope will shortly happen.'

This remonstrance had its due effect on the holy father, who re-established the council at Basil, which was attended by great multitudes of ecclesiastical and secular lords, ambassadors, princes and prelates, and common people out of number.

I have before mentioned that a serious quarrel [2] had taken place between Réné[Pg 30] duke of Bar and Anthony de Lorraine count de Vaudemont. In consequence thereof, the duke of Bar had collected a great body of men at arms, as well from his own duchy as from other parts of Germany, to the amount of six thousand men. The principal leaders were the counts de Salmes, de Salivines and de Linanges, the bishop of Metz, sir Thibaut de Barbey, and other noble men of high rank. The duke had also with him that gallant and renowned knight the lord de Barbasan, by whose advice he ordered his army,—for he had great knowledge and experience in war.

Having provided a sufficiency of artillery, provision and stores, the duke marched his army before Vaudemont [3], the capital of that country, which was naturally strong, and had been repaired with additional fortifications, by the count, who had likewise well victualled and garrisoned it, knowing that it was intended to be attacked by his enemies.

He had appointed, as governors in his absence, Gerard de Passenchault, bailiff of the county, and Henry de Fouquencourt, who made great exertions to put the place in a proper state of defence. They were, however, in spite of their efforts, soon besieged on all sides, by reason of the superior numbers of their enemies.

The besiegers also overran and destroyed by fire and sword most part of the county of Vaudemont, which, although very vexatious to the count, he could no way resist for the present. He garrisoned all his strong places as well as he could, and resolved to wait on duke Philip of Burgundy, whose party he had alway supported, and humbly request aid from him to deliver his country from his enemies.

He found the duke in Flanders, to whom having told his distress, the duke replied, that he would willingly lay the case before his council, and give him a speedy answer, and the best assistance he could afford. A short time before the count's arrival, sir Anthony de Toulongeon, the marshal of Burgundy, and other noble persons from that country, had come to[Pg 32] remonstrate with the duke on the state of affairs in that duchy, and on the devastations there done by his enemies the French and Bourbonnois, who were daily committing murders and mischiefs by fire and sword, having already conquered some of his towns and castles, and intending further inroads unless they were checked.

They earnestly solicited that he would, for the salvation of the country, send thither some of his Picard-captains, accompanied by a certain number of men at arms, more particularly archers, of whom, they said, they were in much need.

The duke held several councils on these two demands, and on the means of complying with them. They caused many debates,—and his ministers urged the necessity of non-compliance, saying that the French were on the borders of Picardy, eager to make an inroad on Artois, and the moment they should know that his Picards had left their country, they might do him very great mischief. Notwithstanding all the dangers that might ensue, it was resolved, as a matter of necessity, that a thousand or twelve hundred combatants[Pg 33] should be given to the marshal, who should have the chief command, with the Picardy-captains under him; and when they were arrived in Burgundy, they should afford the count de Vaudemont the strongest support they could.

When this had been resolved upon, it was necessary to seek for captains to conduct the expedition; for there were few of any rank willing to undertake it, because it was to a distant country, where the enemy was in great force,—and they did not expect to be well paid, according to the custom in those parts. However, the duke of Burgundy, the count of Vaudemont, and others of weight in Picardy, determined to accept of such as they could find willing to go; and they sounded Matthieu de Humieres, Robinet de Huchechien, the bastard de Fosseux, the bastard de Neufville, Gerard bastard de Brimeu, and some other gentlemen and men at arms of the middle ranks, who had no great properties in their own country, to know if they were inclined to assemble men at arms, and to follow their leader whither he pleased to seek adventures. Some presents and greater promises[Pg 34] being added to this proposal, they agreed to accept of the offers.

They collected, therefore, about the beginning of May, as many men at arms as they could, in various parts, to the amount of a thousand or twelve hundred, and had the duke of Burgundy's commands to keep them on foot for a certain time: the most of them were poor soldiers, accustomed to support themselves by living on their neighbours, when they could not find wherewithal in their own countries, but strong, healthy and vigorous, and accustomed to war.

When they were assembled in companies, they marched for the Cambresis, and were mustered in a large village called Solames, belonging to the abbot of St Denis in France. They thence advanced under the command of the marshal, and other burgundian lords, to Rethel, where they received a proportion of their pay, and thence returned through St Menehould to Burgundy, where they remained some little time, waiting until the burgundian forces were ready.

In the mean time, while these pre[Pg 35]parations were going forward, the duke of Bar was besieging, with his numerous army, the town of Vaudemont. He had remained before it for three complete months, and had greatly damaged the walls by his cannon and other engines. The besieged were in the utmost distress; but, as they had hopes of being speedily relieved by the count, from whom they had secret messages, they bore all with much patience. Their two governors made great exertions to defend the place, that their lord might not reproach them with having any way neglected their duty.

FOOTNOTES:

[2] The duchy of Bar having passed to the house of Anjou, Réné, in the year 1431, sent his bailiffs from Bar and St Michel to receive from Anthony of Lorraine count de Vaudemont, his acknowledgment of him as lord paramount. The duke insisted on having full obedience of all places within the county that had been held as fiefs from the dukes of Bar, under pain of confiscation. Dict. de Martiniere. This was probably the cause of quarrel.

[3] Vaudemont,—a small town in Lorraine. It had been the capital of the county, but had given up that honour to the little town of Vezelize.

When the marshal of Burgundy had assembled all his men, he marched them toward Langres; and thence the Burgundians and Picards advanced toward the Barrois, where they were joined by the count de Vaudemont with all the forces[Pg 36] he could collect. When united, they might amount to about four thousand combatants; and their chief captains were the said Anthony de Toulongeon marshal of Burgundy, the count de Vaudemont, the lord d'Antoing, Gerard de Marigny, the count de Fribourg, the lord de Mirabeau, the lord de Sez, the lord de Roland, sir Imbert Marechal, a Savoyard, the bastard du Vergy, Matthieu de Humieres, nephew to the above-mentioned lord d'Antoing, sir John de Cardonne lord de Bichancourt, Boort de Bazentin, a gallant english knight called sir John Ladan, and sir Thomas Gergeras.

Sir John Ladan was governor of Montigny-le-Roi, and had with him six score combatants at the least, with many notable gentlemen renowned and expert in war. They advanced in handsome array into the Barrois, followed by sixteen or twenty carts laden with stores and provision.

They announced their entrance into the Barrois by setting fire to different parts of that country; and thus they advanced to a large village called Sandacourt,[Pg 37] within seven leagues of their adversaries, where they arrived on a Saturday night. On the morrow, Sunday, they expected an attack from the enemy, and, consequently, they formed their men in order of battle, and remained in this state the most part of that day, having their archers posted behind sharp stakes to prevent the charge of the cavalry. As the enemy did not appear, they retired, about vespers, to the village to refresh themselves, and called a council to consider how they should act. It was resolved, that since from the badness of the roads, and from the country being so intersected with hedges, they could not, without danger, march to meet the enemy, who were superior to them in numbers, they should return through the Barrois to Burgundy, destroy the country they marched through, and reinforce themselves with men and every thing necessary to enable them to combat the enemy.

This resolution was very displeasing to the count de Vaudemont, but he was, through necessity, forced to abide by it. The captains then ordered all things to be packed and ready for the march on the[Pg 38] ensuing day, Monday, the feast of St Martin in the summer; but the duke of Bar, having heard of their arrival, quitted the siege of Vaudemont, leaving a sufficient body to blockade it until his return, and marched his army to offer them battle before they were reinforced.

His strength consisted of about six thousand combatants, under some of the highest rank in Bar, Lorraine and Germany, and advanced in handsome array. The scouts of the marshal of Burgundy fell in with those of the duke of Bar, attacked and conquered them; and this was the first intelligence the marshal had of their intentions.

He gave instant notice of the coming of the enemy to his captains, who drew up their men in good order, chiefly under the directions of the english knight. The archers were posted in front, and on the wings, with their stakes before them. The burgundian men at arms wanted to remain on horseback, but the Picards and English would not suffer them; and at last it was ordered, that every man, whatever might be his rank, should dismount,—[Pg 39]and all who should disobey should be put to death. The horses and carriages were placed in the rear, in such wise as to prevent the enemy from making any attack on that quarter.

While this was passing, the duke of Bar had advanced his army to within half a quarter of a league of them, and thence sent his heralds and trumpets to announce to them his approach, and to say, that if they would wait for him, he would offer them battle. The burgundian captains sent for answer, that they were ready to receive him, and wished for nothing better than what he had proposed.

The heralds returned with this answer to the duke, who then advanced to within cross-bow shot of his enemies, although the lord de Barbasan had frequently advised him to avoid an open combat, but to force them to retreat from his country by famine and other means. He added many arguments in support of his advice; but the duke would not listen to them, trusting to superiority of numbers, notwithstanding the greater part of his men had not been accustomed nor experienced[Pg 40] in war like to his adversaries, the Burgundians, Picards, and English.

The duke, partly by the advice of the lord de Barbasan, drew up his army handsomely; for he had a great desire for the combat, though he had with him but very few archers. When this was done, many new knights were created on his side.

Preparatory to the battle, the marshal of Burgundy and the count de Vaudemont had two tuns of wine brought to the front of their line, which, with bread and other victual, were delivered out to their men in what quantity they pleased; and all who had any hatreds made peace with each other. They had also some cannon and culverines on the two wings and in the center of their army, and they remained for two hours fronting each other.

While they were thus situated, a stag, as I was informed, came between their battalions, and, stamping thrice with his feet on the ground, paced along the burgundian line,—and then, returning, dashed through that of the Barrois, when great shoutings were made after it.

Some new knights were now created[Pg 41] by the Burgundians and Picards, such as Matthieu de Humieres, Gerard de Marigny, his son, and others. The count de Vaudemont during this ceremony rode on a small hackney along the line, entreating the men 'to combat bravely, assuring them, on the damnation of his soul, that his cause was good and just,—that the duke of Bar wanted to disinherit him,—and that he had ever been strongly attached to the party of duke John and duke Philip of Burgundy.'

The Burgundians and Picards were well pleased with this address, and determined to remain as they were, and not advance on the enemy. On the other hand, the duke of Bar, having finished his preparations, and drawn up his army mostly on foot, observing that the enemy did not move, resolved to begin the combat, and marched toward them, who still remained in their position.

When the Barrois were advanced to within twelve or sixteen diestres [4] of their line, they discharged the cannons and cul[Pg 42]verines before mentioned, and set up a loud shout. This caused such an alarm among the Barrois that they flung themselves on the ground, and were greatly frightened. Shortly after, the battle raged on all sides, and it might then be about eleven o'clock. The Picard-archers made excellent use of their bows, and killed and wounded numbers with their arrows.

The violence of the combat lasted about a quarter of an hour, and the two parties were engaged in different quarters; but at length that of the duke began to give way, and to fly in various directions,—which being observed by the enemy, it renewed their courage, and they made fiercer attacks than before. The Picard-archers especially killed and wounded an incredible number, so that the disorder and defeat very soon became general on the side of the Barrois.

The duke of Bar was made prisoner by one named Martin Fouars, belonging to the count de Conversan, lord d'Enghien, who had all the honour and profit of such a prize, although some said he was not taken with his own hand. Together[Pg 43] with the duke were made prisoners, the bishop of Metz, John de Rodemaque, sir Everard de Salebery, the viscount d'Arcy, the lord of Rodemaque, sir Colard de Sausy, sir Vilin de la Tour, and others, to the amount of more than two hundred.

There remained dead on the field of battle, and including those slain in the pursuit, which lasted for two good leagues, from five and twenty hundred to three thousand men. The principal among them were the counts de Salmes and de Salme-Salmes, de Linanges, Germans,—the lord de Barbasan, sir Thibault de Barbey, two brothers to the bishop of Metz, George de Banastre and his two brothers, and others, to the amount aforesaid, the greater part of whom were gentlemen.

This defeat and pursuit lasted two or three hours; and when all were re-assembled, the burgundian lords, with the count de Vaudemont, returned their most humble thanksgiving to their Creator for the great victory they had obtained through his means. They did not lose more in killed than forty men, the chief of whom was sir Gerard de Marigny. They remained that night on the field of battle. The[Pg 44] marshal of Burgundy was slightly wounded in the face, and the duke of Bar above the nose. On the morrow, they marched away for Burgundy, carrying with them their prisoners.

FOOTNOTES:

[4] Diestres. See Du Cange, Supplement, Dextri.

THE YOUNG KING HENRY COMES FROM ENGLAND, WITH A GRAND ATTENDANCE, TO PARIS, TO BE CROWNED KING OF FRANCE.

About the end of November, in this year, the young king Henry came from Pontoise to St Denis, with the intent of proceeding to Paris, to be anointed and crowned king of France. He was accompanied from England by his uncles the cardinals of Winchester and of York, the duke of Bedford, the rich duke of York, the earls of Warwick, Salisbury and Suffolk. He was likewise attended by many of the great lords of France, such as sir Louis de Luxembourg bishop of Therouenne, master Peter Cauchon, bishop of Beauvais, master John de Mailly, bishop of Noyon, the[Pg 45] bishops of Paris and of Evreux, sir John bastard de St Pol, sir Guy le Bouteiller, the lord de Courcelles, sir Gilles de Clamecy, sir James de Painel, sir John de Pressi, the lord de Passy, the bastard de Thian, and several more.

King Henry was escorted by about two or three thousand combatants, as well from England as from the country round St Denis, for the security of his person. He left that town for Paris about nine o'clock in the morning, and was met at la Chapelle, half way between Paris and Saint Denis, by sir Simon Morier, provost of Paris, with a numerous company of the burghers dressed in crimson-satin doublets with blue hoods, to do him honour and respect: there were also very many of the inhabitants dressed in scarlet.

When the provost and his company had made their obeisances, the king was next saluted by persons on horseback representing the nine worthies [5], armed each[Pg 46] according to his manner. Then by the commandant of the watch, the provost of merchants, with the officers of the court, dressed in silk and crimson hoods.

At a small distance came master Philip de Morvillers, first president of the parliament, in his robes of ceremony, followed by all the lords of the parliament in flowing robes of vermilion. Then came the members of the chamber of accounts, the directors of the finances, the masters of requests, the secretaries, in robes of the same colour. As they advanced, they made their reverences to the king, each according to his rank, and to the lords who accompanied him. With regard to the common people, they were numberless.

When the king arrived at the entrance of the gate of St Denis, the arms of the town were on so large a scale that in the body of them were inclosed six men, one to represent a bishop, another the university, and a third the burghers: the others personated sergeants. The king was presented, on his passing the gate, with three crimson hearts: in one were two doves; in[Pg 47] another, small birds, which were let fly over the king's head; and in the third, violets and other flowers, which were thrown over the lords who accompanied him.

The provost of merchants and the sheriffs now brought a handsome azure-coloured canopy besprinkled with flowers de luce, which they bore over the king's head as he passed through the streets. When he approached the little bridge of St Denis, a pageant of three savages and a woman continued fighting, in a sort of forest that had been formed there, until he had passed. Underneath the scaffold was a fountain of Hippocras, with three mermaids swimming round it, and which ran perpetually for all who chose to drink thereat. On advancing to the second gate of the street of St Denis, there were pageants that represented in dumb show the nativity of the holy Virgin, her marriage, the adoration of the three kings, the massacre of the innocents, and a good man sowing his corn, which characters were specially well acted. Over the gate was performed the legendary history of St Denis, which was much admired by the English.

In front of the church des Innocents[Pg 48] was formed a sort of forest in the street, in which was a living stag: when the king came near, the stag was hunted by dogs and huntsmen,—and, after a long chace, it took refuge near the feet of the king's horse, when his majesty saved its life.

At the entrance of the gate of the Châtelet was another scaffold, on which was a representation of king Henry clothed in a robe of flower de luces, and having two crowns on his head. On his right hand were figures to personate the duke of Burgundy and the count de Nevers presenting him with the shield of France: on his left, were his uncle the duke of Bedford, the earls of Warwick and Salisbury presenting him with the shield of England. Each person was dressed in his own proper tabard of arms.

The king thence went to the palace, where the holy relics were displayed to him and to his company, and was then conducted to the hôtel des Tournelles to partake of a repast. When he had dined, he went to visit the queen his grandmother at the hôtel de St Pol. On the morrow, he was carried to the castle of Vincennes, where he remained until the[Pg 49] 15th day of December, when he returned to the palace.

On the 17th of that month, he went from the palace in great pomp, and attended by a numerous body of nobles and ecclesiastics, to the church of Nôtre Dame for his coronation. In the nave of the church had been erected a scaffold eight score feet long, and of a proper height, which was ascended from the nave, and led to the entrance of the choir.

The king was crowned by the cardinal of Winchester, who also chaunted the mass, to the great displeasure of the bishop of Paris, who said that that office belonged to him. At the offertory, the king made an offering of bread and wine in the usual manner. The wine was in a large pot of silver gilt, which was seized on by the king's officers, to the discontent of the canons of the cathedral, who claimed it as their perquisite; and they urged their complaints before the king and council, who, after it had cost them much in this claim, caused it to be returned to them.

All the other ceremonies usual at coro[Pg 50]nations were this day performed, but more after the english than the french mode; and the lords before named were about the person of the king, and serving him while in the church according to their several offices.

When mass was over, the king returned to the palace, and dined at the table of marble in the midst of the hall. On one side of him were seated the cardinal of Winchester, master Peter Cauchon, bishop of Beauvais, master John de Mailly, bishop of Noyon; and on the opposite side were the earls of Stafford, Mortimer and Salisbury, as representing the peers of France. Sir John, bastard de St Pol, was grand master of the household; and with him, preceding the meats, were sir Gilles de Clamecy, sir Guy le Bouteiller, and sir John de Pressy. The lord de Courcelles was on that day grand butler, and sir James de Painel grand pantler: an english knight, called sir Walter Hungerford, carved before the king.

During the dinner, four pageants were introduced: the first was a figure of our Lady, with an infant king crowned by her[Pg 51] side; the second, a flower de luce, surmounted with a crown of gold, and supported by two angels; the third, a lady and peacock; the fourth, a lady and swan. It would be tiresome was I to relate all the various meats and wines, for they were beyond number. Many pieces of music were played on divers instruments; and on the morrow a gallant tournament was held at the hôtel de St Pol, where the earl of Arundel and the bastard de St Pol won the prizes, and gained the applause of the ladies for being the best tilters. King Henry, having made some days' stay at Paris, departed, and went to Rouen.

FOOTNOTES:

[5] Nine worthies. According to the Encyclopedie, vol. iv. supplement, the neuf-preux were named Joshua, Gideon, Samson, David, Judas Macchabeus, Alexander, Julius Cæsar, Charlemagne and Godefroy de Bouillon. For further particulars, I refer to the Encyclopedie, where mention is made of this procession to meet Henry VI.

THE DETACHMENT THE DUKE OF BAR HAD LEFT TO BLOCKADE VAUDEMONT MARCH AWAY ON HEARING OF THE ILL SUCCESS OF THE BATTLE.

Very soon after the defeat of the duke of Bar and his army, news of it was carried to the French before Vaudemont by those[Pg 52] who had escaped; and it caused such an alarm among them that they instantly took to flight in a most disorderly manner, each man imagining the enemy at his heels, and leaving behind the artillery, stores and provision, that had been intrusted to their guard, and which were in great abundance.

The garrison, observing the confusion and disorder in the camp of the besiegers, concluded that the duke of Bar had been conquered, and instantly sallying out on horseback and on foot made a great slaughter, and took many prisoners. They gained so much that they were all enriched.

Intelligence of this defeat was spread throughout the countries of Bar and Lorraine, and that their lord had been made prisoner, which caused the severest grief to all attached to him. The place where this battle had been fought was called Villeman; and from that day it bore the name of the Battle of Villeman.

The count de Vaudemont was lavish in his thanks and praises to the marshal of Burgundy and the other lords and gentlemen who had so essentially aided him. He[Pg 53] then returned to his country, and the marshal, with his Burgundians and Picards, to Burgundy, carrying with him the duke of Bar, whom he placed under a good guard at Dijon.

SIR JOHN DE LUXEMBOURG ASSEMBLES MEN AT ARMS AND MARCHES INTO CHAMPAGNE AGAINST THE FRENCH, FROM WHOM HE CONQUERS SEVERAL CASTLES.—OTHER MATTERS.

In the month of July, of this year, sir John de Luxembourg, count de Ligny, assembled, by orders from king Henry and the duke of Burgundy, about a thousand combatants, whom he led into the countries of Champagne and the Rethelois, to conquer some castles held by the troops of king Charles, which had much harrassed those parts.

Sir John was accompanied by the lord de Ternant and the Rethelois; and his first attack was on the castle of Guetron, in[Pg 54] which were from sixty to four score of king Charles's men, who, perceiving the superiority of the enemy, were so much frightened that they permitted them to gain the lower court without offering any resistance; and, shortly after, they opened a parley, and proposed to surrender the place on having their lives and fortunes spared. This offer was refused,—and they were told they must surrender at discretion. In the end, however, it was agreed to by the governor, that from four to six of his men should be spared by sir John.

When this agreement had been settled, and pledges given for its performance, the governor re-entered the castle, and was careful not to tell his companions the whole that had passed at the conference,—giving them to understand in general, that they were to march away in safety; but when the castle was surrendered, all within it were made prisoners. On the morrow, by orders from sir John de Luxembourg, they were all strangled, and hung on trees hard by, except the four or six before mentioned,—one of their companions serving for the executioner.

An accident befel one of them, which is worth relating. The hangman was in such haste that the cord, as he was turned off the ladder, hitched under his chin, and thus suspended him, while the executioner went on to complete the sentence on others. Some of the gentlemen standing by took compassion on him,—and one of them, with a guisarme, cut the cord: he fell to the ground and soon recovered his senses. The spectators then entreated sir John to have pity on him for the love of God, and to spare his life, which request was at length complied with,—and he went away in safety.

Sir John de Luxembourg, having executed justice on these marauders, marched away with his army, but not before he had demolished the castle of Guetron, to the castle of Tours en Porcien.[6] He remained before it some days, during which the captain capitulated to deliver it up, with the exception of the cannon, on being allowed to march off unmolested, but without any baggage. Some, who had formerly taken[Pg 56] the oaths to king Henry, were hung, and the castle was razed to the ground.

Thence sir John marched to a castle called Bahin: the captain thereof was one Barete, who soon offered to surrender, on condition that he himself and his garrison might have their lives spared, and be allowed to depart with their baggage, which terms were accepted.

At this time, the earl of Warwick's son joined sir John, with sir Gilles de Clamecy and four hundred combatants, to assist him should there be occasion; but as the French were not in sufficient force in Champagne and those parts to resist, they returned shortly after to Meaux in Brie, and to the other garrisons whence they had come.

Sir John reduced to obedience many other places and towns that had been held for king Charles,—some by treaty, others by force of arms.

At this period, the lord de l'Isle-Adam, who was decorated with the duke of Burgundy's order of the Golden Fleece, was appointed, by the king of England and his council, marshal of France. He assembled[Pg 57] about six hundred fighting men, part of whom were English; and in conjunction with the bastard de St. Pol, and one of his own brothers, he led them to the town of Lagny sur Marne, then possessed by king Charles's party, thinking to conquer it by surprise,—but it was too well defended by those to whose guard it had been intrusted.

FOOTNOTES:

[6] Porcien,—a principality in Champagne.

This year, the duke d'Alençon made his uncle's chancellor of Brittany prisoner, because he would not assist him with money according to his pleasure, for his ransom when captured at the battle of Vermeuil in Perche, which he looked to obtain from the chancellor. He carried him prisoner to his town of Poussay. But in a short time, the duke of Brittany, being much exasperated at such conduct, assembled his barons and a large force of men at arms, whom, with some english captains, he marched to the[Pg 58] town of Poussay, and besieged it all round,—but the duke d'Alençon had quitted it from fear of his enemies: he had, however, left there his duchess, daughter to the duke of Orleans, then a prisoner in England, who was ill in child-bed, and sorely vexed at these matters.

The siege was carried on for some time; but at length, the duke of Alençon, on account of the situation of the duchess, and to prevent his town and subjects being further harrassed, made peace with his uncle, and restored to him his chancellor and the others whom he had made prisoners. Thus was the siege broken up. The duke had taken the chancellor prisoner at a country-seat which he had near to Nantes,—and his object was to get paid a certain sum of money that his uncle, the duke of Brittany, was indebted to him.

On the 3d day of February in this year, at the solicitations of the marshal de Bousac, the lord de Fontaines, sir John Foulquet, the lord de Mouy, and other captains assembled a force of about six hundred fighting men in the city of Beauvais. They marched thence to within a league of Rouen, and posted themselves in ambush in a wood.

Thence the marshal sent off secretly a gentleman called Richarville with a hundred or six score combatants, all on foot, except four or five who were mounted on small horses, to the castle of Rouen, in which the marshal had for some time kept up a correspondence with a marauder on the part of the English named Pierre Audeboeuf, a Béarn man, who had promised to deliver up the castle to him.

When Richarville and his detachment approached the castle, he found the Béarn[Pg 60]man ready to perform his promise; and they all entered, except a few who were left to guard the horses. They instantly made themselves masters of the greater part of the castle, and particularly the great tower, which was well supplied with stores.

The earl of Arundel and many English were in bed in the castle, most part of whom saved themselves as well as they could over the walls: the others retired within the town, but not without leaving several killed and wounded by the French.

When this was done, Richarville mounted his horse, and hastened back with all speed to where he had left the marshal, and told him the success of his enterprise, requiring him, at the same time, to advance quickly to the support of his men, when, without doubt, the whole of the castle would be won. But, to make short of the matter,—for all that he could say, and notwithstanding the urgency of the case which he stated to the commanders, he could not prevail on them to march, although the marshal and the principal captains had most faithfully promised to sup[Pg 61]port him, if he should succeed in making a lodgement within the castle: now he had succeeded, they would not fulfil their engagements; and when within one league, as I have said, of Rouen, they began to quarrel among themselves about the division of the plunder, which had not as yet been won.

These disputes caused them to march back without proceeding further, and leave part of their men in the utmost danger. Richarville seeing this, and knowing that he had successfully done his duty, abused them in the coarsest terms, which they very patiently suffered, and hastened their departure.

They returned to Beauvais and the other places whence they had come, to the great vexation of Richarville, who had flattered himself that he should conquer the castle of Rouen. He remonstrated with several who had friends and relatives within the town of Rouen, but in vain: they marched away with the others to Beauvais.

While this was passing, the French were exerting themselves to drive the Eng[Pg 62]lish without the gates of the castle, which they had gained possession of; but when day appeared, and they heard nothing of their army, they began to fear they should not be supported, and that they had been deceived in the promises made them. They were much surprised and cast down; and, on the other hand, the English were hourly increasing, and attacking them with great courage. They were accompanied by many of the townsmen, for fear they might be suspected of favouring the French.

The French, finding they were not in sufficient force to defend all they had conquered, with one accord retired to the great tower, with all the provision they could lay hands on, and determined to hold out until death. They were, however, soon attacked on all sides, by the cannon and engines the English brought against it, which damaged it in many places. Those within were in a few days much straitened for provision and other things, which forced them, having now no hopes of relief, to surrender at discretion to king Henry and his council, after having held out for twelve days.

Before they were conquered, they had done much mischief to the English by the artillery they found within the tower, and that which they had transported thither. They were all made prisoners, and put under a good guard; and shortly after, one hundred and fifty were beheaded in Rouen,—and Pierre Audeboeuf was quartered, and his body affixed at the usual places.

About this period, the duke of Burgundy marched a thousand combatants from his country of Artois to Burgundy, where he remained three days to visit those parts that had been much harrassed by the enemy. While there, he was waited on by the archbishop of Rheims and other notable ambassadors from king Charles, to treat of a peace between them; but as they could not conclude on terms, they returned to the king. When the duke of Burgundy had ordered proper measures for the government of that country he returned to Artois, Flanders and Brabant.

THE FRENCH TAKE THE CASTLE OF DOMMART IN PONTHIEU, AND CARRY OFF THE LORD DE DOMMART PRISONER.

In the month of February, a party of king Charles's men, to the amount of fourscore combatants, under the command of a noble knight called sir Regnault de Verseilles, collected from Beauvais, Breteuil, and other places, crossed the river Somme in small boats near to Pequigny, and were thence conducted to the castle of Dommart in Ponthieu, to the walls of which, without being perceived by the guard, they fastened their ladders and gained an entrance.

They instantly shouted, 'The castle is won!' and began to batter down doors and windows. This noise awakened the inhabitants, and especially the lord, sir James de Craon, who was in bed with his wife. He suddenly arose, thinking to put an end to it, but it was in vain; for his enemies were too powerful, and his men, who were not very numerous, could not collect toge[Pg 65]ther. He and the greater part of them were made prisoners: the rest escaped over the walls.

The French, after having gained possession, packed up all the moveables they could find within the castle, such as gold and silver plate, furs, clothes, linen, and other things, which, after having refreshed themselves, they carried away, with their prisoners, by the way they had come, leaving the castle in the same outward state as they had found it.

In the mean time, the inhabitants of the town of Dommart, hearing the noise in the castle, collected together, and sent notice of what had passed to Pequigny and to other places. It was not long, before nearly two hundred men of all sorts were assembled, who pursued the French with such haste, that they overtook them at the place where they had before passed the Somme, and instantly attacked them. They were soon defeated: part were made prisoners or killed, and the others were drowned in attempting to cross the river. However, sir Regnault had crossed the Somme before they came up with them, with his[Pg 66] prisoner sir James de Craon, and carried him, without any opposition, to Beauvais, whence he afterward obtained his liberty by paying a large sum of money.

SIR THOMAS KIRIEL, AN ENGLISHMAN, IS APPOINTED GOVERNOR OF THE CASTLE OF CLERMONT IN THE BEAUVOISIS.

This year, through the intrigues of sir John de Luxembourg, the strong castle of Beauvoisis was given to the command of sir Thomas Kiriel, an Englishman,—which castle had been long held by the lord de Crevecoeur, under the duke of Burgundy. The duke had consented to this appointment, on sir Thomas giving sir John de Luxembourg a promise, under his hand and seal, that he would yield it up whenever required.

Sir Thomas soon collected a large company of English, whom he placed in this castle, and carried on a severe warfare against the towns on the French frontier,[Pg 67] such as Creil, Beauvais, Compiègne and others. In like manner, did they act in regard to the castlewicks of Mondidier and other places under the obedience of the duke of Burgundy.

In truth, during these tribulations, they made many prisoners, and even carried off women, as well noble as not, whom they kept in close confinement until they ransomed themselves. Several of them who were with child were brought to bed in their prison. The duke of Burgundy was very angry at such things being done to those under his obedience, but could not obtain redress; for when he demanded the restitution of the castle according to sir Thomas's promise and agreement, he put off the matter with different reasons for delay, such as soldiers readily find, who often, on certain occasions, follow their own will. In short, after many delays, the duke of Bedford, in compliment to his brother-in-law the duke of Burgundy, ordered sir Thomas to deliver up the castle of Clermont to the lord d'Auffremont.

About the same time, sir Colart de Mailly, bailiff for king Henry in the Vermandois, and sir Ferry de Mailly, resided at the castle of Chauny sur Oise, the lawful inheritance of Charles duke of Orleans, a prisoner in England. Sir Ferry happened to say some things not very respectful, in regard to the townsmen, which alarmed them lest he might introduce a stronger garrison of English into the castle by the back gate than would be agreeable to them, and reduce them the more under his subjection.

They, consequently, held some secret meetings of the principal inhabitants, namely, John de Longueval, Matthew de Longueval his brother, Pierre Piat and others, who bound themselves by a solemn oath to gain possession of the castle, and demolish it, the first day that sir Colart and sir Ferry de Mailly should be in the town.

Having arranged their plan, they post[Pg 69]ed some few of their accomplices near to the gate of the castle, properly instructed how to act. When they saw the two knights, with their attendants, quit the castle to amuse themselves in the town, as was their usual custom, they crossed the drawbridge, the guard having no suspicion of them, and instantly raised it and gained possession of the place. The guard was greatly vexed, but there was no remedy; and those in the secret within the town, instantly on hearing what had passed, rang the alarm bell, and, arming themselves with staves and what weapons they could find, hastened to the castle, wherein they were instantly admitted.

Some of the principal inhabitants waited on the two knights to assure them they needed not be under any apprehension for their persons or property; that all their effects should be strictly restored to them, for what they were about was for the good and security of the town. The knights, seeing there was no alternative, replied, that since it could not be otherwise, they would act according to their pleasure; and, much discontented with what was passing,[Pg 70] they retired with their friends to a house in the town, where all their property was delivered to them.

The inhabitants, with one accord, followed up the destruction of the castle, so that within a very few days it was demolished from top to bottom.

Shortly after, the bailiff of the Vermandois and his brother quitted the town of Chauny,—and in their stead sir John de Luxembourg first sent sir Hector de Flavy to govern them, and then Waleran de Moreul; but, after what the inhabitants had done, they found them more inclined to disobedience than before the castle was demolished.

On the 20th day of April, in this year, was won the noble city of Chartres by the arms of king Charles. This city had followed the party of dukes John and Philip of Bur[Pg 71]gundy since the year 1417, when she first attached herself to duke John, and afterward to the English party.

The taking of it was owing to two of the inhabitants, named Jean Conseil and le Petit Guillemin, who had formerly been prisoners to the French, with whom they had resided a long time, and had been so well treated by them that they had turned to their side. They had made frequent journeys, with passports from the French, to Blois, Orleans, and other places under their obedience, with different merchandise, bringing back to Chartres other articles in exchange.

There was also within Chartres a jacobin doctor of divinity, called Friar Jean Sarragin, of their way of thinking, who was the principal director of their machinations, and to whom they always had recourse. Having formed their plan, when the day arrived for its execution, the French collected in different parts a force amounting in the whole to four thousand men, the principal leaders of which were the lord de Gaucourt, the bastard of Orleans, Blanchet d'Estouteville, sir Florent de Lers,[Pg 72] La Hire, Girard de Felins, and other chiefs of inferior rank.

They began their march toward Chartres, and, when within a quarter of a league, they formed an ambuscade of the greater number of their men. Others, to the amount of forty or fifty, advanced still nearer the town; and the two men before named, who were the plotters of this mischief, were driving carriages laden with wine and other things, especially a great quantity of shad fish. Some expert and determined men at arms were dressed as drivers of these carriages, having their arms concealed under their frocks.

So soon as the gate leading to Blois was opened, these carriages advanced to enter, led on by Jean Conseil and Petit Guillemin. The porters at the gate, knowing them well, asked what news. They said they knew none but what was good,—on which the porters bade them welcome. Then, the better to deceive them, Jean Conseil took a pair of shad, and, giving them to the porters, said, 'There's for your dinner: accept of them with our thanks,—for we often make you and others wait for us to shut and open the gates and barriers.'

While this conversation was passing, those disguised as carters suddenly armed themselves and fell on the porters, killed part of them, and gained possession of the gate. Then making the signal that had been agreed on, the whole army that was in ambuscade quickly advanced, and began their march into the town in handsome order, completely armed, and with displayed banners before them.

Those of the porters who had escaped into the town gave the alarm to the inhabitants, who instantly, and in many places, cried 'To arms!' The burghers and commonalty immediately assembled; but unfortunately the said jacobin friar had been preaching to them in a very popular strain some days before; and had requested that they would hear a sermon of his, which would greatly profit their souls if attended to; and he had fixed on this very morning to preach it, at a remote part of the town, the most distant from the gate where the attempt was to be made.

At the moment when the alarm was given, the majority of the inhabitants were attending to the friar's sermon; but on hearing the cries, 'To arms!' often repeat[Pg 74]ed, they were greatly frightened, and hastened to their homes as speedily as they could. Very many of them armed, and with staves joined their bishop and their governor, who led them to where the French were, intending to drive them out of the town; but it was too late, for the French were much superior in numbers, well armed, and accustomed to war. They were beside far advanced within the town when the inhabitants met them,—and the French, the more to deceive them, shouted out, 'Peace! peace!' as they pushed forward in handsome array, discharging their arrows. Some shot passed on each side; but it lasted not long, for, to complete their misfortune, William de Villeneuve, captain of the garrison, instead of leading them to battle, perceiving the business was so far advanced, mounted his horse, and, with about a hundred of his men, fled in haste through the opposite gate, and multitudes of people with him. Those who remained were soon defeated, without offering further resistance.

The French having advanced to the market-place, and seeing none to oppose them, held a council, and detached parties[Pg 75] through the streets, to discover if any of the enemy were preparing for resistance; but every one fled before them, and saved himself as well he could.

In consequence of this attack, about sixty or four score of the townsmen lost their lives,—the principal person of whom was master Jean de Festigny, a native of Burgundy, the bishop. From five to six hundred were made prisoners: the chief was master Gilles de l'Aubespine, who governed the town for the English.

All who were taken, churchmen or burghers, were forced to pay heavy ransoms,—and every thing that could be turned into money was seized.

In regard to rapes and other extraordinary acts, they were committed according to military usage on a conquered town.

On the morrow, several who had been partisans of the English were publicly beheaded; and new magistrates were appointed in the name of the king of France, together with a very strong garrison to defend the frontier against the English. The commander in chief within the town, and of this force, was the bastard of Orleans.

THE CARDINAL OF SANTA CROCE IS SENT BY THE POPE TO FRANCE, TO ENDEAVOUR TO MAKE PEACE BETWEEN THE CONTENDING PARTIES.

At this time, our holy father the pope sent to France the cardinal of Santa Croce to appease the quarrel between the king of France on the one part, and Henry king of England and the duke of Burgundy on the other. The cardinal made great exertions to procure a peace, but in vain: however, he did succeed by his diligence in establishing a truce between the king of France and the duke of Burgundy for six years,—and they mutually exchanged assurances of this truce under their hands and seals, drawn up in the strongest manner.

The people fondly hoped that this truce would be lasting, and in consequence returned to their agricultural labours, restocking their farms with cattle and other things: but their joy did not long continue, for within the first half year, so bitter were[Pg 77] the parties against each other, the war recommenced with greater fury than before.

The principal reason for this renewal of war was owing to the French seizing some of the burgundian party with the English; and in like manner, some poor adventurers among the Burgundians having joined the English, and wearing a red cross, made war on the French,—so that by these means the truce was broken. Justice was no where attended to, and numberless plunderings were daily practised against the lower orders of the people and the clergy; for notwithstanding they paid very large sums to the leaders of the two parties, according to the country they lived in, to enjoy security, and had received from them sealed papers as assurances of not being disturbed, no attention was paid to them, and thus they had none other resource than to offer up their prayers to God for vengeance on their oppressors.

During the month of March of this year, the duke of Bedford, in conjunction with the council of king Henry then at Paris, ordered a body of men at arms to march and subject to the king's obedience some castles held by the French on the borders of the Isle of France, such as Mongay, Gournay, and others. They were also commanded to destroy the bridge of Lagny sur Marne.

The chief commanders of this force were the earl of Arundel, the eldest son of the earl of Warwick, the lord de l'Isle-Adam, marshal of France to king Henry, sir John bastard de St Pol, sir Galois d'Aunay lord d'Orville, and others. When they left Paris, they were about twelve hundred fighting men, having with them abundance of carts and carriages, with cannon and other artillery. In a few days, they came before the above mentioned castles, which[Pg 79] were soon constrained to submit. Some of the garrisons marched away in safety, and with part of their baggage; while others remained at the discretion of the English,—many of whom were executed, and others ransomed.

After these surrenders, the English took the road toward Lagny sur Marne; and on their arrival before it, the earl of Arundel had a large bombard pointed against the arch of the drawbridge leading to the town, which broke it down at the first discharge, so that all communication with the bulwark at the opposite end of the bridge was cut off.

The earl now made a fierce attack on this bulwark, and won it, notwithstanding the few within defended it with much courage and obstinacy. John of Luxembourg, one of the bastards of St Pol, was killed at this attack, and others wounded. The English broke down the bridge in many places, and, having set the bulwark on fire, retired to their quarters.

The English having determined to make an attempt, within a few days, on the town of Lagny on different parts at[Pg 80] the same time, the earl of Arundel remained with a certain number of men for that purpose. When the day arrived, and as the marshal and the other captains were marching to the assault, sir John de Luxembourg bastard of St Pol, who bore for his device, and on his banner, a brilliant sun, said aloud, in the hearing of many, that he made a vow to God, that if the sun entered the town, he would do the same,—which expression was diversely construed by those who heard it.

They advanced gallantly to storm the place; but by the vigilance and intrepidity of Huçon Queue, a Scotsman, sir John Foucault, and the other captains in the town, they were boldly received, and very many of the assailants were killed or severely wounded. They lost also four or five of their banners and pennons, which were, by force of arms, drawn into the town by their two ends: one was the banner of the lord de l'Isle-Adam, and another, having the sun on it, that of the bastard de St Pol, who had vowed to enter the place if the sun did. They were forced to retreat to their quarters with shame and disgrace.

At the end of three days, the greater part of the men disbanded without leave of their captains,—saying that they were losing their time by a longer stay, for that they ran a greater risk of loss than gain,—and returned to the duke of Bedford at Paris. These English and Burgundians had been eight days before Lagny, battering the walls with their artillery, before they made this attack.

PHILIBERT DE VAUDRAY, GOVERNOR OF TONNERRE, AND THE LORD D'AMONT WAIT ON THE DUKE OF BEDFORD TO SERVE HIM.

In these days, Philibert de Vaudray and the lord d'Amont left Burgundy with about five hundred men at arms, by command of their lord the duke of Burgundy, to aid his brother-in-law the duke of Bedford. They took the road through Champagne to gain Picardy; but the French, hearing of their intentions, had assembled from seven to[Pg 82] eight hundred combatants, on their line of march, to combat and to conquer them. They were commanded by Yvon de Puys, the bastard de Dampierre, the borgne de Remon, and some others, who drew themselves up in battle-array on the approach of the Burgundians. These last immediately dismounted to defend themselves; but when they were on the point of commencing the engagement, the French, who for the greater part had not dismounted, suddenly wheeled about in great confusion and fled, but not without having some few killed and wounded.

The Burgundians now continued their route unmolested to Picardy, where they remained for some time pillaging and devouring the country. They thence marched to join the duke of Bedford at Paris.

About this time, the king of Cyprus, in consequence of a long illness that had succeeded to his imprisonment by the Saracens, departed this life, after having most devoutly received all the sacraments of the holy church. With the unanimous consent of the estates of that kingdom, he was succeeded by John de Lusignan, his only son by his queen Charlotte de Bourbon,[Pg 83] who was crowned in the cathedral church of Nicosia.

THE DUKE OF BEDFORD MARCHES A LARGE FORCE TO LAGNY-SUR-MARNE, TO SUPPORT THE ENGLISH AND BURGUNDIANS WHO HAD REMAINED THERE, BUT RETIRES WITHOUT MAKING ANY CONQUEST.

At the beginning of this year, the duke of Bedford, styling himself regent of France, collected about six thousand combatants from different parts under his obedience, whom he marched against the town of Lagny sur Marne, held by the supporters of king Charles. There might be in that place from eight hundred to a thousand picked and well tried men under the orders of a scots captain, called sir Ambrose Love, and sir John de Foucault, who valiantly conducted those under their banners.

With the duke of Bedford were the[Pg 84] lord de l'Isle-Adam, marshal, sir John bastard de St Pol, the bastard d'Aunay, knight and lord of Orville, Philibert de Vaudray, the lord d'Amont, and many others of notable estate, who had long laid siege to the town, to reduce it to the obedience of king Henry.

There were numerous pieces of artillery pointed against the gates and walls, which they damaged in many places, and caused the greatest alarm to those of the garrison,—for in addition, they were much straitened for provisions. The duke of Bedford had them frequently summoned to surrender, but they would never listen to it,—for they never lost hopes of being relieved by their party, as in fact they afterward were.

The besieged had thrown a bridge of boats over the Marne, for their convenience of passing and repassing, and had erected a bulwark at each end, the command of which was intrusted to a certain number of men at arms.

While these things were passing, the king of France assembled about eight hundred combatants, whom he dispatched to[Pg 85] Orleans, under the command of the marshal de Bousac, the bastard of Orleans, the lord de Gaucourt, Rodrique de Villandras, the lord de Saintrailles, and other captains of renown, to throw succours into the town of Lagny.

They advanced in a body to Melun, where they crossed the Seine, and thence, through Brie, toward Lagny, being daily joined by forces from their adjoining garrisons. In the mean time, the duke had so hardly pressed the garrison that they had offered to capitulate when the French forces arrived.

The duke prepared with diligence to offer battle to the French, and sent for reinforcements from all quarters. He ordered his heralds at arms to signify to the French his willingness to combat them and their allies, if they would fix on the time and place. To this they returned no other answer than that, under the pleasure of God and of our blessed Saviour, they would not engage in battle but when it should be agreeable to themselves, and that they would bring their present enterprise to a happy conclusion.

The French advanced in handsome array, in three divisions, to a small river within a quarter of a league of the town; and the duke of Bedford, having drawn up his army in three divisions also, marched thither to defend the passage. When the two armies were near, several severe skirmishes took place at different parts: especially on the quarter where the heir of Warwick and the lord de l'Isle-Adam were posted, a sharp attack was made by Rodrique de Villandras, the lord de Saintrailles, and other captains, who were escorting a convoy of provision for the town.

In spite of their adversaries, they forced a passage for part of their convoy to the very gates, and drove in from twenty to thirty bullocks, a number of sacks of flour, and a reinforcement to the garrison of about four score men at arms; but this was not effected without great effusion of blood, for very many were killed and wounded on both sides.

On the part of the French was killed the lord de Saintrailles, eldest brother to Poton de Saintrailles. In another quarter, where sir Thomas Kiriel, sir John bastard[Pg 87] of St Pol, the lord d'Amont, and Philibert de Vaudroy were posted, many gallant deeds were done, and several killed and wounded on both sides. The English lost there a gentleman called Odart de Remy.

These skirmishes lasted nearly till vespers,—and as it was St Laurence's day in August, and very hot, the two armies suffered greatly from it. The french captains, perceiving that they could not gain any advantage, for the English and Burgundians were strongly posted, retreated with their army to Cressy in Brie, where they halted for the night, and thence marched to Château Thierry and to Vitry-le-François, where they staid four days.

The duke of Bedford, knowing that the French intended entering the Isle of France, and fearing they might conquer some of his towns, decamped in no very orderly manner from before Lagny, for many things were left behind by him, and advanced towards Paris. Having collected his men, he followed the French to offer them battle again; but they sent for answer, that they had gained what they had come for.

The lord de Gaucourt was of infinite service to the French by his wisdom and prudence. The French now left Vitry and returned toward Lagny, where the lord de Gaucourt remained: the other captains led their men to the garrisons whence they had come. The besieged were much rejoiced, and not without cause, at the departure of their enemies,—for the siege had lasted upwards of four months, in which time they had suffered very great hardships from want of provision and other distresses.

At this period, the English lost the castle of Monchas in Normandy, belonging to the count d'Eu, prisoner in England, and which they had held for a long time. The captain of it was called Brunclay [7], but he was at the time with the duke of Bedford at the siege of Lagny. The French delivered all of their party confined in the prisons, and sent in haste to offer its government to sir Regnault de Fontaines, then at Beauvais, who immediately accepted of it, and marched thither with about eighty combatants. By means of this castle, a sharp warfare was[Pg 89] carried on in Vimeu, and the adjacent parts, against all who supported the party of king Henry and of the duke of Burgundy.

At this season, the commonalty of Ghent rose in arms, to the amount of fifty thousand, against their magistrates. Having assembled about ten o'clock in the morning, they went to the square of the market-place, and drew up in front of the hall where the magistrates were. They were obliged instantly to speak with them, or they would have forced an entrance through the doors and windows.

When the magistrates appeared, they immediately put to death the deacon of small trades, called John Boëlle, one of the sheriffs, named Jean Daniel van Zenere, with one of the counsellors called Jason Habit. The other magistrates were in fear of their lives from the cruelties they saw committed before their eyes; the mob, how[Pg 90]ever, were contented with what they had done.

The commonalty then marched away in a body for the abbey of Saint Pierre, to destroy a wood that was hard by: from thence they went to St Barron, to recover some hereditary rents they had paid the church; but the abbot, by his prudent conduct and kind words, pacified them, and prevented further mischief. He complied with all their requests, and gave them abundantly to eat from the provisions of the monastery.

They went away well pleased with the abbot, and then broke into three or four houses of the principal burghers, carrying away all they thought proper, and destroying the rest of the furniture. They threw open the gates of all the prisons of the duke, setting those confined at liberty,—more especially one called George Goscath, who was a strong partisan of theirs against the magistrates.

After they had thus acted for two days, by the interference of several of the chief men in Ghent, they were appeased, and returned quietly to their former occupa[Pg 91]tions. During these riots, the duke's officers left the town, fearful that the mob would put them death, as they had done others; and the duke of Burgundy, by reason of the many weighty affairs he had on his hands, was advised to act mercifully toward them. They entreated forgiveness of the duke's council, who, on their paying a fine, pardoned them, and they afterward remained peaceable.

SIR JOHN BASTARD OF ST POL AND THE LORD DE HUMIERES ARE TAKEN PRISONERS BY THE FRENCH.

While these things were passing at Ghent, sir John bastard de St Pol and the lord de Humieres marched from Artois, with about sixty combatants, to join the duke of Bedford in Paris. They went to Mondidier and to l'Isle-Adam, thinking to proceed thence in safety to Paris; but they were met by a detachment from the garrison of Creil, who had received notice of their in[Pg 92]tended march, and were instantly attacked with such vigour that, in spite of their resistance, they were both made prisoners, with the greater part of their men, and carried to Creil.

A few saved themselves by flight; and the two knights, after some little time, ransomed themselves by paying a large sum of money to those who had taken them.

GREAT DISORDERS ARE COMMITTED BY THE FRENCH IN THE AMIENNOIS, SANTERRE AND VIMEU.

At this time, Blanchefort, who held the castle of Breteuil for king Charles of France, did infinite mischief to the countries of Amiens, Santerre and Vimeu, by fire, sword and pillaging,—insomuch that most of the inhabitants had deserted the country, and retired within the fortified towns; for they were by these means deprived of the power of paying the tributes levied on them for forbearance.

This party had also repaired some of the castles in Vimeu such as Araines, Hornoy and others, in which they posted garrisons, who much annoyed the adjacent parts. They were likewise harassed by those of the Burgundy-faction. The poor labourers knew not whither to fly, for they were not defended by the lords of either party; and what added to their distress, sir Philibert de Vaudray and the lord d'Amont, on their return from serving the duke of Bedford, took possession of Pont de Remy, by driving away the lord de Saveuses' men, who had the guard of it.

The lord de Saveuses was very indignant at this conduct, and assembled his friends and dependants to expel them thence; but as he found they were superior to him in numbers, he gave up the attempt,—and they remained in the quiet possession of the post, to the great annoyance of the country round.

THE HEIR OF COMMERCY TAKES THE TOWN OF LIGNY IN THE BARROIS, BELONGING TO SIR JOHN DE LUXEMBOURG.

In the month of September of this year, the heir of Commercy, who had a long standing enmity against sir John de Luxembourg, as well for his detaining from him the castle of Montague as for other matters of quarrel between them, assembled from divers parts four or five hundred combatants, whom he led secretly to Ligny in the Barrois, and, through neglect of the guard, took it by scalado.

The town was instantly alarmed, and the majority of the inhabitants precipitately withdrew into the castle, which had not been conquered,—whence they defended themselves gallantly against the enemy, who summoned them repeatedly to surrender. They would never listen to the summons, but dispatched messengers in all speed to inform sir John de Luxembourg of their distress, and to require his aid.[Pg 95] Sir John, on hearing this, immediately set clerks to write letters to all his friends and relations, to press them most earnestly, from the affection they bore him, now to hasten to the succour of his town of Ligny. Many of the nobles and gentlemen to whom he had applied made instant preparations to attend him, and would have joined him in great numbers; but, in the mean time, the young lord of Commercy perceiving he could not win the castle, and fearing the great force sir John de Luxembourg would march against him, whose power and inclinations he well knew, concluded with those in whom he had the greatest confidence to return whence they had come. Having thus determined, they packed up all the moveables they found in the town that were portable: they set the houses on fire, to the grief and dismay of the inhabitants, and then marched away with their prisoners to Commercy.

Intelligence of this was instantly sent to sir John de Luxembourg, who was grieved at heart on hearing it; and as his plans were now at an end, he sent letters to countermand the coming of his friends, and gave up his intended expedition.

THE BURGUNDIANS, UNDER PRETENCE OF BEING ENGLISH, GAIN THE CASTLE OF LA BOUE, NEAR TO LAON.—OTHER MATTERS.

At this same period, the men of the lord de Ternant, who resided in Rethel, dressed themselves with the red cross, to counterfeit being English, and, on a certain day, won by stratagem the castle of la Boue, within two leagues of Laon. They were under the command of a man at arms called Nicholas Chevalier; and, by means of this capture, those of Laon, and other places under the obedience of king Charles, suffered much.

The reason why they put on the red cross was on account of the truce between king Charles and the duke of Burgundy, which was not then expired. They had always been of the duke's party; and very many mischiefs were done to the poor countrymen by English, French, and Burgundians.

The count de Vaudemont, at this time[Pg 97] also, assembled three or four hundred combatants in Picardy, whom he conducted to his town of Vezelize: one of his captains was the bastard de Humieres: and on their arrival, they commenced a severe warfare on the Barrois and Lorrainers, to whom they did much mischief by fire, sword and plunder.

In the month of October, the duke and duchess of Burgundy went to Holland, escorted by about six hundred combatants from Picardy. The duke staid there about a month to examine the country,—and during that time, a treaty was concluded between his counsellors and those of the duchess of Bavaria, by which it was settled that the duke of Burgundy should from the present enjoy all the honours, profits, and emoluments of the countries of Hainault, Holland, Zealand and Frizeland, with their dependancies, as his own hereditary right; but that, should the duke die before the said duchess, all these territories were to return to her as the legal heiress of them.

Many noble lordships and rich estates were at the same time allotted her together[Pg 98] with the county of Ostrevant, of which county alone she was now to style herself countess, laying aside all the titles of the above-named places. When these matters had been finally concluded, the duke consented that his cousin the duchess should marry sir François de Borselle, which had been secretly treated of between the parties. The duke of Burgundy henceforward styled himself, in addition to his former titles, Count of Hainault, Holland and Zealand, and lord of Frizeland. On the conclusion of this treaty, he returned to Flanders.

In this year, friar Thomas Conette, of the order of Carmelites, whom we have before noticed in this history, made many preachings in divers parts of Champagne, the which had induced numbers of ladies of high rank to lay aside their ridiculous dresses.

He thence journeyed to Rome, during the popedom of Eugenius IV. and arrived there with the venetian ambassadors. He was lodged at Saint Paul's, whence the pope ordered him to come before him, not with any evil intentions toward him, but for him to preach, for he had heard much of his renown. He refused twice to attend the holy father, under pretence of being ill; and the third time, the pope sent his treasurer to bring him.

Friar Thomas, seeing the treasurer enter the house, instantly leaped out of the window to escape,—but, being directly pursued, was taken and carried before the pope in his palace. The cardinals of Rouen and of Navarre were charged to examine him and his doctrines, who, finding him guilty of heresy, and of death, he was in consequence sentenced to be publicly burnt in the city of Rome.

In these days, Anne duchess of Bedford and sister to the duke of Burgundy lay ill, at the hôtel of the Tournelles in Paris, of a lingering disorder, which in spite of all the care of her physicians, of whom she had many, carried her off from this life. She was buried in the same chapel of the Celestins where Louis, late duke of Orleans, had been interred.

The duke of Bedford was sorely afflicted at her death; as were many of his party; for they feared that the connexion which had been continued by her means with her brother the duke of Burgundy would thereby be weakened.

When she died, ambassadors from the three parties, namely, king Charles, king Henry, and the duke of Burgundy, were assembled at Auxerre, and at Melun, to treat of a peace; but as they could not agree upon terms, they separated and returned to their lords.

In the beginning of December, captain Blanchefort, sir Anthony de Chabannes, the lord de Longueval, sir Carados Desquesnes, and others of king Charles's party, assembled about eight hundred or a thousand combatants near Breteuil, and thence marched to cross the river Somme at Capy. They advanced during the night for Dourlens, whither they had sent spies to learn if they could not win it by scalado: but the lord de Humieres, having had notice of their intentions, sent in all haste to inform the mayor and magistrates, that the French were marching to attack their town.

Upon this, they made every preparation for a good defence, and sent a messenger to the castle of Beauval, to make the garrison acquainted with the above intelligence. The messenger was met just[Pg 102] before day-break, a quarter of a league from the town by the french scouts, by whom he was taken and examined, and they soon learned from him his errand. They returned to their main body, which was close in the rear, who, hearing what the messenger had said, found their enterprise had failed, and returned to the town of Beauquesne. When they had fully refreshed themselves, they re-crossed the Somme, and marched back to their garrisons with great numbers of prisoners and a rich pillage.

While all these things were passing, a Benedictine, surnamed The Little Monk, who had been a great favourite of Pope Martin, and had much power during his reign, attached himself, after his decease, to his successor, pope Eugenius, and gained the same power under him as he had enjoyed before.

Notwithstanding the favour he was in with the pope, he conceived the design of betraying him, through the temptations of the devil, as it may be supposed, and had connected himself with the prince of Salerno, promising to put him in possession of the castle of St Angelo, and even of the city of Rome. To effect this, he one day waited on the pope to take his leave, saying, that he was going to Avignon to fix his residence there for some time. He then requested of the governor of the castle of St Angelo to take charge of his coffers, containing his wealth, until his return, which the governor assented to, not suspecting his treachery.

He ordered twelve cases to be made, capable of holding twelve men, which were to be intrusted to the care of two men to each case. When all things were ready, the better to succeed in his enterprise, he sent a page, who was his own nephew, with letters to one of the prisoners confined in the castle of St Angelo, which fortunately fell into the hands of the governor, and thus made him acquainted with the whole of the plot. He instantly car[Pg 104]ried them to the pope, who ordered the monk to be delivered to the secular power, by whom he was put to the torture, and confessed his guilt. He was then condemned to death, and hanged on a gibbet and quartered in the principal market-place of Rome.

The prince of Salerno, having failed in his attempt, did not however refrain from making open war on the pope within a short time after this event.

In these days, an adventurer called Thomelaire, provost of Laon for king Charles, won the castle of Passavant, by means of certain intelligence with those within it. This was very displeasing to the duke of Burgundy, for he was afraid that it would lay open his country to the enemy; and he had the place so strongly besieged that those who had taken it were forced to surrender at discretion. The said Thomelaire and some others were put to death, and the castle razed to the ground.

In this year, a peace was concluded, through the mediation of the duke of Burgundy, between the duke of Bar and the count de Vaudemont.

Each promised to restore to the other whatever castles or towns they had won; and it was also agreed, that the eldest son of the count should marry the duke's eldest daughter, who was to give her annually six thousand francs, and a certain sum in ready money on the day of her marriage.

This treaty having been drawn up by their most able counsellors, was signed by them, and then they mutually pardoned each other for whatever they might have done amiss. The young lady was delivered into the hands of the count, and all the articles of the treaty were duly ob[Pg 106]served, to the great joy of their subjects, who now found themselves free from all the vexations they had suffered in consequence of the late warfare between their lords.

On the 14th of April in this year, the duchess of Burgundy was brought to bed of a son in the town of Ghent. His godfathers were, the cardinal of Winchester, and the counts de St Pol and de Ligny, brothers,—and the countess de Meaux was the godmother. He was christened Josse, although neither of the godfathers bore that name, but it had been so ordered by the duke and duchess. They all presented very rich gifts to the child.

This year, the duke, with the consent of the estates, renewed the coin; and[Pg 107] golden money was struck, called Riddes [8], of the value of twenty-four sols in silver coin called Virelans [9]. All the old money was called in at a fourth or fifth part of its value, and recoined. At this time, there were great quarrels between the towns of Brussels and Mechlin, insomuch that a severe war took place between them. In like manner, there was much dissention among the Ghent-men, so that several officers were banished from the town.

A PEACE CONCLUDED BETWEEN THE DUKE OF BAR AND THE COUNTS DE ST POL AND DE LIGNY.

A treaty of peace now took place between the duke of Bar and the two brothers, the counts de St Pol and de Ligny, who had for some time been at war,—by[Pg 108] which the whole country of Guise, parts of which had been conquered by sir John de Luxembourg, count de Ligny, and which was the hereditary inheritance of the duke of Bar, was given up to the said sir John de Luxembourg, in perpetuity to him and his heirs.

For the greater security of the above, the duke freely gave up the castle of Bohain, in the presence of many of his nobles and officers of the county of Guise, whom he had ordered thither for the purpose of witnessing it, as well as several imperial and apostolical notaries.

There were likewise some discussions relative to Joan de Bar, daughter of sir Robert de Bar, count of Marle, and the portion of property she was to have in the duchy of Bar, in right of her said father. There were also some proposals for a marriage between the second son of the count de Saint Pol and one of the youngest daughters of the duke of Bar: but these two articles were deferred to the next time of meeting. When this negotiation had lasted some days, and the duke had been most honourably and grandly feasted by[Pg 109] the two brothers in the castle of Bohain, he departed thence, according to appearances, highly pleased with them, and returned to his duchy.

FOOTNOTES:

[8] Riddes,—of the value of five shillings.—Cotgrave.

[9] Virelans. Q.

A WAR TAKES PLACE BETWEEN SIR JOHN AND SIR ANTHONY DU VERGY AND THE LORD DE CHASTEAU-VILAIN.

In this same year, a great discord arose between sir John and sir Anthony du Vergy, burgundian knights, and the lord de Château-Vilain, which ended in an open war. The lord de Château-Vilain, the more to annoy his enemies, turned to the party of the king of France, together with sir Legier d'Estouteville, Jean de Verpelleurs, and some other gentlemen, who had long been his allies and wellwishers. By this conduct they broke their oaths to the duke of Burgundy, their natural lord, with whom the lord de Château-Vilain had been on the most intimate terms.

This lord also returned the badge of[Pg 110] the duke of Bedford which he had long worn, which made the duke very indignant; and he blamed him greatly in the presence of the person who had brought the badge, saying that he had thus falsified the oath he had made him.

The duke of Burgundy was likewise very much displeased when it came to his knowledge, and he sent pressing orders to all his captains in Burgundy to exert themselves to the utmost in harrassing the lord de Château-Vilain. In obeying these orders, the country of Burgundy suffered much,—for the lord de Château-Vilain had many castles in different parts of it, which he garrisoned with his friends.

By the forces of the duke, assisted by the lords du Vergy and others of the nobles of Burgundy, he was so hardly pushed that the greater part of his castles were conquered and demolished, namely, Graussy, Flongy, Challancy, Villiers le Magnet, Nully, the castle of St Urban, Blaise, Saint Vorge, Esclaron, Varville, Cussay, Romay, Vaudemont, and Lasoncourt.

The siege of Graussy lasted more than three months under the command of Jean[Pg 111] du Vergy, the principal in this quarrel, having with him sir William de Baufremont, William de Vienne, sir Charles du Vergy, and twelve hundred combatants. The lord de Château-Vilain, with the heir of Commercy and Robert de Vaudricourt, and sixteen hundred fighting men, marched to raise the siege, when a grand skirmish took place, but only one man was killed.

The lord de Château-Vilain, however, finding that he could not attempt to raise the siege without very great danger from the strength of his enemies, retreated to the place whence he had come; and shortly after, sir Denis de Sainct-Flour, who commanded within the castle, capitulated to surrender the place, on the garrison being allowed to march away in safety with their lives and baggage.

Having concluded this treaty, sir Denis went to the king of France, who had him beheaded for several charges that had been made against him, and also for having put his wife to death.

At this time, some captains of the duke of Burgundy took by storm and by scalado the town of Epernai, belonging to Charles[Pg 112] duke of Orleans, a prisoner in England, in which every disorder was committed as in a conquered town.

At the end of this year, a peace was concluded between the duke of Burgundy and the Liegeois. Many meetings had been held before the two parties could agree on terms: at last, it was settled that the Liegeois should pay the duke one hundred and fifty thousand nobles by way of compensation for the damages they had done to his country of Namur by demolishing his castles, and other mischiefs. They also consented to raze to the ground the tower of Mont-Orgueil, near to Bovines, which they held, and which indeed had been the chief cause of the war.

They completely fulfilled all the articles of the treaty; and the pledges for their[Pg 113] future good conduct were John de Hingsbergh their bishop, Jacques de Fosseux, and other nobles of the country of Liege. For the more effectual security of this treaty, reciprocal engagements were interchanged between the parties; and thus the Liegeois who had been in very great alarms and fear, were much rejoiced to have peace firmly established throughout their territories.

THE DUKE OF BEDFORD, WHO STYLED HIMSELF REGENT OF FRANCE, MARRIES THE DAUGHTER OF THE COUNT DE SAINT POL.

At the commencement of this year, John duke of Bedford espoused, in the town of Therouenne, Jacquilina, eldest daughter to Pierre de Luxembourg count de St Pol, and niece to Louis de Luxembourg bishop of Therouenne, chancellor of France for king Henry, and also to sir John de Luxembourg.

This marriage had been long negociated by the bishop, who was very eager to bring it about, and he was at that time the principal minister and adviser of the said duke. The duke of Burgundy was not in that country when it was solemnized,—but hearing of it on his return, he was displeased with the count de St Pol for having thus, without his knowledge or advice, disposed of his daughter.

The wedding-feasts were celebrated in the episcopal palace of Therouenne; and for the joy and happiness the duke felt in this match (for the damsel was handsome, well made and lively), and that it might be long had in remembrance, he presented to the church of Therouenne two magnificent bells of great value, which he had sent thither from England at his own cost.

At this time, sir Louis de Vaucourt and sir Regnault de Versailles, attached to king Charles, accompanied by about three hundred combatants, surprised about day-break, and took by scalado the town of St Valery in Ponthieu. The town was governed for the duke of Burgundy by Jean de Brimeu, and great mischiefs were done there by the French according to their custom of dealing with conquered towns.

The capture of this place alarmed the whole country round, and not without cause; for within a few days they greatly reinforced themselves with men at arms, and commenced a severe war on all attached to the English or Burgundians. The most part of those in the neighbourhood entered into an agreement for security with them, for which they paid heavy sums of money.

At this time also, by means of Per[Pg 116]rinet Crasset, governor of la Charité on the Loire for king Henry, was that town and castle given up. It was strongly situated, and had not been conquered during the whole of the war.

Toward the end of May in this year, the dukes of Bedford and of Burgundy went to St Omer to confer together on several public matters, and to consider on certain angry expressions that had been used and reported on both sides. The cardinal of England was with the duke of Bedford, and very desirous to bring these two dukes to a right understanding with each other. However, though these two noble princes were come to Saint Omer for this purpose, and though it had been settled that they were to meet at an appointed time without either being found to wait on the other; nevertheless, the duke of Bedford expected[Pg 117] that the duke of Burgundy should come to him at his lodgings, which he would not do. Many of their lords went from the one to the other to endeavour to settle this matter of ceremony, but in vain.

At length, the cardinal waited on the duke of Burgundy, and, drawing him aside, said in an amicable manner, 'How is this, fair nephew, that you refuse to compliment a prince who is son and brother to a king, by calling on him, when he has taken so much trouble to meet you in one of your own towns, and that you will neither visit nor speak to him?' The duke replied, that he was ready to meet him at the place appointed. After a few more words, the cardinal returned to the duke of Bedford; and within a short time, the two dukes departed from St Omer without any thing further being done, but more discontented with each other than before.

THE DEATH OF JOHN DE TOISY BISHOP OF TOURNAY.—GREAT DISSENTIONS RESPECTING THE PROMOTION TO THE VACANT BISHOPRICK.

In this year, died in the town of Lille, at a very advanced age, master John de Toisy bishop of Tournay, and president of the duke of Burgundy's council. John de Harcourt, bishop of Amiens, was nominated by the holy father the pope to succeed him, which much displeased the duke of Burgundy, for he was desirous to have promoted to it one of his counsellors, called master John Chevrot, archdeacon of the Vexin under the church of Rouen. The duke had spoken on this subject to the bishop of Amiens, that when it should become vacant he might not apply for it; and it was reported, that de Harcourt had promised not to accept thereof. However, when he had been translated to Tournay, the duke ordered all his subjects, in Flanders and elsewhere, not to pay him any[Pg 119] obedience; and in addition, the whole, or greater part of the revenues of the bishoprick were transferred to the duke, to the great sorrow of the bishop. Hoping, nevertheless, to devise some means for a reconcilement, he resided a long time in Tournay as a private person, where he was obeyed, and much beloved by the burghers and inhabitants.

During this interval, the archbishoprick of Narbonne became vacant, and, through the solicitations of the duke of Burgundy, it was given to John de Harcourt by the pope, and the bishoprick of Tournay to the before-mentioned Jean de Chevrot. This translation was made by the holy father to please all parties, more especially the duke of Burgundy; but it was very unsatisfactory to Jean de Harcourt, who refused to be translated, saying, that the pope had only done it to deprive him of his bishoprick of Tournay.

The duke, seeing that he would not comply, was more angered against him and the townsmen of Tournay than before, and in consequence, forbade his subjects to carry any provisions to Tournay, under pain[Pg 120] of confiscation and corporal punishment. He had it also proclaimed, that all persons should give to his officers information where any property lay belonging to the burghers of that town, that it might be confiscated.

Very many mischiefs were done for the space of four or five years, on account of this discord. During which time, the count d'Estampes was sent into Tournay with a large company of knights and esquires, to take possession of the bishoprick for Jean de Chevrot, although John de Harcourt was in the town. It happened therefore, that when the count d'Estampes had ordered master Stephen Vivien to take possession of the cathedral, the greater part of the townsmen, to shew their discontent at the proceeding, rose in rebellion, and advanced to the cathedral, where Vivien, seated on the episcopal throne, was going through all the ceremonies and acts that he had been ordered to do in the name of Jean Chevrot, in taking possession of the bishoprick.

The populace no sooner witnessed what he was about than they rudely pushed him from the throne, and tore his surplice[Pg 121] and other parts of his dress. Many, in their rage, would have put him to death if the officers of justice had not laid hands on him and carried him off as their prisoner, giving the crowd to understand that he should be judicially punished to their satisfaction.

John de Harcourt, on whose account this riot had been raised, restrained them as much as he could by gentle remonstrances, and begging of them to return to their houses, for that all would end well, and he would legally keep possession of his bishoprick. After some little time, the commonalty retired, and the magistrates and principal inhabitants made the best excuses they could to the count d'Estampes for this riot,—for they were afraid they should fare the worse for it in times to come. The count d'Estampes, finding nothing effectual could be done, departed, and returned to the duke of Burgundy at Arras, and told him all that had passed in Tournay. He was much vexed thereat, and issued stricter orders than before to distress the town, so that from this quarrel respecting the two bishops very many persons suffered great tribulations.

Even after the peace was concluded between king Charles and the duke of Burgundy, the king was much displeased at the conduct of the duke respecting Tournay, and was desirous of supporting the claim of John de Harcourt.

John de Harcourt perceiving that the duke was obstinately bent on having Jean de Chevrot bishop of Tournay, and that he should not be allowed to enjoy peaceably the revenues of the bishoprick, and that withal his lands in Hainault had been seized on and confiscated by the duke, departed from Tournay, and went with a few attendants to the king, who gave him a most gracious reception, and he then continued his journey to his archbishoprick of Narbonne. Thus did Jean de Chevrot gain the bishoprick of Tournay, who sent thither, to take possession, a canon of Cambray, named master Robert d'Auclair. He was at this time very courteously received there, and obeyed as his procurator.

About this time, ambassadors were sent from the three estates of the duchy and county of Burgundy to the duke, to remonstrate with him on the great damages the partisans of king Charles were doing to his country by fire and sword, more especially his brother-in-law the duke of Bourbon. They told him, that they had already taken by force many towns and castles, and were daily making further inroads into the country, which must be totally destroyed unless a speedy remedy was applied. They concluded by requesting most humbly, that he would, out of his grace, raise a sufficient body of men, and that he would personally march to their assistance.

The duke, having heard their harangue, assembled his council, and then determined to collect men at arms from all his dependancies in Brabant, Flanders, Artois, Hainault and other parts. Clerks were instantly[Pg 124] employed to write letters to the different lords, knights and esquires, who had usually served him in his wars, to assemble as many men at arms and archers as they could raise, and be ready to march with him at the beginning of the month of May, whither he might be pleased to lead them. The captains, on receiving these orders from their prince, made every diligence to obey them; and several soon brought their men into the field, which harrassed much the countries of Picardy, Ponthieu, Artois, Tournesis, Ostrevant, Cambresis, Vermandois and the adjoining parts, for the duke had not been equally diligent in completing his preparations, so that these men remained wasting the countries aforesaid for upwards of a month.

At the end of May, the duke having assembled, from divers parts, a great quantity of carriages, stores and artillery, set out from the town of Arras on the 20th day of June, attended by many of his captains. He was also accompanied by his duchess, who had a numerous attendance of ladies and damsels, to the amount of more than forty; and they were lodged in[Pg 125] Cambray, where sir John de Luxembourg met him, and requested that he would come to his castle of Bohain, to which the duke assented.

On the morrow, when the duke and duchess had heard mass in the church of our Lady at Cambray, and afterward taken some refreshment, they set out for the castle of Bohain, where they were joyfully and honourably received by sir John de Luxembourg, count de Ligny, and the countess his lady. They and their attendants were plentifully and nobly served with all sorts of provisions that were in season; and they remained there for two days, taking their pleasures in the chace and other amusements.

In the mean time, the captains and men at arms advanced into the Rhetelois. The duke and duchess, on leaving Bohain, went to Peronne, and thence through Champagne, passing near to Rheims. There were with him full six thousand combatants, as well men at arms as archers, the principal leaders of whom were the lord de Croy, sir John de Croy his brother, sir John de Hornes seneschal of Brabant, the lord de[Pg 126] Crequi and his brother, sir John bastard de St Pol, his brother Louis, the lord de Humieres, sir Baudo de Noyelle, the lord de Crevecoeur, Robert de Neufville, Lancelot de Dours, Harpin de Richammes, and many other nobles, as well knights as esquires. When the duke marched through Champagne, he formed his troops into a van guard, a main body, and a rear guard.

Sir John de Croy commanded the first under his brother,—and he had with him Harpin de Richammes. During the march, all the baggage was placed between the van and main body; and the duchess, then far gone with child, was there also, with her women, and near to the duke.

The army marched in this array before the town of Troyes, that was held by the French, and advanced to Cappes on the line to Burgundy. Many of the burgundian lords now joined him, to whom he gave a gracious reception,—and having called a council of war, resolved on their future proceedings.

It was settled that the duchess should fix her residence with her attendants at Châtillon-sur-Seine, while the duke march[Pg 127]ed to lay siege to Mussi-l'Evêque, in the possession of the French. Great preparations were made, and many pieces of artillery were pointed against the gates and walls. The garrison once intended making an obstinate defence; but when they saw how numerous and well appointed were the duke's forces, and found they had no hope of succour, after eight days siege, they capitulated to surrender the place on having their lives and fortunes spared. On the conclusion of this treaty, they marched away under the duke's passports for St Florentin.

When the duke had appointed a new garrison, he went to the duchess at Châtillon, and his men at arms advanced toward the county of Tonnerre.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY RECONQUERS SEVERAL PLACES WHICH THE FRENCH HAD WON IN BURGUNDY.

When the duke of Burgundy had sojourned some days at Châtillon, he ordered the duchess to go to Dijon, where she was most honourably received, and he himself went after his army. He had Lussigines and Passy besieged; and the first was so hard pressed that the garrison surrendered on having their lives spared, but giving up their effects. Those of Passy also gave hostages to surrender on the first day of September following, unless the duke and his army should be fought "withal and beaten by his adversaries before that time.

Many other castles and forts held by the French, who were much alarmed at the great power of the duke of Burgundy, were yielded up to him, namely, Danlermoine, Herny, Coursaint, Scealefloug, Maligny, Saint Phalle, Sicry, Sabelly and others, to the amount of twenty-four. After these[Pg 129] surrenders, the duke went to Dijon, and his captains and men at arms were quartered over the country. Sir John de Croy was the commander in chief at all these sieges of places that submitted to the obedience of the duke of Burgundy.

GILLES DE POSTELLES IS ACCUSED OF TREASON TO THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, AND BEHEADED.

In this year, a gentleman of Hainault was accused of treason against the duke of Burgundy. His name was Gilles de Postelles, who had been brought up as a dependant on the dowager-countess of Hainault, aunt to the said duke. He was charged with having practised with divers of the nobles of that country to put the duke to death by shooting him with an arrow, or by some other means, while hunting in the forest, whither he would accompany him.

For this cause, he was arrested in the[Pg 130] mansion of the countess, at Quesnoy, by sir Willian de Lalain bailiff of Hainault. When he had been strictly examined and tortured, he was beheaded and quartered in the market-place of Mons, and his quarters were sent to be placed in the four principal towns of that country. One of his servants was beheaded with him; but John de Vendeges, to whom he had discovered his plot, fled the country, and afterward, by means of different excuses, and through the interest of his friends, was pardoned by the duke. The countess of Hainault was strongly suspected of being implicated in this affair, but nothing was clearly proved against her.

While these things were passing, a party of king Charles's adherents won by scalado at day-break, the town of Crespy in the Valois from the English. The bastard de[Pg 131] Thian was governor; and he, with part of the garrison, and the inhabitants, were made prisoners: innumerable mischiefs were done to the town, for the French treated it in their usual manner to a conquered place.

On the eve of the feast of the Ascension, in this year, the commonalty of Ghent rebelled against the duke's officers and the magistrates. But the principal sheriff posted himself with the banner of the counts of Flanders in the market-place well accompanied, before the rebels had time to collect together, who, perceiving that they could not now carry their intentions into effect, fled from the town: some of them, however, were taken, and punished by the magistrates of Ghent.

In these days, the town of Bruyeres, in the Laonnois, was won from king Charles by sir John de Luxembourg's men, commanded by Villemet de Hainau, governor of Montagu. This capture caused great alarm in the adjoining places, for they expected a strong garrison would be posted therein to attack them; and they, consequently, reinforced themselves as much as they could, to be enabled to resist them.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY KEEPS HIS APPOINTMENT BEFORE PASSY.—HE BESIEGES THE TOWN AND CASTLE OF AVALON.

When the first day of September was come, the duke of Burgundy (having previously sent his orders to all those who had been accustomed to serve under him) made his appearance before Passy, according to the terms of the capitulation.

He was there joined, by orders of king Henry, by the lord de l'Isle-Adam, marshal of France, and sir John Talbot, with sixteen hundred combatants. The duke received them joyfully, and made very handsome presents to these lords and to their men. The French, however, did not appear; and the garrison, in consequence, surrendered the place to the duke of Burgundy, and marched away under his passports.

The duke then sent a detachment to surround Avalon, of which was captain one called Fort Espice, having under him two[Pg 133] hundred men at arms, the flower of the army and renowned in war. They made an obstinate defence.

The principal burgundian lords among the besiegers were the lord de Charny, Philibert de Vaudray, and others,—from Picardy were sir John bastard de St Pol, the lord de Humieres, and many noblemen, who advanced with great courage and encamped near to the ditches. Several engines were pointed against the gates and walls, and damaged them greatly, breaches being made in divers parts.

The besiegers now thought to take the place by storm, and made a vigorous attack, but were gallantly repulsed. However, the garrison, foreseeing that they could not hold out longer, and having no hopes of succour, they fled by night in much disorder, through a postern that had been neglected by the enemy. Their flight was soon known, and the Burgundians lost no time in arming and pursuing them, so that falling courageously upon them, they took and slew many. Fort Espice and some others saved themselves by flight. The town was now suddenly attacked, and won[Pg 134] without resistance. The wife of Fort Espice was made prisoner, with many of his men and some peasants,—and every thing that was found in the place was plundered and carried away.

PIERRE DE LUXEMBOURG, COUNT DE ST POL, BESIEGES THE TOWN OF ST VALERY.—THE DEATH OF THE COUNT DE ST POL.

In the month of July of this year, Pierre de Luxembourg, count de Saint Pol, accompanied by lord Willoughby, an Englishman, and twelve hundred combatants of the two nations, laid siege to the town of Saint Valery; in which were, on the part of king Charles, sir Louis de Vaucourt, Philip de la Tour and sir Regnault de Versailles, with a garrison of three hundred men.

They pointed artillery against the walls and gates; and after the siege had lasted for three weeks, the before-named knights entered into treaty with Robert de Saveuses,[Pg 135] who had been commissioned by the count de St Pol for the purpose, and agreed that they would surrender the place at a fixed day, should they not be relieved before then, on receiving a sum of money, and liberty to depart in safety with their prisoners and baggage. As no one appeared to their succour, they marched away, under passports, to Beauvais.

Shortly after, sir Louis de Vaucourt and sir Regnault de Versailles were met by one called Le Petit Roland, on the road to Senlis, who, though of the same party, from a private quarrel, attacked them with the men he was leading to Chantilly; and in the end he defeated and robbed them, making sir Regnault his prisoner.

The count de St Pol, having re-garrisoned St Valery, gave the command of it to sir Robert de Saveuses. On marching thence, he fixed his quarters at a large village called Blangy, in the county of Eu, with the intent to besiege the castle of Monchas, held by sir Regnault de Fontaines for king Charles. Sir Regnault, not wishing to wait the event of a siege, capitulated with the commissioners of the count to surrender the place on the 15th day of[Pg 136] next October, provided that neither king Charles nor any of his partisans should be in sufficient force to offer him combat on that day before the castle of Monchas, or on the plains of Santhois near to Villiers-le-Carbonel, one league distant from Haplaincourt. This treaty was confirmed, the 26th day of August, by the count, and hostages given on each side for its due performance.

On the last day of this month of August, while the count was encamped near to Blangy, and giving his orders for besieging the castle of Rambures, he was taken suddenly ill, and died almost instantly.

His men and all the English captains were grieved at heart for his loss, and retired to the garrisons whence they had come. His household had the body transported to St Pol, where it was interred in front of the great altar of the abbey-church of Cercamps, of which his ancestors had been the founders. His eldest son, Louis de Luxembourg, then about fifteen years of age, took possession of all his estates and lordships, and thenceforth was styled the Count de St Pol.

THE LORD DE LA TRIMOUILLE IS ARRESTED IN THE KING'S PALACE, AND MADE TO SURRENDER HIS PRISONER THE VISCOUNT DE THOUARS.

While these things were passing, king Charles resided chiefly at the castle of Chinon, and with him was the lord de la Trimouille, his principal adviser, but who conducted public affairs much to the dissatisfaction of Charles d'Anjou, and many other great lords.

They also hated him from their friendship to the lord d'Amboise viscount de Thouars, whom he had detained in prison from the time the lord de Lessay and Anthony de Vivonne had been beheaded through his means at Poitiers, and also because the constable, by reason of his interference, could not regain the good graces of the king.

Having therefore formed their plan, the lord de Bueil, sir Peter de Verseil, Pregent de Coetivy and other barons, to[Pg 138] the number of sixteen, entered the castle of Chinon, and went to the chamber of the lord de la Trimouille, whom they found in bed. They made him prisoner, and carried him away, taking from him the government of the king. He afterward, by treaty, surrendered to them the lord d'Amboise, and promised never to return to the king, yielding up many forts that he held as security for keeping the said treaty.

Shortly after, the constable was restored to the good graces of his monarch, who was well satisfied to receive him, although he was much vexed at the conduct that had been held to the lord de la Trimouille: nevertheless, new ministers were appointed for the management of his affairs.

At this time, Philip lord de Saveuses resided in Mondidier with a sufficient garrison to oppose the French in Compiègne, Ressons, Mortemer, Bretueil, and other places. These had made an excursion to the amount of about one hundred and fifty combatants into the country of Santhois, where they were met by the lord de Saveuses, who slew or made prisoners the[Pg 139] greater part: the rest saved themselves by flight.

In this year, died in his town of Avesnes, in Hainault, the count de Penthievre, who had been deprived of the duchy of Brittany, as has been elsewhere fully related. A great mortality took place throughout almost all France, as well in large towns as in the country; and there prevailed also great divisions between the nobles and gentlemen against each other, so that neither God, his church, nor justice, were obeyed or feared, and the poor people were grievously oppressed in various ways.

WILLIAM DE COROAM PUTS TO FLIGHT JOHN BEAURAIN.—SIR JOHN DE LUXEMBOURG RECONQUERS THE CASTLE OF HAPHINCOURT.

About this period, William de Coroam, an Englishman, in company with Villemer de Hainault, and some others of sir John de[Pg 140] Luxembourg's captains, with three or four hundred combatants, overthrew and plundered near to Ivoy, between the Ardennes and Champagne, from five to six hundred men, whom John de Beaurain, and divers captains, had assembled in hopes of conquering them. John de Beaurain, however, and others, saved themselves by the fleetness of their horses.

In the month of September, the castle of Haphincourt, seated on the river Somme, two leagues distant from Peronne, was taken by a partisan of king Charles, called Martin le Lombard, and his accomplices. Within the castle was sir Pierre de Beausault, a noble and ancient knight, with his lady, the mother to sir Karados de Quesnes.

The whole of the country of Vermandois was much alarmed at this conquest, for the inhabitants feared it would open an easy entrance for the enemy into those parts. They, however, lost no time in sending notice of it to sir John de Luxembourg, who, in a few days, assembled eight hundred Picards, and marched them, in company with his nephew the young count de St Pol, sir Simon de Lalain, the lord[Pg 141] de Saveuses, and other noble captains, to the castle of Haphincourt, and had his artillery instantly pointed against the walls. His attacks were so severe on the garrison that they were forced to surrender at discretion, when some were hanged and others strangled. As for Martin, Jacotin and Clamas, they obtained their liberty on paying a heavy ransom. The castle was delivered into the hands of Jean de Haphincourt, and the knight and lady sent away. After this exploit, sir John de Luxembourg returned with his nephew, and the other captains, to the places whence they had come.

THE COUNTS DE LIGNY AND DE ST POL KEEP THE APPOINTED DAY AT VILLIERS LE CARBONEL, AND AFTERWARD DEFEAT THE FRENCH FROM THE GARRISON OF LAON.

On the 15th day of October, the young count de St Pol, sir John de Luxembourg, count de Ligny, with from four to five thousand combatants, whom they had sum[Pg 142]moned from Picardy and Hainault, under the command of sir William de Lalain, sir Simon his brother, the lord de Mailly, sir Colart de Mailly his brother, the lord de Saveuses, Valleran de Moruel, Guy de Roye, and others expert in arms, marched to keep the appointment at Villiers le Carbonel, according to the capitulation signed at the castle of Monchas in Normandy. They were also joined by twelve hundred English, under the orders of the lord Willoughby and sir Thomas Kiriel.

Neither sir Regnault de Fontaines, governor of Monchas, nor any others on the part of king Charles made their appearance at Villiers le Carbonel; and thus their hostages were left in very great danger. The two counts, however, remained all that day in battle-array on the plain, and toward evening quartered themselves and their men in the adjoining villages, seeing there was not a probability of an enemy shewing himself. On the morrow, they returned, by a short march, to the place whence they had come.

Within a few days after this, when the two counts were at Guise, news was brought[Pg 143] them, that the lord de Penesach, governor of Laon, had made an excursion, with four or five hundred combatants from different garrisons into the country of Marle, and had nearly taken Vervins, the hereditary inheritance of Joan de Bar, sir John's daughter-in-law, and had set fire to the suburbs of Marle.

Sir John was much troubled on receiving this intelligence, and instantly mounted his horse, together with the count de St Pol, sir Simon de Lalain, and those of his household. He sent in haste for reinforcements from all his garrisons that were near, and sir Simon ordered his men, who were quartered in a village hard by, to follow without delay; so that he had very soon upwards of three hundred fighting men, whom he boldly marched to meet the enemy.

He overtook them on their retreat at Disy, not far from Laon; and although they were very superior in numbers, he no sooner saw them than without waiting for the whole of his men to come up, he most gallantly charged them, and did wonders by his personal courage. The French took to flight, even under the eyes[Pg 144] of their commander, excepting a few, who were defeated, and the most part put to death, to the number of eight score. The principals were, Gaillart de Lille, Anthony de Bellegarde, de Mony, le borgne de Vy, Henry Quenof from Brabant, and others, to the number aforestated. From sixty to eighty were made prisoners, the greater part of whom were on the morrow hanged; among them was one named Rousselet, provost of Laon. A gentleman of arms, called L'Archenciel was taken in the engagement, but given up to sir Simon de Lalain, whose life he had formerly saved at St Vincent, as has been related.

In return, sir Simon was desirous of saving his; but he could not succeed, for sir John de Luxembourg caused him to be put to death, which angered greatly sir Simon, but he could not remedy himself. The French were pursued as far as Laon, and many killed and taken. On this day, the young count de St Pol was entered a warrior,—for his uncle made him slay several, in which he took much delight. After the defeat, they all returned to Guise in high spirits on account of their happy success.

In the month of September, of this year, La Hire, with others of king Charles's captains, such as Anthony de Chabannes, Blanchefort, Charles de Flavy, Regnault de Longueval, and full fifteen hundred combatants, whom they had assembled in Beauvais, crossed the Somme at Cappy into Artois, and made a number of peasants prisoners, who were unsuspicious of such an inroad, and returned with them and their plunder to Beauvais, where they were all quartered. They also made great seizures of men and cattle in the Cambresis, by whose ransoms they acquired large sums of money.

They again took the field, but after some little time they divided; and Anthony de Chabannes with Blanchefort and their men went toward Cambray, and, passing by it, they took the straight road to Haspres, as a free fair had been held the pre[Pg 146]ceding day at the town of Ivoy; and because the townsmen would not compound according to their pleasure, they burnt most part of the town and the church.

They then advanced to Haspres, which was full of people and merchandize, and entered it by surprise. They made many prisoners, but several retired with some monks into a strong tower, which was long attacked in vain by the French. In revenge for not being able to gain it, they plundered all they could lay hands on in the town, and then set it on fire, by which several houses were destroyed, with the church and abbey of St Akaire. They also committed other enormous mischiefs.

Having packed up their plunder, they departed, and, traversing the Cambresis, took many prisoners, and burnt numbers of houses, and went to lodge at Mont St Martin [10], where La Hire was waiting for them. On this same day, La Hire had set fire to the town of Beaurevoir, the mill, and a very handsome country-seat called La Mothe, situated near to the[Pg 147] town, and belonging to the countess de Ligny. Many detachments scoured the country, committing numberless mischiefs without opposition; for sir John de Luxembourg was absent with his nephew the young count de St Pol on business relative to matters that had happened in consequence of the death of sir Peter de Luxembourg his father.

This was the cause why the French met with no resistance on this expedition wherever they went. From Mont St Martin they took the road toward Laon, carrying with them multitudes of prisoners and great herds of cattle. They halted at Cressy-sur-Serre, and thence, without any loss, returned to Laon, where they divided their spoils, and went to the different garrisons whence they had come.

About this period, the lords de Croy and de Humieres returned, with about two thousand horse, from Burgundy, where they had been for a considerable time under duke Philip, assisting him in his various conquests from the French.

The duchess of Burgundy was delivered of a son at Dijon, who was knighted[Pg 148] at the font: his godfathers were Charles count de Nevers, who gave him his own name, and the lord de Croy. He was also made a knight of the order of the Golden Fleece, and in addition the duke his father gave him the county of Charolois.

FOOTNOTES:

[10] Mont St Martin. Q. If not Thun-St-Martin?

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY HOLDS THE ANNIVERSARY FEAST OF THE GOLDEN FLEECE IN THE CITY OF DIJON.—HE ATTENDS THE MARRIAGE OF THE DUKE OF SAVOY'S SON.

At this time, the duke of Burgundy held the feast of the Golden Fleece in the city of Dijon; and, shortly after, messengers arrived from the duke of Savoy to request that he would come to the wedding of his son the count of Geneva, about to marry the daughter of the king of Cyprus, which wedding was to be celebrated in the town of Chambery in Savoy. The duke of Burgundy complied with the request; and, having arranged all his affairs about[Pg 149] Candlemas, he left the duchess at Chalons in Burgundy, with his army in that neighbourhood, and departed for Savoy, attended by about two hundred knights and esquires.

After some days travelling, he arrived at Chambery, and was met by the duke of Savoy and the count de Geneva, who received him with every respect. On the day after his arrival, the wedding was celebrated, and the feast was most plentifully served. On the right of the great table were seated the cardinal of Cyprus, uncle to the bride, the queen of Sicily, consort to king Louis and daughter to the duke of Savoy, and the duke of Burgundy: in the center was the bride, and then the duke of Bar, the count de Nevers and the heir of Cleves.

At the second table were placed the duke of Savoy, the count de Fribourg, the marquis de Fribourg, the prince of Orange, the chancellor of Savoy, with several noble men and ladies. At other tables were many knights, esquires, ladies and damsels, from various countries, all most richly dressed; and every table was abundantly and[Pg 150] properly served according to the rank of the guests.

This feast lasted for several days, in which the company amused themselves with dancings, and in divers sports and pastimes. The duke of Burgundy, after staying three days, presented the bride with a magnificent clasp of the value of three thousand francs,—on which occasion, he was heartily thanked by the duke of Savoy and his son,—and, taking leave of the company, returned to Burgundy.

In the course of this year a general council was held at Basil with great pomp. The emperor of Germany, and many great lords, as well secular as ecclesiastic, from different countries, were present at the opening thereof. Their first object was to send ambassadors to endeavour to appease the quarrels between the king of France on the one hand, and the king of[Pg 151] England and the duke of Burgundy on the other.

During the sitting of this council, the very agreeable intelligence was brought thither, that the men of Prague had been defeated, and from eight to ten thousand killed, by the nobles of Bohemia, assisted by six hundred men at arms, whom the members of the council had sent to their support.

Shortly after, two priests, the leaders of the Hussite-heretics, were slain; one named Protestus du Tabouret, and the other Lupus, together with six thousand of their sect. The rich city of Prague was conquered, and purged of heretics, as well as the greater part of the country. The Bohemians sent an embassy to the council to receive absolution, and a confirmation in the catholic faith.

Ambassadors arrived at Basil in great state from the king of Castille and the Spaniards: these were attended by full four hundred persons, and two hundred mules. The cardinals de Santa Croce and de San[Pg 152] Pietro were sent by the council to Philip Maria duke of Milan, to recover the lands of the church which he had seized, but their labour was in vain.

THE TOWN AND CASTLE OF PROVINS IN BRIE ARE WON BY THE ENGLISH AND BURGUNDIANS.—THE FRENCH RECONQUER THE TOWN AND CASTLE OF ST VALERY.

About this time, the town and castle of Provins in Brie was won by scalado, from the French, by the English and Burgundians. Their principal captains on this expedition were sir John Raillart, Mando de Lussach, Thomas Girard, governor of Montereau-faut-Yonne, Richard Huçon, and others, with about four hundred combatants. The leader of the scalers was one called Grosse-tête.

The castle was gained at five o'clock in the morning, although the governor de Gueraines, with five hundred fighting men, defended themselves most valiantly[Pg 153] for the space of eight hours, to the great loss of the assailants, who had six score or more killed, and in the number was a gallant english man at arms called Henry de Hungerford. The town and castle were, however, conquered and pillaged, and the greater part of the French put to death. The governor, perceiving all hopes of success were vain, escaped with some others. The command of the place was afterward given to the lord de la Grange.

In the beginning of the month of January, the partisans of king Charles regained the town and castle of St Valery, under the command of Charlot du Marests, governor of Rambures, through the negligence of the guards. It had been intrusted to the care of Robert de Saveuses, but he was then absent,—and there was such a mortality in the town that few ventured to reside therein: the bastard de Fiennes, his lieutenant, with others were made prisoners, and the whole country of Ponthieu was in great alarm at this event. Philip de la Tour was also a principal commander on this expedition with Charlot du Marests.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY RETURNS FROM BURGUNDY TO FLANDERS AND ARTOIS, HAVING WITH HIM JOHN SON TO THE COUNT DE NEVERS.—OTHER MATTERS.

In the beginning of this year, Philip duke of Burgundy returned from Burgundy to his territories of Flanders, Artois, and other parts, escorted by about six hundred combatants. He left his duchess and young son behind him in Burgundy, and all his castles well garrisoned with men at arms. He carried with him John son to the count de Nevers, his cousin-german, on his visits to the principal towns, where he sought for succours in men and money to take back with him to Burgundy.

During this time, sir John de Luxembourg, who had posted himself on the frontiers of the Laonnois, conquered the strong abbey of St Vincent lez Laon from king Charles's garrison, and made prisoner[Pg 155] a notable gentleman called Anthony de Cramailles, whom sir John caused to be beheaded and his body quartered at Ripelmonde. At this attack on the abbey of St Vincent, Jarnet de Pennesach, and Eustache Vaude lost their lives. Sir John re-garrisoned this place, which caused great fears in the town of Laon; and to be enabled to resist any attacks from thence, they had strong reinforcements quartered among them of well tried men at arms.

In consequence, daily skirmishes took place between them, when many of each party were killed or wounded; and on the side of sir John de Luxembourg, a valiant knight, called Colart de Forges, was slain by a shot from a bow, which passed through his leg.

JOHN DE NEVERS IS ORDERED TO LAY SIEGE TO MOREUIL.—HE HAS THE COUNTY OF ESTAMPES GIVEN TO HIM.

When the duke of Burgundy was returned to Picardy with John, son to the count de Nevers, the duke gave him the county of Estampes, which title he bore for a long time after, and was likewise appointed governor of Picardy, to take on him the charge of guarding the frontiers.

He assembled men at arms to lay siege to the castle of Moreuil [11], in possession of the French, and was joined by the lord d'Antoing, sir John de Croy, the vidame of Amiens, Valeran de Moreuil, the lord de Humieres, the lord de Saveuses, the lord de Neufville, sir Baudo de Noyelle governor of Peronne, and the governors of Mondidier and Roye. His force consisted of one thousand combatants,[Pg 157] whom the count d'Estampes led to the castle of Moreuil, and quartered them before it. Not more than one hundred fighting men were in the castle, who were, within eight days, so hardly pressed that they were forced to surrender the place on having their lives spared, leaving their baggage and effects at the disposal of the count d'Estampes and his commissaries.

On the treaty being signed, the French marched away under passports from the count, and the command of the place was given to Valeran de Moreuil. The count d'Estampes conducted his army then to the castle of Mortemer, near Ressons-sur-mer, which was soon surrendered, and completely demolished. After which the count marched back with his men to the places whence they had come.

FOOTNOTES:

[11] Moreuil,—a town in Picardy, situated between Corbie and Mondidier.

A QUARREL BETWEEN THE ROMANS AND POPE EUGENIUS, WHOM THEY WANTED TO DETAIN AT ROME AGAINST HIS WILL.

At this period, pope Eugenius, who resided at Rome, had an inclination to fix his abode at Florence, which, when known to the Romans, troubled them much. They assembled in great multitudes, and went to the pope to say that he should not depart thence, for that he could be no where better than in Rome, the fountain of Christianity.

The pope and cardinals, perceiving the madness and obstinacy of the people, pretended to give up their intentions of removing: nevertheless the Romans established sufficient guards at all the gates, that they might not depart without their knowledge. However, by means of the beautiful queen of Sicily, who sent the pope some gallies and other vessels, he secretly quitted Rome and went to Flo[Pg 159]rence, to the great vexation of the Romans, who instantly arrested all whom the pope had left behind; and in the number was his nephew, the cardinal of Venice. He afterward escaped, disguised like a monk, and thus equipped travelled alone.

THE ABBEY OF ST VINCENT NEAR LAON IS DEMOLISHED.—MANY CASTLES ARE CONQUERED BY THE BURGUNDIANS.

The duke of Burgundy now departed from Picardy, on his return to Burgundy, attended by about two thousand fighting men, and sir Simon de Lalain and Robert de Saveuses. He took his march through the Cambresis, and thence to Cressy-sur-Serre, and to Provins.

The French were, at this time, assembled in great force at Laon, with the intent to besiege the abbey of St Vincent, which was garrisoned, as has been before said, by sir John de Luxembourg. Sir John sent messengers to the duke at Ver[Pg 160]vins to inform him of his situation, and to request that he would march back to Cressy-sur-Serre, and remain there for three or four days, in order that the French in Laon, hearing of his being so near, might give up their intentions of besieging him.

The duke complied with the request, and returned to Cressy; and in the mean time a treaty was commenced between the count de Ligny and the French in Laon, when it was agreed that the garrison should march from St Vincent with their baggage and other effects, but that the place should be demolished.

This being done, the duke continued his march through Champagne to Burgundy; and while there he greatly reinforced himself with troops from Burgundy and Picardy. He thence detached a party to besiege the town and castle of Chaumont in the Charolois, held by the French: the garrison was soon so hardly pressed that it surrendered at discretion to the duke of Burgundy, who had upwards of one hundred of them hanged. Sir John bastard de St Pol commanded the Picards in the duke's absence. Among those who[Pg 161] were hanged was the son of Rodrigue da Vilandras. Those in the castle surrendered themselves to the duke, and were treated in like manner as the townsmen.

This detachment afterward besieged Beuam, which also surrendered, but on condition that the garrison should have free liberty to depart with staves in their hands. Thus by laying siege to several castles and smaller forts they reduced a great many to the obedience of the duke of Burgundy.

In this same year, the lord Talbot returned from England to France, bringing with him eight hundred combatants, whom he landed at Rouen. Marching thence toward Paris, he reconquered the fort of Jouy, situated between Beauvais and Gisors, and hanged all the French found within it.[Pg 162] He continued his march to Paris, where it was determined, by king Henry's council, that he should, in company with the lord de l'Isle-Adam, marshal of France, sir Galois d'Aunay lord of Arville, and the bishop of Therouenne, chancellor of France for king Henry, march with all their troops to lay siege to the castle of Beaumont-sur-Oise, which had been much strengthened by Amadour de Vignolles, brother to La Hire.

These three knights marched from Paris with full sixteen hundred well tried combatants; but when they came before the castle of Beaumont they found it deserted; for Amadour de Vignolles, having heard of their intentions, had abandoned it, and retreated with his men and baggage to the town of Creil.

The English, having destroyed the fortifications of Beaumont, hastened to follow them; and having surrounded Creil on all sides, many severe skirmishes took place, in which the besieged made a gallant defence: but in one of them, Amadour was mortally wounded by an arrow, which greatly disheartened his men, for[Pg 163] they held him to be a courageous and expert man at arms.

During this siege, the bishop of Therouenne joined the besiegers; and at the end of six weeks, the garrison surrendered, on condition of being allowed to depart with their baggage and effects. After the English had re-garrisoned the town and castle of Creil, they advanced to lay siege to the Pont de St Maixence, held by Guillon de Ferrieres, nephew to St Trailles, who surrendered it on conditions similar to those granted at Creil.

The English thence marched to Neufville en Esmoy and to La Rouge Maison, and then to Crespy in Valois, which was taken by storm. There were full thirty French within it, under the command of Pothon le Bourguignon. They then returned to Clermont in the Beauvoisis, held by the bourg de Vignolles, who submitted to them, and thence to Beauvais; but perceiving they could not gain any thing further, they retreated to Paris and to the other garrisons whence they had come.

At the same time with the foregoing expedition, the count d'Estampes, accompanied by the lord d'Antoing, sir John de Croy, the vidame of Amiens, and most of the lords who had been with him at Moreiul, marched to lay siege to St Valery, where they remained about one month.

At length, Charles du Marests and Philip de la Tour, who had gained the town by surprise, entered into a capitulation to evacuate it within eight days, should they not before then be relieved, on receiving a certain sum of money, and on being allowed to depart in safety with their baggage and effects.

On the appointed day, no french forces appeared to offer combat to the count d'Estampes; but on the contrary, Louis de Luxembourg, chancellor of France, came thither to the support of the count, with five hundred English,[Pg 165] commanded by the lord Willoughby, sir Guy le Bouteiller, and Brunclay governor of Eu. The chancellor and his companions were joyfully received by the count d'Estampes and the other lords.

The French marched away, according to the terms of their treaty from St Valery to Rambures, whither they were led by Charles du Marests. On their departure, a barge arrived at the port from St Malo, laden with wines for the French, which was instantly seized by the sailors attached to the english party.

The chancellor and the English returned to their former quarters at Eu, and the count d'Estampes was lodged that night in St Valery. On the morrow, he began his retreat to Artois, having appointed John de Brimeu governor of the town and castle, where he disbanded his forces.

From the town of Eu the chancellor marched the English to lay siege to the castle of Monchas, which in a few days surrendered by means of a sum of money given to sir Regnault de Fontaines, the governor. The whole of this castle was[Pg 166] destroyed, although it was the finest castle in the county of Eu. During this time, the earl of Arundel resided mostly at Mantes, and in the district of Chartres, and reconquered many forts from the French in those parts, as well as in Perche. The duke of Bedford was now returned from England to Rouen, and thence went to Paris, where he resided a considerable time.

In the month of August of this year, a party of French won the town of Hamme, which had been held by the count de Ligny's men. The townsmen instantly surrendered on the French appearing before it, for the garrison had abandoned the place.

The count de Richemont, constable of France, the bastard of Orleans, La Hire, and many other captains came thither with a large body of combatants.

The countries of the Vermandois, Artois, and Cambresis were greatly alarmed at the conquest of Hamme, which was a strong situation, and gave them the passage of the river Somme, and also because their prince was absent in Burgundy. However, the counts de St Pol, d'Estampes, and de Ligny used all diligence to collect a sufficiency of troops to oppose any further incursions of the French. A treaty was at the same time set on foot, and the French agreed to restore the town of Hamme to its owner, sir John de Luxembourg, on receiving the sum of forty thousand crowns.

The reason of this treaty being made on such easy terms was the expectation of a speedy peace being concluded between king Charles and the duke of Burgundy, for negotiations on this subject had already commenced. With the town of Hamme the fort of Breteuil was also given up to the count d'Estampes, which Blanchefort had held for a considerable time.

At this period, the duke of Burgundy caused Coulogne-les-Vigneuses to be besieged by sir William de Rochefort and[Pg 168] Philibert de Vaudrey, with eight hundred combatants. They posted themselves in a block-house,—and at the end of three months, the garrison surrendered, on having their lives and baggage spared.

THE TOWN AND CASTLE OF CHASTEAU-VILAIN SUBMITS TO THE OBEDIENCE OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.

On the duke of Burgundy's return to that country, he advanced to Grantsy, which had for some time been besieged by sir John de Vergy and his allies. The inhabitants, seeing no hope of being succoured, concluded a treaty to surrender it to the duke, when the castle was not destroyed, but given to the lord de Thil, brother to the lord de Château-vilain.

When this had been done, the duke ordered sir John de Vergy, and the other captains as well from Burgundy as from Picardy, to advance before the city of Langres, and summon the garrison to sub[Pg 169]mit to his obedience. This they not only refused to do but detained the herald, called Germole, who had brought the message. The Burgundians, finding themselves unable to take the place, returned with the army to the duke.

HEAVY TAXES LAID ON THE COUNTRIES OF ARTOIS AND THOSE ADJOINING, ON ACCOUNT OF THIS WAR.

In these days, very heavy taxes were laid on the countries of Artois, Vermandois, Ponthieu, Amiennois, and others adjoining, to pay the composition-money to the constable of France, which had been agreed to for the surrender of Hamme. The poorer ranks were sorely oppressed by them, and began to murmur and be very much discontented with the rulers and ministers to whom the duke of Burgundy had intrusted the government of these countries in his absence, but it availed them nothing: for those who refused to[Pg 170] pay were arrested, and their effects seized without regard to justice, until their quotas were duly paid.

During this time, the lord de Saveuses had been ordered by the count d'Estampes to demolish the town and castle of Breteuil in Beauvoisis, which, as has been said, was given up to him by Blanchefort, the late governor thereof. The lord de Saveuses had brought a number of workmen and labourers from Amiens, Corbie, and other places, who soon destroyed the whole, excepting a strong gate of the castle that had been well fortified, and which the lord de Saveuses filled with provisions and artillery, leaving within it from twenty to thirty of his men, to guard it. In like manner were demolished the tower of Vendueil, and some other smaller forts in the country round about.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY'S CAPTAINS APPEAR BEFORE VILLEFRANCHE, WHEREIN WAS THE DUKE OF BOURBON.—THEY AFTERWARD BESIEGE BELLEVILLE, WHICH SURRENDERS TO THEM.

About this time the duke of Burgundy sent the greater part of his captains, with a large body of men at arms, to overrun the country as far as Villefranche, wherein was Charles duke of Bourbon. This detachment was commanded by the lord de Chargny, sir Simon de Lalain, sir Baudo de Noyelle, the lord d'Auxi, Robert de Saveuses, Lancelot de Dours, Harpin de Richammes, and consisted of about sixteen hundred combatants, who marched in handsome array toward the parts whither they had been ordered.

Toward evening, on one of their marches, they fell in with about six hundred of the enemy, who instantly fled to their lord the duke of Bourbon; some of the worst mounted were made prisoners by the Burgundians and Picards.

On their arrival before Villefranche, they drew up in battle-array, and sent a pursuivant to inform the duke of Bourbon of their coming, and to offer him battle. The duke, ignorant of their force, was not inclined to accept their challenge,—but made answer, that since the duke of Burgundy was not present on the field, he would not fight them. He dispatched, however, many on horseback and on foot, from his town, to skirmish with them. The duke himself even made a sally, mounted on his excellent war horse, but without arms, and dressed in a long robe, with a wand in his hand, to make his men keep up a steady countenance at the barriers; during which a considerable skirmish took place, but without any great losses on either side.

After the Burgundians and Picards had remained four hours in battle array, seeing that no advantages were to be gained, they retreated in good order, posting their most expert men in their rear by way of guard, and thus returned to their lord the duke of Burgundy.

The duke ordered them afterward to lay siege to Belleville,—in which place the[Pg 173] duke of Bourbon had put sir James de Chabannes and the bailiff of Beauvais, with three hundred men, who made instant preparations for defence. Nevertheless, the besiegers so pressed them with their engines and continued attacks that, at the end of a month, they surrendered, on having their lives spared, and marched off without arms and baggage, on foot and with staves in their hands, to their lord the duke of Bourbon. He was much mortified to receive them in that condition, but he could not amend it.

The duke of Burgundy placed several of his Picardy captains as a garrison in that town, whence they committed innumerable mischiefs all over that part of the Bourbonnois. On the other hand, the duke of Burgundy sent a detachment from his army in Burgundy to Dombes, and to the neighbourhood of Lyon on the Rhône, who took many castles, and wasted the country with fire and sword, carrying back with them a very large booty in plunder. The leaders of this last expedition were, the count de Fribourg, the bastard de St Pol, the lord de Vaurin, and some others.

THE LORD WILLOUGHBY AND MATHAGON LAY SIEGE TO ST SEVERIN, WHERE THE ENGLISH ARE AT FIRST VICTORIOUS, BUT ARE AFTERWARDS DEFEATED BY THE FRENCH.

In this same year of 1434, the lord Willoughby, accompanied by Mathagon and some other captains, and from eight hundred to a thousand combatants, laid siege to a very strong place in the country of Maine called St Severin, about two leagues distant from Alençon, which was held by the French. The governor was a gallant knight, named sir Anthony de Loreuil, who, on the arrival of the enemy, made a vigorous defence: nevertheless, the English surrounded the place on all sides, and remained there about six weeks.

While this was going forward, the lord de Bueil, sir William Blesset, the lord de la Varenne, and other French captains, assembled about fourteen hundred fighting men, with the intent to force the enemy[Pg 175] to raise their siege. They remained for some days at Beaumont le Vicomte, where part of them were quartered, and the remainder at Vivien, four leagues distant from St Severin. While at Beaumont, they called a council of all the chief captains, to consider how they should act; when, after much noise and debating, they considered themselves not strong enough to fight the English in their present situation, and determined to attempt withdrawing the besieged the back way out of the town.

The captains now returned to their different quarters, and established good guards around them during the night, both of horse and foot. The lord de Bueil was, on this expedition, lieutenant for the lord Charles d'Anjou, and had the charge of his banner.

This same night, a detachment of the English, having had intelligence of the advance of the French, took the field, and marched in silence until they came near to the town of Vivien, whither they sent scouts to reconnoitre the state of the French, who, having twice entered Vivien, brought word[Pg 176] they were in tolerable good order. The English then made an attack on their quarters about day-break, and easily defeated them without much loss. Many were taken and killed: among the last was a valiant man from Amiens, but originally from Auvergne, called John de Belley.

When the business was over, the English took the field with their prisoners; but the lords de Bueil and de la Varenne, who were in Beaumont, hearing of this discomfiture from the runaways, made instant preparations to pursue the English, who no sooner saw them than they rejoiced, thinking to defeat them as they had done the others,—and each party met gallantly. Many valorous acts were done on both sides; but, in the end, the English lost the day, partly from the prisoners whom they had taken at Vivien joining the French. A valiant knight named Arthur, was slain, and Mathagon made prisoner,—but the bastard of Salisbury fled. Four hundred, or more, of the English were killed or taken, and the French left masters of the field, very joyful for their victory. When the English who had remained at the siege[Pg 177] of St Severin heard of the ill success of their companions, they raised the siege, and retreated to the garrisons whence they had come.

During these tribulations, La Hire, accompanied by Anthony de Chabannes, the bourg de Vignolles his brother, and about two hundred combatants, passed one day near to the castle of Clermont in the Beauvoisis, of which the lord d'Auffemont was governor. He was no way alarmed at their appearance; and, as a mark of his good will, ordered wine to be drawn, and carried without the postern of the great tower, for them to drink.

The lord d'Auffemont came also out of the castle, with only three or four of his attendants, to converse with them, and showed great courtesy to La Hire and his companions, not having the smallest dis[Pg 178]trust of their treacherous intentions, which they very soon made apparent; for during the conversation, La Hire laid hands on him, and forced him to surrender the castle, putting him withal in irons and in confinement. In this state, he kept him upwards of a month, insomuch that his limbs were greatly bruised and benumbed, and he was covered with lice and all sorts of vermin.

At length, he obtained his liberty, and paid for his ransom fourteen thousand saluts d'or, and a horse of the value of twenty tons of wine, notwithstanding king Charles wrote several times to La Hire to set him at liberty without ransom, for that he was well satisfied with his services,—but it was all in vain.

In this year, the common people in Normandy, especially those in the country of Caux, rebelled against the English. There[Pg 179] were upward of two thousand in one company, who had risen in their own defence, because, contrary to the royal edicts, the English had plundered the poorer ranks. The bailiff and other officers in that country had before advised them (each according to his state) to provide themselves with arms and staves, to enable them to oppose all who should attempt to pillage or oppress them by seizing their effects by force.

In obedience to these commands, the peasants had risen and driven back many parties of marauders to their garrisons, having killed and taken captive several, to the great displeasure of their captains. They, however, did not let this appear, but concluded a treaty with the peasants, who foolishly began their retreat in a very disorderly manner, not suspecting the malice of the English, who secretly followed them to St Pierre sur Dive, near to Tancarville, when they attacked them, and slew from a thousand to twelve hundred: the rest saved themselves as well as they could in the woods, and by flight.

Great complaints were made of this conduct at Rouen, and many were banished[Pg 180] that had been of this enterprise: but shortly after, it was hushed up, on account of more serious matters that fell out in that country.

When La Hire had conquered the castle of Clermont, as has been related, he assembled about five hundred combatants from the garrisons in the Beauvoisis, and marched them to the castle of Breteuil, which was in the possession of Saveuses' men. He made a sharp attack on it,—but it was well defended, and several of the assailants were killed.

The garrison, however, from the repeated attacks, finding they had lost many men in killed and wounded, and that the fortifications were much damaged, surrendered to La Hire at discretion. He had some of them hanged, and sent the rest prisoners to Clermont,—and, having re-garrisoned the place, committed numberless[Pg 181] mischiefs throughout the adjacent parts in Santerre, and toward Amiens, Corbie, Mondidier, and elsewhere.

THE DUKES OF BURGUNDY AND OF BOURBON MEET IN THE CITY OF NEVERS, AND AGREE ON TERMS FOR A PEACE.

A murderous war having been continued for a long time between the duke of Burgundy and his brother-in-law, the duke of Bourbon, secret negotiations were set on foot, in the hope of pacifying them. They were begun by commissioners from each side meeting in the town of Mâcon, where they remained several days. At the commencement, some difficulties arose respecting the precedency of these two dukes, and which should have the honour of being named first. After some dispute, it was settled that the duke of Burgundy should be first named, and take the precedency of the duke of Bourbon in every instance.

When this matter had been deter[Pg 182]mined, they then discussed various proposals for bringing about a peace between them, and appointed another meeting, when the two dukes might have an interview, either at Douzy [12] or in the city of Nevers, in the ensuing month of January.

This being settled, the commissioners separated, and returned to their respective lords. While these negotiations were passing, the duke of Burgundy celebrated the festivals of Christmas and Twelfth-day, in his town of Dijon, in a most magnificent manner; and when the feasts were over, he departed thence grandly attended by the count de Nevers, the marquis de Rothelin, his nephew of Cleves, with many other knights and esquires of note, and a numerous body of men at arms. He journeyed to Douzy, and thence to Nevers, where he was lodged at the bishop's palace, and waited some days for the arrival of the duke of Bourbon and his sister the duchess.

At length the duchess came, accompanied by her two sons and a brilliant at[Pg 183]tendance of knights, esquires, ladies and damsels. The duke of Burgundy went out of the palace to meet her, and received her with much affection and joy, for he had not seen his sister for a long time, and showed the same love to his nephews, although they were very young. The duchess, on quitting her carriage, was handed by the duke as far as her lodgings, where he took his leave, and left her to repose for the night. On the morrow, the duchess waited on her brother at the palace: she was received most kindly, and partook of a variety of amusements. There was much dancing, and a numerous party of masqueraders on the part of the duke of Burgundy: when wines and spiced had been brought, the company retired to their lodgings.

On the next day a council was held, when it was determined that Arthur of Brittany, constable of France, and the archbishop of Rheims, should be sent for. Within a few days, the duke of Bourbon arrived at Nevers, attended by sir Christopher de Harcourt, the lord de la Fayette marshal of France, and many other knights[Pg 184] and esquires of renown. The duke of Burgundy sent out the lords of his household to meet him; and when he was approaching the duke of Burgundy, without the town, he pressed forward,—and the two dukes, on their meeting, shewed the greatest respect and brotherly affection to each other.

A knight of Burgundy, observing this, said aloud, 'We are very foolish to risk our bodies and souls at the will of princes and great lords, who, when they please, make up their quarrels, while we oftentimes remain poor and in distress.' This speech was noticed by many on each side, for there was much truth in it,—and thus it very frequently happened.

After this meeting, the duke of Burgundy escorted his brother-in-law to his lodgings, and then went to his own. Shortly after, the duke and duchess of Bourbon visited the duke of Burgundy, when there were again great feastings and pastimes. On the morrow, the two dukes and the duchess heard mass in an oratory; and after dinner a grand council was held at the lodgings of the count de Nevers, when a peace was[Pg 185] finally concluded between these two dukes on terms that were mutually agreeable; and the utmost satisfaction was now shown on all sides by the principals and their friends and dependants.

The whole of the expense of these feasts, or at least the greater part, was defrayed by the duke of Burgundy, for he would have it so. As soon as this business was concluded, the constable of France (who had married a sister to the duke of Burgundy) and Regnault de Chartres, archbishop and duke of Rheims, chancellor of France, accompanied by some of the principal members of king Charles's council, and numbers of knights and esquires, arrived at Nevers.

The two dukes went out to meet them; and the greatest respects having been paid on each side, they all together returned to the town, where they were lodged in the best manner possible, each according to his rank. Within a few days many councils were held respecting a peace between the king of France and the duke of Burgundy; and various proposals were made to the duke concerning the murder of the late[Pg 186] duke John that were agreeable to him, insomuch that preliminaries were agreed on, and a day appointed for a convention at Arras to put a final conclusion to it.

When this was done, they separated most amicably; and news of this event was published throughout the realm, and other countries: notice of it was sent to the pope and the council at Basil, that all persons who chose might order ambassadors to attend the convention at Arras.

The duke of Burgundy now returned to Dijon, and made his preparations for going to Artois, to be ready for the meeting at Arras; and from this day forward, the borders of Burgundy enjoyed more peace than they had done for a long time before.

In these times, the young heir of Richmond, with seven or eight hundred English and Picards, whom sir John de Luxembourg had sent him, made an inroad on the country of Ardennes, sacking many towns belonging to Everard de la Marche; and having done great mischiefs there with fire and sword, returned in safety with a very large booty.

In this year, Rènè duke of Bar caused the town of Commerci [13] to be besieged, to reduce it to his obedience, on account of the failure of some dues that he claimed from its lord; but through the interference of the constable of France, who was then in the adjoining country, peace was made between the parties, on the lord de Commerci promising to pay obedience to the duke of Bar. Thus was the siege broken up; and during this time the constable reduced many castles in Champagne, by capitulation or by storm.

FOOTNOTES:

[12] Douzy,—a small town in Champagne, on the borders of Luxembourg.

It was now that Amadeus duke of Savoy, who was about fifty-six years of age, turned[Pg 188] hermit, and fixed his residence at Ripaille, about half a league from Thonon,[15] where he had been accustomed to hold his court. This mansion he had greatly improved; and there was adjoining an abbey and priory of the order of Saint Maurice, which had been founded many years ago by the duke's ancestors.

Ten years before, the duke had a desire to become a hermit, in the manner he had now done, and had asked two of his most confidential servants if they were willing to follow his example and accompany him so long as he should please to remain a hermit, when they, having considered that he might change his mind, consented. One was sir Claude de Sexte: the other a valiant esquire named Henry de Colombieres.

The duke having, as I said, improved and properly altered the mansion of Ripaille for himself and his companions, left his palace at Thonon during the night with few attendants, and went to Ripaille, where he put on the dress of a hermit, according to the order of St Maurice. It consisted of a grey robe, a long mantle with a grey hood, and a tippet of about a foot long,—a crimson bonnet over the hood, with a golden girdle above the robe, and on the mantle a cross of gold, similar to what the emperors of Germany wear.

The two noble men joined him within a few days, and remonstrated with him on his manner of quitting Thonon, as it was not becoming his rank, and might be disagreeable to the three estates of his country, whom he had not summoned, to declare to them his intentions of becoming a hermit. He replied, that as he was not weakened in understanding or power, he would provide sufficient remedies for their dislike, and that their business was to keep the promises they had made to reside with him and keep him company. On this, seeing nothing better could be done, they were contented,[Pg 190] and quickly clothed in similar dresses to what he wore.

The duke then summoned the three estates and his son the count of Geneva, whom he created prince of Piedmont, and surrendered up to him, in the presence of the estates, the government of his country, reserving, however, to himself a power of taking it from him, and bestowing it on whomever he pleased, should he behave ill. He created his second son count of Geneva. But although the duke had put on the religious habit, and surrendered up the administration of affairs to his son, nothing of importance was done without his knowledge and approbation.

With regard to his personal attendance, he retained about twenty of his servants to wait on him,—and his companions selected also a sufficiency to attend them according to their different ranks; but instead of roots and water, they were served with the choicest wines and most delicate food that could be procured [16].

FOOTNOTES:

[13] Commerci,—on the Meuse, five leagues to the westward of Toul.

[14] Ripaille,—a burgh of Savoy, in the Chablais, and principal commandery of the order of St Maurice, founded by Amadeus VIII. He built there a mansion for six knights-hermits, to keep him company in this solitude, whither he retired in 1434, being a widower of Mary of Burgundy, and resigned the government of his duchy, &c. to his son.—La Martiniere.

This retirement was supposed to arise from ambition, and the hope of being chosen pope, to which he was elected in 1440, and took the name of Felix V. He afterward resigned the popedom, and returned to his solitude.

[15] Thonon,—the capital of a small country of the Chablais.

[16] Hence, probably, came the french proverb, faire ripaille, to make good cheer.

The commonalty of Normandy had not forgotten the ungenerous conduct of the English when they had last risen in rebellion. They again assembled by the exhortations of the lord de Merville and other gentlemen, who offered to lead them to battle, to the amount of about twelve thousand, in the country near to Bayeux,—whence their leaders marched them toward Caen, with the intent of taking that town by surprise, but it was well defended by the garrison and inhabitants.

When they found they could not succeed, they departed thence, making great mockeries of their enemies, and marched to Avranches, before which place they remained eight days, in hopes that the duke of Alençon would come to their support with a strong force of men at arms,—but in this they were disappointed.

The English, in the mean time, col[Pg 192]lected numbers of men to offer them battle; but their intention being known to the leaders of this commonalty, they marched away toward Brittany and Fougeres,—and soon after they separated without having done any thing worthy of notice. For this conduct, their captains were banished, and their estates and effects confiscated, together with those of all their accomplices and adherents: but afterward some exceptions were made in regard to several of the commonalty.

About this time, William Coraon, the English governor of Meure, made an excursion as far as Yvis, in the country of Ligny, with only three hundred combatants,—and was followed by Jean de Beaurain, with a company of six hundred, to give him battle, when he was defeated, and the greater part of his men taken or slain.

La Hire now took by storm the old fort of Amiens, wherein he remained eight or ten days. When he had pillaged it of all it contained, he returned to Breteuil, whence he had come.

THE DUKE AND DUCHESS OF BURGUNDY RETURN FROM THAT COUNTRY TO FLANDERS AND ARTOIS.

At the beginning of this year, when the duke of Burgundy had with much labour freed his country from enemies, and concluded a peace between himself and the duke of Bourbon, he made preparations for his and the duchess's return from Burgundy to his territories of Flanders and Artois, that he might be ready to meet the ambassadors from the king of France at the convention at Arras. This convention was appointed to assemble on the 2d day of July, in the city of Arras.

The duke left Dijon with his whole army, having appointed sir John de Vergy governor of Burgundy, and advanced toward Euchoire [17], where he was met by a thousand Picards, whom he had ordered thither to accompany him on his return.[Pg 194] They were under the command of sir John de Croy, bailiff of Hainault, the lord de Saveuses, sir James de Brimeu, John de Brimeu, and other lords.

Thence the duke marched toward Paris, crossing the river Seine at Montereau-faut-Yonne: he was joyfully received by the Parisians, who made very rich presents to him and to his duchess. Having staid there some days, he continued his march slowly to Arras, and dismissed all his men at arms so soon as he had crossed the Somme.

He went soon after to visit his countries of Flanders and Brabant, where he consulted with his ministers on convoking all the nobles and gentlemen of those districts to the convention at Arras. He then sent an embassy to England, to inform the king and his council of this convention, and that it was purposely to treat of a general peace between France and England. The principal persons of this embassy were sir Hugh de Launoy, the lord de Crevecœur, and master Quentin Mainart, provost of St Omer.

The king of England and his ministers gave them a handsome reception; and they were told that the king would send[Pg 195] ambassadors to the convention. On receiving this answer, they returned to their lord the duke of Burgundy.

In the beginning of the month of May, sir John de Bressay, lieutenant to the marshal de Rieux, Bertrand Martel, William Braquemont, the lord de Longueval, Charles de Marêts, and others of king Charles's party, assembled a body of well tried men at arms, amounting to about three hundred. They crossed the Somme during the night at Blanchetaque, and advanced to the town of Rue, which they entered by scalado, and gained complete possession without meeting with much resistance.

The noise they made awakened the garrison; and seven or eight Englishmen retreated to a bulwark which they defended for some time,—but in the end it was taken by storm, and part of the defenders were[Pg 196] put to death: the rest saved their lives on paying a large ransom. Many of the inhabitants were made prisoners, and others escaped over the walls.

The town was completely plundered; and the countries of Ponthieu, Artois, Boulogne, and others in that neighbourhood, were in great alarms, when they learnt that the enemy was so near them, and so well supplied with all sorts of stores and provision. These alarms were well founded, for, shortly after, having increased their numbers, they overran all those parts, committing infinite mischiefs by fire and sword. They even one day made an excursion toward Boulogne, so far as Samer-au-bois, when they took many prisoners, and great numbers of horses and cattle.

On their return, they burnt the town of Estaples, wherein were many handsome houses,—and continued these excursions from Rue, doing every sort of mischief to the farmers of those countries. However, in one of the expeditions near to Montrieul, sir John de Bressay, Harpin, and de Richammes, were made prisoners; and at another time were taken the little Blanche[Pg 197]fort and one of the bastards de Reully,—and on these accounts the country suffered the more.

LA HIRE, POTON, PHILIP DE LA TOUR, AND THE LORD DE FONTAINES, DEFEAT THE EARL OF ARUNDEL BEFORE THE CASTLE OF GERBEROY.

The duke of Bedford was at Rouen when he heard of the capture of Rue. He was remonstrated with on the great prejudice this would be to those of his party, more particularly to the town and castle of Crotoy. To provide a remedy, he wrote to the earl of Arundel, then quartered near to Mantes, ordering him to collect all his men and to march them to Gournay in Normandy, thence to Neuf-châtel d'Azincourt, to Abbeville and to Ponthieu, instantly to besiege the town of Rue.

The earl partly obeyed the orders of the duke, and marched eight hundred of his men to Gournay, with the intent of[Pg 198] continuing the line of march prescribed to him. But from the representations of the inhabitants of Gournay, Gisors and other places, he changed his mind; for having heard at Gournay that the French were repairing an old fortress called Gerberoy, between Beauvais and Gournay, he judged it would be very prejudicial to the english interests were they suffered to finish the works they had begun. In consequence, therefore, of the representations of the towns of the english party that were near to it, he determined to attack the French at Gerberoy, and take the fort by storm.

He caused a sufficiency of provision and artillery to be collected at Gournay, and marched from thence about midnight, accompanied by some of the garrison. At eight o'clock in the morning his van came in sight of Gerberoy, and the rest followed with the baggage, not aware indeed that the French were so numerous, or under such captains.

The earl posted his men in a field inclosed with hedges, and detached a hundred, or six score, toward the barriers of the castle, that the garrison might not sally forth and surprise them.

While this was going forward, Poton, La Hire, sir Regnault de Fontaines, Philip de la Tour, and other valiant captains who had arrived there the preceding night with five or six hundred combatants, held a council how they should act, and whether they should wait or not for the enemy to attack them. This question was long debated by some, who strongly urged their being badly provided with provision and warlike stores, and that if they allowed themselves to be shut up in the castle, they would run great risks: others declared they would not wait a siege, and therefore advised to attack them on their arrival. It was at length unanimously concluded for an immediate attack; and that the three principal captains, namely, Poton, La Hire, and Regnault de Fontaines, should be on horseback, with sixty of the best mounted and most expert lances, and that all the remainder, men at arms, archers and guisarmes, should be on foot, excepting a few that were to remain behind to guard the fort. They likewise ordered that when the enemy should advance, but few should at the first appear, in order that their numbers[Pg 200] might not be known. Having thus arranged their plan, they armed themselves, and made preparations for the combat.

When the earl of Arundel had properly posted his six score men by way of advanced guard, the remainder were encamping themselves to wait for the arrival of the main body and rear of their army. During this time, the watch the French had placed on the castle observed a very large and thick body of English advancing, by far more considerable than the first, and followed by a long train of waggons.

They instantly informed their captains of what they had seen, who now, thinking it a fit opportunity for them to make their attack before the two bodies joined, ordered their infantry to sally out of the castle as quietly as they could, and fall on the English, whom they half surprised, and shortly defeated, putting the greater part to death. Then those on horseback (who had sallied out to prevent the earl from assisting his men whom he had posted near the barriers) advanced toward the main body of the English, who were near at hand, and careless of the enemy because[Pg 201] their commander was before them, and immediately threw them into confusion, and repeated their charges so vigorously that they could not recover themselves; great part retreated to Gournay, or fled to other places, while the rest were either slain or taken. La Hire chaced the runaways full two leagues, when many were killed and made prisoners.

The infantry had approached the earl of Arundel, who, with the remnant of his men, had retired to a corner of the field, having his rear to a thick hedge, and his front guarded by pointed stakes,—so that this fortification could not be forced by the French. Seeing this, they had a culverine brought from their fort,—and, at the second shot, hit the earl near the ancle, so that he was grievously wounded and could scarcely support himself.

When La Hire was returning from the pursuit, with the many prisoners he had made, he observed this body of English under the earl quite entire: collecting more forces, he began to combat them,—and they were soon reduced to a similar state with their companions, the whole of them being killed[Pg 202] or taken. Among the last, those of name were the earl of Arundel, sir Richard de Dondeville [18], Mondo Domonferrant, Restandif [19], and others, to the amount of six score, that remained prisoners in the hands of the French. Upward of twelve score were slain,—and the remainder saved themselves by flight where they could.

When the business was over, the French collected their men, and found that they had not lost more than twenty. They were very joyful for this signal victory,—and, having devoutly returned thanks for it to their Creator, they returned to their castle. The earl of Arundel was removed thence to Beauvais, where he died of his wound, and was buried in the church of the cordelier-friars. The other English prisoners redeemed themselves by ransoms; and thus those in Rue remained unmolested. They daily increased their strength, and made excursions over the countries far and near.

FOOTNOTES:

[18] Woodville.

[19] Dondo Domonferrant, Restandif. Q.

In these days, while the duke of Burgundy was in Brabant, he collected a large force of men at arms from Picardy and other countries under his obedience, whom he intended to march into Antwerp, by means of certain connexions which he had established in that town, to punish the magistrates and inhabitants, who had incurred his displeasure.

The cause of his anger was, that a long time before, they had seized by force a large vessel belonging to the duke, and filled with his men,—which vessel he had stationed at the mouth of their harbour, so that all vessels trafficking to Antwerp must pass close to it, on whom the duke's men laid several taxes that were, as they said, highly prejudicial to their commerce, and contrary to the oaths which the late dukes of Brabant had always made on taking possession of the dukedom, and which the duke of Burgundy himself had also taken.

On this account, the townsmen of Antwerp, without giving any notice to the duke, had seized the vessel, and confined those found within it in prison. The duke was so much displeased with their conduct that he had collected the force before mentioned to punish them.—In the mean time, his intentions were known to the men of Antwerp, who, though greatly surprised thereat, lost no time in providing men at arms to defend their town, should it be attacked.

They went in a body to the abbey of St Michael, where the duke was lodged whenever he visited Antwerp, having suspicions that some of their enemies were in it; but alter searching every part both above and below, and finding no one, they broke down the walls, to prevent them becoming places of defence. After this, they retired to continue their warlike preparations.

When the duke of Burgundy found that they had discovered his purposes, and were preparing to resist them, he disbanded his men at arms. At the same time, he caused it to be proclaimed through the[Pg 205] principal towns in Flanders, Brabant, and his other dependances, that no one, under pain of being capitally punished, should carry provision or stores of any kind to Antwerp, nor give to the inhabitants any counsel or aid whatever. The Antwerpers were in great distress and dismay on hearing of these proclamations,—but they carefully guarded their town, and remained a considerable time in this situation. However, at length a treaty was entered into between them, by which the duke received a very large sum of money, and the magistrates recovered his good graces.

While these things were passing in Brabant, the French won the town of St Denis from the English by storm. They were about twelve hundred combatants, under the command of sir John Foulcault, sir Louis de Vaucourt, sir Regnault de St[Pg 206] Jean, and other captains, who put to death some of the English whom they found in the town. The Parisians began to be alarmed by this conquest, as it was so near, and would probably cut off all provision coming to Paris,—for the French made frequent excursions to their walls.

To prevent any supplies being delayed from Normandy, they sent deputations to the duke of Bedford at Rouen, and to Louis de Luxembourg bishop of Therouenne, and chancellor of France for king Henry, to request that a sufficiency of men at arms might be ordered to Paris, to defend them against the enemy.

By the advice of the chancellor, sir John bastard of St Pol, Louis his brother, Waleran de Moreul, sir Ferry de Mailly, Robert de Neufville, and some other gentlemen, with five hundred men, were sent to them from the frontiers of Picardy. They took the road from Rouen, and safely arrived in Paris, where they were most joyously received; and, with the counsels and aid of the lord de l'Isle-Adam, governor of Paris for king Henry, they commenced a sharp warfare with the French in St Denis.

The French, notwithstanding the resistance they experienced, frequently advanced near to Paris,—and many severe conflicts took place between that town and Saint Denis. They also gained the castle of Escouen, near Montmorency, from the English, and put to death about thirty whom they found in it. They then marched to the castle of Orville, near to Louvres, belonging to Anglois d'Aunay, knight, attached to the party of Henry of Lancaster. When they had been before it two days, a treaty was concluded for its surrender on a certain day, unless the English should appear there in force to offer the French battle.

Before the term expired, the lords Talbot, Scales, and Warwick, with George de Richammes, the bastard de Thian, sir François l'Arragonois, and others, to the amount of three thousand combatants, assembled, and marched to join the lord de l'Isle-Adam in Paris; and, when united, they all came to the castle of Orville to keep the appointment made with the French for its surrender; but the French neither appeared nor sent any message, so that this castle remained in the peaceful possession of its lord.[Pg 208] Henceforward, the English were superior in the field to their enemies in the Isle de France, and subjected the whole of the open country to their obedience, reconquering several castles held by the French.

THE FRENCH, AFTER HAVING AGREED TO A TRUCE WITH THE BURGUNDIANS ON THE FRONTIERS OF THE BEAUVOISIS, OVERRUN THE BOULONOIS AND OTHER PARTS.

At this time, a truce was concluded by the partisans of the duke of Burgundy on the frontiers of Santerre and Mondidier, with La Hire and his men. The last engaged, for a large sum of money paid down, to demolish the strong castle of Bretueil in the Beauvoisis, which was done.

On the conclusion of this truce, the great and little Blanchefort,[20] Poton the Burgundian, and about six hundred combatants, marched away from the country[Pg 209] of Beauvais to the town of Rue. They had not been long there when they made an excursion, together with the garrison, into the country of the Boulonnois. They marched silently by the town of Estaples, not to alarm it, and advanced to Deure, and thence to Samer-aux-bois.

The inhabitants of this part of the country were totally unsuspecting of any attack likely to be made on them, and were therefore a defenceless prey to the enemy, who made prisoners of the greater part, bound them, and carried them away with all their most valuable furniture and stock. They ransomed the town of Samer for a considerable sum of money,—and on their return spread themselves over the country, destroying every thing with fire and sword without meeting any opposition.

Having burnt many houses in the town of Fresnes, and done unnumbered mischiefs to the Boulonnois, they returned with a multitude of prisoners to Estaples, where they halted and refreshed themselves for some time; and because the inhabitants had retreated within the castle, and would not ransom their town, they set it on fire, and[Pg 210] committed every damage on their departure, which was a grievous loss, for it was well built and very populous. They made their retreat good to the town of Rue, notwithstanding that sir John de Croy, the lord de Crequi, the lord de Humieres, and others of the country, had assembled, to the amount of three hundred combatants, in the hopes of cutting off their retreat. It was in vain, for the French rode in such compact order that no advantage could be taken of them,—and they arrived safely at the places whence they had come.

When the French had remained some days at Rue, and divided their plunder, they made another excursion toward Dourlens and Hêdin, burning and destroying the countries they traversed, and bringing home many prisoners and great pillage of every thing that was portable. They returned by La Broi, and made an attack on the castle; but it was so well defended, by those whom the vidame of Amiens had placed therein, that several of the assailants were wounded. Perceiving that they were losing time, they retreated to Rue with their plunder.

They continued these inroads on the territories of the duke of Burgundy; but in one of them Harpin de Richammes made prisoner sir John de Bressay, near Montrueil. At another time, the little Blanchefort was taken by one of the bastards of Renty. In this manner did the French destroy those parts that were near to Rue: they even burnt the town of Cressi on the Authie, which was part of the proper domain of the king.

FOOTNOTES:

[20] Little Blanchefort was made prisoner in the lxxiid chapter.

THE CARDINALS OF SANTA CROCE AND OF CYPRUS COME TO ARRAS, TO ATTEND THE CONVENTION.

In the month of July, two cardinals, sent by the pope and the council of Basil, with many ambassadors of note from divers nations, arrived at Arras, to be present at the ensuing convention for establishing a general peace. On the part of the holy father, came the cardinal of Santa Croce, archdeacon of Metz, attended by some[Pg 212] theologians. On that of the council, the cardinal of Cyprus, accompanied by the bishop of Ache, and a doctor called Nicholas, ambassador from the king of Poland; and the bishop of Alba in the same capacity, from the duke of Milan. With them came also the bishop of Uzes and the abbot de Vezelay, and other envoys from various lords in distant countries.

They might amount, in the whole, to about eight score masters, and were handsomely received by the bishop of Arras, his clergy, and the inhabitants, as well as by the attendants of the duke of Burgundy, from whom they had had orders to that effect.

The whole of the town went out to meet them on their arrival, with great crowds of people, who escorted them with cries of joy to their hôtels, where many rich presents were made them.

LOUIS DE LUXEMBOURG, COUNT OF ST POL, ESPOUSES JOAN OF BAR, COUNTESS OF MARLE AND OF SOISSONS.

On Sunday the 16th day of July, in this year, Louis de Luxembourg, count of St Pol, of Conversan, of Braine, and lord of Anghien, espoused Joan of Bar, only daughter to sir Robert de Bar, countess of Marle and of Soissons, lady of Dunkirk, of Varneston, and of many other valuable places, niece to sir John de Luxembourg, count of Ligny, uncle to the said count of St Pol.

The marriage was celebrated in the castle of Bohaim, and attended by at least one hundred knights and esquires, relatives or friends of the parties, but not one prince of the royal blood of France, to which the countess was very nearly connected. At this feast were the dowager countess of St Pol, mother to count Louis, with several of her children.

The count de Ligny was reported to[Pg 214] have paid all the expenses of this feast, which was most, abundantly served with every delicacy in food and liquors,—to which were added justings and all kinds of pastimes.

At this period, some of king Charles's captains guarding the frontiers near Rheims assembled about four hundred combatants to make an inroad toward Rethel, and other parts attached to the duke of Burgundy,—and in fact collected a great number of peasants, cows, horses, and other plunder, which they proposed to carry back with them in safety to their garrisons. The chief of this expedition was Yvon du Puys.

News of it, however, came to the bastard de Humieres, governor of Herquery, who instantly called out his men at arms, and pursued the French so rapidly that he overtook them, and a combat ensued, in[Pg 215] which these marauders were completely defeated, leaving forty dead on the field; the rest saving themselves by flight in the best manner they could. On the part of the bastard, his loss did not amount to more than ten men.

At this time, the ambassadors from the king of England arrived at Arras, to attend the convention with the council of the duke of Burgundy. They were about two hundred knights, the principal of whom were the archbishop of York, the earl of Suffolk, the bishop of St David's, sir John Radcliffe, keeper of the king's privy seal, the lord Hungerford, master Raoul le Saige, official to the archbishop of Canterbury, and some other theologians.

They were lodged within the city of Arras, and cheerfully attended to in what[Pg 216]ever they might be in want of by the servants of the duke of Burgundy. At the same time, there came from divers nations other ambassadors and mediators. The duke of Gueldres, the count Nassau, the bishop of Cambray, the count de Vernambourg, the bishop of Liege, the count de Vaudemont, the count de Nevers, the count de Salines, the duke of Bar, and in general all the higher nobility of the countries of the duke of Burgundy, came thither to support his claims and pretensions. They were all grandly dressed,—and soon after the counts of St Pol and of Ligny arrived with a handsome retinue.

On the 28th day of July, the duke of Burgundy entered Arras: he had lain the preceding night at his town of Lens in Artois. The whole company in Arras, attached to the embassy from England, went out a league beyond the walls to meet him,—as did the attendants of the two cardinals,—and when they met the duke, every one was most honourably received by him.

The duke's entrance into Arras was well ordered, he having the archers of his body-guard, all dressed in a rich uniform,[Pg 217] to precede him,—and wherever he passed, the people sang carols for his arrival. In this state, he went to pay his compliments to the cardinal de Santa Croce, and then to the cardinal of Cyprus, whence he retired to his lodgings in his hôtel at La Cour-le-Comte.

On the Sunday following, the last day of July, the embassy from king Charles of France arrived at Arras. The ambassadors had come from Rheims, through Laon to St Quentin in the Vermandois, where they had been joyfully received by the magistrates and townsmen; and to this place the duke of Burgundy had sent the count d'Estampes, attended by many knights and esquires, to meet and to conduct them to Arras.

After a few days stay at St Quentin, they all departed together for Cambray, and[Pg 218] thence they journeyed until they came to the wood of Mouf-laine, within half a league of Arras. The principal persons in this embassy were the duke of Bourbon, the count de Richemont, constable of France, who had each married a sister of the duke of Burgundy, the count de Vendôme, the archbishop and duke of Rheims chancellor of France, sir Christopher de Harcourt, sir Theolde de Valperge, the lord de la Fayette marshal of France, the lords de St Pierre and du Châtel, sir James du Bois, sir John de Châtillon bastard de Dampierre, sir Paillaird du Fiè, the lord de Raillieq, the lord de Rommet, the lord de Courselles, master Adam de Cambray first president of the parliament, the dean of Paris, named master John Tudart, the treasurer of Anjou, the borgne Blesset, master John Chanetier, the lord de Cletel, the lord de la Motte, master Adam le Queux, master John de Taisè, with many other able men, as well noble as not, accompanied by four or five hundred horsemen, including those who had gone before to prepare their lodgings.

The duke of Burgundy, attended by[Pg 219] his household, the duke of Gueldres, and the other princes and nobles in Arras, with the exception of the English, went out to meet them. He joined them about a quarter of a league from the town, when great marks of friendship and affection were mutually displayed on both sides, more especially between the duke and his two brothers-in-law, who frequently embraced each other. When the compliments of meeting were over, they all proceeded, in handsome array, at a slow pace, toward Arras,—the three dukes, of Burgundy, Bourbon, and Gueldres, riding abreast at the head of the line. They were preceded by six trumpets and clarions, sounding most melodiously, and by numbers of kings at arms, heralds and pursuivants, dressed in tabards, with the arms of the different princes then at Arras, among whom Montjoye, king at arms for king Charles of France, took the lead.

Next to them, but a few paces before the dukes, rode the constable, the counts de Vendôme and d'Estampes, and the damoisel de Cleves, with a few more of the higher nobility: the remainder of the knights,[Pg 220] lords and esquires followed close behind the dukes; and in this order they advanced in front of the town-house, to the small market-place, multitudes of people shouting and singing carols wherever they passed.

The duke of Burgundy now separated from them, and returned with his household to his lodgings: he would have attended his brothers-in-law to their hôtels, but they insisted he should return, while they made a visit to the two cardinals. Having done this, they went to the lodgings that had been prepared for them, and received many rich presents from churchmen as well as from seculars.

On the third day afterward, the duchess of Burgundy arrived at Arras, and the French and English ambassadors went out to meet her, as did all the nobles, and the attendants of the cardinals, most richly clothed. She was carried in an ornamented litter, dressed in cloth of gold, and a variety of precious stones; behind her rode on palfreys six of her ladies and damsels, elegantly and nobly habited, with robes and hood decorated, and covered with wrought silver and gold. Next came three[Pg 221] three handsome cars, in which were the countess de Namur and others of the duchess's ladies and damsels, dressed in similar robes and hoods to the others.

Near to the litter were the dukes de Bourbon and de Gueldres, the constable of France, and the count de Vendôme,—and the rest of the nobility rode either before or behind the duchess, excepting the English, who had taken their leave of her while in the open country, and were returned to their lodgings in Arras.

The duchess, thus attended, went to pay her respects to the cardinals; after which she went to the hôtel of her lord the duke of Burgundy, who received her most joyfully and honourably, and gave a handsome entertainment to the two dukes and the other nobles who had accompanied her.

Among the numerous ambassadors that came from divers parts, were those from the city of Paris, namely, the abbot of Mont St Catherine de Rouen, master William Breton, master John le Monstardier, master Thomas de Courselles, master Robert Poitevin. There were likewise others from the kings of Sicily, Spain, Navarre,[Pg 222] Poland, Asia, Romania, and from the principal towns of Holland, Zealand, Flanders, Brabant, Hainault, Namur, Burgundy, whose names it would be tedious to relate: each of them were handsomely lodged by the purveyors of the duke, who, with others, had been especially ordered for this purpose. They were all abundantly supplied with any sort of provision they inclined to buy during the three months they staid in Arras. No accident happened during this time,—but there was much alarm, that mischief would have happened from the heat with which disputes were carried on, while the matter of peace was debating. Commissaries were appointed to patrole the town night and day to see that no disorders arose, and that no extortions were practised in the markets.

The duke had ordered about one hundred gentlemen and two hundred archers to be always armed, under the command of some of the lords of his household, such as the lord de Croy, sir John de Horne, the lord de Crevecoeur, the lord de Chargny, John de Brimeu and others, as well for his own personal security as to be ready, should[Pg 223] occasion require it, to put an end to any affrays. The duke was always attended by fifty archers.

SIR JOHN DE MELLO, A KNIGHT OF SPAIN, AND THE LORD DE CHARGNY COMBAT EACH OTHER IN THE PRESENCE OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY AT ARRAS.

On the 11th day of August in this year, a combat at arms took place at Arras, in the presence of the duke of Burgundy as judge of the lists. A handsome scaffold was erected for him in the great market-place, on which were seated behind him the dukes of Bourbon and of Gueldres, the counts de Richemont constable, de Vendôme, d'Estampes, and many other great lords.

The combat was between sir John de Mello, a very renowned knight banneret of Spain, appellant, without any defamatory quarrel, but solely to acquire honour, against Pierre de Bauffremont lord of Chargny, knight banneret also, a native of Burgundy,[Pg 224] and knight of the Golden Fleece. The terms were to break three lances only.

When the lord de Chargny had acceded to this request, he in his turn demanded from the Spanish knight a combat on foot with battle-axes, swords and daggers, until one of them should lose his arms, or place his hands on his knees or on the ground,—subject, however, in all cases, to the decisions of the judge of the field.

These proposals having been for some time agreed to by the two knights, on Thursday morning, about ten o'clock, the Spanish knight appeared in the lists, attended by four others, whom the duke of Burgundy had ordered to accompany him,—namely, the lord de l'Or, governor of the Rethelois, the lord de Ligny, the lord de Saveuses, and the lord de Sainzelles, with four or five of his attendants, one of whom bore on the end of a lance a small banner emblazoned with his arms. The other knights carried his lances; and thus, without more pomp, he made his obeisance to the duke of Burgundy, and retired from the lists, by the way he had come, on the left hand of the duke.

He waited a considerable time for his adversary, who at length appeared grandly accompanied by the counts d'Estampes, de St Pol, and de Ligny, together with the earl of Suffolk, all bearing his lances. Behind him were four coursers, richly caparisoned with his arms and devices, with pages covered with robes of wrought silver,—and the procession was closed by the greater part of the knights and esquires of the duke of Burgundy's household. Having made his bow to the duke, as the Spanish knight had done, he withdrew to the right of the lists.

When they were ready, they ran some tilts with lances, without any injury on either side. Then the Spaniard mounted a courser which the duke of Bourbon had lent him, for his own shied at a lance. They broke their lances with great courage against each other, until the number agreed on had been performed. Neither were wounded, although the helmet of don Mello was a little broken. They then quitted the lists, with the assent of the duke of Burgundy, and returned to their lodgings accompanied as before.

The Spaniard wore over his armour a vermillion-coloured mantle, with a white cross on it, like to the badge of the French, which created a disgust in some of the burgundian lords, as it seemed to mark a partiality for their enemies. When he was informed of this, he excused himself by saying, that in consequence of the strict alliance which had so long continued between the kingdoms of France and Spain, he could not with propriety wear any other badge.

On the morrow, which was a Friday, the duke of Burgundy proceeded to the lists, between eight and nine o'clock in the morning, grandly attended by his chivalry, and with him came the princes who had accompanied him the preceding day. Shortly after, the lord de Chargny, the appellant, appeared with the same persons as on the first day, who carried the weapons he was to combat with. He was mounted on a courser covered with housings of his arms, and followed by four pages mounted in like manner, and by the greater part of the knights and esquires of the duke of Burgundy's household, with some other nobles.

Having thus entered the lists, he went to dismount at his pavilion, and thence on foot to make his obeisance to the duke; after which he retired to a seat, where he waited a full hour for his adversary. When he arrived, he was accompanied as on the preceding day,—and the knights and esquires whom the duke of Burgundy had appointed to attend him bore his weapons for the combat. Behind him were his servants, one of them carrying a small banner at the end of a lance. On his entering the lists, he saluted the duke, and withdrew to his pavilion.

While he remained there, he was frequently admonished by the knights that attended him, who gave him the best advice in their power for the success of his combat,—but he paid not any attention to what they said, nor would discover to them his plans, telling them not to be any way concerned about him, for that, with God's good pleasure, he would do his duty.

Every thing being ready, the king at arms, called Golden Fleece, proclaimed, in three different parts of the lists, that all who had not been otherwise ordered should[Pg 228] quit the lists, and that no one should give any hinderance to the two champions under pain of being punished by the duke of Burgundy with death. Eight gentlemen armed were appointed to stop or raise up either of the champions, as the judge of the field should direct. When the proclamation was made, the lord de Chargny issued out of his pavilion, holding his battle-axe by the middle in his right hand, the iron part toward his adversary, and thus advanced a little forward.

The Spanish knight advanced at the same time from his pavilion, having a kerchief thrown over his helmet that covered his vizor, which was half raised,—but this kerchief was taken away, when he was advancing, by his servants. They made for each other with vigorous strides, brandishing their lances; but the Spaniard all this time had his vizor raised.

The lord de Chargny, without waiting for his adversary, threw his lance at him as he approached, while the Spaniard advanced to throw his, and hit him on the side, where he was wounded, as well as in the arm, for the lance hung in the vambraces of his[Pg 229] his armour, whence the lord de Chargny soon shook it off on the ground. The two champions now approached with great courage, and handled their weapons very nobly; but the lord de Chargny was much displeased that his adversary did not close his vizor.

While they were thus combating, the duke of Burgundy gave his signal for the battle to cease, and ordered the champions to be brought before him, who seemed very much vexed that an end had been put so soon to their combat,—more especially the Spaniard, who twice declared aloud that he was far from being pleased that so little had been done; for that he had come at a great expense, and with much fatigue by sea and land, from a far country, to acquire honour and renown.

The duke told him, that he had most honourably done his duty and accomplished his challenge. After this, they were escorted back to their lodgings in the same manner as before. The Spanish knight was much noticed by very many of the nobles present, who greatly praised him for his courage, in thus having fought with his[Pg 230] vizor raised,—for the like had not been before seen.

When this combat was over, the duke of Burgundy paid great respect and attention to the Spanish knight, by feasting him at his hôtel on the Sunday and following days,—presenting him, at the same time, with many rich presents, to reimburse him for all the expenses he had been at. The knight soon afterward took leave of the duke and his company, and departed from Arras on his return to his own country.

On the Monday, which was the feast of our Lady of the middle of August, the dukes of Burgundy, of Bourbon, and of Gueldres, the counts d'Estampes, de Richemont, de Vendôme, de St Pol, de Ligny, de Meurs and de Nassau, with the greater part of their attendant knights and es[Pg 231]quires, went on horseback in great concord from the hôtel of the duke of Burgundy, to hear the mass of our Lady in the city, richly dressed in most splendid habiliments. The poor people, who were there in crowds, were very much rejoiced to see this, as they hoped it would be the forerunner of a general peace that was so much wanted and wished for. After the mass, most part of them returned to the apartments of the duke of Burgundy and dined, and were sumptuously served with an abundance and variety of dishes.

The English ambassadors were not well pleased at these entertainments; and from the frequent intercourse that took place between the French and the duke, they suspected some treaties were in agitation that would not be for the advantage of their country.

The cardinal of Winchester arrived at Arras on the 19th day of August, to be present at the convention, attended by the earl of Huntingdon and other noble knights and esquires from England, to the amount of three hundred horsemen. The dukes of Burgundy and of Gueldres, with the counts de St Pol, de Ligny, de Meurs, and the greater part of the duke of Burgundy's nobles, went out of Arras to meet him. The duke and cardinal mutually paid each other the greatest respect, as did the other lords; and they returned together to the gate of Arras, where they separated, and the cardinal and his attendants went to lodge at the palace of the bishop.

Ambassadors daily arrived from various nations. The place of meeting for this convention was fixed at the abbey of St Vaast, where there were apartments sufficiently spacious and numerous for the purpose,—[Pg 233]and there the three parties assembled, in the presence of the two cardinals who had first come thither. The cardinal de Santa Croce harangued them most eloquently on the great inconveniences all Christendom had laboured under from the severity and long continuance of the war,—admonishing them, at the same time, with much feeling, that, from their love to God, they would not separate without concluding a peace, and that they would not insist on any terms but such as each might mutually concede to the other.

After this harangue, the convention met on several different days,—and many proposals for a treaty were brought forward, so contradictory that it was difficult to reconcile them. Among others, king Charles's ministers required that king Henry of England should desist from styling himself king of France, on condition of having the sovereignties of Guyenne and Normandy given up to him,—but to this the English ministers would not agree.

DURING THE MEETING OF THE CONVENTION AT ARRAS, LA HIRE AND POTON OVERRUN AND FORAGE THE COUNTRY OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.

On the 20th day of this month of August, while the convention was sitting at Arras, La Hire and Poton de Saintrailles, with six hundred combatants, six score being lance-men, whom they had assembled on the frontiers of Beauvais, rode during the night for the river Somme, which they crossed at Cappy; thence they retreated, and fell back on Dourlens and Beauquesne, to forage the country. They divided into smaller bodies, and collected a great booty of peasants, cattle, horses, sheep, and other things, with which they marched back the way they had come to recross the Somme.

Intelligence was brought of this, by the lord de Saveuses, to the duke of Burgundy, who was much troubled thereat, as he feared the matters that were then under discussion in the convention would be[Pg 235] greatly retarded. To provide a remedy, he ordered the counts d'Estampes, de St Pol, de Ligny, with the greater part of his chivalry, to mount their horses, and repel the French. With them went some of the English lords, to the amount of about three hundred horsemen,—so that they were in the whole full sixteen hundred, but most of them were without armour.

They hastened toward Mailly and Attinghen, having sent forward the lord de Saveuses, with some scouts, to collect intelligence of the enemy. They soon learnt the line of march the French were following with their plunder to cross the water, and pressed forward with so much diligence that they overtook them near to Corbie, at a town called Boumay, on the water of Helly.

The French, hearing of this pursuit, detached a party of their men at arms to guard the passage of this river, and marched to draw up in battle-array on a hill between Corbie and Helly. In the mean time, sir John de Croy was dispatched, with a certain number of men at arms, to gain this passage,—but he was defeated[Pg 236] and made prisoner: ten or twelve of the French were slain, but the rest retreated to their main body on the hill.

The Burgundians and English, having crossed the river, advanced and drew up in order of battle at the foot of the hill, where they remained for a good half-hour, without any intention of combating the French, for they were too slightly armed.

While this was passing, the duke of Bourbon, and the constable of France, sent from Arras messengers to the French, to order them to retreat, and restore the plunder they had taken; so that when the two parties had been for some time drawn up in battle against each other, they separated without coming to action, and returned the way they had come; for the French, in obedience to the orders they had received from their ambassadors at the convention, restored the greater part of their prisoners, and the pillage they had collected,—but it was sorely against their will. They lost about twenty men in killed and prisoners.

THE KINGS OF ARRAGON AND NAVARRE ARE DEFEATED, AND MADE PRISONERS, BEFORE GAIETA, BY THE ARMY OF THE DUKE OF MILAN.

On the 16th day of August, in this year, the kings of Arragon and of Navarre, the grand master of the order of St James, their brother, the duke of Sessia, and his son the count de Fondi, the prince of Tarentum, his son sir Christopher Garganeymè,[21] surnamed the Eagle, the viceroy of Sicily, and four hundred knights and esquires, were made prisoners before the town of Gaieta, and their army, of four thousand soldiers, defeated.

They had been employed in besieging the town of Gaieta by sea and land, to the great displeasure of Philip Maria Visconti duke of Milan, who had prepared an army and stores in Genoa to raise the siege and revictual the place. The com[Pg 238]mander of this army for the duke of Milan was the admiral of Genoa, who attempted to enter the port and throw in succours; but the besiegers marched to the shore to combat him,—and though they were far more numerous than he was, fortune favoured him, and he completely routed the arragonian and neapolitan forces.

The kings and princes before mentioned were carried by the admiral prisoners to Genoa, then under the protection of the duke of Milan, and were soon after delivered up to him on certain terms agreed upon between him and the Genoese, and also on his promising not to give them their liberty without their consent.

This promise, however, he did not keep; for, after he had handsomely entertained them in his town of Milan, he gave them their liberty without ransom, or insisting on any terms, and even made them, on their departure, many rich gifts. When this came to the knowledge of the Genoese, they were very indignant thereat, and not without reason, for they were their inveterate enemies; and they now withdrew[Pg 239] themselves from the obedience and protection of the duke of Milan.[22]

FOOTNOTES:

[21] Garganeymè. Q.

[22] 'In the year 1435, the town of Gaieta, in the kingdom of Naples, offered to submit itself to the protection of the Genoese, to avoid falling into the hands of Alphonso king of Arragon. In consequence, Francisco Spinola and Ottolino Zoppo are sent with a good garrison to defend the place. Alphonso hastens to besiege it,—and Gaieta, ill provided with provision, is reduced to great distress.

'The Genoese, informed of the situation of the garrison, send thither, on the 22d July, a fleet under the command of Luca Aseréto, a famous captain, to their relief. Alphonso, hearing of this, embarks on board his own fleet, with all the nobility and eleven thousand combatants. The fleets meet near to the island of Ponza on the 5th August, and the battle lasts from sun-rise to night, but victory is on the side of the Genoese. It could not be more complete: the king of Arragon, his two brothers, John king of Navarre, the infant don Henry, with a quantity of nobles, are made prisoners; and of fourteen vessels, only one escaped.

'The besieged, on learning this event, make a sally, drive the enemy from their lines, and deliver the place. The prisoners are carried from on board the fleet to Milan, where the duke entertains the king of Arragon magnificently, enters into a league with him, and gives him and his companions their liberty without ransom. This generosity causes the Genoese to lose the fruit of their victory, and enrages them against the duke of Milan. On the 12th December, they rise in arms, kill the governor, drive away the Milanese, and shake off the yoke of the duke.'

Art de Verifier les Dates.

THE CARDINAL OF WINCHESTER AND THE WHOLE OF THE ENGLISH EMBASSY LEAVE ARRAS.—OTHER AMBASSADORS ARRIVE THERE.

The cardinal of Winchester, and the English embassy, left Arras on the 6th day of September for England, without concluding on any terms with the French, although there had been conferences for several days between them for this purpose, and although the duke of Burgundy had interfered with his council as much as possible to accommodate their differences.

The English, notwithstanding, departed for Calais, and thence to England, suspecting greatly, what happened soon after, that Charles king of France and the duke of Burgundy would make peace; for they had perceived, while at Arras, that great cordiality existed between the duke and[Pg 241] the French, which was far from pleasing to them.

Ambassadors continued to arrive at Arras from the kings of Navarre, of Dacia, of Spain, of Cyprus, of Portugal, the constable duke of la Puglia, the duke of Milan, the king of Sicily, the king of Norway, and the duke of Brittany. The archbishop of Auch came thither, as did the bishops of Alby, of Usez, of Auxerre, of Alba, of Vicenza, the abbot of Vezelay, the archdeacon of Metz in Lorraine, procurator for the holy council of Basil, the archdeacon of la Puglia, with numbers of others of note and of authority.

A PEACE IS CONCLUDED BETWEEN CHARLES KING OF FRANCE AND THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, IN THE CITY OF ARRAS.

When the ambassadors from king Henry had quitted the city of Arras, without agreeing to any preliminaries for a peace, the two remaining parties, of the king of[Pg 242] France and duke of Burgundy, met for some few days at the accustomed place, when, by the exhortations and interference of the cardinals de Santa Croce and of Cyprus, and other prelates and nobles, a peace was finally concluded between them on the following terms.

'We Philip, by the grace of God, duke of Burgundy, Austria, Brabant and Limbourg, count of Flanders, Artois, Burgundy, palatine of Hainault, Holland, Zealand and Namur, marquis of the holy empire, lord of Frizeland, Salins and Mechlin, make known to all to whom these presents shall come, that many assemblies and conventions have been holden for the procuring of a general peace, as well in the cities of Auxerre and Corbeil as latterly in our city of Arras for this desirable purpose.

'To this place our very-redoubted lord, king Charles, has sent our most dear and well beloved brothers and cousins, the duke of Bourbon and Auvergne, the count de Richemont, constable of France, the count de Vendôme, grand master of the household, the very reverend father in God the archbishop and duke of Rheims, chan[Pg 243]cellor of France, Christopher de Harcourt, Gilbert lord de la Fayette, marshal of France, master Adam de Cambray, first president of the parliament, master John Tudart, dean of Paris and master of requests of the king's household, William Charetier, Stephen Moreau, counsellors of the parliament, John Chastignier and Robert Marlier, secretaries to the said king, as his ambassadors.

'On the part of our very dear lord and cousin, the king of England, there came the most reverend fathers in God the cardinal of Winchester and the archbishop of York, our well beloved cousins the earls of Huntingdon and Suffolk, the reverend fathers in God the bishops of Norwich, St David's, and Lisieux, and many other churchmen, as his ambassadors.

'We also came thither in person, attended by many of our blood, and great numbers of our faithful and loyal subjects. Our holy father the pope sent also to this convention the most reverend father in God, and our especial friend, the cardinal de Santa Croce, invested with sufficient powers from him. In like manner, the sacred[Pg 244] council at Basil sent thither, as its ambassadors, the most reverend father in God, our dear and well beloved cousin the cardinal of Cyprus, the very reverend fathers in God the bishops of Verona, of Alby, Nicholas provost of Cracovia, Hugh archdeacon of Metz.

'In the presence of the above ambassadors from our holy father the pope, and from the sacred council at Basil, we, as well as the ambassadors from France and England, have appeared as often as it was thought expedient, and have mutually made overtures and presents to each other. And although the ambassadors from the king of France made great and handsome proposals for the conclusion of a general peace, and such as were thought by the cardinals and prelates to be just and reasonable, and which ought not to have been refused,—and although the cardinals de Santa Croce and of Cyprus, together with the other envoys from the pope and council, even pressed the English ambassadors to accede to these terms, remonstrating with them, that in case they would not listen to the conclusion of a general peace, they had[Pg 245] been charged by their holy father, and by the sacred council, to summon us to conclude a private peace with our lord the king, in so far as the whole of our personal interests were concerned.

'Nevertheless, the English ambassadors, continuing obstinate, in refusing the terms offered them, quitted our city of Arras without coming to any conclusion, or fixing any period for their return thither. For this cause, the cardinal legates, and the other ministers from the pope and council, exhorted and required of us to conclude a private peace with our said lord the king, provided that satisfactory proposals should be made touching the death of our very dear lord and father, whose soul may God pardon! by the ambassadors from him, and in his name, so that we should be contented therewith.

'The following proposals from our said lord the king were delivered in a written roll to the said cardinal legates, and other ambassadors from our holy father the pope and sacred council, and by them given to us.

'These are the offers made by us[Pg 246] Charles duke of Bourbon and of Auvergne, Arthur count de Richemont constable of France, Louis de Bourbon count de Vendôme, Regnault de Chartres archbishop and duke of Rheims, great chancellor of France, Gilbert lord de la Fayette marshal of France, Adam de Cambrai first president of the parliament, John Tudart dean of Paris, counsellor and master of the requests of the king's household, William Chartier and Stephen Moreau counsellors, John Chastignier and Robert Morlier secretaries, ambassadors from Charles king of France, now in the city of Arras, for and in the name of our sovereign lord king Charles, to my lord the duke of Burgundy and Brabant, respecting the death of the late lord John duke of Burgundy, his father, and likewise touching other matters, that a treaty of peace and concord may be concluded between them.

'In the first place, the king will declare, or others sufficiently authorised by him shall declare, to the said lord the duke of Burgundy, that the death of the late lord John duke of Burgundy, his father, (whose soul may God pardon!) was iniquit[Pg 247]ously and treacherously caused by those who perpetrated the deed, and through wicked counsel, which was alway displeasing to him, and continues to be so in the sincerity of his heart. That if he had been aware of the consequences, and of an age to have judged of them, he would have prevented it; but at the time he was very young, having little knowledge, and inconsiderately did not prevent it. He shall entreat my lord the duke of Burgundy that what hatred and rancour he may have conceived against him for this cause may cease, and that henceforward good faith and peace may exist between them,—express mention of which shall be made in the articles that shall be drawn up in consequence.

'Item, the king will deliver up all who may have perpetrated the said wicked deed, or were consenting thereto, and will use all diligence to have them apprehended wherever they may be found, so that they may be punished in body and goods. Should they not be discovered, he will irrevocably banish them the realm of France and Dauphiny, with confiscation of effects, and exemption from profiting by any treaty.

'Item, the king will not permit any of them to be received or favoured in any place under his obedience; and will cause it to be proclaimed in all parts of France and Dauphiny, where proclamations have been usually made, that no persons do receive or favour them, under pain of corporal punishment and confiscation of effects.

'Item, the aforesaid lord, the duke of Burgundy, shall, so soon as he conveniently can after the signing of the treaty, name those who he has been informed perpetrated the said wicked deed, or were consenting thereto, that they may be proceeded against with diligence on the part of our said lord the king. And whereas the said duke of Burgundy may not at this present moment be sufficiently acquainted with the names of all who were concerned in, or who actually perpetrated, the aforesaid wicked act, at all times, that he may receive additional information, he may signify the names of such persons, by his letters patent, or otherwise, to the king, who shall be bound to pursue them, in his royal courts of justice, in the most summary manner.

'Item, the following edifices and reli[Pg 249]gious foundations shall be made for the repose of the souls of the late John duke of Burgundy, of the late sir Archambault de Foix, count de Noailles, who was put to death with him, and for those of others who have been slain on this occasion, or in the wars that took place in consequence of this event,—namely, in the church of Montereau, where the body of the late duke John of Burgundy was first buried, shall be founded a chapel and chapelry, in which a low mass of requiem shall be daily chaunted; which chapel shall be endowed with an annual income of sixty livres parisis in mortmain, and furnished with a chalice, and all other ornaments sufficiently handsome, at the sole expense of the king. The presentation to this chapel shall be vested in my lord of Burgundy, and in his successors the dukes of Burgundy, for ever.

'Item, within the said town of Montereau, or as near to it as well may be, shall be constructed and endowed by the king, and at his expense, a church, with a convent of Carthusians, to consist of a prior and twelve monks, with cloisters, halls, refectories, granges and all other necessary[Pg 250] buildings. This monastery, consisting of a prior and twelve religious, shall be founded by the king with well secured rents in mortmain, to the amount of eight hundred livres parisis, for the maintenance of the monks, the keeping up religious worship, and for the repairs of the convent, church and buildings, according to the advice of the reverend father in God the lord cardinal de Santa Croce, or whomsoever he may nominate in his stead.

'Item, on the bridge of Montereau, where this murder was committed, shall be erected a handsomely-sculptured cross, according to the device of the said lord cardinal or those commissioned by him, at the king's expense, and kept continually in perfect repair by his majesty.

'Item, in the church of the Carthusians at Dijon, where at present reposes the body of the said duke John of Burgundy, shall be founded by the king, and at his expense, a high mass of requiem, which shall be daily chaunted for ever at the high altar of this church, at such an hour as may hereafter be determined upon. And this foundation shall have secured to it good[Pg 251] annual rents, in mortmain, of one hundred livres parisis, and shall be provided with chalices and other suitable ornaments.

'Item, these said buildings and foundations shall be begun upon, and take effect, so soon as conveniently may be,—and the masses shall particularly commence the instant the treaty shall be signed. But with regard to the intended buildings at Montereau, they shall be begun three months after that town shall be reduced to the king's obedience, and diligently continued without interruption until the whole of them be perfectly completed within the term of five years.

'In respect to the said foundations, proper measures shall be taken concerning them so soon as conveniently may be; and the moment the treaties shall be signed, the high mass in the carthusian convent at Dijon, before mentioned, shall commence,—and the monks shall be provided with books, chalices, and all other necessary articles. And when the town of Montereau shall be reduced to the king's obedience, the daily low mass shall be sung, at the sole expense of the king of France. Within three days[Pg 252] after this town shall have submitted itself, a sufficient sum of money shall be paid to the lord cardinal de Santa Croce, or to whomsoever he may appoint to receive the same for the commencement of the said edifices, and to purchase chalices, books, and every other necessary article. And at the same time the annual income, before declared, of eight hundred and sixty livres parisis, shall be firmly established on lands, in mortmain, as near to the town of Montereau as possible. This income, however, does not include the rent of a hundred livres parisis allotted for the foundation of a high mass at the carthusian convent at Dijon.

'Item, as a compensation for the jewels, and other personalities that were either stolen or lost at the time of the decease of our late lord John duke of Burgundy, and for the purchase of others, the king of France consents, well and truly, to pay to the duke of Burgundy the sum of fifty thousand golden crowns, old weight, of sixty-four to the marc of Troyes, eight ounces to the marc, having twenty-four karats of aloy, or other current money, by[Pg 253] instalments, as follow: namely, fifteen thousand on Easter-day twelvemonth, which will begin the year 1437; fifteen thousand on the Easter-day in the following year,—and the balance of twenty thousand on Easter-day in the year 1439. The duke of Burgundy shall not be prevented by this from persevering in his researches after the rich collar of his late lord and father, nor in his suits against those he may suspect to have it, as well as other valuable jewels, in order to recover them, over and above this said sum of fifty thousand crowns.

'Item, the king, from affection to the duke of Burgundy, agrees that the following lands and lordships shall be firmly settled on the said duke, his direct heirs and successors, whether male or female, namely, the city and county of Mâcon and St Jangon, as far as the boundaries thereof, with all the towns, villages, lands and revenues thereto belonging, which at this moment appertain to and are dependant on the domain of the crown of France, without any reservation, excepting the homage due from these fiefs to the crown, and the patronage of the churches and royal foundations, in[Pg 254]cluded in the droit de regale, and all other royal prerogatives which may belong from ancient times in this bailiwick to the crown of France. In all other respects the said duke of Burgundy shall hold the county of Mâcon, with its towns, villages, and dependances, and his heirs and successors, for ever, on paying the usual homage to the king and crown of France, as a peerage under the jurisdiction of the king and his court of parliament in a similar manner, and with all the rights and prerogatives attached to the peerage of France.

'Item, on the part of the king shall be yielded up to the duke of Burgundy and to his heirs and successors, to whom, after his decease, shall devolve this county of Mâcon, all profits and emoluments whatever that shall become due from the royal towns of Mâcon and St Jangon, whether from rights attached to royalty or from bailiwicks in compensation for protection, or by confiscations, fines, profits from the coinage; and all rights of every other description, shall be enjoyed by the said duke and his heirs, during their respective lives, on the terms and conditions following,—that is to[Pg 255] say, on the nomination of the said duke of Burgundy, and his heirs after him, of a bailiff of Mâcon, the king shall appoint the same as his royal judge and commissary, to take cognisance of all crimes and suits appertaining to his sovereign jurisdiction throughout the county of Mâcon and its dependances, according to the usual form and manner in which the royal bailiffs of Mâcon and Saint Jangon have acted in former times,—but henceforth the bailiwick of St Jangon shall be abolished. And in like manner, on the recommendation of the said duke and his heirs, shall the king appoint all officers necessary for the good government of this county, such as governor, castellan, provosts and receivers, who shall exercise such appointments in the king's name, but to the profit of the said duke of Burgundy and his heirs.

'Item, in like manner, all profits from taxes shall be transferred from the king to the said duke, together with the duties on salt, on wines sold by retail, and every other imposition that may have been established in the elections of Mâcon, Chalons, Autun, and Langres, so far as these elec[Pg 256]tions may extend into Burgundy or the county of Charolois, and throughout the whole county of the Mâconnois, included within the boundaries of the aforesaid duchy or county, to be enjoyed by him and his heirs for ever.

'The recommendation of all officers necessary for the government of the county of Mâcon and its dependances shall belong to the said duke of Burgundy and his heirs, but the commission and institution shall remain with the king of France.

'Item, in like manner shall the king of France transfer to the duke of Burgundy and to his heirs, whether male or female, for ever, as a perpetual inheritance, and as held in chief, the city and county of Auxerre, with all its dependances and appurtenances whatever, in regard to the administration of justice, domains, fiefs, patronage of churches, collations to benefices, as held by the king of France and his court of parliament, with the same rights, franchises, and prerogatives, as the other peers of France.

'Item, and together with this cession the king of France shall transfer to the said[Pg 257] duke of Burgundy, and his heirs for ever, all revenues payable by the city of Auxerre and its dependances, in as ample manner as has been before stated when speaking of the county of Mâcon, as has been already declared. And also, that on the nomination of the duke of Burgundy and his heirs, of persons to fill up the various offices that may become vacant, the king of France shall confirm their nominations, and issue sufficient commissions and authorities accordingly; so that the bailiff of Auxerre nominated by the duke of Burgundy shall have a royal commission to judge and decide on all actions competent to his tribunal within the city of Auxerre and its dependances, in the same form and manner as has been heretofore done by the bailiff of Sens instead of Auxerre; which bailiff of Sens shall not any more interfere in these matters during the lives of the said duke of Burgundy, his legal heirs and successors, but shall refer the same to the bailiff of Auxerre, he having a royal commission for his authority. All the revenues of taxes, and of every sort of imposition shall be transferred to the said duke of Burgundy in[Pg 258] a manner similar to what has been before declared in the article relative to the cession of the same in the county of Mâcon and its dependances.

'Item, in like manner shall the king of France cede to the duke of Burgundy and to his heirs, whether male or female, descending in a direct line for ever, as a perpetual inheritance, the castle, town, and castlewick of Bar-sur-Seine, with all its domains, jurisdictions, fiefs, patronage of churches, with all other rights and emoluments, for him the duke to hold them under the king as a peerage of France, under the royal sovereignty and jurisdiction of the parliament, on his fealty and immediate homage to the king of France. The king shall likewise transfer to the said duke and his heirs all profit from taxes and other impositions, to be received by him from the receivers, who, having been nominated by the said duke, shall be confirmed in their offices by the king.

'Item, the king of France shall yield up to the duke of Burgundy and his heirs the county of Burgundy, as a perpetual inheritance to be enjoyed by him and them[Pg 259] for ever, together with the patronage of the church and abbey of Luxeuil, with all profits arising therefrom, which the count of Champagne claims as belonging to him, (although the counts of Burgundy, predecessors to the present duke of Burgundy, have pretended the contrary as a cause of quarrel) saying and declaring that this abbey, which is without the kingdom of France and the limits of the county of Burgundy, ought to be under his patronage and protection. To obviate, therefore, all future cause of quarrel, and for the public welfare, the king of France now consents that the patronage of this abbey shall remain wholly with the duke of Burgundy and his heirs.

'Item, the king of France shall cede to the duke of Burgundy, and to his legal heirs, whether male or female, in perpetuity, the castles, towns, castlewicks, provostships of fairs, of Peronne, Mondidier and Roye, with all their domains, rights, and jurisdictions whatever, with every dependance and appurtenance, to hold them from the king of France as a peerage within his sovereign jurisdiction and that of his[Pg 260] parliament, on doing him immediate homage. The king shall also yield up to the said duke of Burgundy, and his heirs, all right to the taxes and other impositions, together with every other claim of profit, in as ample a manner as has been before declared in the preceding articles respecting the counties of Mâcon and Auxerre.

'Item, the king of France shall yield up to the duke of Burgundy, and to the person whom after his decease the said duke shall have declared his heir to the county of Artois, the collection of taxes from the said county of Artois and its dependances, amounting at this time to fourteen thousand francs of annual revenue or thereabout, without hinderance to the said duke or his heir from receiving any further gratuities from the said king or his successors. The duke of Burgundy and his heir shall have the power of nominating such officers for the due gathering of these taxes, as shall be agreeable to them,—and when thus appointed, the king shall grant them letters in confirmation of the same.

'Item, the king shall transfer to the said duke of Burgundy and to his heirs, for[Pg 261] ever, all the cities, towns, castles, forts, lands and lordships now belonging to the crown of France, above and on each side the river Somme, namely, St Quentin, Corbie, Amiens, Abbeville and others,—the whole of the county of Ponthieu, on both sides of the said river Somme,—the towns of Dourlens, St Riquier, Crevecoeur, Arleux, Mortaigne, with all their dependances whatever. And all the lands now belonging to the crown of France, from the said river Somme inclusively, comprehending the whole of the towns, as well on the frontiers of Artois, Flanders and Hainault, as on those of the realm of France and of the empire of Germany, the duke of Burgundy and his heirs to have them in possession for ever, and to receive all the profits of taxes, rights, privileges and honours attached to them, without the king retaining any thing, saving and except the fealty and homage due to him as their sovereign lord, or until this grant shall be bought by the crown of France, on payment of the sum of four hundred thousand crowns of gold, old coin, at the weight of sixty-four to the marc of Troyes, eight ounces to the marc,[Pg 262] with twenty-four karats of alloy and one karat for waste, or in any other current coin of equal value.

'The duke of Burgundy shall give sufficient securities for himself and heirs, that they will abide by the terms of this grant, and be ready and willing to receive the said sum for the release of the said cities, towns, &c. whenever it may please the king of France to make an offer of the same, and surrender to the king, or to such as he may commission for the purpose, all the said cities, towns, castles, forts, lands and lordships specified in the said grant. And also the duke of Burgundy shall acknowledge, for himself and heirs, his willingness to receive the said sum at two instalments,—that is to say, two hundred thousand crowns at each payment; but nevertheless he shall not be bound to surrender to the king any of the said cities, &c. until the last of the four hundred thousand golden crowns be paid.

'During the whole time these said cities, towns, lands, &c. shall be in the possession of the duke of Burgundy or his heirs, he and they shall receive the taxes,[Pg 263] and enjoy every right and privilege attached to them, without the smallest deduction or abatement whatever. Be it understood, however, that in this grant of the king, the city and county of Tournay and the Tournesis, and of St Amand, are not included, but are to remain under the jurisdiction of the king,—with the exception of Mortaigne, which is to be placed in the hands of the duke of Burgundy, as has been before said.—But although the city of Tournay is not to be given to the duke of Burgundy, the sums of money that had been before agreed to be paid, according to the terms of a treaty between him and the inhabitants for a certain number of years, shall be duly reserved,—and these sums the inhabitants shall be bound punctually to pay him.

'Item, forasmuch as the said duke of Burgundy pretends to have a claim on the county of Boulogne-sur-mer, which he has the possession of, the king of France consents, that for the sake of peace, and for the public good, it shall remain to him and his heirs-male only, lawfully begotten by him, with the full and free enjoyment of all its revenues, rights and emoluments[Pg 264] whatever. But in default of this issue male, the county shall devolve to him who shall have the just right thereto. The king shall engage to satisfy all claimants on this said county, in such wise that they shall not cause any trouble to the duke of Burgundy, or to his heirs, respecting it.

'Item, in regard to the town, castle, county and lordship of Gien sur Loire, together with the lordships of Dourdan, which, as it is said, have been transferred with the county of Estampes by the late duke of Berry and the late duke John of Burgundy, they shall, bona fide, be placed by the king of France in the hands of the duke of Bourbonnois and Auvergne, for their government during the space of one whole year, and until John of Burgundy count d'Estampes, or the present duke of Burgundy for him, shall have laid before the king or his council a copy or copies of this grant from our late lords of Berry and of Burgundy. When after due examination, should this grant be found good, we duke of Bourbonnois and Auvergne bind ourself to restore the said town, castle and lands of Gien-sur-Loire, without other form[Pg 265] of law, to the count d'Estampes or to the duke of Burgundy, for him as his legal right from the grant of the late dukes of Berry and of Burgundy, without the king alleging any thing to the contrary, or any prescriptive right from the lapse of time since the decease of the said duke of Berry, and notwithstanding any opposition from others who may lay claim to the county of Gien, if any such there be, whose right to pursue their claims by legal means shall be reserved to them, against the count d'Estampes.

'Item, the king shall restoration make and pay to the said count d'Estampes, and to the count de Nevers his brother, the sum of thirty-two thousand two hundred crowns of gold, which the lately deceased king Charles is said to have taken from the church of Rouen, wherein this sum was deposited, as the marriage-portion of the late lady Bona of Artois, mother to these noblemen, unless it shall clearly appear that the above sum has been accounted for, and allowed in the expenditure of the late king and for his profit; otherwise these thirty-two thousand two hundred golden[Pg 266] crowns shall be paid at such terms as shall be agreed on, after payment has been made of the fifty thousand crowns before mentioned to the duke of Burgundy.

'Item, in respect to the debts which the duke of Burgundy says and maintains are due to him from the late king Charles, whether from pensions unpaid, or from gifts and monies advanced by him for the king's use, the said duke shall have free liberty to sue for the recovery of the same in any of the courts of justice.

'Item, the said duke of Burgundy shall not be bound to do homage nor service to the king for the lands he now holds in France, nor for any others that may fall to him by right of succession; but shall remain during his life personally free from all subjection, homage and obedience, to the crown of France. After the decease of the present monarch, the said duke of Burgundy shall do the usual homages and services to the king's sons and successors to the crown of France, as belong to them of right; and should the said duke of Burgundy depart this life before the present king, his heirs, after showing cause, shall do the[Pg 267] usual homages and services to the crown of France.

'Item, notwithstanding the duke of Burgundy shall have acknowledged, by writing and speaking, the king as his sovereign, and received the before named ambassadors from the king, this shall not be of the smallest prejudice to the personal exemption before stated of the said duke during his life. This said exemption shall remain in full force, as contained in the above article, and shall extend to all lands now in the possession of the said duke within the realm of France.

'Item, with regard to the vassals and subjects of the duke of Burgundy, in the lordships he now holds and will possess by this treaty, and of those that may fall to him by succession in the kingdom of France during the king's life and his own, they shall not be constrained to bear arms by orders from the king or his officers, supposing that they may hold lands from the king together with those of the duke. But the king is contented that whenever it may please the duke of Burgundy to order his vassals to arm, whether for internal or ex[Pg 268]ternal wars, they do obey his commands without attending to any summonses from the king, should he at the time issue such. And in like manner shall all the officers of the said duke's household, and his familiars, be exempted, even should they not be his subjects or vassals.

'Item, should it happen that the English shall make war on the said duke of Burgundy, his subjects or allies, on account of the present treaty or otherwise, either by sea or by land, the king of France engages to march to his succour with a sufficient force, and to act as if it were his own proper cause.

'Item, the king declares, for himself and his successors, that neither he nor they, nor any princes of his blood, shall enter into any treaty of peace with his adversary of England, without having first informed thereof the said duke of Burgundy and his immediate heir, nor without their express consent thereto and comprehension therein, provided they may wish to be comprehended,—provided always, that similar promises shall be made to the king of France by the duke of Burgundy and his heir apparent, touching war and peace with England.

'Item, whereas the said duke of Burgundy and his faithful vassals have heretofore borne a cross of St Andrew as their badge, they shall not be constrained to bear any other badge, whatever army they may be in, whether within or without the realm, or in the presence of the king or of his constable, whether in the royal pay, as soldiers, or otherwise.

'Item, the king shall make all reasonable restitution for whatever losses such as may have been made prisoners on the day of the death of duke John, whose soul may God pardon! have suffered, as well as the repayment of their ransoms.

'Item, a general oblivion shall take place of all acts done and committed in consequence of the divisions in the realm, excepting what regards those who perpetrated the said murder of duke John of Burgundy, or were consenting thereto,—for they shall ever remain excepted in whatever treaties may be concluded. Henceforth all persons shall return to their different homes,—namely, churchmen to their churches and benefices, and seculars to their houses and possessions within the[Pg 270] realm, excepting such lands and lordships as may be within the county of Burgundy, and which are held by the present lord of Burgundy, or have been in the possession of the late duke, or such as may have been given by either of them to others as confiscations arising from the intestine divisions within the kingdom; for these lands, notwithstanding the present treaty, shall remain in the possession of those who now hold them. But in every other instance, all persons shall return to their houses and lordships, without being called upon by any person or persons for any damages or repairs whatever,—and each shall be held acquitted of all rents from the time he ceased to enjoy them; and in regard to any furniture that may have been taken and carried away by either party, all pursuit after it and any quarrels on the subject are absolutely forbidden.

'Item, it is ordained by this present treaty that all quarrels and rancour, which may have arisen in consequence of the troubles that afflicted the realm, do now absolutely cease; and all private wars are strictly forbidden, without reproach to ei[Pg 271]ther party, under pain of being punished as transgressors of this article, according to the heinousness of the offence.

'Item, in this present treaty shall be included, on the part of the said duke of Burgundy, all churchmen, the inhabitants of the principal towns, and others, whatever may be their rank, who have followed his party, or that of the late lord his father; and they shall enjoy the benefit of this said treaty, as well in regard to the general oblivion of all acts done and committed within the realm of France as in the peaceable enjoyment of whatever possessions, moveable and immoveable, they may have within the kingdom or in Dauphiny, which are now withheld from them by these said troubles, provided they be willing to accept of the terms contained in the said treaty, and loyally fulfil them.

'Item, the king will renounce the alliance he had formed with the emperor against the duke of Burgundy, as well as all others with different princes and lords to the same effect, provided the duke of Burgundy shall do the same with his al[Pg 272]liances; and the king will also hold himself bounden, and will promise the duke of Burgundy to assist and support him against all who may be inclined to make war against him or otherwise injure him. And in like manner shall the duke of Burgundy engage his promise, saving, however, the exemption of his personal service as has been before declared.

'Item, the king consents to grant letters, that in case he shall violate the articles of the present treaty, his vassals and subjects shall be no longer bound to obey and serve him, but shall be obliged to serve and assist the duke of Burgundy and his successors against him. In this case, all his subjects shall be absolved from their oaths of fidelity toward king Charles, Without at any time hereafter being called to account for so doing; and from this moment king Charles absolves them from all fidelity to him, in case such violation of the treaty shall take place,—and that the duke of Burgundy shall do the same in regard to his vassals and subjects.

'Item, all these promises, obligations, and submissions, of king Charles, respect[Pg 273]ing the due fulfilment of this treaty, shall be made before the lord cardinal of Santa Croce, legate from the holy father the pope, the lord cardinal of Cyprus, and the other ambassadors from the holy council of Basil, in the most ample manner that can be devised, and on pain of excommunications, interdicts, and all the most weighty punishments of the church, to the utmost power which the said lords cardinals may possess from the pope, provided that the duke of Burgundy shall act in a similar manner.

'Item, the king will give to the duke of Burgundy not only his own declaration, sealed with his seal, but the declarations and seals of the princes of his blood and under his obedience,—namely, the seals of the duke of Anjou, his brother the lord Charles, the duke of Bourbon, the count of Richemont, the count of Vendôme, the count of Foix, the count of Auvergne, the count of Perdiac, and others,—which declarations of the princes shall be incorporated with that of the king, who shall with them promise faithfully to maintain the contents of the said declarations; and should they be infringed on the part of the[Pg 274] king, they do severally promise to aid and assist the said duke of Burgundy and his friends against the king. In like manner shall the duke of Burgundy deliver in his declarations.

'Item, the king shall also cause to be given to the duke of Burgundy similar declarations under the seals of such churchmen, nobles, and principal towns of the realm under the king's obedience as the duke of Burgundy shall name, under penalties both corporal and pecuniary on failure, together with such securities for the due performance of their engagements as the lords cardinals and prelates commissioned by the pope may think proper and advisable.

'Item, should it happen hereafter that omissions, infractions, or attempts to infringe any of the said articles should arise, notwithstanding the present treaty, they shall remain in full force and vigour, and the peace shall not be considered as broken or annulled; but such omissions, infractions and attempts, shall be instantly amended and corrected, according to the virtual meaning of what has been before declared,[Pg 275]—and the guarantees thereof shall see that it be done.

'Item, as we have been again earnestly exhorted and pressed by the said cardinals, and by the ambassadors from the holy council, to incline our ears and attend to the proposals made to us respecting a peace,—which proposals they think just and reasonable, and such as ought not to be refused by us,—remonstrating also with us, that we should make peace with king Charles of France from our love to God, and according to reason and honour, notwithstanding any alliances, oaths or engagements entered into with our very beloved and dear lord the king of England lately deceased,—the said cardinals and others, ambassadors from the holy council of Basil, urging us to a compliance by many reasons and arguments,—

'We, therefore, principally through reverence to God, and from the pity and compassion we feel for the poor people of France, who have been such great sufferers in these troubles and divisions within that realm, and in compliance with the admonitions and urgent entreaties of the said car[Pg 276]dinals, and the ambassadors from our holy father the pope and the council, which we consider as commands to a catholic prince and obedient son of the church, have, after calling to our aid and council the highest lords of our blood and lineage, with others of our most faithful vassals and counsellors, made for ourselves and our successors a firm, loyal, and solid peace and re-union with our lord the king and his successors, according to the tenour of the articles above recited, which, on the part of the said king, he and his successors are bounden to fulfil toward us.

'The whole of these articles, so far as they regard us, we approve of and accept; and from this moment consent to and make all the renunciations, promises, submissions, and every other concession demanded from us in the above articles; and we acknowledge our aforesaid lord king Charles of France as our sovereign lord, in as much as regards the lands and lordships we hold in that kingdom, promising for ourself and our heirs on our faith and bodily oath, on the word of a prince, on our honour, and on the loss of our expectations in this world and in that to come, to hold invio[Pg 277]late this treaty of peace, and the whole of the articles contained in the said treaty, without attempting to invalidate the same either by word or deed, openly or secretly.

'For the further maintenance of this peace by ourself, and by all others, we submit ourself and them to whatever regulations and ordinances it may please our holy father the pope, and the holy council now assembled at Basil, to promulgate by the lords cardinals and the ambassadors from the said council now present; and we are willing to suffer any censures from the church, should we fail in the due fulfilment of all the articles contained in the said treaty. We renounce all exemptions, whatever may be alleged to the contrary, more particularly to that rule in law which declares that a general renunciation is not equally valid with an especial one, the whole to be fulfilled without fraud, deceit, or any chicanery whatever.

'That this treaty may have every due formality, and be perfectly stable, we have caused our signet to be affixed to these presents. Given at our town of Ar[Pg 278]ras the 21st day of September, in the year 1435.' It was also signed by the duke of Burgundy, in the presence of his council.

When the two parties had finally concluded a peace with each other, and when every formality of signing and sealing was finished, the peace was proclaimed with great solemnity through the town of Arras. We need not inquire if this caused the utmost joy, and spread happiness among the people. In general, the clergy, nobles, citizens, and a multitude of peasants who had entered the town, were not content with one day's rejoicing, but made many, shouting and singing carols through the streets.

Very grand entertainments were given at the palace of the duke of Burgundy to the knights, esquires, the ladies and damsels of both parties, as well in eating and drinking as in dancings and other amusements. In the apartment where this business had been concluded, the cardinal of Santa Croce, having placed the holy sacrament on an altar and a cross of gold on a cushion, made the duke of Burgundy swear thereon, that he would never more call to[Pg 279] his remembrance the death of his late father, and that he would evermore maintain peace with king Charles of France, his sovereign lord, and his allies. After which, the duke of Bourbon and the constable of France, touching the cross with their hands, begged pardon, in the king's name, of the duke of Burgundy for the death of his said father, who gave them his pardon for the love of God. Then the two cardinals, having laid their hands on the duke, absolved him from the oath he had made to the English. In like manner were absolved many great lords of his party, who, with others of the duke's alliance, swore to be on friendship with king Charles and with his allies. In the number was the lord de Launoy, who said aloud, 'Here I am who have heretofore taken oaths for the preservation of peace five times during this war, not one of which has been observed,—but I now make promise to God, that this shall be kept on my part, and that I will not in any degree infringe it.'

THE ENGLISH LAY SIEGE TO THE TOWN OF ST DENIS, WHICH IN THE END SURRENDERS TO THEM BY CAPITULATION.

During the time the English and their allies were in the Isle de France, they besieged the town of St Denis with a very powerful force. The principal commanders of this enterprise were the marshal de l'Isle-Adam, the lords Talbot, Willoughby, and Scales, George de Richammes, Waleran de Moreul, sir John bastard of St Pol, his brother Louis de Luxembourg, sir Ferry de Mailly, Robert de Neufville, the bastard de Thian a french knight, the Arragonian, with other notable and expert men at arms of France and England, having under them about six hundred combatants. They carried on their attacks with great diligence, and pointed many cannons against the walls and gates to batter them down.

They were frequently visited by Louis de Luxembourg, bishop of Therounne,[Pg 281] chancellor of France for king Henry, and governor of Paris and the surrounding country, who was their chief adviser, and urged them on to the completion of the business.

Within the town, on the part of the king of France, were the marshal de Rieux, sir John Foucault, sir Louis de Vaucourt, sir Regnault de Saint Jean, Artus de la Tour, and many more valiant men at arms, together with six hundred combatants. On the approach of their enemies, they made every preparation for resistance; and the greater part lodged themselves on the walls, where they remained day and night, to be always ready for their defence.

The walls and gates, however, were greatly damaged by the cannon of the English in so many places that their captains resolved to make several attacks on the town at the same time, with the hope of gaining it by storm. In consequence, having armed their men, they formed several divisions, and marched, with scaling ladders and other warlike instruments, to the ditches, which were filled with water. These the men at arms crossed, though the[Pg 282] water was up to their necks, and, carrying their ladders with them, placed them against the walls, which they ascended without sign of fear. The besieged seeing this, and considering that if the place were taken by storm, they should not only lose the town but their lives also, began to prepare for a vigorous defence.

The marshal de Rieux had posted on different parts of the ramparts detachments under captains, with orders not to quit their posts whatever they might see or hear,—and he had a body of men at arms ready to succour such places as should be distressed. The attack was very fierce and bloody, and lasted for two hours, when many gallant acts were done on both sides.

The new knights created on this occasion were Louis de Luxembourg, bastard of St Pol, who behaved excellently well, Jean de Humieres, Robert de Neufville, and some others. When the assailants had had about four score men, or more, slain in the ditches and under the walls, they perceived they could not carry their point without too serious a loss, and their captains sounded a retreat, carrying off their[Pg 283] dead and wounded. The besieged suffered also greatly, and were much alarmed lest the enemy, by continuing the attack, should constrain them more. They nevertheless, in hopes of succour from the constable of France, who was attending the convention at Arras, with many of his officers, repaired the walls and gates, that had been broken, and prepared to defend themselves as well as circumstances would permit.

The constable, on the conclusion of the peace at Arras, departed thence, accompanied by numbers of the nobility, and went to Senlis. He was anxious to collect a sufficient force to raise the siege of St Denis; but when he examined his powers, he found that he was unable to do so.

The marshal de Rieux, therefore, knowing that the constable was unable to afford him relief, entered into negotiations with the English that he and his captains would surrender the place, on having their lives and fortunes spared, and would also give up the prisoners they had made, among whom was the new knight sir Jean de Humieres. This offer was acceded to,—and[Pg 284] the French marched off, escorted by about sixteen hundred cavalry.

The english army likewise broke up, and returned to different towns under their obedience, leaving behind such of their captains and men as had been killed in St Denis. Among the first were sir Louis de Vaucourt, sir Regnault de St Jean, Artus de la Tour, one called Josselin, and others, whose deaths caused great grief. The town of St Denis was now under the government of king Henry.

Shortly after this event, the Picards, who had been informed of the peace concluded between the duke of Burgundy and king Charles, took leave of the english captains as soon as they could, and returned without loss to their own country. At the same time, the French took by storm the bridge of Meulan, and put to death about twenty English who guarded it. This success much vexed the Parisians, because it cut off the communication with Normandy, and would prevent them from receiving hence any provisions.

In the month of September of this year, Isabella queen of France, and mother to king Charles then on the throne, was taken grievously ill at her apartments in the king's hôtel of St Pol. She had for some time lived in great poverty, owing to the distresses and troubles of the war,—and her disorder increased so much that it caused her death. She was buried in the church of St Denis, but not with the solemnity and state usual at the funerals of queens of France. When the duke of Burgundy heard of her decease, he had a grand and solemn service performed for her in the church of St Waast at Arras, which he personally attended, dressed in mourning. The duke was supported by the count d'Estampes, the count de Vendôme, the heir of Cleves, and many other ecclesiastical and secular lords in mourning. The service was performed by the bishop of Arras.

THE CARDINALS, AND THE AMBASSADORS FROM THE COUNCIL, LEAVE ARRAS.—THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY APPOINTS DIFFERENT OFFICERS TO THE TOWNS AND FORTRESSES THAT HAD BEEN CONCEDED TO HIM BY THE PEACE.

Soon after peace had been proclaimed in Arras, the cardinals, and those who had accompanied them, departed thence, after having been most honourably entertained by duke Philip. In like manner did all those who had come thither as ambassadors from the holy council and from king Charles.

The duke now, while in Arras, appointed many new officers to the towns and castles on the river Somme and to those within Picardy, which had long appertained to the crown of France, but had been yielded to him by king Charles, according to the articles of the treaty lately concluded. Prior to this peace, Arras was in the hands of king Henry; but now the duke appoint[Pg 287]ed other officers, displacing those of king Henry at his pleasure, laying hands on all the public money, nominating new receivers, and causing the inhabitants to swear allegiance to him.

The english officers were much surprised at these proceedings of the duke, for it was through his means that king Henry had obtained possession of the town, and he had lately acknowledged him for his legal and sovereign lord. Seeing that they could no way prevent it, they suffered patiently all that was done.

Among others, master Robert le Jeune, who had for a long time been bailiff of Amiens, and had ruled with a high hand all Picardy in favour of the English, and had even been their council at the convention of Arras, and their chief adviser, finding that the tide was now turning against them (through means procured by money) managed so well that he continued in favour with the duke of Burgundy, who made him governor of Arras in the room of sir David de Brimeu, who had held that appointment.

Thus in a few days was a total change made in the public affairs of France and England, and just contrary to what had before been.

IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE PEACE OF ARRAS, THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY SENDS SOME OF HIS COUNCIL, AND HERALDS, TO THE KING OF ENGLAND, TO REMONSTRATE AND EXPLAIN THE CAUSES OF THE PEACE HE HAD CONCLUDED WITH THE KING OF FRANCE.

On the conclusion of the peace at Arras, the duke of Burgundy sent his king at arms of the order of the Golden Fleece, with another of his heralds called Franche-comté, to England with letters from the duke to king Henry. These letters contained strong remonstrances to induce the king and his council to conclude a peace with the king of France,—and were also explanatory of the causes which had induced the duke, by the exhortations of the[Pg 289] legates from the holy see and from the council of Basil, in conjunction with the three estates of his dominions, to make a peace with king Charles his sovereign lord, and to renounce the alliance he had formerly concluded with the late king Henry of England.

They were accompanied by a mendicant friar, a doctor of divinity, who had been charged by the two cardinal-legates to remonstrate publicly with the king of England and his council on the infinite cruelty of prolonging so bloody a war, which laid waste Christendom, and to harangue on the blessings that would ensue if a lasting peace could be concluded between the two kings.

They all three travelled together as far as Calais, and crossed the sea to Dover; but there they received orders from king Henry, forbidding them to proceed further. Their letters were demanded, given up, and carried to the king at London,—and soon after they were conducted thither. They were met on the road by a herald and a secretary to the lord treasurer, who escorted them to their lodgings in London,[Pg 290] at the house of a shoemaker, where they remained, and only went to hear mass, under the care of some heralds and pursuivants at arms, who visited them often; for they were forbidden to stir out of their lodgings without a licence or permission. They were therefore very much alarmed lest they might personally suffer for the disagreeable news they had brought.

Notwithstanding the mendicant friar and the two heralds had made many requests to those who attended on them, that they might be permitted to address the king and council on the subjects they had been charged with by the two cardinals and their lord, they never could obtain an audience.

The lord treasurer of England, however, to whom the letters from the duke of Burgundy had been given, assembled, in the presence of the king, the cardinal of Winchester, the duke of Glocester, with many other princes and prelates, members of the council, so that the meeting was numerously attended, and laid before them the letters which the duke of Burgundy had written to the king and his council,—but their address and superscription were[Pg 291] not in the style he was wont to use. In this, he simply styled him king of England—high and mighty prince—his very dear lord and cousin; but forbore to acknowledge him as his sovereign lord, as he heretofore always had done in the numerous letters he had sent him.

All present were very much surprised on hearing them read; and even the young king Henry was so much hurt at their contents that his eyes were filled with tears, which ran down his cheeks. He said to some of the privy counsellors nearest to him, that he plainly perceived since the duke of Burgundy had acted thus disloyally toward him, and was reconciled to his enemy king Charles, that his dominions in France would fare the worse for it. The cardinal of Winchester and the duke of Glocester abruptly left the council much confused and vexed, as did several others, without coming to any determination. They collected in small knots and abused each other as well as the duke of Burgundy and the leading members of his council.

This news was soon made public throughout London; and no one who was well bred[Pg 292] was sparing of the grossest abuse against the duke of Burgundy and his country. Many of the common people collected together and went to different parts of the town to search for Flemings, Dutchmen, Brabanters, Picards, Hainaulters, and other foreigners, to use them ill, who were unsuspicious of deserving it. Several were seized in the heat of their rage and murdered; but, shortly after, king Henry put an end to this tumult, and the ringleaders were delivered up to justice.

Some days after, the king and his council assembled to consider on the answers they should send to the duke of Burgundy's letters, when their opinions were divided: some would have war declared instantly against the duke, while others would have him regularly summoned, by letter or otherwise, to answer for his conduct. While this was under discussion, news was brought to the king, that in consequence of the pacification between the duke and king Charles, the duke was to have given up to him the towns, lordships, castles and forts, of St Quentin, Corbie, Amiens, St Riquier, Abbeville, Dourlens[Pg 293] and Montrieul, which had been in the possession, and under the obedience of king Henry, who had received their oaths of fidelity, and had appointed officers for their government.

This intelligence made bad worse, and the council determined not to send any answer. Upon which, the lord treasurer went to the three messengers at their lodgings, and told the heralds, Toison and Franche-comté, that the king, with the princes of his blood and his council, had seen and examined the letters they had brought,—and that they had been equally surprised at their contents as at the conduct of the duke, for which, if it pleased God, the king would provide a remedy.

The messengers were very anxious to have an answer in writing,—but could not obtain one, although they frequently made this request. They were told, they might return to their own country,—and finding they could not do more, re-crossed the sea, and reported verbally to their lord the duke every thing that had passed.

The mendicant doctor went to those who had sent him, without having had an[Pg 294] opportunity of employing his talents. The messengers were very much afraid they should have been ill treated,—for on their journey home, they heard in several places their lord much and loudly abused by the common people, who did not receive them with that civility they used formerly to do.

THE POPULACE OF AMIENS RISE AGAINST THE LEVYING OF SOME TAXES WHICH WERE INTENDED TO BE LAID ON THEM.

At this period, the inhabitants of Amiens deputed an advocate, called master Tristan de Fontaines, to the duke of Burgundy, to endeavour to obtain the remission of a sum of money which the town owed to the duke, or to some of his partisans,—but he was unsuccessful. King Charles and the duke issued new ordinances, ordering that the taxes and subsidies which that place had before paid should be continued on the same footing as formerly.

Master Tristan, on his return to Amiens,[Pg 295] had these ordinances proclaimed at the usual places,—when a large body of butchers and others of the populace, being discontented thereat, suddenly collected together, with arms and staves according to their condition.

They went thus armed to their mayor, and plainly told him, that they were determined not to pay these taxes, for he well knew that good king Charles would not that they should pay more than other towns under his obedience. The mayor, seeing their rude and bold behaviour, assented to all they said, appeasing them by gentle words; and as they were the masters, he agreed to go with them wherever they pleased through the town.

They made captain over them one Honoré Cokin, and went first to the house of master Tristan, with the intent to put him to death; but he, having had from his friends intelligence of this, had escaped. They broke, however, many doors and windows in search of him,—and thence went to the house of one called Pierre le Clerc, provost of the Beauvoisis, who, during the time that master Robert le Jeune[Pg 296] was bailiff of Amiens, had enjoyed great power, committed many extortions, and ill treated several of the inhabitants of that place and the country about, which had caused him to be much hated. They sought him every where, but in vain,—for, having heard of the tumult, he had hidden himself. They demolished his house and furniture, and drank in one night eighteen pipes of wine which he had in his cellars. They also made his nephew their prisoner, and confined him in the belfry.

They committed numerous disorders in the town; and went in large bodies to the houses of the rich, who were forced to give them great sums of money, but more particularly meat and wine. Pierre le Clerc was all this time hidden in the hen-roost belonging to a poor man; but he was discovered to the mob, who went in great solemnity to seek him, and confined him in the town prison, whence they soon after dragged him to the market-place and cut his throat: his nephew suffered the like death. There was not a man now in Amiens who dared to oppose their will and pleasure.

News of these proceedings were carried to the duke of Burgundy, who sent to Amiens John de Brimeu, the new bailiff, and shortly after the lord de Saveuses, who had been lately appointed the governor, with orders to inquire into and correct these abuses. They were followed by the count d'Estampes, with many knights, esquires and cross-bows; and again the lord de Croy was sent thither with a large force: he also carried with him the archers of the duke's household. Forces from different parts drew toward Amiens, and all the principal lords of Picardy, under pretence of besieging the castle of Bonnes, whither had retreated a body of pillagers.

Honoré Cokin did not securely rely upon his companions, and was doubtful if they would not play him false, notwithstanding that they had been with the count d'Estampes, the governor and bailiff, to excuse themselves and him for what had passed. They had received courteous answers, and promises, that if they would behave well for the future, they should obtain their pardon.

The lords having deliberated on the[Pg 298] business, and taken possession of the belfry, with a sufficient guard, (who were to ring the alarm bell on the first sign of tumult, when all the commonalty were to assemble and join them) advanced to the market-place, having sent detachments to various parts of the town well armed, to prevent any disorders in future.

The lord de Saveuses and the bailiff were then ordered to scour the streets with the troops, and to arrest all who refused to retire to their homes. When these regulations had been made, the count d'Estampes, attended by many noble lords and knights, remained in the market-place, which was filled with multitudes of people, and caused a new ordinance to be proclaimed in the names of king Charles and the duke of Burgundy, ordering the late subsidies and taxes to be continued, and, at the same time, pardoning all past offences, with the reserve of some few of the ringleaders, who would be named and punished.

When this proclamation was made, Perrinet Chalons, one of the principal rioters, was present, and, hearing its contents, took to his heels,—but orders were[Pg 299] instantly given to seize him. He was pursued into the church of Saint Germain, and found kneeling beside a priest saying mass; but, notwithstanding this, he was taken and carried to the belfry. On the other hand, Honoré Cokin, knowing of this meeting, had armed himself, with some of his associates, to attend it; but he was met by the governor and the bailiff, who instantly arrested him and sent him also to the belfry. Twenty or thirty other rebels were made prisoners, in different parts of the town; and this same day Honoré with seven others, his companions, had their heads cut off with a cooper's adze. Perrinet Chalons and two others were hanged and quartered on a gibbet: one was drowned, and about fifty banished the town. There were, afterward, several executed, for the same cause, at different times; and among them a celebrated pillager, who had been very active in his occupation. These executions brought the inhabitants of Amiens under the most perfect obedience.

THE FRENCH OVERRUN AND PILLAGE THE COUNTRY OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY AFTER THE PEACE OF ARRAS.—THE MARSHAL DE RIEUX TAKES MANY TOWNS AND CASTLES FROM THE ENGLISH IN NORMANDY.

When the French ambassadors were returned to king Charles, and had shown him the treaty they had concluded at Arras with the duke of Burgundy, by which, among other articles, the duke acknowledged the king as his sovereign lord, he was much pleased, and ordered peace to be proclaimed in all the usual places.

Soon after, the French in the town of Rue marched away,—and the government of it was given up to the commissaries of the duke of Burgundy. Another party of French, however, collected in Santerre, and in the Amiennois, where they plundered many places belonging to the duke of Burgundy and his friends: they even robbed all they met in those parts, nobles and[Pg 301] others. The duke, therefore, ordered some troops to march against these marauders, who, hearing of it, retreated from that country.

The English at this period laid siege to the bridge of Meulan, which the French had lately won, but, from some obstacles that arose, gave it up. In another quarter, the marshal de Rieux and Charles des Marêts gained the town of Dieppe, and some others in Normandy, in the following manner.

Soon after the conclusion of the peace at Arras, several valiant French captains, such as the marshal de Rieux, Gaucher de Boussach, the lord de Longueval, and others, having with them from three to four hundred tried soldiers, marched, by the invitation of Charles des Marêts, on the Friday preceding All-saints-day, to escalade the strong town of Dieppe, seated on the sea-coast, and in the plentiful country of Caux. Charles des Marêts entered the town secretly, with about six hundred combatants, on the side toward the harbour, and thence hastened to destroy the gate leading toward Rouen,—by which the mar[Pg 302]shal watered with his men at arms on foot, and with displayed banners.

It was about day-break when they arrived at the market-place, shouting out, 'Town won!' which cry greatly surprised the inhabitants, who began to shoot and to throw stones from the house-tops. As there were many in the town and on board of the vessels in the harbour, the French waited until nine or ten o'clock before they began to attack the houses,—but they were all won, with little loss to the French.

The lieutenant-governor, Mortimer, fled with many others of the English, but the lord de Bloseville was taken. At the first onset, only three or four of the English garrison were killed,—but several were made prisoners, with all those who had supported their party. The property of the inhabitants was confiscated, excepting, however, those willing to take the oaths of fidelity and allegiance to king Charles.

There were in the harbour numbers of vessels, the greater part of which fell into the hands of the French. The day the town was taken, proclamation was made for all foreigners to leave it, except such[Pg 303] as were willing to take the oaths,—and Charles des Marêts was unanimously appointed governor for the king of France.

The whole of the English throughout Normandy were greatly troubled and vexed at this capture, and not without cause, for the town of Dieppe was wonderous strong and excellently situated in one of the most fertile parts of that country.

Shortly after, a body of French cavalry, to the amount of from three to four thousand, arrived at Dieppe and in the neighbourhood, under the command of Anthony de Chabannes, Blanchefort, Poton le Bourguignon, Pierre Regnault and other captains. They were soon joined by Poton de Saintrailles, John d'Estouteville, Robinet his brother, the lord de Montrieul Bellay, with other noble lords and commanders. To them came also a leader of the common people, called Le Kirennier, with about four thousand of the norman peasantry, who united themselves with the French forces, and took oaths, in the presence of the marshal de Rieux, to wage a perpetual warfare against the English.

When these troops had been properly[Pg 304] arranged, they took the field in good array on Christmas-eve, and marched to Fécamp,[23] which by means of the lord de Milleville was surrendered to the marshal, on promise of remaining unmolested. John d'Estouteville was made governor thereof; and on the morrow of Christmas-day the army advanced to Monstier Villiers, which was also surrendered by a Gascon called Jean du Puys, who had been placed there by the English. The marshal made a person called Courbenton its governor.

The successes were now increasing on all sides in Normandy,—and many of the nobles took the oaths of fidelity to the marshal. The army was now marched to Harfleur, and made on it a vigorous assault; but they were repulsed by the garrison, with the loss of forty of their men killed,—the principal of whom were the lord de Monstrieul-Bellay and the bastard de Langle.

The marshal had determined to renew the attack on the morrow; but the townsmen concluded a treaty to surrender, on[Pg 305] condition that the four hundred English in the place should depart in safety with their baggage and property. The English captain, called William Minors, conducted his men and baggage out of the town,—and the inhabitants took the oaths of allegiance.

At the same time, the following towns surrendered to the king's obedience, Le Bec Crespin, Tancarville, Gomerville, Les Loges, Valmont, Grasville, Longueville, Lambreville, and very many forts, with little loss to the French.

The count de Richemont, constable of France, now joined this army, to whom, on his arrival, the towns and castles of Charles-Maisnil, Aumarle, St Germain sur Cailly, Fontaines le bourg, Préaux, Blainville and others, surrendered, in all of which garrisons were placed; and thus, at this season, was the greater part of the country of Caux conquered by the French. It is true, that they were forced from want of provision to leave these parts,—but their captains, before they departed, posted strong garrisons along the frontier.

Charles des Marêts and Richarville[Pg 306] were present at all these conquests: they took the field from Dieppe, and joined the marshal de Rieux, the lord de Torsy, Poton le Bourguignon, Broussart, Blanchefort, John d'Estouteville, and other captains renowned in war. To them, likewise, attached himself Le Kerennier with six thousand of the peasantry, to accomplish their work of driving the English out of the country.

FOOTNOTES:

[23] Fécamp,—a city of Normandy by the sea, diocese of Rouen.

THE ENGLISH SUSPECT THE BURGUNDIANS WHO ARE WAGING WAR WITH THEM AGAINST THE KING OF FRANCE: THEY NO LONGER CONVERSE OR KEEP COMPANY WITH THEM.—OTHER MATTERS BRIEFLY SPOKEN OF.

When the English in France were perfectly assured that a treaty had taken place between the duke of Burgundy and king Charles, they became very suspicious of the Burgundians, and guarded as much against them as they had done before[Pg 307] against the French. Notwithstanding they had been on the greatest intimacy together, they had no longer confidence in each other,—and although there was no open warfare between them, the English and Burgundians were mutually taking measures in secret to gain advantages over each other.

The English guarding the frontier toward Calais even attempted to take the town of Ardres by surprise,—and the Burgundians in Ponthieu made a similar attempt in regard to the castle of Crotoy, keeping outwardly fair appearances. Each were, however, much displeased at these attempts, and made preparations for open war.

During this time, La Hire was quartered at Gerberoy;[24] and, in conjunction with Poton de Saintrailles and sir Regnault de Fontaines, collected about six hundred combatants, whom they led toward Rouen, in the hope of entering that town by means of friends within it,—but they failed in their enterprise. They and their men,[Pg 308] being much tired, retreated to a large village, called Le Bois, to refresh themselves, but not without sir Thomas Kiriel, and the other English captains in Rouen, gaining intelligence thereof. He and his companions therefore speedily armed, and fell on the French at this village unexpectedly, with about a thousand combatants, who soon put them to the rout; for the French had not time to mount their horses, nor draw up in battle-array.

The greater part fled the way they had come,—but a few of their leaders, attempting to rally them, were conquered by the English. Among the prisoners were the lords de Fontaines, Alain Geron, Alardin de Monssay, Jean de Bordes, Garnarde and many others, to the amount of upward of sixty. Eight or ten only were killed: the rest saved themselves by flight. La Hire was wounded, and lost his equipage. The English gained almost all their horses,—for the greater part dismounted, and escaped into a wood hard by.

At this time, king Henry of England sent an embassy to the emperor of Germany; but the ambassadors, passing through[Pg 309] Brabant, were arrested by the officers of the duke of Burgundy: they were, however, as I was informed, soon set at liberty, because the king of England and the duke had not declared war against each other. About this time also, by the exertions of sir John de Vergy, and some French captains under him, the English were driven out of the two strong towns they held in Champagne, on the frontiers of Bar, namely, Nogent le Roi and Montigny.

In like manner, those of Pontoise surrendered their town into the hands of the lord de l'Isle-Adam, which had before been under the command of the English; for though this lord de l'Isle-Adam had carried on the war for the English, and had even been made marshal of France by king Henry, within a short time he had turned against him. The English lost also the castle of Vincennes, and other places they held in the Isle de France, and now began to perceive how much they suffered from the duke of Burgundy having quitted them, and from his union with France. They therefore conceived a greater hatred against him and his friends than against their ancient enemies the French.

FOOTNOTES:

[24] Gerberoy,—in the Isle de France, four leagues from Beauvais.

KING HENRY SENDS LETTERS TO THE HOLLANDERS, TO DRAW THEM TO HIS PARTY.—A COPY OF THESE LETTERS.

In this year, king Henry of England sent letters, sealed with his seal, to the mayor, sheriffs, counsellors, burghers and commonalty of the town of Ziric-zee, to entice them over to his party against the duke of Burgundy, a copy of which follows.

'Henry, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, to our very dear and great friends the burgomasters, sheriffs, counsellors and commonalty of the town of Ziric-zee, health, and perpetual love and affection. Very dear and great friends, how much advantage and profit arises to kingdoms from an uninterrupted alliance and confederation between kingdoms and great lords their prosperity fully evinces, and of which you have had experience. In recalling to mind the very ancient friendship and alliance that has so long subsisted between our predecessors the[Pg 311] kings of this realm and the princes who have ruled over Holland, Zealand and Frizeland, we have observed that commerce has flourished and public tranquillity been preserved through means of this friendship, to the overthrow of hatreds, jealousies, and internal divisions.

'Being most heartily desirous that such an alliance and friendship may continue, we shall pursue the steps of our predecessors, as well through affinity of blood as from old attachment to those princes of Zealand, who have worn our order of the Garter in the same manner that emperors and other royal persons, through affection to us, have done.

'Having taken this opportunity of notifying to you that our friendship and love continue the same, and which we shall ever cultivate, preferring old friends to the making of new ones, as being far more honourable as well as profitable,—we frankly inform you, that we understand that, under pretence of a peace, divers novelties and changes have taken place in our kingdom of France, to the great prejudice of us and of our state, by infringing the general peace[Pg 312] of the two realms, so loyally and faithfully concluded between our late very dear lords, our father and grandfather, the kings Henry and Charles lately deceased, whose souls may God pardon! and between the greatest nobles of the two kingdoms, as we have in full remembrance.

'From this cause, various rumours are abroad, as if some countries were about to break off their confederations and alliances with us, but for which we know not of any reasons that should induce them so to do. We are anxious, therefore, for our satisfaction, to learn your intentions on this subject, as we make known ours to you,—and most affectionately entreat you to accept of our wish that our former friendship may be preserved, and that you will inform us of your intentions by the bearer of these presents, whom we send purposely to you; or should you be willing to send any envoys to notify to us your inclinations, we shall attend to them with a hearty good will. Very dear and great friends, may the Holy Spirit have you under his protection.

'Given under our privy seal, at our palace of Westminster, the 14th day of[Pg 313] December, in the year of Grace 1435, and of our reign the 14th.'

The address on the letter was, 'To our very dear and great friends the burgomasters, sheriffs, counsellors and commonalty of the town of Ziric-zee.'

On the receipt of this letter, the only answer the burgomasters gave the messenger was, that they would consider of it,—and then they sent it to the duke of Burgundy and his council, who were very much displeased at the conduct of the English toward him and his country, in this as well as in other matters.

While affairs were growing worse every day between the English and Burgundians, the duke and some of his most able counsellors thought that it would be more advisable to consider on some private means to prevent the two countries going to war,—[Pg 314]for that it would be better for all parties the duke should remain in peace, and neuter as to the war with France. To accomplish this, sir John de Luxembourg count de Ligny, who had not as yet taken the oaths of fidelity to king Charles, was sent for to the duke. At his request, sir John offered to write to his brother the archbishop of Rouen, who was one of the principal advisers of king Henry, and his chancellor for the kingdom of France.

The business was immediately commenced, and the archbishop dispatched to king Henry in England. It was there resolved, that for the welfare of the two countries, they would remain in peace; and the archbishop sent word to his brother, that his request would be complied with,—and that England would give good security not to undertake any enterprise against the territories of the duke of Burgundy, provided the duke would give similar security to king Henry.

Sir John de Luxembourg, on receiving this information in writing, sent it to the duke of Burgundy, and desired to know by the messenger whether he were[Pg 315] willing to proceed further in the matter. The duke made answer, by the bishop of Tournay, that he would not; for that the English had of late behaved in a very hostile manner toward him and his subjects, and in various parts had defamed his person and his honour. They had overthrown from four to five hundred of his combatants on the borders of Flanders, and had also attempted to gain the town of Ardres by surprise. This had been confessed by four of the party who had been beheaded for it in that town. They had also done many other acts of hostility, which could not longer be passed over in silence.

When the bishop of Tournay had given this answer to the messengers from the count de Ligny, they requested of the duke to have it in writing, which he complied with, and signed it with his own hand; but before the messengers were departed, the duke was strongly exhorted, by several of his council, to make preparations for a war against the English, in defence of his honour.

In consequence, he shortly after had letters written and sent to king Henry of[Pg 316] England, in which he stated the acts done on his part against himself and his subjects since the signing of the peace at Arras, which were so disagreeable and offensive to his honour that they could not longer be borne nor dissembled. He added, that if any thing should have been done inimical by him, no one ought to be surprised; for he had received too many insults and neglects not to warrant him therein, which had been very displeasing to him.

When these papers had been examined by king Henry and his council, they were perfectly convinced that a war with the duke of Burgundy was inevitable, and gave immediate orders for the reinforcement of all the frontiers of the Boulonnois and of Crotoy, and warned those countries to be ready for whatever attempts might be made on them. In like manner did the duke of Burgundy strengthen all his towns on the frontier.

The king of England sent declaratory letters to several parts of France, and the principal towns, to explain the cause of quarrel between him and the duke of Burgundy, which in substance contained ex[Pg 317]cuses for the charges made against him by the duke, of the hostilities carried on against himself and subjects. He also stated the letter sent to Ziric-zee, as an instance of his wish to avoid any quarrel. With regard to the alliance he was desirous of forming with the emperor of Germany, he had a right so to do without being called to an account for it; and as for the summons that had been issued to raise a large army to wage war against the duke, he did not deny but that such summons was issued, though no cause for it was mentioned,—and he had a right to assemble an army, and employ it wheresoever he pleased. He concluded by saying, that the charges made against him by the duke of Burgundy were groundless, as would be apparent to all from the acts done against him and his subjects by the said duke and his allies. This declaration shall, if it please God, be thrown back on him from whom it came.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, BY THE ADVICE OF HIS PRIVY COUNSELLORS, RESOLVES TO MAKE AN ATTEMPT TO CONQUER CALAIS.

Soon after the duke of Burgundy had sent his dispatches to England, charging king Henry and his subjects with the many hostile acts they had done against him, he knew that a war must take place, and held many councils to consider on the best means of conducting it.

The council were much divided in their opinions: some were for the duke beginning the war, and assembling the whole of his forces, not only to oppose the English but to make an attempt to conquer Calais, which was his own inheritance. Others were of a different opinion, for they thought again and again on the commencement, and what might be the end of the war,—saying, that the English were so near many parts of their country that they could invade it with advantage whenever they pleased; and they knew not what[Pg 319] dependance and aid could be expected from king Charles, his sovereign, and the princes he was now connected with, in case any misfortunes should befal him.

This matter having been debated for many days, it was at length determined that the duke should commence hostilities, and require the assistance of his countries of Flanders, Holland, and the rest, to aid him in the conquest of Calais and the county of Guines. The principal advisers of this measure were master Jean Chevrot bishop of Tournay, the lord de Croy, master Jean de Croy his brother, sir Jean de Hornes, seneschal of Brabant, the lord de Chargny, the lord de Crevecoeur, Jean de Brimeu, bailiff of Amiens, and many others.

Several great lords, who had constantly served the duke of Burgundy in his wars, were not called to this council,—such as sir John de Luxembourg, the lord d'Antoing, the vidame of Amiens, the bastard of St Pol, the lord de Saveuses, Hugh de Launoy, the lord de Mailly, and several others of high rank and power, as well in Picardy as in the other territories of the duke, who thought that, since they had been thus[Pg 320] neglected, they were not bound to serve with their vassals in the ensuing war with that alacrity they would have done had they been summoned.

When war had been resolved on, the duke went to Ghent, and assembled in the banqueting hall the sheriffs and deacons of the trades. He caused them to be harangued by master Goussenin le Sauvage, one of his counsellors at the castle of Ghent, how the town of Calais had belonged to his predecessors, and that it was his lawful inheritance, as part of his county of Artois, although the English had long held it by force, and against his right: of this they might be truly informed, by examining the report formerly made by Collart de Comines, high bailiff of Flanders, or by others of his counsellors: that the English, since the peace of Arras, had done many hostile acts against him and his subjects, which had much vexed him; and that they had, in various proclamations, defamed his person and honour, which he could not longer, without disgrace, suffer from them. For this reason he had visited them, to request that they would afford[Pg 321] him aid in men and money to conquer the town of Calais, which, as master Goussenin added, was very prejudicial to all Flanders; for that the Flemings who went thither to purchase wool, tin, lead or cheese, were forced to pay in money according to what alloy the English pleased to put on it, or in ingots of refined gold and silver, which was not done in other countries, and this the deacons of the trades vouched to be true.

When this harangue, which was very long, was concluded, the majority of the sheriffs and deacons, without deliberation, or fixing a day to consult with the other members of their body, consented to support the war, and would not listen to some wise and ancient lords, who were of a contrary opinion. But what is more, when news of this was spread through the other towns of Flanders, the whole country was eager for war; and it seemed to many to proceed too slowly,—for they were impatient to display how well provided they were with arms and warlike habiliments. They proceeded thus arrogantly and pom[Pg 322]pously,—for in truth it seemed to them that Calais could not be able to withstand their arms.

The duke of Burgundy made similar applications to the other towns and castlewicks in Flanders for their aid in the war, and all liberally supported him. He also went to Holland, to solicit from the Hollanders shipping against Calais, who complied with the greater part of his demands. He thence returned home to make great preparations for his war against the English, and to conquer Calais.

While these matters were going forward, several enterprises had been undertaken by the English and Burgundians against each other. The duke of Burgundy on his return to Picardy sent thence six hundred combatants, under the lord de Ternant, sir Simon de Lalain and other captains, to reinforce the lord de l'Isle-Adam at Pontoise, and to guard the frontier against the English, who were making a sharp attack on that town, although it was but lately won from them by the lord de l'Isle-Adam. A party of French joined[Pg 323] these Picards, and made frequent attempts to gain the city of Paris.

During this time, king Charles's queen was brought to bed of a son, to whom the king gave the baptismal name of Philip after the duke of Burgundy. The sponsors for the duke were Charles duke of Bourbon and Charles d'Anjou, brother to the queen. When the christening was over, the king sent a pursuivant with letters to the duke of Burgundy, to inform him of what he had done, and to express a wish that it might be agreeable to him. The duke was much pleased with the news, and made the pursuivant presents becoming a prince.

The duke, in the mean time, continued to make requests throughout his dominions for succours of men and money, to carry on with effect his war against the English.

At the beginning of this year, the count de Richemont, constable of France, the bastard of Orleans, the lords de la Roche, de l'Isle-Adam, de Ternant, sir Simon de Lalain, his brother Sausse, with other french and burgundian captains, collected a force of about six thousand combatants, and marched from Pontoise toward Paris, in the hope of gaining admittance through the intrigues of the lord de l'Isle-Adam with the partisans of the burgundian faction within that city.

Having remained there from four to five hours, seeing they could not succeed, they quartered themselves at Aubervilliers, Montmartre, and other places around. On the morrow, they attacked the town of St Denis, wherein were from four to five hundred English, and won it by storm.—About[Pg 325] two hundred English were slain,—and the rest fled to the abbey, where they were besieged, but soon surrendered on having their lives spared, with the reservation of some of the natives, who were to remain at the discretion of the conquerors.

The next day, which was a Thursday, sir Thomas Beaumont, lately arrived at Paris with six hundred fighting men from Normandy, marched from Paris to St Denis, to inquire into the state of the French. When they perceived him, they made a sally with a large force, and almost immediately defeated him. Three hundred and eighty were killed or made prisoners, and among the last was sir Thomas: the rest escaped by flying to Paris, pursued to the very gates.

The Parisians most inclined to the duke of Burgundy, namely, those in the quarter of the market-place, and some few of the university, with Michael Lallier and others of the principal citizens, seeing the great loss the English had suffered, and so large a force of French and Burgundians under their walls, assembled in parties, and resolved to drive out the English and admit[Pg 326] the others into their town. This they made known to the lord de l'Isle-Adam, that he might inform the other captains of their intentions. He sent notice thereof to the constable and the nobles, who, eager to gain Paris, marched from St Denis in handsome array, very early on the Friday morning.

In the mean time, Louis de Luxembourg, bishop of Therouenne, the bishops of Lisieux and of Meaux, the lord Willoughby, and others of the english party, suspecting that the commonalty were about to turn against them, posted their men in the street of St Antony, near to the bastille, which they filled with provision and warlike stores. They kept their men armed, and on their guard, to retreat thither should there be occasion.

When the French and Burgundians were come before Paris, to the gate of St James, on the other side of the Seine toward Montlehery, they sent the lord de l'Isle-Adam to hold a parley with the inhabitants on the ramparts. He displayed to them a general amnesty from king Charles for all that was passed, sealed with his great[Pg 327] seal,—admonishing them, at the same time, to surrender instantly to their lawful king and lord, at the request of the duke of Burgundy, as they were now reconciled, for that they had been ever steadily attached to the duke, and under his government they would still remain. The Parisians, hearing these soft speeches from the lord de l'Isle-Adam and his confederates, were so much pleased, that they agreed, shortly after, to admit them into the city.

Ladders were now hastily placed against the walls, by which the lord de l'Isle-Adam mounted and entered the town. He was followed by the bastard of Orleans and numbers of their men. A large body of the Burgundy-faction and of the commonalty met them, shouting, 'Peace! Long live king Charles, and the duke of Burgundy!'

Soon after, the gates were thrown open, and the constable entered, with the other lords and their men at arms. They advanced toward the bastille, whither the bishops, and those of the english party, had retreated, with a show of making some resistance; but it was vain, for their enemies[Pg 328] were too numerous. They were, therefore, repulsed at the first onset, and a few killed and made prisoners. Barriers were now erected before the gate of the bastille with large timber, and men at arms posted in the Tournelles and adjoining parts, to prevent the English from making any sallies. All their effects were now seized and plundered,—and those who had been their principal supporters were imprisoned, and their property confiscated. New officers were also appointed, in the name of king Charles, for the government of the town.

The bishop of Therouenne, lord Willoughby, and the others in the bastille, held a parley with the French; and, by means of the lord de Ternant and sir Simon de Lalain, it was concluded that, on the surrender of the bastille, those within should be allowed to depart in safety, with all their effects. They had a passport from the constable, under which they went by land and water to Rouen.

The Parisians, at their departure, set up a grand shouting at them, crying out 'à la queue [25]!' Thus was the city of Paris[Pg 329] reduced to the obedience of king Charles. The English, after passing the gate leading to the country, went round to embark at the back of the Louvre. The bishop of Therouenne lost all the rich ornaments of his chapel; and the greater part of his jewels and valuable rings fell to the lot of the constable. However, he was much favoured by the lord de Ternant and sir Simon de Lalain; and they restored to him some of his wealth, which was dispersed in different parts of the town.

The standard of the duke of Burgundy was displayed at all the gates, as an inducement for the Parisians to turn to his party. Some new knights were created on this occasion by the constable, from the country of Picardy, namely, Sausse de Lalain and Robert de Neufville, with others of the French.

The constable remained for a long time in Paris after this conquest,—and with[Pg 330] him the lord de Ternant, who was made provost. The aforesaid sir Sausse de Lalain, the bastard of Orleans, and others of the French and Picards, now returned to the places they had come from.

FOOTNOTES:

[25] In the French Dictionary of Richelet, it is thus explained: à la queue leu leu, (Continenti serie ludere) a kind of play, which means, 'the tail of the wolf.' To play à la queue leu leu, is said when children place themselves in a file, and the leader, making a half-wheel round, drags the rest after him, endeavouring to catch hold of the last in the file.

ARTHUR COUNT DE RICHEMONT, CONSTABLE OF FRANCE, MAKES WAR ON THE HEIR OF COMMERCY.

In this year, the count de Richemont, constable of France, advanced into Champagne with a large body of troops to make war on the heir of Commercy and others, who were disobedient to king Charles, and had greatly annoyed that and the surrounding countries.

On his arrival, he took Laon, some leagues from Rheims, and thence marched to Braine [26], belonging to the lord of Commercy; but as it was too strong and well garrisoned, and refused to submit, he passed[Pg 331] on to Saint Menehoud, in the possession of Henry de la Tour, who gave it up on capitulation.

The constable was here joined by the youth Everard de la Marche, who made an agreement with him for his men to lay siege to Chavensy [27]. The constable gave him several of his captains and their men: with these he commenced the siege of Chavensy about eight days after Easter, by erecting a strong block-house, wherein he quartered about four hundred of his troops and a number of common people, who came thither at times from the low countries.

Everard had with him the constable's lieutenant named Jean de Malatrait, sir John Geoffry de Conurant, and the provost of the marshals, Tristan de l'Hermite, and also Pierre d'Orgy, Yvon du Puys, the Arragonian, Estienne Diest, le grand Pierre, and others, men of renown, who remained full four months carrying on a severe war against this garrison, which, nevertheless defended themselves with prudence and ability.

While this was going forward, a party of the besieging army kept the open country, with the intent of harrassing in other places the heir of Commercy, who was always on his guard, and well attended by men at arms. He learnt from his spies, that his adversaries were quartered at the village of Romaigne [28], in Champagne; and before they could be prepared to resist him, he made a sudden attack on them at eight of the clock in the morning, and totally defeated them. About sixty were slain, among whom were Alain Geron bailiff of Senlis, Geoffry de Morillon, Pierre d'Orgy, Alain de la Roche, Olivier de la Jouste, the bastard of Villebranche, and many other gentlemen. Six score were made prisoners,—and in the number was one Blanchelaine.

The heir of Commercy retreated after this defeat,—and when news of it was carried to the besiegers of Chavensy, they were greatly surprised. Everard de la Marche was not cast down by this misfortune, but gained to his party the count de[Pg 333] Vernembourg, who in person, attended by his two sons, and accompanied by four or five hundred combatants, went to this siege. He carried with him, likewise, sir Hugh Tauxte and sir Herault de Gourgines, governors of Ainville [29], the children of Brousset, and many more great lords, who remained at this siege until the night of St John's day,—when the besieged made a grand sally, and set fire to the quarters of the besiegers. They were successful in throwing the enemy into confusion, and slew from two to three hundred, among whom were Estienne Diest and the Arragonian. Another skirmish took place, when one of the sons of the count de Vernembourg was killed, and the great block-house set on fire by means of rockets. The besiegers, having suffered severely in these sallies, decamped, when their quarters were burnt.

Angillebert de Dolle and Girard de Marescoup commanded in Chavensey, during this siege, for the Lord de Commercy, with about two hundred fighting men.

During this time, the constable had reduced to obedience the towns of Nampteuil-sur-Aine [30], Han-les-Moines [31], Bourg [32], and other castles, on his presenting himself before them.

FOOTNOTES:

[26] Braine,—near Compiégne.

[27] Chavensy. Q.

[28] La Romaigne,—near Rethel in Champagne.

[29] Ainville, on the frontiers of Champagne and Lorraine.

THE BISHOP OF LIEGE AND THE LIEGEOIS DESTROY BOUSSEUVRE [33], AND OTHER FORTS THAT HAD MADE WAR AGAINST THEM.

At the end of the month of April, the bishop of Liege raised a large force to combat and reduce to obedience several forts in the forest of the Ardennes, held by a set of plunderers, who had done much mischief to the inhabitants of his territories. The principal leaders and supporters of these marauders were Jean de Beaurain, Philipot de Sergins, the lord d'Orchimont and[Pg 335] others, who made the castle of Boussenoch, Villers opposite to Mousson, Aubigny, Beaurain, Orchimont, and several other castles in these parts, their retreats.

Some of them gave out that they were attached to the king of France, others to the duke of Burgundy, but the greater part to sir John de Luxembourg, count de Ligny; while two of them, John de Beaurain and Philipot de Sergins, made war on their own account, to recover sums due to them for services they had done the Liegeois.

The bishop, through the aid of the nobles of the country, assembled from two to three thousand horse, and from twelve to sixteen thousand infantry, well equipped, and armed each according to his rank: he had also three or four thousand carts laden with provision, military engines, and stores of all kinds. The bishop, on quitting Liege, advanced to Dinant [34], and thence across the river Meuse. Having marched through woods for five leagues, his forces[Pg 336] halted two days at Rigniues,[35] to wait for the baggage, which travelled slowly on account of the badness of the roads. At this place, the bishop formed his army into four divisions, namely, two of cavalry, and the same number of infantry,—and, riding down their fronts, admonished every one to perform his duty well.

He dispatched part of his cavalry to post themselves before the castle of Boussenoch, while he followed with the main body, and on his arrival surrounded it on all sides, placing his bombards and engines against the walls and gates of the castle, in which were about twenty pillagers, greatly surprised to see so large an army before the gates.

The Liegeois set instantly to work, and soon drained the ditches by sluices which they cut, while others brought faggots and filled them, so that they began to storm the place with such vigour that the bulwark was instantly won. Those within retreated to a large tower, and defended themselves for a long time; but it was of no avail,[Pg 337] for they were overpowered by fire and arrows, and surrendered at discretion to the bishop, who had them all hanged on trees near to the castle, by a priest who acted as their captain,—and he, after hanging his companions, was tied to a tree and burnt, and the castle razed to the ground.

The bishop, after this exploit, marched away toward the upper Châtelet; but many of his army wanted to march to Hirson [36] and other places of sir John de Luxembourg,—because, they said, he was the supporter of those they were now making war on. But this same day the bastard of Coucy met the bishop, and said that he was sent by sir John de Luxembourg to assure the bishop that sir John was only desirous of living on neighbourly terms with him, and to request that he would not suffer any injuries to be done to his country or vassals; that if any thing wrong had been done to the Liegeois by those who gave out that they were dependant on him, he wished to be heard in his defence, and would refer the matter to friends of either side as arbi[Pg 338]trators. At the same time, letters were brought from the duke of Burgundy to the bishop, to require that he would not do any injury to sir John de Luxembourg, nor to the lord d'Orchimont, which put an end to their intended plan.

The bishop, with a part of his army, then marched to the castle of Aubigny, when, finding that the garrison had fled through fear of him, he ordered the castle to be burnt. From Aubigny he went to upper Châtelet, wherein a body of his men were, for the garrison had abandoned it,—and it was destroyed as the others had been.

The bishop had intended marching to Villiers; but his intention being known to the inhabitants of Mousson and Ivoy, they destroyed the castle of Villiers, fearful of the damages that would be done to the country should the Liegeois once enter it. On hearing this, the bishop took the road to Beaurain, which castle John de Beaurain, its lord, had lately repaired and strengthened with the addition of four towers: one he called Hainault, another Namur, the third Brabant, and the fourth Rethel, because it was from those countries he had gotten the[Pg 339] money to build them. However, when he heard of the march of the Liegeois, he was afraid to wait their coming, and fled with his men, but not before he had set the castle on fire. This did not prevent the bishop from completely demolishing it to its foundations; then, without proceeding further, he marched his men back to their own country, and went himself to the city of Liege.

At this season, the town of Gamaches in Vimeu, which had long been held by the English, surrendered to the lord d'Aussi and to sir Florimont de Brimeu, seneschal of Ponthieu, by means of certain friends they had in the town. The seneschal re-garrisoned it with men at arms for the duke of Burgundy. In like manner, the English were driven out of Aumarle, which surrendered to a gentleman called David de Reume, attached to king Charles.

About the same time, the constable laid siege to Creil, in the possession of the English, and erected a block-house at the end of the bridge on the road to the Beauvoisis, wherein he remained for a long time, but at length marched away in disgrace,[Pg 340] which grieved him much,—for he had lost many men, together with very large quantities of military stores and artillery.

FOOTNOTES:

[30] Nampteuil,—near Rheims.

[31] Han,—near Rheims.

[32] Bourg,—near Rheims.

[33] Bousseuvre,—is called afterward Boussenoch.

[34] Dinant, on the Meuse, sixteen leagues from Liege.

[35] Rigniues. Q.

[36] Hirson,—or Herisson, a town in Picardy, election of Guise.

Bernard de Bourset kept quiet possession of the town of Orchimont and its castle,—but one day, having as usual sent out a detachment of about fifty to lay waste and plunder the country of Liege, they were observed and pursued by the Liegeois, under the command of the provost of Rebogne. Their passage being cut off on the way they meant to have returned, they fled for Dinant, and entered Bouvines, thinking they should be safe there, but were mistaken, inasmuch as they were detained prisoners. Although the officers of justice from Liege made frequent applications to those of Bouvines to have them punished according to their deserts, they were set at liberty, for these two towns did not much love each other.

While this matter was passing, Everard de la Marche, who was in alliance with the bishop of Liege, and had also many subjects of complaint against these pillagers, assembled in haste as many men as he could,—and, being joined by some forces from Dinant and the surrounding country, advanced to Orchimont, and took the town by storm. Bernard had at this moment but few men with him, and therefore retreated to the castle, whither he was gallantly pursued by the Liegeois. They pressed him so hardly that, at the end of four days, he surrendered, on capitulation, to Everard de la Marche.

The castle and town were after this razed to the ground, to the great joy of all the neighbouring country,—for they had been inhabited by a set of wicked vagabonds, who had annoyed all within their reach.

THE ENGLISH MAKE EXCURSIONS FROM CALAIS TOWARD BOULOGNE AND GRAVELINES.—LA HIRE CONQUERS GISORS, AND LOSES IT SOON AFTERWARDS.

While the war was on the point of breaking out between the English and Burgundians, for each party was now watching the other, the English suddenly came before Boulogne, thinking to win it by surprise,—but it was too well defended. They burnt part of the shipping in the harbour, and then retreated to Calais with all they could collect, without loss.

Shortly after, they again assembled a force of five or six hundred combatants, and set out on a foraging party toward Gravelines. The Flemings in that quarter collected, and attacked the English, contrary to the will and advice of the gentlemen who commanded them, namely, Georges des Ubes and Chery Hazebrouch. The consequence was, that they were conquered,—from three to four hundred killed, and[Pg 343] full six score prisoners, whom the English carried with them and their forage to Calais, and to other places under their obedience. The remainder saved themselves by flight as speedily as they could.

At this time, La Hire was posted at Beauvais and Gerberoy,—and, by means of intelligence which he had kept up in the town of Gisors, he gained admittance, with the forces under his command, and won the place. Part of the garrison retired into the castle, and hastily sent off messengers to Rouen, and to other towns, to state their situation and demand succours. On the third day, so strong a reinforcement came, the town was reconquered,—and La Hire and his companions marched off at a quicker step than a pace, with the exception of twenty or thirty who had remained behind. These were put to death or detained prisoners by the English, together with a great number of the inhabitants, because they had afforded assistance to their enemies.

THE MEN OF GHENT, AND THE FLEMINGS, MAKE GREAT PREPARATIONS FOR THE SIEGE OF CALAIS.

The men of Ghent were not idle all this time. They issued a summons throughout their castlewicks and dependances, for all burghers, whatever their rank might be, (reserving, however, the vassals of their prince) to appear within three days before the sheriffs of Ghent, and have their names and surnames inrolled, under pain of losing their franchises. They were also ordered to provide themselves with arms and all necessary habiliments for war. They likewise caused it to be proclaimed, that those who had for their misdeeds been condemned to perform certain pilgrimages, would be excused from doing them until their return from the war, and fourteen days after; and also that those who had quarrels should be placed under the safeguard of the law, and all who dared to infringe it should be punished according to the custom of the town[Pg 345] of Ghent. It was also forbidden for any one of that country, whatever his rank, to carry, or have carried away, any armour, or habiliments for war, under pain of banishment for ten years.

When these proclamations were issued, there was much bustle in Ghent and its dependances in preparations for the war,—and every town and village knew exactly how many men they were to provide to make up the quota of seventeen thousand, which the city of Ghent had promised to deliver to their prince in the course of the present year; and each family knew also the exact amount of the taxes it was to pay for the support of the war. Summonses were next issued through their castlewicks, that a third more carts and waggons were to be provided than had been necessary for the late expedition to Hamme on the Somme; and these demands were proclaimed in all the usual places by officers sent from Ghent. But as these matters did not seem to the men of Ghent to be pushed forward with the expedition they expected, they sent another proclamation to their officers, declaring, that if within three days[Pg 346] from the date thereof there were not sent to their commissary in Ghent the number of carriages required, they would order the deacon of the black hoods and his attendants to the different towns and villages to seize on all the best carts and carriages without exception, and at the expense of those who should neglect to send them to Ghent by the time specified. This second proclamation caused such an alarm among the farmers and peasants, lest the black hoods should be sent, that they made such dispatch in forwarding their carriages to the appointed place that the townsmen of Ghent were well satisfied with them.

The regulations for their arms were as follow: each was to provide himself with a short mallet of lead or iron, having points on its head and a lance; that two mallets would be reckoned as equal to one lance; that without such arms they would not pass muster,—and those who should be found defective would be punished.

The inhabitants of Bruges, and the other towns, made likewise very grand preparations to join the army; and for two months the majority of such as had been[Pg 347] ordered on this service had not done a single day's work at their trades. Thus the greater part of their time was occupied in spending their money in large companies at taverns and ale-houses, which very frequently caused quarrels, when several were killed or wounded.

The duke of Burgundy, in the mean while, was busily employed in preparing for his attack on Calais.

During this time, there lived one Hannequin Lyon, a native of Dunkirk, but who, for his demerits, had been banished from Ghent, and, becoming a fugitive, turned pirate, and, by his good fortune and activity, increased in wealth, so that he now possessed eight or ten vessels, well armed and victualled, under his command. He made war indiscriminately on the flags of all nations, and was much feared on the coasts of Holland and Flanders. He called himself The Friend of God and the Enemy of all Mankind.

At length, he met with the fate that people of his way of life generally experience,—for, when he was at the highest pinnacle of his fortune, he lost his life and his wealth in a tempest at sea.

SIR JOHN DE CROY, BAILIFF OF HAINAULT, IN CONJUNCTION WITH OTHER CAPTAINS, ATTACK THE ENGLISH AND ARE DISCOMFITED BY THEM.

At this time, sir John de Croy, bailiff of Hainault, assembled, on the borders of Picardy and the Boulonnois, about fifteen hundred combatants, the principal leaders of whom were the lord de Waurin, sir Baudo de Noyelle, sir Louis de Thieubronne, Robert de Saveuses, Richard de Thieubronne, the lord Deulez, the bastard of Roucy, with several more, well experienced in war. They intended to march them against Calais and other places dependant on the English, and for this reason had their rendezvous at a village called le Wast, two leagues from St Omer.

They marched thence one night to forage the country of the enemy,—but this same night the English had formed an expedition to do the like in the Boulonnois, to the amount of about two thousand[Pg 349] men. Neither of them knew of the other's intent, nor did they take roads likely to meet; but on sir John de Croy's approaching the English border, he dispatched some expert men at arms, well acquainted with the country, to gain intelligence. They fell in with the rear of the English detachment near the bridge of Milay, about day-break, and, on reconnoitring them, found that they were very numerous. When returned to sir John, they made him acquainted with what they had seen, and that the English were advancing toward the Boulonnois. A council of the captains was called to determine how they should act, when it was resolved to pursue and attack them during the time they would be engaged in plundering the villages, if they could overtake them in time—otherwise to combat them wherever they should meet.

It was ordered that sir John de Croy, accompanied by a body of the most able men at arms, should advance with the greater part of the archers, and that the main body should follow near, under the banner of sir Louis de Thieubronne.

Scouts were again sent forward, who[Pg 350] rode long before they saw the fires which the enemy had made by burning different villages and small towns. Some prisoners whom they had taken had given information to the English of their being abroad, who in consequence had collected their men on a small eminence between Gravelines and Campagne [37]. It might be at this time about ten o'clock, but the greater part of the English were assembled lower down, and could not well be seen.

The main body of the Burgundians, on perceiving the enemy, were very eager for the combat, because the advanced party had already begun the engagement, and from sixty to eighty of the English on the hill were slain and the others put to flight; but when, on advancing, they perceived so large a body on the other side of the declivity rallying the runaways, they were surprised and fearful of the event, and halted for the arrival of the main body.

In the mean time, the English recovered courage on seeing the enemy afraid to follow up their victory, and made a well[Pg 351] ordered and firm charge upon them. The Burgundians could not withstand the shock, were thrown into confusion, and, instantly wheeling round, fled in haste for the castles under their obedience.

The English, who had been half conquered at the first onset, pursued them, full gallop, as far as the town of Ardres, and even within the barriers. Upwards of a hundred were slain or made prisoners: among the first was Robert de Bournonville, surnamed the Red. In the last were Jean d'Estreves, Bournonville, Galiot du Champ, Maide, Houttefort, Barnamont, and many others, men of note. The English pursued their enemies with such eagerness that five or six were killed close to the ditches of the town,—and among them was one of very high rank.

The lord de Waurin, sir Baudo de Noyelle, sir Louis de Thieubronne, Robert de Saveuses, who had that day been knighted, and several more, saved themselves in Ardres. Sir John de Croy had been wounded by an arrow at the first onset, and his horse killed. He and the lord Deulez retired to the abbey of Lille, much troubled[Pg 352] and hurt at his defeat. The others escaped to divers forts and castles in the neighbourhood.

When the English had ceased pursuing, they collected together, and returned with their prisoners to Calais, and to other places under their government. The count de Mortaigne came out of Calais to meet them, and gave them a most joyful reception, blaming greatly, at the same time, those who by flying had put them in such imminent danger.

FOOTNOTES:

[37] Campagne-les-Boulonnois,—a village of Artois, near St Omer.

At the beginning of the month of June, duke Philip of Burgundy having completed his preparations for the siege of Calais, as well in men as in warlike stores, went without state to Ghent and other places in Flanders, that he might hasten the march of the troops from that country.

On the Saturday after Corpus-Christi-[Pg 353]day, a general muster was made in Ghent before the duke, of all who were to join his army from that town and its dependances, namely, from the towns of Alost, Grammont, Dendermonde and Mene [38], (with those of the five members of the county of Alost, containing seventy-two country towns and lordships) of Boulers, Sotengien, Tournay, Gaures and Rides, with those from Regnaits, and the regalles of Flanders, situated between Grammont and Tournay. These troops remained in the market-place, where they had been mustered, from eight o'clock in the morning until noon, when they marched out of the town, taking the road to Calais. The duke accompanied them as far as the open country, where he took leave of them and went to Bruges, to hasten their contingent of men.

The weather was so exceedingly oppressive that two of the ghent captains died of the heat. They were named Jean des Degrez, deacon of the watermen, and Gautier de Wase-Reman, captain of Westmon[Pg 354]stre, with several others of low degree. The commander in chief of this division of the flemish army was the lord de Comines; of that of Bruges, the lord de Fienhuse; of those from Courtray, sir Girard de Guistelles; of those from the Franc, the lord de Merque; of those from Ypres, Jean de Comines.

The first night they halted at Deijnse and Peteghem, which are not far distant from Ghent, and remained there on the morrow to wait for their baggage and stores. On the ensuing Monday they departed, and continued their march until they came to the town of Armentieres, when they quartered themselves in the meadows without the town with those from Courtray and Oudenarde, who were within the castlewick of Ghent, and had joined them on the march. The lord d'Antoing was their leader and commander in chief, as being hereditary viscount of all Flanders.

When they remained at Armentieres, twenty-one of their men were arrested, and hung on trees in front of head-quarters, for having robbed some peasants. The ghent division then advanced to Hazebrouch, in[Pg 355] the country of Alleu, where they destroyed the mill of d'Hazebourch, because he had, as they said, led on the Flemings ungallantly when they were lately defeated by the English near to Gravelines; but he excused himself by declaring, they would not attend to his advice, nor obey his orders.

Thence they advanced to Drinchaut [39], where they were met by their prince the duke of Burgundy, and the count de Richemont, constable of France, who had come thither to wait on the duke. Both of them visited the ghent men, and partook of a collation at their head-quarters. The army marched through Bourbourg, and quartered themselves near to Gravelines, where they destroyed the mill of Georges de Wez, for the same reason they had done that of Cherry de Hazebourch.

At this place they were joined by the forces from Bruges, Ypres, the Franc and other towns in Flanders, and formed an handsome encampment, placing the tents regularly according to the towns they came[Pg 356] from—which made a fine sight, and at a distance had the appearance of a large town. The carriages were innumerable to convey these tents, baggage and stores; and on the top of each was a cock to crow the hours. There were also great numbers of peasants to drag the culverines and other engines of war; and the majority of the Flemings wore plain armour, according to the custom of their country.

On their departure, they all mustered under arms before the duke and constable, who viewed them with much pleasure,—and on this day a wolf ran through the ranks of the division from Bruges, which caused a great alarm and a cry of 'To arms!' on which the whole took the field, when there might be full thirty thousand wearing helmets. They crossed the river at Gravelines, and fixed their quarters at Tournehem, not far distant. The weather was at this time dreadfully severe, with rain and such high winds that they could not pitch their tents, but were forced to lie on the ground. Three Picards were arrested and hanged by the ghent men, for robbing the landlord of an hôtel of his provisions.

The count d'Estampes here joined the army of Flanders with the men at arms the duke of Burgundy had ordered on this expedition,—and on a Friday the whole encamped before the castle of Oye [40], in possession of the English. This place soon surrendered to the duke and to the men of Ghent, who ordered nine and twenty to be hanged the same day in front of the castle; and afterward twenty-five suffered the like sentence, with the exception of three or four that were respited at the request of the duke. The castle was on its surrender burnt, and razed to the ground.

With regard to the Picards and Burgundians now with the army, although very expert plunderers, they could not lay hands on any thing; for the flemish commanders would on no account suffer such things, or, when known, pass them over with impunity,—and, what was worse, when they chanced to get any things from the enemy, it often happened that, with their spoil, their own private property was taken from them also. When they complained of[Pg 358] this, they only received additional blows, which obliged them to be silent and suffer all, from the greater power of the Flemings, but it was most impatiently.

The Flemings were so presumptuous that they thought nothing could be done without them, and even imagined that the English, from fear of them would abandon Calais and fly to England. This was frequently the subject of their conversations with the Picards, adding, that they well knew that, when the English should be informed of their lords of Ghent being in arms against them, they would not run the risk of being conquered by them, but make a timely retreat; that it was negligence in the fleet not to have advanced prior to their arrival, before the port of Calais, to cut off their escape.

They needed not have been so uneasy on this head, for the English were well inclined to defend themselves,—and in truth, king Henry and all England would just as soon have lost their thirty-year's conquests in France as the single town of Calais, as I have been credibly informed, and as they full well showed by their defence shortly afterward.

When the castle of Oye had been demolished, the whole army decamped, to take post between the castle of Marque and Calais. At the same time, the duke of Burgundy and his men at arms made an excursion before the town of Calais, whence issued out a party of horse and foot, and a considerable skirmish took place,—but in the end the English were repulsed, and the Picards and Flemings drove away a large booty in cows, sheep, horses, and other things.

The duke staid with his men at arms some time near Calais, until the armies were returned to their quarters, and then went to his own tent before the castle of Marque, as the Picards were about to make a serious attack on it. The bulwark was won, to the great astonishment of the garrison, who displayed on the side toward Calais the banner of St George, ringing at the same time all their bells, and making the most horrid noises and cries.

The assailants, fearful that the garrison would escape by night, placed a strong guard all around; and, on the morrow, pointed many great engines against the[Pg 360] walls, which damaged them in several places. They were then jointly attacked by the Picards and Flemings; but they defended themselves obstinately by throwing down stones from the battlements, with which and with arrows they killed and wounded so many that the assailants were glad to retreat. The besieged demanded a truce for a parley, which was granted them, when they offered to surrender to the duke on the sole condition of not being hanged,—but that they would submit in other respects unconditionally. These terms were accepted, and all persons forbidden to enter the castle under pain of death, unless ordered so to do.

The garrison was conducted by the four chief flemish officers to the head-quarters of the ghent division; and it was determined to make reprisals, in order to have some flemish prisoners in Calais exchanged. In consequence, one hundred and four English were delivered over to the bailiff of Ghent, who carried them thither to be imprisoned.

The greater part of the common men now entered the castle and took whatever[Pg 361] they could find; but some of the ghent men, placing themselves at the gates, seized on all articles that had been taken, as they repassed, and laid them in a heap, saying they were so ordered by the sheriffs of Ghent,—but, when night came, they loaded the whole on carts, and carried it whithersoever they pleased. They were, however, charged with this before the sheriffs, and were banished from Ghent, and the country of Flanders, for fifty years. This sentence raised great murmurings, and was nearly the cause of a general mutiny among the Flemings.

On the following day, several men were beheaded because they had been taken with the English: six were Flemings, and the seventh a Hollander; after which, the castle was demolished and razed to the ground.

The army now decamped, and fixed their quarters on the spot where, it was said, Jacques d'Artavelle was formerly encamped when king Edward won Calais after the decisive battle of Cressy. Duke Philip was encamped hard by with his chivalry and men at arms, but nearer to Calais. A[Pg 362] severe skirmish took place this day with the English, in which many were killed and wounded on both sides. La Hire, who had come to visit the duke of Burgundy, was wounded by an arrow in the leg. Many engines were also pointed, to throw stones and balls into the town of Calais, which were returned with such interest from the ramparts, that the enemy were glad to retreat to a greater distance.

The duke of Burgundy was encamped on the downs, among the sand hills; and as he was one day riding, with few attendants, to reconnoitre the towns, a cannon-shot fell so near him that it killed a trumpeter and three horses, one of which belonged to the lord de Saveuses.

The English made frequent sallies on horseback and on foot, and many severe skirmishes happened between the two parties, the details of which would be tedious to relate, or to make mention of those who behaved the worst or best: but I have heard from very good authority, that the lords de Habourdin, de Crequi, and de Waurin, were much applauded for their conduct in these several skirmishes, as well[Pg 363] as other valiant men of note from Picardy. The English, however, carried off the palm of the day. At times, the Picards repulsed them back to the barriers, in visible confusion.

With regard to the Flemings, they were not much afraid of these English,—and thought, that if there were but three Flemings against one Englishman, they should easily gain their point. The duke of Burgundy was attended, on this occasion, by his nephew of Cleves, the count d'Estampes, the lord d'Antoing, commander of the Flemings, the lord de Croy, the lords de Crequi, de Fosseux, de Waurin, de Saveuses, de Habourdin, de Humieres, d'Inchy, de Brimeu, de Launoy, de Huchin, the brothers de Hastines and de Fremessen, with numbers of other lords and gentlemen of his household from Burgundy, Flanders, Brabant, Hainault, Artois and other parts of his dominions; but the duke had not assembled half of his forces from Picardy, in regard to men at arms. He had even sent back great part of those who were mustered, to the surprise of many who wished him well; for they thought[Pg 364] that it would have been more to his advantage to have retained them than double the number of common men.

Sir John de Croy, who commanded in the Boulonnois, was ordered to quarter himself and men nearer to Calais, on the other side, toward the bridge of Nieullay, when much conversation took place between them and those in the town. The duke, shortly after, countermanded him, and sent him before Guines, where he quartered his detachment near to the walls and gates, and pointed many large engines against them, which damaged them much.

Sir John de Croy was accompanied by sir Galois de Rancy, Robert de Saveuses, and other men of note, who attacked the enemy so vigorously that, for fear of being taken by storm, they abandoned the town and withdrew into the castle, whither they were pursued,—and the attack was renewed with more courage than ever. Before they came to Guines, the fortress of Vauclingen had surrendered to sir John, on condition that the English should retire in safety, with part of their baggage. On similar terms was Sangate-castle yielded up to Ro[Pg 365]bert de Saveuses, who had marched thither during the siege of Guines,—and he re-garrisoned it with his men.

During all this time, the duke of Burgundy was encamped before the strong town of Calais, wondering what was become of his fleet, which ought to have arrived some time. The Flemings were also much discontented, and began loudly to complain of the duke's council, and against the admirals of the fleet, namely, sir John de Hornes, seneschal of Brabant, and the commander de la Morée; but the duke appeased them with gentle words, saying that they would soon arrive, as he had lately had letters from them,—and that hitherto the wind had been against them, which had prevented their sailing sooner.

There came daily vessels from England to Calais, in sight of their enemies, some days more, others less, laden with fresh provisions, reinforcements of men, and warlike stores; and the opposite parties were not so near each other but that the English turned out every day their cattle to graze, which vexed their adversaries very much, and was the cause of frequent skirmishes, in hopes of seizing some of them.

The lords and men of Ghent, perceiving that the Picards were in the habit of carrying off these cattle, thought within themselves that they were strong, well made and armed, and might as well have their share also. On a certain day, therefore, about two hundred assembled, and went as secretly as they could toward the marshes before Calais, to forage; but they were seen and known from their dress by the English, who were not well pleased at the attempt to carry off that whereon they lived, and instantly attacked them with such courage that twenty-two were killed on the spot and thirty taken prisoners. The remainder fled in haste to their quarters, saying they had suffered a great loss, and caused much confusion, for they thought they had narrowly escaped. There were frequent alarms in the quarter of the Flemings, for at the smallest noise they were on the alert and under arms, to the great vexation of their lord the duke of Burgundy,—but he could not prevent it, for they would have all things according to their good pleasure.

At this time, a herald, called Cam[Pg 367]bridge, came from England to the duke, and, having saluted him very respectfully, said, 'that his lord and master, Humphry, duke of Glocester, made known to him, by his mouth, that, with God's pleasure, he would very shortly combat him and his whole army, if he would wait his arrival,—and, should he decamp thence, that he would seek him in his own territories,—but he could not fix on any day for coming, as that would depend on the winds, which are unsteady, and he could not cross the sea at his pleasure.'

The duke replied, 'that there would be no necessity for the duke of Glocester to seek him in any other place but where he was, and that, unless some misfortune should happen, he would there find him.' After these words, the herald was magnificently feasted,—and rich gifts were made him, with which he returned to Calais.

On the morrow, the duke of Burgundy went to the head-quarters of the Flemings, where, having assembled their captains and the nobles of Flanders, he caused them to be harangued by master Gilles de la Voustine, his counsellor in the[Pg 368] courts of Ghent, on the challenge he had received from the duke of Glocester, by his herald, and the reply he had made,—on which account, he requested them, as his dear friends, to remain with him and assist him in the defence of his honour. Those present immediately promised to comply with his demand in the most liberal manner,—as did those from Bruges and the other towns of Flanders.

It was also determined at this meeting to erect a high block-house on an eminence near Calais, to enable them to view from it the proceedings of those in the town. It was instantly begun with oak and other wood,—and some cannon were placed thereon, to fire into Calais, and a strong guard ordered for its defence. The English were not well pleased at this, for they were afraid lest their sallies should be cut off: to obviate which, they made an immediate attack on it with a large body of men; but it was well defended by the Flemings, under the conduct of some able warriors (le bon de Saveuses was one) who had gone thither; and as numerous reinforcements to the Flemings were continually pouring[Pg 369] in, the English retreated to Calais without effecting any thing, and leaving some dead behind them.

On the morrow and following days, there was much skirmishing at the palisades of the town. In one of them, a half-witted knight, the lord de Plateaux, was made prisoner: notwithstanding his folly, he was a determined and brave man at arms. On Thursday, the 25th of July, the fleet, which had been so anxiously expected, was discovered at sea. The duke of Burgundy mounted his horse, and, attended by many lords and others, rode to the sea-shore. When a barge having advanced as near as the surf would permit, a man jumped out, and, coming to the duke, informed him that the fleet in sight was his own. This spread universal joy throughout the army, and several ran to the downs to see it,—but their captains made as many return to the camp as they could.

The following evening-tide commissioners, appointed for this purpose, quitted the fleet, and sunk four vessels in the mouth of the harbour of Calais, that were filled with immense stones, well worked together[Pg 370] and cramped with lead, in order to choak up the entrance, and prevent any supplies from entering the harbour from England. The fleet kept up, in the mean time, a constant fire against the vessels in harbour, and sunk one. The next day two other vessels, filled with stones like the others, were also sunk at the mouth of the port. But, to say the truth, all these sunken vessels were so improperly placed that when the tide was out many remained on the sand, scarcely covered with water.

The English hastened from the town at ebb tide, as well women as men, and with strong efforts, pulled them to pieces, and what wood they could not convey into the town they burnt and destroyed, notwithstanding a continual fire from the fleet, to the great astonishment of the duke and his admirals.

Sir John de Hornes, seneschal of Brabant, the commander de la Morée, and other lords from Holland, set sail with the fleet on the morrow, and were soon out of sight, on their return to whence they had come; for indeed they could not with safety remain long before Calais, on account of danger[Pg 371] from sea, which sailors say is more imminent between Calais and England than elsewhere. They had also received information that a fleet was on the point of sailing from England, against which they would be unable to make head.

The Flemings were much discontented at their sailing away, and murmured among themselves, saying they were betrayed by the ministers of their prince,—for they had been promised, on leaving Flanders, that Calais should at the same time be besieged by sea and land,—so that their leaders had difficulty enough to pacify them.

In the mean time, the duke of Burgundy had sent to summon men at arms from all parts of his dominions, and was impatiently expecting their arrival to assist him in opposing the troops that were coming from England. He ordered the ground to be examined by such as were well acquainted with those parts, for a spot whereon he might best offer battle to his enemies on their arrival; and to be better prepared for every event, he summoned a grand council of his advisers, together with the principal leaders of the commonalty, on the[Pg 372] 27th of July, and laid before them the whole of his intended operations, with which they were perfectly satisfied.

But these were wholly deranged, a few days afterward, by the commonalty from Ghent; for on the day the council was held, the English made a grand sally from Calais, both horse and foot, and advanced unexpectedly to the block-house before mentioned: the cavalry were posted between the camp and the block-house, so that no immediate aid could be sent thither. There were from three to four hundred Flemings in the block-house,—and the cries of 'To arms!' were re-echoed through the army, which caused great confusion and alarm. Multitudes rushed from all sides to relieve the block-house, and even the duke of Burgundy himself went thither on foot. But the English made a most vigorous attack, and the defence was but indifferent, so that the block-house was won before assistance could arrive.—About eight score Flemings were killed, and the greater part of the rest made prisoners,—and full half of them were put to death before the gates of Calais, because the Flemings had slain[Pg 373] an English knight whom the Picards had taken prisoner while on horseback at this rencounter. The capture of the block-house and its consequences were grievous to the duke of Burgundy,—and the Flemings retreated to their camp disconsolate and vexed at the death and capture of their friends and companions.

This same day, they collected together in different parts, and said among themselves that they were betrayed, for that not one of the promises which had been made them were kept; that they daily had some of their number killed, without their nobles attending to it, or endeavouring to prevent it. In short, they worked upon themselves so much by this kind of conversation that they determined, in spite of every remonstrance, to decamp and return home; and some of them wanted even to put to death several of the duke's ministers.

The duke, on hearing of their intentions, was much troubled, and vexed at the disgrace that would fall on him should he now decamp, after the challenge sent him by the duke of Glocester by his he[Pg 374]rald and the answer he had returned. He went, therefore, to the head-quarters of the ghent division, and there assembled a large body of the malcontents, whom he entreated in the most pressing manner to remain with him until the arrival of the English, which it was now ascertained could not be long; adding, that should they depart without waiting for the enemy and offer him battle, they would cover themselves and him with indelible disgrace, and such as no prince ever had incurred. With such language did the duke and his council harangue the ghent men, but it was all in vain, for they were most obstinately bent on departing, and listened with a deaf ear to all that was said; notwithstanding, some of their captains answered courteously for them, making excuses for their conduct,—but for which the lower ranks little thanked them.

The duke, perceiving the difficulty in which these commoners had involved him, and the blame which would be cast on him for their departure, it need not be asked whether he was grieved at heart, for hitherto all his undertakings had succeeded to[Pg 375] his wish, and this, which was of the greatest consequence, he failed in. He was, however, obliged to endure the rudeness and folly of the Flemings,—for he could not alter their dispositions, although he made repeated attempts to detain them for a few days only.

When he perceived that it was labour in vain to make further requests, he agreed with the lords of his council to decamp with the Flemings,—and informed them, that since they would not remain longer, he wished them to wait until the morrow, when they should pack up their baggage, and march away in good order, with their arms, that they might not be harrassed by the enemy, and that he would escort them as far as the river of Gravelines. They returned for answer, that they would comply with this order; but the greater number said, that they were in sufficient force not to need any escort.

Several of the ringleaders of this mutiny were anxious to go to the duke's quarters, to put to death the lord de Croy, sir Baudo de Noyelle, Jean de Brimeu bailiff of Amiens, and others of the ministers,[Pg 376] saying, that it was by their advice that this enterprise had been undertaken, which was not possible, as they affirmed, to be achieved, considering the manner in which the business had been carried on. These three lords, hearing of the mutiny of the Flemings and the plots against their lives, left the army privately, with few attendants, and hastened to the quarters of sir John de Croy before Guines.

The Flemings began on the Saturday and Sunday to strike their tents, and to load their baggage for the march. The ghent men were the principals in the mutiny,—and after their example, the whole of the army and its followers packed up their baggage; but from the suddenness of the departure, a very great quantity of provision and wine were left behind,—and it was necessary to stave many pipes of wine, and of other liquors, to the great loss of the merchants.

Several large engines of war and other stores belonging to the duke of Burgundy were lost, because there were not enough of carts or waggons to carry them away; and for the like cause, a number of things[Pg 377] belonging to the Flemings remained behind.

They broke up their camp with loud shoutings, bawling together, 'We are betrayed! Gaubbe, Gaubbe!' which words signified nearly, 'Let us return to our own country.' Having set fire to their huts, they began their march toward Gravelines in a most disorderly manner. The duke, overwhelmed with sorrow, put himself and his men at arms in battle-array to cover the retreat of the Flemings, and kept on their rear until they were at a sufficient distance, to prevent them from being attacked by the English in Calais sallying out against them. He formed his men at arms into a rear-guard, and thus followed the army, which was already advanced as far as the castle of Marque.

The Flemings then marched, in a mere orderly manner, to quarter themselves near to Gravelines, on the same spot they had occupied before. The men of Bruges were, however, very much displeased at this shameful retreat, and from not having horses to carry away their large cannon and other engines of war which they had[Pg 378] brought with them: they put them on carts, and had them drawn by men to their former encampment near to Gravelines.

This day the duke sent orders to sir John de Croy to break up his siege of the castle of Guines, and join him with his men at arms without delay. Sir John, on receiving this order and hearing of what had passed in the main army, made instant preparations to obey it, and marched off in good array, but was forced to leave behind many large engines, and a quantity of other things, from want of means to convey them off.

The garrison of Guines were very much rejoiced at their departure, for they were hardly pressed, and would have been obliged to surrender in a few days had the Burgundians remained. They made a sally when the enemy was marching away, shouting after them.

The garrison of Calais were likewise well pleased at their departure, and issued out of the town to collect what had been left behind, and made a considerable booty. They also sent messengers to England with information of this event.

The duke of Burgundy was lodged in Gravelines, very much mortified at what had happened, and complained bitterly of the disgrace the Flemings had put on him to those of his lords who had accompanied him. They consoled him as well as they could, and advised him to bear it patiently, as it was the chance of fortune in this world. At the same time, they recommended him to reinforce all his towns on the frontier with steady men at arms, stores and provisions, as soon as possible, to resist his enemies, who were daily expected from England, and who would, as he might suppose, make every attempt to injure him, in return for what he had done to them; and that he himself should retire to one of the towns in the interior.

The duke of Burgundy issued summonses for all bearing arms to be ready prepared to defend such parts of his dominions as should need it. He then entreated some of the nobles present that they would remain in the town of Gravelines, which, unless well guarded, would, if taken, be very prejudicial to the whole country, promising them, on his honour, that should[Pg 380] they want assistance, or be besieged, he himself would come to their succour, cost what it would. The lord de Crequi, the lord de Saveuses, sir Simon de Lalain, his brother sir Sausse, Philibert de Vaury, and other valiant men at arms, complied with his request, and remained in Gravelines.

On the other hand, sir Louis de Thieubronne with his brother Guichart were sent to Ardres, and others into the Boulonnois where the towns and castles were garrisoned according to their strength and importance. Some lords of the council were present at this meeting who had advised the expedition to Calais, but greatly hurt at its unfortunate termination, which they could not help: they were, nevertheless, forced to hear many severe observations made thereon.

When the council broke up, and the above dispositions for the defence of the country had been arranged, the duke again solicited the Flemings to wait a few days longer for the arrival of the enemy,—but they refused to remain from the fear they now had of the English; and some of their captains waited on the duke the last day[Pg 381] of July, to demand leave to return to their own country. The duke, seeing that he could no way detain them, gave permission for their departure; for he was satisfied they would never act well against the enemy from want of courage.

They marched from Gravelines, by short days marches, to their different towns; but those from Ghent refused to enter their town unless each man had a robe given him at the expense of the magistrates. This was an ancient usage on the return of the townsmen from war; but now the magistrates refused compliance, because it seemed to them that they had behaved very ill. On receiving this answer, they did enter the town, but much discontented and with murmuring. On marching from before Calais, they had set fire to and destroyed the forts of Balinghen [41] and of Sangate.

The duke of Burgundy, on leaving Gravelines, went to Lille, and thence issued a proclamation for every person who had been accustomed to bear arms to hold himself ready to march whithersoever he[Pg 382] might please to order, to oppose his adversaries the English, who were about to disembark at Calais. In truth, the duke of Glocester arrived with his army before Calais just after the burgundian army had decamped.

FOOTNOTES:

[38] Mene. Q. Mechlin, or Menin?

[39] Drinchaut,—a village near Dunkirk.

[40] Oye,—a small town and territory between Gravelines and Calais.

[41] Balinghen—is called before Vauclingen.

While the duke of Burgundy was employed on the expedition against Calais, sir Florimont de Brimeu, seneschal of Ponthieu, Richard de Richaumes, governor of the town of Rue, Robert du Quesnoy, governor of St Valery, and others in the neighbourhood of Crotoy, collected together about four hundred combatants, and marched them by night to an ambuscade on the shore near the town and castle of Crotoy.

Robert du Quesnoy ordered about thirty of his men to embark very early in[Pg 383] a boat and row towards the town, to induce the English to pursue them. This they executed,—and when they thought that they were within sight of the enemy, they made pretence as if their boat were aground, and that they could neither advance nor retire, notwithstanding the efforts ten or twelve of the crew pretended to make to get her afloat.

The English, observing this from the ramparts, thought to take advantage of their situation, and made a sally, in hopes of taking them prisoners; but they were immediately surrounded by those in ambush, who attacked them with vigour, killing on the spot more than sixty-four, and making prisoners from thirty to forty. The party of the seneschal lost several. Thus was the garrison of Crotoy much weakened,—and when the seneschal learnt from his prisoners that but few men at arms were in the town, he collected a reinforcement of men from the adjoining parts, and within a few days made an attack on Crotoy, which he took by storm with little loss of men.

The townsmen retreated to the castle,—[Pg 384]before which the seneschal fixed his quarters, and pointed his engines against it, but without doing any damage, for it was wonderous strong. When the seneschal had remained before it some length of time, finding his attempts to conquer it vain, he dislodged, after he had destroyed the fortifications of the town, and marched back his men to the places they had come from, carrying with them all the plunder they had gained in Crotoy.

The English had afterward at Crotoy two boats, called 'Gabarres,'[42] with which they much harrassed the town of Abbeville, and especially the fishermen. In consequence, the inhabitants of Abbeville sent by night a party toward Crotoy in a boat, whence some of the crew by swimming fastened grappling irons to each of these gabarres,—the cords of which being fixed to the Abbeville boat, they towed them to Abbeville, to the vexation of the English.

FOOTNOTES:

[42] Gabarre—is a flat-bottomed boat, used in Holland and on canals.

HUMPHRY DUKE OF GLOCESTER ARRIVES AT CALAIS WITH A LARGE ARMAMENT.—HE ENTERS FLANDERS, ARTOIS, AND OTHER TERRITORIES OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, AND DOES MUCH DAMAGE TO THEM.

A few days after the decampment of the duke of Burgundy and the Flemings, the duke of Glocester arrived at Calais with about ten thousand fighting men to combat the duke of Burgundy, had he waited for him. Since that it was otherwise, he followed the duke to Gravelines, and thence marched into Flanders, and through several towns and large villages, namely, Poperingues, Bailleul and others, whose suburbs he burnt and destroyed, for no one opposed him,—but the people fled on all sides, and none of the Flemings dared wait his coming. He drove, therefore, away great numbers of cattle, with little or no loss of men,—but they suffered much from want of bread.

He passed le Neuf-châtel, and burnt[Pg 386] Rimesture and Valon-Chapelle. Having entered Artois, he advanced to Arques [43] and Blandêques,[44] where some skirmishing passed,—and he set fire to every town and village that lay in his way. Marching through the jurisdiction of St Omer, he committed great waste on all sides; and when near to Tournehem, Esprelecques and Bredenarde,[45] some skirmishes took place between him and the different governors: Cavart and other companions of de Langle were wounded. Many captains were expelled by force from their castles; and there were more killed and wounded near to Ardres than had been in all Flanders.

The duke of Glocester now retreated toward Guines and Calais, on account of sickness in the army, occasioned from want of bread, of which they had not a sufficiency; and many good women saved their houses by giving bread, and even got in return cattle, of which the army had plenty, and which they were driving from Flanders. They were rather embarrassed with them; for, not finding water to give them, they[Pg 387] wandered abroad and were lost,—and those who went in search of them were very frequently surprised by the enemy when at a distance from their vanguard.

While these things were passing in Artois and Flanders, sir Thomas Kiriel and lord Faulconbridge assembled at Neuf-châtel d'Incourt about a thousand combatants, whom they led across the Somme at Blanchetaque, and quartered at Forest-montier; thence they advanced to Broye, on the river Authie, where they remained four days, and took the castle by storm, which, however, was not very strong, nor of much value,—but it belonged to the vidame of Amiens. Part of the garrison were slain, and from five to six of the English. This capture created great alarm in the country round; for they feared the enemy would keep possession, as at the time there were but few men at arms in those parts.

The English having found in this and in other towns much wealth, and made many prisoners, they returned, by way of Blanchetaque, the same road they had come, to their different garrisons, without any loss worth mentioning; but they committed very great waste on the lands of their enemies.

FOOTNOTES:

[43] Arques,—diocese of St Omer.

[44] Blandêques,—diocese of St Omer.

[45] Bredenarde,—diocese of St Omer.

THE FLEMINGS AGAIN TAKE UP ARMS, AFTER THEIR RETREAT FROM CALAIS TO THEIR TOWNS.

Not long after the Flemings were returned home, news was brought them that a large fleet of English ships was off the Flemish coast, near to Biervlict, with intent, as was supposed, of invading the country. The principal towns remanded the men who had been disbanded, and instantly marched with a powerful army and artillery toward Biervlict, and encamped near the sea to wait for the English, who were off the coast.

This fleet, however, was not stationed there for the purpose of covering an invasion, but merely to alarm the Flemings, and prevent them from opposing the duke of Glocester, who was with his army in the neighbourhood of Poperingues and Bailleul. It had on board no men at arms, but only mariners to manage and defend it, which made them no way anxious to enter any of the enemy's ports; and, after[Pg 389] hovering along the coast for a few days, it made sail for Calais.

When the fleet was gone, each company of Flemings marched back to its town, excepting those from Ghent, who being discontented at the blame thrown on them, for being the principal cause of the retreat from Calais, would not lay down their arms, and wanted to introduce many reforms, and were in so mutinous a state that it was necessary for their prince to go thither.

On the duke of Burgundy's arrival in Ghent, he ordered their remonstrances to be laid before him. Some contained demands why Calais had not been besieged by sea as well as by land, according to a promise made,—and why the English fleet had not been burnt as had been determined on.

To these demands the duke ordered answers to be given, that it was impossible, as every seaman knew, to besiege Calais on the sea-side, by reason of the danger of the vessels being driven on shore and captured by the enemy. Add to this, that the Hollanders had not kept their promise of assisting him in this business with their shipping. With respect to burning the Eng[Pg 390]lish fleet, the men and vessels ordered on this service at Sluys had been constantly wind-bound in that harbour, during the whole time.

In regard to their other demands, namely, to order three governors of Ghent to make a procession through the country, with a sufficient force to regarrison all their towns with native Flemings, and to put an end to the quarrels between Bruges and Sluys, and several other points insisted on by them, the duke made such satisfactory answers that they were contented with them; and each laid down his arms, and retired to his home, although they had shown great signs of violence at the beginning. They caused the duke's archers to lay aside their staves, saying that they were strong enough to guard him.

Sir Roland de Hautekirque, sir Collart de Comines, sir Gilles de la Voustine, Enguerrand Auviel and John Daudain, were afterward banished Ghent, because they had declined to appear with the other citizens to remonstrate; and the Ghent men wrote to their castlewicks, that whoever would arrest any one of the above persons, and deliver him into their hands, should receive[Pg 391] three hundred livres tournois as a reward, besides all reasonable expenses.

Many ordinances were published for the more effectual guard and defence of the country; and several governors were appointed, under the chief command of the lord d'Estrenhuse, such as the lord de Comines at Ghent, sir Gerard de Tournay at Oudenarde, and sir Gerard de Guystelles at Courtray. Other nobles and men at arms were posted in different towns, according to their rank, as well on the frontier toward Calais as elsewhere, and on board of their fleet.

It was also proclaimed, that no person should, on account of the war, quit the country, under a heavy penalty,—and that everyone should provide himself with arms suitable to his rank; that all the principal towns and forts should be repaired, and well supplied with provision and warlike stores; and likewise that the ditches and ramparts should be examined, and where weak strengthened and rebuilt at the charge of the country, or of those who were bounden to keep them in proper repair. It was at last necessary, in order to keep the commonalty in good humour, that the[Pg 392] duke should say publicly to them, that he was perfectly satisfied with their departure from before Calais, and that they had returned by his permission and by his orders. They were most anxious to have this disgrace wiped away from them, because they knew full well that all cried shame on them for it.

When all things had been restored to order, the duke of Burgundy returned to Lille, whither came to him the lord de Chargny, with other noble and valiant men, bringing with them from near Boulogne about four hundred combatants, who were dispersed in the garrisons on that frontier. Shortly after, the lords d'Ansy and de Warembon came thither, with three or four hundred men, who did much mischief to the countries of Artois and Cambresis, near to Tournay. The lord de Warembon led them afterwards to garrison Pontoise, where they remained for a considerable time.

Throughout all France, the poor people and the church were sorely oppressed by this war, for they had no defenders; and notwithstanding the peace concluded at Arras, the French and Burgundians in the countries of Beauvoisis, Vermandois, San[Pg 393]tois, Laonnois, Champagne, and in the Rethelois, made frequent wars on each other on the most unreasonable pretences, by which the country was wasted and destroyed,—and the inhabitants suffered more than before this peace was made.

The poor labourers had no other resource than pitifully to cry out to God, their Creator, for vengeance on their oppressors. But the worst was, when they had obtained letters of favour from any of the captains, they were frequently not attended to by others, even though of the same party.

About this time, sir John de Hornes, seneschal of Brabant, who had had, with the lord de la Morée, the command of the duke of Burgundy's fleet before Calais, was met near the sea-coast, by a party of Flemings, where he was attending his private affairs, and accompanied by a few servants, who put him to death, to the great sorrow of the duke of Burgundy.

When the duke had appeased the disaffected Flemings, as has been told, and when he thought all was harmony among them, the men of Bruges suddenly rose in arms, and marched with a large body to[Pg 394] besiege Sluys, near to which place they remained a long time. They began by murdering one of the officers of their prince, called Vaustre d'Estembourg, because he would not join the commonalty in arms before Sluys, where they remained upwards of six weeks. Their leaders were Peter de Bourgrane and Christopher Myneer; and one among them, named George Vauderberques, made the duchess of Burgundy and her son quit their carriage, in order that they might search it,—when they arrested the lady of sir John de Hornes, which much troubled the duchess, although the lady did not suffer any thing further. Sir William and sir Simon de Lalain were with these ladies,—but by some negotiation between them and the duke, they returned to their homes, and were pardoned for this and other offences, because he thought that he should want their services hereafter.

La Hire about this period won the town and castle of Soissons by storm, from the governor, Guy de Roye, on the part of sir John de Luxembourg, who, not having taken the oaths to king Charles as the other burgundian captains had done, conformable to the peace at Arras, was considered by the French as an enemy. The king, however, had granted him a delay for a certain time, to consider of it, and had during that period forbidden his captains to make war on sir John, provided he and his party should abstain from war also.

When news of this event reached sir John de Luxembourg, he was much angered,—for the greater part of Soissons and its dependances appertained by legal descent to his daughter-in-law, Jane de Bar, countess of St Pol. He reinforced all his other castles with men and stores, to prevent any similar accident from befalling them. On the other hand, Guy de Roye,[Pg 396] who held the castle of Maicampre, between Chargny and Noyon, placed a strong garrison within it, and carried on a severe warfare against La Hire, in the Soissonnois, Laonnois, and other parts attached to king Charles.

Similar reprisals were made by La Hire and the king's friends on those of sir John de Luxembourg,—and thus was the country oppressed and ruined, as well by one party as by the other.

After the duke of York had gained the town of Fécamp, by the surrender of John d'Estouteville, it was reconquered by the French from the English,—and nearly at the same time the duke of York gained, after a long siege, St Germain sur Cailly [46], when about twelve of the French were hanged. In like manner were the towns of Fontaines sur Préaux [47], Bourg,[48] Blainville,[49] Préaux,[50] Lillebonne,[51] Tancarville,[Pg 397][52] and other strong places reconquered, and the greater part destroyed by the English. After this, they continued to waste all the corn countries round Harfleur, with the intent of laying siege to it as speedily and as completely as they could.

FOOTNOTES:

[46] St Germain-sur-Cailly,—in Normandy, diocese of Rouen.

[47] Fontaines-sur-Préaux,—diocese of Rouen.

[48] Bourg Baudorion,—diocese of Rouen.

[49] Blainville,—diocese of Rouen.

[50] Préaux,—diocese of Rouen.

[51] Lillebonne,—diocese of Rouen.

[52] Tancarville,—near Lillebonne.

THE DUCHESS OF BEDFORD, SISTER TO THE COUNT DE ST POL, RE-MARRIES OF HER OWN FREE WILL.—THE KING OF SICILY NEGOTIATES WITH THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY FOR HIS LIBERTY.—THE ENGLISH RECOVER THE TOWN OF PONTOISE.

In this year, the duchess of Bedford, sister to the count de Saint Pol, married, from inclination, an English knight called sir Richard Woodville, a young man, very handsome and well made, but, in regard to birth, inferior to her first husband, the regent, and to herself. Louis de Luxembourg, archbishop of Rouen, and her other relations, were very angry at this match, but they could not prevent it.[Pg 398][53]

About the end of the following November, Jacquilina of Bavaria, who had married Franche de Borselline, died, after a long and lingering illness. She was succeeded by the duke of Burgundy in all her possessions.

The king of Sicily, duke of Anjou, the duke of Bourbon, the constable of France, the chancellor, and many other noble princes and great lords, visited the duke of Burgundy, about St Andrew's day, at Lille, where he held his court. He received them most honourably. During their stay, a treaty was proposed for the liberty of the king of Sicily, for he was still a prisoner to the duke of Burgundy, as has been before mentioned,—and some of his children were hostages for him in Burgundy.

This treaty was concluded, on condition that the king of Sicily would engage to pay a certain sum of money for his ransom, for the security of which he was to pledge four of his towns and castles in his duchies of Lorraine and Bar, namely, Neuf-châtel in[Pg 399] Lorraine, Clermont in Argonne, Princhy [54] and Louye,[55] which were to be given up to the duke when demanded. The duke of Burgundy, shortly after, placed his own garrisons and captains in these towns and castles.

Thus did the king of Sicily recover his liberty and his children; but he had only the two eldest sent to him at first, with a promise that the two others should follow, provided there was not any default of payment. In order that no delays might arise, sir Colard de Saussy and John de Chambly bound themselves, with the king of Sicily, for the due performance of all the articles of the treaty.

When this business was over, the constable of France treated with sir John de Luxembourg, who was then at Lille, that all matters in dispute between him and La Hire, on the subject of the capture of Soissons, should be referred to arbitrators, and that an end should be put to the warfare now raging between them. The term for taking the oaths of allegiance to the king of France, or for declaring for one or other of[Pg 400] the parties, was prolonged for sir John de Luxembourg until St John Baptist's day ensuing, on his promising to abstain from all hostilities during that time.

During these feasts, William de Flavy, who had been driven out of Compiégne by the constable of France, found means to re-enter it, with a large body of men at arms, and kept possession a long time; in which at length he was confirmed by king Charles, in spite of all the attempts of the constable to reconquer it.

At this period also, the English regained by storm the town of Pontoise. The attack commenced at day-break, when great part of the garrison, consisting of about four hundred combatants of the lord de l'Isle-Adam and de Warembon's men, saved themselves by flight, leaving their baggage and effects behind them: which conquest was very hurtful to the country of the Isle de France and the adjoining parts, for the English placed a very strong garrison in Pontoise, whence detachments made excursions, and frequently to the very gates of Paris.

FOOTNOTES:

[53] Sir Richard Woodville paid a fine of £1000 to the king for marrying the duchess of Bedford without a licence. He was afterwards created earl of Rivers, and was father to the lady Elizabeth, queen to king Edward IV.—Parl. Hist.

[54] Princhy,—Princy, in the Gatinois, near Montargis.

[55] Louye,—in Maine, diocese of Mans.

Page 1. line 3. Simon de Lalain.] Either Simon de Lalain lord of Montigny, younger brother of the lord de Lalain, or another Simon de Lalain, lord of Chevrain, son of a great uncle of the former, who married a lady of the house of Luxembourg, daughter to the count de Ligny.

Page 1. line 4. Enguerrand de Crequi.] Enguerrand de Crequi, called le Begue, second son of John II, lord of Crequi, and uncle of John IV, who was killed at Agincourt.

Page 3. line 15. Rambures.] Andrew II, master of woods and waters in Picardy, son of David who was killed at Agincourt and was master of the cross bows of France.

Page 3. line 20. Ferry de Mailly.] Ferry de Mailly, 4th son of John Maillet de Mailly, lord of Talmas, &c. who on the death of all his brothers without issue, succeeded to their lordships and also to the lordship of Conti, which[Pg 402] came into the family by the marriage of Colart, third son of John Maillet, to the heiress Isabel. The lords of Talmas were a younger branch of the house of Mailly.

Page 4. line 5. Bousac.] Jean de Brosse, descended from the ancient viscounts de Brosse in the Angoumois, was lord of St Severe and Boussac, and a marshal of France. He signalized himself in many actions, particularly at the siege of Orleans, and at the battles of Patai and la Charité, and died in 1433. His son, of the same name, who succeeded him, was equally celebrated in the history of the day. He married Nicole de Blois only daughter and heir of Charles, last count of Penthievre, and transmitted her large possessions to his descendants.

Page 8. line 7. Lord de Chargny.] Peter de Bauffremont, lord of Chargny, a noble Burgundian, knight banneret, and of the golden fleece. See post, p. 222.

Page 8. line 8. Lord de Humieres.] Matthew II, second son of Philip lord of Humieres, who was made prisoner at the battle of Agincourt.

Page 9. line 19. Lord de Crevecoeur.] James lord of Crevecoeur, and Thois, chancellor and chamberlain to the duke of Burgundy.

Page 12. line 6. Anthony de Chabannes.] Anthony, third son of Robert lord of Charlus[Pg 403] killed at Agincourt. Stephen, his eldest son, was killed at Crevant in 1423. James the second, was lord of La Palice; seneschal of Toulouse, and grand master of France, and was killed at Castillon in 1453. This Anthony was at first, lord of S. Fargeau. He was born in 1411, and served as page to the count of Ventadour and to the great La Hire. He was at the battle of Verneuil 1424. In 1439, he married Margaret de Nanteuil, countess of Dammartin, and assumed the title of count de Dammartin by virtue of that marriage. He was grand master, governor of Paris, &c., and died in 1488.

Page 13. line 20. Lord de Châtillon.] Perhaps Charles de Chàtillon lord of Sourvilliers, son of Charles lord of Sourvilliers killed at Agincourt.

Page 13. line 20. Lord de Bonneul.] Another Charles de Châtillon, of a younger branch, was lord of Bonneuil.

Page 29. line last. Quarrel.] Renè claimed the duchy of Lorraine in right of his wife Isabella, only daughter of Charles the late duke; and Heuterus, relating the cause of this quarrel, says that Anthony count of Vaudemont, brother of the deceased refused to admit Renè's pretensions, alledging that the duchy could not descend to the heirs female. For some reasons, however, it would appear probable that Heuterus is mis[Pg 404]taken, and that the dispute related to the affairs of the county of Vaudemont only.

Page 36. line 7. Count de Fribourg.] The county of Freyburg became united with that of Neufchàtel by the marriage of Egon XIV, count of Furstenburg and Freyburg, with Verena heiress of Neufchàtel. Their grandson John count of Freyburg, &c. married a daughter of the prince of Orange, but died 1458 without issue.

Page 36. line 7. Lord de Mirabeau.] Henry de Bauffremont married Jane, sister and heir to John last lord of Mirabeau of the family of Vergy, about 1388.

Page 75. line 11. Gilles de l'Aubespine.] Giles baron d'Aubespine was of a noble family in Beauce, and ancestor of the marquisses of Chateauneuf, Verderonne, and Aubespine, many of whom were distinguished characters in the two following centuries.

Page 78. line 19. Lord d'Orville.] Robert d'Aunoy Seigneur d'Orville, master of the woods and waters in the year 1413, who died the year following, was son of Philip d'Aunoy, Maitre d'Hotel to king Charles V, and present at the battle of Poitiers. John, the son of Robert, is the lord here mentioned; he was grand echanson of France, and died in 1489. Le Galois was a common surname of the lords d'Orville.

Page 89. line 17. Magistrates.] The cause[Pg 405] of this commotion was the baseness of the gold and silver coin struck in the duke's name. The sedition lasted twelve, not two days only, and was appeased by the promise of a new coinage. Pontus Heuterus in vit: Philippi boni.

Page 92. line 14. Blanchefort.] Perhaps, Guy III. de Blanchefort, lord of St Clement, &c. a chamberlain of the king, and seneschal of Lyons, who died in 1460.

Page 93. line 9. Lord d'Amont.] This must be James lord of Aumont, counsellor and chamberlain to the duke of Burgundy, son of John lord of Aumont, grand Echanson, who was slain at Agincourt.

Page 98. line 14. Flanders.] Monstrelet appears to have been but imperfectly informed of these transactions. In the year 1428, the countess being besieged in Gouda by the Burgundian forces, submitted to a peace, by which she acknowledged Philip as her heir to Hainaut, Holland, Zealand, and Friezland, appointing him protector of the said states during her life-time. It was also stipulated that she should not marry without the consent of Philip and her states. Upon the conclusion of this treaty, the duke departed, leaving Francis de Borselle, a nobleman of high rank attached to the Burgundian party, lieutenant of the provinces. In July 1433, says, the historian of Holland, the countess married this gentleman in violation of her engagement,[Pg 406] upon which the duke entered the country, caused him to be apprehended, and confined him in the tower of Rupelmonde. It was rumoured that he would be beheaded; and Jacqueline alarmed for his safety, conveyed absolutely the whole of her estates to Philip for his liberation, in consideration of which the generous robber assigned to his late prisoner the county of Ostervant, the lordships of Brill and south Beveland, with the collection of certain tolls and imposts, on which they lived together but a short time before death put a period to her eventful history, in the month of October 1436. Barlandi Hollandiæ comitum historia et Icones.

Page 98. line 18. Thomas Conette.] This unfortunate heretic was a Breton by birth. Being seized with an inordinate desire of reforming the dress of the ladies and the manners of the clergy, he left Rennes and travelled into the low countries where he preached with so much success that the towers of gauze and ribbons called hennins, which were then the rage, disappeared wherever he went. Perhaps he was spared the mortification of hearing that they were resumed several stages higher, immediately after his departure. From Flanders he travelled into Italy, reformed the order of Carmelites at Mantua, and made himself famous for his zeal and eloquence at Venice. The papal ambassadors reported his[Pg 407] praises at Rome; but his ardour for reform which had captivated many others alarmed pope Eugenius, who justly dreaded the consequences of his strenuous assertions, that marriage ought to be allowed to the clergy, and that flesh might be eaten by them without risk of damnation. It was not long after his arrival at the pontifical city, that a process was instituted against him for these and other heretical doctrines, and father Thomas was at last burnt for not knowing how to confine his eloquence to the harmless subject which first called it forth. He suffered with great constancy, and was by some, even among the catholics, reputed a martyr. For further particulars, consult Bayle, Art. Conecte.

Page 105. line 13. Daughter.] Frederick and Iolante. The marriage thus agreed upon was concluded; and the duchy of Lorraine and county of Vaudemont were afterwards united in their persons.

Page 109. line 3. from the bottom. Chasteau-vilain.] William lord of Chateauvilain held the office of Chambrier de France in 1419 and died in 1439.

Page 130. line 1. John de Hingsbergh.] John son of the lord de Hynsberch Lewenborch, archdeacon of Champagne. He was an adherent to the duke of Burgundy, was present at some of his campaigns, and is celebrated as a prelate of vast magnificence.

Page 130. line 2. William de Lalain bailiff of Hainault.] Of this family, "a family," says Comines, "of great and brave men, who for the most part found their deaths in fighting for their native princes" was Otho lord de Lalain, who died in 1441 at the advanced age of 108 years. His eldest son William, who succeeded him in his honours, and was bailiff of Hainault and Holland is the person here mentioned. He died in 1444. Sansay, the second son of Otho, married the heiress of the family of Robesarte: and Simon the third son, has been already mentioned at the commencement of the volume, unless that be another Simon, the first cousin of Otho. See ante p. 1.

Page 132. line 13. Sir John Talbot.] This is the great Talbot, created earl of Shrewsbury in 1442.

Page 114. line 12. Lord Willoughby.] Robert, lord Willoughby of Eresby, one of the greatest heroes of the English army—present at the battles of Agincourt and Verneuil, and at almost all the celebrated actions of the day, was in 1432, dignified with the title of earl of Vendosme, Beaufort, &c. and died in 1442, leaving only a daughter Joan the wife of sir Richard Welles knight. Dugdale.

Page 137. line 15. Viscount de Thouars.] Louis d'Amboise, viscount of Thouars, prince[Pg 409] of Talmont, &c. &c., had been deprived of his lands for adherence to the English party, but was afterwards restored to them, and served the king of France in his conquest of Guienne. He was grandson of Ingerger, surnamed the great, who married Isabel, heiress of Thouars, and widow of the marshal de Nesle, and was made prisoner at the battle of Poitiers.

Page 137. line 2 from the bottom. Lord de Bueil.] John V, count of Sancerre, son of John lord de Bueil, killed at Agincourt, and of Margaret countess of Sancerre. He was a celebrated commander, and called le Fleau des Anglais.

Page 137. line last. Pregent de Coetivy.] Coetivy, the name of an ancient family of lower Brittany. Pregent VII, lord of Coetivy, was eldest son of Alan III. killed at the siege of St James de Beauvron in 1424, and of Catherine daughter of Hervè lord of Chàtel, killed at Jersey. This Pregent married Mary de Laval, daughter of the infamous marshal de Retz. He was chamberlain in 1424, governor of La Rochelle, and in 1439 promoted to the high office of admiral of France. He was killed at Cherbourg in 1450. "Ce fut un gran dommage et perte notable pour le Roi, car il etoit tenu des vaillans chevaliers et renommé du royaume, fort prudent et encor de bon age." Hist. du Roi Charles VII.

Page 139. line 4. Count de Penthievre.] Oliver de Bretagne, or de Blois, grandson of the famous competitor of John de Montfort, had been deprived of his large counties of Penthievre, Limoges, &c. &c. but never of the duchy of Brittany, to which he pretended no claim. His brother John lord de l'Aigle was restored to Penthievre soon after, and died 1454. Charles, the third brother succeeded, whose only daughter and heir, Nicole de Blois, marrying Jean de Brosse, the county of Penthievre passed into that family.

Page 140. line 15. Sir Pierre de Beausalt.] Peter de Montmorency, lord of Plessis Cacheleu, son of John II, lord of Beausalt, and uncle of Anthony, who was slain at Verneuil, and of John in whom the direct line of this younger branch ended in 1427.

Page 148. line 5 from the bottom. King of Cyprus.] Lewis, count of Geneva, eldest son of Amadeus duke of Savoy, married Charlotte, only daughter of John king of Cyprus and Helen of Montferrat.

Page 149. line 10 from the bottom. Count de Nevers.] Charles, count of Nevers, eldest son of Philip count of Nevers killed at Agincourt, was born in the year preceding his father's death,[Pg 411] and died in 1464. His mother was Bona d'Artois, daughter of Philip count of Eu.

Page 151. line 15. Sect.] Here is a vast confusion of names, as usual, in the affairs of distant countries. Tabouret is evidently an invention of Monstrelet's derived from Taborite, the general name by which the religious insurgents were then distinguished, from Tabor a town in Bohemia, founded by their leader John Zisca. Protestus may, very probably, be a mistake for Procopius, surnamed "of the shaven crown," a celebrated leader and bishop among these Taborites during the reign of Sigismund, who was slain in a bloody battle near Prague. Of Lupus I can say nothing.

Page 153. line 11. Lord de la Grange.] John de la Grange, ancestor of the lords of Vesvre and Montigni, and of the marquisses of Arquien. Marshal de Montigni, celebrated under Henry the third, was fifth in descent from him.

Page 156. line 6. John.] John of Burgundy, a posthumous son of Philip, and brother to Charles, count of Nevers. He succeeded to the estates of his brother in 1464, assumed the title of duke of Brabant, and died in 1491. Elizabeth his daughter married the duke of Cleves, and brought the earldom of Nevers into that family. His first wife was daughter of the vidame of Amiens mentioned immediately afterwards.

Page 156. line 16. Vidame of Amiens.] Raoul d'Ailly, sieur de Pequigny, and vidame of Amiens.

Page 174. line 8. Mathagon.] This can be no other than Matthew Gough, an English captain of those days, and one of the commanders in the town of St Denis when it was won by the French.

Page 176. line 5 from the bottom. Fled.] John bastard son of the great earl of Salisbury, to whom in his will he bequeathed 50 marks. See Dugdale.

Page 182. line 2 from the bottom. Sir Christopher de Harcourt.] Christopher de Harcourt lord of Avrech, grand master of the woods and waters in 1431, was third son of James de Harcourt lord of Montgomery.

Page 202. last line. Woodville.] Richard de Widvile, was seneschal of Normandy under Henry V; constable of the tower in 1425; lieutenant of Calais in 1427; and 1429, served the king in his wars with 100 men at arms and 300 archers. In 1437, he married the duchess of Bedford (Jacqueline de Luxembourg) without license, for which he was condemned to pay a fine of 1000l. In 1448 he was created lord Rivers; and in 6 Edward IV. (his daughter being then queen of England) was advanced to the dignity of earl Rivers, constable of England.[Pg 413] Three years after he was beheaded by the Lancastrian insurgents at Northampton. Dugdale.

Page 202. line last. Restandif. Q.] Restandif, is sir Ralph Standish, who was killed in this battle. Stow and Holinshed.

Mondo Domonfarrant is only an error of the press for Mondo de Montferrant, who occurs again vol. 8. p. 28.

Page 223. line 3. Bishop of Ache.] There came to this convention according to Stowe, Nicholas Albergat, a Carthusian friar, entitled a priest cardinal of the holy cross, and Hugh de Lusignan, a Cyprian (I presume he means Cypriot) Greek, bishop cardinal of Præneste: which, or whether either of these, was the person meant by Monstrelet under the fanciful name of "bishop of Ache," the reader may determine. Q. Auch.

Page 215. line 7. from the bottom.] Sir John Ratcliffe was constable of Fronsac in Aquitaine, under Henry V, and seneschal of Aquitaine in 1 H. 6. knight of the garter, &c. He died before 1441 and left a son, John, who succeeded him, and in 1 H. 7. was summoned to Parliament as lord Fitzwalter.

Page 215. line 5 from the bottom. Lord Hungerford.] Walter lord Hungerford of Heytesbury, treasurer of England, and of the exe[Pg 414]cutors to the will of Henry V. He had summons to parliament from 4 H. 6, to 26 H. 6 inclusive, and died in 1449, leaving Robert lord Hungerford, his son and successor, who during his father's life-time served in the wars of France with 29 men at arms and 80 archers, and died in 1459.

Page 216. line 5. Duke of Gueldres.] Arnold earl of Egmont succeeded to Gueldres on the failure of the direct line in 1423. His son Adolph (by Margaret daughter of Adolph IV, duke of Cleves) made war upon him, in consequence of which he was disinherited, and his father made over the duchy to Charles duke of Burgundy.

Page 216. line 6. Count de Vernambourg.] Vernambourg i.e. Virnemburg, or Wirnemburg, the title of a noble house of the duchy of Luxemburg, of whom Robert count of Wirnemburg governed the duchy in the name of Elizabeth of Burgundy.

Page 218. line 12. Du Châtel.] Oliver lord du Châtel, chamberlain of Bretagne; son of Hervè lord du Châtel, killed at Jersey, and brother to the famous Tanneguy.

Page 218. line 14. Sir Paillard du Fiè.] Q. Fai? John Genevois Bouton, lord of Fai, chamberlain of Burgundy, bailiff of Dole, was a commissary sent by the duke on this occasion.[Pg 415] It is not impossible that an error of the press may have converted his office of bailli into the disgraceful appellation of paillard.

Page 219. line 3 from the bottom. Cleves.] John, who succeeded his father Adolph IV. duke of Cleves in 1445.

Page 237. line 5. Duke of Milan.] The death of Joan queen of Naples followed closely upon that of Louis of Anjou, king of Sicily, in 1434. The following year, Alphonso passed over from Arragon and commenced the siege of Gaeta; and during that siege the battle was fought of which this account is given. The personages here mentioned to have been taken prisoners, are the king Alphonso, his brothers, John king of Navarre, and Don Henry grand master of St James, the prince of Tarento, John Anthony de Marzan, duke of Sessa, Christopher Gaetano, count of Fondi, &c. The name of Garganeymé, I conjecture to be a blunder for Gaetano; but it is a gross mistake to call him son to the prince of Tarento.

Page 302. line 15. Lord de Bloseville.] Qu. Bonvile? Sir William Bonvile served under Henry V, and again under Henry VI, in the year 1443 with 20 men at arms and 600 archers. He was then seneschal of Guienne, but may possibly have been in Normandy at this time. In[Pg 416] 1450, he was summoned to parliament as lord Bonvile of Chuton. He afterwards joined the York party, and was beheaded after the second battle of St. Alban's.

Page 306. line 3. Lord de Torsy.] William d'Estouteville, lord of Torsy, made prisoner at the siege of Harfleur, in 1429, ransomed himself by the alienation of great part of his estates, and died in 1449. John d'Estouteville, here also mentioned, was his son, and succeeding him in his lordship was made provost of Paris and master of the cross-bows.

Page 323. line 6. Duke of Burgundy.] This prince, the second son of Charles VII. died in his infancy.

Page 332. line 4. Commercy.] Robert de Sarbuck, lord of Commercy, (son of Amé lord of Commercy and Mary daughter of John lord of Chateauvilain) married in 1417 Jane countess of Roucy and Braine; and John, their eldest son, here called the heir of Commercy became count of Roucy and Braine by the donation of his mother in 1439.

Page 332. line 3 from the bottom. Everard de la Marche.] Everard III, de la Marck, lord of Aremberg, &c. and, by marriage of Sedan, was of a younger branch of the family of the counts of la Marck, dukes of Cleves, &c.

Page 339. line 13. Lord d'Aussi.] John IV, son of David, sire et ber d'Auxi, killed at Agincourt, and of Margaret de la Trimoille. He was lord of Fontaines sur Somme, seneschal of Ponthieu, knight of the golden fleece, and finally master of the cross bows of France.

Page 348. line 11. Sir Louis de Thieubronne.] Should be Louis lord of Thiembrune.

Page 363. line 14. Lord de Croy.] Anthony lord de Croy and Renti, count of Porcean, Guisnes, &c. son of John II, killed at Agincourt, was grand chamberlain of Burgundy and grand master in 1463.

Page 364. line 4. Sir John de Croy.] Brother of Anthony lord de Croy, made count of Chimay in 1473, before which he was lord of Thou sur Marne.

Page 365. line 12. Seneschal of Brabant.] John de Hornes, lord of Baussignies, &c. admiral and grand chamberlain to the duke of Burgundy, descended from the grandfather of William lord of Hornes, who was killed at Agincourt.

Page 398. line 3. Franche de Borselline.] Francis, or Frank de Borselle. See above.

Page 398. line 7. Duke of Anjou.] René,[Pg 418] duke of Bar, who had been made prisoner as related to p. 42: soon afterward succeeded to the duchy of Anjou and to the claims of this house on Sicily and Naples, by the death of his brother, Louis III.

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The Project Gutenberg eBook of The chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Vol. 07 [of 13]

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	PAGE
CHAP. I.
Some captains attached to sir John de Luxembourg surprise the castle of St Martin, wherein they are all taken and slain	1
CHAP. II.
Poton de Saintrailles and sir Louis de Vaucourt are made prisoners by the English	4
CHAP. III.
Maillotin de Bours and sir Hector de Flavy fight together in the town of Arras	5
CHAP. IV.
Some of king Charles's captains make an attempt on Corbie	12
CHAP. V.
The lord de Barbasan lays siege to the castle of Anglure, held by the Burgundians	13
CHAP. VI.
The maid of Orleans is condemned to be put to death and burnt at Rouen	15
CHAP. VII.
The general council is continued at Basil, by the solicitations of the emperor	22
CHAP. VIII.
The duke of Bar enters the county of Vaudemont to conquer it by force	29
CHAP. IX.
The duke of Bar is combated by the count de Vaudemont and defeated	35
CHAP. X.
The young king Henry comes from England, with a grand attendance, to Paris, to be crowned king of France	44
CHAP. XI.
The detachment the duke of Bar had left to blockade Vaudemont march away on hearing of the ill success of the battle	51
CHAP. XII.
Sir John de Luxembourg assembles men at arms and marches into Champagne against the French, from whom he conquers several castles. Other matters	53
CHAP. XIII.
The duke d'Alençon makes the chancellor of Brittany prisoner	57
CHAP. XIV.
The French are near taking the castle of Rouen	59
CHAP. XV.
The French take the castle of Dommart in Ponthieu, and carry off the lord de Dommart prisoner	64
CHAP. XVI.
Sir Thomas Kiriel, an Englishman, is appointed governor of the castle of Clermont in the Beauvoisis	66
CHAP. XVII.
The inhabitants of Chauny-sur-Oise destroy the castle of their town	68
CHAP. XVIII.
The city of Chartres is conquered by king Charles's party	70
CHAP. XIX.
The cardinal of Santa Croce is sent by the pope to France, to endeavour to make peace between the contending parties	76
CHAP. XX.
The English conquer the bulwark at Lagny-sur-Marne	78
CHAP. XXI.
Philibert de Vaudray, governor of Tonnerre, and the lord d'Amont wait on the duke of Bedford to serve him	81
CHAP. XXII.
The duke of Bedford marches a large force to Lagny-sur-Marne, to support the English and Burgundians who had remained there, but retires without making any conquest	83
CHAP. XXIII.
The commonalty of Ghent rise against their magistrates	89
CHAP. XXIV.
Sir John bastard of St Pol and the lord de Humieres are taken prisoners by the French	91
CHAP. XXV.
Great disorders are committed by the French in the Amiennois, Santerre and Vimeu	92
CHAP. XXVI.
The heir of Commercy takes the town of Ligny in the Barrois, belonging to sir John de Luxembourg	94
CHAP. XXVII.
The Burgundians, under pretence of being English, gain the castle of La Boue, near to Laon. Other matters	96
CHAP. XXVIII.
Friar Thomas goes to Rome.—He is burnt there	98
CHAP. XXIX.
The death of the duchess of Bedford	100
CHAP. XXX.
Some of the French captains cross the river Somme and overrun Artois	101
CHAP. XXXI.
A benedictine monk attempts to gain the castle of St Angelo at Rome	102
CHAP. XXXII.
A peace is concluded between the duke of Bar and the count de Vaudemont	105
CHAP. XXXIII.
The duchess of Burgundy is brought to bed of a son in the town of Ghent	106
CHAP. XXXIV.
A peace concluded between the duke of Bar and the counts de St Pol and de Ligny	107
CHAP. XXXV.
A war takes place between sir John and sir Anthony du Vergy and the lord de Chasteau-Vilain	109
CHAP. XXXVI.
A treaty of peace is concluded between the duke of Burgundy and the Liegeois	112
CHAP. XXXVII.
The duke of Bedford, who styled himself regent of France, marries the daughter of the count de St Pol	113
CHAP. XXXVIII.
The town of St Valery, in Ponthieu, is won by the French	115
CHAP. XXXIX.
The death of John de Toisy bishop of Tournay. Great dissentions respecting the promotion to the vacant bishoprick The dukes of Bedford and of Burgundy go to Saint Omer	116
CHAP. XL.
The death of John de Toisy bishop of Tournay. Great dissentions respecting the promotion to the vacant bishoprick	118
CHAP. XLI.
The French make many conquests on the confines of Burgundy	123
CHAP. XLII.
The duke of Burgundy reconquers several places which the French had won in Burgundy	128
CHAP. XLIII.
Gilles de Postelles is accused of treason to the duke of Burgundy, and beheaded	129
CHAP. XLIV.
The French win by scalado the town of Crespy in the Valois. Other matters	130
CHAP. XLV.
The duke of Burgundy keeps his appointment before Passy. He besieges the town and castle of Avalon	132
CHAP. XLVI.
Pierre de Luxembourg, count de St Pol, besieges the town of St Valery. The death of the count de St Pol	134
CHAP. XLVII.
The lord de la Trimouille is arrested in the king's palace, and made to surrender his prisoner the viscount de Thouars	137
CHAP. XLVIII.
William de Coroam puts to flight John Beaurain. Sir John de Luxembourg reconquers the castle of Haphincourt	139
CHAP. XLIX.
The counts de Ligny and de St Pol keep the appointed day at Villiers le Carbonel, and afterward defeat the French from the Garrison of Laon	141
CHAP. L.
La Hire and other French captains overrun Artois and Cambresis	145
CHAP. LI.
The duke of Burgundy holds the anniversary feast of the golden fleece in the city of Dijon. He attends the marriage of the duke of Savoy's son	148
CHAP. LII.
A general council is held at Basil	150
CHAP. LIII.
The town and castle of Provins in Brie are won by the English and Burgundians. The French reconquer the town and castle of St Valery	152
CHAP. LIV.
The duke of Burgundy returns from Burgundy to Flanders and Artois, having with him John son to the count de Nevers. Other matters	154
CHAP. LV.
John de Nevers is ordered to lay siege to Moreuil. He has the county of Estampes given to him	156
CHAP. LVI.
A quarrel between the Romans and pope Eugenius, whom they wanted to detain at Rome against his will	158
CHAP. LVII.
The abbey of St Vincent near Laon is demolished. Many castles are conquered by the Burgundians	159
CHAP. LVIII.
The lord Talbot returns to France, and conquers many towns and castles	161
CHAP. LIX.
The count d'Estampes reconquers the town of St Valery	164
CHAP. LX.
The French gain the town of Hamme on the Somme, in the Vermandois	166
CHAP. LXI.
The town and castle of Chasteau-Vilain submits to the obedience of the duke of Burgundy	168
CHAP. LXII.
Heavy taxes laid on the countries of Artois and those adjoining, on account of this war	169
CHAP. LXIII.
The duke of Burgundy's captains appear before Villefranche, wherein was the duke of Bourbon. They afterward besiege Belleville, which surrenders to them	171
CHAP. LXIV.
The lord Willoughby and Mathagon lay siege to St Severin, where the English are at first victorious, but are afterwards defeated by the French	174
CHAP. LXV.
La Hire treacherously makes the lord d'Auffemont a prisoner	177
CHAP. LXVI.
The common people of Normandy rise against the English garrisons	178
CHAP. LXVII.
La Hire gains the castle of Breteuil, in Beauvoisis, by storm	180
CHAP. LXVIII.
The dukes of Burgundy and of Bourbon meet in the city of Nevers, and agree on terms for a peace	181
CHAP. LXIX.
Amadeus duke of Savoy turns hermit, and resides at Ripaille	187
CHAP. LXX.
The common people of Normandy assemble in large bodies before Caen	191
CHAP. LXXI.
The duke and duchess of Burgundy return from that country to Flanders and Artois	193
CHAP. LXXII.
The French gain the town of Rue from the English	195
CHAP. LXXIII.
La Hire, Poton, Philip de la Tour, and the lord de Fontaines, defeat the earl of Arundel before the castle of Gerberoy	197
CHAP. LXXIV.
The duke of Burgundy is displeased with the inhabitants of Antwerp	203
CHAP. LXXV.
The French conquer the towns of St Denis from the English	205
CHAP. LXXVI.
The French, after having agreed to a truce with the Burgundians on the frontiers of the Beauvoisis, overrun the Boulonnois and other parts	208
CHAP. LXXVII.
The cardinals of Santa Croce and of Cyprus come to Arras, to attend the convention	211
CHAP. LXXVIII.
Louis de Luxembourg, count of St Pol, espouses Joan of Bar, countess of Marle and of Soissons	213
CHAP. LXXIX.
The French are defeated near to Rethel, by the bastard de Humieres	214
CHAP. LXXX.
Ambassadors from the king of England arrive at Arras to attend the convention	215
CHAP. LXXXI.
Ambassadors from France arrive at Arras to attend this convention	217
CHAP. LXXXII.
Sir John de Mello, a knight of Spain, and the lord de Chargny, combat each other in the presence of the duke of Burgundy at Arras	223
CHAP. LXXXIII.
The French and Burgundians are on very amicable terms in Arras	230
CHAP. LXXXIV.
The cardinal of Winchester comes to Arras to attend the convention	232
CHAP. LXXXV.
During the meeting of the convention at Arras, La Hire and Poton overrun and forage the country of the duke of Burgundy	234
CHAP. LXXXVI.
The kings of Arragon and Navarre are defeated, and made prisoners, before Gaieta, by the army of the duke of Milan	237
CHAP. LXXXVII.
The cardinal of Winchester and the whole of the English embassy leave Arras. Other ambassadors arrive there	240
CHAP. LXXXVIII.
A peace is concluded between Charles king of France and the duke of Burgundy, in the city of Arras
241
CHAP. LXXXIX.
The English lay siege to the town of St Denis, which in the end surrenders to them by capitulation	280
XC
Isabella, queen of France, dies in the city of Paris	285
CHAP. XCI.
The cardinals, and the ambassadors from the council, leave Arras. The duke of Burgundy appoints different officers to the towns and fortresses that had been conceded to him by the peace	286
CHAP. XCII.
In consequence of the peace of Arras, the duke of Burgundy sends some of his council, and heralds, to the king of England, to remonstrate and explain the causes of the peace he had concluded with the king of France	288
CHAP. XCIII.
The populace of Amiens rise against the levying of some taxes which were intended to be laid on them	294
CHAP. XCIV.
The French overrun and pillage the country of the duke of Burgundy after the peace of Arras. The marshal de Rieux takes many towns and castles from the English in Normandy	300
CHAP. XCV.
The English suspect the Burgundians who are waging war with them against the king of France: they no longer converse or keep company with them. Other matters briefly spoken of	306
CHAP. XCVI.
King Henry sends letters to the Hollanders, to draw them to his party. A copy of these letters	310
CHAP. XCVII.
The duke of Burgundy determines to make war on the English	313
CHAP. XCVIII.
The duke of Burgundy, by the advice of his privy counsellors, resolves to make an attempt to conquer Calais	318
CHAP. XCIX.
The city of Paris is reduced to the obedience of Charles king of France	324
CHAP. C.
Arthur count de Richemont, constable of France, makes war on the heir of Commercy	330
CHAP. CI.
The bishop of Liege and the Liegeois destroy Bousseuvre, and other forts that had made war against them	334
CHAP. CII.
The town and castle of Orchimont are destroyed by Everard de la Marche	340
CHAP. CIII.
The English make excursions from Calais toward Boulogne and Gravelines. La Hire conquers Gisors, and loses it soon afterwards	342
CHAP. CIV.
The men of Ghent, and the Flemings, make great preparations for the siege of Calais	344
CHAP. CV.
Sir John de Croy, bailiff of Hainault, in conjunction with other captains, attack the English and are discomfited by them	348
CHAP. CVI.
The Flemings march to the siege of Calais—and march back again	352
CHAP. CVII.
Sir Florimont de Brimeu, seneschal of Ponthieu, conquers the town of Crotoy	382
CHAP. CVIII.
Humphry duke of Glocester arrives at Calais with a large armament. He enters Flanders, Artois, and other territories of the duke of Burgundy, and does much damage to them	385
CHAP. CIX.
The Flemings again take up arms, after their retreat from Calais to their towns	388
CHAP. CX.
La Hire conquers the town and castle of Soissons. Other matters	395
CHAP. CXI.
The duchess of Bedford, sister to the count de St Pol, re-marries of her own free will. The king of Sicily negotiates with the duke of Burgundy for his liberty. The English recover the town of Pontoise	397